.'. •••' ' Jit ■ ■ . . ■' .-.■.'" J- ,■ J- • . ■• > >> >) George Montagu, 142, 143, 144 Gilbert White to Hester Chapone, . . .144 Mrs. Montagu to the Duchess of Portland, . 146 „ „ „ Gilbert West, . . 146, 147 Sir Joshua Reynolds to Mr. Barry, . . . 148 Oliver Goldsmith to Mrs. Anne Goldsmith, . 149 ,, ,, „ Robert Bryan ton, Esq. , . 150 ,, „ ,, Rev. Thomas Contarine, . 151 „ ,, ,, Rev. Henry Goldsmith, . 153 ,, ,, ,, Sir Joshua Reynolds, . 154 ,, ,, ,, David Garrick, Esq., . 155 „ Mr. Griffith, . . .156 ,, ,, „ Maurice Goldsmith, . . 156 Edmund Burke to the painter Barry, . 157 William Cowper to Lady Hesketh, . . 158, 159 ,, ,, ,, Rev. William Unwin, 160, 161, 162 162 ,, „ ,, Rev. John Newton, Gibbon to Mrs. Porter, ,, ,, Mrs. Gibbon, „ Lady Sheffield, . „ „ Lord Sheffield, . Dr. William Robertson to Mr. Gibbon, James Boswell to David Garrick, Hannah More to Mrs. Gwatkin, . Miss Sally More to the family at home, Hannah More to her sister,. ,, ,, „ Zachary Macaulay, . Miss F. Burney to Mr. Crisp, Crabbe to Burke, ,, ,, Lord Sherburne, . Sir Walter Scott to Crabbe, Crabbe to Scott, Thomas Moore to John Murray, . John Gibson Lockhart to the Rev. George Crabbe, Nessy Heywood to her brother, . Sir William Jones to the Countess of Spencer, Lord Collingwood to his daughter, . ,, ,, ,, Lady Collingwood, Charles James Fox to Gilbert Wakefield, it >! i) Mr. Gray, Countess of Hertford to Lady Luxborough Mrs. Inchbald to Mrs. Phillips, . Lord Exmouth to his brother, . William Godwin to Mary Wollstonecroft Godwin, The poet Burns to his father, ,, Mrs. Dunlop,. ,, Francis Grose, ., Mr. John Murdoch, ,, Mr. James Smith, . „ Mr. Peter Hill, . „ Mr. Graham, . ,, G. Thomson, . G. Tliomson to Burns, Mrs. M'Lehose to Burns, . Robert Burns to Clarinda, . William Wilberforce to his sister, Lord Edward Fitzgerald to his mother, Sir James Mackintosh to Robert Hall, 164 165 166 169 170 171 171 173 174 175 175 178 179 180 181 182 184 186 188 189 190 191 192 193 194 194 195 197 198 198 200 201 201 202 202 202 203 204 205 206 208 J. P. Curran, Esq., letter written on his arrival in Scotland, 209 Sir John Dalrymple to Admiral Dalrymple, . 211 Sir Hew Dalrymple to Sir Laurence Dundas, . 212 Mr. Dishington to Sir John Sinclair, . . .213 The Hon. Andrew Erskine to James Boswell, Esq., i r ,215 William Cobbett to his son, 217 Mrs. Cockburn to Dr. Douglas, . 218 Miss Carpenter to Walter Scott, . . 219, 5 » ,221 Mr. Scott to Miss Joanna Baillie, 221 „ „ Mr. Terry, 223 ,, ,, his son Walter, 225 ,, ,, Joanna Baillie, 226 ,, ,, Miss Edge worth, . 227 ,, ,, Mr. Morritt, . 228 ,, ,, Lockhart, 230 James Hogg to his brother, 231 ,, ,, ,, Professor John Wilso l, 231 Lord Jeffrey to Miss Crockett, . 232 ii ,, ,, Mr. R. Morehead, 232 ,, ,, ,, a grandchild, 233 Robert Southey to Joseph Cottle, 234 Lamb to Coleridge, . i 34 , 235 ,, ,, Mr. Southey, 237 „ ,, Mr. Wordsworth, . 238 ,, ,, Mr. Manning, . S 38 , 239 ,, ,, Mr. Wordsworth, . 240 ,, ,, Mr. Manning, 240 ,, ,, Coleridge, 241 ,, ,, Bernard Barton, . 242 „ ,, Wordsworth, 243 John Leyden's arrival at Madras, 245 John Leyden to Mr. Constable, . 246 ,, ,, ,, Mr. Ballantyne, 247 ,, ,, ,, his father, 250 John Wilson to James Hogg, 251 ,, ,, ,, his wife, . 2 52 253 Henry Kirke White to his brother, . 254 „ „ Mr. R A , . 255 „ „ Mr. B. Maddock, . 256 ,, ,, ,, „ Mr. John Charlesworth, 257 Lord Byron to Sir Walter Scott, . 258 ,, ,, ,, Thomas Moore, . 259 George Peabody to the Queen, . 260 Thomas Carlyle to Thomas Erskine, . . 2 61 262 ,, ,, ,, James Dodds, 262 „ ,, ,, Mr. John Aitken, . 263 Jane Welsh Carlyle to Sir George Sinclair, 264 Thomas Erskine to Miss Wedgwood, . 264 ,, ,, ,, Bishop Ewing, 265 ,, ,, ,, Mrs. Batten, 266 Sara Coleridge to Miss E. Trevenen, . 268 Macaulay to Ellis, 270 ,, ,, Hannah More Macaulay, 271 Hugh Miller to Miss Fraser, . 273 ,, ,, ,, Mrs. Fraser, . . . . 274 ,, ,, ,, Mr. Smith, Forres, 275 W. M. Thackeray to the Hon. W. B. Reed, 277 to , 278 Charles Dickens to Cattermole, . 279 ,, „ ,, Clarkson Stanfield, 279 ,, ,, ,, Mark Lemon, 279 Norman Macleod to Sir J. Campbell, . 2S0 ,, ,, ,, A. Strahan 281 Dr. Livingstone to his daughter, . 2 52, 283 Mr. James Gordon Bennett, 284 Thomas Davidson to • 2S5, 286 CONTENTS. vn HISTORICAL, LITERARY, AND DESCRIPTIVE LETTERS. 302 304 306 307 309 309 309 310 310 311, 312 314 315 315 PAGE Sir Francis Drake to Lord Walsingham, . . 28S Dr. Sharp to the Duke of Buckingham, . . 289 Lord Chancellor Egerton to the Earl of Essex, . 289 Earl of Essex to Lord Chancellor Egerton, . 290 Queen Mary to Queen Elizabeth, . . . 292 Sir Walter Raleigh to James L, . . . .293 „ „ „ „ Sir Robert Car, . . 294 ,, ,, ,, ,, Prince Henry, . . . 294 Lord Bacon to James I., . . . . 295, 297 Sir Henry Wotton to Sir Edmund Bacon, 297, 29S, 299 „ „ „ „ Lord Bacon, . . .301 Ben Jonson to the two Universities, . Lord Wentworth to Archbishop Laud, ,, „ „ the Earl of Portland, Archbishop Laud to Lord Wentworth, King Charles I. to Lord Wentworth, . Lord Wentworth to Archbishop Laud, ,, ,, ,, King Charles L, . Charles I. to Lord Wentworth, . uord Wentworth to Charles I., . Sir Thomas Roe to Secretary Calvert, James Howell to Sir S. C , . ,, ,, ,, Lady M. Cary, ,, ,, „ Right Hon. Lady Scroop, Captain Richard Stayner to the Generals of the Fleet, . . . .• General Mountagu to Secretary Thurloe, Oliver Cromwell to Lockhart, . Henry Cromwell to Oliver Cromwell, ,, ,, „ Lord Fauconberg, „ ,, ,, Secretary Thurloe, Secretary Thurloe to Henry Cromwell, Henry Cromwell to Richard Cromwell, John Barwick to Charles II., Henry Cromwell to Fleetwood, . James Earl of Derby to General Ireton, Charles II. to the Duke of York, Sir William Temple to Sir John Temple, Lord Lisle to Sir William Temple, The Earl of Rochester to the Honourable Henr Saville 332 Sir George Etheredge to the Duke of Buckin; ham, 333, 334 From a gentleman who attended the Duke of Wharton abroad 337 Mr. Pilkington to Dr. Delany, .... 337 Evelyn to Wotton, 340 Earl of Bristol to Charles II 342 Sir Isaac Newton to Richard Bentley, . . 343 Admiral Herbert to the Commanders of the Fleet, 344 Wycherley to Dennis, 345 Dennis to Wycherley 345 Wycherley do Dennis, 346 Queen Anne to the Duke of Marlborough, . 347 Duke of Marlborough to Queen Anne, . . 347 Lord Treasurer Godolphin to Queen Anne, . 348 Duke of Marlborough to Queen Anne, . . 348 317 ;ut 31 8 319 320 321 322, 323 323 324 324 325 326 326, 330 332 Matthew Prior to Swift, 349 William Congreve to Dennis, .... 349 Mr. to Congreve 353 Congreve's answer 353 John Dennis to Congreve, 354 Gay to , 355 Warburton to Hurd, 356 Mrs. Delany to the Hon. Mrs. Hamilton, 358, 359, 361, 362, 363 Captain Edward Burt to a friend, 364, 367, 371, 373, 37S Melmoth to a friend, 383 David Hume to Dr. Blair, 384 Gray to Wharton, 385,387 Gilbert White to Thomas Pennant, 395, 396, 397, 398 ,, „ ,, the Hon. Daines Barrington, 399, 400, 401, 404, 405 John Wilkes to Lords Egremont and Halifax, . 406 Junius to the Duke of Bedford 407 Edmund Burke to Robertson 410 ,, ,, ,, a member of the National Assembly 411 Beattie to the Hon. Charles Boyd, . . .428 Captain Walton to Sir George Byng, . . . 429 William Creech to Sir John Sinclair, . . 430, 43S Robert Burns to William Creech, Edinburgh, . 442 Miss Seward to Scott, 443, 445 „ „ „ Wm. Hayley, .... 447 Dr. Parr to Moore, 450 William Strahan to David Hume, . . . 452 Mr. W. Bowyer to Dr. Warburton, . . . 453 William Cowper to Lady Hesketh, . . . 454 ,, „ „ John Johnston, . . . 455 ,, ,, „ the Rev. William Unwin, 455, 456 Horatio Nelson to Mrs. Nelson, .... 456 Rear-Admiral Sir Horatio Nelson, K.B., to Admiral Sir John Jervis, K.B., . . . 457 Nelson to Lady Nelson, 457 Beckfordto , 453 R. Hall to Mr. H. Fysh, 460 The Duke of Wellington to Lieutenant-Colonel Close,; . . .461 ,, „ Lady Sarah Napier, 461 „ ,, Lord Somers, . . 462 ,, Samuel Whitbread, 462 , , a correspondent, . 462 ,, ,, Lord Beresford, . 463 Wordsworth to Scott, 464 Sir Walter Scott to Mr. J. Ballantyne, Kdso Mail Office, Kelso, 465 Geo. Canning to Scott, 465 Adam Ferguson to Walter Scott, Esq., . . 466 Scott to John Ballantyne, 468 ,, ,, James Ballantyne, 469 „ „ J. B. S. Morritt, . . . 469, 470, 471 „ „ John Ballantyne, . . . 472, 473, 474 Sir Charles Bell to Joseph Bell, .... 474 John Murray to Scott, 475 Scott to John Murray, . . 475 Vlll CONTENTS. PAGE Scott to the Duke of Buccleuch, . . . 476 „ „ Croker 470, 477 „ „ Sir Samuel Toller, 478 A. Constable to Scott, 480 Sir K. Peel to Scott, 481 Peter Hymley's Letters on the subject of the Catholics, by Sydney Smith, 481, 4S4, 4S0, 490 Samuel Taylor Coleridge to Joseph Cottle, Coleridge to James Gillman, Davy to Poole, ■ Mrs. Grant of Laggan to Miss Harriet Reid Glasgow, . ., ,, ,, ,, Miss Ewing, Glasgow ,, ,, ,, „ Miss Dunbar, Boath, Baffles to Somerset Dr. Brewster to his wife, .... Charles Maclaren to the Duke of Wellington, Jane Taylor to Mr. J. C Bishop Heber to his mother, Lord Byron to Miss Pigot, .... 494 498 400 501 504 505 ;,..,; 508 508 511 512 514, 515 PAGE Lord Byron to Mrs. Byron, . . . 515, 516 „ „ „ Mr. Hodgson, . . . 516, 517 „ „ „ Mrs. Byron, .... 518 Shelley to Lord Byron 519 Peter Williams to the Rev. David Williams, byLockhart 520 Mrs. Hemans to a friend 525 Mr. Disraeli to Mr. Daniel O'Connell, M.P. for Dublin 526 Mr. Gladstone's letter to Count Karolyi, . . 527 Mr. John Bright, M.P., to Mr. Ephraim Rigby, 528 Mr. Ruskin to the Associated Societies of Edinburgh University, . 52S „ ,, „ ,, Morning Post on Jumbo, . 529 The Queen to her subjects, .... 529 „ „ „ Miss Burke, 530 The Duke of Devonshire to the Vice-Chancellor and Senate of the University of Cambridge, 5.^0 Isabella L. Bird t) 530 >^ OF THE UNIVERSITY OF THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. FAMILTAK AND DOMESTIC LETTERS. [We are indebted to Sir John Fenn, of East Dereham, in Norfolk, for the first issue of the Paston Letters in two folio volumes in 1787. Other volumes followed, and their editor was knighted by the king, to whom they were dedicated. These letters are extremely valuable in this sense, that they reflect the political and domestic history of England from 1422 to 1500. A more complete collection of these letters, containing about 400 additional specimens, gleaned from many sources, was made by Mr. James Gardner, carefully edited and chronologically arranged. The work was completed in 1S75.] AGNES PASTON TO HER SON. TO MY WELL-BELOVED SON, JOHN PASTON,— Son, I greet you well, and send you God's blessing and mine, and let you weet [know) that Robert Hill came homeward by Orwell- bury, and Guerney telled him he had been at London for money, and could not speeden, and behested (promised) Robert that he should send me money by you ; I pray forget it not as ye come homeward, and speak sadly (seriously) for another farmer. And as for tydings, Philip Berney is passed to God on Monday last past with the greatest pain that ever I saw man ; and on Tuesday Sir John Hevingham yede [went) to his church and heard three masses, and came home- again never merrier, and said to his wife that he would go say a little devotion in his garden, and then he would dine ; and forthwith he felt a fainting in his leg, and syyd (slid) down ; this was at nine of the clock, and he was dead ere noon. My cousin Clere prays ye that you let no man see her letter, which is ensealed under my seal. I pray you that you will pay your brother "William for four ounces and an half of silk as he paid, which he sent me by William Taverner, and bring with you a quarter of an ounce even like of the same that I send you closed in this letter ; and say (tell) your brother William that his horse hath one faixy and great running sores in his legs. God have you in keeping. Written at Norwich, on Saint Thomas' Even, in great haste, by your mother, Agnes Paston. Norwich, Friday, Gth of July 1453. EDMUND CLERE TO JOHN PASTON. January 9, 1455. Right well-beloved Cosyn,— I recomaund me to you, latyng you wite such tidings as we have. Blessed be God, the King is wel amended, and hath ben syn Cristemesday, and on Seint Jones day comaunded his awmener to ride to Caunterbury with his offryng, and comaunded the secretarie to offre at Seint Edwards. And on the Moneday after noon the Queen came to him, and brought my Lord Prynce with her. And then he askid what the Princes name was, and the Queen told him Edward ; and then he hild up his hands and thankid God thereof. And he seid he never knew til that tyme, nor wist not what was seid to him, nor wist not where he had be, whils be hath be seke til now. And he askid who was godfaders, and the Queen told him, and he was well apaid. And she told him that the Cardinal 1 was dede, and he said he knew never thereof till that time ; and he seid oon of the wisist Lords in his land was dede. And my Lord of Wynchestr and my Lord of Seint Jones were with him on the morrow after Tweltheday, and he speke to hem as well as ever he did; and when thei come out thei 1 John Kemp, Cardinal Archbishop of Canterbury and Chancellor. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. wept forjoye. And heseithheisinchariteewith ;ill the world, and bo he wold all the Lords were. An. I now In' seith matyns of Our Lady and evesong. and herith Ids masse devoutly ; and rd sliall tell vow more tidings by mouth. I pray yowrecomaund me to my Lady Morley and to Maister Trior, and to my Lady Eelbrigge and to my Lady Hevenynghaxn, and to my your modcr, and to my cosyn your wife. Wreten at Grenewich on Thursday after Twelftheday, be your cosyn, Edmund Clere. [The originals of some of these letters of Henry VIII. to Anne Boleyn are supposed to have been stolen from her in 1528, and were afterwards deposited in the Vatican, where they remained until taken from thence in the invasion of Italy by the French. They were again restored in 1815. Anne liolcyn was one of the maids of honour to Queen Catherine, and it was while residing at the palace that the King formed an attachment to her. She en- joyed her elevation for three years, when the liking of this volatile monarch fell upon Jane Seymour. She was accused of conjugal infidelities, arrested by the King's command, and executed in 1536. The determination of the King to marry her caused the rupture between England and the Church of Eome. She was the mother of Queen Elizabeth.] HENRY VIII. TO ANNE I50LEYN. My Sweetheart and Friend,— I and my heart put themselves into your hands, begging of you to take them to your good favour ; and that, by my being absent from you, your bion may not be diminished towards them ; for it would be a great pity to augment their pain; for absence gives me enough, and more than ever, and more than I could have thought ; and calls to my remembrance a point of nomy, which is this, That by how much r the moors are distant from the sun, the heat is notwithstanding more fervent ; so it is with our love. For though we are personally oh other, the heat of love I least on our side, and I hope the on yours; a on that the anxiety enoe Lb already too great; and when I think <>f the augmentation thereof, which I iffer, if it was not for the firm hope I have of your inviolable affection towards me, to put yon in remembranoo of that. \ i ■ be personally with you at present, I send you the nearest likeness to it I can, to wit, my picture set in bracelets, the only device which I have left, v. i elf in their place whenever it shall please you. Written by the hand of Your Servant and Friend. TO THE SAVE. The uneasiness I bore by being uncertain of your health, gave me a great deal of trouble ; nor could I enjoy any quiet without knowing the truth. But as you have as yet felt nothing, I hope I may assure you that you will escape it, 1 as I hope we have ; for we were at Waltham, where two ushers, two valets de chamhrc, your brother, and master treasurer fell sick, but are now perfectly recovered ; since which we betook ourselves to your house at Hondson, where, God be praised, we are very well for the present ; and I believe, if you will retire from Surrey, as we have done, you will escape it without any danger. And to give you still greater comfort, I am informed, of a truth, that very few or no women have fell sick, but none of our court, and that very few in these parts have died ; wherefore I beg of you, my dearly beloved, to harbour no fear, nor to give yourself uneasiness at our absence. For wheresoever I am, I am yours. Notwithstanding we must sometimes obey the will of fortune ; for who will, in some things, strive against her, are often drove the farthest back ; wherefore com- fort yourself, and be courageous, and fling away all evil as far as you can. I hope soon to make you sing the return. Time, at present, will let me -write no more, but that I wish my your arms, to ease you of your just thoughts. Written by the hand of him who is, and ever shall be, Yours. TO THE SAME. [1528.] The examining the contents of your letters put me into a very great agony, not knowing how to understand them, whether to my dis- advantage, as in some others I under. begging of you, with a sincere heart, to inform me of your intentions, in regard to the love between us. Necessity obliges mc to insist on this answer, having, for more than a year past, been pierced by a dart of love, not tx i where to find place in your heart and affection ; which certain last point has guarded me a little while in this, not to call you my mistress, with which, if you love me but with a common love, this name is not appropriated to you ; for that denotes a singularity vastly different from common love. But if you have a mind to perform the pari of a truly loyal mistre friend, give yourself body and heart to r would be, and has been Ion-, your most loyal i The sweating i. l.n. n>. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 3 servant. If with rigour you do not forbid mc, I promise, that not only the name shall be due to you, but likewise take you for my mistress ; rejecting and treating others, in comparison of you, far from thought and affection, and to serve you only ; begging of you to give me a full answer to this rude letter, on which and in which I may trust. But if you do not please to give an answer in writing, appoint some place ■where I may have it by word of mouth, and with a willing heart I will meet you at the place. No more, for fear of incommoding you. "Written with the hand of him who would will- ingly remain Yours. TO THE SAMB. I heartily thank you for your handsome present, than which, well weighing the whole, nothing is more beautiful, not only for the beautiful diamond, and vessel in which the solitary damsel is tossed ; but principally for the beautiful interpretation and most humble submission, by your goodness in this case made use of, well thinking, that to merit this by opportunity will be very difficult, if your great humanity and favour did not assist me, for which I have watched, watch, and will watch all opportunities of retaliation possible ; to remain in which, my whole hope has placed its immut- able intention, which says, aut illic, aut nullibi. The demonstrances of your affection are such, the beautiful words, the letters so affectionately couched, which, in truth, oblige for ever to honour you, love and serve you ; begging of you to continue in this firm and constant purpose ; on my part assuring you, that I will rather augment it, than make it reciprocal, if loyalty of heart, desire of pleasing you, without any other motive, may advance it ; praying you, that if any time heretofore I have given you offence, that you would give me the same pardon that you ask ; assuring you, that for the future my heart shall be wholly dedicated to you, much desiring that the body might be also, as God can do it, if he pleases, to whom I beg once a day to do it, hoping that in time my prayers may be heard, wishing the time to be short, thinking it very long to our review. Written by the hand of my secretary, who, in heart, body, and will, is Your loyal and most assured Servant. TO THE SAME. Approaching near the time, which has seemed so long to me, I rejoice the more, because it seems to me almost come, notwith- standing the entire accomplishment cannot be till the two persons are met ; which meeting is more desired on my part than any worldly thing ; for what satisfaction can be so great in this world, as to enjoy the company of one's most dearly beloved, knowing that she has the same pleasure on her side ? The thought of which gives me a deal of pleasure ; then judge what must the person do, whose absence has given me more heart-achings than tongue or writing can express, and which nothing but her preference can remedy ? Begging you, my dear, to tell your father on my part, to come two days before the time appointed, that he may be at court before, or at least on the day fixed ; for otherwise I shall think that he made not the course of the amorous, nor answered my expectation. No more at present, for want of time ; hoping very soon that, by word of mouth, I shall tell you the pains I have suffered during your absence. "Written by the hand of my secretary, who wishes himself now privately with you, who is, and ever will be, Your loyal and most assured Servant. TO THE SAME. Darling, — These shall be only to advertise you, that this bearer and his fellow be despatched with as many things to compass our matter, and to bring it to pass, as our wits could imagine or devise ; which brought to pass, as I trust by their diligence it shall be shortly, you and I shall have our desired end, which should be more to my heart's ease, and more quietness to my mind than any other thing in this world, as, with God's grace, shortly I trust shall be proved : but not so soon as I would it were. Yet I will insure you there shall be no time lost that may- be won, and further cannot be done, for ultra posse non est esse. Keep him not too long with you, but desire him, for your sake, to make the more speed ; for the sooner we shall have word from him, the sooner shall our matter come to pass. And thus, upon trust of your short repair to London, I make an end of my letter, mine own sweetheart. Written with the hand of him who desireth as much to be yours, as you do to have him. [Probably one of the most affecting effusions ever penned is poor Anne Boleyn's last letter to her capricious lord and master, embracing as it does— to use the language of Addison — ' the expostulations of a slighted lover, the resentments of an injured woman, and the sorrows of an imprisoned queen.' — Seton's .Letters and Letter Writers.] ANNE BOLEYN TO HENRY VIII. SIR, — Your Grace's displeasure, and my imprisonment, are things so strange unto me, as what to write, or what to excuse, I am alto- THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. gether ignorant. "Whereas you send unto me (willing me to confess a truth, and so obtain your favour) by such an one, whom you know to be mine ancient professed enemy, I no sooner received this message by him, than I rightly conceived your meaning; and if, as you say, confessing a truth indeed may procure my Bafety, I shall with all willingness and duty perforin your command. But let not your Grace ever imagine, that your poor wife will ever be brought to acknowledge a fault, where not so much as a thought thereof preceded. And to speak a truth, never Prince had wife more loyal in all duty, and in all true affection, than you have ever found in Ann Boleyn ; with which name and place I could willingly have contented myself, if God and your Grace's pleasure had been so pleased. Neither did I at any time so far forget myself in my exaltation or received Queenship, but that I always looked for such an alteration as I now find ; for the ground of my preferment being on no surer foundation than your Grace's fancy, the least alteration, I knew, was fit and sufficient to draw that fancy to some other object. You have chosen me, from a low estate, to be your queen and companion, far beyond my desert or desire. If, then, you find me worthy of such honour, good your Grace, let not any light fancy, or bad counsel of mine enemies, withdraw your princely favour from me ; neither let that stain, that unworthy stain, of a disloyal heart towards your good Grace, ever cast so foul a blot on your most dutiful wife, and the Infant-rrincess your daughter. Try me, good King, but let me have a lawful trial, and let not my sworn enemies sit as my accusers and judges ; yea, let me receive an open trial, for my truth shall fear no open shame ; then shall you see either mine innocence cleared, jour suspicion and conscience satisfied, the ignominy and slander of the world stopped, or my guilt openly declared. So that whatsoever God or you may determine of me, your Grace may be freed from an open censure, and mine offence being so lawfully proved, your Grace is at liberty, both before God and man, not only to execute worthy punishment on me as an un- lawful wife, but to follow your affection, already settled on that party for whose sake I am now as I am, whose name I could some good while since have pointed unto, your Grace not being ignorant of my suspicion therein. Hut if you have already determined of me, and that not only my death, but an infamous slander must bring you the enjoying of your desired happiness ; then I desire of God, that Hi: will pardon your great sin therein, and like- wise mine enemies, the instruments thereof, and that He will not call you to a strict account for your unprinccly ami cruel usage of me, at His general judgment-seat, where both you and myself must shortly appear, and in whose judgment I doubt not (whatsoever the world may think of me) mine innocence shall be openly and sufficiently cleared. My last and only request shall be, that myself may only bear the burden of your Grace's displeasure, and that it may not touch the innocent sotils of those poor gentlemen who (as I understand) are likewise in strait im- prisonment for my sake. If ever I have found favour in your sight, if ever the name of Ann Boleyn hath been pleasing in your ears, then let me obtain this request, and I will so leave to trouble your Grace any further, with mine earnest prayers to the Trinity to have your Grace in His good keeping, and to direct you in all your actions. From my doleful prison in the Tower, this sixtli of May. Your most loyal and ever faithful wife, ANN BOLETN. 1 [On receipt of the news that the greater part of his house at Chelsea, with outhouses and granaries, had been burnt.] Silt THOMAS MORE TO HIS WIFE. With the Court at Woodstock : September3, 1529. Mistress Alyce,— In my most harty wise, I recomend me to you. And whereas I am enfourmed by my son Heron of the loss of our barnes, and our neighbours also, with all the come that was therein, albeit (saving God's pleasure) it is great pitie of so much good corne lost, yet sith it hath liked Hym to send us such a chance, we must not only be content, but also be glad of His visitation. He sent us all that we have lost : and sith He hath by such a chance taken it away againe, His pleasure be fulfilled. Let us never grudge thereat, but take it in good worth, and heartely thank Him, as well for adversitie, as fen - prosperitie. And par adventure we have more cause to thank Him for our loss than for our winning. For His wisdom better seeth what is good for us than we do ourselves. Therefore I pray you be of good cheere, and take all the howsold with you to church, and there thank Cod both for that He Lath given us, and for that He hath left us, which if it please Hym, he can increase when He will. And if it please Him to leave us yet lesse, at Hys pleasure be it. I pray you to make some good ensearche what my poor neighbours have lost, and hidde them take no thought therefore, and if I shold not leave myself a spoone, there shall no poore neighbour of mine here no losse by any chance happened in my i First printed in Che Hfiand Rttgn of Henry fill., 1640, bj Lord Herbert; i>ut doubts are entertained by some as to its genuineness. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 5 house. I pray you be with my children and household mery in God. And devise somewhat with your friends, what way wer best to take, for provision to be made for corne for our household and for sede thys yere coming, if ye thinke it good that we keepe the ground still in our handes. And whether ye think it good yt we so shall do or not, yet I think it were not best sodenlye thus to leave it all up, and to put away our folk of our farme, till we have somewhat advised us thereon. Howbeit if we have more nowe than ye shall neede, and which can get the other maister's, ye may then discharge us of them. But I would not that any men wer sodenly sent away he wote nere wether. At my coming hither I perceived none other, but that I should tary still with the Kinges grace. But now I shall (I think), because of this chance, get leave this next weke to come home and se you ; and then shall we further devise together uppon all things, what order shall be best to take : and thus as hartely fare you well with all our children as you can wishe. At Woodstok the thirde daye of September, by the hand of your loving husband, Thomas Moke, Knight. dyseased in the house sith that tyme : where- fore I most humblye beseche your espccyal gud maistershypp (as my only trust is, and ells knowe not what to doe, but utterly in this world to be undone) for the love of God to consyder the premisses ; and thcrupponn of your most subundant gudnes, to shewe your most favorable helpe to the comfortyng of my poure husband and me, in this our great hevynes, extreme age, and necessyte. And thus we, and all ours, shall dayly, duryng our lyves, pray to God for the prosperous successc of your ryght honorable dygnyte. By your poure contynuall oratryx, Dame Alis More. To the Right Honorable, and her especyall gud Maister, Maister Secretarye. an original letter from lady more to mr. secretary cromwell. Right honorable, and my especyall gud Maister Secretarye.— In my most humble wyse I recommend me unto your gud Master- shypp, knowlegyng myself to be most deeply boundyn to your gud maistershypp, for your many fold gudenesse, and lovyng favor, both before this tyme, and yet dayly, now also shewyd towards my poure husband and me. I pray Almyghtye God continew your gudnes so styll, for thereupon hangith the greatest part of my poure husband's comfort and myne. The cause of my wrytyng, at this tyme, is to certyfye your especiall gud maistershypp of my great and extreme necessyte ; which on and besydes the charge of myn own house, doe pay weekly 15 shillings for the board-wages of my poure husband, and his servant ; for the mayn- taining whereof I have ben compellyd, of verey necessyte, to sell part of myn apparell, for lack of other substance to make money of. Wherefore my most humble petition and sewte to your maistershypp at this time, is to desire your maistershipp's favorable advyse and counsell whether I may be so bold to attend upon the King's most gracyouse Highnes. I trust theyr is no dowte in the cause of my impediment ; for the yonge man, being a ploughman, had been dyseased with the aggue by the space of three years before that he departed. And besides this, it is now fyve weeks sith he departed, and no other person [Sir Thomas Wyatt, an accomplished poet of the time of Henry VIII., had been sent to Spain on an embassy in 1537. While abroad, he sent these letters to his son Thomas. Wyatt was executed in 1554, because he disapproved of the marriage of Queen Mary to Philip of Spain. In the writing of these letters, Professor Morley is of opinion that he had Seneca as his model.] SIR THOMAS WYATT FROM OUT OF SPAIN, TO HIS SON WHEN SEVENTEEN YEARS OLD. Letter I. Inasmuch as now ye are come to some years of understanding, and that ye should gather within yourself some frame of honesty ; I thought that I should not lese 1 my labour wholly if now I did something advertise you to take the sure foundations, and stablished opinions that leadeth to honesty. And here, I call not honesty that men com- monly call honesty, as reputation for riches, for authority, or some like thing ; but that honesty, that I dare well say your grandfather (whose soul God pardon) had rather left to me than all the lands he did leave me ; that was, wisdom, gentleness, soberness, desire to do good, friend- liness to get the love of many, and truth above all the rest. A great part to have all these things, is to desire to have them. And although glory and honest name are not the very ends wherefore these things are to be followed, yet surely they must needs follow them as light followeth fire, though it were kindled for warmth. Out of these things the chiefest and infallible ground is the dread and reverence of God, whereupon shall ensue the eschewing of the contraries of these said virtues ; that is to say, 1 Early English, ' leo'san,' passed into the two forms Use. and lose. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. ignorance, unkimlness, rashness, desire of harm, unquiet enmity, hatred, many and crafty false- hoods, the very root of all shame and dishonesty. I say, the only dread and reverence of God that secth all things, is the defence of the creeping in of all these mischiefs into you. And for my part, although I do well say there is no man that would his son better than I, yet on my faith I had rather have you lifeless, than subject to these vices. Think and imagine always that ye are in presence of some honest man that ye know ; as Sir John Russell, your father-in-law, your Uncle Parson, or some other such, and ye shall, if at any time ye find a rjleasure in naughty touches, remember what shame it were afore these men to do naughtily. And sure this imagination shall cause you remember, that the pleasure of a naughty deed is soon past, and the rebuke, shame, and the note thereof shall remain ever. Then, if these things ye take for vain imagina- tions, yet remember that it is certain, and no imagination, that ye are alway in the presence and sight of God ; and though ye see Him not, so much is the reverence the more to be had for that I le secth, and is not seen. Men punish with shame as greatest punish- ment on earth ; yea, greater than death. But His punishment is : first, the withdrawing of His favour, and grace, and, in leaving His hand to rule the stern, to let the ship run without guide to its own destruction ; and suffereth so the man that He forsaketh to run headlong as subject to all mishaps, and at last with shame- ful end to everlasting shame and death. Ye may see continual examples both of the one sort, and of the other ; and the better, if ye mark them well that yourself are come of ; and consider well your good grandfather, 1 what things there were in him, and his end. And they that knew him noted him thus. First, and chieily to have a great reverence of God and good opinion of godly things. Next, that there was no man more pitiful ; no man more true of his word ; no man faster to his friend ; no man diligenter nor more circumspect, which thin.; both the Kings las masters noted in him greatly. And if these things, and specially the grace of God that the fear of God alway kept with him, had not been, the chances of this troublesome world that lie was in had long ago overwhelmed him. This preserved him in prison from the hands of the tyrant that could rind in his heart ■ him racked ; from two years and more prisonment in Scotland in irons and stocks; from the danger of sudden changes and com- motions divers, till that well beloved of many, hated of none, in his fair age, and good repu- tation, godly and chriatianly lie went t" Btim Loved him, for that lie always had Him in ace. i SirHonry Wyatt And of myself, I may be a near example unto you of my folly and unthriftincss, that hath, as I well deserved, brought me into a thousand dangers and hazards, enmities, hatreds, prison- ments, despites, and indignations ; but that God hath of His goodness chastised me, and not cast me clean out of His favour ; which thing I can impute to nothing but to the goodness of my good father, that, I dare well say purchased with continual request of God His grace towards me more than I regarded, or considered myself ; and a little part to the small fear that I had of God in the most of my rage, and the little delight that I had in mischief. You therefore if you be sure, and have God in your - to call you to His grace at last, venture hardily by mine example upon naughty nnthriftiness, in trust of His goodness, and besides the shame, I dare lay ten to one ye shall perish in the adventure. For trust me, that my wish or desire of God for you shall not stand you in as much effect, as I think my father's did for me : we are not all accepted of Him. Begin, therefore, betimes. Make God and goodness your foundations. Make your ex- amples of wise and honest men : shoot at that mark : be no mocker, mocks follow them that delight therein. He shall be sure of shame that feeleth no grief in other men's shames. Have your friends in a reverence ; and think mikindness to be the greatest offence, and least punished among men ; but so much the more io be dread, for God is justicer upon that alone. Love well, and agree with your wife ; for where is noise and debate in the house there is unquiet dwelling ; and much more, when it is in one bed. Frame well yourself to love and rule well and honestly your wife as your fellow, and she shall love and reverence you as her head. Such as you are unto her, such shall she be unto you. Obey and reverence your f . in-law, as you would me ; and remember that long life followeth them that reverence their fathers ami elders ; and the blessing of God for good agreement between the wife and In is fruit of many children. Read oft this my letter, and it shall be as though I had often wiittcn to you; and think that I have herein printed a fatherly affection to you. If I may see that I have not lost my pain, mine shall be the contentation, and yours the profit. And, upon condition that you foil my advertisement, I send you God's blessin I mine, and as well to come to honesty, as to increase of \< Letter II. I doubt not but Ion- ere this time iny lettei > are come to you. I remember I wrote to you in them, thai it' ye read them often it shall though I had written often to you. For all that, I cannot so content me but still to call upon you witli my letters. I would not for all THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. that, that if any thing he well warned in the other that ye should leave to remember it because of this new. For it is not like with advertisements as it is with apparel, that with long wearing a man casteth away when he hath new. Honest teachings never wear ; unless they wear out of his remembrance that should keep and follow them, to the shame and hurt of himself. Think not also that I have any new or change of advertisements to send you ; but still it is one that I would. I have nothing to cry and call upon you for but honesty, honesty. It may be diversely named, but alway it tendeth to one end. And as I wrote to you last, I mean not that honesty that the common sort calleth an honest man. Trust me, that honest man is as common a name as the name of a good fellow ; that is to say, a drunkard, a tavern haunter, a rioter, a gamer, a waster. So are among the common sort of all men honest men that are not known for manifest naughty knaves. Seek not I pray thee, my son, that honesty which nppeareth, and is not indeed. Be well assured it is no common thing, nor no common man's judgment to judge well of honesty ; nor it is no common thing to come by ; but so much it is the more goodly, for that it is so rare and strange. Follow not therefore the common reputation of honesty. If ye will seem honest, be honest ; or else seem as ye are. Seek not the name without the thing ; nor let not the name be the only mark ye shoot at. That will follow though ye regard it not ; yea, the more you regard it, the less. I mean not by regard it not, esteem it not ; for well I wot honest name is goodly. But he that hunteth only for that, is like him that had rather seem warm than be warm, and edgeth a single coat about with a fur. Honest name is to be kept, preserved, and defended, and not to employ all a man's wit about the study of it ; for that smelleth of a glorious and ambitious fool. I say, as I wrote unto you in my last letters, get the thing, and the other must of necessity follow ; as the shadow followeth the thing that it is of. And even so much is the very honesty better than the name, as the thing is better than the shadow. The coming to this point that I would so fain have you have, is to consider a man's own self what he is, and wherefore he is. And herein let him think verily that so goodly a work as man is, for whom all other things were wrought, was not wrought but for goodly things. After a man hath gotten a will and desire to them, is first to avoid evil, and learn that point alone : ' Never to do that, that within yourself ye find a certain grudging against.' Ko doubt in any thing ye do, if ye ask yourself, or examine the thing in yourself afore ye do it, ye shall find, if it be evil, a repining against it. My son, for our Lord's love keep well that repining; suffer it not to be darked and cor- rupted by naughty example, as though anything were to you excusable because other men do the same. That same repining, if it did punish as he doth judge, there were no such justiccr. And of truth, so doth it punish; but not so apparently. Here however it is no small grief, of a conscience that condemneth itself ; but be well assured, after this life it is a continual gnawing. When there is a custom gotten of avoiding to do evil, then cometh a gentle courage. Be content to be idle, and to rest without doing any thing. Then too had ye need to gather an heap of good opinions and to get them perfectly, as it were on your fingers' ends. Rest not greatly upon the approving of them ; take them as already approved, because they were of honest men's leavings. Of them of God, there is no question. And it is no small help to them, the good opinion of moral philosophers : among whom I would Seneca your study ; and Epictetus, because it is little, to be ever in bosom. These things shall lead you to know goodly [guides] ; which when a man knoweth and taketh pleasure in them, he is a beast that followeth not them : no, nor he cannot but follow them. But take this for conclusion and sum of all ; that if God and His grace be not the foundation, neither can ye avoid evil, nor judge well, nor do any goodly thing. Let Him be foundation of all. Will these things ; desire them earnestly, and seek them at His hands, and knowledge 1 them to come of Him, and ques- tionless He will both give you the use and pleasure in using them, and also reward you for them that come of Him ; so liberal and good is He. I would fain see that my letters might work to frame you honest. And think that without that, I esteem nothing of you : no, not that you are my son. For I reckon it no small dishonesty to myself to have an unhonest taught child ; but the fault shall not be in me. I shall do the part of a father : and if ye answer not to that I look for at your hands, I shall as well study with that that I shall leave, to make such [serve an] honest man, as you. [A letter of condolence on the death of his son Sturm. Ascham had the honour of direct- ing Queen Elizabeth's studies ; after being nominated as Professor of Greek and Public Orator at Cambridge, he acted as Latin Secretary and tutor to her Majesty in the learned languages. He is chiefly remem- l Acknowledge. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. bered for his treatises, The Schoolmast r, ami Toxophilus, a treatise on archery, for which lie received a pension from Henry VIII.] ROGER ASCHAM TO HIS WIFE MARGARET. [November 1568.] Mine own good Margaret, — The more I think upon your sweet babe, as I do many times both day and night, the greater cause I always find of giving thanks continually to God for His singular goodness bestowed at this time upon the child, yourself, and me, even because it hath rather pleased Him to take the child to Himself into heaven, than to leave it here with us still on earth. When I mused on the matter as nature, flesh, and fatherly fantasy did carry me, I found nothing but sorrows and care, which very much did vex and trouble me, but at last forsaking these worldly thoughts, and referring me wholly to the will and order of God in the matter, I found such a change, such a cause of joy, such a plenty of God"s grace towards the child, and of His goodness towards you and me, as neither my heart can compre- hend, nor yet my tongue express the twentieth part thereof. Nevertheless, because God and goodwill hath so joined you and me together as we must not only be the one a comfort to the other in sorrow, but also partakers together in any joy, I could not but declare unto you what just cause I think we both have of comfort and gladness by that God hath so graciously dealt with us as He hath. My first step from care to comfort was this, I thought God had done His will with our child, and because God by His wisdom knoweth what is best, and by His goodness will do best, I was by and by fully persuaded the best that can be is done with our sweet child ; but seeing God's wisdom is unsearchable with any man's heart, and His goodness unspeakable with any man's tongue, I will come down from such high thoughts, and talk more sensibly with you, and lay open before you such matter as may be both a full comfort of all our cares past, and also a just causy of rejoicing as long as we live. You well remember our continual desire and wish, our nightly prayer together, that Go I would ■vouchsafe to us to increase the number of this .vorld ; we wished that nature should beautifully perform the work by us; we did talk how to bring up our child in learning and virtue ; we had care to provide for it, so as honest fortune should favour and follow it. And see, sweet wife, how mercifully God hath dealt with us in all points, for what wish COUld desire, what prayer could crave, what nature could perform, What virtue could deserve, what fortune could afford, both we have received, and our child doth enjoy already. And because our desire (thanked be Gudj was always joined with honesty, and our prayers mingled with fear, and applied always to the world too, the will and pleasure of God hath given us more than we wished, and that which is better for us now than we could hope to think upon ; but you desire to hear and know how marry, even thus, we desired to be made vessels to increase the world, and it hath pleased God to make us vessels to increase heaven, which is the greatest honour to man, the greatest joy to heaven, the 1 greatest spite to the devil, the greatest sorrow to hell, that any man can imagine. Secondarily, when nature had performed what she would, grace stepped forth and took our child from nature, and gave it such gifts over and above the power of nature, as where it could not creep in earth by nature it was straightway well able to go to heaven by grace. It could not then speak by nature, and now it doth praise God by grace ; it could not then comfort the sick and careful mother by nature, and now through prayer is able to help father and mother by grace ; and yet, thanked be nature, that hath done all she could do, and blessed be grace that hath done more and better than we would wish she should have done. Peradventure yet you do wish that nature had kept it from death a little longer, yea, but grace hath carried it where now no sickness can follow, nor any death hereafter meddle with it ; and instead of a short life with troubles on earth, it doth now live a life that never shall end with all manner of joy in heaven. And now, Margaret, go to, I pray you, and tell me as you think, do you love your sweet babe so little, do you envy his happy state so much, yea, once to wish that nature shoidd have rather followed your pleasure in keeping your child in this miserable world, than grace should have purchased such profit for your child in bringing him to such felicity in heaven '.' Thirdly, you may say unto me, if the child had lived in this world, it might have come to such goodness by grace and virtue as might have turned to great comfort to us, to good service to our country, and served to have deserved as high a place in heaven as he doth now. To this, in short, I answer, ought we not in all things to submit to Coil's good will ami pleasure, and thereafter to rule our affections, which I doubt not but you will endeavour to do? And therefore I will say no more, but with all com- fort to you here, and a blessing hereafter, which I doubt not but is prepared for you. Your dearly loving husband. EtOQ] R ASKAM. To my dear wife, Mrs. Margaret Aakam, these. BIH HENRI si hm:y TO ins son, riui.tr SYDNEY. [1566.] I have received two letters from you, ono written in Latin, the other i:i French, which I THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. take in good part, and will you to exercise that practice of learning often : for that will stand you in most stead, in that profession of life that you are born to live in. And, since this is my first letter that ever I did write to you, I will not that it be all empty of some advices, which my natural care of you provoked me to wish you to follow, as documents to you in this your tender age. Let your first action be, the lifting up of your mind to Almighty God, by hearty prayer, and feelingly digest the words you speak in prayer, with continual meditation, and think- ing of Him to whom you pray, and of the matter for which you pray. And use this as an ordinary, and at an ordinary hour. Whereby the time itself will put you in remembrance to do that which you are accustomed to do. In that time apply your study to such hours as your discreet master doth assign you, earnestly ; and the time (I know) he will so limit, as shall be both sufficient for your learning, and safe for your health. And mark the sense and the matter of that you read, as well as the words. So shall you both enrich your tongue with words, and you-r wit with matter ; and judg- ment will grow as years groweth in you. Be humble and obedient to your master, for unless you frame yourself to obey others, yea, and feel in yourself what obedience is, you shall never be able to teach others how to obey you. Be court- eous of gesture, and affable to all men, with diversity of reverence, according to the dignity of the person. There is nothing that winneth so much with so little cost. Use moderate diet, so as, after your meat, you may find your wit fresher, and not duller, and your body more lively, and not more heavy. Seldom drink wine, and yet sometime do, lest being enforced to drink upon the sudden, you should find your- self inflamed. Use exercise of body, but such as is without peril of your joints or bones. It will increase your force and enlarge your breath. Delight to be cleanly, as well in all parts of your body, as in your garments. It shall make you grateful in each company, and otherwise loathsome. Give yourself to be merry, for you degenerate from your father, if you find not yourself most able in wit and body, to do any thing, when you be most merry ; but let your mirth be ever void of all scurrility, and biting words to any man, for a wound given by a word is oftentimes harder to be cured than that which is given with the sword. Be you rather a hearer and bearer away of other men's talk, than a begir.r.er or procurer of speech, otherwise you shall be counted to delight to hear yourself speak. If you hear a wise sentence, or an apt phrase, commit it to your memory, with respect of the circumstance, when you shall speak it. Let never oath be heard to come out of your mouth, nor words of ribaldry; detest it in others, so shall custom make to yourself a law against it in yourself. Be modest in each assembly ; and rather be rebuked of light fellows, for maid. in-like shamefacedness, than of your sad friends for pert boldness. Think upon every word that you will speak, before you utter it, and remember how nature hath rampired up (as it were) the tongue with teeth, lips, yea, and hair without the lips, and all betokening reins, or bridles, for the loose use of that member. Above all things tell no untruth, no, not in trifles. The custom of it is naughty, and let it not satisfy you, that, for a time, the hearers take it for a truth ; for after it will be known as it is, to your shame ; for there cannot be a greater reproach to a gentleman than to be accounted a liar. Study and endeavour your- self to be virtuously occupied. So shall you make such an habit of well-doing in you, that you shall not know how to do evil, though you would. Remember, my son, the noble blood you are descended of, by your mother's side ; and think that only by virtuous life and good action, you may be an ornament to that illus- trious family ; and otherwise, through vice and sloth, you shall be counted lobes generis, one of the greatest curses that can happen to man. Well (my little Philip) this is enough for me, and too much, I fear, for you. But if I shall find that this light meal of digestion nourish anything the weak stomach of your young capacity, I will, as I find the same grow stronger, feed it with tougher food. Your loving father, so long as you live in the fear of God. [This outspoken protest by Sir Philip Sydney is a good reflection of the prevailing public feeling at the overtures made by Francis, Duke of Anjou, for the hand of Queen Elizabeth. He came over to London per- sonally in 1580; the marriage was arranged in the following year ; popular clamour rose to a great height, when the Frenchman was dismissed. He died in 1534.] SIR PHILIP SYDNEY TO QUEEN ELIZABETH. Most Feared and Beloved, most Sweet and Gracious Sovereign, — To seek out ex- cuses of this my boldness, and to arm the acknowledging of a fault with reasons for it, might better show, I know I did amiss, than any way diminish the attempt ; especially in your judgment, who being able to discern lively into the nature of the thing done, it were folly to hope, by laying on better colours, to make it more acceptable. Therefore carrying no other olive-branch of intercession, than the laying of myself at your feet ; nor no other insinuation, either for attention or pardon, but the true IO THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. vowed sacrifice of unfeigned love, I will in simple and direct terms (as hoping they shall only come to your merciful eyes) set down the overflowings of my mind, in this most important matter : importing, as I think, the continuance of yoursafcty ; and (as I know) the joysof my life. And because my words (I confess, shallow ; but coming from the deep well-spring of most loyal affection) have delivered unto your most gracious ears, what is the general sum of my travelling thoughts therein ; I will now but only declare, what be the reasons that make me think that the marriage with Monsieur will be unprofit- able to you : then, will I answer the objections of those fears, which might procure so violent a refuge. The good or evils that will come to you by it, must be considered, either accordin;.; to your estate, or person. To your estate : what can be added to the being an absolute born, and accordingly, respected princess? But, as they say, the Irishmen were wont to call over them that dye, They are rich, they are fair, what needed they to dye so cruelly? not unfitly to you, endowed with felicity above all others, a man might well ask, "What makes you in such a calm, to change course ? To so healthful a body, to apply so unsavoury a medicine ? What can recompense so hazardous an adventure? Indeed, were it but the altering of a well maintained, and well approved trade : for, as in bodies natural, every sudden change is full of peril : so, this body politic, whereof you are the only head, it is so much the more dangerous, as there are more humours, to receive a hurtful impression. But hazards are then most to be regarded, when the nature of the patient is fitly composed to occasion them. The patient I account your realm, the agent Monsieur, and his design ; for neither outward accidents do much prevail against a true inward strength, nor doth inward weakness lightly subvert itself, without being thrust at by some outward force. Your inward force (for as for your treasures indeed, the sinews of your crown, your Majesty doth best and only know) consisteth in your subjects, generally unexpert in warlike defence : and as they are divided now into mighty factions (ami factions bound upon the never-dying knot of religion) the one of them to whom your happy government hath granted the free exercise of the eternal truth ; with this, by the continuance of time, by the multitude of them, by the principal offices and strength they hold ; and lastly, by your dealings both at home and abroad against the adverse party, your state is so entrapped, as it were impossible for you, without excessive trouble, to pull yourself out of the party so long maintained. For such a course once taken in hand, is not much unlike a ship iii a tempest, which how dangerously ii. be beaten with waves, yet is fch or succour without it : as their souls live by your happy government, so are they your chief, if not your sole strength. These, howsoever the necessity of humane life make them lack, yet can they not look for better conditions than presently they enjoy : these, how their hearts will be galled, if not aliened, when they see you take a husband, a Frenchman and a Papist ; in whom (howsoever fine wits may find further dealings or painted excuses) the very common people well knew this, that ho is the son of a Jezebel of our age ; that his brother made oblation of his own sister's marriage, the easier to make massacres of our brethren on belief ; that lie himself, contrary to his promise, and all gratefulness, having had his liberty, and principal estate by the Hugo- nites means, did sack Lacharists, and utterly spoil them with fire and sword : this I say, even at the first sight, gives occasion to all truly religious to abhor such a master, and con- sequently to diminish much of the hopeful love they have long held to you. The other faction (most rightly indeed to be called a faction) is the Papists ; men whose spirits are full of anguish ; some being infested by others, whom they accounted damnable ; some having their ambition stopped, because they are not in the way of advancement ; some in prison, and disgrace ; some, whose best friends are banished practisers ; many thinking you are an usurper ; many thinking also, you had disannulled your right, because of the pope's excommunication ; all bur- dened with the weight of their conscience ; men of great numbers, of great riches (because the affairs of State have not lain on them), of united minds (as all men that deem themselves oppressed, naturally are), with these I would willingly join all discontented persons, such as want and disgrace keeps lower than they have set their hearts. Such as have resolved what to look for at your hands ; such, as Cavsar said, Quibus opus est bcllo civili; and are of his mind ; Malo in acic quam in faro cadere: these be men so much the more to be doubted, because, as they do embrace all estates, so are they, commonly, of the bravest and wakefullest sort, and that know the advantage of the world most. This double rank of people, how their minds have stood, the northern rebellion, and infinite other practices have well taught you : which, if it be said, it did not prevail, that is true indeed ; for, if they had prevailed, it were too late now to deliberate. But, at this present, they want nothing so much as a head, who, in effect, needs not but to receive their instruc- tions, since they may do mischief enough only with his countenance. Let the Signignian v\ Eenry the Fourth's time, Pcrkin Warbeok in randfather's ; but of all, the most lively and proper, is that of Louis the French king's son in Eenry bhe Third's ti; . THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. II and more, to swear direct fealty and vassalage ; and they delivered the strongest holds unto him. I say, let these be sufficient to prove, that occasion gives mind and scope to stranger things than ever would have been imagined. If then the affectionate side have their affections weak- ened, and the discontented have a gap to utter their discontent; I think, it will seem an ill preparative for the patient, I mean your estate, to a great sickness. Now the agent party, which is Monsieur, whether he be or not apt to work upon the disadvantage of your estate, he is to be judged by his will and power : his will to be as full of light ambition as is possible ; besides the French disposition, and his own education, his incon- stant attempt against his brother, his thrusting himself into the low country matters, his some- times seeking the King of Spain's daughter, sometimes your Majesty, are evident testimonies of his being carried away with every wind of hope : taught to love greatness any way gotten, and having for the motioners and ministers of the mind, only such young men as have showed they think evil contentment a ground of any rebellion; who have seen no commonwealth but in faction, and divers of which have defiled their hands in odious murders. "With such fancies, and favourites, what is to be hoped for ? or that he will contain himself within the limits of your conditions, since in truth it were strange, that he that cannot be contented to be the second person in France, and heir apparent, should be content to come to be second person, where he should pretend no way to sovereignty ? His power, I imagine, is not to be despised, since he is come into a country where the way of evil- doing will be presented unto him : where there needs nothing but a head to draw together all the ill-affected members : himself a prince of great revenues, of the most popular nation of the world, full of soldiery, and such as are used to serve without pay, so as they may have show of spoil ; and without question shall have his brother ready to help him, as well for old revenge, as to divert him from troubling France, and to deliver his own country from evil humours. Neither is King Philip's marriage herein any example ; since then it was between two of one religion ; so that he in England stood only upon her strength, and had abroad King Henry of France, ready to impeach any enter- prise he should make for his greatness that way. And yet, what events time would have brought forth of that marriage, your most blessed reign hath made vain all such considerations. But things holding in present state, I think, I may easily conclude, that your country, as well by long peace and fruits of peace, as by the poison of division (wherewith the faithful shall by this means be wounded, and the contrary enabled) is made fit to receive hurt ; and Monsieur being every way likely to use the occasions to hurt, there can almost happen no worldly thing of more imminent danger to your estate royal. And as to your person, in the scale of your happiness, what good there may come by it, to balance with the loss of so honourable a con- stancy, truly yet I perceive not. I will not show so much malice, as to object the universal doubt, the race's unhealthfulness ; neither will I lay to his charge the ague-bike manner of proceedings, sometimes hot and sometimes cold in the time of pursuit, which always rightly is most fervent. And I will temper my speeches from any other unreverend disgracings of him in particular (though they may be never so true), this only I will say, that if he do come hither, he must live here in far meaner repu- tation than his mind will well brook, having no other royalty to countenance himself with ; or else you must deliver him the keys of your kingdom, and live at his discretion ; or lastly, he must separate himself with more dishonour, and further disuniting of heart, than ever before. Often have I heard you with protestation say, no private pleasure or self-affection could lead you unto it ; but if it be both unprofitable for your kingdom, and unpleasant to you, certainly it were a dear purchase of repentance. Nothing can it add unto you, but the bliss of children, which I confess were a most unspeakable comfort. But yet no more appertaining unto him, than to any other to whom the height of all good haps were allotted, to be your husband ; and therefore I may assuredly affirm, that what good soever can follow marriage, is no more his than anybody's ; but the evils and dangers are peculiarly annexed to his person and condition. For as for the enriching of your country with treasure which either he hath not or hath other- wise bestowed it ; or the staying of your servants' minds with new expectation and liberality, which is more dangerous than fruitful ; or the easing of your Majesty of cares, which is as much as to say, the easing of you to be queen and sovereign ; I think everybody perceives this way either to be full of hurt, or void of help. Now resteth to consider, what be the motives of this sudden change ; as I have heard you in most sweet words deliver. Fear of standing alone, in respect of foreign dealings ; and in them from whom you should have respect, doubt of contempt. Truly standing alone with good foresight of government, both in peace and warlike defence, is the honourablest thing that can be to a well-established monarchy. Those buildings being ever most strongly durable, which lean to none other, but remain from their own foundation. So yet in the particulars of your estate presently, I will not altogether deny, that a true Massinissa were very fit to countermine the enterprise of mighty Carthage. But how this general truth can be applied unto Monsieur, in truth I perceive not. The wisest, that have I THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. [jiven best rules where surest leagues are to be made, have said, that it must be between such as either vehement desire of a third thing, or as vehement feax doth knit their minds together. Desire is counted the weaker bond ; but yet that bound so many princes to the expedition (.f the Hi>ly Land. It united that invincible 1 It my V. and that good duke of Burgundy ; the one desiring to win the crown of France from the Dauphin, the other, desiring to revenge his father's murder upon the Dauphin, which both tended to one. That coupled Louis XII. and Ferdinando of Spain to the conquest of Naples. Of fear, there are innumerable examples. Monsieur's desires, and yours ; how they should meet in public matters, I think no oracle can tell ; for, as the geometricians say, that parallels, because they maintain divers lines, can never join ; so truly, to having in the beginning contrary principles, to bring forth one doctrine must be some miracle. He, of the Romish religion ; and, if he be a man, must needs have that manlike property, to desire that all men be of his mind. You, the erector and defender, of the contrary, and the only sun that dazzleth their eyes. He, French, and desiring to make France great ; your Majesty English, and desiring nothing less than that France should grow great. He, both by his i iwn fancy, and his youthful governors, embracing all ambitious hopes, having Alexander's image in his head, but perhaps evil painted. Your Majesty, with excellent virtue, taught what you should hope ; and by no less wisdom, what you may hope ; with a council renowned over all Christeudom, for their well-tempered minds, having Bet the utmost of their ambition in your favour, and the study of their souls in your safety. Fear hath as little show of outward appear- ance, as reason, to match you together ; for in this estate he is in, whom should he fear? His brother? alas ! his brother is afraid, since the King of Navarre is to step into his place. Neither can his brother be the safer by his fall ; but he may be the greater by his brothers ; whereto whether you will be an accessary, you are to determine. The King of Spain, certainly, cannot make war upon him, but it must be upon all the crown of France, which is no likelihood lie will do. Well may Monsieur (as he hath done) seek to enlarge the bounds of France upon liis state ; which likewise, whether it be safe for you to be a countenance to, any other way, may be seen. So that if neither desire nor fear be such in him, as are to bind any public SB, it may be said, that the only fortress of tins your marriage, is <>f his private affection ; a tiling ton incident to the person laying it up in mii h knots. The other objection of contempt in the sub- jects, I assure your MajeBtj if I had not heard it d out of your mouth, which of all other I do most dearly reverence, it would as soon (con- sidering the perfections both of body and mind have set all men's eyes by the height of your estate) have come to the possibility of my imagination, if one should have told me, on the contrary side, that the greatest princess of the world should envy the state of some poor deformed pilgrim. What is there either within you, or without you, that can possibly fall into the danger of contempt, to whom fortunes are tried by so long descent of your royal ancestors ? but our minds rejoice with the experience of your inward virtues, and our eyes are delighted with the sight of you. But because your own eyes cannot see yourself, neither can there be in the world any example fit to blaze you by, I beseech you vouchsafe to weigh the grounds thereof. The natural causes are lengths of government, and uncertainty of succession. The effects, as you term them, appear by cherishing some abominable speeches which some hellish minds have uttered. The longer a good prince reigneth, it is certain the more he is esteemed. There is no man ever was weary of well-being; and good increased to good maketh the same good both greater and stronger ; for it useth men to know no other cares, when either men are born in the time, and so never saw other ; or have spent much part of their flourishing time, and so have no joy to seek other. In evil princes, abuse growing upon abuse, according to the nature of evil, with the increase of time, ruins itself : but in so rare a government, where neighbours' fires give us light to see our epiietness, where nothing wants that true administration of justice brings forth, certainly the length of time rather breeds a mind to think there is no other life but in it, than that there is any tediousness in so fruitful a government. Examples of good princes do ever confirm this, who the longer they lived, the deeper still they sunk into the subjects' hearts. Neither will I trouble you with examples. 1 eing so many and manifest. Look into your own estate ; how willingly they grant, and how duti- fully they pay such subsidies as you demand of them ; how they are no less troublesome to your Majesty in certain requests, than they were in the beginning of your reign : and your Majesty shall find you have a people more than ever devoted to you. As for the uncertainty of succession, although for mine own part, I know well I have east the utmost anchor of my hopes, yet for England's sake I would not say any thing against such determination; but that uncertain good should bring contempt to a certain good. I think it is beyond all reach of reason : nay because, if there Wei* no oilier cause (as there are infinite), common reason and profit would teach us to hold that jewel dear, the lots of which would bring us to we know not what -. which likewise i- to he said of your Majesty's speech of the THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. T rising sun ; a speech first used by Scylla to Pompcy in Koine, as then a popular city, where indeed men were to rise or fall, according to the flourish and breath of a many-headed confusion. But in so lineal a monarchy, wherever the infant sucks the love of their rightful prince, who would leave the beams of so fair a sun, for the dreadful expectation of a divided company of stars ? Virtue and justice are the only bonds of people's love : and as for that point, many princes have lost their crowns, whose own children were manifest successors ; and some, that had their own children used as instruments of their ruin. Not that I deny the bliss of children, but only to show religion and equity to be of themselves sufficient stays. Neither is the love, borne in the Queen your sister's days, any contradiction hereunto ; for she was the oppressor of that religion which lived in many men's hearts, and whereof you are known to be the favourer. By her loss, was the most excel- lent prince in the world to succeed ; by your loss, all blindness light upon him that sees not our misery. Lastly, and most properly to this purpose, she had made an odious marriage with a stranger (which is now in question whether your Majesty should do or no) ; so that if your subjects do at this time look for any after- chance, it is but as the pilot doth to the ship- boat, if his ship should perish; driven by extremity to the one ; but, as long as he can with his life, tendering the other. And this I say, not only for the lively parts that be in you, but even for their own sakes, since they must needs see what tempests threaten them. The last proof of this contempt should be the venomous matter certain men impostumed with wickedness should utter against you. Certainly not to be evil spoken of, neither Christ's holiness, nor Caesar's might, could ever prevent or warrant ; there being for that no other rule, than so to do, as that they may not justly say evil of you ; which whether your Majesty have not done, I leave it in you, to the sincereness of your own conscience, and wisdom of your judg- ment in the world, to your most manifest fruits and fame through Europe. Augustus was told, that men spoke of him much hurt ; ' It is no matter,' said he, ' so long as they cannot do much hurt.' And lastly, Charles V., to one that told him, Le Hollandour parlent mat, ma is ilz patient Men; answered, Le. I might make a scholar-like "reckoning of many such examples. It sufficeth, that these great princes knew well enough upon what ways they flew, and cared little for the barking of a few curs. And truly in the behalf your subjects, I durst with my blood answer it, that there was never monarch held in more precious reckoning of her people ; and before God, how can it be otherwise ? For my own part, when I hear some lost wretch hath defiled such a name with his mouth, I consider the right name of blasphemy, whose unbridled soul doth delight to deprave that which is accounted generally most high and holy. No, no, most excellent lady, do not raze out the impression you have made in such a multitude of hearts, and let not the scum of such vile minds bear any witness against your subjects' devotions ; which, to proceed one point further, if it were otherwise, could little be helped, but rather nourished, and in effect begun by this. The only means of avoiding contempt, are love and fear : love as you have by divers means sent into the depth of their souls ; so if any thing can stain so true a form, it must be the trim- ming yourself, not in your own likeness, but in new colours unto them. Their fear by him cannot be increased without appearance of French forces, the manifest death of your estate ; but well may it against him bear that face, which, as the tragic Seneca saith, Mctus in authorem regit, as because both in will and power he is like enough to do harm. Since then it is dangerous for your State, as well because by inward weakness (principally caused by division) it is fit to receive harm ; since to your person it can no way be comfortable, you not desiring marriage ; and neither to person nor state he is to bring any more good than any body, but more evil he may ; since the causes that should drive you to this, are either fears of that which cannot happen, or by this means cannot be prevented ; I do with most humble heart say unto your Majesty (having assayed this dangerous help) for your standing alone, you must take it for a singular honour God hath done you, to be indeed the only protector of His Church ; and yet in worldly respects your kingdom very sufficient so to do, if you make that religion upon which you stand, to carry the only strength ; and have abroad those that still maintain the same course, who, as long as they may be kept from utter fairing, your Majesty is sure enough from your mightiest enemies. As for this man, as long as he is but Monsieur in might, and a Papist in profession, he neither can nor will greatly shield you : and if he grow to be king, his defence will be like Ajax's shield, which rather weighed down than defended those that bore it. Against contempt, if there be any, which I will never believe, let your excellent virtues of piety, justice, and liberality daily (if it be possible, more and more) shine. Let such particular actions be found out (which be easy as I think to be done) by which you may gratify all the hearts of your people. Let those in whom you find trust, and to whom you have committed trust in your weighty affairs, be held up in the eyes of your subjects. Lastly, doing as you do, you shall be as you be, the example of princes, the ornament of this age, the comfort of the afflicted, the delight of your people, the most excellent fruit of your progenitors, and the perfect mirror of your posterity ! 14 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. [This letter warns the Scottish king of his 'contrarious dealings,' and supplies a hint as to her ideas upon the English succession. It is written in her usual determined and emphatic way ; any intention of deceiving her would be frustrated by the sharpness of ' we old foxes.'] QUEEN ELIZ '.. ..: IJ 1 JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND. [1586.] Eight deare Brother, — Your gladsome acceptance of my offred amitie, together with the desiar you seem to have ingraven in your mynde to make merites correspondant, makes me in ful opinion that some ennemis to our good wyl shall loose muche travel, with making frustrat.thar baiting stratagems, whiche I knowe to be many, and by sondry meanes to be ex- plored. I cannot halt with you so muche as to denye that I have seen suche evident shewes of your contrarious dealings, that if I mad net my rekening the bettar of the moneths, I might condemne you as unworthy of such as I mynd to shewe myselfe toward you, and therefor I am wel pleased to take any coulor to defend your honor, and hope that you wyl remember that who seaketh two stringes to one bowe, he may shoote strong, but never straight ; and if you suppose that pi mces causes be vailed so couvertly that no intra!li» ; vnce may bewraye them, deceave not yourselfe ; we old foxes can find shiftes to save ourselves by others malice, and come by knowledge of greattest secreat, spetiallye if it touche our freholde. It becomcth, therefor, all our rencq to dealo sincerely, lest, if we use it not, whan we do it, wo be hardly beleaved. I write not this, my deare brother, for clout but for remembrances. My ambassador writes so muche of your honorable traitment of him and of Alexandar, that I believe they be convertid Scotes. You oblige me for them ; for wiche I rendar you a milion of most entire thankes, as she that moaneth to desarve many a good thoght in your brest throwe good desart. And for that your request is so honorable, retaining so muche reason, I wer out of [my] sences if I shold not suspend of any hiresay til the answer of your owne action, wiche the actor ought best to knowe, and so assure yourselfe I meanc and vowe to do ; with this request, that you wyl affourd me the reciproque. And thus, with my many petitions to the Almighty for your long life and preservation, 1 ende these skribled lines. Your verey assured lovinge sistar and cousin, Elizabeth E. [Written after the earl had been proscribed the court circle for his discourteous manner. When the appointment of Sir William Knollys to the Governor-Generalship of Ireland was under discussion, and Eliza- beth boxed his ears before her councillors, the earl laid his hand on his sword, and swore he would not take such treatment from her father. When a reconciliation was effected, Essex was appointed to the government of Ireland, but being unsuccess- ful, some sharp letters passed between them, of which the second, here given, may serve as an example.] ROBERT DEVEREUX, EAEL OF ESSEX, TO QUEES ELIZABETH. [1598.] Madam, — When I think how I have preferred your beauty above all things, and received no pleasure in life but by the increase of your favour towards me, I wonder at myself what cause there could be to make me absent myself one day from you. But wdien I remember that your Majesty hath, by the intolerable wrong you have done both me and yourself, not only broken all laws of affection, but done against the honour of your sex, I think all places better than that where I am, and all dangers well undertaken, so I might retire myself from the memory of my false, inconstant, and beguiling pleasures. I am sorry to write thus much, for I cannot think your mind so dishonourable but that you punish yourself for it, how little soever you care for me. But I desire whatsoever falls (jut that your Majesty shall be without excuse, you knowing yourself to be the cause, and all the world wondering at the effect. I was never proud till your Majesty sought to make me too base. And now, since my destiny is no better, my despair shall be as my love was, without repentance. I will as a subject and an humble servant owe my life, my fortune, and all that is in me ; but this place is not fit for me, for she which governs this world is weary of me, and I of the world. I must commend my faith to be judged by Him who judgeth all hearts, since on earth I find no right. Wishing your Majesty all comforts and joys in the world, and no greater punishment for your wrongs to me than to know the faith of him you have lost, and the baseness of those you shall keep. Your Majesty's most humble servant, Essex TO Till: SAME From a mind delighting in sorrow, from spirits waste. 1 with passion, from a heart torn in pieces with care, grief, and travel) from a man that hatetli himself and all things thai k» peth him alive, what service can your Majesty expect, THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 15 since your service past deserves no more than banishment or prescription in the cursedest of all other countries ? Nay, nay, it is your rebel's pride and success that must give me leave to ransom my life out of this hateful prison of my loathed body ; which if it happen so, your Majesty shall have no cause to mislike the fashion c\f my death, since the course of my life could never please you. Your Majesty's exiled servant, Bo. Essex. [Lord Bacon here deals out a good deal of sage advice to Sir George Villiers, afterwards Duke of Buckingham. That this selfish political adventurer was incapable of receiv- ing such is evident from his after career, when his policy helped not a little to drag down the throne of the Stuarts. 'Never any man,' says Clarendon, 'in any age, nor I believe in any country, rose in such short a time to so much greatness of honour, power, or fortune, upon no other advantage or recommendation than of the beauty and gracefulness of his person.'] SIR FRANCIS BACON TO SIR GEORGE VILLIERS. (Upon the sending his patent for Viscount Viltiers to he signed.) Sir, — I have sent you now your patent, of creation of Lord Bletchly of Bletchly, and of Viscount Villiers. Bletchly is your own, and I liked the sound of the name better than Whaddon ; but the name will be hid, for you will be called Viscount Villiers. I have put them in a patent, after the manner of the patent for earls, where baronies are joined; but the chief reason was, because I would avoid double prefaces, which had not been fit; neverthe- less the ceremony of robing and otherwise must be double. And now, because I am in the country, I will send you some of my country fruits, which with me are good meditations ; which, when I am in the city, are choked with business. After that the King shall have watered your new dignities with the bounty of the lands which he intends you, and that some other things concerning your means, which are now likewise in intention, shall be settled upon you, I do not see, but you may think your private fortunes established; and therefore it is now time that you should refer your actions to the good of your sovereign and your country. It is the life of an ox or beast always to eat, and never exercise; but men are born (especially Christian men) not to cramb in their fortunes, but to exercise their virtues; and yet the other hath not been the unworthy, and (thanks be to God) sometimes the unlucky humour of great persons in our times. Neither will your fortune be the further off ; for assure yourself, that fortune is of a woman's nature, and will sooner follow by slighting, than by too much wooing. And in this dedication of yourself to the public, I recommend unto you principally, that which, I think, was never done since I was born ; and which, because it is not done, hath bred almost a wilderness and solitude in the King's service ; which is, that you countenance, and encourage, and advance, able men, in all kinds, degrees, and professions. For in the time of the Cecils, the father and the son, able men were by design and of purpose suppressed ; and though of late, choice goeth better, both in church and common- wealth, yet money, and turn-serving, and cunning canvasses, and importunity, prevail too much. And, in places of moment, rather make able and honest men yours, than advance those that are otherwise, because they are yours. As for cunning and corrupt men, you must (I know) sometimes use them ; but keep them at a distance ; and let it appear rather, that you make use of them, than that they lead you. Above all, depend wholly (next unto God) upon the King, and be ruled (as hitherto you have been) by his instructions; for that is best for yourself. For the King's care and thoughts for you, are according to the thoughts of a great king ; whereas your thoughts concerning your- self, are, and ought to be, according to the thoughts of a modest man. But let me not weary you ; the sum is, that you think goodness the best part of greatness : and that you remember whence your rising comes, and make return accordingly. God keep you. August 12, 1G1G. [Sir Edward Coke, Lord Chief -Justice of Eng- land, had gained the post of Attorney- General in spite of the rival claims of Bacon, and did not scruple when it lay in his power to lower Bacon's credit in the eyes of his countrymen. Here Bacon 'holds the mirror up to nature,' and lets him know what he thought of his conduct towards himself.] SIR FRANCIS BACON TO SIR EDWARD COKE. [160C] Mr. Attorney, — I thought best once for all to let you know in plainness what I find of you, and what you shall find of me. I am one that know both mine own wants and other men's, and it may be perchance that mine may mend when others stand at a stay. And surely I may i6 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. not in public place endure to be wronged, without repelling the same to my best advantage to right myself. You are great, and therefore have the more enviers, which would be glad to have you paid at another's cost. Since the time I missed the Solicitor's place, the rather I think, by your means, I cannot expect that you and I shall ever serve as Attorney and Solicitor; but either to serve with another upon your remove, or to step into some other course. So as I am more free than ever I was from any occasion of unworthy conforming myself to you, more than general good manners, or your particular good usage shall provoke ; and if you had not been short-sighted in your own fortune (as I think) you might have had more use of me ; but that tide is past. I write not this to show any friends what a brave letter I have writ to Mr. Attorney ; I have none of those humours : but that I have written is to a good end, that is, to the more decent carriage of my master's service, and to our particular better understand- ing one another. This letter, if it shall be answered by you in deed, and not in word, I suppose it will not be worse for us both ; else it is but a few lines lost, which for a much smaller matter I would adventure. So this being to yourself, I for my part rest yours, etc., Fr. Bacon. TO THE SAME, WHEN LORD CHIEF-JUSTICE IN DISGRACE. My very good Lord, — Though it be true, that who considereth the wind and the rain, shall neither sow nor reap, Eccles. ix. 15, yet there is a season for every action. And so there is a time to speak, and a time to keep silence ; there is a time when the words of a poor simple man may profit ; and that poor man in the Preacher which delivered the city by his wisdom, found, that without this opportunity, the power both of wisdom and eloquence lose but their labour, and cannot charm the deaf adder. God therefore, before His Son that bringeth mercy, sent His servant the trumpeter of repentance, to level a very high hill, to prepare the way before him, making it smooth and straight. And as it is in spiritual tilings, where Christ never comes before His way-maker hath laid even the heart with sorrow and repentance ; since self-conceited and proud persons think themselves too good and too wise to learn of their inferior, and therefore need not the Physician : so in the rules of earthly wisdom, it is not pos- Bible for nature to attain any mediocrity of perfection, before she be humbled by knowing herself and her own ignorance. Not only know- ledge, but also every other gift (which we Call the gift of fortune) have power to pull up earthly - Afflictions only level these molehills of pride, plough the heart, and make it lit for wisdom to sow her seed, and for grace to bring forth her increase. Happy is that man there- fore, botli in regard of heavenly and earthly wisdom, that is thus wounded, to be cured ; thus broken, to be made straight ; thus made acquainted with his own imperfections, that he may be perfected. Supposing this to be the time of your affliction, that which I have propounded to myself is, by taking this seasonable advantage, like a true friend (though far unworthy to be counted so) to show you your true shape in a glass, and that not in a false one to flatter you, nor yet in one that should make you seem worse than you are, and so offend you ; but in one, made by the reflection of your own words and actions, from whose light proceeds the voice of the people, which is often not unfitly called the voice of God. But therein (since I purposed a truth) I must entreat liberty to be plain, a liberty at this time I know not whether or no I may use safely ; I am sure at other times I could not : yet of this resolve yourself, it proccedeth from love, and a true desire to do you good ; that you, knowing the general opinion, may not altogether neglect or contemn it, but mend what you find amiss in yourself, and retain what your judgment shall approve ; for to this end shall truth be delivered as naked as if yourself were to be anatomized by the hand of opinion. All men can see their own profit ; that part of the wallet hangs before. A true friend (whose worthy office I would perform, since I fear both yourself and all great men want such, being themselves true friends to few or none) is first to show the other, ami which is from your eyes. First therefore behold your errors. In dis- course you delight to speak too much, not to hear other men ; this some say becomes a plead- er, not a judge. For by this sometimes your affections are entangled with a love of your own arguments, though they be the weaker; and rejecting of those, which when your affec- tions were settled, your own judgment Mould allow for strongest. Thus while you speak in your own element, the law, no man ordinarily equals you ; but when you wander (as you often delight to do) you then wander indeed, and give never such satisfaction as the curious time requires. This is not caused by any natural defect, but first for want of election, when you, having a large and fruitful mind, should not so much labour what to speak, as to find what to Leave unspoken, llich soils are often to be weeded. Secondly, you cloy your auditory, when you would be observed. Speech must eitb sweet or short. Thirdly, you converse with books, not m< ii, and books specially humane, and have no excellent choice with men. who are the best books; for a man of action and employment you seldom converse with, ami then but with your THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 17 underlings ; not freely, but as a schoolmaster with his scholars, ever to teach, never to learn. But if sometimes you would in your familiar discourse hear others, and make election of snch as know what they speak, you should know many of these tales you tell to be but ordinary, and many other things which you delight to repeat, and serve in for novelties, to be but stale. As in your pleadings you were wont to insult over misery, and to inveigh bitterly at the persons (which bred you many enemies, whose poison yet swelleth, and the effects now appear), so are you still wont to be a little careless in this point to praise or dispraise upon slight grounds, and that sometimes untruly, so that your reproofs or commendations are for the most part neglected and contemned ; when the cen- sure of a judge (coming slow but sure) should be a brand to the guilty, and a crown to the virtuous. You will jest a man in public, without respect to the person's dignity, or your own. This disgraceth your gravity more than it can advance the opinion of your wit ; and so do all actions which we see you do directly with a touch of vainglory, having no respect to the true end. You make the law to lean too much to your opinion, whereby you show yourself to be a legal tyrant, striking with that weapon where you please, since you are able to turn the edge any way. For thus the wise master of the law gives warning to young students, that they should be wary, lest while they hope to be instructed by your integrity and knowledge, they should be deceived with your skill, armed with authority. Your too much love of the world is too much seen, when having the living of £10,000 you relieve few or none. The hand that hath taken so much, can it give so little ? Herein you show no bowels of com- passion, as if you thought all too little for yourself ; or that God had given you all that you have (if you think wealth to be His gift, I mean that you get well, for I know sure the rest is not) only to that end you should still gather more, and never be satisfied, but try how much you could gather, to account for all at the great and general audit-day. "We desire you to amend this, and let your poor tenants in Norfolk find some comfort, where nothing of your estate is spjent towards their relief, but all brought up hither, to the impoverishing of your country. In your last, which might have been your best piece of service to the State, affectioned to follow that old rule which giveth justice leaden heels and iron hands, you used too many de- lays, till the delinquent's hands were loosed, and yours bound. In that work you seemed another Fabius ; here the humour of Marcellus would have done better. "What needed you have sought more evidences than enough ? while you pretended the finding out of more (missing your aim) you discredited what you had found. This best judgments think, though you never used such speeches as are fathered upon you, yet you might well have done it, and but rightly : for tins crime was second to none but the powder plot ; that would have blown up all at one blow ; a merciful cruelty ; this would have done the same by degrees ; a linger- ing, but a sure way : one might by one be called out, till all opposers had been removed. Besides, that other plot was scandalous to Rome, making 1'opery odious in the sight of the whole world. This has been scandalous to the truth of the whols gospel ; and since the first nullity to this instant, when justice hath her hands bound, the devil could not have invented a more mischievous practice to our State and Church, than this hath been, is, and is like to be. God avert the evil. But herein you committed another fault, that you were too open in your proceedings, and so taught them whereby to defend themselves ; so you gave them time to undermine justice, and to work upon all advantages both of affections and honour, and opportunity, and breach of friendship, which they have so well followed, sparin ; neither pains nor cost, that it almost seemth an offence in you to have done so much indeed, than that you have done no more. You stopt the confessions and accusations of some, who perhaps had they been suffered, would have spoken enough to have removed some stumbling-blocks out of your way ; and that you did not this in the favour of any one, but of I know not what present unadvised humours, supposing enough behind to discover all, which fell not out so. Howsoever, as the apostle saith in another case, you went not rightly to the truth, nn-1 therefore though you were to be commended for what you did, yet you were to be reprehended for many circum- stances in the doing ; and doubtless God hath an eye in this cross to your negligence, and the briers are left to bo pricks in your sides, and thorns in your eyes. But that which we commend you for, are those excellent parts of nature, and knowledge in the law, which you are endued withal ; but these are only good in their good use. "Where- fore we thank you heartily for standing stoutly in the commonwealth's behalf, hoping it pro- ceedeth not from a disposition to oppose great- ness (as your enemies say), but to do justice, and deliver truth indifferently, without respect of persons ; and in this we pray for your pros- perity, and are sorry that your good actions should not always succeed happily. But in the carriage of this, you were faulty ; for you took it in hand in an evil time, both in respect of the present business which it interrupted, and in regard of his present sickness whom it con- cerned : whereby you disunited your strength, and made a gap for the enemies to pass out at, and to return and assault you. B i8 THE BRITISH TETTER WRITERS. But now, since the case so stand eth, we way to power, and so to fight, that you be not utterly broken, but reserved entirely to serve the commonwealth again, and do what good you can, since you cannot do all the good you would. And since you are fallen upon this rock, cast out the goods to save the bottom ; stop the leaks, and make towards land ; learn of the steward to make friends of the unrighteous mammon. Those Spaniards in Mexico who were chased of the Indians, tell us ■what to do with our goods in our extremities ; they being to pass over a river in their flight, as many as cast away their gold swam over safe ; but some more covetous, keeping their gold, were either drowned with it, or overtaken and slain by the savages. You have received, now learn to give. The beaver learns us this lesson, who being hunted for his stones, bites them off. You cannot but have much of your estate (pardon my plainness) ill got. Think how much of that you never spake for : how much, by speaking unjustly, or in unjust causes. Account it then a blessing of God, if thus it may be laid out for your good, and not left for your heir to hasten the wasting of much of the rest, perhaps of all ; for so Ave see God often- times proceeds in judgment with many basty gatherers. You have enough to spare, being well laid, to turn the tide, and fetch all things again. But if you escape (I suppose it worthy of an if), since you know the old use, that none called' in question must go away uncensured : yet consider, that accusations make wounds, and leave scars ; and though you see your tail behind your back, yourself free, and the covert before ; yet remember there are stands. Trust not to reconciled enemies, but think the peace is but to secure you for further advantage. Expect a second and a third encounter ; the main battle, the wings are yet unbroken; they may charge you at an instant, or death before them. Walk therefore circumspectly ; and if at length by means of our good endeavours and yours you recover the favour that you have lost ; give < rod the glory in action, not in words only ; and remember us with sense of your past misfortune, whose estate hath, doth, and may ft or lie in the power of your breath. is a great mercy in dispatch. Delays are tortures wherewith we arc by degrees rent out of our estates. Do not you (if you be restored) me others do, lly from the service of virtue to serve the time, as if they repented ih iir goodness, or meant not to make a second hazard in God's house. But rather let this cross make you zealous in God's cause, sensible in ours, and more sensible in all, whi< b express thus. Sou have been a gre I enemy to Papists ; if you love God, be bo Mill, but more indeed than heretofore; for much of your zeal was heretofore wasted in words. Call to remem- B that they were the persons that pro- phesied of that cross of yours long before it happened; they saw the storm coming, being the principal contrivers and furthcrers of the plot ; the men that blew the coals, heat the iron, and made all things ready ; they owe you a good turn, and will, if they can, pay it you. You see their hearts by their deeds ; prove then your faith so too. The best good work you can do, is to do the best you can against them, that is, to see the law severely, justly, and diligently executed. And now we beseech you, my lord, be sensible both of the stroke, and hand that striketh. Learn of David to leave Shimei, and call upon God ; He hath some great work to do, and He prepareth you for it ; He would neither have you faint, nor yet bear this cross with a Stoical resolution. There is a Christian medi- ocrity worthy of your greatness. I must be plain, perhaps rash. Had some notes which you have taken at sermons, been written in your heart to practise, this work had been done long ago, without the envy of your enemies. But when we will not mind ourselves, God (if we belong to Him) takes us in hand : and because He seeth that we have unbridled stomachs, therefore He sends outward crosses, which while they cause us to mourn, do comfort us; being assured testimonies of His love that sends them. To humble ourselves therefore before God, is the part of a Christian ; but for the world and our enemies, the counsel of the poet is apt ; Time cede 7nalis, sed contra audentior ito. The last part of this counsel you forget, yet none need be ashamed to make use of it ; that so being armed against casualties, you may stand firm against the assaults on the right hand and on the left. For this is certain ; the mind that is most prone to be puffed up with prosperity, is most weak, and apt to be dejected with the least puff of adversity. Indeed she is strong enough to make an able man stagger, striking terrible blows, but true Christian wisdom gives us armour of proof against all assaults, and teacheth us in all estates to be content. For though she cause our truest friends to declare themselves our enemn s, though she give heart then to the most cowardly to strike us, though an hour's continuance countervail an a prosperity, though she cast in our dish all that ever we have done ; yet hath she no power to hurt the humble and wise, but only to such as too much prosperity hath made stiff in their own thoughts, hut weak indeed and fitted for renewing, when the wise rather gather from fchenoe profit and wisdom by the example of David, who said, 'Before I was chastised I went wrong.' Now then, lie that knoweth the right way, will look Letter to his fooling. Garden saith, -That weeping, fasting, and sighi] the chief purgers of griefs.' Indeed naturally they help to assuage sorrow J but Cod in this case is the only and best physician. The means THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 19 He hath ordained are the advice of friends, the amendment of ourselves : for amendment is both physician and cure. For friends, although your lordship be scant, yet I hope you are not altogether destitute ; if you be, do but look on good books, they are true friends, that will neither flatter nor dissemble ; be you but true to yourself, applying what they teach unto the party grieved, and you shall need no other comfort nor counsel. To them, and to God's Holy Spirit directing you in the reading of them, I commend your lordship, beseeching Him to send you a good issue out of these troubles, and from henceforth to work a reformation in all that is amiss, and a resolute perseverance pro- ceeding, and growth in all that is good, and that for His glory, the bettering of yourself, this church and commonwealth, whose faithful servant whilst you remain, I remain a faithful servant to you. [Addressed to Sir Thomas Bodley, founder of the Bodleian Library, on the occasion of Bacon's presenting him with a copy of his Advancement of Learning.] THE SAME TO SIK THOMAS BODLEY. [1607.] Sie,— I think no man may more truly say with the Psalm, MuUum incolafv.it anima mat. For I do confess, since I was of any understand- ing, my mind hath in effect been absent from that I have done, and in absence errours are committed, which I do willingly acknowledge ; and amongst the rest, this great one that led the rest ; that knowing myself by inward calling to be fitter to hold a book, than to play a part, I have led my life in civil causes ; for which I was not very fit by nature, and more unfit by the pre-occupation of my mind. Therefore calling myself home, I have now for a time enjoyed rnyself; where likewise I desire to make the world partaker ; my labours (if so I may term that which was the comfort of my other labours) I have dedicated to the King, desirous if there be any good in them, it may be as fat of a sacrifice incensed to his honour ; and the second copy have sent unto you, not only in good affection, but in a kind of congruity, in regard of your great and rare desert of learning. For books are the shrines where the saint is, or is believed to be. And you having built an ark to save learning from deluge, deserve in propriety, any new instrument or engine, whereby learning should be improved or advanced. [Raleigh had been indicted at Staines, September 21st, 1603, for an alleged conspiracy, with Lords Grey and Cobham. The plague raging in London at that time, the term was held at "Winchester, whither Raleigh was removed on the 10th of November. A full account of the accusations against him may be seen in his life by Birch. The jury, after deliberating for a quarter of an hour, pronounced him guilty of treason ; although some, according to Osborne, subsequently besought his pardon upon their knees. After being detained at Winchester nearly a month in daily expectation of death, Raleigh was removed to the Tower on the 15th of December, where his wife was soon allowed to join him. During his confine- ment, he composed his History of the World, and at length obtained his release, after an imprisonment of more than twelve years, in 1615-16.— B. A. Wilmott.] SIR WALTER EALEIGH TO HIS WIFE. Written the night before he expected to he beheaded at Winchester, 1603. You shall now receive (my dear wife) my last words in these my last lines. My love I send you, that you may keep it when I am dead ; and my counsel, that you may remember it when I am no more. I would not by my will present you with sorrows (dear Bess), let them go to the grave, and be buried with me in the dust ; and seeing it is not the will of God that ever I shall see you more in this life, bear it patiently, and with a heart like thyself. First, I send you all the thanks my heart can conceive, or my words can express, for your many travails and cares taken for me; which, though they have not taken effect as you wished, yet my debt to you is not the less : but pay it I never shall in this world. Secondly, I beseech you, for the love you bear me living, do not hide yourself many days ; but by your travail, seek to help your miserable fortune and the right of your poor child ; thy mourning cannot avail me, I am but dust. Thirdly, you shall understand that my land was conveyed (bona fide) to my child ; the writings were drawn at Midsummer was twelve months ; my honest cousin Brett can testify so much, and Dalberie too can remember somewhat therein : and I trust my blood will quench their malice, that have thus cruelly murdered me ; and that they will not seek also to kill thee and mine with extreme poverty. To what friend to direct thee I know not, for all mine have left me in the true time of trial ; and I plainly perceive that my death was deter- 20 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. mined from the first clay. Most sorry I am, (as God knows) that, being thus surprised by death, I can leave you no better estate : God is my witness, I meant you all my office of wines, or that I could have purchased by selling it ; half my stuif, and all my jewels, but some one for the boy ; but God hath prevented all my resolutions, even that great God that v. all in all ; but if you live free from want for no more, for the rest is but vanity ; love God, and begin betimes to repose your trust in Him ; therein shall you find true and lasting riches, and endless comfort. For the rest, when you have travailed and wearied your thoughts, over all sorts of worldly cogitation, you Bhall but sit down by sorrow in the end. Teach your son also to serve and fear God whilst he is yet young, that the fear of God may grow up with him ; and then will God be a husband unto you, and a father unto him — a husband and a father which can never be taken from you. Bayly oweth me two hundred pounds, and Adrian Gilbert six hundred pounds. In Jersey, also, I have much money owing me ; besides, the arrearages of the wines will pay my debts ; and howsoever you do, for my soul's sake, pay all poor men. When I am gone, no doubt you shall be sought for by many, for the world thinks that I was very rich : but take heed of the pretences of men and their affections, for they last not but in honest and worthy men ; and no greater misery can befall you in this life than to become a prey, and afterwards to be despised. I speak not this (God knows) to dissuade you from marriage, for it will be best for you, both in respect of this world and of God. As for me, I am no more yours, nor you mine, death has cut us asunder ; and God hath divided me from the world, and you from me. Remember your poor child for his father's sake, who chose you, and loved you in his happiest time. Get those letters (if it be pos- sible) which I writ to the Lords, wherein I sued for my life. God is my witness, it was for you and yours that I desired life ; but is true that I disdain myself for begging it ; for know it (dear wife), that your son is the son of a true man, and one who in his own respect despiseth death, and all his misshapen and ugly forms. I cannot write much ; God He knoweth how . I steal this time while others sleep ; and it is also high time that I should separate my thoughts from the world. Beg my dead body, which living was denied thee, and either lay it at Sherborn (if the land continue), or in Exeter Church, by my father and mother: lean say no more ; time and death call me away. The everlasting God, infinite, powerful, and inscrutable; that Almighty God which is good- itself, mercy itself, the true life and light, I., p thee and thine 1 , have mercy on me, and ; me to forgive my persecutors and false accusers, and send us to meet again in His glorious kingdom ! My true wife, farewell ! bless my poor boy ; pray for me, and let my good God hold you both in His arms. Written with the dying hand of sometime thy husband, but now (alas !) overthrown. Yours that was, but now not my own. Walteb Ralegh. [Dr. Donne's letters were published in 1Cj4, by his son. 'Ail the characteristics,' says Mr. R. A. Wilmott, 'of the poetry and' prose of Donne will be found in his letters ; the same eccentricity of expression, originality of thought, and liveliness of illustration surprise the reader.'] DR. DONNE TO SIB HENRY GOODEEE. Sir, — In the history or style of friendship which is best written both in deeds and words, a letter which is of a mixed nature, and hath something of both is a mixed parenthesis. It may be left out, yet it contributes, though not to the being, yet to the verdure and freshness thereof. Letters have truly the same office as oaths. As these amongst light and empty men are but fillings and pauses and interjections ; but with weightier, they are sad attestations ; so are letters to some compliment, and obligation to others. For mine, as I never authorized my servanttolie in my behalf (for if it were officious in him, it might be worse in me), so I allow my letters much less that civil dishonesty, both because they go from me more considerately, and because they are permanent ; for in them I may speak to y r ou in your chamber a year hence before I know not whom, and not hear myself. They shall therefore ever keep the sincerity and intemperateness of the fountain whence they are derived. And as wheresoever these leaves fall, the root is my heart, so shall tluy as that sucks good affection towards you there, have ever true impressions thereof. Thus much information is in the very Laves, that they can tell what the tree is, and these can tell you I am a friend and an honest man. Of what general use the fruit should speak, and I have none ; and of what particular profit to you, your application and experimenting should tell you, and you can make none of such a nothing ; yet even of barren sycamores, such as I, there were use, if either any light tlashings, or scorching vehemencies, or sudden showers made you need so shadowy an example or reuu mluaiicer. But, sir, your fortune and mind do you this happy injury, that they make all kinds of fruits useless unto you. Therefore I have placed my love wisely where I need eommunieate nothing. All this, though perchance you read it not till Michaelmas, was told you at Micham. .1 ugtut !■">, 1007. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 21 TO THE SAME.— ALLUSIONS TO HIMSELF. Sir,— Every Tuesday I make account that I turn a great hour-glass, and consider that a week's life is run out since I writ. But if I ask myself what I have done in the last watch, or would do in the next, I can say nothing ; if I say that I have passed it without hurting any, so may the spider in my window. The primitive monks were excusable in their retirings and enclosures of themselves : for even of them every one cultivated his own garden and orchard, that is, his soul and body, by meditation and manufactures ; and they ought the world no more, since they consumed none of her sweet- ness, nor begot others to burden her. But for me, if I were able to husband all my time so thriftily, as not only not to wound my soul in any minute by actual sin, but not to rob and cozen her by giving any part to pleasure to business, but bestow it all upon her in medita- tion, yet even in that I should wound her more, and contract another guiltiness ; as the eagle were very unnatural, if, because she is able to do it, she should perch a whole day upon a tree, staring in contemplation of the majesty and glory of the sun, and let her young eaglets starve in the nest. Two of the most precious things which God hath afforded us here, for the agony and exercise of our sense and spirit, which are a thirst and initiation after the next life, and a frequency of prayer and meditation in this, are often envenomed and putrefied, and stray into a corrupt disease : for as God doth thus occasion and positively concur to evil, that when a man is purposed to do a great sin, God infuses some good thoughts which make him choose a less sin, or leave out some circum- stance which aggravated that ; so the devil doth not only suffer but provoke us to some things naturally good, upon condition that we shall omit some other more necessary and more obligatory. And this is his greatest subtilty, because herein we have the deceitful comfort of having done -well, and can very hardly spy our error, because it is but an insensible omission, and no accusing act. "With the first of these I have often suspected myself to be overtaken ; which is, with the desire of the next life : which though I know it is not merely out of a weari- ness of this, because I had the same desires when I went with the tide, and enjoyed fairer- hopes than now : yet I doubt worldly incum- brances have increased it. I would not that death should take me asleep. I would not have him merely seize me, and only declare me to be dead, but win me, and overcome me. When I must shipwreck, I would do it in a sea, where mine impotency might have some excuse ; not in a sullen weedy lake, where I could not have so much as exercise for my swimming. There- fore I would fain do something ; but that I cannot tell what, is no wonder. For to choose, is to do ; but to be no part of anybody, is to be nothing. At most, the greatest persons are but great wens and excrescences ; men of wit and delightful conversation, but as moles for ornament, except they be so incorporated into the body of the world, that they contribute something to the sustentation of the whole. This I made account that I began early, when I undertook the study of our laws : but was diverted by the worst voluptuousness, which is an hydroptique immoderate desire of human learning and languages : beautiful ornaments to great fortunes ; but mine needed an occupation, and a course which I thought I entered well into, when I submitted myself to such a service as I thought might have employed those poor advantages which I had. And there I stumbled too, yet I would try again : for to this hour I am nothing, or so little, that I am scarce subject and argument good enough for one of mine own letters : yet I fear that doth not ever proceed from a good root, that I am so well content to be less, that is dead. You, sir, are far enough from these descents ; your virtue keeps you secure, and your natural disposition to mirth will preserve you. But lose none of these holds ; a slip is often as dangerous as a bruise, and though you cannot fall to my lowness, yet, iir a much less distraction, you may meet my sadness ; for he is no safer which falls from an high tower into the leads, than he which falls from thence to the ground ; make therefore to yourself some mark, and go towards it algrement. Though I be in such a planetary and erratic fortune, that I can do nothing constantly, yet you may find some constancy in my constant advising you to it. Your hearty true friend, J. Donne. [This letter has been commended by a com- petent critic as a perfect specimen of finished courtliness, and superior to any composition of a similar character in Pope's Letters.] SIR JOHN SUCKLING TO A NOBLEMAN. — COMPLIMENTS. Mr noble Lord, — Your humble servant had the honour to receive from your hand a letter, and had the grace upon the sight of it to blush ; I but then found my own negligence, and but now have the opportunity to ask pardon for it. We have ever since been upon a march, and the places we have come to, have afforded rather blood than ink ; and of all things, sheets have been the hardest to come by, especially those of paper. If these few lines shall have the happiness to kiss your hand, they can assure THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. you, that he who sent them knows no one to whom he owes more obligation than to your lordship, and to whom he would more willingly pay it ; and that it must be no less than necessity itself that can hinder him from often presenting it. Germany hath no whit altered me ; I am still the humble servant of my lord that I was ; and when I cease to be so, I must to be John Sickling. |As James Howell lias been regarded as the father of epistolary literature, we give several varied examples of his powers from his book bearing the title, ' Epistolce IIo- eliaruE. Familiar Letters Domestic and Forren ; Divided into Six Sections, partly Historicall, Foliticall, Philosophicall, upon Emergent Occasions : By J. H., Esq. ; one of the Clerks of his Majesty's most Honour- able Privy Counccll. London, Printed for Humphrey Mosely ; and are to be sold at his shop at the Prince's Arms in S. Paul's Churchyard, 1645.' Sergeant-Major Peter Fisher, Poet Laureate to the Protector, said of Howell, who wrote upwards of forty miscellaneous works, that he may be called ' the prodigy of the age for the variety of his volumes ; he tcaeheth a new way of epistolizing ; and that Familiar Letters may not only consist of words, and a bombast of complements, but that they are capable of the highest speculations and solidest kind of knowledge. And 'tis observed that in all his writings there is something still new, either in the matter, method, or fancy, and in an untrodden tract.' The specimens given amply vindicate Fisher's opinion of this master of an animated, racy, and picturesque style.] JAMES HOWELL TO BIB. J. WILSON. Silt, — I received yours of the 10th current, and I have many thanks to give you, that you so quaintly acquaint me how variou lj the pulse of the pulpiters beat in your town. Touching ours lure (by way of corresponding with you) I'll tell you of one whom I heard lately, for dropping casually into a church in 3 SI reet, I fell upon a winter-preacher, who of nothing but <>f the fire and flames of hell, bo that if a Scythian or Greenlonder, w] habituated to such extreme cold, had heard and und( rstood bim, would bi he bod d of paradice. His did fume with the lake of brimstone, with the infernal torments, and the thunderings of the law ; not a syllable of the gospel, so I con- cluded him to be one of those who used to preach the law in the church and the gospel in their chambers, when they make some female I melt into peeces. He repeated his text once, but God knows how far it was from the subject of his preachment. He had also hot and fiery incitements to war, and to swim in blood for the cause. But after he had run away from his text so long, the Spirit led him into a wilderness of prayer, and there I left him. God amend all, and begin with me, who am your assured friend to serve you, J. II. TO MY LOED CLIFFORD, FROM EDINBURGH. My Lord,— I have seen now all the King of Great Britain's dominions, aud he is a good traveller that hath seen all his dominions. I was born in Wales, I have been in all the four corners of England, I have traversed the diameter of France more than once, and now I am come through Ireland into this kingdom of Scotland. This town of Edenburgh is one of the fairest streets I ever saw (excepting that of Palermo in Sicily). It is about a mile long, coming sloping down from the Castle (called of old the Castle of Virgins, and by Pliny, G alatum) to Holyrood House, now the Royal Palace ; and these two begin and terminate the town. I am come hither in a very convenient time, for here's a National Assembly and a Par- liament, my Lord Traquair being his Majestie's Commissioner. The bishops are all gon to wrack, and they have had but a sorry funeral, the very name is grown so contemptible that a blacl if he hath any white marks about him, is called bishop. Our Lord of Canterbury is grown here so odious, that they call him commonly in the pulpit, the priest of Bail, and the son of Belial. I'll tell your lordship of a passage which I appen'd lately in my lodging, which is a tavern. I had sent for a shoo-maker to make me a pair of boots, and my landlord, who is a pert, smart man, brought up a chopin of white wine (and for this particular, therare better French wines hero than in England, and cheaper, for they are but at a groat a quart, and it is a crime of high nature to mingle or sopbisticat any wine here). Over this chopin of white wine my vintner and shoo-maker fell into a hot dispute about bishops. The Bhoo-maker grew very furious, and called them I ads of hell, the ponders of the whore of Bal j Ion, and the instrument of the devil, and that they were of his institution, not of God's. My vintner took him up smartly and said. Hold, neighbour, there. Do you know as well as I, thai Titus and Timothy were bishops? that THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 23 our Saviour is entitled, the Bishop of our souls? tlint the word bishop is as frequently mentioned in Scripture as the name pastor, elder, or deacon ? Then why do you inveigh so bitterly against them? The shoo-maker answered, I know the name and office to be good, but they have abused it. My vintner replies, "Well then you arc a shoo-maker by your profession ; imagine that you, or a hundred, or a thousand, or a hundred thousand of your trade, should play the knaves, and sell calfskin leather boots for neats' leather, or do other cheats, must we therefore go barefoot ? Must the gentle craft of shoo-makers fall therefore to the ground? It is the fault of the men, not of the calling. The shoo-maker was so gravell'd at this, that he was put to his last, for he had not a word more to say, so my vintner got the day. Ther is a fan- Parliament House built here lately, and 'twas hoped his Majestie would have tane the maidenhead of it, and com hither to set in person ; and they did ill who advised him otherwise. I am to go hence shortly back to Dublin, and so to London, wher I hope to find your lord- ship, that according to my accustomed bold- ness, I may attend you. In the interim I rest your lordship's most humble servitor, Edenburgh, 1639. J. H. [The original story of Eobert Browning's ' Tied Piper of Hamelin' is here given. In the Index at the end, or 'Extract of the choicest matters that go interwoven 'mongst these Letters,' the following is called 'Of a miraculous accident happened in Hamelen in Germany.' The story is also given in M. Merimee's first chapter of his Chron- ique sous Chaises I., by L. Etienne ; in Yerstegan's Restitution of Decayed Intelli- gence (1605) ; and in Gaspar Schott's Physica Curiosa site Mirabilia Natures et Artis (1697).] JAMES HOWELL TO MR. E. P. Sir, — I saw such prodigious things daily don these few yeers, that I had resolv'd with my 1 self to give over wondering at any thing ; yet a passage happen'd this week, that fore'd me to wonder once more, because it is without parallell. It was, that som odd fellows went skulking up and down London streets, and with figs and reasons allur'd little children, and so pourloyn'd them away from their parents, and carried them a ship-board for beyond sea, wher, by cutting their hair, and other divises, they so disguis'd them, that their parents could not know them. This made me think upon that miraculous passage in Hamelen, a town in Germany, which I hop'd to have pass'd through when I was in Hamburgh, had we return'd by Holland ; which was thus (nor would I relate it unto you, were not there som ground of truth for it). The Baid town of Hamelen was annoyed with rats and mice ; and it chane'd that a pied-coated piper came thither, who covenanted with the chief burgers for such a reward, if he could free them quite from the said vermin, nor would he demand it, till a twelve-month and a day after : The agreement being made, he began to play on his pipes, and all the rats, and the mice, followed him to a great lough hard by, where they all perish'd ; so the town was infested no more. At the end of the yeer, the pied piper return'd for his reward, the burgers put him off with slightings, and neglect, offring him som small matter, which he refusing, and staying som dayes in the town, one Sunday morning at high-masse, when most people were at church, he fell to play on his pipes, and all the children up and down, follow'd him out of the town, to a great hill not far off, which rent in two, and open'd, and let him and the children in, and so closed up again : this happen'd a matter of two hundred and fifty yeers since [a.D. 1643 — 250 = 1393 A.D. 1 ] ; and in that town, they date their bills and bonds, and other instruments in law, to this day from the yeer of the going out of their children : besides, ther is a great piller of stone at the foot of the said hill, whereon this story is engraven. No more now, for this is enough in conscience for one time : So I am your most affectionate servitor, [Fleet, 1 Octob. 1613.] J. H. JAMES HOWELL TO SIR J. S AT LEEDS CASTLE. Westminster : July 25, 1625. Sir, — It was a quaint difference the ancients did put betwixt a letter and an oration ; that the one should be attired like a woman, the other like a man : the latter of the two is allowed large side robes, as long periods, par- entheses, similes, examples, and other parts of rhetorical flourishes; but a letter or epistle should be short-coated and closely couched ; a hungerlin becomes a letter more handsomely than a gown ; indeed we should write as we speak ; and that's a true familiar letter which expresseth one's mind, as if he were discoursing with the party to whom he writes, in succinct and 1 This is the year in which Chaucer, out in the cold at Greenwich, most likely wrote his Envoy to Scogan, then in the sun of Court-favour at Windsor. If Chaucer had but heard of the story, how he would have liked to try his hand at it !— F. J. Furnivall. '■4 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. short terms. The tongue and the pen are both of them interpreters of the mind; but I hold the pen to be the more faithful of the two. The tongue in udo jiosita, being seated in a moist slippery place, may fail and faulter in her sudden extemporal expressions ; but the pen having a greater advantage of premeditation, is not so subject to error, and leaves things behind it upon firm and authentic record. Now letters, though they be capable of any subject, yet commonly they are either narratory, objurga- tory, consolatory, monitory, or congratulatory. The first consists of relations, the second of reprehensions, the third of comfort, the two last of counsel and joy : there are some who in lieu of letters write homilies ; they preach when they should epistolize : there are others that turn them to tedious tractates : this is to make letters degenerate from their true nature. Some modern authors there are who have exposed their letters to the world, but most of them, I mean among your Latin epistolizers, go freighted with mere Bartholomew ware, with trite and trivial phrases only lifted with ped- antic shreds of school-boy verses. Others there are among our next transmarine neighbours eastward, who write in their own language, but their style is so soft and easy, that their letters may be said to be like bodies of loose flesh with- out sinews, they have neither joints of art nor arteries in them ; they have a kind of simpering and Link hectic expressions made up of a bombast of words and finical affected compli- ments only. I cannot well away with such fleazy stuff, with such cob-web compositions, where there is no strength of matter, nothing for the reader to cany away with him that may enlarge the notions of his soul. One shall hardly find an apophthegm, example, simile, or anything of philosophy, history, or solid know- ledge, or as much as one new created phrase in a hundred of them ; and to draw any observations out of them, were as if one went about to distil CTjam out of froth ; insomuch that it may be said of them, what was said of the echo, ' That she is a mere sound and nothing else.' I return you your Balzac by this bearer : and when I found these letters wherein he is so familiar with his King, so flat ; and those to llichlieu so puffed with prophane hyperboles, and larded up and down with such gross flatteries, I forbore him further. So I am your most affectionate servitor. ROBERT HERRICK TO HIS IXCLK SIB WILLIAM HEBBIOK. Cambridge : January, 1 I of Ascham (and Howell's, 1015) do not of course interfere with the bishop's priority. Lord Denny, afterwards Karl of Norwich, was the bountiful patron to whom Hall was indebted for the living of "N'altham. where he passed more than twenty years of his laborious and (.'hristianlife.— B.A. Wit wit.] BISHOP HALL TO LORD DENNT. An account of hit manner of life. Every day is a little life : and our whole life is I a! a day repeated; whence it is that old THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. Jacob numbers bis life by days ; and Moses desires to be taught this point of holy arith- metic, to number not his years, but his days. Those, therefore, that dare lose a day, are dangerously protligal ; those that dare misspend it, desperate. "We can best teach others by ourselves : let me tell your lordship how I would pass my days, whether common or sacred ; that you (or whosoever others over- hearing me) may either approve my thriftiness, or correct my errors ; to whom is the account of my hours either more due, or more known ? All days are His who gave time a beginning and continuance ; yet some He hath made ours ; not to command, but to use. In none may we forget Him ; in some we must forget all, besides Him. First, therefore, I desire to awake at those hours, not when I will, but when I must ; pleasure is not a fit rule for rest, but health ; neither do I consult so much with the sun, as mine own necessity, whether of body, or in that of the mind. If this vassal could well serve me waking, it should never sleep ; but now it must be pleased, that it may be serviceable. Now, when sleep is rather driven away than leaves me, I would ever awake with God ; my first thoughts are for Him, who hath made the night for rest, and the day for travail ; and as He gives, so blesses both. If my heart be early seasoned with His presence, it will savour of Him all day after. "While my body is dressing, not with an effeminate curiosity, nor yet with rude neglect, my mind addresses itself to her ensuing task, bethinking what is to be done, and in what order, and marshalling (as it may) my hours with my work ; that done, after some- while meditation, I walk up to my masters and companions, my books ; and sitting down amongst them, with the best contentment, I dare not reach forth my hand to salute any of them, till I have first looked up to heaven, and craved favour of Him to whom all my studies are duly referred ; without whom I can neither profit nor labour. After this, out of no over great variety, I call forth those which may best fit my occasions ; wherein I am not scrupulous of age. Sometimes I put myself to school to one of those ancients, whom the Church hath honoured with the name of fathers ; whose volumes I confess not to open, without a sacred reverence of their holiness and gravity ; some- times to those later doctors, which want nothing but age to make them classical : always to God's Book. That day is lost whereof some hours are not improved in those Divine Monu- ments : others, I turn over out of choice ; these, out of duty. Ere I can have sate unto weariness, my family, having now overcome all household distractions, invites me to our common devotions, not without some short preparation. These, heartily performed, send me up with a more strong and cheerful appetite to my former work, which I find made easy to me by intermission and variety. Now, there- fore, can I deceive the hours with change of pleasures, that is, of labours. One while, mine eyes are busied; another while my hand; and sometimes my mind takes the burden from them both ; wherein I would imitate the skil- fullest cooks, which make the best dishes with manifold mixtures. One hour is spent in textual divinity, another in controversy : histories relieve them both. Now, when the mind is weary of other labours, it begins to undertake her own ; sometimes it meditates and winds up for future use ; sometimes it lays forth her conceits into present discoui'se ; some- times for itself, ofter for others. Neither know I whether it works or plays in these thoughts; lam sure no sport hath more plea- sure, no work more use ; only the decay of a weak body makes me think these delights insensibly laborious. Thus could I all day (as ringers use) make myself music with changes, and complain sooner of the day for shortness, than of the business for toil ; were it not that this faint monitor interrupts me still in the midst of my busy pleasures, and enforces me both to respite and repast. I must yield to both ; while my body and mind are joined to- gether in unequal couples, the better must follow the weaker. Eefore my meals, there- fore, and after, I let myself loose from all thoughts ; and now, would foi-get that I ever studied : a full mind takes away the body's appetite, no less than a full body makes a dull and unwieldy mind ; company, discourse, recrea- tions, are now seasonable and welcome ; these prepare me for a diet, not gluttonous, but medicinal ; the palate may not be pleased, but the stomach ; nor that for its own sake : neither would I think any of these comforts worth respect in themselves, but in their use, in their end ; so far as they may enable me to better things. If I see any dish to tempt my palate, I fear a serpent in that apple, and would please myself in a wilful denial ; I rise capable of more, not desirous ; not now im- mediately from my trencher to my book ; but after some intermission. Moderate speed is a sure help to all proceedings ; where those things which are prosecuted with violence of endeavour, or desires, either succeed not, or continue not. After my latter meal my thoughts are slight : only my memory may be charged with her task of recalling what was committed to her custody in the day ; and my heart is busy in examining my hands and mouth, and all other senses, of that day's behaviour. And, now the evening is come, no tradesman doth more carefully take in his wares, clear his shop-board, and shut his windows, than I would shut up my thoughts, and clear my mind. That student shall live miserably which, like a camel, lies down under his burden. All this done, calling together my THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. family, we end the day with God. Thus do we rather drive the time before us, than follow it. I grant neither is my practice worthy to be exemplary, neither are our callings proportion- al ile. The lives of a nobleman, of a courtier, of a scholar, of a citizen, of a countryman, differ no less than their dispositions ; yet must all conspire in honest labour. Sweet is the destiny of all trades, whether of the brows, or of the mind ; God never allowed any man to do nothing. How miserable is the condition of those men, which spend the time as if it were given them, and not lent ; as if hours were waste creatures, and such as never should be accounted for ; as if God would take this for a good bill of reckoning : 'Item, spent upon my pleasures forty years ! ' These men shall once find that no blood can privilege idleness, and that nothing is more precious to God than that which they desire to cast away — time. Such are my common days ; but God's day calls for another respect. The same sun arises on this day, and enlightens it ; yet, because that Sun of Righteousness arose upon it, and gave a new life unto the world in it, and drew the strength of God's moral precept unto it, therefore justly do we sing with the Psalmist, — This is the day which the Lord hath made. Now, I forget the world, and in a sort myself ; and deal with my wonted thoughts, as great men use, who at some times of their privacy forbid the access of all suitors. Prayer, medi- tation, reading, hearing, preaching, singing, good conference, are the businesses of this day, which I dare not bestow on any work, or plea- sure, but heavenly. I hate superstition on the one side, and looseness on the other ; but I find it hard to offend in too much devotion ; easy in profanc- ness. The whole week is sanctified by this day ; and, according to my care of this, is my blessing on the rest. I show your lordship what I would do, and what I ought ; I commit my desires to the imitation of the weak ; my actions, to the censures of the wise and holy ; my weaknesses, to the pardon and redress of my merciful God. [When Milton went to Cambridge, it had been with the intention that he should enter the Church. Before he had taken his Master's degree, however, this intention had been entirely or all but entirely abandoned. There exists an interesting letter of his, written about the very time when In* determination against the Church began to be tuk.u ; and in this letter he describes the reasons of bis hesitation at Bome length. The letter, of which there are two drafts in Milton's handwriting in the library of Trinity College, Cambridge, must have been written in December 1631, or in the early part of 1G31-2 ; and it was clearly sent, or meant to be sent, to some friend in Cambridge, his senior in years, who hail been remonstrating with him on his aimless course of life at the University. — Masson's Life of Milton, Vol. i. p. 289 (1859).] LETTER OF JOHN SlILTON TO A FEIEXD. SlB,— Besides that in sundry respects I must acknowledge me to profit by you whenever we meet, you are often to me, and were yesterday especially, as a good watchman to admonish, that the hours of the night pass on (for so I call my life, as yet obscure and unserviceable to mankind), and that the day with me is at hand wherein Christ commands all to labour while there is light. Which because I am persuaded you do to no other purpose than out of a true desire that God should be honoured in every one, I therefore think myself bound, though unasked, to give you an account, as oft as occasion is, of this my tardy moving, according to the precept of my conscience, which I firmly trust is not without God. Yet now I will not strain for any set apology, but only refer myself to what my mind shall have at any time to declare herself at her best ease. But if you think, as you said, that too much love of learning is in fault, and that I have given up myself to dream away my years in the arms of studious retirement, like Endymion with the moon, as the tale of Latmus goes ; yet consider that if it were no more than the mere love of learning— whether it proceed from a principle bad, good, or natural — it could not have held out thus long against a strong opposi- tion on the other side of every kind. For if it be bad, why should not all the fond hopes that forward youth and vanity are fledge with, together with gain, pride, and ambition, call me forward more powerfully than a poor, regardless, and unprofitable sin of curiosity should be able to withhold me ; whereby a man cuts himself off from all action and becomes the most help- less, pusillanimous, and unweaponed creature in the world, the most unfit and unable to do that which all mortals most aspire to, either to be useful to his friends or to offend his enemies > Or if it be to be thought a natural proneness, there is against that a much more potent inclination inbred, which about this time of a man's life solicits most — the desire of house and family of his own, to which nothing is esteemed more helpful than the early entering into credible employment, and nothing hindering than this affected solitariness. And though this were enough, yet is there another act, if not of pare THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. -7 yet of refined nature, no less available to dissuade prolonged obscurity, a desire of honour and repute and immortal fame, seated in the breast of every true scholar ; which all make haste to by the readiest ways of publishing and divulging conceived merits — as well those that shall as those that never shall obtain it. Nature, therefore, would presently work the more prevalent way, if there were nothing but this inferior bent of herself to restrain her. Lastly, the love of learning, as it is the pursuit of something good, it would sooner follow the more excellent and supreme good known and presented, and so be quickly diverted from the empty and fantastic chase of shadows and notions, to the solid good flowing from due and timely obedience to that command in the gospel set out by the terrible feasing of him that hid the talent. It is more probable, therefore, that not the endless delight of speculation, but this very consideration of that great commandment does not press forward as soon as many do, to undergo, but keeps off, with a sacred reverence and religious advisement how best to undergo, not taking thought of being late, so it give advantage to be more fit ; for those that were latest lost nothing when the Master of the vineyard came to give each one his hire. And here I am come to a stream head, copious enough to disburden itself, like Nilus, at seven mouths into an ocean. But then I should also run into a reciprocal contradiction of ebbing and flowing at once, and do that which I excuse myself for not doing— preach and not preach. Yet, that you may see that I am something suspicious of myself, and do take notice of a certain belatedness in me, I am the bolder to send you some of my night- ward thoughts some while since, because they come in not altogether unfitly, made up in a Petrarchian stanza, which I told you of : — [On his being arrived at the age of twenty-three.] "How soon hath time, the subtle thief of youth, Stolen on his way my three-and-twentieth year ! My hasting days fly on with full career ; But my late spring no bud or blossom sheweth. Perhaps my semblance might deceive the truth That I to manhood am arrived so near; And inward ripeness doth much less appear Than some more timely spirits endueth. Yet be it less or more, or soon or slow, It shall be still in strictest measure even To that same lot, however mean or high, Toward which time leads me, and the will of Heaven. All is, if I have grace to use it so, As ever in my great Taskmaster's eye. By this I believe you may well repent of h? ving made mention at all of this matter; for if I have not all this while won you to this, I have certainly wearied you of it. This, therefore, may be a sufficient reason for me to keep as I am, lest having thus tired you singly, I should deal worse with a whole congregation, and spoil all the patience of a parish ; for I myself do not only see my own tediousness, but now grow offended with it. That has hindered me thus long from coming to the last and best period of my letter, and that which must now chiefly work my pardon, that I am, Your true and unfeigned friend, etc. [Written to Prince Charles of England, who in company with the Duke of Buckingham had arrived in Madrid in search of a wife. The young prince eventually married Henrietta Maria of France, after his accession as Charles I. ; but her influence did not help to mitigate the evils of his reign.] JAMES I. TO PRINCE CHARLES AND THE DUKE OP BUCKINGHAM. Theobalds : May 9, 1623. Mr sweet Boys, — If the Dutch post had not been robbed and sore beaten in Kent, three days ago, ye had sooner received the duplicate of the power I put in my sweet babies' hands, which I send you for the more security, seeing the expedition of your return depends upon it ; but it rejoiceth my heart that your opinion anent the three conditions annexed to the dispensation agreeth fully with mine, as ye will find by one of my letters, dated Theobalds, which Gresley will deliver unto you. Carlisle came yesterday morning to Dos Castellanos, and a devoted servant to the Conde d'Olivares ; but my sweet Steenie Gossip, I heartily thank thee for thy kind, droll letter. I do herewith send thee a kind letter of thanks to that king for the elephant, as thou desired, wherein I likewise thank for him, for a letter of his which Carlisle delivered unto me, which is indeed the kindest and courtesest letter ever I received from any king. I have likewise received from Carlisle the list of the jewels which ye have already received, and which of them my baby means to present to his mistress ; I pray you, sweet baby, if ye think not fit to present her the collar of great ballest rubies and knots of pearls, bring it home again, and the like I say of the head-dressing which Frank Stewart is to deliver unto you, for they are not presents fit for subjects ; but if ye please, ye may present one of them to the Queen of Spain. Carlisle thinks my baby will bestow a rich jewel upon the Conde d'Olivares ; but in my opinion, 23 THE HRITISH LETTER WRITERS. horses, dogs, hawks, and such like stuff to he sent him out of England by you both, will he a far more noble, acceptable present to him. And now, my sweet Steenic Gossip, that the poor fool, Kate, hath also sent thee her pearl chain, which, by accident, I saw in a box in Frank Stewart's ; I hope I need not conjure thee not to give any of her jewels away there, for thou knowest what necessary use she will have of them at your return here, besides that it is not lucky to give away that I have given her. Now as for mails, the more strong mails for carriage that ye can provide me with, I will be the better secured in my journeys, and the better cheap. If ye can get the deer handsomely here, they shall be 'welcome. I hope the elephant, camels, and asses are already by the way. And so God bless you both, and after a happy success there, send you speedy and comfortable home in the arms of your dear dad. James R. [Sir John Eliot was the recognised leader of the ' Opposition ' in the first, second, and third Parliaments of Charles I. He was imprisoned more than once for his freedom of speech, and his refusal to pay the forced loan ; on the last occasion he lay in the Tower until his death, which was in the November of the year in which this was written.] SIR JOHN ELIOT TO JOHN HAMPDEN. The Tower, 1G32. Besides the acknowledgment of your favour, that have so much compassion on your friend, I have little to return you from him that has nothing worthy of your acceptance, but the con- testation that I have between an ill bod}' and the air, that quarrel, and are friends, as the summer winds affect them. I have these three days been abroad, and as often brought in new impressions of the colds, yet, body and strength and appetite I find myself bettered by the motion. Cold at first was the occasion of my sickness, heat and tenderness by close keeping in my chamber have since increased my weakness. Air and exercise are thought most proper to repair it. which are the prescription of my doctors, though no physic. I thank God other inefl I now take not, but those catholicons, and do hope I shall not need them. As children learn to go, I shall get acquainted with the air. practice and use will compass it, and now and then a fall is an instruction for the future. varieties He dots try us with, that will have us perfect at all parts, and as He gives the trial, Se likewise gives the ability thai shall be necessary for the work. He has the Philistine at the disposition of His will, and those that trust Him, under His protection and defence. Oh ! infinite mercy of our Master, dear friend, how it abounds to us, that are unworthy of His service ! How broken ! how imperfect ! how perverse and crooked are our ways in obedience to Him ! How exactly straight is the line of His providence to us ! drawn out through all occur- rents and particulars to the whole length and measure of our time ! How perfect is His hand that has given 1 1 is Son unto us, and through Him has promised likewise to give us all things — relieving our wants, sanctifying our necessities, preventing our dangers, freeing us from all extremities, and dying Himself for us ! What can we render? What retribution can we make worthy so great a majesty? worthy such love and favour? We have nothing but ourselves who arc unworthy above all, and yet that, as all other things, is His. For us to offer up that, is but to give Him of His own, and that in far worse condition than we at first receive 1 it, which yet (for infinite is His goodness for the merits of His Son) He is contented to accept. This, dear friend, must be the comfort of His children ; this is the physic we must use in all our sickness and extremities ; this is the strengthening of the weak, the nourishing of the poor, the liberty of the captive, the health of the diseased, the life of those that die, the death of the wretched life of sin ! And this happi- ness have His saints. The contemplation of this happiness has led me almost beyond the compass of a letter ; but the haste I use unto my friends, and the affection that does move it, will I hope excuse me. Friends should communicate their joys : this as the greatest, therefore, I could not but impart unto my friend, being therein moved by the present expectation of your letters, which always have the grace of much intelli- gence, and are happiness to him that is truly yours. [The writer of this letter, after playing a decided part on the side of the Parliamentarians in 10-13, conscious of the offence he had done the Royalist party, when on a political mission abroad, remained in exile for about seventeen years, when he received a pardon, and returned to England in 1G77. Sidney was executed in 1G87, on the strength of the suspicion that he was implicated in the Rye House Tlot. Sidney's name stands high as synonymous with a Love of political freedom.] THE HON*. ALGERNON MONET TO His FRIENDS. Sir, — I am sorry I cannot in all things con- form myself to the advices of my friends; if THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 29 theirs had any joint concernment with mine, I would willingly submit my interest to theirs ; but when I alone am interested, and they only advise me to come over as soon as the act of indemnity is passed, because they think it is best for me, I cannot wholly lay aside my own judgment and choice. I confess, we are natur- ally inclined to delight in our own country, and I have a particular love to mine ; and I hope I have given some testimony of it. I think that being exiled from it is a great evil, and would redeem myself from it with the loss of a great deal of my blood. But when that country of mine, which used to be esteemed a paradise, is now like to be made a stage of injury ; the liberty which we hoped to establish oppressed ; all manner of profaneness, looseness, luxury, and lewdness set up in its height; instead of piety, virtue, sobriety, and modesty, which we hoped God, by our hands, would have intro- duced ; the best of our nation made a prey to the worst ; the parliament, court, and army corrupted, the people enslaved, all things vendible, and no man safe, but by such evil and infamous means as flattery and bribery ; what joy can I have in my own country in this condition? Is it a pleasure to see all that I love in the world sold and destroyed? Shall I renounce all my old principles, learn the vile court arts, and make my peace by bribing some of them ? Shall their corruption and vice be my safety ? Ah no ! Better is a life among strangers, than in my own country upon such conditions. Whilst I live, I will endeavour to preserve my liberty ; or, at least, not consent to the destroying of it. I hope I shall die in the same principle in which I have lived, and will live no longer than they can preserve me. I have in my life been guilty of many follies, but, as I think of no meanness, I will not blot and defile that which is past, by endeavouring to provide for the future. I have ever had in my mind, that when God should cast me into such a condition as that I cannot save my life but by doing an indecent thing, He shows me the time is come wherein I should resign it. And when I cannot live in my own country but by such means as are worse than dying in it, I think He shows me I ought to keep myself out of it. Let them please themselves with making the King glorious, who think a whole people may justly be sacrificed for the interest and pleasiire of one man and a few of his followers : let them rejoice in their subtilty, who by betraying the former powers, have gained the favour of this, not only preserved, but advanced them- selves in these dangerous changes. Nevertheless (perhaps) they may find the King's glory is their shame, his plenty the people's misery ; and that the gaining of an office, or a little money, is a poor reward for destroying a nation ! (which if it were preserved in liberty and virtue would truly be the most glorious in the world) and that others may find they have, with much pains, purchased their own shame and misery, a dear price paid for that which is not worth keeping, nor the life that is accompanied with it : the honour of English parliaments have ever been in making the nation glorious and happy, not in selling and destroying the interest of it to satisfy the lusts of one man. Miserable nation ! that, from so great a height of glory, is fallen into the most despicable condition in the world, of having all its good depending upon the breath and will of the vilest persons in it ! cheated and sold by them they trusted ! In- famous traffic, equal almost in guilt to that of Judas ! In all preceding ages, parliaments have been the pillars of our liberty, the sure defenders of the oppressed : they, who formerly could bridle kings, and keep the balance equal between them and the people, are now become the instruments of all our oppressions, and a sword in his hand to destroy us; they them- selves led by a few interested persons, who are willing to buy offices for themselves by the misery of the whole nation, and the blood of the most worthy and eminent persons in it. Detestable bribes, worse than the oaths now in fashion in this mercenary court ! I mean to owe neither my life nor liberty to any such means ; when the innocence of my action will not protect me, I will stay away till the storm be overpassed. In short, where Vane, Lambert, and Haslerigg cannot live in safety, I cannot live at all. If I had been in England, I should have expected a lodging with them : or, though they may be the first, as being more eminent than I, I must expect to follow their example in suffering, as I have been their companion in acting. I am most in amaze at the mistaken informations that were sent to me by my friends, full of expectations, of favours, and employments. Who can think, that they, who imprison them, would employ me, or suffer me to live, when they are put to death ? If I might live, and be employed, can it be expected that I should serve a government that seeks such detestable ways of establishing itself? Ah no, I have not learnt to make my own peace ! by persecuting and betraying my brethren, more innocent and worthy than myself. I must live by just means, and serve to just ends, or not at all, after such a manifestation of the ways by which it is intended the King shall govern. I should have renounced any place of favour into which the kindness and industry of my friends might have advanced me, when I found those that were better than I were only fit to be destroyed. I had formerly some jealousies, the fraudulent proclamation for indemnity in- creased the imprisonment of those three men ; and turning out of all the officers of the army, contrary to promise, confirmed me in my resolutions not to return. To conclude : the tide is not to be diverted, 50 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. nor the oppressed delivered ; but God in His time will have mercy on His people ; He will save and defend them, ami avenge the blood of those who shall now perish upon the heads of those who in their pride think nothing is able to oppose them. Happy are those whom God shall make instruments of His justice in so blessed a work. If I can live to see that day, I shall be ripe for the grave, and able to say with joy, Lord ! now lettest Thou Thy servant depart in peace, &c. [So Sir Arthur Haslerigg on Oliver's death.] Farewell my thoughts, as to King and State, depending upon their actions. No man shall be a more faithful servant to him than I, if he make the good and prosperity of his people his glory ; none more his enemy, if he doth the contrary. To my particular friends I shall be constant in all occasions, and to you, A most affectionate servant, A. Sidney. [After this manner Charles I. said good-bye to a faithful servant. The assurance that he would not suffer in 'life, honour, or fortune,' did not mean much, as after his impeachment, when the King gave his i assent to the attainder, he was beheaded on Tower Hill, May 12, 1C41.] CHARLES I. TO THE EAEL OF STEAFFOKD. Strafford, — The misfortune that is falen upon you by the strange mistaking and con- junctur of thease tymes being such that I must lay by the thought of imploing you heereafter in my affaires ; yet I cannot satisfie myself in honnor or conscience, without asseuring you (now in the midest of your trobles) that, upon the word of a King you shall not suffer in lyfe, honnor, or fortune. This is but justice, and therefore a verie meane rewardc from a maister, to so faitheful and able a servant, as you have showed yourselfe to bee ; yet it is as much, as I conceave the present tymes will permitt, though none shall hinder me from being your con- stant, faithful friend, Charles R. Whytiudl, Apr. 23, 10-11. EARL OF STRAFFORD TO HIS SON. ( Written the day before he was beheaded.) My DBABEM AVill,— These are the last lines that you are to receive from a father that tenderly hives you. I wish there were a greater leisure to impart my mind unto you ; but our merciful God will supply all things by His grace, and guide and protect you in all your ways: to whose infinite goodness I bequeath you ; and therefore be not discouraged, but serve Him, and trust in Him, and He will preserve and prosper you in all things. Be sure you give all respect to my wife, that hath ever had a great love unto you, and there- fore will be well becoming you. Never be awanting in your love and care to your sisters, but let them ever be most dear unto you ; for- tius will give others cause to esteem and respect you for it, and is a duty that you owe them in the memory of your excellent mother and my- self : therefor your care and affection to them must be the very same that you are to have of yourself ; and the like regard must you have to your youngest sister ; for indeed you owe it her also, both for her father and mother's sake. Sweet "Will, be careful to take the advice of those friends, which are by me desired to advise you for your education. Serve God diligently morning and evening, and recommend yourself unto Him, and have Him before your eyes in all your ways. With patience hear the instructions of those friends I leave with you, and diligently follow their counsel : for, till you come by time to have experience in the world, it will be far more safe to trust to their judgments than your own. Lose not the time of your youth, but gather those seeds of virtue and knowledge, which may be of use to yourself, and comfort to your friends, for the rest of your life. And that this may be the better effected, attend thereunto with patience, and be sure to correct and refrain your- self from anger. Suffer not sorrow to cast you down, but with cheerfulness and good courage go on the race you have to run in all sobriety and truth. Be sure with an hallowed care to have respect to all the commandments of God, and givo not yourself to neglect them in the least things, lest by degrees you come to forget them in the greatest : for the heart of man is deceitful above all things. And in all your duties and devotions towards God, rather perform them joyfully than pensively ; for God loves a cheerful giver. For your religion, let it be directed according to that which shall be taught by those which are in God's church the proper teachers therefore, rather than that you ever either fancy one to yourself, or be led by men that are singular in their own opinion delight to go ways of their own finding out : for you will certainly find soberness and truth in the one, and much unsteadiness and vanity in the other. The King I trust will deal graciously with you, restore you those honours and that fi which a distempered time hath deprived yi i of, together with the life of your father : which I rather advise might be by a new gift i ad creation from himself, than by any other i to the end you may pay the thanks to him without having obligation to any otl^ r. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. r Be sure to avoid as much as you can to inquire after those that have been sharp in their judgments towards me, and I charge you never to suffer thought of revenge to enter your heart, but be careful to be informed, who were my friends in this prosecution, and to them apply yourself to make them your friends also ; and on such you may rely, and bestow much of your conversation amongst them. And God Almighty of His infinite goodness bless you and your children's children ; and His same goodness bless your sisters in like manner, perfect you in every good work, and give you right understandings in all things. Amen. Your most loving father, T. "Wentworth. Tower, this 11th of May 1641. You must not fail to behave yourself towards my Lady Clare your grandmother with all duty azd observance ; for most tenderly doth she love you, and hath been passing kind unto me. God reward her charity for it. And both in this and all the rest, the same that I counsel you, the same do I direct also to your sisters, that so the same may be observed by you all. And once more do I, from my very soul, beseech our gracious God to bless and govern you in all, to the saving you in the day of His visitation, and join us again in the communion of His blessed saints, where is fulness of joy and bliss for evermore. Amen, amen. For what you write of more help, I have longe endeavoured it, and shall not be wanting to send you some further addition to the councell, as soon as men can be found out who are fit for that trust. I am alsoe thinkinge of sending over to you a fitt person, who may command the north of Ireland, which I believe stands in great need of one, and am of your opinion, that Trevor and Colonel Mervin are very dangerous persons, and may be made the heads of a new rebellion : and therefore I would have you move the councell, that they be secured in some very safe place, and the further out of their own countryes the better. I commend you to the Lord, and rest, Your affectionate father, Oliver P. November 21, 1655. [Henry Cromwell has no major-generals in Ireland, but has his anarchies there also to deal with. Let him listen to this good advice on the subject. — Carlyle's Cromwell.] OLIVER CROMWELL TO HIS SOX H. CROMWELL. Sonne, — I have seen your letter writ unto Mr. Secretary Thurloe, and do finde thereby, that you are very apprehensive of the carriage of some persons with you towards your selfe, and the publique affairs. I doe believe there may be some particular persons, who are not very well pleased with the present condition of things, and may be apt to show their discontent as they have opportunitie ; but this should not make too great impressions in you. Tyme and patience may worke them to a better frame of spirit, and bring them to see that, which for the present seems to be hid from them ; especi- ally if they shall see your moderation and love towards them, whilst they are found in other ways towards you ; which I earnestly desire you to studye and endeavour all that lyes in you, whereof both you and I too shall have the comfort, whatsoever the issue and event thereof bo. [It was in this year, 1650, that the resignation of Fairfax opened to Cromwell the path to supreme power. The brief communication to Colonel Hacker is highly characteristic of the writer. — R. A. Wilmott.] OLIVER CROMWELL TO COLONEL HACKER. Religious Soldiers. Sir, — I have the best consideration I can for the present, in this business; and although I believe Captain Hubbert is a worthy man, and hear so much, yet as the case stands, I cannot with satisfaction to myself and some others, revoke the commission I had given to Captain Empson, without offence to them, and reflection upon my own judgment. I pray let Captain Hubbart know I shall not be unmindful of him, and that no disrespect is intended to him. But, indeed, I was not satisfied with your last speech to me about Empson, that he was a better preacher than a fighter, or soldier, or words to that effect. Truly I think, that he that prays and preaches best, will fight best. I know nothing will give like courage and con- fidence, as the knowledge of God in Christ will ; and I bless God to see any in this army able and willing to impart the knowledge they have fcr the good of others. And I expect it be en- couraged by all chief officers in this army especially ; and I hope you will do so. I pray receive Captain Empson lovingly. I dare assure you he is a good man, and a good officer. I would we had no worse. I rest, your loving friend, O. Cromwell. December 25, 1650. 32 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. [The Mr. Rich mentioned here is Lord Rich's son, grandson of the Earl of Warwick, to whom the sister of the writer. Frances Cromwell, was married in lG.*i7, while Mary married Lord Fauconberg about the same time. 'Here,' says Carlyle, 'are affairs of the heart, romances of reality, such as have to go on in all times, under all dialects and fashions of dress-caps, Puritan, Protectoral, and other.'] LADY MAKY CROMWELL TO HENRY CROMWELL, MAJOB-GENERAL OF THE FORCES IN IRELAND. Dear Brother,— Your kind letters do so much engage my heart towards you, that I can never tell how to express in writing the true affection and value I have of you, who truly I think none that knows you but you may justly claim it from. I must confess myself in a great fault in the omitting of writing to you and your dear wife so long a time ; but I suppose you cannot be ignorant of the reason, which truly has been the only cause, -which is this business of my sister Fiances and Mr. Rich. Truly I can truly say it, for these three months I think our family, and myself in particular, have been in the greatest confusion and trouble as ever poor family can be in : the Lord tell us His ... in it, and settle us, and make us what He would have us to be. I suppose you heard of the breaking of the business, and according to your desire in your last letter, as well as I can, I shall give you a full account of it, which is this. After a quarter of a year's admittance, my father and my Lord Warwick began to treat about the estate, and it seems my lord did not offer that that my father expected. I need not name particulars, for I suppose you may have had it from better hands; but if I may say the truth, I think it was not so much estate, as some private reasons, that my father dis- covered to none but my sister Frances and his own family, which was a dislike to the young person, which he had from some reports of his being a vicious man, given to play, and such like things, which office was done by some that bad :> mind to break off the match. My sister hearing these things, was resolved to know the truth of it ; and truly did find all the reports to he false that were raised of him ; and to tell you the truth, they were so much engaged in affection before this, that she could not think of breaking of it off, so that my sister engaged me and all the friends she had, who truly were very Tew, to Bpeak in her behalf to my father; which we did, hut could not he heard to any purpose; only this my father promised, that if lie were satisfied as to the report, the estate should not break it off, which she was satisfied witli ; but after this there was a Besond treaty, and my Lord "Warwick deferred my father to name what it was he demanded more, and to his utmost he would satisfy him ; so my father upon this made new propositions, which my Lord "Warwick has answered as much as he can ; but it seems there is five hundred pounds a year in my Lord Rich's hands, which he has power to sell, and there are some people that persuaded his highness, that it would he dis- honourable for him to conclude of it, without these five hundred pounds a year be settled upon Mr. Rich, after his father's death ; and my Lord Rich having no esteem at all of bis son, because he is not had as himself, will not agree to it ; and these people upon this persuade my father, it would he a dishonour to him to yii Id upon these terms; it would show, that he was made a fool on by my Lord Rich ; which the truth is, how it should be, I can't understand, nor very few else ; and truly I must tell you privately, that they are so far engaged, as the match cannot be broke off. She acquainted none of her friends with her resolution, when she did it. Dear brother, this is as far as I can tell the state of the business. The Lord direct them what to do ; and all I think ought to beg of God to pardon her in her doing of this thing, which I must say truly, she was put upon by the of things. Dear, let me beg my excuses to my sister for not writing my best respects to her. Pardon this trouble, and believe me, that I shall ever strive to approve myself, dear brother, Your affectionate sister and servant, Mary Cromwell. Hampton Court, June 23, 1656. [Edmund Waller the poet bad courted the sister of this lady for ten years under the name of Sacharissa, and on the occasion of her marriage to Lord Spencer, addressed the Lady Lucy in this lively note.] MR. WALLER TO LADY LUCY, SISTER TO LADY DOROTHY SYDNEY. July, 1G30. Madam, — In this common joy at Penshurst, I know none to whom complaints may come less unseasonable than to your ladyship ; the loss of a bedfellow being almost equal to that of a mistress, and therefore you ought at least to pardon, if you consent not to. the imprecations of the deserted, which just Heaven no doubt will hear. May my Lady Dorothy, if we may yet call her so, suffer as much, and have the like passion for this young lord, whom she has preferred to the rest of mankind, as others have had for her; and may this love, before the Tear go about, make her taste of the fust curse THE BRITISH TETTER WRITERS. 53 imposed on womankind, the pains of becoming a mother. May her first-born be none of her own sex, nor so like her, but that lie may resemble her lord as much as herself. May she, that always affected silence and retiredness, have the house filled with the noise and number of her children, and hereafter of her grand- children ; and then may she arrive at that great curse so much declined by fair ladies, old age. May she live to be very old, and yet seem young ; bo told so by her glass, and have no aches to inform her of the truth ; and when she shall appear to be mortal, may her lord not mourn for her, but go hand in hand with her to that place, where we are told there is neither marrying nor giving in marriage, that, being there divorced, we may all have an equal interest in her again. My revenge being immortal, I Avish all this may also fall upon their posterity to the world's end, and after- wards. To you, madam, I wish all good things, and that this loss may in good time be happily supplied with a more constant bed-fellow of the other sex. Madam, I humbly kiss your hands, and beg pardon for this trouble, from Your ladyship's most humble servant, E. Waller. [The Memoir of Burnet has introduced us into the family of Hale ; and a few notes com- municated by Baxter, who knew him in advanced life, have also illustrated the simplicity and elevation of his mind. Burnet says that he divided himself between the duties of religion and the studies of his profession. ' He took a strict account of his time, of which the reader will best judge by the scheme he drew for a day. It is set down in the same simplicity in which he writ it for his own private use : — Morning, — to lift up my heart to God in thankfulness for renewing thy life. Evening, — cast up the accounts of the day. If aught amiss, beg pardon. Gather resolu- tion of more vigilance. If well, bless the mercy and grace of God that hath supported thee.' The same humility marked his actions. Baxter, who was himself notorious for negligence of costume, has noticed the homeliness of his dress, and the humbleness of his residence at Acton. Four letters from Sir Matthew Hale to his children have been published in his moral and religious works : they were written during the brief intervals of leisure afforded to him upon the circuit, and display the natural vigour ami practical wisdom by which he was distinguished. — It. A. Will molt. SIR MATTHEW HALE TO HIS CHILDREN". Directions fur the Employment of their Time. Dear Children,— I intended to have been at Alderley this Whitsuntide, desirous to renew those counsels and advices which I have often given you, in order to your greatest concern- ment ; namely, the everlasting good and wel- fare of your souls hereafter, and the due order- ing of your lives and conversations here. And although young people are apt, through their own indiscretion, or the ill advice of others, to think these kinds of entertainments but thy and empty matters, and the morose and needless interpositions of old men ; yet give me leave to tell you, that these things are of more importance and concernment to you, than external gifts and bounties, (wherein) neverthe- less I have not been wanting to you, according to my ability. This was my intention in this journey ; and though I have been disappointed therein, yet I thought good, by letters and messages, to do something that might be done that way for your benefit, that I had otherwise intended to have done in person. Assure yourselves, therefore, and believe it from one that knows what he says, — from one that can neither have any reason or end to deceive you, — that the best gift I can give you is good counsel ; and the best counsel I can give you, is that which relates to your greatest import and concernment, religion. And therefore, since I cannot at this time deliver it to you in person, I shall do so by this letter, wherein I shall not be very large, but keep myself within the bounds proper for a letter, and to those things only, at this time, which may be most of present use and moment to you ; and by your due observance of these directions, I shall have a good character, both of your dutifulness to God, your obedience to your father, and also of your discretion and prudence ; for it is most certain, that as religion is the best means to advance and certify human nature, so no man shall be either truly wise or truly happy without it, and the love of it ; no, not in this life, much less in that which is to come. First. Therefore, every morning and every evening, upon your knees, humbly commend yourselves to the Almighty God in prayer, begging His mercy to pardon your sins, His grace to direct you, His providence to protect you ; returning Him humble thanks for all His dispensations towards you, yea, even for His very corrections and afflictions : entreating Him to give you wisdom and grace, to make a sober, 34 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. patient, humble, profitable use of them, and in His due time to deliver you from them ; con- cluding your piuycrs with the Lord's Prayer. This will be a certain means to bring your mind into a right frame, to procure you comfuit and blessing, and to prevent thousands of incon- veniences and mischiefs, to which you will be otherwise subjected. Secondly. Every morning, read seriously and ntly a portion of the Holy Scriptui acquaint yourself with the history and doctrine thereof : it is a book full of light and wisdom, will make you wise to eternal life, and furnish you with direction, and principles, to guide and order your life safely and prudently. Thirdly. Conclude every evening with read- ing some part of the Scripture, and prayer in your family. Fourthly. Be strict and religious observers of the Lord's day. Eesort to your parish church twice that day if your health will permit, and attend diligently and reverently to the public prayers and sermons. He cannot reasonably expect a blessing from God the rest of the week, that neglects his duty to God in the due con- secration of this day to the special service and duty to God, which this day requires. Fifthly, lleceive the sacrament at least three times in the year, and oftener as there is occasion, in your parish church. The laws of the land require this, and the law of your Saviour requires it, and the law of duty and gratitude requires it of you. Prepare yourselves seriously for this service beforehand, and per- form it with reverence and thankfulness. The neglect of this duty procures great inconven- iences and strangeness ; and commonly the neglect hereof ariscth from some conceited opinion, that people inconsiderately take up ; but most ordinarily from a sluggishness of mind, and an unwillingness to fit and prepare the mind for it, or to leave some sinful or vain course that men are not willing to leave, and yet conelemn themselves in the practice of. Sixthly. Lew-are of those that go about to seduce you from that religion wherein you have been brought up hitherto, namely, the true Protestant religion. It is not unknown to any that observes the state of things in the world, how many erroneous religions are scattered abroad in the world ; and how industrious men of false persuasions are to make proselytes. There are Antinomians, Quakers, Anabaptists, and divers others ; nay, although the laws of this kingdom, and especially the statute of 23 Eliz. cap. 1, have inflicted the severest penalty upon those that go about to withdraw persons to the Romish religion from the religion established in England, as any man that reads that statute may find ; yet there are BC up and down the world divers factors and agents, that, under .several disguises and pretences, endeavour the perverting of weak and easy persons. Take heed of all such persuaders. Ami that you may know and observe the better, you shall ever find these artifices practi them. They will use all flattering applic and insinuations to be master of your humour ; and when they have gotten that advantage, — they seemed before to serve you,— will then command you. j in y will tu ■ all po i Lble skill to raise in you jealousy and dislike towards those who may i". < . You accuse me of singularity in resigning ■he l'rivy Seal, with a good pension added to it, and yet afterwards of staying in town, at a season when everybody else leaves it, which you say is at once both despising court and country ; you desire me, therefore, to defend myself, if I can, by describing very particularly in what manner I spend so many hours, that appear so long to you who know nothing of the matter, and yet methinks are but too short for me. No part of this task which you propose is uneasy, except the necessity of using the sing- ular number too often. That one letter (I) is a most dangerous monosyllable, and gives an air of vanity to the modestest discourse whatsoever. But you will remember, that I write this only by way of apology ; and that, under accusation, it is allowable to plead anything for defence, though a little tending to one's own commen- dation. To begin, then, without more preamble : I rise now in summer about seven o'clock, from a very large bed-chamber (entirely quiet, high, and free from the early sun), to walk in the garden ; or, if rainy, in a saloon, filled with pictures, some good, but none disagreeable. There also, in a row above them, I have so many portraits of famous persons in several kinds, as are enough to excite ambition in any man less lazy, or less at ease than myself. Instead of a little dozing closet (according to the unwholesome custom of most people) I choose this spacious room for all my small affairs, reading books, or writing letters, where I am never in the least tired, by the help of stretching my legs sometimes in so long a room, or of looking into the pleasantest park in the world, just underneath it. Visits after a certain hour are not to be avoided ; some of which I own a little fatiguing (though, thanks to the town's laziness, they come pretty late), if the garden was not so near as to give a seasonable refreshment between those ceremonious interruptions. And I am more sorry than my coachman himself, if I am forced to go abroad any part of the morning ; for though my garden is such as, by nit pre- tending to rarities and curiosities, has nothing in it to inveigle one's thoughts ; yet, by the advantage of situation and prospect, it is able to suggest the noblest that can be, in presenting at once to view a vast town, a palace, and a magnificent cathedral. I confess the last, with all its splendour, has less share in exciting my devotion than the most common shrub in my garden. For though I am apt to be sincerely devout in any sort of religious assemblies, from the very best (that of our own church) even to those of Turks, Jews, and Indians; yet the works of nature appear to me the hotter sort of sermons ; every flower contains in it more edifying rhetoric, to fill us with admiration of its omnipotent Creator. After I have dined (either agreeably with friends, or, at worst, with better company than THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 5/ your country neighbours), I drive away to a place of air and exercise, which some consti- tutions are in absolute need of, and diversion of the mind, being a composition for health above all the skill of Hippocrates. The small distance of this place from London is just enough for recovering my weariness, and recruiting my spirits, so as to make me fitter than before I set out for either business or pleasure. At the mentioning the last of these, methinks I see you smile ; but I confess myself so changed (which you maliciously will call decayed) as to my former enchanting delights, that the company I commonly find at home is agreeable enough to make me conclude the evening on a delightful terrace, or in a place free from late visits, except of familiar ac- quaintance. By this you will see, that most of my time is conjugally spent at home, and consequently you will blame my laziness more than ever, for not employing it in a way which your partiality is wont to think me capable of, therefore I am obliged to go on with this trifling description, as some excuse for my idleness ; but how such a description of itself is excusable, is what I should be very much in pain about, if I thought anybody could see it besides yourself, who are too good a judge in all things to mistake a friend's compliance in a private letter for the least touch of vanity. The avenues to this house are along through St. James's Park, through rows of goodly elms on one hand, and gay flourishing limes on the other ; that for coaches, this for walking, with the Mall lying between them ; this reaches to my iron pallisade, that encompasses a square court, which has in the midst a great bason, with statues and water-works ; and from its entrance rises all the way imperceptibly, till we mount to a terrace, in the front of a large hall, paved with square, white stone, mixed with a dark-coloured marble ; the walls of it covered with a set of pictures, done in the school of Raphael. Out of this, on the right hand, we go into a parlour, thirty-three feet by thirty- nine, with a nitch fifteen feet broad for a buffet, paved with white marble, and placed within an arch, with pilasters of divers colours ; the upper part of which, as high as the ceiling, is painted by Ricci. From hence we pass through a suite of large rooms into a bed-chamber of thirty-four feet by v twenty-seven ; within it a large closet, that opens into a green-house. On the left hand are three stone arches, sup- ported by Corinthian pillars, under one of which are eight and forty steps, ten feet broad, each step of one entire Portland stone. These stairs, by the help of two resting-places, are so veiy easy, there is no need of leaning on the iron balluster. The walls are painted with the story of Dido, whom, though the poet was obliged to despatch away mournfully, in order to make room for Lavinia, the better-natured painter has brought no farther than to that fatal cave, where the lovers appear just entering, and languishing with desire. The roof of this staircase, which is fifty-five feet from the ground, is of forty feet by thirty- six, filled with the figures of gods and goddesses ; in which is Juno condescending to beg assistance from Venus to bring about a marriage, which the Fates intended should be the ruin of her own darling queen and people ; by which that sublime poet wisely intimates, that we should never be over-eager for anything either in our pursuits or in our prayers, lest what we endea- vour to ask too violently for our interest, should be granted us by Providence only in order to our ruin. The bas reliefs, and little squares above, are all episodical paintings of the same story ; and the largeness of the whole has admitted of a sure remedy against any decay of the colours from saltpetre in the wall, by making another of oak laths four inches within it, and so primed over like a picture. From a wide landing-place on the stairs-head, a great double door opens into an apartment of the same dimensions with that below, only three feet higher, notwithstanding which, it would appear too low, if the higher saloon had not been divided from it. The first room on this floor has within it a closet of original paintings, which yet are not so entertaining as the delightful prospect from the windows. Out of the second room, a pair of great doors give entrance into the saloon, which is thirty- five feet high, thirty-six broad, and forty-five long. In the midst of its roof, a round picture of Gentileschi, eighteen feet in diameter, represents the Muses playing in concert to Apollo, lying along on a cloud to hear them. The rest of the room is adorned with paintings relating to arts and sciences ; and underneath, divers original pictures hang, all in good lights, by the help of an upper row of windows, which drown the glaring. Much of this seems appertaining to parade, and therefore I am glad to leave it to describe the rest, which is all for conveniency ; as first, a covered passage from the kitchen without doors, and another down to the cellars, and all the offices within. Near this, a large and light- some back-stairs leads up to such an entry above, as secures our private bed-chambers both from noise and cold. Here we have necessary dressing-rooms, servants' rooms, and closets, from which are the pleasantest views of all the house, with a little door for communication between this private apartment and the great one. These stairs, and those of the same kind at the other end of the house, carry us up to the highest storey, fitted for the women and children, THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. with floors so contrived as to prevent all noise over my wife's head, during the mysteries of Lucina. In mentioning the court at first, I forgot the two wings in it, huilt on stone arches, which join the house corridors, supported on Ionic pillars. In one of these wings is a large kitchen, thirty feet high, with an open cupola on the top ; near it a larder, brewhouse, and laundry, with rooms over them for servants. The upper sort of servants are lodged in the other wing, which has also two wardrobes, and a storeroom for fruit. On the top of all, a leaden cistern, holding fifty tuns of water, driven up by an engine from the Thames, supplies all the water-works in the courts and gardens, which lie quite round the house ; through one of which, a grass walk conducts to the stables, built round a court, with six coach-houses, and forty stalls. I will add but one thing more before I carry you into the garden, and that is about walking too ; but 'tis on the top of all the house, which being covered with smooth milled lead, and defended by a parapet of ballusters from all apprehension, as well as danger, entertains the eye with a far distant prospect of hills and dales, and a near one of parks and gardens. To these gardens we go down from the house by seven steps into a gravel walk, that reaches across the whole garden, with a covered arbour at each end of it. Another of thirty feet broad, leads from the front of the house, and lies between two groves of tall lime-trees, planted in several equal ranks upon a carpet of grass ; the outside of these groves are bordered with tubs of bays and orange trees. At the end of this broad walk you go tip to a terrace, four hundred paces long, with a large senii-circle in the middle, from whence is beheld the Queen's two parks, and a great part of Surrey ; then going down a few steps, you walk on the bank of a canal six hundred yards long and seventeen broad, with two rows of limes on each side of it. On one side of this terrace, a wall, covered with roses and jessamines, is made low, to admit the view of a meadow full of cattle just under it (no disagreeable object in the midst of a great city), and at each end a descent in parterres, with fountains and water-works. From the biggest of these parterres, we pass into a little square garden that has a fountain in the middle, and two green-houses on the with a convenient bathing apartment in one of them, and near another part of it lies a flower garden. Below all this, a kitchen- garden, full of the best sorts of fruits, has I walks in it, lit for the coldest weather. Thus I have done with a tedious description, i nly one tl !, though of mon faction to me than all the rest, which I you guess already; and it is a little closet of books at the end of that green-house, which joins the best apartment ; which, besides their being so very near, are ranked in such a method, that by its mark a very Irish footman may fetch any book I want. Under the windows of this closet and green- house, is a little wilderness of blackbirds and nightingales. The trees, though planted by my- self, require lopping already, to prevent their hindering the view of that fine canal in the park. After all this (to a friend I will expose my weakness as an instance of the mind's unquiet - ness under the most pleasing enjoyments) I am oftener missing a xiretty gallery in the old house I pulled down, than pleased with a saloon which I built in its stead though a thousand times better in all manner of respects. And now (pour faire bonne louche, with a grave reflection) it were well for us, if this inca- pacity of being entirely contented was as sure a proof of our being reserved for happiness in another world, as it is of our frailty and imper- fection in this ; I confess the divines tell us so, but though I believe a future state more firmly than a great many of them appear to do, by their inordinate desires of the good things in this ; yet I own my faith is founded, not on the fallacious arguments of preachers, but on that adorable conjunction of unbounded power and goodness, which certainly must some way re- compense hereafter so many thousands of innocent wretches created to be so miserable here. [If Sprat, to whom Cowley bequeathed by his will the revision and collection of his works, had given to us the familiar letters of his friend, we might have reaped a richer harvest from 'those seven or eight years ' in which he was ' concealed in his » beloved obscurity.' But Sprat was deter- mined, to borrow his own metaphor, that the soul of the poet should not appear undressed ; and the world has been de- frauded of some of the tenderest and purest sentiments which ever flowed from a human heart. One of his letters is printed in the correspondence of Evelyn : Mr. D'Isracli has recovered another ; and the following appears in the folio edition of his works. Of such a writer, 1, should be lost; — his verse, with all it- extravagances of principle, abounds in beautiful images, end ingenious novelties of fancy : but his prose is almost perfi clear, animated, unaffected, and eloquent. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. Nor was the man less admirable than the writer ; wherever he went, the love of friends seems to have waited upon him. Evelyn, a severe and a competent judge, mentions his death in terms of affection and sorrow. He says in his Diary : — ' 1 Aug. (1667), I received the sad news of Abr. Cowley's death ; that incomparable poet, and virtuous man, my very dear friend. 3. Went to Mr. Cowley's funeral ; his corps lay at "Wellington House ; and was thence conveyed to Westr. Abbey in a hearse with 6 horses, and all funeral decency, neare a hundred coaches of noblemen and persons of qualitie following ; among these all the wits of the towne, divers bishops and cleargymen. He was interred next Geffry Chaucer, and neare Spenser.' — B. A. Wilhnott. ] COWLEY TO ME. S. L. Tlie Danger of Procrastination. I am glad that you approve and applaud my design of withdrawing myself from all tumult and business of the world ; and consecrating the little rest of my time to those studies, to which nature had so motherly inclined me, and from which fortune, like a step-mother, has so long detained me. But nevertheless (you say, which, But, is cerugo mcra, a rust which spoils the good metal it grows upon. But you say), you would advise me not to precipitate that resolution, but to stay a while longer with patience and complaisance, till I had gotten such an estate as might afford me (according to the saying of that person whom you and I love very much, and would believe as soon as an- other man) cum dignitate otium. This were excellent advice to Joshua, who could bid the sun stay too. But there's no fooling with life when it is once turned beyond forty. The seeking for a fortune, then, is but a desperate after-game ; 'tis a hundred to one if a man fling two sixes and recover all, especially if his hand be no luckier than mine. There is some help for all the defects of fortune ; for if a man cannot attain to the length of his wishes, he may have remedy by cutting of them shorter. Efiicurus writes a letter to Idomeneus (who was then a very powerful, wealthy, and, it seems, bountiful person), to recommend to him, who had made so many rich, one Pythocles, a friend of his, whom he desired might be made a rich man too ; ' but I entreat you that you would not do it just the same way as you have done to many less deserving persons, but in the most gentlemanly manner of obliging him, which is not to add anything to his estate, but to take something from his desires.' The sum of this is, that for the uncertain hopes of some conveniences, we ought not to defer the execution of a work that is necessary, especially when the use of those things which we would stay for may otherwise be supplied, but the loss of time never recovered. Nay, farther yet, though we were sure to obtain all that we had a mind to, though we were sure of getting never so much by continuing the game, yet when the light of life is so near going out, and ought to be so precious, Le jeu ne vaut pas la chandellc, the play is not worth the expense of the candle. After having been long tost in a tempest, if our masts be standing, and we have still sail and tackling enough to carry us to our port, it is no matter for the want of streamers and top-gallants. Utere velis, totos pandc sinus. A gentleman in our late civil wars, when his quarters were beaten up by the enemy, was taken prisoner, and lost his life afterwards only by staying to put on a band and adjust his periwig; he would escape like a person of quality, or not at all, and died the noble martyr of ceremony and gentility. I think your counsel of Festina lente is as ill to a man who is flying from the world, as it would have been to that unfortunate, well-bred gentleman who was so cautious as not to fly undecently from his enemies ; and therefore I prefer Horace's advice before yours, Sapere, aude, incipe. Begin ; the getting out of doors is the greatest part of the journey. Varro teaches us that Latin proverb, — Portam itincri longissimam esse. But to return to Horace, Sapere, aude, Incipe, vicendi qui reete prorogat lioram, lluslicus expectat dum labitur amnis, at ille Labitur, et labetur in omno volubilis wvum. Begin, be bold, and venture to be wise ; He who defers this work from day to day, Does on a river's bank expecting stay, Till the whole stream which stopt him should be gone, That runs, and as it runs, for ever will run on. Cassar (the man of expedition above all others) was so far from this folly, that whensoever, in a journey, he was to cross any river, he never went one foot out of his way for a bridge, or a ford, or a ferry, but flung himself into it im- mediately, and swam over ; and this is the course we ought to imitate, if we meet with any stops in our way to happiness. Stay till the waters are low, stay till some boats come by to transport you, stay till a bridge be built for you ; you had better stay till the river be quite past. Persius (who, you use to say, you do not know whether he be a good poet or no, because you cannot understand him, and whom therefore, I say, I know to be not a good poet) has an odd expression of these procrastinators, which, methinks, is full of fancy. 4° THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. Jam. eras hestcrnum coasnmpsimus. Eccc aliud eras, Egerit hos annos.— Pers. Sat. Z>. Our yesterday's to-morrow now is gone, And still a new to-morrow does come on ; We l>y to-morrows draw up all our store, Till the exhausted well can yield no more. And now, I think I am even with you, for your otium cum dignitate and fcstinalcnte, and three or four other more of your new Latin sentences : if I should draw upon you all my forces out of »S< neat and Plutarch upon this subject, I should overwhelm you ; but I leave those as Triary for your next charge. I shall only give you now a light skirmish out of an epigrammatist, your special good friend, and so rale. Mart., Lib. 5, Ep. 59. To-morrow you will live, you always cry ; In what far country does this morrow lye ; That 'tis so mighty long ere it arrive? Beyond the Indies does this morrow live? 'Tis so far-fetcht this morrow, that I fear 'Twill be both very old and very dear ; To-morrow I will live, the fool does say, To-day itselfs too late, the wise liv'd yesterday. Mart., Lib. 2, Ep. 00. Wonder not, sir (you who instruct the town In the true wisdom of the sacred gown), That I make haste to live, and cannot hold Patiently out, till I grow rich and old. Life for delays and doubts no time does give, None ever yet made haste enough to live. Let him defer it, whose preposterous care Omits himself, and reaches to his heir ; Who does his father's bounded stores despise, And whom his own too never can suffice. My humble thoughts no glittering roofs require, Or rooms that shine with aught but constant lire. I well content the avarice of my sight With the fair gildings of reflected light : Pleasures abroad, the sport of nature yields Her living fountains, and her smiling fields. And then at home, what pleasure is't to see A little cleanly ehearful familic : Which if a chaste wife crown, no less in her Than fortune, I the golden mean prefer ; Too noble, nor too wise, she should not be, No, nor too rich, too fair, too fond of me ; Thus let my life slide silently away, With sleep all night, and quiet all the day. [Watts said that he would sooner have written the Call to the Unconrcrtcd than Paradise Lost; few religious appeals have obtained such immediate and extensive celebrity. The heartiness and sincerity of Baxter's manner more than compensate for the acrimonious, pungent style which his friend Sylvester (to whom he entrusted the publication of his autobiography) supposed Lim to have contracted ' by Ilia plain dealing with desperate sinners.' The following letter refers to a transaction detailed at greater length in his own interesting Memoirs. It appears to have originated out of a report, injurious to the character of Baxter, which he supposed to have been promulgated by Allestree, from whom Sylvester has printed a note, dated December 13, 1G70, in the Preface to the Life of Baxter. Of Allestree, who had been his school-fellow at Mr. John Owen's, Baxter relates an anecdote: — 'When my master set him up into the lower end of the highest form, where I had long been chief, I took it so ill, that I began to talk of leaving the school ; whereupon my master gravely but very tenderly rebuked my pride, and gave me for my theme, — Nc sulor ultra creptdam' {Life, Part 1, P- 3). The following passage from his Memoirs will illustrate some of the circumstances mentioned in the letter : — 'As soon as I came to the army, Oliver Cromwell coldly bid mc welcome, and never spake one word to me more while I was there ; nor once all that time vouchsafed me an opportunity to come to headquarters, where the councils and meetings of the officers were, so that most of my design was thereby frustrated ; and his secretary gave out that there was a reformer come to the army to undeceive them, and to save Church and State, with some other jeers; by which I perceived that all that I had said but the night before to the committee, was come to Cromwell before me. (I believe by Col. Purefoy's means.) But Col. Whalley welcomed me, and was the worse thought on for it by the rest of the cabal.'— R. A. WUlmott.] RICHARD BAXTER TO THE KEY. RICHARD ALLESTREE. Some Passages in his oxen History. December 20, 1679. Sm, — As your ingenuity giveth me full satisfaction, I am very desirous to give you such just satisfaction concerning myself, that you may think neither better nor worse of uw than I am ; we old men arc prone to have kinder thoughts of our childish old acquaint- ance than of later, and to value most their esteem, whom we most esteem; and the current report of your honesty, as w. 11 as knowledge, commandeth a great estimation of THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 41 you from us all. I was, before the war, offended much at the multitude of ignorant, drunken readers, who had the care of souls, and the great number of worthy ministers who were cast out and ruined, and of serious Christians that were persecuted for praying together, and for little things. I was one of those that were glad that the Parliament, 1G40, attempted a reformation of these things, which I expressed, perhaps, too openly. I lived in a town (Kidder- minster) then famous for wickedness and drunkenness. They twice rose against me, and sought to kill me. Once for saying: the infants had original sin, etc. ; and, next time, for persuading the churchwardens to execute the Parliament's order (the King's being yet with them) for defacing the images of the Trinity on the cross ; when they knocked down two strangers for my sake, who carried it to their graves. Then the old curate indicted me at the assizes, I never heard for what, but I was forced to begone. If any did but sing a psalm or repeat a sermon in their houses, the rabble cried, ' Down with the Round-heads ! ' and were ready to destroy them ; so that the religious part of the town were forced to fly after me to Coventry, where we lived quietly ; but having nothing of their own, they were constrained to become garrison soldiers, and I took my bare diet, to preach once a week, refusing the offered place of chaplain to the garrison. The news of 200,000 murdered by the Irish and Papist strength in the King's armies, and the great danger of the kingdom, was published by the Parliament ; my judgment then was, that neither King nor Parliament might lawfully fight against each other ; that dividing was dissolving and destroying ; and only necessary defence of the constitution was lawful ; but that the bonum publicum was the essential end of government ; and though I thought both sides faulty, I thought that both the defensive part and saluspopuli lay on the Parliament's side, and I very openly published and preached accordingly, the Parlia- ment still professing that they took not arms against the King, but against subjects that not only fled from justice, but sought by arms to destroy the Parliament, etc. In a word, my principles were the same with Bishop Bilson*s (of subjection) and Jewell's, but never so popular as R. Hooker's. When I had stayed in Coventry a year, my father in Shropshire was plundered by the King's soldiers (who never was against the King or conformity). I went into Shropshire, and he was for my sake taken prisoner to Tinshull. I stayed at Longford garrison for two months, and got him exchanged for Mr. R. Fowler. In that time, the garrison being little more than a mile distance, the soldiers on each side used frequently to have small attempts against each other, in which Judge Fienne's eldest son was killed of our side, and one soldier of their side, and no more that I know of. I was present when the soldier was killed, the rest ran away and loft him ; and other soldiers hurt him not, but offered him quarter ; but he would not take it, nor lay down his arms : and I was one that bid him lay them down, and threatened to shoot him, but hurt him not, he striking at me with his musket, and narrowly missing me. I rode from him ; and Captain Holydaye, the governor, being behind me, shot him dead ; and it grieved me the more, because we afterwards heard that he was a Welshman, and knew not what we said to him. I never saw man killed but this ; nor this, indeed, for I rode away from him. Above twenty prisoners we there took, and all, save two or three, got away through a sink-hole, and the rest were exchanged. I returned to Coventry, and followed my studies another year ; all that garrison abhorred sectarian and popular rebellious principles. The Parliament then put out the Earl of Essex, and new modelled their armies ; and gave Fairfax a new commission, leaving out the King ; when before, all the commissions were to fight for King and Parliament. Naseby fight suddenly followed ; being near, I went, some days after, to see the field and army ; when I came to them (before Leicester), divers orthodox captains told me that we were all like to be undone, and all along of the ministers, who had all (save Mr. Bowles) forsaken the army ; and the sectaries had thereby turned their preachers, and possessed them with destructive principles against King, Parliament, and Church. And now they said, God's providence had put the trust of the ' people's safety in our hands, and they would, when the conquest was finished, change the government of Church and State, and become our lords.' This struck me to the heart ; I went among them, and found it true. Here- upon they persuaded me yet to come among them, and got Whalley (then sober, and against those men) to invite me to his regiment (the most sectarian and powerful in the army). I went home to Coventry, and slept not till I had called together about twelve or more reverend ministers, who then lived there (divers are yet living), and told them our sad case ; and that I had an invitation, and was willing to venture my life in a trial to change the soldiers' minds. They all consented. I pro- mised presently to go. I asked leave of the committee and Government, who consented. Before midnight, the garrison reviled the committee for consenting. They sent for me again, and told me I must not go, for the garrison would mutiny. I told them I had promised, and would go. But I foolishly, to satisfy them, told my reasons, which set Lieutenant-Col. Purefoy in a rage against me, for so accusing the army. The next morning I went, and met with the consequent of my 42 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. error ; for Cromwell Lad notice of what I had Dd came about before I could get thither : and I was met with scorn (as one that meant to save Church and State from the army). There I stayed a while, and found that being but in one place I could do little good. I got Mr. Cooke to come and help me (who since helped Mr. G. Booth into Chester for the King, and was imprisoned for it, though now he is silenced). He and I spent our time in speaking and disputing against the destroyers ; and I so far prevailed as to render the seducers in the regiment contemned, except in one troop, or a few more. I told the orthodox Parliament men of their danger. But Cromwell frustrated my cherished hope, and would never suffer me to come near the general, nor the headquarters, nor himself, nor never once to speak to him. "When the war seemed over, I was invited home again ; but I called near twenty ministers to- gether at Coventry, and told them that the crisis was not now far off ; the army would shortly show themselves in rebellion against King-, the Parliament, and Church ; and I was unwilling to venture my life to try to draw off as many against them as I could. They voted me to stay. I went back, and it pleased God that the very first day they met at Nottingham in council, to confederate, as I foresaw, I was not only kept away, but finally separated from them, by bleeding almost to death (120 ounces at the nose). Had not that prevented it, I had hazarded my life at Triploe-heath, where they broke out, but had done little good ; for when the sober part then declared against them, they drew off about 5000 or G000 men ; and Cromwell filled up then - places with sectaries, and was much stronger than before. All that I could do after, was to preach and write against them. This is a true account of the case of your old friend, R. BAXTER. [Mr. Penruddock, when he received his wife's note, was under sentence of death by Cromwell for his share in the Royalist rising at Exeter, and was beheaded there in 1655.] BIBS. PENRUDDOCK'S LAST LETTER TO HER HUSBAND. May 3, 1655. My DEAR Eeart, — My sad parting was so far fri'iu making me forget you, that I scarce 'it upon myself since, but wholly upon you. Those dear embraces which I y ; ' i . the faithful i indulgent husband, have charmed il to such a reverence of your i branee, that were it possible, I would, with my own blood, cement your dead limbs to live again, and (with reverence) think it no sin to rob heaven a little longer of a martyr. Oh my dear, you must now pardon my passion, this being my last (oh, fatal word!) that ever you will receive from me ; and know, that until the last minute that I can imagine you shall live, I shall sacrifice the prayers of a Christian, and the groans of an afflicted wife. And when you are not (which sure by sympathy 1 shall know), I shall wish my own dissolution with you, that so we may go hand in hand to heaven. 'Tis too late to tell you what I have, or rather have not done for you ; how being turned out of doors because I came to beg mercy; the Lord lay not your blood to their charge. I would fain discourse longer with you, but dare not ; passion begins to drown my reason, and will rob me of my devoirs, which is all I have left to serve you. Adieu, therefore, ten thousand times, my dearest dear ; and since I must never see you more, take this prayer, — May your faith be so strengthened that your constancy may continue ; and then I know heaven will receive you ; whither grief and love will in a short time (I hope) translate, My dear, Your sad, but constant wife, even to love your ashes when dead, Arundel Penruddock. May the od, 1655, eleven o'clock at night. Your children beg your blessing, and present their duties to you. MR. PENRUDDOCK'S LAST LETTER TO HIS WIFE. Map 1655. Dearest, best of Creatures !— I had taken leave of the world when I received yours : it did at once recall my fondness to life, and enable me to resign it. As I am sure I shall leave none behind me like you, which weakens my resolution to part from you, so when I reflect I am going to a place where there are none but such as you, I recover my coi But fondness breaks in upon me; and as I would not have my tears flow to-morrow, when your husband, and the father of our dear babes, is a public spectacle, do not think meanly of me, that I give way to grief now in private, when I j rand run so fast, and within a few hours I am to leave you helpless, and exposed to the merciless and insolent that have wrongfully put me to a shameless death, and will obj© shame to my poor children. I thank you for all your goodness to me, and will endeavour so to die as to do nothing unworthy that virtue in which we have mutually supported each other, and for which 1 desiro you not to repine that I am first to be rewarded, since you ever pre- THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 43 ferred me to yourself in all other things. Afford me, with cheerfulness, the precedence of this. I desire your prayers in the article of death ; for my own will then be offered for you and yours. J. Penruddock. [Margaret Lucas, afterwards Duchess of New- castle, was one of the maids of honour to Henrietta Maria, and was married to the Marquis of Newcastle in 1645. During the Commonwealth, they remained at Antwerp till the troubles were over. The duchess was indefatigable in her devotion to literature, in which she was assisted by her noble husband, and between them they filled about twelve volumes with plays, poems, etc. Eeturning to England on the restora- tion of Charles II., their lives presented a curious picture of industrious, but often ill-directed, literary effort. 'She had,' says a critic, 'invention, knowledge, and ima- gination, but wanted energy and taste.'] MARGARET, DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE, TO HER HUSBAND, THE DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. London, 1GG7. Certainly, my lord, you have had as many enemies and as many friends as ever any one par- ticular person had ; uor do I so much wonder at it, since I, a woman, cannot be exempt from the malice and aspersions of spiteful tongues which they cast upon my poor writings, some denying me to be the true authoress of them ; for your grace remembers well, that those books I put out first to the judgment of this censorious age were accounted not to be written by a woman, but that somebody else had writ and published them in my name ; by which your lordship was moved to prefix an epistle before one of them in my vindication, wherein you assure the world, upon your honour, that what was written and printed in my name was my own ; and I have also made known that your lordship was my only tutor, in declaring to me what you had found and observed by your own experience ; for I, being young when your lordship married me, could not have much knowledge of the world; but it pleased God to command His servant Nature to endue me with a poetical and philosophical genius, even from my birth ; for I did write some books in that kind before I was twelve years of age, which for want of good method and order I would never divulge. But though the world would not believe that those conceptions and fancies which I writ were my own, but transcended my capacity, yet they found fault, that they were defective for want of learning, and on the other side, they said I had pluckt feathers out of the universities ; which was a very preposterous judgment. Truly, my lord, I confess that for want of scholarship, I could not express myself so well as otherwise I might have done in those philo- sophical writings I published first ; but after I was returned with your lordship into my native country, and led a retired country life, I applied myself to the reading of philosophical authors, on purpose to learn those names and words of art that are used in schools ; which at first were so hard to me that I could not understand them, but was fain to guess at the sense of them by the whole context, and so writ them down as I found them in those authors ; at which my readers did wonder, and thought it impossible that a woman could have so much learning and understanding in terms of art and scholastical expressions ; so that I and my books are like the old apologue mentioned in iEsop, of a father and his son who rid on an ass. . . . The old man, seeing he could not please mankind in any manner, and having received so many blemishes and aspersions for the sake of his ass, was at last resolved to drown him when he came to the next bridge. But I am not so passionate to burn my writings for the various humours of mankind, and for their finding fault ; since there is nothing in this world, be it the noblest and most commendable action whatsoever, that shall escape blameless. As for my being the true and only authoress of thorn, your lordship knows best ; and my attending servants are witness that I have had none but my own thoughts, fancies, and specu- lations, to assist me ; and as soon as I set them down I send them to those that are to transcribe them, and fit them for the press ; whereof, since there have been several, and amongst them siich as only could write a good hand, but neither understood orthography, nor had any learning (I being then in banishment with your lordship, and not able to maintain learned secretaries), which hath been a great disadvan- tage to my poor works, and the cause that they have been printed so false, and so full of errors ; for besides that I want also skill in scholarship and true writing, I did many time not peruse the copies that were transcribed, lest they should disturb my following conceptions ; by which neglect, as I said, many errors are slipt into my works, which, yet I hope, learned and impartial men will soon rectify, and look more upon the sense than carp at words. I have been a student even from childhood ; and since I have been your lordship's wife, I have lived for the most part a strict and retired life, as is best known to your lordship ; and therefore my censurers cannot know much of me, since they have little or no acquaintance with me. 'Tis true I have been a traveller both before and 44 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. after I was married to your lordship, and some- times shown myself at your lordship's command in i ml ilic places or assemblies, but yet I converse with few. Indeed, my lord, I matter not the censures of this age, but am rather proud of them ; for it shows that my actions are more than ordinary, and according to the old proverb, it is better to be envied than pitied ; for I know well that it is merely out of spite and malice, whereof this present age is so full that none can escape them, and they'll make no doubt to stain even your lordship's loyal, noble, and heroic actions as well as they do mine ; though yours have been of war and fighting, mine of contemplating and writing ; yours were per- formed publicly in the field, mine privately in my closet : yours had many thousand eye- witnesses ; mine none but my waiting-maids. But the great God, that hitherto blessed both your grace and me, will, I question not, preserve both our fames to after ages. Your grace's honest wife and humble servant, M. Newcastle. JEREMY TAYLOR TO JOHN' EVELYN, Upon the Loss of his Children. February 17, 1G57. Dear Sir, — If dividing and sharing griefs •were like the cutting of rivers, I dare say to you, you would find your stream much abated : for I account myself to have a great cause of sorrow, not only in the diminution of the num- bers of your joys and hopes, but in the loss of that pretty person, your strangely hopeful boy. I cannot tell all my own sorrows, without adding to yours ; and the causes of my real sadness in your loss are so just and so reason- able, that I can no otherwise comfort you but by telling you that you have very great cause to mourn ; so certain it is that grief does propa- gate as fire does. You have enkindled my funeral torch, and by joining mine to yours I do but increase the flame. Hoc me male writ, is the best signification of my apprehension of your sad story. But, sir, I cannot choose, but I must hold another and a brighter flame to you, it is already burning in your heart : and if I can but remove the dark side of the lantern, you have enough within you to warm yourself and to shine to others. Remember, sir, your two boys are two bright stars, and their innocence is secured, and you shall never - . il of them again. Their state i.s safe, and heaven is given to them upon very easy terms ; nothing but to be born and >lie. It will cost you more trouble to get where they are ; and amongal other things one of the [hardness] will be, thai yon must overc i ie > ven this just and reasonable grief; and, indeed, though thi hath but too reasonable a cause, yet it is much more reasonable that you master it. For besides that they are no losers, but you are the person that complains, do but consider what you would have Buffered for their interest: you [would] have Buffered them to go from you, to be great princes in a strange country : and if you can be content to suffer your own incon- venience for their interest, you command your worthiest love, and the question of mourning is at an end. But you have said and done well, when you look upon it as a rod of God ; and He that so smites will spare hereafter ; and if you, by patience and submission, imprint the dis- cipline upon your own flesh, you kill the cause, and make the effect very tolerable ; because it is in some sense chosen, and therefore in no sense insufferable. Sir, if you do not look to it, time will snatch your honour from you, and reproach you for not effecting that by Christian philosophy which time will do alone. And if you consider, that of the bravest men in the world we find the seldomest stories of their children, and the apostles had none, and thousands of the worthiest persons, that sound most in story, died childless ; you will find it is a rare act of Providence so to impose upon worthy men a necessity of perpetuating their names by worthy actions and discourses, governments and reason- ings. If the breach be never repaired, it is because God does not see it fit to be ; and if you will be of this mind, it will be much better. But, sir, you will pardon my zeal and passion for your comfort, I will readily confess that you have no need of any discourse from me to com- fort you. Sir, now you have an opportunity of serving God by passive graces ; strive to be an example and a comfort to your lady, and by your wise counsel and comfort, stand in the breaches of your own family, and make it appear that you are more to her than ten sons. Sir, by the assistance of Almighty God, I purpose to wait on you some time next week, that I may be a witness of your Christian courage and bravery, and that I may see that God never displeases you as long as the main stake is pre- served I mean your hopes and confidences of heav< ii. Sir. I shall pray for all that you can want — that is, some degrees of comfort and a present mind ; and shall always do you honour, and fain also would do you service, if it were in the power, as it is in the affections and desires of, dear sir, Your most affectionate and obliged friend and servant, Jer. Taylor. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 45 JAs these letters plainly show, the two celebrated diarists could chat and gossip pleasantly with one another aside from business ; and their mutual letters are only second in interest to their diaries, as they unbosom themselves in a friendly and confidential manner.] ME. EVELYN TO MR. PEPY3. Jan. 20, 1702-3, Dover Street. My worthy Friend,— I had not deferred so long either from waiting on you, or giving you an account of my impertinent life, since I last had the happiness to kiss your hands at your Paradisian Clapham, had my own health and several other uneasy circumstances since I came here, permitted me to repay the many kind friends their visits, for which I stand yet a debtor. In the first place, it did not a little grieve me, that, coming so near you, when I past almost by your door, it was so late, that -with no small difficulty we got to Lambeth whilst it was tolerably light ; and with much more that, when we came to the water side, neither of the ferry -boats were there, or could be gotten to return till it was dark, very cold, and uncomfortable passing. Since I came to Dover Street I have scarcely enjoyed three or four days without incessant and pungent attacks, proceeding from gravel, disabling both my body and mind from some sort of activity, till now competently enjoyed, considering my great age. I have yet at last gained so much relaxation, as to employ the very first opportunity of sending you this volant messenger, to let you know, in whatever place or state I am, you have a most faithful servant. I was continually out of order in the country last summer ; yet with such in- tervals as did not altogether interrupt my taking some satisfaction in the improvement I had made, partly in the dwelling-house, and without doors, for conveniences suitable to our economy, without reproach among our neigh- bours, — my taste for things superfluous being extremely altered from what it was : every clay called upon to be ready with my packet, according to the advice of Epictetus, and a wiser Monitor, who is gone before to provide better places and more lasting habitations. In the meanwhile one of the greatest consolations I am capable of, is the virtuous progress which my grandson continues to make in an assiduous cultivation of the talents God has lent him. Having formerly seen his own country, as Bristol, Bath, Salisbury, and the little towns about Oxford, he went this summer, with his Uncle Draper, as far as the Land's End, which was an excursion of a month. The next progress, if God continue health, is designed to be northward as far as Newcastle: in the in- terim, he is perusing such authors and maps as may be assistant to the speculative part of these motions ; and, to supply the present un- favourable period for travelling foreign countries, has learned the Italian tongue, and intends to proceed to the Spanish, having already the French from a child ; whilst his inclinations more seriously lead him to History, Chronology, Mathematics, and the study of the Civil Law, which he joins with our Municipal Constitutions, without which he finds a country gentleman makes but a poor figure, and very useless. He not only keeps but greatly improves his Greek, by diligently reading their histories ; and now and then, amongst other exercises, he turns some passages into Latin, translates select Epistles out of Cicero and Pliny, and letting them lie by for some time, lest the impression of the style and phrase prepossess him, turns them into Latin again, the better to judge of his improvement. He has his time for his Agrestic Flute, in which, with his tutor Mr. Bannister, they spend a morning's hour together. He is likewise Mr. Hale's scholar, and goes to the Fencing School here ; and when in the country takes as much pleasure with his hand- bill and pruning-knife about our grounds and gardens, as I should do if I were able. Some- times, if weather and neighbours invite, he hunts with them ; my worthy friend Mr. Finch using that diversion when he is in tolerable health : in sum, finding him so moderately and discreetly disposed, studious, and mindful of his own improvement, I give him free liberty, and, I bless God ! have never found any indul- gence prejudice him. It is a great word when I assure you I never yet saw him in a passion, or do a fault for which he deserved reproof. And now you will no more believe half this, than I do of what Xenophon has written of his Cyrus : however, it entertains an old dotard, and as such I relate it. Now as for myself, I cannot but let you know the incredible satisfaction I have taken in reading my late Lord Clarendon's History of the Eebel'ion, so well, and so un- expectedly well written,— the preliminary so like that of the noble Polybius, leading us by the courts, avenues, and porches, into the fabric ; the style masculine ; the characters so just, and tempered without the least ingredient of passion or tincture of revenge, yet with such natural and lively touches, as show his lordship well knew not only the persons' outsides, but their very interiors ; whilst yet he treats the | most obnoxious, who deserved the severest rebuke, with a becoming generosity and free- dom, even where the ill conduct of those of the pretended loyal party, as well as of the most flagitious, might have justified the worst that could be said of their miscarriages and demerits : in sum, there runs through this noble piece a thread so even, and without breach or knot in the whole contexture, with such choice and 4 6 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. profitable instructions naturally emerging from the subject, as persons of the sublimest rank and office need not be ashamed to learn their duty, and how to govern themselves, and from the lapses and false politics of others, how the greatest favourites and men in grace should be examples of modesty and temperance, undated, easy, and accessible without abusing their power; whilst, being apt to forget themselves, and the slippery precipices they stand on, they too often study, not so much how to make their treading sure by the virtue of justice, moder- ation, and public spirit, as to raise themselves fortunes, and purchase titles and adorations, by flattering the worst and most destructive inclinations of princes in the most servile compliances and basest offices. What I have written more in this style, and from my heart, to my present Lord Clarendon, who sent me his father's books, I wish you had seen, for I acknowledge myself so transported with all the parts of this excellent History, that knowing as I did most of the persons then acting the tragedy, and those against it, I have no more to say, but much, very much to admire, not doubting but the rest which follows will be still matter of panegyric, and justify the highest epithets; and that, by the time he has done, there will need no other history or account of what passed during the reign of that Buffering and unfortunate Prince, to give the world a piece' equal to anything extant, not only in our own poorly furnished history of this, but of any nation about us. To conclude ; it required no little skill, prudence, and dexterity, to adven- ture so near the truth without danger or just resentment of those who deserved so ill, as no reflections could have been severe enough. But I have done : let what I have written to his lordship speak the rest of my sentiments on this author and noble work. Thus, what I would wish for myself and all I love, as I do Mr. Pepys, should be the old man's life as described in the distich, which you deservedly have attained : Vita Senis, libri, domus, hortus, lectus amicus, Vina, Nepos, ignis, mens hilaris, pietas. In the meantime I feed on the past conversa- tion I once had in York Buildings, and starve since my friend has forsaken it. J. Evelyn. old, I pass the day in the fields, among horses and oxen, sheep, cows, bulls, and sows, ct cetera pecora campi. We have, thank God, finished our hay harvest prosperously. I am looking after my hinds, providing carriage and tackle against reaping time and sowing. What shall I say more? Venio ad voluptates agricolarum, which Cicero, you know, reckons amongst the most becoming diversions of old age ; and so I render it. This without : — now within doors, never was any matron more busy than my v, ife, disposing of our plain country furniture for a naked old extravagant house, suitable for our employments. She has a dairy, and distaffs, for lac, linum, et lanum, and is become a very Sabine. But can you thus hold out ? will my friend say : is philosophy, Gresham College, and the example of Mr Pepys and agreeable conver- sation of York Buildings, quite forgotten and abandoned? No, no ! Naturam expella. licet. Know I have been ranging of no fewer than 30 large cases of books, destined for a competent standing library, during 4 or 5 days, wholly destitute of my young coadjutor, who upon some pretence of being much engaged in the mathematics, and desiring he may continue his course at Oxford tdl the beginning of August, I have wholly left it to him. You will now suspect something by this disordered hand ; and truly I was too happy in these little domestic affairs, when on a sudden, as I was about my books in the library, I found myself sorely attacked with a shivering, followed by a feverish disposition, and a strangury, so as to have kept, not my chamber only, but my bed, till very lately, and with just so much strength as to scribble these lines to you. For the rest, I give God thanks for this gracious warning, my great age calling upon me sarcinam componcrc, every day expecting it, who have still enjoyed a wonderful course of bodily health for 40 years. And now to give you some further account of your favourite, I will make you part of what he wrote from Oxon, though it come somewhat late as to what he acquaints me of the most un- happy catastrophe of that excellent poet and philosopher, Mr. Creech. MB. EVELYN TO Ml:. II Wutton, July 22, 1700. I could no longer suffer this old servant of mine to pass and repass so near Clapham with- out a particular account of your health and all jroui happy family. You will now inquire lo 1 do h< M I Why, as the patriarchs of MB, PEPYS TO MB. EVELYN. Clapham, August 7, 1700. I have no herds to mind, nor will my doctor allow me any books here. What then, will you say too, are you doing? Why, truly, nothing that will bear naming, and yet I am not, I think, idle ; for who can, that has so much of past and to come to think on as I have'.' And thinking, I take it, is working, though many forms beneath what my lady and you are doing. But pray remember what o'clock it is with you and me ; and be not now, by over-stirring, too THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. bold with your present complaint, any more than I dare be with mine, which too has been no less kind in giving me my warning, than the other to you, and to neither of us, I hope, and through God's mercy dare say, either unlooked for or unwelcome. I wish, nevertheless, that I were able to administer anything towards the length- ening that precious rest of life which God has thus long blessed you (and in you mankind) with ; but I have always been too little regard- ful of my own health to be a prescriber to others. I cannot give myself the scope I other- wise should in talking now to you at this distance, on account of the care extraordinary I am now under from Mrs. Skinner's being suddenly fallen very ill; but ere long I may possibly venture at entertaining you with some- thing from my young man in exchange— I don't say in payment — for the pleasure you gratify me with from yours, whom I pray God to bless with continuing but what he is ! and I'll ask no more for him. S. P. MR. PEPTS TO LADT CARTERET. Woolwich, Sept. 4, 1665. Dear Madam, — Your ladyship will not (I hope) imagine I expected to be provoked by letters from you to think of the duty I ought and should long since have paid your ladyship by mine, had it been fit for me (during my indispensable attendance alone in the city) to have ventured the affrighting you with any- thing from thence. But now that by the des- patch of the fleet I am at liberty to retire wholly to "Woolwich, where I have been purging my inkhorn and papers these six days, your ladyship shall find no further cause to reproach me my silence. And in amends for what's past, let me conjure you (madam) to believe that no day hath passed since my last kissing your hands without my most interested wishes for your health and uninterrupted prosperity of your ladyship and family. I took care for the present disposal of what were enclosed in your ladyship's to me ; and in answer to that to Dagenham's return these from my Lady Wright, who in hers to myself gives assurance of my Lord Hinchingbroke's being got up, and the health of the rest of her family. My Lord Sandwich is gone to sea with a noble fleet, in want of nothing but a certainty of meeting the enemy. My best Lady Sandwich with the flock at Hinchingbrook was by my last letters very well. The absence of the Court and emptiness of the city takes away all occasion of news, save only such melancholy stories as would rather sadden than find your ladyship any divertise- ment in the hearing ; I have stayed in the city till about 7400 died in one week, and of them above 0000 of the plague, and little noise heard day or night but tolling of bells ; till I could walk Lumber Street, and not meet twenty per- sons from the one end to the other, and not 50 upon the Exchange ; till wholo families (10 or 12 together) have been swept away ; till my very physician (Dr. Burnet), who undertook to secure me against any infection (having sur- vived the month of his own being shut up), died himself of the plague; till the nights (though much lengthened) are grown too short to conceal the burials of those that died the day before, people being thereby constrained to borrow daylight for that service : lastly, till I could neither find meat nor drink safe, the butcheries being everywhere visited, my brewer's house shut up, and my baker with his whole family dead of the plague. Yet (madam) through God's blessing, and t!.o good humours begot in my attendance upon our late amours, 1 your poor servant is in a perfect state of health, as well as resolution of employing it as your ladyship and family shall find work for it. How Deptford stands your ladyship is, I doubt not, informed from nearer hands. Greenwich begins apace to be sickly ; but we are, by the command of the King, taking all the care we can to prevent its growth ; and meeting to that purpose yesterday after sermon with the town officers, many doleful informations were brought us, and among others this, which I shall trouble your ladyship with the telling. — Complaint was brought us against one in the town for receiving into his house a child newly brought from an infected house in London. Upon inquiry we found that it was the child of a very able citizen in Gracious Street, who having lost already all the rest of his children, and himself and wife being shut up and in de- spair of escaping, implored only the liberty of using the means for the saving of this only babe, which with difficulty was allowed, und they suffered to deliver it, stripped naked, out at a window into the arms of a friend, who, shifting it into fresh clothes, conveyed it thus to Greenwich, where upon this information from Alderman Hooker we suffer it to remain. This I tell your ladyship as one instance of the miserable streights our poor neighbours are reduced to. But (madam) I'll go no further in this dis- agreeable discourse, hoping (from the coolness of the last 7 or 8 days) my next may bring you a more welcome accompt of the lessening of the disease, which God say Amen to. Dear madam, do me right to my good Lady Slaning in telling her that I have sent and sent again to Mr. Porter's lodging (who is in the country) for an answer to my letter about her iThe marriage of Lady Carteret's son and Lord Sandwich's daughter. 45 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. ladyship's business, but am yet unable to give her :my accompt of it. Sly wife joins with me in ten thousand happy wishes to the young couple, and as many humble services to your ladyship and them, my Lady Shining, Lady Scott, and Mr. Sidny, whose return to Scotts-hall (if not burthensome to your ladyship) will, I am sure, be as full of content to him as it will ever be of joy and honour to me to be esteemed, dearest madam, Your ladyship's most affectionate and obe- dient servant, Samuel Pepys. [Charles Talbot, Lord Shrewsbury (1GG0-1718), was a good scholar, a fine gentleman, and a general favourite in society. He was a zealous promoter of the Revolution, and was made Secretary of State by the Prince of Orange. The atrocity of the Popish Plot, combined with the influence of Dr. Tillotson over him, had been the means of his forsaking the Eoman Catholic religion. The concern of his spiritual adviser, that he should avoid the contamination of court life, may here be read in this model of gentlemanlike reproof.] DR. TILLOTSOX TO THE EARL OK SHREWSBURY. [1(370.] My Lord, — It was a great satisfaction to me to be any ways instrumental in the gaining your lordship to our religion, which I am really persuaded to be the truth ; but I am, and always was, more concerned that your lordship should continue a virtuous and good man, than become a Protestant; being assured that the ignorance and errors of men's understanding will find a much easier forgiveness witli God, than the faults of the will ; I remember that your lordship once told me, that you would en- deavour to justify the sincerity of your change, by a conscientious regard to all other parts and actions of your life ; I am sure you cannot more effectually condemn your own act, than by being a worse man after your profession to have embraced a better religion. I will cer- tainly be one of the last to believe anything of your lordship that is not good; but I always feared I should be one of the first that should hear it. The time I last waited upon your lordship, I had heard something that affected me very sensibly, but I hoped it was not true, and was therefore loth to trouble your lordship about it ; but having heard the same from those who I believe bear no ill-will to your lordship, I now think it my duty to acquaint you with it. To speak plainly, I have been told that your lordship is of late fallen into a conversation, dangerous both to your reputation and virtue, two of the tenderest and dearest things in the world. I believe your lordship to have a great command and conduct of yourself ; but I am very sensible of human frailty, and of the dangerous temptations to which youth is exposed in this dissolute age. Therefore I earnestly beseech your lordship to consider, besides the high provocation of Al- mighty God, and the hazard of your soul when- ever you engage in a bad course, what a blemish you will bring upon a fair and unspotted reputation, what uneasiness and trouble you will create to yourself from the severe reflec- tions of a guilty conscience, and how great a violence you will offer to your good principles, your nature, and your education. Do not imagine you can stop when you please : ex- perience shows us the contrary, and that nothing is more vain than for men to think they can set bounds to themselves in anything that is bad. I hope in God no temptation has yet prevailed upon your lordship, so far as to be guilty of any loose act ; if it has, as you love your soul, let it not proceed to an habit ; the retreat is yet easy and open, but will every day become more difficult and obstructed. God is so merciful that upon your repentance and resolution of amendment, He is not only ready to forgive what is past, but to assist us by His grace to do better for the future. But I need not enforce these considerations upon a mind so capable of and easy to receive good counsel. I shall only desire your lordship to think again and again, how great a point of wisdom it is, in all our actions to consult the peace of our minds ; and to have no quarrel with the con- stant and inseparable companion of our lives. If others displease us, we may quit their com- pany, but he that is displeased with himself is unavoidably unhappy, because he has no way to get rid of himself. My lord, for God's sake and your own. think of being happy, and resolve by all means to save yourself from this untoward generation. Determine rather upon a speedy change of your condition, than to gratify the inclinations of your youth, in anything but what is lawful and honourable ; and let me have the satis- faction to be assured from your lordship, cither that there has been no grounds for this report, or that then- shall be none for the future ; which will be the welcomest news to me in the world. I have only to beg of your lordship, to believe that I have not done this to satisfy the forma- lity of my profession, but that it proceeds from the truest affection and good-will that one man can possibly bear to another. I pray to God every day for your lordship, with the same constancy and fervour as for myself, and do now earnestly beg that this counsel may be acceptable and clt'ectuul. I am, etc. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 49 [Anne, the daughter of Edward Hyde, Lord Clarendon, was married to the Duke of York, afterwards James II., and the issue of this marriage, the two daughters Anne and Mary, both ascended the throne. At the Restoration, Clarendon was an able and popular Minister, and one of the King's most trusted counsellors ; but becoming unpopular, he was banished by Act of Parliament. The feeling was abroad and growing at this time, that a plot was on foot for the establishment of Catholicism and despotism ; the Duke of York was already at heart a Papist, and Charles had privately indicated his desire for the establishment of the Koman Catholic re- ligion in his realm. Clarendon's earnest solicitude as to his daughter's religion may be pardoned in view of these things.] EDWARD HTDE, EARL OF CLABENDON (IG03- 1704), TO THE DUKE OF YORK, On the Duchess's turning Catholic. I have not presumed in any manner to approach your royal presence since I have been marked with the brand of banishment ; and I would still with the same forbear this presumption, if I did not believe myself bound by all the obligations of duty to make this address to you. I have been too much acquainted with the presumption and impudence of the times in raising false and scandalous reproaches upon innocent and worthy persons of all qualities and degrees, to give credit to those bold whispers which have been too long scattered abroad concerning your wife's being shaken in her religion ; but when those whispers break out into noise, and public persons begin to report that the duchess is be- come a Roman Catholic ; when I heard that many worthy persons of unquestionable devotion to your royal highness are not without some fear and apprehension of it, and many reflections are made from thence to the prejudice of your royal person, and even of the King's majesty, I hope it may not misbecome me, at what distance soever, to cast myself at your feet, and beseech you to look on this matter in time, and to apply some antidote to expel the poison of it. It is not possible your royal highness can be without zeal and entire devotion for that church, for the purity and preservation where- of your blessed father made himself a sacrifice, and to the restoration whereof you have con- tributed so much yourself, and which highly deserves the King's protection, and yours, since there can be no possible defection in the hearts of the people while due reverence is made to the church. Your wife is generally believed to have so perfect a duty and entire resignation to the will of your royal highness, that any defection in her from her religion will be for want of circumspection in you; and not using your authority, or to your connivance. I need not tell the ill consequence that such a mutation would be attended with in reference to your royal highness, and even to the King himself, whose greatest security (under God) is in the affection and duty of his Protestant subjects. Your royal highness knows how far I have always been from wishing that the Roman Catholics should be prosecuted with severity ; but I less wish it should ever be in their power to be able to prosecute those who differ from them, since we well know how little moderation they would or could use. And if this which people so much talk of (I hope without ground) should fall out, it might very probably raise a greater storm against the Roman Catholics in general, than modest men can wish ; since after such a breach any jealousy of their presumption would seem reasonable. I have written to the duchess with the freedom and affection of a troubled and perplexed father. I do most humbly beseech your royal highness by your authority, to rescue her from bringing a mischief upon you and herself that can never be repaired ; and to think it worthy your wis- dom to remove and dispel those reproaches (how false soever) by better evidence than contempt ; and hope you do believe, that no severity I have, or can undergo, shall in any degree lessen or diminish my most profound duty to his majesty and your royal highness ; but that I do with all imaginable obedience submit to your good pleasure in all things. God preserve your royal highness, and keep me in your favour. — Sir, your royal highness's most humble and obedient servant, Clarendon. EARL OF CLARENDON TO THE DUCHESS OF YORK, On the same occasion. You have much reason to believe that I have no mind to trouble you, or displease you, especially in an argument that is so unpleasant and grievous to myself ; but as no distance of a place that is between us, in respect of our residence, or the greater distance in respect of the high condition you are in, can make me less your father, or absolve me from performing those obligations which that relation requires from me ; so when I receive any credible advertisement of what reflects upon you, in point of honour, conscience, or discretion, I ought not to omit the informing you of it, or administering such advice to you as to my understanding seems reasonable, and which I must still hope will have some credit with you. I will confess to you, that what you wrote to me many months since upon those reproaches, which I told you 50 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. were generally reported concerning your defec- tion in religion, gave me so much satisfaction, that I believed them to proceed from that ill spirit of the times that delights in slander and calumny. But I must tell you, that the same report increases of late very much, and I myself saw the last week a letter from Paris, from a person who said the English ambassador assured him the day before that the duchess was be- come a Roman Catholic ; and which makes greater impressions upon me, I am assort many good men in England, who have great affection for you and me, and who have thought nothing more impossible than that there should be such a change in you, are at present under much affliction, with the observation of a great change in your course of life, and that constant exercise of that devotion which was so notorious ; and do apprehend from your frequent discourses, that you have not the same reverence and venera- tion that you used to have for the Church of England ; the church in which you were baptized, and the church the best constituted, and the most free from errors of any Christian church this day in the world ; and that some persons by their insinuations have prevailed with you i have a better opinion of that which is most ite to it, the Church of Kome, than the integrity thereof deserves. It is not yet in my power to believe, that your wit and understanding (with God's bless- ing upon both) can suffer you to be shaken farther than with melancholy reflections upon the iniquity and wickedness of the age we live in ; which discredits all religion, and which with equal licence breaks into the professors of all, and prevails upon the members of all churches, and whose manners will have no benefit from the faith of any church. I presume you do not entangle yourself in the particular controversies between the Eomanists and us, or think yourself a competent judge of all difficulties which occur therein ; and there- fore it must be some fallacious argument of antiquity, and universality, confidently urged by men who know less than many of those you are acquainted with, and ought less to be believed by you, that can raise any doubts and Bcruples in you; and if you will with equal temper hear those who are well able to instruct you in those particulars, it is not possible for you to suck in that poison which can only cor- rupt and prevail over you by stopping your own nd shutting your own eyes. There are but two persons in the world who have greater authority "with you than I can pretend to, and nm sure they both suffer more in this rumour, Would suffer much more if there were • 1 for it, than I ("in il<> ; and truly I am as unlikely to be deceived myself, or to deceive vim. as any man that endeavours to pervert you in your religion. And therefore, 1 1" , , |. • on. let me have so much credit with you as to persuade you to communicate any doubts or scruples which occur to you, before you suffer them to make too deep an impression upon you. The common argument that there is no sal- vation out of the church, and that the Church of Rome is that only true church, is both irrational and untrue ; there are many churches in which salvation may be attained, as well as in any one of them ; and were many even in the apostles' time, otherwise they would never have directed their epistles to so many several churches in which there were different opinions received, and very different doctrines taught. There is indeed but one faith in which we can be saved, the stedfast belief of the birth, passion, and resurrection of our Saviour ; and every church that receives and embraces that faith is in a state of salvation. If the apostles preached true doctrine, the reception and retention of many errors does not destroy the essence of a church ; if it did, the Church of Rome would be in as ill, if not in a worse condition than most other Christian churches, because its errors are of a greater magnitude, and more destructive to religion. Let not the canting discourses of the universality and extent of the church, which has as little truth as the rest, prevail over you. They who will imitate the greatest part of the world, must turn heathens ; for it is generally believed, that above one-half of the world is possessed by them, and that the Mahommedans possess above one-half of the remainder. There is as little question, that i if the rest, which is inhabited by Christians, one part of four is not of the communion of the Church of Rome ; and God knows in that very communion there is as great discord in opinion, and in matters of as great moment, as is between the other Christians. I hear you do in public discourses dislike some things in the Church of England, us the marriage of the clergy, which is a point which no Roman Catholic will pretend to be of the essence of religion, and is in use in many places which are of the communion of the Church of Rome : as in Bohemia, and those parts of the Greek Church which submit to the Roman ; and all men know, that in the late Council of Trent the sacraments of both kinds, and liberty of the clei marry, were very passionately pressed both by the emperor and king of France for their dominions; and it was afterwards granted to Germany, though under such conditions as made it ineffectual, which, however, shows that it was not nor ever can be looked upon as a matter of religion. Christianity was many hundred years old before such a restraint was ever heard of i:i the church; and when it was endeavoured, with great opposition, and was never submitted to. And as the positive inhibition absolutely unlawful, so the inconveniences which result from thence will, upon a just dis quisition, be found superior to those which THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 51 attend the liberty whicli the Christian religion permits. Those arguments which ai-e not strong enough to draw persons from the Roman com- munion into that of the Church of England, when custom and education, and a long stupid resignation of all their faculties to their teachers, usually shuts out all reason to the contrary, may yet be abundant to retain those who have been baptized, and bred, and instructed in the grounds and principles of that religion ; which are, in truth, not only founded upon the clear authority of the Scriptures, but upon the consent of antiquity, and the practice of the primitive church ; and men who look into an- tiquity, know well by what corruption and violence, and with what constant and continual opposition, those opinions, which arc contrary to ours, crept into the world, and how warrant- ably the authority of the Bishop of Rome, which alone supports all the rest, came to pre- vail ; which has no more pretence of authority and power in England, than the Bishop of Paris, or Toledo, can as reasonably lay claim to ; and is so far from being matter of Catholic religion, that the pope has so much and no more to do in France or Spain, or any other Catholic do- minion, than the crown, and laws, and con- stitutions of several kingdoms give him leave ; which makes him so little (if at all) considered in France, and so much in Spain, and therefore the English Catholics, which attribute so much to him, make themselves very unwarrantably of another religion than the Catholic Church professes ; and without doubt those who desert the Church of England, of which they are members, and become thereby disobedient to the ecclesiastical and civil laws of their country, and therein renounce their subjection to the State as well as to the Church (which are grievous sins), had need of a better excuse than the meeting with some doubts which they could not answer; and less than a manifest evidence, that their salvation is desperate in that com- munion, cannot serve their turn : and they who imagine they have such an evidence, ought rather to suspect that their understanding has forsaken them, and that they are become mad, than that the church, which is replenished with all learning and piety requisite, can betray them to perdition. I beseech you to consider (which I hope will overrule those ordinary doubts and objections which may be infused into you) that if you change your religion, you renounce all obedience and affection to your father, who loves you so tenderly that such an odious mutation would break his heart ; you condemn your father and your mother (whose incomparable virtues, and piety, and devotion, have placed her in heaven) for having impiously educated you ; you declare the Church and State, to both which you owe reverence and subjection, to be, in your judg- ment, anti-Christian ; you bring irreparable dis- honour, scandal, and prejudice to the duke your husband, to whom you ought to pay all imagin- able duty, and whom, I presume, is much more precious to you than your own life ; and all possible ruin to your children, of whose company and conversation you must look to bo deprived ; for God forbid, that after such an apostasy, you should have any power in the education of your children. You have many enemies, whom you would here abundantly gratify, and some friends whom you will thereby (at least as far as in you lies) perfectly destroy ; and afflict many others, who have deserved well of you. I know you are not inclined to any part of this mischief, and therefore offer these conside- rations as all those particulars would be infal- lible consequences of such a conclusion. It is to me the saddest circumstance of my banish- ment, that I may not be admitted in such a season as this to confer with you, when I am confident I would satisfy you in all doubts, and make it appear to you that there are many absurdities in the Roman religion inconsistent with your judgment and understanding, and many impieties inconsistent with your con- science ; so that, before you can submit to the obligations of faith, you must divest yourself of your natural reason and common sense, and captivate the dictates of your conscience to the impositions of an authority which has not any pretence to oblige or advise you. If you will not with freedom communicate the doubts which occur to you to those near you, of whose learning and piety you have had such experience, let me conjure you to impart them to me, and to expect my answer before you suffer them to prevail over you. God bless you and yours. THE DUCHESS S ANSWER. "Whereas I have been ever from my infancy bred up in the English Protestant religion, and have had very able persons to instruct me in the grounds thereof, and I doubt not but I am exposed to the censure of an infinite number of persons, who are astonished at my quitting it to embrace the religion of the Roman Catholics (for which I have ever professed a great aver- sion) ; therefore I have thought fit to give some satisfaction to my friends, by declaring unto them the reasons upon which I have been moved to do it, without engaging myself in long and unprofitable disputes touching the matter. I protest therefore before God, that since my coming into England, no person, either man or woman, hath at any time persuaded me to alter my religion, or hath used any discourses to me upon that subject. It hath been only a par- ticular favour from God, who hath been graciously pleased to hear the prayers I daily made unto Him, both in France and Flanders, whilst I was there, that He would vouchsafe to 52 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. bring me into the true church before I died, in case I was not in the right. And it was the devotion I observed in the Catholics there which induced me to make that prayer, although my own devotion during all that time was very slender. I did notwithstanding, all the time I was in those countries, believe I was in the true religion; neither had I the scruple of it, until November last, at which time, reading Dr. Heylin's History of the Reformation, which had been highly recom- mended to me, I was so far from finding the satisfaction I expected, that I found nothing but sacrileges; and looking over the i therein set down, which caused the separation of the Church of England from that of Home, I read three there, which to me were great impieties. The first was, that Henry VIII. had cast off the pope's authority because he would not permit him to quit his wife and marry another. The second, that during tin minority of Edward VI., his uncle, the Duke of Somerset, who then governed all, and was the principal in that alteration, did greatly enrich himself with the goods of the church, which he engrossed. And the third consisted in this, that Queen Elizabeth, not being rightful heir to the crown. could not keep it but by renouncing a church which would never have allowed of such injustice. I could not be persuaded the Holy Ghost would ever have made use of such motives as these were, to change religion, and was astonished that the bishops, if they had no other intention than to establish the doctrine of the primitive church, had not attempted it before the schism of Henry VIII., which was grounded upon such unjustifiable pretences. Being troubled with these scruples, I began to make some rejections upon the points of doctrine wherein we differed from the Catholics ; and to that purpose had recourse to the Holy Scrip- tures, and though I pretend not to be able perfectly to understand it, I found notwith- standing several points which seemed to me very plain ; and I cannot but wonder that I stayed so long without taking notice of them. Amongst these were the real presence of our Saviour in the sacraments, the infallibility of the church, confession, and prayers for the (had. I treated of these particulars severally, with two of the most learned bishops of England ; and advising upon these subjects, they told me, that it was to be wished that the Church of England had retained several things it altered : as, for example, confession, which, without doubt, is of divine institution. They told me also, that prayer fur the dead had been in use in the primitive church during the Oral centuries; and that they themselves did daily isc things, though they desired not publicly to own those doctrines. And having pressed one of them somewhat earnestly touch- ing these things, he frankly told me, that if he had been bred up in the Catholic religion, he should not have left it ; but now being a member of that church which believed all the articles necessary to salvation, he thought he should do ill to quit it, because he was beholden to that church for Ids baptism, ami he should thereby give occasion of great scandal to others. All these discourses were a means to increase the desire 1 bad to embrace the Roman Catholic religion, and added much to the inward trouble of my mind ; but the fear I had to lie hasty in a matter of that importance, made me act warily, with all precautions necessary in such a case. I prayed incessantly to God, that He would be pleased to inform me in the truth of these points whereof I doubted. Upon Christ- mas-day, going to receive at the King's chapel, I found myself in greater trouble than ever I had been in, neither was it possible for me to be at quiet until I had discovered myself to a certain Catholic who presently brought me a priest. He was the first of them with whom I ever conversed, and the more I conversed with him, the more I found myself to be confirmed in the resolution I had taken. It was, I thought, impossible to doubt of these words, This is my body ; and I am verily persuaded, that our Saviour, who is truth itself, and hath promised to continue with His church to the world's end, would never suffer these holy mysteries to the laity, only under one kind, if it was inconsistent with His institution of that sacrament. I am not able to dispute touching these tilings with anybody, and if I were, I would not go about to do it, but I content myself to have wrote this, to justify the change I have made of my religion ; and I call God to witness, I had not done it, had I believed I could have been saved in that church whereof till then I was a member. I protest seriously, I have not been induced to this by any worldly interests or motives, neither can the truth of this my protestation be rationally doubted by any per- son, since it was evident that thereby 1 lost all my friends, and very much prejudiced my re- putation ; but having seriously considered with myself, whether I ought to renounce my portion in the other world to enjoy the advantages of my present being here, I assure you I found it no difficulty at all to resolve the contrary, for which I render thanks to God, who is the Author of all goodness. My only prayer to Ilim is, that the poor Catholics of this kingdom may not be prose- cuted upon my account; and I beseech tod to grant me patience in my atllictions, and that what tribulations soever His goodness has ap- pointed for me, I may so go through with them, as that I may hereafter enjoy a happiness for all eternity. Given at St. James's the 20th day of August, 1070. UNIVtK5>l I Y OF THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. [If Sir William Temple (1628-1G99) was not, as Dr. Johnson would have it, the first writer who gave cadence to English prose, his reputation still stands high as an easy and perspicuous writer. Temple was the negotiator of the celebrated triple alliance between England, Holland, and Sweden, as a check against the designs of Louis XIV. , who aimed at the subjugation of the Netherlands. Previous to this, he had acted with success on a secret mission to the Bishop of Minister, and had been appointed English resident at the court of Brussels. "When recalled from his appoint- ment as ambassador at the Hague, he retired to his residence at Sheen, near Richmond, where his interests were divided between gardening and literary work. Of Temple's other diplomatic work we shall not speak further here.] BIR WILLIAM TEMPLE TO DAME AUGUSTINE GARY. Madam, — I know not whether the shame of having been so long in your debt, be greater than that of paying it so ill at last, but I am sure, 'tis much harder to be excused, and therefore shall not attempt it, but leave it to Father Placid's oratory, though having failed in the substantial part of your business, I have little reason to hope he will succeed better in the ceremonial part of mine. The truth is, there is so great a difference in common sound between, it is done, and, it will be done, that I was unwilling to acknowledge the honour of having received your ladyship's commands before I had compassed that of obeying them, which the marquis here hath so often assured me would suddenly fall to my share, that I thought we had both equal reason, his Excel- lency to do it, and I to believe it. This right I must yet do him, that I never prest him in this concern of your ladyship's, but he told me, all my arguments were needless, for the thing should be done ; and how to force a man that yields I never understood ; but yet I much doubt that till the result be given upon the gross of this affair, which is and has been some time under view, your part in particular will hardly be thought ripe for either his justice or favour, which will be rather the style it must run in, if it be a desire of exemption from a general rule given in the case : whatever person (after the father's return) shall be appointed to observe the course of this affair, and pursue the lady's pretensions here, will be sure of all the assist- ance I can at any time give him ; though I think it would prove a more public service to find jome way of dissolving your society, and by that means dispersing so much worth about the world, than, by preserving you boj ether, confine it to a corner, and suffer it to shine so much less, and go out so much sooner, than otherwise it would. The ill clfects of your retreat appear too much in the ill success of your business ; for I cannot think anything could fail that your ladyship would solicit ; but I presume, no- thing in this lower scene is worthy either that, or so much as your desire or tare, which are words that enter not your grates, to disturb that perfect quiet and indifferency, which I will believe inhabit there ; and by your happiness decide the long dispute, whether the greater lies in wanting nothing or possessing much. I cannot but tell you it was unkindly done to refresh the memory of your brother Da Cary's loss, which was not a more general one to man- kind than it was particular to me ; but if I can succeed in your ladyship's service as well as I had the honour once to do in his friendship, I shall think I have lived to good purpose here ; and for hereafter, shall leave it to Almighty God, with a submission as abandoned as you can exercise in the low common concernments of this worthless life, which I can hardly imagine was intended us for so great a misery as it is here commonly made, or to betray so large a part of the world to so much greater hereafter as is commonly believed. However, I am obliged to your ladyship for your prayers, which I am sure are well intended me, and shall return you mine. That no ill thoughts of my faith may possess your ladyship with an ill one of my works too, which I am sure cannot fail of being very meritorious, if ever I reach the intentions I have, of expressing myself upon all occasions, Madam, Your ladyship's most humble and most obedient servant. Brussels, Feb. 1G, S.A T . 1CC0. SIR WILLIAM TEMPLE TO SIR JOHX TEMPLE. Sir, — I must make you my humble acknow- ledgments for so great a present as you have been pleased to send me towards that expense I have resolved to make at Sheen ; and assure you, no part of it shall either go any other way or lessen what I had intended of my own. I doubt not to compass what I told you of my Lord Lisle, for enlarging my small territories there ; when that is done, I propose to bestow a thousand pounds upon the conveniences of the house and garden ; and hope that will reach all I care for : so that your five hundred pounds may be laid out rather for ornament than use, as you seem to desire, by ordering me to make the front perfectly uniform. Your care of that, and me, in this matter is the more obliging, the 54 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. less I find you concur with me in my thoughts , retiring wholly from public affairs, and to that purpose, of making my nest at this time as pleasant and commodious as I can afford it. Nor shall I easily resolve to oifer at any of those advantages you think I might make upon such a retreat, of the King's favour or good opinion, by pretending either to pension or any other employment. The honour and pay of such posts as I have been in, ought to be esteemed sufficient for the best services of them : and if I have credit left with the present Ministers to get what is owing me upon my embassy, I shall think myself enough rewarded, consider- ing how different a value is now like to be put upon my services in Holland from what there was when they were performed. 'Tis very likely at that time, as you believe, there were few reasonable things the King would have denied me, while the triple alliance and our league with Holland had so great a vogue ; and my friends were not wanting in their advices to me to make use of it. But I have resolved never to ask him anything, otherwise than by serving him well ; and you will have the less reason perhaps to reproach me this method, if you will please to remember how the two em- bassies of Aix-la-Chapclle and Holland were not only thrown upon me without my seeking, but also, Avhat my Lord Aldington told me was designed for me upon Secretary Morris's removal, in case the King had not thought my embassy into Holland of the greatest necessity in pursu- ance of those measures we had taken with that State. For what you think of the interest we have still to pursue them, and consequently of the use the King will still have of me upon t'.iat occasion : I will not enter into any reasonings with you upon that matter at this distance ; but will only tell you some passages of fact upon which I ground the judgment I make of affairs wherein I have no part, and which I am not so solicitous to draw into the light as I doubt others are to keep them in the dark. And when I have told you these, I shall leave you to judge whether I take my measures right as to my own private conduct. You know first the part I had in all our alliances with Holland ; how far my own personal credit was engaged upon them to Monsieur de Witt ; and the resolutions I not only acquainted him and you with, but his majesty too ; that I would never have any part in breaking them whatever should happen : though that I confess could hardly enter into anybody's head that understood the interests of Christendom as well as our own. I have given you some intimations how cold I have observed our temper at court in thosi for this last year; and how different it was \\ abroad from that warmth with which we en- gaged in them : so as it was a common saying at the Hague, Qu'il faut avoucr, qu'il y a eu ixeuf mois du plus grand m wi ietere du mondc c/» A nglt terre ; for they would hardly alio w a longe C term to the vigour of that council which made the triple alliance and the peace of Aix, and sent me over into Holland this last embassy to pursue the great ends of them, and draw tho emperor and princes of tho empire into tha common guaranty of the peace. Instead of this, our pretensions upon the business of Surinam, and the East India Companies, have grown high and been managed with sharpness between us and the States ; and grounded (as Monsieur do Witt conceives) more upon a design of showing them our ill humour than our reason. I was sensible that my conduct in all these matters had fallen short for many months past of the approbation at court it used to receive ; and that Mr. "Warden was sent over to me only to dis- parage it, or espy the faults of it ; though I think he returned with the opinion that the business would not bear it. : Tis true, both my Lord Arlington and Sir John Trevor continued to the last of my stay in Holland to assure me that the King still remained firm in his measures with the States : but yet I found the business of admitting the emperor into the guaranty went downright lame ; and that my Lord Keeper was in a manner out of the foreign councils; for so he writ to me himself, and gave me notice at the same time, that my Lord Arlington was not at all the same to mo that he had been : which I took for an ill sign in our public business, and an ill circum- stance in my own ; and the more because I was sure not to have deserved it, and found ni of it in his own letters, but only that they earn.: seldom, and ran more upon indifferent things than they used to do. Ever since madam's journey into England, the Dutch had grown jealous of something be- tween us and France, and were not like to bo cured by these particulars I have mentioned; but upon the invasion and seizure of Lorraine by France, and my being sent for over so suddenly after it, Monsieur de Witt himself could keep his countenance no longer, though he be Q suspicious in his nature, nor thought it the best course to discover any such disposition upon this occasion, how much soever he had of it ; but yet he told mc at my coming away, that he should make a judgment of us by the suddenness of my return, which the King had order to assure him of. When I came to town, I went immedia> my Lord Arlington, according to my cu And whereas upon my several journeys over in the late conjunctures, he had ever quitted all company to receive me, and did it always with open aims, and in the kindest manner that could be, he made me this last time stay an hour and half in an outward room before lie borne, while he was in private with my THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. Lord Aflhly. He received me with a coldness that I confess surprised nie ; and after a quaxter- of-an-hour's talk of my journey and his frienda at the Hague, instead of telling me the occasion of my being sent for over, or anything else material, he called in Tata that was in the next room, and after that my Lord Crofts, who came upon a common visit ; and in that company the rest of mine passed, till I found he had nothing more to say to me, and so went away. The next morning I went, however, to him again, desiring to be brought by him to kiss the King's hand, as I had used upon my former journeys. He thought fit to bring me to his majesty as he was walking in the Mall ; who stopt to give me his hand, and ask me half-a- dozen questions about my journey, and about the Prince of Orange, and so walked on. Since which time, neither the King nor my Lord Arlington have ever said three words to me about anything of business; though I have been as often in their way as agreed with such an ill courtier as I am, or a man without business as I found myself to be. I have seen my Lord Keeper and Mr. Se- cretary Trevor, and find the first uneasy and apprehensive of our present councils ; the last sufficient and confident that no endeavours can break the measures between us and Holland, because they are esteemed so necessary abroad and so rational at home ; but I find them both but barely in the skirts of business, and only in right of then- posts ; and that in the secret of it, the Duke of Buckingham, my Lord Arlington, my Lord Ashly, and Sir Thomas Clifford, at present compose the Ministry. This I tell you in short, as the constitution of our affairs here at this time, and which I believe you may reckon upon. You know how different Sir Thomas Clifford and I have always been since our first acquaint- ance, in our schemes of government, and many other matters, especially concerning our alliance with Holland ; and that has been the reason, I suppose, of very little commerce between us farther than common civility, in our frequent encounters at my Lord Arlington's for several years past. This made me a little surprised at his receiving me upon my first coming over, and treating me since with a most wonderful gracious- ness, till t'other day, which I suppose has ended that style. Upon the first visit he made me, after many civilities, he told me he must needs have two hours talk with me at some time of leisure and in private, upon our affairs in Holland, and still repeated this almost every time he saw me, till one day last week, when we appointed the hour, and met in his closet. He began with great compliments to me about my services to the King in my employments abroad, went on with the necessity of preserving our measures with Holland, and the mutual interest both nations had in it, and concluded with wondering why the States should have showed so much difficulty upon those two affairs of Surinam and the East India Company, wherein our demands seemed so reasonable. And how it came about that I had failed in compassing his majesty's satisfaction in those two matters, after having succeeded so much in all my other negotiations. I thought he might not have understood the detail of those two affairs ; and so deduced it to him, with the Dutch reasons, which I confess seemed to me in many points but too well grounded. He seemed unsatisfied with them all, and told me I must undertake that matter again, and bring it to a period ; and asked me whether I did not think I could bring them to reason. I said plainly I believed I never could to what we called so, and therefore was very un- willing to undertake it ; that I had spent all my shot in vain ; and therefore thought their best way would be to employ some person in it that had more wit or ability than I. Upon this he grew a little moved ; and replied, that for my wit and ability they all knew I had enough ; and all the question was, whether I was willing to employ them upon this occasion, which so much concerned the King's service and the honour of the nation. Hereupon I told him, how I had used my utmost endeavours in it already, how many representations I had made the States; how many conferences I had had with their commissioners, how long and par- ticular accounts I had given them hitherto; and how I had valued all the reasons trans- mitted me from hence ; and how all to no purpose ; and being, I confess, a little heated after so long and unpleasant a conversation (as well as he), I asked him in the name of God what he thought a man could do more ? Upon this in a great rage he answered me : yes, he would tell me what a man might do more, and what I ought to do more ; which was to let the King and all the world know how basely and unworthily the States had used him ; and to declare publicly how their Ministers were a company of rogues and rascals, and not fit for his majesty or any other prince to have any- thing to do with ; and this was a part that no- body could do so well as I. My answer was very calm, that I was not a man fit to make declarations; that whenever I did upon any occasion, I should speak of all men what I thought of them ; and so I should do of the States, and the Ministers I had dealt with there ; which was all I could say of this business. And so our conversation ended. Upon all these passages, and some others not fit for a letter, I have fixed my judgment of the affairs and counsels at present in design or deliberation here. I apprehend weather coming that I shall have no mind to be abroad in ; and therefore resolved to get a warm house over my head as soon as I could, and neither apprehend any uneasiness of mind or fortune in the private 56 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. life I propose to myself ; unless some public revolutions should draw both upon me, which cannot touch me alone, and must be borne like a common calamity. I cannot find them willing yet to end my embassy in form, or give me leave to send over for my wife and family ; which I easily apprehend the reason of, and must go through as well ae I can ; though my expense at the Hague be great, and my hopes little here of getting my pay, as I find affairs go and dispositions too in the Treasury, where all is disposed in a manner by Sir Thomas Clifford. In the mean- time, I have sent over for my Spanish horse, and intend to send a groom away with him to Dublin, in hopes you will be pleased with him. I can be so with nothing more than the occasions of expressing always that duty wherewith I am, sir, Your, etc. London, Nov. '22, 1G70. [We here present the greater part of Sir Thomas Browne's (1G05-16S2) famous Letter to a Friend, upon the occasion of the Death of l/i.t Intimate Friend, which was first issued as a folio pamphlet in 1G90, and reprinted in his posthumous works. Some of the reflections which it contained towards the close formed the basis of a larger work on 'Christian Morals.'] sir. jthomas beowne's letter to a friend. Give me leave to wonder that news of this nature should have such heavy wings that you should hear so little concerning your dearest friend, and that I must make that unwilling repetition to tell you, 'ad ]><>r/s calces extendit,' that he is dead and buried, ami by this time no puny among the mighty nations of the dead ; for though he left this world not very many days past, yet every hour you know hugely addeth unto that dark society; and considering the incessant mortality of mankind, you cannot conceive there dieth in the whole earth so few as a thousand an hour. Although at this distance you had no early account or particular of his death, yet your affection may cease to wonder that you had not some secret sense or intimation thereof by dreams, thoughtful whisperings, mercurisms, airy nuncios or sympathetical insinuations, which many seem to have had at the death of their dearest friends ; for since we find in that famous story, that spirits thems Ives were fain to tell their fellows at a distance that the great Antonio Was dead, we have a Mlllicient excuse for our ignorance in such particulars, and must lest content with the common road and Appian way of knowledge by information. Though the uncertainty of the end of this world hath con- founded all human predictions, yet they who shall live to see the sun and moon darkened, and the stars to fall from heaven, will hardly be deceived in the advent of the last day ; and therefore strange it is, that the common fallacy of consumptive persons who feel not themselves dying, and therefore still hope to live, should also reach their friends in perfect health and judgment ; — that you should be so little ac- quainted with Plautus's sick complexion, or that almost an Hippocratical face should not alarm you to higher fears, or rather despair, of his continuation in such an emaciated state, wherein medical predictions fail not, as some- times in acute diseases, and wherein 'tis as dangerous to be sentenced by a physician as a judge. Upon my first visit I was Isold to tell them who had not let fall all hopes of his recov< ly, that in my sad opinion he was not like to behold a grasshopper, 1 much less to pluck another fig ; and in no long time after seemed to discover that odd mortal symptom in him not mentioned by Hippocrates, that is, to lose \n< own face, and look like some of his near relations ; for he maintained not his proper countenance, but looked like his uncle, the lines of whose face lay deep and invisible in his healthful visage before ; for as from our beginning we run through variety of looks, before we come to consistent and settled faces ; so before our end, by sick and languishing alterations, we put on new visages, and in our retreat to earth may fall upon such looks which from community of seminal originals were before latent in us. He was fruitlessly put in hope of advantage by change of air, and imbibing the pure aerial nitre of these parts ; and therefore, being so far spent, he quickly found Sardinia in Tivoli,'- and the most healthful air of little effect, where death had set her broad arrow ; 3 for he lived not unto the middle of May, and confirmed the observation of Hippocrates of that mortal time of the year when the leaves of the fig-tree resemble a daw's claw. He is happily seated who lives in places whose air, earth, and water promote not the infirmities of his weaker parts, or is early removed into regions that correct them. He that is tabidly 4 inclined, were un- wise to pass his days in Portugal ; cholical persons will find little comfort in Austria or Vienna ; he that is weak legged must not be in love with Home, nor an infirm head with Venice or Paris. Death hath not oidy par- ticular stars in heaven, but malevolent places 1 Would not BUn Ive until next season. 2 'Cum mors vonerit, in medio Tiimiv Bardiu :1 in tlie king's forests they sel the Bgure of a broad arrow upon tree-; that are t" I i cut down. i Wastefully. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 57 on earth, which single out our infirmities, and strike at our weaker parts ; in which concern, passager and migrant birds have the great advantages, who are naturally constituted for distant habitations, whom no seas nor places limit, but in their appointed seasons will visit us from Greenland and Mount Atlas, and, as some think, even from the Antipodes. 1 Though we could not have his life, yet we missed not our desires in his soft departure, which was scarce an expiration ; and his end not unlike his beginning, when the salient point scarce affords a sensible motion, and his departure so like unto sleep, that he scarce needed the civil ceremony of closing his eyes ; contrary unto the common way, wherein death draws up, sleep lets fall the eyelids. With what strife and pains we came into the world we know not ; but 'tis commonly no easy matter to get out of it ; yet if it could be made out, that such who have easy nativities have commonly hard deaths, and contrarily, his departure was so easy that we might justly suspect his birth was of another nature, and that some Juno sat cross-legged at his nativity. Besides his soft death, the incurable state of his disease might somewhat extenuate your sorrow, who know that monsters but seldom happen, miracles more rarely in physick. 2 Angelus Victorius gives a serious account of a consumptive, hectical, phthisical woman, who was suddenly cured by the intercession of Ignatius. "We read not of any in Scripture who in this case applied unto our Saviour, though some may be contained in that large expression, that He went about Galilee healing all manner of sickness and all manner of diseases. 3 Am- ulets, spells, sigils, and incantations, practised in other diseases, are seldom pretended in this and we find no sigil in the Archidoxis of Paracelsus to cure an extreme consumption or marasmus, which, if other diseases fail, will put a period unto long livers, and at last makes dust of all. And therefore the Stoics could not but think that the fiery principle would wear out all the rest, and at last make an end of the world, which notwithstanding without such a lingering period the Creator may effect at His pleasure : and to make an end of all things on earth, and our planetical system of the world, He need but put out the sun. I was not so curious to entitle the stars unto any concern of his death, yet could not but take notice that he died when the moon was in motion from the meridian ; at which time an old Italian long ago would persuade me that the greatest part of men died ; but herein I confess I could never satisfy my curiosity, 1 Tiellonius, de Avibus. 2 ' Monstra contingimt in mediciua.'— Hippoc. 'Strange and rare escapes there happen sometimes in physick.' 3 Matt iv. 23. although from the time of tides in places upon or near the sea, there may be considerable deductions ; and Pliny hath an odd and re- markable passage concerning the death of men and animals upon the recess or ebb of the sea. However, certain it is, he died in the dead and deep part of the night, when Nox might be most apprehensibly said to be the daughter of Chaos, the mother of sleep and death according to old genealogy ; and so went out of this world about that hour when our blessed Saviour entered it, and about what time many conceive He will return again unto it. Cardan 1 hath a peculiar and no hard observation from a man's hand to know whether he was born in the day or night, which I confess holdeth in my own. And Scaligcr to that pui-pose hath another from the tip of the ear : most men are begotten in the night, animals in the day ; but whether more persons have been born in the night or day, were a curiosity undecidable, though more have perished by violent deaths in the day ; yet in natural dissolutions both times may hold an indiii'erency, at least but contingent inequality. The whole course of time runs out in the nativity and death of things ; which, whether they happen by succession or coincidence, are best computed by the natural, not artificial day. That Charles the Fifth 2 was crowned upon the day of his nativity, it being in his own power so to order it, makes no singular anim- adversion ; but that he should also take King Francis prisoner upon that day, was an un- expected coincidence, which made the same remarkable. Antipater, who had an anni- versary feast every year upon his birthday, needed no astrological revolution to know what da) r he should die on. When the fixed stars have made a revolution unto the points from whence they first set out, some of the ancients thought the world would have an end ; which was a kind of dying upon the day of its nativity. Now the disease prevailing and swiftly ad- vancing about the time of his nativity, some were of opinion that he would leave the world on the day he entered into it ; but this being a lingering disease, and weeping softly on, nothing critical was found or expected, and he died not before fifteen days after. Nothing is more com- mon with infants than to die on the day of their nativity ; to behold the worldly hours, and but the fractions thereof ; and even to perish before their nativity in the hidden world of the womb, and before their good angel is conceived to undertake them. Cut in persons who outlive many years, and when there are no less than three hundred and sixty-five days to determine their lives in every year, that the first day should make the last, that the tail of the snake 1 An Italian physician, who died 1576. 2 Born February 24th, 1500. 58 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. fchould return into its mouth precisely at that time, and they should wind up upon the day of their nativity, is indeed a remarkable coin- cidence, which, though astrology hath taken witty pains to solve, yet hath it been very wary in making predictions of it. 1 In this consumptive condition and remarkable extenuation, he came to be almost half himself, and left a great part behind him, which he carried not to the grave. And though that story of Duke John Ernestus Mansfield 2 be not so easily swallowed, that at his death hi - was found not to be so big as a nut ; yet if the bones of a good skeleton weigh little more than twenty pounds, his inwards and flesh remaining could make no bouffage, 3 but a light bit for the grave. I never more lively beheld the starved characters of Dante 4 in any living face ; an aruspex might have read a lecture upon him without exenteration, his flesh being so con- sumed that he might, in a manner, have dis- cerned his bowels without opening of him ; so that to be carried, sexta cervicc, 5 to the grave, was but a civil unnecessity; and the com- plements of the coffin might outweigh the subject of it. Omnibonus Ferrariui in mortal dysenteries of children looks for a spot behind the ear ; in con- sumptive diseases some eye the complexion of moles ; Cardan eagerly views the nails, some the lines of the hand, the thenar or muscle of the thumb ; some are so curious as to observe the depth of the throat-pit, how the proportion varieth of the small of the legs unto the calf, or the compass of the neck unto the circumference of the head ; but all these, with many more, were so drowned in a mortal visage, and last face of Hippocrates, that a weak physiognomist might say at first eye, this was a face of earth, and that Morta 0, had set her hard seal upon his temples, easily perceiving what cwncaAuraP draughts death makes upon pined faces, and unto what an unknown degree a man may live backward. Though the beard be only made a distinction of sex, and sign of masculine heat by Uhaus, y< ; the precocity and early growth thereof in him was not to be liked in reference unto long life. Lewis, that virtuous but unfortunate king of Hungary, who lost his life at the battle of Mohacz, 8 was said to be born without a skin, to have bearded at fifteen, and to have shown some grey hairs about twenty ; from whence i According to the Egyptian hieroglyphic. - Turkish in ^ < >r swelling. 4 l.i tion. t> I.e. ' by six persons.' 6 M . .it a, tin' diety "i" death it late. 7 When men's (aces an' drawn iancc to ^ other animals, the Italian drawn t b August -'Hi, 10.0. the diviners conjectured that he would be spoiled of his kingdom, and have but a short life ; but hairs make fallible predictions, and many temples early grey have outlived the Psalmist's period. Hairs which have most amused me have not been in the face or head, but on the back, and not in men but children, as I long ago observed in that endemial dis- temper of children in Languedoc, called the morgellons, wherein they critically break out with harsh hairs on their backs, which takes off the unquiet symptoms of the disease, and delivers them from coughs and convulsions. The Egyptian mummies that I have seen, have had their mouths open, and somewhat gaping, which aifordeth a good opportunity to view and observe their teeth, wherein 'tis not easy to find any wanting or decayed ; and therefore in Egypt, where one man practised but one operation, or the diseases but of single parts, it must needs be a barren profession to confine unto that of drawing of teeth, and to have been little better than tooth-drawer unto King Pyrrhus, 1 who had but two in his head. How the banyans of India maintain the integrity of those parts, I find not particularly observed ; who notwithstanding have an advantage of then - preservation by abstaining from all ilesh, and employing their teeth in such food unto which they may seem at first framed, from their figure and conformation; but sharp and corroding rheums had so early mouldered those rocks and hardest parts of his fabric, that a man might well conceive that his years were never like to double or twice tell over his I Corruption had dealt more severely with them than sepulchral fires and smart flames with those of burnt bodies of old ; for in the burnt fragments of urns which I have inquired into, although I seem to find few incisors or shearers, yet the dog teeth and grinders do notably resist those fires. In the years of his childhood he had languished under the disease of his country, the rickets ; after which, notwithstanding many have become strong and active men ; but whether any have attained unto very great years, the disease is scarce so old as to afford good observation. Whether the children of the English plantations be subject unto the same infirmity, may be worth the observing. Whether lameness and halting do still increase among the inhabitants of Eovigno in Istria, I know not; yet scarce twenty years ago Monsieur du Loyr observed thai B third pari of that people halted : but too certain it is, that the rickets increaseth l us; the smallpox grows more pernicious than the great ; the king's purse knows that the king's evil grows more common. Quartan i Mis upper jaw b Istinct rows nt teeth. - Twice tell over his teeth, never live to Hi:. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 59 agues arc become no strangers in Ireland ; more common and mortal in England ; and though the ancients gave that disease very good words, yet now that bell makes no strange sound which rings out for the effects thereof. Some think there were few consumptions in the old world, when men lived much upon milk ; and that the ancient inhabitants of this island were less troubled with coughs when they went naked and slept in caves and woods, than men now in chambers and feather-beds. Plato will tell us, that there was no such disease as a catarrh in Homer's time, and that it was but new in Greece in his age. Polydore Virgil delivereth that pleurisies were rare in England, who lived but in the days of Henry the Eighth. Some will allow no diseases to be new, others think that many old ones are ceased, and that such which are esteemed new, will have but their time. However, the mercy of God hath scattered the great heap of diseases, and not loaded any one country with all : some may be new in one country which have been old in another. New discoveries of the earth discover new diseases ; for besides the common swarm, there are en- demial and local infirmities proper unto certain regions, which in the whole earth make no small number ; and if Asia, Africa, and America should bring in their list, Pandora's box would swell, and there must be a strange pathology. Most men expected to find a consumed kell, 1 empty and bladder-like guts, livid and marbled lungs, and a withered pericardium in this exsuc- cous corpse ; but some seemed too much to wonder that two lobes of his lungs adhered unto his side ; for the like I have often found in bodies of no suspected consumptions or difficulty of respiration. And the same more often happeneth in men than other animals, and some think in women than in men ; but the most remarkable I have met with, was in a man, after a cough of almost fifty years, in whom all the lobes adhered unto the pleura, and each lobe unto another ; who having also been much troubled with the gout, brake the rule of Cardan, 2 and died of the stone in the bladder. Aristotle makes a query, why some animals cough, as man ; some not, as oxen. If coughing be taken as it consisteth of a natural and volun- tary motion, including expectoration and spitting out, it may be as proper unto man as bleeding at the nose ; otherwise we find that 1 Vegetius and rural writers have not left so many medicines in vain against the coughs of cattle ; and men who perish by coughs die the death of sheep, cats, and lions ; and though birds have no midriff, yet we meet with divers 1 Caul. 2 Cardan, in his Encomium Podagra, reckoneth this among the Dona Podagra}, that they are de- livered thereby from the phthisis and stone in the bladder. remedies in Arrianus against thecongbsof hawks. And though it might be thought that all animals who have lungs do cough ; yet in cetaceous fishes, who have large and strong lungs, the same is not observed, nor yet in oviparous quadrupeds ; and in the greatest thereof, the crocodile, although we read much of their tears, we find nothing of that motion. From the thoughts of sleep, when the soul was conceived nearest unto divinity, the ancients erected an art of divination, wherein while they too widely expatiated in loose and inconsequent conjectures, Hippocrates 1 wisely considered dreams as they presaged alterations in the body, and so afforded hints toward the pre- servation of health and prevention of diseases ; and therein was so serious as to advise alteration of diet, exercise, sweating, bathing, and vomit- ing ; and also so religious as to order prayers and supplications unto respective deities, in good dreams unto Sol, Jupiter ccelestis, Jupiter opulentus, Minerva, Mercurius, and Apollo ; in bad, unto Tellus and the heroes. And therefore I could not but notice how his female friends were irrationally curious so strictly to examine his dreams, and in this low state to hope for the phantasms of health. He was now past the healthful dreams of the sun, moon, and stars, in their clarity and proper courses. 'Twas too late to dream of flying, of limpid fountains, smooth waters, white vest- ments, and fruitful green trees, which are the visions of healthful sleeps, and at good distance from the grave. And they were also too deeply dejected that he should dream of his dead friends, inconse- quently divining, that he would not be long from them ; for strange it was not that he should sometimes dream of the dead, whose thoughts run always upon death ; beside, to dream of the dead, so they appear not in dark habits, and take nothing away from us, in Hippocrates' sense was of good signification : for we live by the dead, and everything is or must be so before it becomes our nourishment. And Cardan, who dreamed that he discoursed with his dead father in the moon, made thereof no mortal interpretation ; and even to dream that we are dead, was no condemnable phantasm in old oneiro-criticism, as having a significa- tion of liberty, vacuity from cares, exemption and freedom from troubles unknown unto the dead. Some dreams I confess may admit of easy and feminine exposition ; he who dreamed that he could not see his right shoulder, might easily fear to lose the sight of his right eye ; he that before a journey dreamed that his feet were cut off, had a plain warning not to undertake his intended journey. But why to dream of lettuce should presage some ensuing disease, why to eat 1 Uippoc. de Insomniis. 6o THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. figs should signify foolish talk, why to eat eggs great trouble, and to dream of blindness should be so highly commended, according to the oneiro-critical verses of Astrampsychus and Niccphorus, I shall leave unto your divina- tion. Hi was willing to quit the world alone and altogether, leaving no earnest behind him for corruption or after-grave, having small content in that common satisfaction to survive or live in another, but amply satisfied that his disease should die with himself, nor revive in a posterity to puzzle physic, and make sad mementoes of their parent hereditary. Leprosy awakes not sometimes before forty, the gout and stone often later ; but consumptive and tabid 1 roots sprout more early, and at the fairest make seventeen years of our life doubtful before that age. They that enter the world with original diseases as well as sin, have not only common mortality but sick traductions to destroy them, make commonly short courses, and live not at length but in figures ; so that a sound Csesarean nativity- may outlast a natural birth, and a knife may sometimes make way for a more lasting fruit than a midwife ; which makes so few infants now able to endure the old test of the river, 3 and many to have feeble children who could scarce have been married at Sparta, and those provident states who studied strong and healthful generations ; which happen but contingently in mere pecuniary matches or marriages made by the candle, wherein not- withstanding there is little redress to be hoped from an astrologer or a lawyer, and a good dis- cerning physician were like to prove the most successful counsellor. Julius Scaliger, who in a sleepless fit of the gout could make two hundred verses in a night, would have but five 4 plain words upon his tomb. And this serious person, though no minor wit, left the poetry of his epitaph unto others ; either unwilling to commend himself, or to be judged by a distich, and perhaps con- sidering how unhappy great poets have been in versifying their own epitaphs ; wherein Petrarch, Dante, and Ariosto have so unhappily failed, that if their tombs should outlast their works, posterity would find so little of Apollo on them as to mistake them for Ciceronian poets. In this deliberate and creeping progress unto the grave, he was somewhat too young and of too noble a mind, to fall upon that stupid symptom observable in divers persons near their i 'Tables maxime contingunt ah anno decimo octavo ail trigeslmnm quintum.' IIippoc. 2 A sound child cut out of the body of the mother. :< ' Natos adfuunlna primum deferimussEBvoquegelu duramus et ondls. 1 * 'JuliiCssarisScaligerlquod fuit.'— Joseph Scali- ger, (n Vita Patrls. journey's end, and which may be reckoned among the mortal symptoms of their last disease ; that is, to become more narrow-minded, miserable, and tenacious, unready to part with anything, when they are ready to part with all, and afraid to want when they have no time to spend ; meanwhile physicians, who know that many are mad but in a single depraved imagination, and one prevalent decipiency, and that beside and out of such single deliriums a man may meet with sober actions and good sense in Bedlam, cannot but smile to see the heirs and concerned relations gratulating themselves on the sober departure of their friends ; and though they behold such mad covetous passages, content to think they die in good understanding, and in their sober senses. Avarice, which is not only infidelity, but idola- try, either from covetous progeny or questuary l education, had no root in his breast, who made good works the expression of his faith, and was big with desires unto public and lasting charities ; and surely where good wishes and charitable intentions exceed abilities, theorical benefi- cency may be more than a dream. They build not castles in the air who would build churches on earth ; and though they leave no such struc- tures here, may lay good foundations in heaven. In brief, his life and death were such, that I could not blame them who wished the like, and almost to have been himself : almost, I say ; for though we may wish the prosperous appur- tenances of others, or to be another in his happy accidents, yet so intrinsical is every man unto himself, that some doubt may be made whether any would exchange his being, or substantially become another man. He had wisely seen the world at home and abroad, and thereby observed under what variety men are deluded in the pursuit of that which is not here to be found. And although he had no opinion of reputed felicities below, and apprehended men widely out in the estimate of such happiness, yet his sober contempt of the world wrought no democratism or cynicism, no laughing or snarling at it, as well understanding there are not felicities in this world to satisfy a serious mind ; and therefore, to soften the stream of our lives, we are fain to take in the reputed contentationa of this world, to mute with the crowd in their beatitudes, and to make ourselves happy by consortion, opinion, and co-existimation ; for strictly to separate from received anil customary felicities, and to confine unto the rigour of realities, were to contract the consolation of our beings unto too uncomfortable circumscriptions. Not to fear death, nor desire it. was short of his resolution: to be dissolved, and be with Christ, was his dying ditty. He conceived his i Trained to love money a THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. Cl thread long, in no long course of years, and when he had scarce outlived the second life of Lazarus ; 1 esteeming it enough to approach the years of his Saviour, who so ordered His own human state as not to be old upon earth. But to be content with death may be better than to desire it ; a miserable life may make us wish for death, but a virtuous one to rest in it ; which is the advantage of those resolved Christians, who, looking on death not only as ' the sting, but the period and end of sin, the horizon and isthmus between this life and a better, and the death of this world but as a nativity of another, do contentedly submit unto the common necessity, and envy not Enoch or Elias. Not to be content with life is the unsatis- factory state of those who destroy themselves, who being afraid to live run blindly upon their own death, which no man fears by experience ; and the Stoics had a notable doctrine to take away the fear thereof; that is, in such ex- tremities, to desire that which is not to be avoided, and wish what might be feared ; and so made evils voluntary, and to suit with their own desires, which took off the terror of them. But the ancient martyrs were not encouraged by such fallacies ; who, though they feared not death, were afraid to be their own executioners ; and therefore thought it more wisdom to crucify their lusts than their bodies, to circumcise than stab their hearts, and to mortify than kill themselves. His willingness to leave this world about that age, when most men think they may best enjoy it, though paradoxical unto worldly ears, was not strange unto mine, who have so often observed, that many, though old, oft stick fast unto the world, and seem to be drawn like Cacus's oxen, 2 backward, with great struggling and reluctancy, unto the grave. The long habit of living makes mere men more hardly to part with life, and all to be nothing, but what is to come. To live at the rate of the old world, when some could scarce remember themselves young, may afford no better digested death than a more moderate period. Many would have thought it an happiness to have had their lot of life in some notable conjunctures of ages past ; but the uncertainty of future times has tempted few to make a part in ages to come. And surely, he that hath taken the true altitude of things, and righty calculated the degenerate state of this age, is not like to envy those that shall live in the next, much less three or four hundred years hence, when no man can comfortably imagine what face this world will iWho upon some accounts and tradition is said to have lived thirty years after lie was raised by our Saviour.— Baroxius. 2 Which, when stolen from Hercules, he drew backward into his cave, in order to mislead regarding their footsteps. carry : and therefore since every age makes a step unto the end of all things, ami the Scrip- ture affords so hard a character of the last times, quiet minds will be content with then- generations, and rather bless ages past, than be ambitious of those to come. Though age had set no seal upon his face, yet a dim eye might clearly discover fifty in his actions ; and therefore, since wisdom is the grey hair, and an unspotted life old age; although his years come short, he might have been said to have held up with longer livers, and to have been Solomon's old man. And surely if we deduct all those days of our life which we might wish unlived, and which abate the comfort of those we now live ; if we reckon up only those days which God hath accepted of our lives, a life of good years will hardly be a span long : the son in this sense may outlive the father, and none be climacterically old. He that early arrive th unto the parts and prudence of age, is happily old without the uncomfortable attendants of it ; and 'tis super- fluous to live unto grey hairs, when in precocious temper we anticipate the virtues of them. In brief, he cannot be accounted young who out- liveth the old man. He that hath early arrived unto the measure of a perfect stature in Christ, hath already fulfilled the prime and longest intention of his being ; and one day lived after the perfect rule of piety, is to be preferred before sinning immortality. [' It is very surprising,' observes Horace Walpole, 'how much better women write than men. I have now before me a volume of letters by the widow of the beheaded Lord Russell, which are full of the most moving and impressive eloquence.' Bishop Burnet declared in one of his letters to Lady Russell, 'You have so strange a way of expressing yourself, that I sincerely acknow- ledge my pen is apt to drop from my hand when I begin writing to you, for I am very sensible I cannot rise up to your strain.' Some interesting letters from Lady Russell to her husband, written during their occa- sional separations, in the fourteen happy years of their union, were published in 1819. Of her feelings upon that event, which over-clouded her earthly enjoyments, nothing has been recorded ; but we know, that when the melancholy result of the trial was proclaimed, she neither disturbed the court, nor distracted the attention of her husband. Lady Russell survived her lord many years, dying at the advanced age 62 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. of 8G years ; and that sorrow, which time could not dispel, a sincere and a Christian faith softened and reduced. No mourner ever walked through life with a more affect- ing resignation, or a more unostentatious dignity of demeanour. — Willmott.] LADY RUSSELL TO THE BISHOP OF SALISBDET, On the Loss of her Sister. 16th October 1600. I have, my lord, so upright a heart to my friends, that though your great weight of business had forced you to a silence of this kind, yet I should have no doubt but that one I so distinguish in that little number God has left me, does join with me to lament my late losses; the one was a just, sincere man, and the only son of a sister, and a friend I loved with too much passion ; the other my last sister, and I ever loved her tenderly. It pleases me to think that she deserves to be remembered by all those who knew her. But after above forty years' acquaintance with so amiable a creature, one must needs, in reflecting, bring to remembrance so many engaging endearments as are yet at present embittering and painful ; and, indeed, we may be sure, that when anything below God is the object of our love, at one time or another it will be a matter of our sorrow. But a little time will put me again into my settled state of mourning ; for a mourner I must be all my days upon earth, and there is no need I should be other. My glass runs low. The world does not want me, nor I want that ; my business is at home, and within a narrow compass. I must not deny, as there was something so glorious in the object of my biggest sorrow, I believe that, in some measure, kept me from being then overwhelmed. So now it affords mc, together with the remembrance how many years we lived together, thoughts that are joy enough for one who looks no higher than a quiet submission to her lot ; and such pleasures in educating my young folks, that surmount the cares that it will afford. If I shall be spared the trial, where I have most thought of being prepared to bear the pain, I hope I shall be thankful, and I think I ask it faithfully, that it may be in mercy, not in judgment. Let me rather be tortured here, than they or I be rejected in that other blessed, peaceful home to all ages to which my soul aspires. There is iiing in the younger going before me, that I have observed all my life to give a sense I cannot describe; it is harder to be borne than a bigger loss, where there has been spun out a longer thread of life. Yet I see no cause for it, for every day we see the young fall with the 'ill ; but methinks it is a violence upon nature. A troubled mind bus a multitude of these thoughts; yet I hope I master all murmurings : if I have had any, I am sorry, and will have no more, assisted by God's grace ; and rest satisfied that whatever I think, I shall one day be entirely satisfied what God has done, and shall do, will be best, and justify both His justice and mercy. I meant this as a very short epistle; but you have been some years acquainted with my infirmity, and have endured it, though you never had waste time, I believe, in your life ; and better times do not, I hope, make your patience less. However, it will become me to put an end to thin, which I will do, signing myself cordially your, etc. LAST RUSSELL TO LORD RUSSELL. Tanbridge Wells, 1678. After a toilsome day, there is some refresh- ment to be telling our story to our best friends. I have seen your girl well laid in bed, and ourselves have made our suppers upon biscuits, a bottle of white wine, and another of beer, and mingled my uncle's whey with nutmeg and sugar. None are disposing to bed, not so much as complaining of weariness. Beds and things are all very well here ; our want is yourself and good weather. But now I have told you our present condition ; to say a little of the past, I do really think, if I could have imagined the illness of the journey, it would have discouraged me ; it is not to be expressed how bad the way is from Seven Oaks ; but our horses did exceeding well, and Spencer very diligent, often off his horse to lay hold of the coach. I have not much more to say this night; I hope the quilt is remembered; and Frances must remember to send more biscuits, either when you come or soon after. I long to hear from you, my dearest soul, and truly think your absence already an age. I have no mind to my gold plate ; here is no table to 8 t it on ; but if that docs not come, I desire you would bid Betty Forster send the silver glass I use every day. In disci-etion, I haste to bed, longing for Monday, I assure you. From your Russell. Past ten o'clock. — Lady Margaret says we are not glutted with company yet ; you will let Northumberland know we are well, and Allie. TO THE SAME. Stratton, 1681. — Thursday mottling. A messenger bringing things from Ailesford this morning, gives me the opportunity of sending this by post. If ho will leave it at Frimley, it will let j-ou know we are all well ; if he does not, it may let such know it as do not care, but satisfy no one's curiosity on any other THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 53 point. For having said thus much, I am ready to conclude with this one secret : — first, that as thy precious self is the most endearing husband, I believe, in the world, so I am the most grateful wife, and my heart most gladly passionate in its returns. Now you have all for this time. From your R. Russell. Boy is asleep, girls singing abed. Lord Marquis sent a compliment yesterday, that he heard one of the girls had the measles ; and if I would remove the rest, he would leave his house at an hour's warning. I hope you deliver my service to Mr. James. For the Lord BusseU, to be left at Frimlcy. [In reference to a paper written in justification of his political conduct, which was handed to the sheriffs, on the scaffold, by Lord William Russell previous to his execution.] LADY RACHEL RUSSELL TO KING CHARLES II. [16S3.] Mat it please Your Majesty, — I find my husband's enemies are not appeased with his blood, but still continue to misrepresent him to your Majesty. 'Tis a great addition to my sorrows, to hear your Majesty is prevailed upon to believe that the paper he delivered to the sheriff at his death was not his own. I can truly say, and am ready in the solemnest manner to attest, that I often heard him dis- course the chiefest matters contained in that paper, in the same expressions he therein uses, as some of those few relations that were ad- mitted to him can likewise aver. And sure 'tis an argument of no great force, that there is a phrase or two in it that another uses, when nothing is more common than to take up such words we like, or are accustomed to in our conversation. I beg leave further to avow to your Majesty, that all that is set down in the paper read to your Majesty on Sunday night, to be spoken in my presence, is exactly true ; as I doubt not but the rest of the paper is, which was written at my request ; and the author of v it, in all his conversation with my husband that I was privy to, showed himself a loyal subject to your Majesty, a faithful friend to him, and a most tender and conscientious minister to his soul. I do therefore humbly beg your Majesty would be so charitable to believe, that he who in all his life was observed to act with the greatest clearness and sincerity, would not at the point of death do so disingenuous and false a thing as to deliver for his own that what was not properly and expressly so. And if, after the loss in such a manner of the best husband in the world, I were capable of any consolation, your Majesty only could afford it by having better thoughts of him, which when I was so importunate to speak with your Majesty, I thought I had some reason to believe I had inclined you to, not from the credit of my word, but upon the evidence of what I had to say. I hope I have writ nothing in this that will displease your Majesty. If I have, I humbly beg of you to consider it as coming from a woman amazed with grief ; and that you will consider it as coming from the daughter of a person 1 who served your Majesty's father in his greatest extremities (and your Majesty in your greatest posts), and one that is not con- scious of having ever done anything to offend you. I shall ever pray for your Majesty's long life and happy reign, who am, with all humility, may it please your Majesty, etc. BISHOP BURNET TO LADY RUSSELL, On the Death of her Son. Salisbury, 30th May 1711. I cannot keep myself from writing, though I cannot tell how to express the deep sense I have of this heavy stroke with which God is trying your faith and patience. To lose the only son of such a father, who was become so truly his son in all respects, is indeed a new opening, a deep wound which God had, by many special providences, for several years been binding up and healing. But now you will see whether you can truly say, ' Not my will, but Thy will be done.' For God's sake do not abandon yourself once more unto a deep, in- consolable melancholy. Rouse up the spirit God has given you, and say, 'The Lord has given, the Lord has taken away ; blessed be the name of the Lord.' When God took his blessed father, he was left as a branch to spring up in his stead : now God has taken him, but the branches are left in whom he is to live again. Remember you are now much older than when you suffered yourself to sink so much under a great though a just load. You cannot now stand under what youbore then; and you do not knowbut that, as God has helped you in so eminent a manner to do your duty to your own children, He may yet have a great deal for you to do to your children's children ; and, therefore, study to compose your spirits into a resignation to the holy will of God, and see what remains for you yet to be done before your course is finished. I could not help j giving this vent to that true and hearty concern I I have in everything that touches you in so tender a part. I can do no more but follow 1 The Earl of Southampton. 64 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. this with my most earnest prayers to the God of all comfort for you and all yours, more par- ticularly for the Bweet remnants of him whom God has taken to Himself. I am, beyond all expression, madam, your most humble and most obedient servant. JOHN DKYDEN TO JOHN DENNIS. In reply to a complimentary A (U rfrom tin latter upon his genius. 1093-4. My peak Me. Dennis, — When I read a letter so full of my commendations as your last, I cannot but consider you as the master of a vast treasure who, having more than enough for yourself, are forced to ebb out upon your friends. You have indeed the best right to give them, since you have them in propriety ; but they are no more mine when I receive them, than the light of the moon can be allowed to be her own, who shines but by the reflection of her brother. Your own poetry is a more powerful example to prove that the modern writers may enter into comparison with the ancients, than any which Perrault could produce in France ; yet neither he, nor you, who are a better critic, can persuade me that there is any room left for a solid commendation at this time of the day, at least for me. If I undertake the translation of Virgil, the little which I can perform will show, at least, that no man is fit to write after him in a barbarous modern tongue : neither will his machines be o: any service to a Christian poet. AVe see how ineffectually they have been tried by Tasso and by Ariosto. Tis using them too dully if we only make devils of his gods : as if, for example, 1 would raise a storm, and make use of JEolus, with tins only difference of calling him prince of the air : what invention of mine would there be in this ? Or who would not see Virgil through me, only the same trick played over again by a bungling juggler ? Boileau has well observed, that it is an easy matter in a Christian poem for God to bring the devil to reason. I think I have given a better hint for new machines in my preface to Juvenal, where I have particularly recommended two subjects, one of King Arthur's conquest of the Saxons, and tin- other of the Black Prince in his conquest of Spain. But the guardian angels of monarchies and kingdoms are not to bo touched by every hand. A man must be deeply conversant in the Platonic philosophy to deal with them; and therefore I may reasonably expect that no poet of our age will presume to handle those machines for fear of discovering his own ignor- ance; or if he should, he might perhaps be ungrateful enough not to own me for his bene- factor. After I have confessed thus much of our modern heroic poetry, I cannot but con- clude with Mr. Rymer, that our English comedy is far beyond anything of the ancients. And notwithstanding our irregularities, so is our tragedy. Shakespeare had a genius for it; and we know in spite of Mr. R-- — , that genius alone is a greater virtue (if I may so call it) than all other qualifications put together. You see what success this learned critic has found in the world, after his blaspheming Shakespeare. Almost all the faults which he has discovered are truly there ; yet who will read Mr. Rym , or not read Shakespeare? For my own part, I reverence Mr. Rym 's learning, but I detest his ill-nature and his arrogance. I indeed, and such as I, have reason to be afraid of him, but Shakespeare has not. There is another part of poetry in which the English stand almost upon an equal foot with the ancients ; and 'tis that which we call Pindaric, introduced but not perfected by our famous Mr. Cowley; and of this, sir, you are certainly one of the greatest masters ; you have the sublimity of sense as well as sound, and know how far the boldness of a poet may lawfully extend. I could wish you would cultivate this kind of ode, and reduce it either to the same measure which Pindar used, or give new measures of your own. For, as it is, it looks like a vast tract of land newly discovered ; the soil is wonderfully fruitful, but unmanured, overstocked with inhabitants, but almost all savages, without laws, arts, arms, or policy. I remember poor Xat. Lee, who was then upon the verge of madness, yet made a sober and witty answer to a bad poet, who told him, It was an easy thing to write like a madman. Xo, said he, 'tis very difficult to write like a madman, but 'tis a very easy matter to write like a fool. Otway and he are safe by death from all attacks, but we poor poets militant (to use Mr. Cowley's expression) are at the mercy of wretched scribblers; and when they cannot fasten upon our verses, they fall upon our morals, our principles of state, and religion. For my principles of religion I will not justify them to you ; I know yours are far different. For the same reason, I shall say nothing of my principles of state ; I believe you in yours follow the dictates of your reason, as I in mine do those of my conscience. If I thought myself in an error, I would retract it ; I am sure that I suffer for them ; and Milton makes even the devil say, that no creature is in love with pain. For my morals betwixt man and man, I am not to be my own judge ; I appeal to the world if I have deceived or de- frauded any man : and for my private conver- sation, they who see me e\eiy day can be the best witnesses whether or no it be blameless and inoffensive. Hitherto I have no reason to complain that men of either party shun my company. I have never been an impudent beggar at tho doors of noblemen; my \isita have indeed been too rare to be unacceptable, THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. OS and but just enough to testify my gratitude for their bounty ; which I have frequently received, but always unasked, as themselves will witness. I have written more than I needed to you on this subject ; for I dare say you justify me to yourself. As for that which I first intended for the principal subject of this letter, which is my friend's passion, and his design of marriage, on better consideration I have changed my mind; for having had the honour to see my friend Wycherley 's letter to him on that occa- sion, I find nothing to be added or amended. But as well as I love Mr. Wycherley, I confess I love myself so well, that I will not show how much I am inferior to him in wit and judgment, by undertaking anything after him ; there is Moses and the prophets in his council. Jupiter and Juno, as the poets tell us, made Tiresias their umpire, in a certain merry dispute which fell out in heaven betwixt them ; Tiresias, you know, had been of both sexes, and therefore was a proper judge ; our friend Mr. Wycherley is full as competent an arbitrator ; he has been a bachelor, and married man, and is now a widower. Virgil says of Ceneus, ' Nunc vir, nunc fcemina Ceneus, Rursus ct in veterem sato revoluta figuram.' Yet, I suppose, he will not give any large com- mendations to his middle state ; nor, as the sailor said, will be found after a shipwreck to put to sea again. If my friend will adventure after this, I can but wish him a good wind, as being his, and, my dear Mr. Dennis, Your most affectionate and most faithful servant, John Dkyden. [John Churchill, Duke of Marlborough (1650- 1722), had married Sarah Jennings, a penniless beauty of Charles' court, who, along with a bad temper, had the power of inspiring and retaining affection. Her influence over the Princess Anne was paramount. Marlborough had endeavoured to use the Tory influence of the time against King William ; so that by causing a revolt he would be driven from the throne, and thus, without replacing James, the crown would be given to Anne, his wife's influence over whom would place him at the head of affairs. On discovering this plot, William exclaimed, 'Were I and my Lord Marl- borough private persons, the sword would have to settle between us.' The duke was stripped of his offices, and with the duchess was exiled from the court for the time.] QUEEN MARY TO THE I'ltlNCESS ANNE. [1(592.] Having something to say to you, which I know will not be very pleasing, I chuse rather to write it first, being unwilling to surprise you ; though, I think, what I am going to tell you should not, if you give yourself the time to think, that never anybody was suffered to live at court in my Lord Marlborough's circum- stances. I need not repeat the cause he has given the King to do what he has done, nor his unwillingness at all times to come to such extremities, though people do deserve it, I hope you do me the justice to believe, it is as much against my will, that I now tell you, that, after this, it is very unfit Lady Marl- borough should stay with you, since that gives her husband so just a pretence of being where he ought not. I think, I might have expected you should have spoke to me of it. And the King and I both believing it, made us stay thus long. But seeing you were so far from it, that you brought Lady Marlborough hither last night, makes us resolve to put it off no longer, but tell you, she must not stay ; and that I have all the reason imaginable to look upon your bringing her, as the strangest thing that was ever done. Nor could all my kindness for you (which is ever ready to turn all you do the best way, at any ther time) have hindered me showing you that moment, but I considered your condition, and that made me master myself so far as not to take notice of it then. But now I must tell you, it was very unkind in a sister, would have been very uncivil in an equal, and I need not say I have more to claim. Which, though my kindness would make me never exact, yet when I see the use you would make of it, I must tell you, I know what is due to me, and expect to have it from you. 'Tis upon that account, I tell you plainly, Lady Marlborough must not continue with you in the circumstances her lord is. I know this will be uneasy to you, and I am sorry for it ; and it is very much so to me to say all this to you, for I have all the real kindness imaginable for you, and as I ever have, so will always do my part to live with you as sisters ought. That is, not only like so near relations, but like friends. And, as such, I did think to write to you. For I would have made myself believe your kindness for her made you at first forget that you should have for the King and me ; and resolved to put you in mind of it my- self, neither of us being willing to come to harsher ways. But the sight of Lady Marlborough having changed my thoughts, does naturally alter my style. And since by that I see how little you seem to consider what even in common civility you owe us, I have told it you plainly; but E 66 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. withal assure you, that let me have never so much reason to take anything ill of you, my kindness is so great, that I can pass over most things, and live with you as becomes me. And I desire to do so merely from that motive ; for I do love you, as my sister, and nothing but yourself can make me do otherwise. And that is the reason I chuse to write this, rather than tell it you, that you may overcome your first thoughts ; and when you have well con- sidered, you will find, that though the thing be hard (which I again assure you I am sorry for), yet it is not unreasonable, but what has ever been practised, and what you yourself would do were you in my place. I will end this with once more desiring you to consider the matter impartially, and take time for it. I do not desire an answer presently, because I would not have you give a rash one. I shall come to your drawing-room to-morrow before you play, because you know why I cannot make one : at some other time we shall reason the business calmly ; which I willingly do, or anything else that may show, it shall never be my fault if we do not live kindly together : nor will I ever be other by choice, Your truly loving and affectionate sister, M. R. Kensington, Feb. 5. PRINCESS ANNE TO QUEEN MART. Your Majesty was in the right to think your letter would be very surprising to me. For you must needs be sensible enough of the kindness I have for my Lady Marlborough, to know, that a command from you to part with her must be the greatest mortification in the world to me ; and indeed of such a nature, as I might well have hoped your kindness to me would have always prevented. I am satisfied she cannot have been guilty of any fault to you. j And it would be extremely to her advantage, if I could here repeat every word that ever she had said to me of you in her whole life. I con- fess, it is no small addition to my trouble to lind the want of your Majesty's kindness to me upon this occasion ; since I am sure I have always endeavoured to deserve it by all the actions of my life. Your care of my present condition is extreme- ly obliging. And if you would be pleased to add to it so far, as upon my account to recall your severe command (as I must beg leave to call it in a matter so tender to me, and so little i' i < 'liable, as I think, to be imposed upon me, that you would scarce require it from the mean- est of your subjects), I should ever acknowledge it as a v( i y agreeable mark of your kindness to me. And I must as freely own, that as I think this proceeding can be for no other intent than to give me a very sensible mortification, so there is no misery that I cannot readily resolve to suffer, rather than the thoughts of parting with her. If after all this that I have said, I must still find myself so unhappy as to be farther pressed in this matter, yet your Majesty may be assured that, as my past actions have given the greatest testimony of my respect both for the King and you, so it shall always be my endeavour, wherever I am, to preserve it care- fully for the time to come, as becomes Your Majesty's very affectionate sister and servant, AnNB. From the Cockpit, Feb. G, 1002. TO THE SAME. I have now, God be thanked, recovered my strength well enough to go abroad. And though my duty and inclination would both lead me to wait upon your Majesty as soon as I am able to do it, yet I have of late had the misfortune of being so much under your Majesty's dis- pleasure, as to apprehend there may be hard constructions made upon anything I either do, or not do, with the most respectful intentions. And I am in doubt whether the same arguments that have prevailed with your Majesty to forbid people from showing their usual respects to me, may not be carried so much farther, as not to permit me to pay my duty to you. That, I acknowledge, would be a great increase of affliction to me ; and nothing but your Majesty's own command shall ever willingly make me submit to it ; for whatever reason I may think in my own mind I have to complain of being hardly used, yet I will strive to hide it as much as possible. And though I will not pretend to live at the Cockpit, unless you would be so kind as make it easy to me, yet wherever I am, I will endeavour always to give the con- stant marks of duty and respects, which I have in my heart fur your Majesty, as becomes Your Majesty's very aifectionate sister and servant, Anne. Sion, May 20. QUEEN MARY TO THE PRINCESS ANNE. I have received yours by the Bishop of "Worcester, and have very little to say to it : since you cannot but know, that as I never used compliments, so now tiny will not serve. 'Tis none of my fault we live at this dis- tance, and I have endeavoured to show my willingness to do otherwise. And I will do no more. Don't give yourself any unnecessary trouble ; for, be assured, it is not words ran make us live together as we OUght. You know THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 67 what I required of you. And I now tell you, if you doubted it before, that I cannot change my mind, but expect to be complied with, or you must not wonder if I doubt of your kindness. You can give me no other marks that will satisfy me. Nor can I put any other construc- tion upon your actions than what all the world must do that sees them. These things don't hinder me being very glad to hear you are so well, and wishing you may continue so ; and that you may yet, while 'tis in power, oblige me to be, Your affectionate sister, Marie E. [The later years of the author of the Essay concerning Human Understanding were spent at Oates, in Essex, the residence of Sir Francis Masham and his wife, the latter of whom had been previously known by the philosopher. He was now in deli- cate health, and his later contemplations and works were chiefly religious. The last letter of advice seems to have been written exactly a month before his death, which took place October 28th, 1704.] MR. LOCKE TO THE REVEREND MR. KING. Sir, — Yours of the 4th instant I received ; and though I am conscious I do not deserve those advantageous things which your civility says of me in it, give me leave to assure you, that the offer of my service to yo\i, which you are pleased to take notice of, is that part which I shall not fail to make good on all occasions. You ask me, what is the shortest and surest way for a young gentleman to attain a true knowledge of the Christian religion, in the full and just extent of it? For so I understand your question ; if I have mistaken it, you must set me right. And to this I have a short and plain answer. Let him study the Holy Scripture, especially the New Testament, wherein are contained the words of eternal life ; it has God for its author, salvation for its end, and truth, without any mixture of error, for its matter. So that it is a wonder to me how any one, v professing Christianity, that would seriously set himself to know his religion, should be in any doubt where to employ his search, and lay out his pains for his information, when he knows a book wherein all is contained pure and entire, and whither, at last, every one must have recourse, to verify that of it which he finds any- where else. The other question, which I think I may call two or three, will require a larger answer. As to morality, which, I take it, is the first in those things which you inquire after, that is best to be found in the book that I have already recommended to you ; but because you may perhaps think that, the better to observe those rules, a little warning may not be inconvenient, and some method of ranging them be useful for the memory, I recommend to you the Whole Duty of Man, as a methodical system ; and if you desire a larger view of the Parts of Morality, I know not where you will find them so well and distinctly explained, and so strongly enforced, as in the practical divines of the Church of England. The sermons of Dr. Barrow, Arch- bishop Tillotson, and Dr. "Whichcot are master- pieces in this kind ; not to name abundance of others who excel on that subject. If you have a, mind to see how far human reason advanced in the discovery of morality, you'll have a good specimen in Tully's Offices ; unless you have a mind to look farther back, into the source from whence he drew his rules, and then you must consult Aristotle, and the other Greek philo- sophers. Though prudence be reckoned among the cardinal virtues, yet I do not remember any professed treatise of morality, where it is treated in its full extent, and with that accuracy it ought ; for which, possibly, this may be a reason, that every imprudent action does not make a man culpable in foro conscientice. The business of morality I look upon to be, the avoiding of crimes of prudence, inconveniences ; the foun- dation whereof lies in knowing men and manners. History teaches this best, next to experience, which is the only effectual way to get a know- ledge of the world. As to the rules of prudence in the conduct of common life ; though there be several that have employed their pens therein, yet these writers have their eyes so fixed on conveniency, that they sometimes lose the sight of virtue, and do not take care to keep them- selves always clear from the borders of dis- honesty, while they are tracing out, what they take to be sometimes the securest way to success : most of those that I have seen on this subject, having, as it seemed to me, something of tins defect. So that I know none that I can confidently recommend to your young gentle- man, but the son of Syrac. To complete a man in the practice of human offices (for to that tend your inquiries), there is one thing more required ; which though it be or- dinarily considered as distinct from both virtue and prudence, yet I think it is so nearly allied to them, that he will scarce keep himself from slips in both who is without : that which I mean is good breeding. The school for a young gentleman to learn it in, is the conversation of those who are well bred. As to the last part of your inquiry, which is, after books that will give an insight into the constitution of the government, and real interest of his country ; to proceed orderly in this, I 68 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. \ think the foundation should be laid in inquiring into the ground and nature of civil society ; and how it is formed on different models of govern- ment ; and what are the several species of it. Aristotle La allowed a masterpiece in this science; and few enter upon the consideration of govern- ment, without reading liis politics. Hereunto should be added, true notions of laws in general ; and property, the subject-matter about which laws are made. He that would acquaint himself with the former of these, should thoroughly study the judicious Hooker's first book of Ecclcsi«M't<-ersuaded I cannot be more obliged to the donor, than to your lord- ship's singular goodness, which though I cannot deserve, yet I shall always sensibly reflect on, and improve. And I should be doubly blest, if Pro- vidence would put it into my hands, to render your lordship some service suited to the sense I have of your lordship's extraordinary favour. Ami yet I am your lordship's most humble petitioner, that if possible I may know the originals of this munificence, sure that hand that can suppose me to merit so much regard, must believe me fit to be trusted with the knowledge of my benefactor, and incapable of discovering any part of it, that should be con- cealed ; but I submitt this to your lordship and the persons concerned. I frankly acknowledge to your lordship, and to the unknown rewarders of my mean performances, that I do not see the merit they are thus pleased to value ; the most I wish and which I hope I can answer for is, that I shall always preserve the homely des- picable title of an honest man. If this will recommend me, your lordship shall never be ashamed of giving me that title, nor my enemies be able by fear or reward to make me otherwise. In all things I justly apprehend your lordship's disappointment, and that your lordship will find little else in me worth your notice. I am, may it please your lordship, your lord- ship's highly obliged, most humble and most obedt. servt., Daniel de Foe. [When this letter was written, Gay was re siding in the family of the Duke of Queensberry. It is an admirable specimen of the Dean's caustic humour, and of his strong practical sense. Of Swift we should know little, but for his journals, and the occasional allusions to his peculiarities in the letters of his friends. 'You will understand me,' writes Lord Bolingbroke ; ' and I conjure you to be persuaded that if I could have half-an-hour*s conversation with you, for which I would barter whole hours of my life, you would stare, haul your wig, and bite paper, more than ever you did in your life.' * Swift shared with his friend Pope in the enmity of Lady AVortley Montagu, who undervalued his wit, and found his prototype in Caligula. — Willmott.] SWIFT TO GAY. A Portrait. Dublin, May 4, 1732. I am as lame as when you writ your letter, and almost as lame as your letter itself, for want of that limb from my lady duchess, which you promised, and without which I wonder how it could limp hither. I am not in 1 To Swift, October 23. 1716. 74 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. a condition to make a true step even on Amesbury Downs, anil I declare that a cor- poreal false step is worse than a political one ; nay, worse than a thousand political ones, for which I appeal to courts and ministers, who hobble on and prosper, without the sense of feeling. To talk of riding and walking, is insult- ing me, for I can as soon fly as do either. It is your pride or laziness, more than chair-hire, that makes the town expensive. No honour is lost by walking in the dark ; and in the day you may beckon a blackguard-boy under a gate near your visiting place (experto crede), save eleven- pence, and get half-a-crown's worth of health. The worst of my present misfortune is, that I eat and drink, and can digest neither for want of exercise ; and to increase my misery, the knaves are sure to find me at home, and make huge void spaces in my cellars. I congratulate with you for losing your great acquaintance ; in such a case, philosophy teaches that we must submit, and be content with good ones. I like Lord Cornbury's refusing his pension, but I demur at his being elected for Oxford ; which, I conceive, is wholly changed, and entirely de- voted to new principles ; so it appeared to me the two last times I was there. I find, by the whole cast of your letter, that you are as giddy and as volatile as ever, just the reverse of Mr. Pope, who hath always loved a domestic life from his youth. I was going to wish you had some little place that you could call your own, but I profess, I do not know you well enough to contrive any one system of life that would please you. You pretend to preach up riding and walking to the duchess, yet from my knowledge of you, after twenty years, you always joined a violent desire of perpetually shifting places and company, with a rooted laziness, and an utter impatience of fatigue. A coach and six horses is the utmost exercise you can bear, and this only when you can fill it with such company as is best suited to your taste ; and how glad would you be if it could ■waft you in the air to avoid jolting? while I, ■who am so much later in life, can, or at least could, ride 500 miles on a trotting horse. You mortally hate writing, only because it is the thing you chiefly ought to do ; as well to keep up the vogue you have in the world, as to make you easy in your fortune. You are merciful to everything but money, your best friend, whom you treat with inhumanity. Be assured, I will hire people to watch all your motions, and to return me B faithful account. Tell me, have you cured your absence of mind? can you attend to trifles? can you at Amesbury write domestic libels to divert the family and neighbouring is for five miles round ? or venture so far on horseback, without apprehending a stumble at every Btop? can you Bet the footmen a-laugh- ing as they wait at dinni i? and do the duchess's women admire your wit? in what esteem are you with the vicar of the parish ? can you play with him at backgammon? have the farmers found out that you cannot distinguish rye from barley, or an oak from a crab tree ? You are sensible that I know the full extent of your country skill is in fishing for roaches, or gudgeons at the highest. I love to do you good offices with your friends, and therefore desire you will show this letter to the duchess, to improve her grace's good opinion of your qualifications, and convince her how useful you are like to be in the family. Her grace shall have the honour of my corre- spondence again, when she goes to Amesbury. Hear a piece of Irish news ; I buried the famous General Meredyth's father last night in my cathedral ; he was ninety-six years old : so that Mrs. Pope may live seven years longer. You saw Mr. Pope in health ; pray, is he generally more healthy than when I was amongst you ? I woidd know how your own health is, and how much wine you drink in a day ; my stint in company is a pint at noon, and half as much at night ; but I often dine at home like a hermit, and then I drink little or none at all. Yet I differ from you, for I would have society, if I could get what I like — people of middle understanding, and middle rank. Adieu. SWIFT TO LORD BOLIXGBKOKE. Ambitious Hopes ; Anecdote of his Early Days. Dublin, April 5, 1729. I do not think it could be possible for me to hear better news than that of your getting over your scurvy suit, which always hung as a dead weight on my heart. I hated it in all its circumstances, as it affected your fortune and quiet, and in a situation of life that must make it every way vexatious ; and as I am infinitely obliged to you for the justice you do me, in supposing your affairs do at least concern me as much as my own, so I would never have par- doned your omitting it. Put before I go on, I cannot forbear mentioning what I read hist summer in a newspaper, that you were writing the history of your own times. I suppose such a report might arise from what was not secret among your friends, of your intention to write an- other kind of history, which you often promised Mr. Pope and me to do : I know he desires it very much, and I am sure I desire nothing more, for the honour and love I bear you, and the perfect knowledge I have of your public virtue. My lord, 1 have no other notion of economy than that it is the parent of liberty and ease : and I am not the only friend you have who hath chid you in his heart for the neglect of it, though not with his mouth, as I have done. For there is a silly error in the world, even among friends otherwise very good, not to THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 75 intermeddle with men's affairs in such nice | matters ; and, my lord, I have made a maxim, that should be writ in letters of diamonds, that a wise man ought to have money in his head, but not in his heart. Pray, my lord, inquire whether your prototype, my Lord Digby, after the Restoration, when he was at Bristol, did not take some care of his fortune, notwithstanding that quotation I once sent you out of his speech to the House of Commons. In my conscience, I believe fortune, like other drabs, values a man gradually less for every year he lives. I have demonstration for it ; because if I play at piquet for sixpence with a man or a woman two years younger than myself, I always lose ; and there is a young girl of twenty, who never fails of winning my money at backgammon, though she is a bungler, and the game be ecclesiastic. As to the public, I confess nothing could cure my itch of meddling with it but these frequent returns of deafness, which have hindered me from passing last winter in London ; yet I cannot but consider the perfidiousness of some people, who I thought when I was last there, upon a change that happened, were the most impudent in forgetting their professions that I have ever known. Pray, will you please to take your pen, and blot me out that political maxim from whatever book it is in, that Res nolunt diu male administrari ; the commonness makes me not know who is the author, but sure he must be some modern. I am sorry for Lady Bolingbroke's ill-health ; but I protest I never knew a very deserving person of that sex, who had not too much reason to complain of ill-health. I never wake without finding life a more insignificant thing than it was the day before ; which is one great advantage I get by living in this country, where there is nothing I shall be sorry to lose. But my greatest misery is recollecting the scene of twenty years past, and then, all on a sudden, dropping into the present. I remember, when I was a little boy, I felt a great fish at the end of my line, which I drew up almost on the ground, but it dropped in, and the disappoint, ment vexes me to this very day ; and I believe it was the type of all my future disappointments. I should be ashamed to say this to you, if you had not a spirit fitter to bear your own misfor- tunes than I have to think of them. Is there patience left to reflect, by what qualities wealth and greatness are got, and by what qualities they are lost? I have read my friend Con- greve's verses to Lord Cobham, which end with a vile and false moral, and I remember is not in Horace to Tibullus, which he imitates, 'that all times are equally virtuous and vicious,' wherein he differs from all poets, philosophers, and Christians that ever writ. It is more probable, that there may be an equal quantity of virtues always in the world ; but sometimes there may be a peck of it in Asia, and hardly a thimbleful in Europe. But if there be no virtue, there is abundance of sincerity ; for I will venture all I am worth, that there is not one human creature in power, who will not bo modest enough to confess that he proceeds wholly upon a principle of corruption. I say this, because I have a scheme, in spite of your notions, to govern England upon the principles of virtue ; and when the nation is ripe for it, I desire you will send for me. I have learned this by living like a hermit, by which I am got back- wards about nineteen hundred years in the era of the world, and begin to wonder at the wicked- ness of men. I dine alone upon half a dish of meat, mix water with my wine, walk ten miles a day, and read Baronius. Hie explicit epistola ad Dom. Bolingbroke, et incipit ad amicuiii Pope. Having finished my letter to Aristippus, I now begin to you. I was in great pain about Mrs. Pope, having heard from others that she was in a very dangerous way, which made me think it unseasonable to trouble you. I am ashamed to tell you, that, when I was very young, I had more desire to be famous than ever since ; and fame, like all things else in this life, grows with me every day more a trifle. But you, who are so much younger, although you want that health you deserve, yet your spirits are as vigorous as if your body were sounder. I hate a crowd, where I have not an easy place to see and be seen. A great library always makes me melancholy, where the best author is as much squeezed, and as obscure, as a porter at a coronation. In my own little library, I value the compilements of Grrevius and Gronovius, which make thirty-one volumes in folio (and were given me by my Lord Bolingbroke), more than all my books besides ; because, who- ever comes into my closet, casts his eyes immediately upon them, and will not vouchsafe to look upon Plato or Xenophon. I tell you it is almost incredible how opinions change by the decline or decay of spirits, and I will farther tell you, that all my endeavours, from a boy, to distinguish myself, were only for want of a great title and fortune, that I might be used like a lord by those who have an opinion of my parts ; whether right or wrong, it is no great matter ; and so the reputation of wit, or great learning, does the office of a blue ribbon, or of a coach and six horses. To be remembered for ever, on account of our friendship, is what woidd exceedingly please me ; but yet I never loved to make a visit, or be seen walking with my betters, because they get all the eyes and civilities from me. I no sooner writ this than I corrected myself, and remembered Sir Fulk Greville's epitaph,— ' Here lies, etc., who was friend to Sir Philip Sidney.' And therefore I most heartily thank you for your desire that I would record our friendship in verse, which if I can succeed in, I will never desire to write 7 6 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. one more line in poetry while I live. You must present my humble service to Mrs. Pope, and let her know I pray for her continuance in the world, for her own reason, that she may live to take care of you. LORD BOLINGBROKE TO SWIFT. A Beautiful Picture of Contemplative Life. I am not so lazy as Pope, and therefore you must not expect from me the same indulgence to laziness ; in defending his own cause, he pleads yours, and becomes your advocate, while he appeals to you as his judge : you will do the same on your part ; and I, and the rest of your common friends, shall have great justice to expect from two such righteous tribunals. You remember perfectly the two alehouse-keepers in Holland, who were at the same time burgo- masters of the town, and taxed one another's bills alternately. I declare beforehand I will not stand to the award ; my title to your friend- ship is good, and wants neither deeds nor writings to confirm it : but annual acknowledg- ments at least ate necessary to preserve it: and I begin to suspect, by your defrauding me of them, that you hope in time to dispute it, and to urge prescription against me. I would not say one word to you about myself (since it is a subject on which you appear to have no curiosity), were it not to try how far the contrast between Pope's fortune and manner of life and mine may be carried. I have been, then, infinitely more uniform, and less dissipated, than when you knew me and cared for inc. A great many misfortunes (for so they are called, though sometimes very improperly), and a retirement from the world, have made that just and nice discrimination between my acquaintance and my friends, which we have seldom sagacity enough to make for ourselves : those insects of various hues, which used to hum and buz about me, while I stood in the sunshine, have disappeared .sine.' 1 lived in the shade. No man comes to a hermit- age but for the sake of the hermit ; a few philosophical friends come often to mine, and they are such as you would be glad to live with, if a dull climate and duller company have not altered you extremely from what you were nine years ago. The hoarse voice of party was never heard in this quiet place ; gazettes and pamphlets are banished from it ; and if the lucubrations of Isaac Bickerstaff Ik- admitted, tins distinction is owing to some strokes by which it is judged that this illustrious philosopher had (like the Indian Fohu, the Grecian Pythagoras, the Persian Zoroaster, and others his precursors among the Zabians, magians, and the Egyptian seers) both his outward and his inward doctrine, and that he was of no side at the bottom. "When I am there, I forget I was ever of any party myself ; nay, I am often so happily absorbed by the abstracted reason of things, that I am ready to imagine there never was any such monster as party. Alas ! I am soon awakened from that pleasing dream by the Greek and Roman historians, by Guicciardine, by Machiavel, and Thuanus ; for I have vowed to road no history of our own country till that body r of it which you promise to finish, appears, I am under no apprehension that a glut of study and retirement should cast me back into the hurry of the world ; on the contrary, the single regret which I ever feel is, that I foil so late into this course of life; my philosophy grows confirmed by habit ; and if you ami I meet again, I will extort this approbation from you: Jam rum co?}silio bonus, zed more co perauctou, «t rum temtum rccte faeerc possim, scd nisi recte facere non possim. The little incivilities I have met with from opposite sets of people, have been so far from rendering me violent or sour to any, that I think myself obliged to them all : some have cured me of my fears, by showing me how impotent the malice of the world is ; others have cured me of my hopes, by showing how precarious popular friendships are ; all have cured me of surprise. In driving me out of party, they have driven me out of cursed company ; and in stripping me of titles, and rank, and estate, and such trinkets, which every man that will may ypare, they have given me that which no man can be happy without. Reflection and habit have rendered the world so indifferent to me, that I am neither afflicted nor rejoiced, angry nor pleased, at what happens in it, any further than personal friendships interest me in the affairs of it ; and this prin- ciple extends my cares but a little way. Perfect tranquillity is the general tenour of my life: good digestions, serene weather, and some other mechanic springs, wind me above it now and then, but I never fall below it ; I am sometimes gay, but I am never sad. I have gained new friends, and have hist some old ones; my acqui- sitions of this kind give me a good deal of pleasure, because they have not born made lightly : I know no vows so solemn as those of friendship, and therefore a pretty long noviciate of acquaintance should, methinks, precede them : my losses of this kind give me but little trouble ; I contributed not to them : and a friend who breaks with me unjustly is not worth preserving. As soon as 1 leave this town (which will bo in a few days) I shall fall lack into that course of life which keeps knaves and fools at a great distance from me : I have an aversion to them both; but in the ordinary course of life, I think I can hear the sensible knave better than the fool. One must, indeed, THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 77 with the former be in some or other of the attitudes of those wooden men whom I have seen before a sword-cutler's shop in Germany ; but even in these constrained postures, the witty rascal will divert me ; and he that diverts me does me a great deal of good, and lays me under an obligation to him, which I am not obliged to pay lain in another coin ; the fool obliges me to be almost as much upon my guard as the knave, and he makes me no amends ; he numbs me like the torpor, or he teases me like the fly. This is the picture of an old friend, and more like him than that will be which you once asked, and which he will send you, if you continue still to desire it. Adieu, dear Swift ; with all thy faults I love thee entirely ; make an effort, and love me on with all mine. TO THE SAME. The Tranquillity of a Philosopher ; with a P.S. bi/ Pope respecting his Mother. I have delayed several posts answeiing your letter of January last, in hopes of being able to speak to you about a project which concerns us both, but me the most, since the success of it would bring us together. It has been a good while in my head, and at my heart ; if it can be set agoing, you shall hear more of it. I was ill in the beginning of winter for near a week, but in no danger either from the nature of my distemper, or from the attendance of three physicians. Since that bilious intermitting fever I have had, as I had before, better health than the regard I have paid to health deserves. We are both in the decline of life, my dear Dean, and have been some years going down the hill ; let us make the passage as smooth as we can. Let us fence against the physical evil by care, and the use of those means which experience must have pointed out to us : let us fence against moral evil by philosophy. I renounce the alternative you propose. But we may, nay (if we will follow nature, and do not work up imagination against her plainest dic- tates), we shall of course grow every year more indifferent to life, and to the affairs and interests of a system out of which we are soon to go. This is much better than stupidity. The decay of passion strengthens philosophy ; for passion may decay, and stupidity not succeed. Passions (says Pope, our divine, as you will see one time or other) are the gales of life ; let us not com- vdain that they do not blow a storm. "What hurt does age do us, in subduing what we toil to subdue all our lives? It is now six in the morning ; I recall the time (and am glad it is over) when about this hour I used to be going to bed surfeited with pleasure, or jaded with business : my head often full of schemes, and my heart as often full of anxiety. Is it a mis- fortune, think you, that I rise at this hour refreshed, serene, and calm? that the past, and even the present affairs of life stand like objects at a distance from me, where I can keep off the disagreeable so as not to be strongly affected by them, and from whence I can draw the others nearer to me? Passions in their force would bring all these, nay, even future contingencies, about my ears at once, and reason would but ill defend me in the scuffle. I leave Pope to speak for himself ; but I must tell you how much my wife is obliged to you. She says, she would find strength enough to nurse you, if you were here ; and yet, God knows, she is extremely weak : the slow fever works under, and mines the constitution ; we keep it off sometimes, but still it returns, and makes new breaches before nature can repair the old ones. I am not ashamed to say to you, that I admire her more every hour of my life : death is not to her the king of terrors ; she beholds him without the least. When she suffers much, she wishes for him as a deliverer from pain ; when life is tolerable, she looks on him with dislike, because he is to separate her from those friends to whom she is more attached than to life itself. You shall not stay for my next so long as you have for this letter ; and in every one Pope shall write something much better than the scraps of old philosophers, which were the presents, Munuscula, that stoical fop Seneca used to send in every epistle to his friend Lucilius. P.S. — My lord has spoken justly of his lady ; why not I of my mother ? Yesterday was her birthday, now entering on the ninety-first year of her age ; her memory much diminished, but her senses very little hurt, her sight and hearing good ; she sleeps not ill, eats moderately, drinks water, says her prayers ; this is all she does. I have reason to thank God for her continuing so long a very good and tender parent, and for allowing me to exercise for some years those cares which are now as necessary to her as hers have been to me. An object of this sort daily before one's eyes very much softens the mind, but perhaps may hinder it from the willingness of contracting other ties of the like domestic nature, when one finds how painful it is even to enjoy the tender pleasures. I have formerly made some strong efforts to get and to deserve a friend : perhaps it were wiser never to attempt it, but live extempore, and look upon the world only as a place to pass through : just pay your hosts their dues, disperse a little charity, and hurry on. Yet I am just now writing (or rather planning) a book, 1 to make mankind look upon this life with comfort and pleasure, and put morality in good humour. And just now too I am going to see one I love very tenderly ; and to-morrow to entertain several civil people, whom if we call friends, it is by the courtesy of i The Essay on Man. 7§ THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. England. Sic, sic jurat ire sub umbras. "While we do live, we must make the best of life. ites licet usque (minus via Unlet) camus: as the shepherd said in Virgil, when the road was long and heavy. I am yours. [There would be a great blank in the epistolary literature of this period, were Sir Richard Steele's name to be dropped from it. To his second wife, Mary Scurlock, a rich heiress of Llangunnor, Caermarthcn, to whom he was married September 9, 1707, he addressed at least 400 letters, couched in the most endearing terms. Perhaps the majority of these were apologies for absence through late hours, and his careless and extravagant living. Still we cannot doubt the depth or sincerity of his affection any more than the easy and graceful style in which he uniformly addressed his sometimes impatient and much tried correspondent.] RICHARD STEELE TO MARY SCURLOCK. September 1, 1707. It is the hardest thing in the world to be in love, and yet attend to business. As for me, all who speak to me find me out, and I must lock myself up, or other people will do it for me. A gentleman asked me this morning, ' "What news from Lisbon?' and I answered, 'She is exquisitely handsome.' Another desired to know when I had been last at Hampton Court. I replied, 'I will be on Tuesday come se'nnight.' IVythee, allow me at least to kiss your hand before that day, that my mind may be in some composure. O love ! A thousand torments dwell about thee ! Yet who would live to live without thee ? Mcthinks I could write a volume to you ; but all the language on earth would fail in saying how much, and with what disinterested pas- sion, I am ever yours, Richard Steele. B*n i i.e to his wife. June 20, 1717. DEAR Prue, — I have yours of the 14th, and am infinitely obliged to you for the length of it. I do not know another whom I could commend for that circumstance ; but where we entirely love, the continuance of anything they do to please us is a pleasure. As for your relations ; once for all, pray take it for granted, that my regard and conduct towards all and singular of them shall be as you direct. I hope, by the grace of God, to continue what you wish me, every way an honest man. My wife and my children are the objects that have wholly taken up my heart ; and as I am not invited or encouraged in anything which regards the public, I am easy under that neglect or envy of my past actions, and cheerfully contract that diffusive spirit within the interests of my own family. You are the head of us; and I stoop to a female reign, as being naturally made the slave of beauty. But, to prepare for our manner of living when we are again together, give me leave to say, while I am here at leisure, and come to lie at Chelsea, what I think may contribute to our better way of living. I very much approve Mrs. Evans and her husband, and, if you take my advice, I would have them have a being in our house, and Mrs. Clark the care and inspection of the nursery. I would have you entirely at leisure, to pass your time with me, in diversions, in books, in entertainments, and no manner of business intrude upon us but at stated times ; for, though you are made to be the delight of my eyes, and food of all my senses and faculties, yet a turn of care and housewifery, and I know not what prepossession against conversation- pleasures, robs me of the witty and the hand- some woman, to a degree not to be expressed. I will work my brains and fingers to procure us plenty of all things, and demand nothing of you but to take delight in agreeable dresses, cheerful discourses, and gay sights, attended by me. This may be done by putting the kitchen and the nursery in the hands I propose ; and I shall have nothing to do but to pass as much time at home as I possibly can in the best company in the world. "We cannot tell here what to think of the trial of my Lord Oxford : if the Ministry are in earnest in that, and I should see it will be extended to a length of time, I will leave them to themselves, and wait upon you. Miss Moll grows a mighty beauty, and she shall be very prettily dressed, as likewise shall Betty and Eugene ; and if I throw away a little money in adorning my brats, I hope you will forgive me. They are, I thank God, all very well; and the charming form of their mother has tempered the likeness they bear to their rough sire, who is, with the greatest fondness, Your most obliged and most obedient husband, Rich. Stkele, THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 79 [This forms the dedication to his Ladies' Library (171-1).] STEELE TO HIS WIFE. Jtdl/ 21, 1714. MADAM, — If great obligations received are just motives for addresses of this kind, you have an unquestionable pretension to my ac- knowledgments, who have condescended to give me your very self. I can make no return for so inestimable a favour but in acknowledging the generosity of the giver. To have either wealth, wit, or beauty, is generally a temptation to a woman to put an unreasonable value upon her- self ; but with all these, in a degree which drew upon you the addresses of men of the amplest fortunes, you bestowed your person where you could have no expectations but from the grati- tude of the receiver, though you knew he could exert that gratitude in no other returns but esteem and love. For which must I first thank you? For what you have denied yourself, or for what you have bestowed on me ? I owe to you that for my sake you have overlooked the prospect of living in pomp and plenty, and I have not been circumspect enough to preserve you from care and sorrow. I will r.ot dwell upon this particular ; you are so good a wife, that I know you think I rob you of more than I can give, when I say anything in your favour to my own disadvantage. Whoever should see or hear you, would think it were worth leaving all the world for you ; while I, habitually possessed of that hap- piness, have been throwing away impotent endea- vours for the rest of mankind, to the neglect of her for whom any other man in his senses would be apt to sacrifice everything else. I know not by what unreasonable preposses- sion it is, but methinks there must be something austere to give authority to wisdom ; and I can- not account for having only rallied many season- able sentiments of yours, but that you are too beautiful to appear judicious. One may grow fond, but not wise, from what is said by so lovely a counsellor. Hard fate, that you have been lessened by your perfections, and lost power by your charms ! That ingenuous spirit in all your behaviour, that familiar grace in your words and actions, lias for this seven years only inspired admiration s and love ; but experience has taught me the best counsel I ever have received has been pronounced by the fairest and softest lips, and convinced me that I am in you blest with a wise friend as well as a charming mistress. Your mind shall no longer suffer by your person, nor shall your eyes for the future dazzle me into a blindness towards your understanding. I rejoice in this public occasion to show my esteem for you, and must do you the justice to say that there can be no virtue represented in all this collection for the female world which 1 have not known you exert, as far as the oppor- tunities of your fortune have given you leave. Forgive me that my heart overflows with love and gratitude for daily instances of your prudent economy, the just disposition you make of your little affairs, your cheerfulness in despatch of them, your prudent forbearance of any reflec- tions that they might have needed less vigilance had you disposed of your fortune suitably ; in short, for all the arguments you every day give me of a generous and sincere affection. It is impossible for me to look back on many evils and pains which I have suffered since; we came together, without a pleasure which is not to be expressed, from the proofs I have had, in those circumstances, of your unwearied good- ness. How often has your tenderness removed pain from my sick head ! how often anguish from my afflicted heart ! With how skilful patience have I known you comply with the vain projects which pain has suggested to have an aching limb removed by journeying from one side of a room to another ! how often, the next instant, travelled the same ground again, without telling your patient it was to no purpose to change his situation ! If there are such beings as guardian angels, thus are they em- ployed. I will no more believe one of them more good in its inclinations, than I can conceive it more charming in its form than my wife. But I offend and forget that what I say to you is to appear in public. You are so great a lover of home, that I know it will be irksome to you to go into the world even in an applause. I will end this without so much as mentioning your little flock, or your own amiable figure at the head of it. That I think them preferable to all other children, I know is the effect of passion and instinct. That I believe you the best of wives, I know proceeds from experience and reason. I am, madam, your most obliged husband, and most obedient, humble servant, Rick. Steele. to the same. Dec. 13, 1716. My dear Pbue, — Mrs. Secretary Bevans 1 has acquainted me, by the 7th instant, that you are well, and very much my friend and servant. Mrs. Evans went to see Betty yesterday, who, she says, is grown a very fine lady. Moll sat by me a little as I was writing yesterday ; she will not be at all marked, but is a dear child. Eugene is grown a very lively gentleman. After all this news, which takes in all the com- pass of whatever you care for, 2 you will not 1 Sister to Lady Steele's mother. She was at this time a widow. 2 By this expression it appears their first boy, Dick, was now dead. Eugene died in November 1F23. So THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. much regard politics if I should write any. But it seems my Lord Townshend is out, and Stan- hope and Methven the two secretaries for England, and Duke Koxhorough made a third secretary for Scotland ; for which place I intend to set out this day, with an opportunity of a gentleman's coach going down. I am, dear True, your most affectionate, obedient, languishing relict, Rich. Steele. The machine is almost ready. TO the SAME. Dec. IS, 1716. Deak Trie, — Whether I love you because you are the mother of the children, or them because you are their mother, I know not ; but I am sure I am growing a very covetous creatine for the sake of both of you. I am making haste to Scotland ; have only a small affair, which I will acquaint you with in my next, and am entirely yours, Rich. Steele. to the same. July 26, 1717. Dear Prue, — I have your kind letter, which expresses your fears that I do not take care of myself as to catching cold and the like. I am careful enough when I am awake, but in the night the clothes are kicked on the floor, and I am exposed to the damp till the coolness wakes me. This I feel at present in my arms and legs, but will be carefully tucked up hereafter. I wait with impatience for the receipt of money out of the Treasury to make further payments. I believe, when I have it, I shall wholly turn off my coach-horses ; for, since I am at my study whole days together, it is, I think, a senseless thing for me to pay as if I was padding all that while, and showing myself to the world. I have sent your enclosed to Mrs. Keck. She came into the dining-room to me when I sent away my last letter, and we hail some tea ; and, instead of such chat as should naturally arise between a great gallant and a fine lady, she took upon her to tell me that I did spend my money upon my children, but that they ought to be better accommodated as to their dress and the like. She is indeed a very good True ; and though I divert myself with her gravity and admonition, I have a sincere respect for her. I was last night so much enamoured with an author I was reading, and some thoughts which I put together on that occasion, that I was up 1 John Kcr, Duke of Roxburgh, was appointed secretary for North Britain, December 16, 1710. Be i that office August 25, 1726; and since that period, instead of a distinct secretary i'test heart.' This was an happy talent to a man of the town ; but, I dare say, without presuming to make uncharitable conjectures on the author's 1 In Berry Street. - At Mrs. Sewell's, in Kin.u' Street. Westmlnsti r. 3 At Mrs. Bitin's, at a mathematical maker, Dean Street. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. Si present condition, he would rather have had it said of him that he prayed,— ' O Thou my voice inspire, Who toueh'd Isaiah's hallow'd lips with fire '. ' I have turned to every verse and chapter, and think you have preserved the sublime heavenly spirit throughout the whole, especially at— 'Hark, a glad voice,' and—' The lamb with wolves shall graze.' There is but one line which I think below the original : ' He wipes the tears for ever from our eyes.' You have expressed it with a. good and pious, but not so exalted and poetical a spirit as the prophet, ' The Lord God will wipe away tears from off all faces.' If you agree with me in this, alter it by way of paraphrase or otherwise, that, when it comes into a volume, it may be amended. Your poem is already better than the 'Pollio.' [Dr. William King (1G63-1712), one of the wits of Queen Anne's reign, was trained for the law, and went to Ireland as a judge in 1702, and amused himself at times in issuing playful satires. He published in 1703 a playful poem, entitled, 'The Art of Cookery, in imitation of Horace's Art of Poetry ; with some letters to Dr. Lister and others, occasioned principally by the title of a Book published by the Doctor, being the works of Apicius Coelius, concerning the Soups and Sauces of the Ancients. With an Extract of the greatest Curiosities con- tained in that Look.' The following is a covert satire on waste erudition.] LETTER IX. TO MR. . Dear Sir, — I must communicate my happi- ness to you, because you are so much my friend as to rejoice at it. I some days ago met with an old acquaintance, a curious person, of whom I inquired if he had seen the book concerning soups and sauces. He told me he had ; but that he had but a very slight view of it, the person who was master of it not being willing to part with so valuable a rarity out of his closet. I desired him to give me what account he could of it. He says that it is a very hand- some octavo ; for ever since the days of Ogilby good paper, and good print, and fine cuts make a book become ingenious, and brighten up an author strangely ; that there is a copious index ; and at the end a catalogue of all the Doctor's works concerning cockles, English beetles, snails, spiders that get up into the air and throw us down cobwebs, a monster vomited up by a baker, and such like ; which, if carefully perused, would wonderfully improve us. Tin re is, it seems, no manuscript of it in England, nor any other country that can be heard of; so that this impression is from one of Humel- bergius, who, as my friend says, he doi believe contrived it himself, because the things are so very much out of the way, that it is not probable any learned man would set himself seriously to work to invent them. He tells me of this ingenious remark maele by the editor, 'That, whatever manuscripts there might have been, they must have been extremely vicious and corrupt, as being written out by the cooks themselves, or some of then- friends or servants, who are not always the most accurate.' And then, as my friend observed, if the cook had used it much it might be sullied ; the cook perhaps not always licking his fingers when ho had occasion for it. I should think it no im- provident matter for the State to order a select scrivener to transcribe receipts, lest ignorant women and housekeepers should impose upon future ages by ill-spelt and incorrect receipts for potting of lobsters or pickling of turkeys, Ccelius Apicius, it seems, passes for the author of this treatise ; whose science, learning, and discipline were extremely contemned, and almost abhorred, by Seneca and the Stoics, as introducing luxury, and infecting the manners of the Eomans ; and so lay neglected till the inferior ages ; but then were introduced, as being a help to physic, to which a learned author, called Donatus, says that ' the kitchen is a handmaid.' I remember in our days, though we cannot in every respect come up to the ancients, that by a very good author an old gentleman is introduced as making use of three doctors, Dr. Diet, Dr. Quiet, and Dr. Merriman. They are reported to be excellent physicians ; and, if kept at a constant pension, their fees will not be very costly. It seems, as my friend has learnt, there were two persons that bore the name of Apicius, one under the Kepublic, the other in the time of Tiberius, who is recorded by Pliny ' to have had a great deal of wit and judgment in all affairs that related to eating,' and consequently has his name affixed to many sorts of omelets and pancakes. Nor were emperors less contri- butors to so great an undertaking, as Yitellius, Commodus, Didius Julianus, and Varius Helio- gabalus, whose imperial names are j)refixed to manifold receipts ; the last of which emperors had the peculiar glory of first making sausages of shrimps, crabs, oysters, prawns, and lobsters. And these sausages being mentioned by the author which the editor publishes, from that and many other arguments the learned doctor irrefragably maintains that the Look, as now printed, could not be transcribed till after the 82 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. ti:r.e of Heliogabalus, who gloried in the titles of Apicius and Yitellius, more than Antoninus, \ ho had gained his reputation by a temperate, austere, and Bolid virtue. And, it seems, under his administration, a person that found out a new soup might have as great a reward as Drake or Dampier might expect for finding a new continent. My friend says, the editor tells us of unheard-of dainties; how 'JEsopus had a supper of the tongues of birds that could speak ; ' and that ' his daughter regaled on pearls,' though ho does not tell us how she dressed them ; how ' Hortensius left ten thou- sand pipes of wine in his cellar, for his heir's drinking;' how ' Vcdius Pollio fed his fish- ponds with man's flesh ; ' and how ' CsBSax bought six thousand weight of lampreys for his triumphal supper.' He says, the editor proves equally to a demonstration, by the proportions and quantities set down, and the nauseousness of the ingredients, that the dinners of the emperors were ordered by their physicians ; and that the recipe was taken by the cook as the collegiate doctors would do their bills ! to a modern apothecary ; and that this custom was taken from the Egyptians; and that this method continued till the Goths and Vandals overran the western empire ; and that they, by use, exercise, and necessity of abstinence, introduced the eating of cheese and venison without those additional sauces, which the physicians of old found out to restore the depraved appetites of such great men as had lost their stomachs by an excess of luxury. Out of the ruins of Erasistratus's book of endive, Glaucus Lorrensis' of cow-heel, Mithsecus of hot-pots, Dionysius of sugar-sops, Agis of pickle I broom-buds, Epinetus of sack-posset, Euthedemus of apple -dumplings, Hegesippus of black-pudding, Crito of soused mackerel, Stephanus of lemon-cream, Architcs of hogs- harslet, Acestiusof quince-marmalade, Hickesius of potted pigeons, Diodes of sweet-breads, and Philistion of oat-cakes, and several other such authors, the great Humelbcrgius composed Lis annotations upon Apicius ; whose receipts, when parts of Tally, Livy, and Tacitus have been neglected and lost, were preserved in the utmost parts of Transylvania, for the peculiar palate of the ingenious editor. Latinus Latinius finds fault with several dishes of Apicius, and is d to say they are nauseous; but our ( lit or defends that great person, by showing the difference of our customs; how Plutarch Bays, 'tho ancients used no pepper,' whereas all, or at least live or six hundred of Apicius's delicates were seasoned with it. For we may as well admire that some "West Indians should abstain from salt, as that we should be able to the bitterness of hops in our common ('.ink: and therefore we should not be averse i L\\U % presci to rue, cummin, parsley-seed, marsh-mallows, or nettles, with our common meat ; or to have pepper, honey, salt, vinegar, raisins, mustard and oil, rue, mastic, and cardamoms, strewn promiscuously over our dinner when it comes to table. My friend tells me of some short observations he made out of the annotations, which he owes to his memory ; and therefore begs pardon if in some things he may mistake, because it is not wilfully, as that Papirins Petus was the great patron of custard: 'That the tetrapharmacon, a dish much admired by the Emperors Adrian and Alexander Severus, was made of pheasant, peacock, a wild sow"s hock and udder, with a bread-pudding over it ; and that the name and reason of so odd a dish are to be sought for amongst the physicians.' The work is divided into ten books, of which the first treats of soups and pickles, and amongst other things shows that saucepans were tinned before the time of Pliny ; that Gordian used a glass of bitter in the morning ; that the ancients scalded their wine ; and that burnt claret, as now practised, with spice and sugar, is pernicious ; that the adulteration of wine was as ancient as Cato ; that brawn was a Roman dish, which Apicius commends as wonderful ; its sauce then was mustard and honey, before the frequent use of sugar : nor were soused hog's feet, cheeks, and ears un- known to those ages. It is very probable they were not so superstitious as to have so great a delicate only at Christmas. It were worth a dissertation between two learned persons, so it were managed with temper and candour, to know whether the Britons taught it to the Romans, or whether Caesar introduced it into Britain : and it is strange he should take no notice of it ; whereas he has recorded that they did not eat hare's flesh ; that the ancients used to marinate their fish, by frying them in oil, and the moment they were taken out pouring boiling vinegar upon them. The learned anno- tator observes, that the best way of keeping the liquor in oysters is by laying the deep shell downwards ; and by this means Apicius con- veyed oysters to Tiberius when in Parthia. A noble invention, since made use of at Colchester with most admirable success ! What estates might brawn or locket have got in those days, when Apicius, only for boiling sprouts after a new fashion, deservedly came into the good graces of Drusus, who then command) i the Roman armies ! The first book having treated of sauces or standing pickles for relish, which are used in most of the succeeding receipts, the b has a glorious subject, of sausages, both with skins and without, which contain matters no less remarkable than the former. The :u that were delicate in their eating prepared their own mushrooms with an amber or at 1 silver knife; where the annotator shows THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. elegantly, against Hardouinus, that the whole knife, and not only the handle, was of amber or silver, lest the rustiness of an ordinaiy knife might prove infectious. This is a nicety which I hope we may in time arrive to; for the Britons, though not very forward in inventions, yet are out-done by no nations in imitation or improvements. The third book is of such edibles as are pro- duced in gardens. The Romans used nitre to make their herbs look green ; the annotator shows our saltpetre at present to differ from the ancient nitre. Apicius had a way of minc- ing them first with oil and salt, and so boiling them; which Pliny commends. But the pre- sent receipt is, to let the water boil well ; throw in salt and a bit of butter ; and so not only sprouts but spinage will be green. There is a most extraordinary observation of the editor's, to which I cannot but agree ; that it is a vulgar error, that walnut-trees, like ruffian wives, thrive the better for being beaten ; and that long poles and stones are used by boys and others to get the fruit down, the walnut- tree being so very high they could not otherwise reach it, rather out of kindness to themselves, than any regard to the tree that bears it. As for asparagus, there is an excellent remark, that, according to Pliny, they were the great care of ; the ancient gardeners, and that at Eavenna three weighed a pound ; but that in England it was thought a rarity when a hun- dred of them weighed thirty ; that cucumbers are apt to rise in the stomach, unless pared, or boiled with oil, vinegar, and honey : that the Egyptians would drink hard without any dis- turbance, because it was a rule for them to have always boiled cabbage for their first dish at supper ; that the best way to roast onions is in colewort leaves, for fear of burning them ; that beets are good for smiths, because they, working at the fire, are generally costive : that Petronius has recorded a little old woman, who sold the agrcste olus of the ancients ; which honour I take to be as nruck due to those who in our days cry nettle-tops, elder-buds, and cliver, 1 in springtime very wholesome. The fourth book contains the universal art of cookery. As Matthreus Sylvaticus composed the pandects of physic, and Justinian those of law, so Apicius has done the pandects of his art, in this book which bears that inscription. ' The first chapter contains the admirable receipt of a salacacaby of Apicius. Bruise in a mortar parsley-seed, dried pennyroyal, dried mint, ginger, green coriander, raisins stoned, honey, vinegar, oil, and wine ; put them into a caca- bulum ; three crusts of pycentine bread, the flesh of a pullet, goat stones, vestine cheese, pine kernels, cucumbers, dried onions minced email ; pour a soup over it, garnish it with 1 Cliver, goosegrass. snow, and send it up in the cacabulum. This cacabulum being an unusual vessel, my friend went to his dictionary, where, finding an odd interpretation of it, ho was easily persuaded, from the whimsicalness of the composition, and the fantasticalness of snow for its garniture, that the properest vessel for a physician to prescribe to send to table upon that occasion might be a bed-pan. There are some admirable remarks in the annotations to the second chapter, concerning the Dialogue of Asselius Sabinus, who introduces a combat between mushrooms, chats or beccafico's, oysters, and red-wings, a work that ought to be published ; for the same annotator observes that this island is not destitute of red-wings, though coming to us only in the hardest weather, and therefore seldom brought fat to our tables ; that the chats come to us in April and breed, and about autumn return to Africk ; that experience show b us they may be kept in cages, fed with beef or wether mutton, figs, grapes, and minced filberts, being dainties not unworthy the care of such as would preserve our British hospitality. There is a curious observation concerning the diversity of Eoman and British dishes ; the first delighting in hodge-podge, gallimaufreys, forced meats, jussels, and salmagundies ; * the latter in spear-ribs, surloins, chines, and barons ; and thence our terms of art both as to dressing and carving, become very different ; for they, lying upon a sort of couch, could not have carved those dishes which our ancestors when they sat upon forms used to do. But, since the use of cushions and elbow-chairs, and the editions of good books and authors, it may be hoped in time we may come up to them. For indeed hitherto we have been something to blame. The fifth book is of peas porridge; under which are included frumetary, watergruel, milk-porridge, rice-milk, flummery, stir-about, and the like. The Latin or rather Greek name is Ausprios ; but my friend was pleased to en- title it Pantagruel, a named used by Eabelais, an eminent physician. There are some very remarkable things in it ; as the Emperor Julianus had seldom anything but spoon meat at supper : that the herb fenugreek, with pickles, oil, and wine, was a Roman dainty; upon which the annotator observes, that it is not used in our kitchens for a certain ungrateful bitterness that it has ; and that it is plainly a physical diet ; and that, mixed with oats, it is the best purge for horses : an excellent invention for frugality, and that nothing might be lost ; for what the lord did not eat he might send to his stable ! 1 Gallimaufry was a hash of several meats ; jussel, a mince of several meats, for which old recipes are extant ; sahnagundy was a mixture of chopped meat and pickled herring, with oil, vinegar, pepper, and onions. —Moklet. R.. THE BRITISH TETTER WRITERS. The sixth book treats of wild-fowl ; how to dress ostriches (the biggest, grossest, and most difficult of digestion of any bird), phcenicop- trices, 1 parrots, etc. The seventh book treats of things sumptuous and costly, and therefore chiefly concerning hog-meat ; in which the Romans came to that excess, that the laws forbade the usage of hogs- harslet, sweet-breads, cheeks, etc., at their public suppers ; and Cato, when censor, sought to restrain the extravagant use of brawn, by several of his orations. So much regard w;rs had then to the art of cookery, that we see it took place in the thoughts of the wisest mi a, and bore a part in their most important counsels. But, alas ! the degeneracy of our present age is such, that I believe few besides the annotator know the excellency of a virgin sow, especially of the black kind brought from ( "nina, and how to make the most of her liver, lights, brains, and pettitoes ; and to vary her into those fifty dishes which, Pliny says, were usually made of that delicious creature. Be- sides, Galen tells us more of its excellences : ' That fellow that eats bacon for two or three days before he is to box or wrestle, shall be much stronger than if he should eat the best roast beef or bag pudding in the parish. ' The eighth book treats of such dainties as four- footed beasts afford us ; as (1) the wild boar, which they used to boil with all its bristles on. (2) The deer, dressed with broth made with pepper, wine, honey, oil, and stewed damsons, etc. (3) The wild sheep, of which there are 'innumerable in the mountains of Yorkshire and "Westmoreland, that will let nobody handle th?m ; ' but if they are caught they are to be sent up with an elegant sauce, prescribed after a physical manner, in form of an electuary, made ■ if pepper, rue, parsley-seed, juniper, thyme dried, mint, pennyroyal, honey, etc., with which any apothecary in that country can furnish you. (4) Beef, with onion sauce, and commended by Celsus, but not much approved by Hippocrates, because the Greeks scarce knew how to make oxen, and powdering-tuba were in very few families : for physicians have been very peculiar in their diet in all ages ; otherwise Galen would scarce have found out that young foxes were in season in autumn. (5) The sucking pig boiled in paper. (0) The hare, the chief of the Koman dainties ; its blood being the sweetest of any animal, its natural fear contributing to that excellence! Though the emperors and nobility had parks to fatten them in, yet in the time of Didianus Julianus, if any one had sent him one, or a pig, he would make it last him three days; whereas Alexander Severus had one every meal, which must have been a great expense, and is very remarkable. But the most exquisite animal was reserved for the last i Phantcoptrlcu, flamingoes. chapter ; and that was the dormouse, a harm- less creature, whose innocence might at least have defended it both from cooks and physicians. But Apicius found out an odd sort of fate for those poor creatures ; some to be boned, and others to be put whole, with odd ingredients, into hogs-guts, and so boiled for sausages. In ancient times people made it their business to fatten them : Aristotle rightly observes that sleep fattened them, and Martial from thence too poetically tells us that sleep was their only nourishment. But the annotator has cleared that point ; he, good man, has tenderly observed one of them for many years, and finds that it does not sleep all the winter, as falsely reported, but wakes at meals, and after its repast then rolls itself up in a ball to sleep. This dormouse, according to the author, did not drink in three years time ; but whether other dormice do so, I cannot tell, because Bam- bouselbergius"s treatise ' of fattening dormice ' is lost. Though very costly, they became a common dish at great entertainments. Petro- nius delivers us an odd receipt for dressing them, and serving them up with poppies an 1 honey ; which must be a very soporiferov.s dainty, and as good as owl-pie to such as want a nap after dinner. The fondness of the Romans came to be so excessive towards them, that, as Pliny says, ' the Censorian Laws, and Marcus Scarus in his consulship, got them prohibited from public entertainments.' But Nero, Commodus, and Heliogabalus would not deny the liberty, and indeed property, of their subjects in so reasonable an enjoyment: and therefore we find them long after brought to table in the times of Ammianus Marcellinus, who tells us likewise, that ' scales were brought to table in those ages, to weigh curious fishes, birds, and dormice,' to see whether they were at the standard of excellence and perfection sometimes, I suppose, to vie with other pre- tenders to magnificence. The annotator lak< s hold of this occasion to show of how great use scales would be at the tables of our nobility, especially upon the bringing up of a dish of wild-fowl : ' for if twelve larks (he says) should weigh below twelve ounces, they would be very lean and scarce tolerable ; if twelve and down- weight, they would be very well ; but if thirteen, they would be fat to perfection.' "We see upon how nice and exact a balance the happiness of eating depends ! I could scarce forbear smiling, not to say worse, at such exactness and such dainties ; and told my friend, that those scales would be of extraordinary use at Dunstable ; and that, if the annotator had not prescribed his dormouse, I should upon the first occasion be glad to visit it, if I knew its visiting days and hours, so as not to disturb it. My friend said there remained but two books more, one of sea and the other of liver fish, in THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. s^ toe account of which he would not be long, seeing his memory began to fail him almost as much as my patience. •Tis true, in a Ions work, soft slumbers creep, And gently sink the artist into sleep ; ' especially when treating of dormice. The ninth book is concerning sea fish, where, amongst other learned annotations, is recorded that famous voyage of Apicius, who, having spent many millions, and being retired into Campania, heard that there were lobsters of a vast and unusual bigness in Africa, and there- upon impatiently got on shipboard the same day ; and, having suffered much at sea, came at last to the coast. But the fame of so great a man's coming had landed before him, and all the fishermen sailed out to meet him, and presented him with their fairest lobsters. He asked if they had no larger. They answered, ' Their sea produced nothing more excellent than what they had brought.' This honest freedom of theirs, with his disappointment, so disgusted him, that he took pet, and bade the master return home again immediately : so it seems Africa lost the breed of one monster more than it had before. There are many receipts in the book to dress cramp-fish, that numb the hands of those that touch them ; the cuttle-fish, whose blood is like ink ; the pourcontrel, or many feet ; the sea-urchin, or hedge-hog ; with several others, whose sauces are agreeable to their natures. But, to the comfort of us moderns, the ancients often eat their oysters alive, and spread hard eggs minced over their sprats as we do now over our salt-fish. There is one thing very curious concerning herrings : it seems the ancients were very fantastical in making one thing pass for another ; so, at Petronius's supper, the cook sent up a fat goose, fish, and wild-fowl of all sorts to appearance, but still all were made out of the several parts of one single porker. The great Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, had a very delightful deception of this nature put upon him by his cook ; the king was extremely affected with fresh herrings (as indeed who is not ?) ; but, being far up in Asia from the sea coast, his whole wealth could not have purchased one ; but his cook contrived some sort of meat which, put into a frame, so resembled a herring, that it was extremely satisfactory both to this prince's eyes and gusto. My friend told me that, to the honour of the city of London, he v had seen a thing of this nature there ; that is, a herring, or rather a salmagundy, with the head and tail so neatly laid, that it surprised him. He says, many of the species may be found at the Sugar-loaf in Bell Yard, as giving an excellent relish to Burton ale, and not costing above sixpence, an inconsiderable price for so imperial a dainty. The tenth book, as my friend tells me, is concerning fish sauces, which consist of variety of ingredients, amongst which is generally a kind of frumetary. But it is not to be for- gotten by any person who would boil fish exactly, that they threw them alive into the water, which at present is said to be a Dutch receipt, but was derived from the Romans. It seems Seneca the philosopher (a man from whose morose temper little good in the art of cookery could be expected), in his third book of Natural Questions, correcting the luxury of the times, says, the Romans were come to that daintiness, that they would not cat a fish unless upon the same day it was taken, ' that it might taste of the sea,' as they expressed it ; and therefore had them brought by persons who rode post, and made a great outcry, whereupon all other people were obliged to give them the road. It was an usual expression for a Roman to say, ' In other matters I may confide in you, but in a thing of this weight it is not consistent with my gravity and prudence. I will trust nothing but my own eyes. Bring the fish hither, let me see him breathe his last.' And when the poor fish was brought to table swim- ming and gasping, would cry out, ' Nothing is more beautiful than a dying mullet ! ' My friend says, ' the annotator looks upon these as jests made by the Stoics, and spoken absurdly and beyond nature ; ' though the annotator at the same time tells us, that it was a law at Athens that the fishermen should not wash their fish, but bring them as they came out of the sea. Happy were the Athenians in good laws, and the Romans in great examples ! But I believe our Britons need wish their friends no longer life, than till they see London served with live henings and gasping mackerel. It is true, we are not quite so barbarous, but that we throw our crabs alive into scalding water, and tie our lobsters to the spit to hear them squeak when they are roasted ; our eels use the same peri- staltic motion upon the gridiron, when their skin is off and their guts are out, as they did before ; and our gudgeons, taking opportunity of jumping after they are flowered, give occasion to the admirable remark of some persons' folly, when, to avoid the danger of the frying-pan, they leap into the fire. My friend said that the mention of eels put him in mind of the concluding remark of the annotator, ' That they who amongst the Sybarites woidd fish for eels, or sell them, should be free from all taxes.' I was glad to hear of the word conclude ; and told him nothing could be more acceptable to me than the mention of the Sybarites, of whom I shortly intend a history, showing how they deservedly banished cocks for waking them in a morning, and smiths for being useful; how one cried out because one of the rose-leaves he lay on was rumpled ; how they taught their horses to dance ; and so their enemies coming against them with guitars and harpsichords, set them so upon their round O's and minuets, S6 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. that the form of their hattle was hroken, and three hundred thousand of them slain, as t kmldman, Littleton, and several other good authors affirm. I told my friend, I had much overstayed my hour ; but if, at any time, he would find Dick Humelbergius, Caspar Barthius, and another friend, with himself, I would invite him to dinner of a few but choice dishes to cover the tabic at once, which, except they would think of anything better, should be a salacacaby, a dish of fenugreek, a wild sheep's head and appurtenance with a suitable elec- tuary, a ragowt of capons' stones, and some dormouse sausages. If, as friends do with one another at a venison- pasty, you should send for a plate, you know you may command it ; for what is mine is yours, as being entirely your, etc. [Born in 1C72, — five years after the author of Gulliver, — Joseph Addison terminated his comparatively short career at the age of forty-seven. Only a few of his letters appear to have been preserved. Although most of them were written at an early period of his life, they exhibit many evidences of that delightful humour which is more fully developed in the classic pages of the Spectator, now, unfortunately, too little known. For sweetness of expression, propriety of treatment, and dignity of tone, the language of Addison can hardly be surpassed. '"Whoever wishes,' says Dr. Johnson, ' to attain an English style, familiar but not coarse, and elegant but not ostentatious, must give his days and nights to the volumes of Addison.' In the capacity of Secretary of State, it has been said that he was a better man of ! i business than Prior, but still a bad one. His business letters, however, which are extant, are clear and concise, as well as graceful, and certainly do not justify the reproach of Pope, that ' he could not issue an order without losing his time in quest of fine expressions.'— Seton's Letters and Letter Writers.] JOSEPH ADDISON TO MR. CONCREVE. Dear Sir, — I was very sorry to hear in your last letter that you were so terribly afflicted with the gout, though for your comfort I believe you are the first English poet that has been complimented with the distemper. I was my- self at that time sick of a fever, which I believe proceeded from the same cause ; but at present I am so well recovered that I can scarce forbear beginning my letter with Tally's preface, Si vales bene est, ego ejuidem valeo. You must excuse me for giving you a line of Latin now and then, since I find myself in some danger of losing the tongue, for I perceive a new language, like a new mistress, is apt to make a man forget all his old ones. I assure you I met with a very remarkable instance of this nature at Paris, in a poor Irishman that had lost the little English he had brought over with him, without being able to learn any French in its stead. I asked him what language he spoke ; he very innocently answered me, ' No language, Monsieur,' which, as I afterwards found, were all the words he was master of in both tongues. I am at present in a town where all the languages in Europe are spoken except English, which is not to be heard, I believe, within fifty miles of the place. My greatest diversion is to run over in my thoughts the variety of noble scenes I was entertained with before I came hither. I don't believe, as good a poet as you are, that you can make finer landscapes than those about the king's houses, or, with all your descriptions, build a more magnificent palace than Versailles. I am, however, so singular as to prefer Fontaine- bleau to all the rest. It is situated among rocks and woods, that give you a fine variety of savage prospects. The King has humoured the genius of the place, and only made use of so much art as is necessary to help and regulate nature without reforming her too much. . . . But I begin to talk like Dr. Lister. To pass, therefore, from works of nature to those of art : in my opinion, the pleasantest part of Versailles is the gallery. Every one sees on each side of it something that will be sure to please him, for one of them commands a view of the finest garden in the world, and the other is wainscoted with looking-glass. The history of the present king to the year 10 a is painted on the roof by Le Bran, so that his Majesty has actions enough by him to furnish another gallery much longer than the first. He is represented with all the terror and majesty that you can imagine in every part of the picture, and sees his young face as perfectly drawn in the roof as his present one in the side. The painter has rcpiv his Most Christian Majesty tinder the figure of Jupiter throwing thunderbolts, and striking terror into the Danube and Rhine, that lie astonished and blasted with lightning a little above the cornice. I believe by this time you are afraid I shall carry you from room to room, and lead you through the whole palace : truly, if I had not tired you already I could not p showing you a staircase that they say is the noblesl in its kind ; but after so tedious a letter 1 The sixteenth year of his :< ;.n is supposed to be mi. ii, u THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 87 I shall conclude with the petition to you, that you would deliver the enclosed to Mr. Montague, for I am afraid of interrupting him with my impertinence when he is engaged in more serious affairs. Txi facilts aditus et mollia tcmpora ndvis. — I am, etc. Blots, lObr, 1699. JOSEPH ADDISON TO CHAMBERLAIN DASHWOOD. Geneva, July 1702. Dear Sik, — About three days ago Mr. Bocher put a very pretty snuff-box in my hand. I was not a little pleased to hear that it belonged to myself, and was much more so when I found it was a present from a gentleman that I have so great an honour for. You did not probably foresee that it would draw on you ye trouble of a letter, but you must blame yourself for it. For my part I can no more accept of a snuff-box without returning my acknowledgments, than I can take snuff without sneezing after it. This last I must own to you is so great an absurdity that I should be ashamed to confess it, were not I in hopes of correcting it very speedily. I am observed to have my box oftener in my hand than those that have been used to one these twenty years, for I can't forbear taking it out of my pocket whenever I think of Mr. Dashwood. You know Mr. Bays recom- mends snuff as a great provocative to wit, but you may produce this letter as a standing evidence against him. I have since ye begin- ning of it taken above a dozen pinches, and still find myself much more inclined to sneeze than to jest. From whence I conclude that wit and tobacco are not inseparable, or to make a pun of it, though a man may be master of a siraff- box, ' Non cuicunque datum est habere Nasum.' I should be afraid of being thought a pedant for my quotation did not I know that ye gentleman I am writing to always carries a Horace in his pocket. But whatever you may think me, pray, sir, do me ye justice to esteem me Your most, etc. [Swift painted a very agreeable portrait of Berkeley in a letter to Lord Cartaret. He seems to have possessed the art of attaching to himself all who knew him. Atterbury, after a single interview, declared his opinion of him in these emphatic words : 4 So much understanding, so much know- ledge, so much innocence, and such humility, I did not think had been the portion of any but angels, till I saw this gentleman.' Blackwell, whom he was desirous of taking out as a professor in the proposed college at the Bermudas, has pronounced a similar eulogium. Of the fervour and vivacity of his fancy, an illus- tration is afforded by a story which Lord Bathurst communicated to Dr. Warton : — 'All the members of the Scrib'ferus Club being met at his house at dinner, they agreed to rally Berkeley, who was also his guest, on his scheme at the Bermudas. Berkeley, having listened to all the lively things they had to say, begged to be heard in his turn, and displayed his plan with such astonishing and animated force of eloquence and enthusiasm, that they were struck dumb, and, after some pause, rose up all together with earnestness, exclaiming, "Let us all set out with him immediately.'" Berkeley accompanied the son of the Bishop of Clogher in a tour through the south of Europe. While at Paris, he visited the philosopher Malebranche, whom he is reported to have found in his cell preparing a medicine in a small pipkin for an inflam- mation of the lungs, under which he was suffering. The conversation turned upon the non-existence of matter, and Male- branche argued with an impetuosity which, by aggravating the disorder, occasioned his death a few days after. Sir James Mac- kintosh regretted that Berkeley had not introduced this dramatic scene into one of his own beautiful dialo'gues. Berkeley was at this time in his 31st, and Malebranche in his 77th year. Mackintosh has traced a resemblance in the features of their character. They were, indeed, both amply endowed with imagination and invention ; but, while Malebranche regarded poetry with invincible disgust, Berkeley not only wrote harmonious verses himself, but possessed the friendship of one of the greatest masters of the art, who, in a famous line, assigned ' To Berkeley every virtue under heaven.' During his residence in Italy, Berkeley accumulated, with great diligence, materials for a history of Sicily, which were lost in the passage to Naples. He had the qualities of a traveller in the highest perfection. Blackwell says that he travelled over a part of Sicily on foot, climbing up moon- 8S THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. tains, and creeping into caverns. To the widest views in knowledge and literature he united the minutest examinations of detail. In the island to which lie gives the name of Inarime, the reader will recognise i , i odern Ischia.— TPtrtmotf.] DF.AN BBKKELEY TO POPE. Description of the Island of Inarime. Naples, Oct. 22, N.S., 1717. I have long had it in my thoughts to trouble you with a letter, but was discouraged for want of something that I could think worth sending fifteen hundred miles. Italy is such an exhausted subject that, I dare Bay, you would easily forgive my saying nothing of it ; and the imagination of a poet is a thing so nice and delicate, that it is no easy matter to find out images capable of giving pleasure to one of the few who (in any age) have come up to that character. I am, nevertheless, lately returned from an island, where I passed three or four months ; which, were it set out in its true colours, might, methinks, amuse you agreeably enough for a minute or two. The island Inarime is an epitome of the whole earth, containing, within the compass of eighteen a wonderful variety of hills, dales, rugged rocks, fruitful plains, and barren moun- tains, all thrown together in a most romantic confusion. The air is, in the hottest season, constantly refreshed by cool breezes from the sea. The vales produce excellent wheat and Indian corn ; but are mostly covered with vine- yards, intermixed with fruit trees. Besides the common kinds, as cherries, apricots, peaches, etc., they produce oranges, limes, almonds, pomegranates, figs, water-melons, and many other fruits unknown to our climates, which lie everywhere open to the passenger. The hills are the greater part covered to the top with vines, some with chestnut groves, and others with thickets of myrtle and lentiscus. The nil the northern side are divided by hi d -rows of myrtle. Several fountains and rivulets add to the beauty of this landscape, which is likewise set off by the variety of some barren spots and naked rocks. But that which crowns the scene is a large mountain rising out of the middle of the island (once a terrible volcano, by the ancients called Mons Epomcus) ; its lower parts arc adorned with vines and other fruits, the middle affords pasture to and beep, and the top is a sandy pointed rock, from which you have the finest . : in the world, surveying at one view, besides several pleasant islands lying at your t t. a tract of Italy about three hundred miles in length, from the promontory of Antium to the cape of Palinurufl ; the greater part of which hath been sung by Homer and Virgil, as making a considerable part of the travels and adventures of their two heroes. The islands Caprea, Prochyta, and Parthenope, together with Cajeta, Cunue, Monte Miseno, the habita- tions of Circe, the Syrens, and the Liestrigones, the Bay of Naples, the promontory of Minerva, and the whole Campagna Felice, make but a part of this noble landscape ; which would demand an imagination as warn., and numbers as flowing as your own to describe it. The inhabitants of this delicious isle, as they are without riches and honours, so they are without the vices and follies that attend them ; and were they but as much strangers to revenge as they are to avarice and ambition, they might in fact answer the poetical notions of the golden age. But they have got as an alloy to their happiness an ill habit of murder- ing one another on slight offences. We had an instance of this the second night after our arrival, a youth of eighteen being shot dead by our door; and yet, by the sole secret of minding our own business, we found a means of living securely among these dangerous people. "Would you know how we pass the time at Naples? Our chief entertainment is the devotion of our neighbours, besides the gaiety of their churches (where folks go to see what they call una bella devotione, i.e. a sort of religious opera). They make fireworks almost every week, out of devotion ; the streets are often hung with arras, out of devotion ; and (what is still more strange) the ladies invite gentlemen to their houses, and treat them with music and sweet- meats, out of devotion ; in a word, were it not for this devotion of its inhabitants, Naples would have little else to recommend it beside the air and situation. Learning is in no very thriving state here, as, indeed, nowhere else in Italy ; however, among many pretenders, some men of taste are to be met with. A friend of mine told me, not long since, that being to visit Salvini at Florence, he found him reading your Homer. He liked the notes extremely, and could find no other fault with the version, but that lie thought it approached too near a paraphrase ; which shows him not to be suffi- ciently acquainted with our language. I wish you health to go on with that noble work ; and when you have that I need not wish you success. You will do me the justice to believe, that, whatever relates to your welfare, is sincerely wished by Your. etc. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. So [Pope has recorded his intimacy with "Wycherley, by whose verses he said that he was 'ex- tremely plagued, up and down, for about two years.' Forty years before his death, Wycherley lost his memory by a fever, and would repeat the same thought two or three times in a single page. He could not retain more than a sentence at a time. Pope's troublesome task of correction was aggravated by Wycherley's custom of reading himself to sleep, out of Montaigne, Rochefoucault, and Seneca, and of produc- ing a poem on the following morning, into which he had unconsciously transplanted the thoughts of his favourite authors. His celebrated friend justly esteemed this habit one of the most singular phenomena in the history of the human mind. "Wycher- ley's vanity could not endure the superior taste of his critic. '"We were, however,' says Pope, ' pretty well together, to the last ; only his memory was so totally bad, that he did not remember a kindness done to him, even from minute to minute. He was peevish too, latterly ; so that some- times we were out a little, and sometimes in. He never did any unjust thing to me in his whole life, and I went to see him on his deathbed.' Tope, at the commencement of their correspondence, was sixteen, and "Wycherley seventy years old. — Willmott.] POPE TO WYCHERLEY. Of Dryden, his Character and Poetical Successors. Linficld, in Windsor Forest, Dec. 26, 1704 It was certainly a great satisfaction to me, to see and converse with a man, whom, in his writings, I had so long known with pleasure ; but it was a high addition to it to hear you, at our first meeting, doing justice to your dead friend, Mr. Dryden. I was not so happy as to know him; Virgilium tantum vidi. Had I been born early enough, I must have known and loved him, for I have been assured, not only by yourself, but by Mr. Congreve and Sir "William Turnbull, that his personal qualities were as amiable as his poetical, notwithstanding the many libellous misrepresentations of them, against whicli the former of these two gentle- men has told me he will one day vindicate him. I suppose those injuries were begun by the violence of party ; but 'tis no doubt they were continued by envy at his success and fame : and those scribblers who attacked him in latter times were only like gnats in a Bummer's evening, which are never very troublesome but in the finest and most glorious season ; for his fire, like the sun's, shined clearest towards its setting. You must not, therefore, imagine, that, when you told me my own performances were above those critics, I was so vain as to believe it, and yet I may not be so humble as to think myself quite below their notice. For critics, as they are birds of prey, have ever a natural inclination to carrion ; and though such poor writers as I are but beggars, no beggar is so poor but he can keep a cur, and no author is so beggarly but he can keep a critic. I am far from thinking the attacks of such people either any honour or dishonour, even to me, much less to Mr. Dryden. I agree with you that what- ever wits have risen since his death, are but like stars appearing when the sun is set, that twinkle only in his absence, and with the rays they have borrowed from him. Our wit, as you call it, is but reflection or imitation, there- fore scarce to be called ours. True wit, I believe, may be defined a justness of thought, and a facility of expression. However, this is far from a complete definition ; pray help me to a better, as I doubt not you can. POPE TO STEELE. Reflections upon Early Death, and Allusions to his own Infirmities. ' Jul >/ 15, 1712. You formerly observed to me, that nothing made a more ridiculous figure hi a man's life than the disparity we often find in him, sick and well. Thus, one of an unfortunate con- stitution is perpetually exhibiting a miserable example of the weakness of his mind and of his body in their turns. I have had frequent opportunities of late to consider myself in these different views, and I hope have received some advantage by it, if what "Waller says be true, that 'The soul's dark cottage, batter'd and decay*d, Lets in new light through chinks that time has made. Then surely sickness, contributing no less than old age to the shaking down this scaffolding o the body, may discover the inward structure more plainly. Sickness is a sort of early old age ; it teaches us a diffidence in our earthly state, and inspires us with thoughts of a future, better than a thousand volumes of philosophers and divines. It gives so warning a concussion to those props of our vanity, our strength and youth, that we think of fortifying ourselves within, when there is so little dependence upon our outworks. Youth, at the very best, is but a betrayer of human life in a gentler and smoother manner than age : 'tis like a stream 9 o THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. that nourishes a plant upon a bank, and causes it to flourish and blossom to the sight, but at the same time is undermining it at the root in secret. My youth has dealt more fairly and openly with me ; it has afforded several pros- pects of my danger, and given me an advantage not very common to young men, that the attractions of the world have not dazzled me very much, and I begin, where most people end, with a full conviction of the emptiness of all sorts of ambition, and the unsatisfactory nature of all human pleasures, when a smart fit of sickness tells me this scurvy tenement of my body will fall in a little time ; I am even as unconcerned as was that honest Hibernian, who, being in bed in the great storm some years ago, and told the house would tumble over his head, made answer, ' "What care I for the house ? — I am only a lodger.' I fancy it is the best time to die, when one is in the best humour ; and so excessively weak as I now am, I may say with conscience, I am not at all uneasy at the thought, that many men whom I never had any esteem for are likely to enjoy this world after me. "When I reflect what an inconsiderable little atom every single man is, with respect to the whole creation, methinks 'tis a shame to be concerned at the removal of such a trivial animal as I am. The morning after my exit, the sun will rise as bright as ever, the flowers smell as sweet, the plants spring as green, the world will proceed in its old course, people will laugh as heartily and marry as fast as they were used to do. The memory of man (as it is elegantly expressed in the Book of "Wisdom) passcth away as the remembrance of a guest that tarrieth but one day. There arc reasons enough, in the fourth chapter of the same book, to make any young man contented with the prospect of death. ' For honourable age is not that which standeth in length of time, or is measured by number of years. But wisdom is grey hairs to men, and an unspotted life is old age. He was taken away speedily, lest wicked- ness should alter his understanding, or deceit beguile his soul.' POPE TO A FRIEND. Upon the Vanity of Human Learning and Ambition. July 13, 1711. You mention the account I gave you some time ago of the things which Phillips said in his foolishness, but I cannot tell from anything in your letter, whether you received a long one from me about a fortnight since. It was princi- pally intended to thank you for the last obliging favour you did me, and perhaps for that reason you pass it in silence. 1 there launched into some account of my temporal affairs, and intend now to give you some hints of my spiritual. The conclusion of your letter draws this upon you, where you tell me you prayed for me. Your proceeding, sir, is con- trary to that of most other friends, who never talk of praying for a man after they have done him a service, but only when they will do him none. Nothing can be more kind than the hint you give me of the vanity of human sciences, which, I assure you, I am daily more convinced of ; and, indeed, I have for some years past looked upon all of them as no better than amusements. To make them the ultimate end of our pursuit, is a miserable and short ambition, which will drop from us at every little disappointment here, and even in case of no disappointment here, will infallibly desert us hereafter. The utmost fame they are capable of bestowing is never worth the pains they cost us, and the time they lose us. If you attain the top of your desires that way, all those who envy you will do you harm ; and of those who admire you, few will do you good. The unsuccessful writers are your declared enemies, and probably the successful your secret ones ; for those hate not more to be excelled, than these to be rivalled. And at the upshot, after a life of perpetual application, you reflect that you have been doing nothing for yourself, and that the same, or less industry, might have gained you a friendship that can never deceive or end, a satisfaction which praise cannot bestow, nor vanity feel, and a glory which (though in one respect, like fame, not to be had till after death) yet shall be felt and enjoyed to eternity. These, dear sir, are un- feignedly my r sentiments, whenever I think at all ; for half the things that employ our heads deserve not the name of thoughts, they are only stronger dreams of impressions upon the imagination : our schemes of government, our systems of philosophy, our golden words of poetry, are all but so many shadowy images and airy prospects, which arise to us but so much the livelier and more frequent, as we are overcast with the darkness, and disturbed with the fumes of human vanity. The same thing that makes old men willing to leave this world makes me willing to leave poetry,— long habit, and weariness of the same track. Homer will work a cure upon me ; fifteen thousand verses are equivalent to fourscore years, to make one old in rhyme ; and I should be sorry and ashamed to go on jingling to the last step, like a waggoner's horse in the same road, and so leave my bells to the next silly animal that. will be proud of them. That man makes a mean figure in the eyes of reason, who is measur- ing Byllahles and coupling rhymes, when he should be mending li is own soul, and securing bifl own immortality. If I had not this opinion, I should be unworthy even of those small and limited parte which God has given me, and unworthy the friendship of such a man as yo'.i. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 01 [' Pope,' writes Lady Montagu in one of her latest letters, ' courted, with the utmost assiduity, all the old men from whom he could hope a legacy, — the Duke of Bucking- ham, Lord Peterborough, Sir G. Kneller, Lord Bolingbrokc, Mr. "VVycherley, Mr. Congreve, Lord Harcourt, etc., and I do not doubt projected to sweep the Dean's whole inheritance, if he could have per- suaded him to throw up his deanery, and come to reside in his house ; and his general preaching against money was meant to induce people to throw it away, that he might pick it up.' This was said in the bitterness of her heart, after her quarrel with the poet had obliterated the recollection of his flattery and his song.] POPE TO SWIFT. On his Departure from TwickenMm. Awj. 22, 172G. Many a short sigh you cost me the clay I left you, and many more you will cost mc till the day you return. I really walked about like a man banished, and when I came home, found it no home. 'Tis a situation like that of a limb lopped off ; one is trying every minute unawares to use it, and finds it is not. I may say you have used me more cruelly than you have any other man ; you have made it more impossible for me to live at ease without you ; habitude itself would have done that, if I had less friendship in my nature than I have. Besides my natural memory of you, you have made a local one, which presents you to me in every place I frequent; I shall never more think of Lord Cobham's, the woods of Ciceter, or the pleasing prospect of Byberry, but your idea must be joined with them ; nor see one seat in my own garden, or one room in my house, without a phantom of you sitting or walking before me. I travelled with you to Chester, I felt the extreme heat of the weather, the inns, the roads, the confinement and close- ness of the uneasy coach, and wished a hundred times I had either a deanery or a horse in my gift. In real truth, I have felt my soul peevish ever since with all about me, from a warm, uneasy desire after you. I am gone out of myself to no purpose, and cannot catch you. hmiat m pedes was not more properly applied to a poor dog after a hare, than to me after your departure. I wish I could think no more of it, but lie down and sleep till we meet again, and let that day (how far soever off it be) be the morrow. Since I cannot, may it be my amends, that everything you wish may attend you where you are, and that you may find every friend you have there in the state you wish him or her, so that your visits to us may have no other effect than the progress of a rich man to a remote estate, which he finds greater than he expected, which knowledge only serves to make him live happier where he is, with no disagreeable prospect if ever he should choose to remove. May this be your state till it become what I wish. But, indeed, I cannot express the warmth with which I wish you all things, and myself you. Indeed you are engraved elsewhere than on the cups you sent me (with so kind an inscription), and I might throw them into the Thames without injury to the giver. I am not pleased with them, but take them very kindly too ; and had I suspected any such usage from you, I should have enjoyed your company less than I really did, for at this rate I may say, Nee tecum possum vivere, nee sine te. I will bring you over just such another present when I go to the Deanery of St. Patrick's, which I promise you to do, if ever I am enabled to return your kindness. Donarem patents, etc. Till then I'll drink (or Gay shall drink) daily healths to you, and I add to your inscription the old Boman vow for years to come, Votis X. votis XX. My mother's age gives me authority to hope it for yours. Adieu. TO THE SAME. Binfield, Dec. 8, 1713. Sir, — Not to trouble you at present with a recital of all my obligations to you, I shall only mention two things, which I take particularly kind of you ; your desire that I should write to you, and your proposal of giving me twenty guineas to change my religion, which last you must give me leave to make the subject of this letter. Sure no clergyman ever offered so much out of his own purse for the sake of any religion. 'Tis almost as many pieces of gold as an apostle could get of silver from the priests of old, on a much more valuable consideration. I believe it will be better worth my while to propose a change of my faith by subscription, than a translation of Homer. And to convince you how well disposed I am to the reformation, I shall be content if you can prevail with my Lord Treasurer and the Ministry to rise to the same sum, each of them, on this pious account, as my Lord Halifax has done on the profane one. I am afraid there is no being at once a poet and a good Christian ; and I am very much straitened between two, while the Whigs seem willing to contribute as much, to continue me the one, as you would to make me the other. But if you can move every man in the Govern- ment, who has above ten thousand pounds a year, to subscribe as much as yourself, I shall 9 2 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. become a convert, as most men do, when the Lord turns it to my interest. I know they have the truth of religion so much at heart, that they would certainly give more to have one good subject translated from Popery to the Church of England, than twenty heathenish authors out of any unknown tongue in ours. I therefore commission you, Mr. Dean, with full authority, to transact this affair in my name, and to pro- pose as follows : — First, that as to the head of our Church, the Pope, I may engage to renounce his power whensoever I shall receive any par- ticular indulgence? from the head of your Church, the Queen. As to communion in one kind, I shall also promise to change it for communion in both, as soon as the Ministry will allow me. For invocations to saints, mine shall be turned to dedications to sinners, when I shall find the great ones of this world as willing to do me any good as I believe those of the other are. You see I shall not be obstinate in the main points ; but there is one article I must reserve, and which you seemed not unwilling to allow me, — prayer for the dead. There are people to whose souls I wish as well as to my own ; and I must crave leave humbly to lay before them, that though the subscriptions above-mentioned will suffice for myself, there are necessary perquisites and additions, which I must demand on the score of this charitable article. It is also to be considered, that the greater part of those whose souls I am most concerned for, were unfortunately heretics, schismatics, poets, painters, or persons of such lives and manners as few or no churches are willing to save. The expense will therefore be the greater to make an effectual provision for the souls. Old Drydcn, though a Roman Catholic, was a poet ; and 'tis revealed in the visions of some ancient saints, that no poet was ever saved under some hundred of masses. I cannot set his delivery from purgatory at less than fifty pounds sterling. Walsh was not only a Socinian, but (what you will own i> harder to be saved) a "Whig. He cannot modestly be rated at less than a hundred. L'Estrangc, being a Tory, we compute him but at twenty pounds, which I hope no friend of the party can deny to give, to keep him from damning in the next life, considei-ing they never gave him sixpence to keep him from starving in this. All this together amounts to one hundred and seventy pounds. In the next place, I must desire you to repre- sent that there are several of my friends yet living, whom I design, God willing, to outlive, in consideration of legacies; out of which it is a doctrine in the reformed church, that not a farthing shall be allowed to save their souls wno gave them. There is one . . . who will die within these few months, with . . . one Mr. Jervas, who hath grievously offended in making the likeness of almost all things in heaven above and earth below; and one Mr. Oay, an unhappy youth, who writes pastorals during the time of divine service, whose case is the more deplorable, as he hath miserably lavished away all that silver he should have reserved for his soul's health, in buttons and loops for his coat. I can't pretend to have these people honestly saved under some hundred pounds, whether you consider the difficulty of such a work, or the extreme love and tenderness I bear them, winch will infallibly make me push this charity as far as I am able. There is but one more whose salvation I insist upon, and then I have done ; but indeed it may prove of so much greater charge than all the rest, that I will only lay the case before you and the Ministry, and leave to their prudence and generosity what sum they shall think fit to bestow upon it. The person I mean is Dr. Swift, a dignified clergyman, but one who, by his own confession, has composed more libels than sermons. If it be true, what I have heard often affirmed by innocent people, that too much wit is dangerous to salvation, this unfortunate gentleman must certainly be damned to all eternity. But I hope his long experience in the world, and frequent conversation with great men, will cause him (as it has some others) to have less and less wit every clay. Be it as it will, I should not think my own soul deserved to be saved, if I did not endeavour to save his ; for I have all the obligations in nature to him. He has brought me into better company than I cared for, made me merrier when I was sick than I had a mind to be, and put me upon making poems, on purpose that he might alter them, etc. I once thought I could never have discharged my debt to his kindness, but have lately been informed, to my unspeakable comfort, that I have more than paid it all. For Monsieur de Montaigne has assured me, ' that the person who receives a benefit obliges the giver;' for since the chief endeavour of one friend is to do good to the other, he who administers both the matter and occasion is the man who is liberal. At this rate it is impossible Dr. Swift should be ever out of my debt, as matters stand already ; and, for the future, he may expect daily more obligations from his most tuithtui, affectionate, humble servant, A. I'OVt, THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. [Swift, in his reply to the following letter, gives his friend an account of the comforts he would find at the Deanery. 'I say one thing, that both summers and winters are milder here than with you : all things for life in general better for a middling fortune : you will have an absolute command of your time and company, with whatever obsequi- ousness or freedom you may expect or allow. I have an elderly housekeeper who hath been my wolf above thirty years, whenever I lived in this kingdom. I have the com- mand of one or two villas near this town. You have a warm apartment in this house, and two gardens for amusement.' In another letter, he confessed that he did not ' converse with one creature of station or title,' but could command the attendance of ' a set of easy people,' when he desired their company. Four years later he pre- sented (lay with a more melancholy picture of his situation, living in a large house, thankful for the society of a friend, and usually obliged to ' hire one ' with a bottle of wine. Pope, after many ingenious de- vices and courtly expressions of regard, finally settled the question of an Irish journey, by expressing his belief that 'a sea-sickness would kill' him. Pope's filial affection is the most beautiful feature in his moral character. "Who has forgotten his pathetic lines, warm from the heart : — ' Me, let the tender office long engage, To rock the cradle of reposing Age ; With lenient acts extend a Mother's breath, Make Languor smile, and smooth the bed of Death. Explore the thought, explain the asking eye, And keep awhile one parent from the sky.' — Willmott.] TOPE TO SWIFT. Gulliver— The Beggars' Opera, etc. I send you a very odd thing, a paper printed in Boston in Xew England ; wherein you'll find a real person, a member of their parliament, of the name of Jonathan Gulliver. If the fame of that traveller has travelled thither, it has travelled very quick, to have folks christened already by the name of the supposed author. But if you object, that no child so lately chris- tened could be arrived at years of maturity to be elected into parliament, I reply (to solve the riddle), that the person is an Anabaptist, and not christened till full age, which sets all right. However it bo, the accident is very singular, that these two names should be united. Mr. Gay's opera has been acted near forty days running, and will certainly continue the whole season. So he has more than a fence about his thousand pounds ; he'll soon be thinking of a fence about his two thousand. Shall no one of us live as we would wish each other to live ? Shall we have no annuity : you no settlement on this side, and I no prospect of getting to you on the other? This world is made for Caesar ; as Cato said, for ambitious, false, or flattering people to domineer in ; nay, they would not, by their own good-will, leave us our very books, thoughts, or words in quiet. I despise the world ; yet, I assure you, more than either Gay or you, and the court more than all the rest of the world. As for those scribblers for whom you apprehend I would suppress my dulness (which, by the way, for the future you are to call by a more pompous name, The Dunciud), how much that nest of hornets are my regard, will easily appear to you when you read the Treatise of the Bathos. At all adventures, yours and my name shall stand linked as friends to posterity, both in verse and prose ; and as Tully calls it, ' in con- suetudine Studiorum ; ' would to God, our persons could but as well, and as surely, be inseparable. I find my other ties dropping from me ; some worn off, some torn off, some relaxing daily. My greatest, both by duty, gratitude, and humanity, time is shaking every moment, and it now hangs but by a thread ! I am many years the older for living so much with one so old ; much the more helpless, for having been so long helped and tended by her ; much the more considerate and tender, for a daily commerce with one who required me justly to be both to her ; and consequently the more melancholy and thoughtful, and the less fit for others, who want only in a companion or a friend to be amused or entertained. My constitution, too, has had its share of decay, as well as my spirits ; and I am as much in the decline at forty, as you at sixty. I believe we should be fit to live together, could I get a little more health, which might make me not quite insupportable ; your deafness would agree with my dulness ; you would not want me to speak when you could not hear. But God forbid you should be as destitute of the social comforts of life, as I must when I lose my mother ; or that ever you should lose your more useful acquaintance so utterly, as to turn your thoughts to such a broken reed as I am, who could so ill supply your wants ! I am extremely troubled at the return of your deafness ; you cannot be too particular in the accounts of your health to me ; everything you do or say in this kind obliges me, nay, delights me, to see the justice you do me, in thinking me concerned in all your concerns ; so that though the pleasantest thing you can tell me be that you are better or easier, next to that it pleases me, that you make me the person you would complain to. 94 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. As the obtaining the love of valuable men is the happiest end I know of in this life, so the next felicity is to get rid of fools and scoundrels ; which I can't but own to you, was one part of my design in falling upon these authors, whose incapacity is not greater than their insincerity, and of whom I have always found (if I may quote myself), That each bad Author is as bad a Friend. This poem will rid me of these insects, — Ccdite. Itoinani Scriptores, cedite, Graii; Nescio quid majus nascitur Wade. I mean than my Iliad ; and I call it Neicio quid, which is a degree of modesty ; but however, if it silence those fellows, it must be something greater than any Iliad in Christendom. Adieu. POPE TO STEELE. June 18, 1712. You have obliged me with a very kind letter, by which I find you shift the scene of your life from the town to the country, and enjoy that mixed state which wise men both delight in and arc qualified for. Methinks the moralists and philosophers have generally run too much into extremes in commending entirely either solitude or public life. In the former, men for the most part grow useless by too much rest ; and in the latter, are destroyed by too much precipitation ; as waters, lying still, putrefy and are good for nothing ; and running violently on, do but the more mischief in their passage to others, and are swallowed up and lost the sooner themselves. Those, indeed, who can be useful to all states, should be like gentle streams, that not only glide through lonely valleys and forests amidst the flocks and the shepherds, but visit populous towns in their course, and are at once of ornament and service to them. But there are another sort of people who seem designed for solitude ; such, I mean, as have more to hide than to show. As for my own part, I am one of those of whom Seneca says, 'Tarn umbratiles sunt, ut putent in turbido esse quicquid in luce est.' Some men, like some pictures, are fitter for a corner than a full light ; and I believe such as have a natural bent to solitude (to carry on the former simili- tude) are like waters which may be forced into fountains, and, exalted into a great height, may make a noble figure, and a louder noise ; but, after all, they would run more smoothly, quietly, and plentifully, in their own natural course upon the ground. The consideration of this would make me very well contented with the possession of that quiet which Cowley rails the companion of obscurity. But whoever lias the Muses, too, for his companions, can never be idle enough to be uneasy. Thus, sir, you see I would flatter myself into a good opinion of n:y own way of living. Plutarch just now told me that it is in human life as in a game at tables, where a man may wish for the highest cast, but, if his chance be otherwise, he is e'en to play it as well as he can, and to make the best of it. POPE TO MRS. ARABELLA FERMOR. On her Marriage. You are by this time satisfied how much the tenderness of one man of merit is to be pre- ferred to the addresses of a thousand. And by this time the gentleman you have made choice of is sensible how great is the joy of having all those charms and good qualities which have pleased so many, now applied to please one only. It was but just that the same virtues which gave you reputation should give you happiness ; and I can wish you no greater than that you may receive it in as high a degree yourself, as so much good -humour must infallibly give it to your husband. It may be expected, perhaps, that one who has the title of a poet should say something more polite on this occasion ; but I am really more a well-wisher to your felicity than a celebrator of your beauty. Besides, you are now a married woman, and in a way to be a great many better things than a fine lady ; such as an excellent wife, a faithful friend, a t parent, and at last, as the consequence of them all, a saint in heaven. You ought now to hear nothing but that which was all you ever desired to hear (whatever others may have spoken 1 1 I mean truth ; and it is with the utmost pleasure that I assure you, no friend you have can more rejoice in any good that befalls you, is more sincerely delighted with the prospect of your future happiness, or more unfeignedly desires a long continuance of it. I hope you will think it but just that a man who will certainly lie spoken of as your admirer after he is dead, may have the happiness to be esteemed while he is living, Yours, etc. POPE TO THE POET GAT. September 23, 1714. Dear Mr. Gay, — "Welcome to your native soil! welcome to your friends! thrice welcome to me ! whether returned in glory, blessed with court interest, the love and familiarity of the great, and filled with agreeable hopes ; or melancholy with dejection, contemplative of the changes of fortune, and doubtful for the future; whether returned a triumphant Whig THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 95 or a desponding Tory, equally all hail ! equally beloved and welcome to me ! If happy, I am to partake in your elevation ; if unhappy, you have still a -warm corner in my heart, and a retreat at Binfield in the worst of times at your service. ... I knew not whither to aim a letter after you ; that was a sort of shooting flying : add to this the demand Homer had upon me, to write fifty verses a day, besides learned notes, all which are at a conclusion for this year. Hejoice with me, O my friend, that my labour is over ; come and make merry with me in much feasting. "We will feed among the lilies (by the lilies I mean the ladies). Are not the Eosalindas of Britain as charming as the Blousaliudas of the Hague? . . . Talk not of expenses. Homer shall support his children. ... I shall never know where to end, and am confounded in the many things I have to say to you, though they all amount but to this, that I am entirely, as ever, Yours, etc. [Samuel Kichardson to Miss Mulso (afterwards Mrs. Chapone), on correct ideas of love, a discussion occasioned by his sketching the character of Sir Charles Grandison in his novel as handsome and attractive, while profligate. The interest in the letters to and from the clique of literary ladies with whom he corresponded has now almost died out.] SAMUEL RICHARDSON TO MISS MULSO. Sept. 3, 1751. You tell me, my dear Miss Mulso, 'that I am really such a bamboozler on the subject of love, that you can't tell what to make of me.' Sometimes, say you, I am persuaded that ' you have a noble and just idea of the noblest kiud of love ; ' and sometimes I think that ' you and I have different ideas of the passion.' In another place you are offended with the word gratitude ; as if your idea of love excluded gratitude. And further on, you are offended that I call this same passion, 'a little selfish passion.' And you say that you have known few girls, and still fewer men, whom you have thought 'capable of being in love.' ' By this,' proceed you, ' you will see, that my ideas of the word love are different from yours, when you call it a little selfish passion.' Now, madam, if that passion is not little and selfish that makes two vehement souls prefer the gratification of each other, often to a sense of duty, and always to the whole world without them, be pleased to tell me what it is. And pray be so good as to define to mc what the noble passion is, of which so few people of either sex are capable. Give me your ideas of it. I put not this question as a puzzler, a bam- boozler, but purely for information ; and that I may make my Sir Charles susceptible of the generous (may I say generous?) flame ; and yet know what he is about, yet be a reasonable man. Harriet's passion is founded in gratitude for relief given her in a great exigence. But the man who rescued her is not, it seems, to havo such a word as gratitude in his head in return for her love. I repeat that I will please you if I can ; please you, Miss Mulso, I here mean (before, I meant not you particularly, my dear, but your sex), in Sir Charles's character ; and I sincerely declare, that I would rather form his character to your liking, than to the liking of three parts out of four of the persons I am acquainted with. You are one of my best girls, and best judges. Of whom have I the opinion that I have of Miss Mulso on these nice subjects ? — I ask, therefore, repeatedly for your definition of the passion which you dignify by the word noble, and from which you exclude everything mean, little, or selfish. And you really think it marvellous that a young woman should find a man of exalted merit to be in love with? — Why, truly, I am half of your mind ; for how should people find what, in general, they do not seek? — Yet what good creatures are many girls ! — They will be in love for all that. Why, yes, to be sure, they would be glad of a Sir Charles Grandison, and prefer him even to a Lovelace, were he capable of being terribly in love. And yet, I know one excellent girl who ' is afraid that ladies in general will think him too wise.' — Dear, dear girls, help me to a few monkey tricks to throw into his character, in order to shield him from contempt for his wisdom. 'It is one of my maxims,' you say, 'that people even of bad hearts will admire and love people of good ones.' Very true! — And yet admiration and love, in the sense before us, do not always shake hands, except at parting, and with an intention never to meet again. I have known women who professed to admire good men ; but have chosen to marry men — not so good, when lovers of both sorts have tendered themselves to their acceptance. There is some- thing very pretty in the sound of the word wild, added to the word fellow ; and good sense is a very grateful victim to be sacrificed on the altar of love. Fervour and extravagance in expression will please. How shall a woman, who, moreover, loves to be admired, know a man's heart, but from his lips ? — Let him find flattery, and she will find credulity. Sweet souls ! can they be always contradicting ? ' You believe it is not in human nature, how* 9 6 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. ever depraved, to prefer evil to good in another, whatever people may do in themselves.' Why, qo one would really think so, did not experience convince us that many, very many young women, in the article of marriage, though not before thought to be very depraved, are taken by this green sickness of the soul, an. I prefer dirt and rubbish to wholesome diet. The result of the matter is this, with very many young women : — They will admire a good man, but they will marry a bad one. Are not rakes pretty fellows? But one thing let me add to comfort you in relation to Harriet's difficulties, I intend to make her shine by her cordial approbation, as she goes along, of every good action of her beloved. She is humbled by her love (suspense in love is a mortificr) to think herself inferior to his sisters ; but I intend to raise her above them, even in her own just opinion, and when she shines out the girl worthy of the man, not exalt but reward her, and at the same time make him think himself highly rewarded by the love of so frank and so right an heart. There now ! — Will that do, my Miss Mulso ? I laid indeed a heavy hand on the good Clarisso. But I had begun with her, with a view to the future saint in her character : and could she, but by sufferings, shine as she does? Do y r ou, my dear child, look upon me as your paternal friend, S. Richardson. SAMUEL RICHARDSON TO AARON HILL. Octoher 27, 174S. Dear Sir, —With regard to some parts of your favour of the nineteenth, I will only say that I am too much pained on your account to express anything but my pain. A mind so noble ! so generous ! so underrating intentional good from himself ! so overrating trilling benefits from others ! But no more on this subject. You are an alien, sir, in this world ; and no wonder that the base world treat you as such. You are so very earnest about transferring to me the copyright to all your works, that I will only say, that that point must be left to the future issues of things. But I will keep account. I will, though I were to know how to use the value of your favours as to those issues (never can I the value of your generous intentions). You will allow me to repeat, / Will keep account. It is therefore time enough to think of the bank receipt you have had the goodness to Bend me to fill up. Would to heaven that all nun had the Bame (I am sure I may call it just) opinion of your works that I have! But shall I till you, sir? — tin' WOTld, the taste of the Woihl, is altered since you withdrew from it. Your writings required thought to read, and to take in their whole force ; and the world has i.o thought to bestow. Simplicity is all their cry ; yet hardly do these criers know what they mean by the noble word. They may see a thousand beauties obvious to the eye ; but if there lie jewels in the mine that require labour to come at, they will not dig. I do not think, that were Milton's Paradite Lost to be now published as a new work, it would be well • 1. Shakespeare, with all his beauties, would, as a modern writer, be hissed off the stage. Your sentiments, even they will have it who allow them to be noble, are too munifi- cently adorned ; and they want you to descend to their level. Will you, sir, excuse me this freedom? Yet I can no longer excuse myself, to the love and to the veneration mingled that I bear to you, if I do not acquaint you with what the world you wish to mend says of your writings. And yet for my own part, I am convinced that the fault lies in that indolent (that lazy, I should rather call it) world. You would not, I am sure, wish to write to a future age only. — A chance too so great, that posterity will be mended by what shall be handed down to them by this. And few, very few are they who make it their study and their labour to stem the tide of popular disapprobation or prejudice. Besides, I am of opinion that it is necessary for a genius to accommodate itself to the mode and taste of the world it is cast into, since works published in this age must take root in it to flourish in the next. As to your title, sir, which you are pleased to require my opinion of, let me premise, that there was a time, and that within my own remembrance, when a pompous title was almost necessary to promote the sale of a book. But the booksellers, whose business is to watch the taste and foibles of the public, soon (as they never fail oil such occasions to do) wore out that fashion ; and now, verifying the old observation, that good wine needs no bush, a pompous or laboured title is looked upon as a certain Bign of want of merit in the perform- ance, and hardly ever becomes an invitation to the purchaser. As to your particular title to this great work, I have your pardon to beg, if I refer to your consideration, whether epic, truly epic, as the pit ce is, you would choose to call it epic in the title page ; since hundreds who wdl see the title, will not, at the time, have seen your admirable definition of the word. Excuse, sir, this freedom also, and excuse these excuses. — 1 am exceedingly pressed in time, and shall be for some time to come, or, sloven as I am in my pen, this should not have gone. God forbid that I should have given you cause to say, as a recommendation, that there will be more prose than verse in your future works ! I believe, sir, that Mr. Garrick i«- THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 97 particular has not in any manner entered into vindictive reflections. I never saw him on the stage ; but of late I am pretty well acquainted with him. I know he honours you. But he thinks you above the present low taste (this I speak in confidence), and once I heard him say as much, and wish that you could descend to it. Hence one of the reasons that have impelled me to be so bold as I have been in this letter. The occasion of the black wax I use is the loss of an excellent sister. "We loved each other tenderly ! But my frequent, I might say constant, disorders of the nervous kind ought to remind me, as a consolation, of David's self-comfort on the death of his child, perhaps oftener than it does, immersed as I am in my own trifles, and in business, that the common parental care permits me not to quit, though it becomes every day more irksome to me than another. I am, sir, with true affection, your most faithful and obedient servant, S. KlCHARDSON. (Lady Mary Pierrepont, afterwards Lady Mary "Wortley Montagu, wrote in this sprightly and animated fashion, displayed in the first letter, to her future husband. "When he became ambassador to the Porte in 1716, she accompanied him in his sojourn abroad, and we quote a few of the letters sent home to friends, which contain a record of her travels. ' Keep my letters,' she said to one of her correspondents, ' they will be as good as Madame Sevigne's forty years hence.' But a certain critic has said, that ' the Frenchwoman speaks out of the abundance of her heart, and the English- woman out of the clearness of her head.' If less admired now than they once were, they have been read with pleasure by many readers of a past generation.] LADY MART WORTLEY MONTAGU (THEN PIERREPONT") TO E. W. MONTAGU. March 1711. Though your letter is far from what I ex- pected, having once promised to answer it, with the sincere account of my inmost thoughts, I am resolved you shall not find me worse than my word, which is (whatever you may think) inviolable. 'Tis no affectation to say, that I despise the pleasure of pleasing people whom I despise : all the fine equipages that shine in the ring never gave me another thought than either pity or contempt gave me for the owners, that could place happiness in attracting the eyes of strangers. Nothing touches me with satisfaction but what touches my heart, and I should find more pleasure in the secret joy I should feel at a kind expression from a friend I esteemed, than at the admira- tion of a whole playhouse, or the envy of those of my own sex who could not attain to the same number of jewels, fine clothes, etc., supposing I was at the very summit of this sort of happiness. You may be this friend if you please. Did you really esteem me, had you any tender regard for me, I could, I think, pass my life in any station, happier with you than in all the grandeur of the world with any other. You have some humours, that would be disagree- able to any woman that married with an inten- tion of finding her happiness abroad. That is not my resolution. If I marry, I propose to myself a retirement ; there is few of my acquaintance I should ever wish to see again ; and the pleasing one, and only one, is the way in which I design to please myself. Happiness is the natural design of all the world ; and everything we see done, is meant in order to attain it. My imagination places it in friend- ship. By friendship, I mean an entire com- munication of thoughts, wishes, interests, and pleasures, being undivided ; a mutual esteem, which naturally carries with it a pleasing sweet- ness of conversation, and terminates in the desire of making one or another happy, without being forced to run into visits, noise, and hurry, which serve rather to trouble than compose the thoughts of any reasonable creature. There are few capable of a friendship such as I have described, and 'tis necessary for the generality of the world to be taken up with trifles. Carry a fine lady or a fine gentleman out of town, and they know no more what to say. To take from them plays, operas, and fashions, is taking away all their topics of discourse ; and they know not how to form their thoughts on any other subjects. They know very well what it is to be admired, but are perfectly ignorant of what it is to be loved. I take you to have sense enough not to think this science romantic : I rather choose to use the word friendship than love, because in the general sense that word is spoke, it signifies a passion rather founded on fancy than reason ; and when I say friend- ship, I mean a mixture of friendship and esteem, and which a long acquaintance increases, not decays ; how far I deserve such a friendship, I can be no judge of myself : I may want the good sense that is necessary to be agreeable to a man of merit, but I know I want the vanity to believe I have ; and can promise you shall never like me less, upon knowing me better ; and that I shall never forget that you have a better understanding than myself. And now let me entreat you to think (if possible) tolerably of my modesty, after so bold ft 9 s THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. declaration : I am resolved to throw off reserve, and use me ill if you please. I am sensible to own an inclination for a man is putting one- self wholly in his power ; but sure you have generosity enough not to abuse it. After all I have said, I pretend no tie but on your heart : if you do not love me, I shall nut be happy with you ; if you do I need add no farther. I am not mercenary, and would nut receive an obligation that comes not from one who loves me. I do not desire my letter back again : you have honour, and I dare trust you. I am going to the same place I went last spring. I shall think of you there : it depends upon you in what manner. M. 1'. TO THE COUNTESS OF MAR. Rotterdam, Aug. 3, O.S., 1716. I flatter myself, dear sister, that I shall give you some pleasure in letting you know that I have safely passed the sea, though we had the ill fortune of a storm. "We were persuaded by the captain of the yacht to set out in a calm, and he pretended there was nothing so easy as to tide it over ; but after two days slowly moving, the wind blew so hard that none of the sailors could keep their feet, and we were all Sunday night tossed very handsomely. I never saw a man more frighted than the captain. For my part I have been so lucky neither to suffer from fear nor sea-sickness ; though, I confess, I was so impatient to see myself once more upon dry land, that I would not stay till the yacht could get to Rotterdam, but went in the long boat to Helvoetsluys, where we had voUures to carry us to the Uriel. I was charmed with the neatness of that little town ; but my arrival at Rotterdam presented me a new scene of pleasure. All the streets are paved with broad stones, and before many of the meanest artificers' doors are placed seats of various- coloured marble, so neatly kept that, I'll assure you, I walked almost all over the town yester- day, incognito, in my slippers, without receiving one spot of dirt; and you may see the Dutch maids washing the pavement of the street, with more application than ours do our bed-chambers. The town seems so full of people with such busy faces, all in motion, that I can hardly fancy it is not some celebrated fair ; but I see it is every day the same. 'Tis certain no town can be more advantageously situated for commerce. Here are seven large canals, on which the merchants' ships come up to the very doors of their houses. The simps and warehouses are of a surprising neatness and magnificence, filled with an incredible quantity of fine merchandise, and so much cheaper than what we see in England, that I have much ado to persuade myself I am still so near it. Here is neither dirt nor beggary to be seen. One is not shocked with those loathsome cripples so common in London, nor teased with the importunity of idle fellows and wenches that choose to be nasty and lazy. The common servants and little shup-women here are more nicely clean than most of our ladies, and the great variety of neat dresses (every woman dressing her head after her own fashion) is an additional pleasure in seeing the town. You see, hitherto, I make no complaints, dear Bister, and if I continue to like travelling as well as I do at present, I shall nol repent my project. It will go a great way in making me satisfied with it, if it affords me an opportunity of entertaining you. But it is not from Holland that you may expect a dis- interested offer. I can write enough in the style of Rotterdam, to tell you plainly, in one word, that I expect returns of all the London news. You see I have already learnt to make a good bargain, and that it is not for nothing I will so much as tell you. I am, your affectionate sister. TO THE SAME. Vienna, Sept. 8, O.S., 1716. I am now, my dear sister, safely arrived at Vienna, and, I thank God, have not at all suffered in my health, nor (what is dearer to me) in that of my child, by all our fatigues. We travelled by water from Eatisbon, a journey perfectly agreeable, down the Danube, in one of those little vessels that they, very proper 1 ) - , call wooden houses, having in them all the conveniences of a palace, stoves in the chambers, kitchens, etc. They are rowed by twelve men each, and move with such an incredible swift- ness, that in the same day you have the pleasure of a vast variety of prospects, and within the space of a few hours you have the pleasure of seeing a populous city, adorned with magnificent palaces, and the most romantic solitudes, which appear distant from the commerce of mankind, the banks of the Danube being charmingly diversified with woods, rocks, mountains covered with vines, fields of corn, large cities, and ruins of ancient castles. I •saw the great towns of Passau and Lintz, famous for the retreat of the imperial court, when Vienna was besieged. This town, which has the honour of being the Emperor's residence, did not at all answer my expectations nor ideas of it, being mucl than 1 expected to find it ; the streets an close, and so narrow, one cannot observe the fine fronts of the palaces, though many of them very well deserve observation, being truly magnificent. They are built of fine white stone, and are excessive high. For as the town is too little for the number of the pi ople that desire to live in it, the builders seem to have projected to repair that misfortune by clapping one town on the top of another, most THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 99 of the houses being of five, and some of them of six storeys. You may easily imagine, that the streets being so narrow, the rooms are extremely dark, and what is an inconveniency much more intolerable, in my opinion, there is no house which has so few as five or six families in it. The apartments of the greatest ladies, and even of the Ministers of State, are divided but by a partition from that of a tailor or shoemaker, and I know nobody that has above two floors in any house, one for their own use, and one higher for their servants. Those that have houses of their own let out the rest of them to whoever will take them, and thus the great stairs (which are all of stone) are as common and as dirty as the street. 'Tis true, when you have once travelled through them, nothing can be more surprisingly magni- ficent than the apartments. They are commonly a suite of eight or ten large rooms, all inlaid, the doors and windows richly carved and gilt, and the furniture such as is seldom seen in the palaces of sovereign princes in other countries. Their apartments are adorned with hangings of the finest tapestry of Brussels, prodigious large looking-glasses in silver frames, fine japan tables, beds, chairs, canopies and window curtains of the richest Genoa damask or velvet, almost covered with gold lace or embroidery. All this is made gay by pictures and vast jars of japan china, and large lustres of rock crystal. I have already had the honour of being invited to dinner by several of the first people of quality, and I must do them the justice to say, the good taste and magniiicence of their tables very well answer to that of their furniture. I have been more than once entertained with fifty dishes of meat, all served in silver, and well dressed ; the dessert proportionable, served in the finest china. But the variety and rich- ness of their wines is what appears the most surprising. The constant way is, to lay a list of their names upon the plates of the guests along with the napkins, and I have counted several times to the number of eighteen differ- ent sorts, all exquisite in their kinds. I was yesterday at Count Schoonbourn the vice-chan- cellor's garden, where I was invited to dinner. I must own I never saw a place so perfectly delightful as the Fauxbourg of Vienna. It is very large, and almost wholly composed of delicious palaces. If the Emperor found it proper to permit the gates of the town to be laid open, that the Fauxbourgs might be joined to it, he would have one of the largest and best built cities in Europe. Count Schoonbourn's villa is one of the most magnificent ; the furniture all rich brocades, so well fancied and fitted up, nothing can look more gay and splendid ; not to speak of a gallery full of rarities of coral, mother-of-pearl, and through- out the whole house a profusion of gilding, carving, fine paintings, the most beautiful porce- lain, statues of alabaster and ivory, and vast orange and lemon trees in gilt pots. The dinner was perfectly fine and well ordered, and made still more agreeable by the good-humour of the Count. I have not yet been at court, being forced to stay for my gown, without which there is no waiting on the Empress ; though I am not without great impatience to see a beauty that has been the admiration of so many different nations. "When I have had that honour, I will not fail to let you know my real thoughts, always taking a particular pleasure in communicating them to my dear sister, TO THE SAME. Vienna, Jan, 16, O.S., 1717. I am now, dear sister, to take leave of you for a long time, and of Vienna for ever, design- ing to-morrow to begin my journey through Hungary in spite of the excessive cold and deep snows, which are enough to damp a greater courage than I am mistress of. But my principle of passive obedience carries me through everything. I have had my audience of leave of the Empress. His Imperial Majesty was pleased to be present when I waited on the reigning Empress, and, after a very obliging conversation, both their Imperial Majesties invited me to take Vienna on my road back ; but I have no thoughts of enduring over again so great a fatigue. I delivered a letter from the Duchess of Blankenburg. I stayed but a few days at that court, though her highness pressed me very much to stay, and when I left her, engaged me to write to her. I wrote you a long letter from thence, which I hope you have received, though you don't mention it ; but I believe I forgot to tell you one curiosity in all the German courts, which I cannot forbear taking notice of, — all the princes keep favourite dwarfs. The Emperor and Empress have two of these little monsters, as ugly as devils, especially the female ; but they are all bedaubed with diamonds, and stand at her Majesty's elbow in all public places. The Duke of "Wolfenbuttle has one, and the Duchess of Blankenburg is not without hers, but indeed the most proportion- able I ever saw. I am told the King of Denmark has so far improved upon this fashion, that his dwarf is his chief Minister. I can assign no reason for their fondness for these pieces of deformity, but the opinion all the absolute princes have, that 'tis below them to converse with the rest of mankind ; and not to be quite alone, they are forced to seek their companions among the refuse of human nature, these creatures being the only part of their court privileged to talk freely to them. I am at present confined to my chamber by a sore throat, and am really glad of the excuse to avoid seeing people, that I love well enough, to be very much mortified when I think I am going IOO THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. to part with them for ever. "lis true, the Austrians are not commonly the most polite people in the world, nor the most agreeable. But Vienna is inhabited by all nations, and I had Formed to myself a little society of such as were perfectly to my own taste. And though the number was not great, I could never pick up, in any other place, such a number of reasonable, agreeable people. "We were almost always together, and you know I have ever been of opinion that a chosen conversation, composed of a few that one esteems, is the greatest happiness of life. Here are some Spaniards of both sexes, that have all the vivacity and generosity of sentiments anciently ascribed to their nation ; and could I believe that the whole kingdom were like them, I should wish nothing more than to end my days there. The ladies of my acquaintance have so much goodness for me, they cry whenever they see me, since I am determined to undertake this journey. And, indeed, I am not very easy when I reflect on what I am going to suffer. Almost everybody I see frights me with some new difficulty. Prince Eugene has been so good as to say all the things he could to persuade me to stay till the Danube is thawed, that I might have the conveniency of going by water, assuring me that the houses in Hungary are such as arc no defence against the weather, and that I shall be obliged to travel three or four days between Buda and Essek without finding any house at all, through desert plains covered with snow ; where the cold is so violent, many have been killed by it. I own these terrors have made a very deep impression on my mind, because I believe he tells me things truly as they are, and nobody can be better informed of them. Now I have named that great man, I am sure you expect I should say something particular of him, having the advantage of seeing him very often ; but I am as unwilling to speak of him at Vienna, as I should be to talk of Hercules in the court of Omphale, if I had seen him there. I don't know what comfort other people find in considering the weakness of great men (because, perhaps, it brings them nearer to then- level), but 'tis always a mortification to me to observe that there is no perfection in humanity. The young Prince of Portugal is the admiration of the whole court ; he is handsome and polite, with a great vivacity. All the officers tell wonders of his gallantry the last campaign. He i lodged at court with all the honours due to his rank. Adieu, dear sister, this is the last account you will have from me of Vienna. If I survive my journey, you shall hear from me again. I can say, with great truth, in the words of Moneses, 'I have long Learnt to hold myself as nothing,' but when 1 think of the fatigue my poor infant must suffer, 1 have all b mother's fondness in my eyes, and all her tender passions in my heart. P.S.—l have written a letter to my Lady , that I believe she won't like, and upon cooler reflection, I think I had done better to have let it alone ; but I was downright peevish at all her questions, and her ridiculous imagina- tion that I have certainly seen abundance of wonders which I keep to myself out of mere malice. She is very angry that I won't lie like other travellers. I vei-ily believe she expects I should tell her of the Anthropophagi, men whose heads grow below their shoulders ; how- ever, pray say something to pacify her. TO Mil. TOTE. Belgrade, Feb. 12, O.S., 1717. I did verily intend to write you a long letter from Peterwaradin, where I expected to three or four days, but the bassa here was in such haste to see us, that he despatched the courier back (which Mr. W had sent to know the time lie would send the convoy to meet us) without suffering him to pull off his boots. My letters were not thought important enough to stop our journey, and we left Peter- waradin the next day, being waited on by the chief officers of the garrison, and a considerable convoy of Germans and Russians. The Emperor has several regiments of these people ; but, to say the truth, they are rather plunderers than soldiers ; having no pay, and being obliged to furnish their own arms and horses ; they rather look like vagabond gipsies, or stoot beggars, than regular troops. I cannot forbear speaking a word of this race of creatures, who are very numerous all over Hungary. They have a patriarch of their own at Grand Cairo, and are really of the Greek Church, but their extreme ignorance gives their priests occasion to impose several new notions upon them. These fellows, letting their hair and beard grow in\ i make exactly the figure of the Indian Brahmins. They are hi irs-general to all the money of the laity ; for which, in return, they give them formal passports signed and sealed for. heaven : and the wives and children only inherit the house and cattle. In most other points they follow the Creek Church. — This little digression has interrupted my telling you we passed over the field of Carlowitz, where the last victory was obtained by Prince Eugene over the Turks. Tin' marks of that glorious bloody day are yet recent, the field being yet strewed with the skulls and carOBSl B of unburn d men. horsi -. and camels. I could not look without horror on such numbers of mangled human bodies, nor without reflecting on the injustice of war, that makes murder not only necessary, but meri- torious, Nothing seems to be a plainer proof of the irrationality of mankind (whatever tine claims we pretend to reason) than th( THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 101 with which they contest for a small spot of ground, when such vast parts of fruitful earth lie quite uninhabited. "lis true, custom has now made it unavoidable ; but can there be a greater demonstration of want of reason, than a custom being firmly established so plainly contrary to the interest of man in general? lam a good deal inclined to believe Mr. Hobbes, that the state of nature is a state of war ; but thence I conclude human nature, not rational, if the word reason means common sense, as I suppose it does. I have a great many admirable arguments to support this reflection; I won't, however, trouble you with them, but return, in a plain style, to the history of my travels. We were met at Betsko (a village in the midway between Belgrade and Peterwaradin) by an aga of the janizaries, with a body of Turks, exceeding the Germans by one hundred men, though the bassa had engaged to send exactly the same number. You may judge by this of their fears. I am really persuaded that they hardly thought the odds of one hundred men set them even with the Germans; how- ever, I was very uneasy till they were parted, fearing some quarrel might arise notwithstand- ing the parole given. AVe came late to Belgrade, the deep snows making the ascent to it very difficult. It seems a strong city, fortified on the east side by the Danube ; and on the south by the river Save, and was formerly the barrier of Hungary. It was first taken by Solyman the Magnificent ; and since, by the Emperor's forces, led by the Elector of Bavaria. The Emperor held it only two years, it being retaken by the Grand Vizier. It is now fortified with the utmost care and skill the Turks are capable of, and strengthened by a very numerous garrison of their bravest janizaries, commanded by a Bassa Seraskier {i.e. general), though this last expression is not very just ; for to say truth, the Seraskier is commanded by the janizaries. These troops have an absolute authority here, and their conduct carries much more the aspect of re- bellion than the appearance of subordination. You may judge of this by the following story, which, at the same time, will give you an idea of the admirable intelligence of the governor of Peterwaradin, though so few hours distant. We were told by him at Peterwaradin that the garrison and inhabitants of Belgrade were so weary of the war, they had killed their bassa about two months ago, in a mutiny, because he had suffered himself to be prevailed upon by a bribe of five purses (five hundred pound sterling) to give permission to the Tartars to ravage the German frontiers. AVe were very well pleased to hear of such favourable dispositions in the people ; but when we came hither we found the governor had been ill informed, and the real truth of the story to be this. The late bassa fell under the displeasure of his soldiers, for no other reason but restraining their incur- sions on the Germans. They took it into their heads from that mildness that he had intelligence with the enemy, and sent such information to the Grand Signior at Adrianople ; but redress not coming quick enough from thence, they assembled themselves in a tumultuous manner, and by force dragged their bassa before the Cadi and Mufti, and there demanded justice in a mutinous way ; one crying out, why he protected the infidels? another, why he squeezed them of their money? The bassa, easily guessing their purpose, calmly replied to them that they asked him too many questions, and that he had but one life, which must answer for all. They then immediately fell upon him with their scimitars (without wait- ing the sentence of their heads of the law), and in a few moments cut him in pieces. The present bassa has not dared to punish the murder ; on the contrary, he affected to applaud the actors of it, as brave fellows that knew how to do themselves justice. He takes all pretences of throwing money amongst the garrison, and suffers them to make little ex- cursions into Hungary, where they burn some poor Russian houses. You may imagine I cannot be very easy in a town which is really under the government of an insolent soldiery. — AVe expected to be im- mediately dismissed, after a night's lodging here ; but the bassa detains us till he receives orders from Adrianople, which may possibly be a month coming. In the meantime we are lodged in one of the best houses, belonging, to a very considerable man amongst them, and have a whole chamber of janizaries to guard us. My only diversion is the conversation of our host, Achmet-beg, a title something like that of count in Germany. His father was a great bassa, and he has been educated in the most polite Eastern learning, being perfectly skilled in the Arabic and Persian languages, and an extraordinary scribe, which they call Effendi. This accomplishment makes way to the greatest preferments ; but he has had the good sense to prefer an easy, quiet, secure life to all the dangerous honours of the Porte. He sups with us every night, and drinks wine very freely. You cannot imagine how much he is delighted with the liberty of conversing with me. He has explained to me many pieces of Arabian poetry, which, I observe, are in num- bers not unlike ours, generally of an alternate verse, and of a very musical sound. Their expressions of love are very passionate and lively. I am so much pleased with them, I really believe I should learn to read Arabic if I was to stay here a few months. He has a very good library of their books of all kind ; and, as he tells me, spends the greatest part of his life there. I pass for a great scholar with 102 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. him, by relating to him some of the Persian which I find are gemiine. At first he believed I understood Persian. I have frequent disputes with him concerning the difference of our customs, particularly the confinement of women. He assures me there is nothing at all in it ; only, says he, we have the advantage that when our wives cheat us nobody knows it. He lias wit, and is more polite than many Christian men of quality. I am very much entertained with him. He has had the curiosity to make one of our servants set him an alphabet of our letters, and can already write a good Roman hand. But these amusements do not hinder my wishing heartily to be out of this place ; for the weather is colder than I believe it ever was anywhere but in Greenland. We have a very large stove constantly kept hot, and yet the windows of the room are frozen on the inside. God knows when I may have an opportunity of sending this letter, but I have written it for the discharge of my own con- science ; and you cannot now reproach me that one of yours makes ten of mine. Adieu. TO HER ROYAL HIGHNESS THE I'EIXCESS OF WALES. 1 Adrianople, April!, O.S., 1717. I have now, madam, finished a journey that has not been undertaken by any Christian since the time of the Greek emperors ; and I shall not regret all the fatigues I have suffered in it, if it gives me an opportunity of amusing your E.H. by an account of places utterly unknown amongst us : the Emperor's ambassadors, and those few English that have come hither, always going on the Danube to Nicopolis. But the river was now frozen, and Mr. W was so zealous for the service of his Majesty, that he would not defer his journey to wait for the conveniency of that passage. We crossed the deserts of Servia, almost quite over- grown with wood, though a country naturally fertile. The inhabitants arc indus- trious ; but the oppression of the peasants is so great, they are forced to abandon their houses, and neglect their tillage, all they have being a prey to the janizaries, whenever they please to seize upon it. We had a guard of five hundred of them, and I was almost in tears every day to see their insolences in the poor villages through which we passed. After seven days' travelling through thick woods, we came to Nissa, once the capital of Servia, situated in a fine plain on the river Nissava, in a very good air, and so fruitful a soil that the great plenty is hardly credible. I was certainly assured that the quantity of wine 1 Queen Caiuliue. last vintage was so prodigious, that they were forced to dig holes iu the earth to put it in, not having vessels enough in the town to hold it. The happiness of this plenty is scarce perceived by the oppressed people. I saw here a new occasion for my compassion ; the wretches that had provided twenty waggons for our baggage from Belgrade hither for a certain hire, being all sent back without pay- ment, some of their horses lamed, and others killed, without any satisfaction made for them. The poor fellows came round the house weeping and bearing their hair and beards in a most pitiful manner, without getting anything but drubs from the insolent soldiers. I cannot express to your II. II. how much I was moved at this scene. I would have paid them the money out of my own pocket with all my heart, but it would only have been giving so much to the aga, who would have taken it from them without any remorse. After four days' journey from this place over the moun- tains, we came to Sophia, situated in a large, beautiful plain on the river Isca, and surrounded with distant mountains. 'Tis hardly possible to see a more agreeable landscape. The city itself is very large, and extremely populous. Here are hot baths, very famous for theii medicinal virtues. Four days' journey from hence we arrived at Philippopolis, after having passed the ridges between the mountains of Harnus and Ehodope, which are always covered with snow. This town is situated on a rising ground near the river Hebrus, and is almost wholly inhabited by Greeks ; here are still some ancient Christian churches. They have a bishop ; and several of the richest Greeks live here ; but they are forced to con- ceal their wealth with great care, the appear- ance of poverty (which includes part of its inconveniences) being all their security against feeling it in earnest. The country from hence to Adrianople is the finest in the world. Vines grow wild on all the hills, and the perpetual spring they enjoy makes everything gay and flourishing. But this climati , happy as it seems, can never be preferred to England, with all its frosts and snows, while we are blessed with an easy government under a king who makes his own happiness consist in the liberty of his people, and chooses rather to be looked upon as their father than their master. — This theme would carry me very far, and I am sensible I have already tired your E.H.'s patience. But my letter is in your hands, and you may make it as short as you please by throwing it into the fire when weary of reading it. I am, madam, with the greatest respect. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 103 TO THE ABBOT . Adrianoplc, May 17, O.S. I am going to leave Adrianople, and I would not do it without giving you some account of all that is curious in it, which I have taken a great deal of pains to see. I will not trouble you with wise dissertations whether or no this is the same city that was anciently called Orestesit or Oreste, which you know better than I do. It is now called from the Emperor Adrian, and was the first European seat of the Turkish empire, and has been the favourite residence of many sultans. Mahomet the 4th, and Mustapha, the brother of the reigning emperor, were so fond of it that they wholly abandoned Constantinople, which humour so far exasperated the janizaries, that it was a con- siderable motive to the rebellions that deposed them. Yet this man seems to love to keep his court here. I can give you no reason for this partiality. "lis true, the situation is fine, and the country all round veiy beautiful, but the air is extremely bad, and the seraglio itself is not free from the ill effect of it. The town is said to be eight miles in compass, I suppose they reckon in the gardens. There are some good houses in it, I mean large ones, for the architecture of their palaces never makes any great show. It is now very full of people, but they are, most of them, such as follow the court or camp, and when they are removed, I am told 'tis no populous city. The river Maritza (anciently the Hebrus), on which it is situated, is dried up every summer, which contributes very much to make it unwholesome. It is now a very pleasant stream. There are two noble bridges built over it. I had the curiosity to go to see the Exchange in my Turkish dress, which is disguise sufficient. Yet I own I was not very easy when I saw it crowded with janizaries ; but they dare not be rude to a woman, and made way for me with as much respect as if I had been in my own figure. It is half a mile in length, the roof arched, and kept extremely neat. It holds three hundred and sixty-five shops, furnished with all sorts of rich goods, exposed to sale in the same manner as at the New Exchange in London. But the pavement is kept much neater, and the shops are all so clean, they seem just new painted. Idle people of all sorts walk here for their diversion, or amuse themselves with drinking coffee or sherbet, which is cried about as oranges and sweetmeats are in our playhouses. I observed most of the rich tradesmen were Jews. That people are in incredible power in this country. They have many privileges above all the natural Turks themselves, and have formed a very considerable commonwealth here, being judged by their own laws. They have drawn the whole trade of the empire into their hands, partly by the firm union amongst themselves, and partly by the idle temper and want of industry in the Turks. Every bassa has his Jew, who is his homme d'affaires ; he is let into all his secrets, and does all his business. No bargain is made, no bribe received, no merchandise disposed of, but what passes through their hands. They are the physicians, the stewards, and the inter- preters of all the great men. You may judge how advantageous this is to a people who never fail to make use of the smallest advantages. They have found the secret of making them- selves so necessary, that they are certain of the protection of the court, whatever Ministry is in power. Even the English, French, and Italian merchants, who are sensible of their artifices, are, however, forced to trust their affairs to their negotiation, nothing of trade being managed without them, and the meanest among them being too important to be disobliged, since the whole body take care of his interests with as much vigour as they would those of the most considerable of their members. They are many of them vastly rich, but they care to make little public show of it, though they live in their houses in the utmost luxury and magnificence. This copious subject has drawn me from my description of the Exchange, founded by Ali Bassa, whose name it bears. Near it is the Sherski, a street of a mile in length, full of shops of all kinds of fine merchandise, but excessive dear, nothing being made here. It is covered on the top with boards to keep out the rain, that merchants may meet conveniently in all weathers. The Besiten, near it, is another exchange built upon pillars, where all sorts of horse furniture is sold. Glittering everywhere with gold, rich embroidery, and jewels, it makes a very agree- able show. From this place I went in my Turkish coach to the camp, which is to move in a few days to the frontiers. The Sultan is already gone to his tents, and all his court ; the appearance of them is, indeed, very magnificent. Those of the great men are rather like palaces than tents, taking up a great compass of ground, and being divided into a vast number of apart- ments. They are all of green, and the bassas of three tails have those ensigns of their power placed in a very conspicuous manner before their tents, which are adorned on the top with gilded balls, more or less, according to their different ranks. The ladies go in coaches to see the camp, as eagerly as ours did to that of Hyde Park, but 'tis very easy to observe that the soldiers do not begin the campaign with any great cheerfulness. The war is a general grievance upon the people, but particularly hard upon the tradesmen, now that the Grand Signior is resolved to lead his army in person. Every company of them is obliged, upon this occasion, to make a present according to their ability. I took the pains of rising at six in ths 104 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. morning to see the ceremony, which did not, however, begin till eight. The Grand Signior was at the Seraglio window to see the procession, which passed through the principal streets. It was preceded by an Effendi, mounted on a camel, richly furnished, reading aloud the Alcoran, finely bound, laid upon a cushion. He was surrounded by a parcel of boys, in white, Bulging some verses of it, followed by a man dressed in green boughs, representing a clean husbandman sowing seed. After him several reapers with garlands of ears of corn, as Ceres is pictured, with scythes in their hands, seeming to mow. Then a little machine drawn by oxen, in which was a wind-mill and boys employed in grinding corn, followed by another machine drawn by buffaloes carrying an oven, and two more boys, one employed in kneading the 1 read and another in drawing it out of the oven. These boys threw little cakes on both sides amongst the crowd, and were followed by the whole company of bakers, marching on foot, two by two, in their best clothes, with cakes, loaves, pasties, and pies of all sorts on their heads, and after them two buffoons or jack puddings, witli their faces and clothes smeared with meal, who diverted the mob with their antic gestures. In the same manner followed all the companies of trade in the empire ; the nobler sort, such as jewellers, mercers, etc., finely mounted, and many of the pageants that represent their trades perfectly magnificent, amongst which that of the furriers made one of the best figures, being a very large machine set round with the skins of ermines, foxes, etc., so well stuffed that the animals seemed to be alive, and followed by music and dancers. I believe they were, upon the whole, twenty thousand men, all ready to follow his highness if he commanded them. The rear was closed by the volunteers, who came to beg the honour of dying in his service. This part of the show seemed to me so barbarous that I removed from the window upon the first appearance of it. They were all naked to the middle. Some had their arms pierced through with arrows left sticking in them. Others had them sticking in their heads, the blood trickling down their faces. Some slashed their arms with sharp knives, making the blood spring out upon those that stood there, and this is looked upon as an expression of their zeal for glory. I am told that some make use of it to advance their love, ami when they are near the window where their mistress stands (all the women in town being veiled to see this spectacle), they stick another arrow for her sake, who gives some sign of approbation and encouragement to this gallantry. The whole show lasted tor neat eight hours, to my great sorrow, who was heartily tired, though I was in the house of the widow of the captain bassa (admiral), who refreshed me with coffee, sweetmeats, sherbet, etc., with all possible civility. I went two days after to see the mosque of Sultan Selim I., which is a building very well worth the curiosity of a traveller. I was dressed in my Turkish habit, and admitted without scruple, though I believe they gnessed who I was, by the extreme otliciousncss of the doorkeeper to show me every part of it. It is situate. I very advantageously in the midst of the city, and in the highest part of it, making a very noble show. The first court has four \ and the innermost three. They are both of them surrounded with cloisters, with marble pillars of the Ionic order, finely polished, and of very lively colours ; the whole pavement is of white marble, and the roof of the cl< divided into several cupolas or domes, b with gilt balls on the top. In the midst of each court are fine fountains of wiiite marble, and before the great gate of the mosque, a portico with green marble pillars, which has five gates, the body of the mosque being one prodigious dome. I understand so little of architecture, I dare not pretend to speak of tho proportions. It seemed to be very regular ; this I am sure of, it is vastly high, and I thought it the noblest building I ever saw. It has two rows of marble galleries on pillars, with marble balusters ; the pavement is also marble, covered with Persian carpets. In my opinion, it is a great addition to its beauty that it is not divided into pews, and encumbered with forms and benches like our churches ; nor the pillars (which are the most of them red ami white marble) disfigured by the little tawdry images and pictures that give Roman Catholic churches the air of toy-shops. The walls seem to me inlaid with such very lively colours in small flowers, that I could not imagine what stones had been made use of. But going nearer, I saw they were crusted with Japan china, which has a very beautiful effect. In the midst ban-- a vast lamp of silver gilt, besides which, I do verily believe, there were at least two thousand of a lesser size. This must look very glorious when they are all lighted, but being at night no women are suffered to enter. Under the large lamp is a great pulpit of carved wood gilt, and just by, a fountain to wash, which you know is an essential part of their devotion. In one corner is a little gallery enclosed with gilded lattices for the Grand Signior. At the upper end a large niche, very like an altar, raised two steps, covered with gold brocade, and standing before it two silver-gilt candlesticks, the height of a man, and in them white wax candles as thick as a man's waist. The outside of the mosque is adorned with towers vastly high, gilt on the top, from win-nee the Imaums call the people to prayers. 1 had the curiosity to go up one of them, which is contrived BO artfully as to give surprise to all that see it. There is but one door, which leads to three different staircases, going to the three different storeys cf THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 105 the tower in such a manner that three priests may ascend, rounding, without ever meeting each other, a contrivance very much admired. Behind the mosque is an exchange full of shops, where poor artificers are lodged gratis. I saw several dervishes at their prayers here. They are dressed in a plain piece of woollen, with their arms bare, and a woollen cap on their heads, like a high-crowned hat without brims. I went to see some other mosques, built much after the same manner, but not comparable in point of magnificence to this I have described, which is infinitely beyond any church in Ger- many or England ; I won't talk of other countries I have not seen. The Seraglio does not seem a very magnificent palace. But the gardens are very large, plentifully supplied with water, and full of trees, which is all I know of them, having never been in them. I tell you nothing of the order of Mr. W 's entry, and his audience. These things are always the same, and have been so often described, I won't trouble you with the repe- tition. The young prince, about eleven years old, sits near his father when he gives audience. He is a handsome boy, but probably will not immediately succeed the Sultan, there being two sons of Sultan Mustapha (his eldest brother) remaining, the eldest about twenty years old, on whom the hopes of the people are fixed. This reign has been bloody and avaricious. I am apt to believe they are very impatient to see the end of it. I am, sir, Your, etc. P.S.—I will write to you again from Con- stantinople. [Dr. Johnson and Lord Macaulay have both denounced Lord Chesterfield's Letters in pretty strong language, the former saying that they taught the morals of a courtesan and the manners of a dancing master. They were, however, written at a time when the standard of public morals was not very exalted. The aim of Philip Dormer Stanhope, Earl of Chesterfield (1691-1773), in writing these letters to his natural son, Philip Stanhope, was to adapt the dawnings of instruction to the capacity of a boy, ' rising gradually by precept and monition calculated to direct and guard the age of incautious youth to the advice and knowledge requisite to form the man ambitious to shine as an accom- plished courtier, an orator in the senate, or a minister at foreign courts. The Earl of Chesterfield showed good sense and a know- ledge of the world, and was master of a pleasant style in these celebrated letters ; but their recipient, who acted for a time as envoy to the court at Dresden, was not much benefited by them, as his manners continued shy, distant, and repulsive. These letters of this ingenious and witty statesman were not intended for publication. Philip Stanhope, to whom the letters were addressed, died in 17G8 ; when these letters, after the death of Lord Chesterfield, coming into the hands of Mrs. Eugenia Stanhope, his son's widow, were published by her. The sum of £1500 was paid for the work, and five editions were called for within twelve months. The letters extend between 1738 and 1708.] THE EAKL OF CHESTERFIELD TO HIS SON, PHILIP STANHOPE. London, November 24, 1747. Deae Boy, — As often as I write to you (and that you know is pretty often), so often I am in doubt whether it is to any purpose, and whether it is not labour and paper lost. This entirely depends upon the degree of reason and reflection which you are master of, or think proper to exert. If you give yourself time to think, and have sense enough to think right, two reflections must necessarily occur to you : the one is, that I have a great deal of experi- ence and that you have none ; the other is, that I am the only man living who cannot have, directly or indirectly, any interest concerning you but your own. From which two undeniable principles, the obvious and necessary conclusion is that you ought, for your own sake, to attend to and follow my advice. If, by the application which I recommend to you, you acquire great knowledge, you alone are the gainer ; I pay for it. If you should desei-ve either a good or a bad character, mine will be exactly what it is now, and will neither be the better in the first case, nor the worse in the latter. You alone will be the gainer or the loser. Whatever your pleasures may be, I neither can nor shall envy you them, as old people are sometimes suspected by young people to do ; and I shall only lament, if they should prove such as are unbecoming a man of honour, or below a man of sense. But you will be the real sufferer, if they are such. As, therefore, it is plain that I have no other motive than that of affection in whatever I say to you, you ought to look upon me as your best and, for soma years to come, your only friend. [CO THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. True friendship requires certain proportions of age and manners, and can never subsist where they are extremely different, excepl in the relations of parent and child, when tion on one side and regard on the other make np the difference. The friendship which you may contract with people of your own age, may be sincere, may be warm ; but must be for some time reciprocally unprofitable, as there can be no < sperience on either side. The young leading the young, is like the blind leading the blind; ' they will both fall into the ditch.' The only sure guide is he who has often gone the road which you want to go. Let me be that guide, who have gone all roads, and who can consequently point out to you the best. If you ask me why I went any of the bad roads myself, I will answer you very truly, that is for want of a good guide ; ill example invited me one way, and a good guide was wanting to sliow me a better. But if anybody, capable of advising me, had taken the same pains with me, which I have taken, and will continue to take with you, I should have avoided many follies and inconveniences, which undirected youth ran me into. My father was neither able nor desirous to advise me ; which is what I hope you cannot say of yours. You see that I make use of the word advise; because I would much rather have the assent of your reason to my advice, than the submission of your will to my authority. This, I persuade myself, will happen, from that degree of sense which I think you have ; and therefore I will go on advising, and with hopes of success. You are now settled for some time at Lcipsic : the principal object of your stay there is the knowledge of books and sciences ; which if you do not, by attention and application, make yourself master of while you are there, you will be ignorant of them all the rest of your life : and take my word for it, a life of ignorance is not only a very contemptible, but a very tiresome one. Redouble your attention, then, to Mr. Harte, in your private studies of the literce humaniores, especially Greek. State your difficulties whenever you have any ; do not suppress them either from mistaken shame, lazy indifference, or in order to have done the sooner. Do the same with Professor Mascow or any other professor. When you have thus usefully employed your mornings, you may with a safe conscience divert yourself in the evenings, and make those even- ings very useful too, by passing them in good company, and, by observation and attention, li lining as much of the world as Leipsic can teach you. You will observe and imitate the manners of the people of the best fashion their ; not that they are (it may be) the best manners in the world, but because they are the best manners of the place where you are, to which a man of sense always conforms. The nature of things is always and everywhere the same, but the modes of them vary, more or less, in every country ; and an easy and genteel conformity to them, or rather the assuming of them at proper times and in proper places, is what particularly constitutes a man of the world, and a well-bred man. I!i. is advice enough, I think, and too much it may be you will think, for one letter : if you follow it, you will get knowledge, character, and pleasure by it ; if you do not, I only lose ft victim, which, in all events, I do not grudge you. I send you by a person who sets out this day for Leipsic, a small packet containing some valuable things which you left behind ; to which I have added, by way of Xew Year's gift, a very pretty tooth-pick case : and, by the way, pray take care of your teeth, and keep them extremely clean. I have likewise sent you the Greek roots lately translated into English from the French of the Port Eoyal. Inform yourself what the Port Eoyal is. To conclude with a quibble : I hope you will not only feed upon the Greek roots, but likewise digest them perfectly. Adieu. TO THE SAME. London, April 19, 1749. Dear Boy, — This letter will, I believe, still find you at Venice, in all the dissipations of masquerades, riddotos, operas, etc.; with all my heart, they are decent evening amusements, and very properly succeed that serious application to which I am sure you devote your mornings. There are liberal and illiberal pleasures, as well as liberal and illiberal arts. There are some pleasures that degrade a gentleman as much as some trades could do. Sottish drink- ing, indiscriminate gluttony, driving coaches, rustic sports, such as fox-chases, horse-races, etc., are in my opinion infinitely below the honest and industrious professions of a tailor and a shoemaker, which are said to dinger. As you are now in a musical country, where singing, fiddling, and piping are not only the common topics of conversation, but almost the principal objects of attention, I cannot help cautioning you against giving into those (I will call them illiberal) pleasures (though music is commonly reckoned one of the liberal aits) to the degree that most of your countrymen do when they travel in Italy. If you love music, hear it ; go to operas, concerts, and pay tiddlers to play to you, but I insist on your neither piping nor fiddling yourself. It puts ft gentle- man in a wry frivolous, contemptible light; brings him into a great dial of bad company; and takes up a great deal of time which might be much better employed. Few things would mortify me more than to see you bearing part THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 107 in a concert with a riddle under your chin or a pipe in your mouth. I have had a great deal of conversation with Comte du Perron and Comte Lascaris, upon your subject ; and I will tell you, very truly, what Comte de Perron (who is, in my opinion, a very pretty man) said of you. ' II a de l'esprit, un savoir peu common a son age, une grande vivacite, et quand il aura pris des manieres il sera parfait ; car il faut avouer qu'il sent encore le college ; mais cela viendra.' I was very glad to hear from one whom I think so good a judge, that you wanted nothing but des manieres; which I am convinced you will now soon acquire in the company which henceforwards you are likely to keep. But I must add too, that if you should acquire them, all the rest will be of very little use to you. By manieres I do not mean bare common civility ; everybody must have that who would not be kicked out of company ; but I mean engaging, insinuating, shining manners, a distinguished politeness, an almost irresistible address, a superior gracefulness in all you say and do. It is this alone that can give all your other talents their full lustre and value, and consequently it is this which should now be the principal object of your attention. Observe minutely, wherever you go, the allowed and established models of good breeding, and form yourself upon them. Whatever pleases you most in others will infallibly please others in you. I have often repeated this to you ; now is your time of putting it in practice. Pray make my compliments to Mr. Harte. and tell him I have received his letter from Vienna, but that I shall not trouble him till I have received the other letter he promises me upon the subject of one of my last. I long to hear from him after your settlement at Turin ; the months that you are to pass there will be very decisive ones for you. The exercises of the Academy, and the manners of courts, must be attended to and acquired, and at the same time your other studies continued. I am sure you will not pass, nor desire, one single idle hour there ; for I do not foresee that you can, in any part of your life, put out six months to greater interest than these next six at Turin. "We will talk hereafter about your stay at Eome and in other parts of Italy. This only I , will recommend to you, which is, to extract the spirit of every place you go to. In those places which are only distinguished by classical fame and valuable remains of antiquity, have your classics in your hand and in your head ; com- pare the ancient geography and descriptions with the modern ; and never fail to take notes. Eome will furnish you with business enough of that sort, but then it furnishes you with many other objects well deserving your attention, such as deep ecclesiastical craft and policy. Adieu. TO THE SAME. London, May 27, O.S., 1752. Mt dear Friend,— I send you the enclosed original from a friend of ours, with my own com- mentaries upon the text, a text which I have so often paraphrased and commented upon already, that I can hardly say anything new upon it ; but, however, I cannot give it over till I am better convinced, than I yet am, that you feel all the utility, the importance, and the necessity of it ; nay, not only feel, but practise it. Your panegyrist allows you, what most fathers would be more than satisfied with in a son, and chides me for not contenting myself with Vc&senticUcment hon ; but I, who have been in no one respect like other fathers, cannot neither, like them, content myself with Vessentiellcment hon; because I know that it will not do your business in the world, while you want quelques couches de vernis. Few fathers care much for their sons, or, at least, most of them care more for their money ; and consequently content themselves with giving them, at the cheapest rate, the common run of education ; that is, at school till eighteen, the university till twenty, and. a couple of years riding post through the several towns of Europe ; impatient till their boobies come home to be married and, as they call it, settled. Of those who really love their sons, few know how to do it. Some spoil them by fondling them while they are young, and then quarrel with them when they are grown up for having been spoiled ; some love them like mothers, and attend only to the bodily health and strength of the hopes of then family, solemnize his birthday, and rejoice, like the subjects of the Great Mogul, at the increase of his bulk ; while others, minding, as they think, only essentials, take pains and pleasure to see in their hen- all their favourite weaknesses and imperfections. I hope and believe that T have kept clear of all these errors in the education which I have given you. No weaknesses of my own have warped it, no parsimony has starved it, no rigour has deformed it. Sound and extensive learning was the foundation which I meaned to lay; I have laid it, but that alone, I knew, would by no means be sufficient ; the orna- mental, the showish, the pleasing super- structure, was to be begun. In that view I threw you into the great world, entirely your own master, at an age when others either guzzle at the university, or are sent abroad in servitude to some awkward, pedantic Scotch governor. This was to put you in the way, and the only way, of acquiring those manners, that address, and those graces, which exclusively distinguish people of fashion, and without whicli all moral virtues and all acquired learn- ing are of no sort of use in courts and le beau monde ; on the contrary, I am not sure if they io8 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. are not a hindrance. They are feared and disliked in those places! as too severe, if not smoothed and introduced by the graces : but of the graces, of this necessary beau vermis, it seems there are still quelqu.es couches qui manquent. Now, pray let me ask you, coolly and seriously, pourquoi c« couches manquent ellesi For you may as easily take them, as you may wear more or less powder in your hair, more or less lace upon your coat. I can, therefore, account for your wanting them, no other way in tin- world than from your not being yet convinced of their full value. Y<>u have heard some English bucks say, ' these finical, outlandish airs ; give mc a manly, resolute manner. They make a rout with their graces, and talk like a parcel of dancing masters, and dress like a parcel of fops; one good Englishman will beat three of them.' But let your own observation undeceive you of these prejudices. I will give you one instance only, instead of a hundred that I could give you, of a very shining fortune and figure, raised upon no other foundation whatsoever than that of address, manners, and graces. Between you and me (for this example must go no farther) what do you think made our friend, Lord A e, colonel of a regiment of Guards, Governor of Virginia, Groom of the Stole, and Ambassador to Paris ; amounting in all to sixteen or seventeen thousand pounds a year? Was it his birth? no, a Dutch gentle- man only. Was it his estate ? no, he had none. Was it his learning, his parts, his political abilities and application? You can answer those questions as easily, and as soon, as I can ask them. "What was it, then ? Many people wondered, but I do not ; for I know, and will tell you. It was his air, his address, his manners, and his graces. He pleased, and by pleasing became a favourite ; and by becoming a favourite, became all that he has been since. Show me any one instance, where intrinsic worth and merit, - unassisted by exterior accomplishments, have raised any man so high. You know the Due de Richelieu, now Man chal, Cordon bleu, Gentilhommc resented for a licence, no sooner had the censor cast his eyes on the hand-writing in which he had seen Edward and Eleonora, than he cried out, "Away with it ; " and the author's profits were reduced to what his bookseller could afford for a tragedy in distress.' The play alluded to had been offered by Thomson to the theatre in 1739, but its representation was prohibited on account of some political allusions. In little more than four months after the transmission of this interesting letter, the poet of The Seasons was no more. Thomson disliked letter-writing, and his prose is deficient in harmony and grace ; but it reflects the man, although the author is for a time forgotten. — Wilhaott.] THE POET THOMSON TO ME. PATBBSON. News from Hume. Dear Paterson, — In the first place, and previous to my letter, I must recommend to your favour and protection, Mr. James Smith, searcher, in St. Christopher's ; and I beg of you, as occasion shall serve, and you find he merits it, to advance him in the business of the customs. He is warmly recommended to me by Sargent, who, in verity, turns out one of the best men of our youthful acquaintance, i , honourable, friendly, and generous. If we are not to oblige one another, life be- comes a paltry selfish affair,- a pitiful morsel in a corner. Sargent is so happily married, that I COUld almost Say, the same ease happen to us all. That 1 ha'. e Qot answered several letters of yours is not owing to the want of friendship, and the sin ird for you; but you know me well enough to account for my silence, without my saying any more upon that head; besides, I have very little to say that is worthy of being transmitted over the great ocean. The world either fertilizes so much, or we grow so dead to it, that its transactions make but feeble impressions upon us. Retirement and nature arc more and more my passion every day; and now, even now, the charming time comes on. Heaven is just on the point, or rather in the very act, of giving cartli a green gown. The voice of the nightingale is heard in our lane. You must know that I have enlarged my rural domain much to the same dimensions you have done yours. The two fields next to me, from the first of which I have walled, — no, no, — paled in, about as much as my garden consisted of before, so that the walk runs round the hedge, where you may figure me walking any time of the day, and sometimes in the night. I imagine you reclining under cedars, and there enjoying more magnificent slumbers than are known to the pale climates of the north ; slumbers rendered awful and divine by the solemn stillness and deep fervours of the torrid noon. At other times I imagine you drinking punch in groves of lime or oi trees, gathering pine-apples from hedges as commonly as we may blackberries, poetizing under lofty laurels, or making love under full- spread myrtles. But, to lower my style a little, as I am such a genuine lover of garden- ing, why do not you remember me in that instance, and send me some seeds of things that might succeed here in the summer, though they cannot perfect their seed sufficiently in this to them uncongenial climate to propagate? As to more important business, I have nothing to write to you. You know best. Be, as you always must be, just and honest; but if you are unhappily romantic, you shall come home without money, and write a tragedy on your- self. Mr. Lyttleton told me that the Grenvilles and he had strongly recommended the person the governor and you proposed for that con- siderable office lately fallen vacant in your department, and that there was good hope of succeeding. He told me, also, that Mr. Pitt said that it was not to be expected that offices such as that is, for which the greatest interest is made here at home, could be accorded to your recommendation ; but that as to the middling or inferior offices, if there was not i articular reason to the contrary, regard would be had thereto. This is all that can be reasonably desired : and if you are not infect, d with a certain Creolian distemper, whereof I am persuaded your soul will utterly resist the contagion, as I hope your body will that of the natural ones, then' are few men so capable of that imperishable happiness, that peace and satisfaction Of mind, at least, that pr. from being reasonable and moderate in our desires as you. These are the treasures dug from an inexhaustible mine in our own breastB, THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. "3 which, like those in the kingdom of heaven, the rust of time cannot corrupt, nor thieves break through and steal. I must learn to work this mine a little more, being struck off from a certain hundred pounds a year, which you know I had. West, Hallet, and I were all routed in one day; if you know not why- out of compliment to our friend in Argyll Street. Yet I have hopes given me of having it restored with interest some time or other. Oh ! that ' some time or other ' is a great deceiver. Coriolanus has not yet appeared on the stage, from the little dirty jealousy of Tullus 1 towards him who alone can act Coriolanus.- Indeed, the first has entirely jockeyed the last off the stage for this season, like a giant in his wrath. Let us have a little more patience, Paterson ; nay, let us be cheerful ; at last all will be well, at least all will be over— here I mean : God forbid it should be so hereafter ! But, as sure as there is a God, that cannot be. Now that I am prating of myself, know that, after fourteen or fifteen years, the Castle of Indolence comes abroad in a fortnight. It will certainly travel as far as Barbadoes. You have an apartment in it as a night pensioner, which you may remember I filled up for you during our delightful party at North End. Will ever those days return again? Do you not remember eating the raw fish that were never caught? All our friends are pretty much in statu quo, except it be poor Mr. Lyttleton : he has had the severest trial a human, tender heart can have; 3 but the old physician, Time, will at last close up his wounds, though there must always remain an inward smarting. Mitchell 4 is in the House for Aberdeenshire, and has spoke modestly well ; I hope he will be some- thing else soon, — none deserves better : true friendship and humanity dwell in his heart. . . . Symmer is at last tired of gaiety, and is going to take a semi-country house at Hammer- smith. I am sorry that honest, sensible Warren- der, who is in town, seems to be stunted in church preferments : he ought to be a tall cedar in the house of the Lord. If he is not so at last, it will add more fuel to my indignation, that burns already too intensely, and throbs towards an eruption. Patrick Murdoch is in town, tutor to Admiral Vernon's son, and is in good hopeof another living in Suffolk. Good-natured, obliging Miller is as usual. Though the doctor 5 increases in business, he does not decrease in spleen, that is, both humane and agreeable, like Jacques in the play; I sometimes, too, have a touch of it. But I must break off that chat with you about your friends, which, were 1 Garrick. 2 Quill. 3 Death of Mrs. Lyttleton, in the January of 1746-47. * Afterwards envoy to Berlin. 6 Dr. Armstrong. I to indulge in, would be endless. As for politics, we are, I believe, on the brink of a peace. The French are vapouring at present in the siege of Mrestricht, at the same time they are mortally sick in their marine, and through all the vitals of France. It is a pity we cannot continue the war a little longer, and put their agonizing trade quite to death. This siege, I take it, they mean as their last flourish in the war. May your health, which never failed you yet, still continue, till you have scraped together enough to return home and live in some snug corner as happy as the corycian senex, in Virgil's fourth Georgic, whom I recommend, both to you and myself, as a perfect model of the honest, happy life. Believe me to be ever most sincerely and affectionately yours, James Thomson. A LETTER OF HENRY FIELDING'S TO THE ' TRUE PATRIOT.' Tuesday, January 14, 1746. Sir, — I am a citizen, a haberdasher by trade, and one of those persons to whom the world allow the epithets of wise and prudent. And I enjoy this character the more as I can fairly assure myself I deserve it ; nor am indebted on this account to anything but my own regular conduct, unless to the good instructions with which my father launched me into the world, and upon which I formed this grand principle, 'That there is no real value in anything but money.' The truth of this proposition may be argued from hence, that it is the only thing in the value of which mankind are agreed ; for, as to all other matters, while they are held in high estimation by some, they are disregarded and looked on as cheap and worthless by others. Nay, I believe it is difficult to find any two persons who place an equal valuation on any virtue, good or great quality, whatever. Now, having once established this great rule, I have, by reference to it, been enabled to set a certain value on everything else ; in which I have governed myself by two cautions: 1st, Never to purchase too dear ; and, 2dly (which is a more uncommon degree of wisdom), Never to overvalue what I am to sell ; by which latter misconduct I have observed many persons guilty of great imprudence. It is not my purpose to trouble you with exemplifications of the foregoing rule in my ordinary calling : I shall proceed to acquaint you with my conduct concerning those things which some silly people call invaluable, such as reputation, virtue, sense, beauty, etc., all which I have reduced to a certain standard ; ' for,' as your friend Mr. Adams says in his letter on the late fast, *I imagine every man, woman, and H U4 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. thing, to have their price.' His astonishment at which truth made me smile, as I dare swear it did you ; it is, indeed, agreeable enough to the simplicity of his character. But to proceed : — In my youth I fell violently in love with a very pretty woman. She had a good fortune ; but it was £500 less than I could with justice demand (I was heartily in love with her, that's the truth of it) ; I therefore took my pen and ink (for I do nothing without them), and set down the particulars in the following manner : — Mrs. Amey Fairface debtor to Stephen Grub. £ 5000 00 4500 00 00 100 SO 50 1 00 00 00 10 00 00 00 40S3 11 Of. For fortune, as per marriage Per contra creditor. Imprimis, to cash Item, to beauty (for she had a great deal, and I had value for it) . Item, to wit as per conversation Item, to her affection for me Item, to good housewifery, a sober, chaste education, and being a good workwoman at her needle, in all . Item, to her skill in music Item, to dancing Mrs. Amey debtor Per contra creditor Due to balance .... You see, sir, I strained as hard as possible, and placed a higher value, perhaps, on her several perfections than others would have done ; but the balance still remained against her, and I was reduced to the necessary alterna- tive of sacrificing that sum for ever, or of quitting my mistress. You may easily guess on which a prudent man would determine. Indeed, I had sufficient reason to be afterwards pleased with my prudence, as she proved to be a less valuable woman than I imagined ; for, two years afterwards, having hail a considerable loss in trade, by which the balance above was satisfied, I renewed my addresses, but the false- hearted creature (forsooth) refused to see me. A second occasion which I had for my pen and ink, in this way, was when the situation of my affairs, after some losses, was such that I could clearly have put £1500 in my pocket by break- ing. The account then stood thus : — £ s. d. Stephen Grnbb, debtor to cash . 1500 00 00 Per contra creditor. To danger to soul as j>er perjury 105 00 00 To danger to body as per felony 1000 00 00 To loss of reputation . . . 500 00 00 To conscience as per injuring others 00 02 00 To incidental charges, trouble, etc 100 00 00 I am convinced you are so good a master of figures that I need not cast up the balance which must so visibly have determined me to preserve the character of an honest man. Not to trouble you with more instances of a life of which you may easily guess the whole by this specimen (for it hath been entirely trans- acted by my golden rule), I shall hasten to apply this rule, by which I suppose many other persons in this city conduct themselves, to the present times. And here, sir, have we not reason to suppose that some good men, for want of duly consider- ing the danger of their property, etc., from the present rebellion and low state of public credit, have been too tenacious of their money on the present occasion ; for, if we admit that the whole is in danger, surely it is the office of prudence to be generous of the lesser part, in order to secure the greater ? Let us see how thus stands on paper, for thus only we can argue with certainty. Suppose, then, the given sum of your pro- perty be £20,000. The value of securing this will be more or less in proportion to the danger ; for the truth of which I need only appeal to the common practice of insurance. If the chance, then, be twenty to one, it follows that the value of insurance is at an average with £1000, and proportionally more or less as the danger is greater or less. There are, besides, two other articles, which I had like to have forgot, to which every man almost fixes some value. These are religion and liberty. Suppose, therefor , we : ; it down £ s. d. 00 15 00 00 02 06 Religion at And liberty at And I think a me but a profligate fellow can value them at a lower rate ; it follows that to secure them from the same proportion of danger as above is worth 10 h\. Now this last sum may be undoubtedly saved, as it would not be missed or called for if men would only seriously consider the preservation of what is so infinitely more valuable, their property, and advance their money in its defence in due proportion to the degree of its danger. And as there is nothing so pleasant as clear gain, it must give some satisfaction to every thinking man that, while he risks his money for the preservation of his property, his religion and liberty are tossed him into the bargain. You see, sir, I have fairly balanced between those hot-headed zealots who set these con- veniences above the value of money, and those profligate wicked people who treat them as matters of no concern or moment. I have therefore been a little surprised at the THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 115 backwardness of some very prudent men on this occasion ; for it would be really doing them an injury to suspect they do not set a just value on money, while every action of their lives demon- strates the contrary. I can therefore impute this conduct only to a firm persuasion that there will be foolish people enow found who from loyally to their king, zeal for their country, or some other ridiculous principle, will subscribe sufficient sums for the defence of the public ; and so they might save their own money, which will still increase in value in proportion to the distress and poverty of the nation. This would be certainly a wise and right way of reasoning, and such a conduct must be highly commendable if the : fact supposed was true • for, as nothing is so truly great as to turn the penny while the world suspects your ruin, so to convert the misfortunes of a whole community to your own emolument, must be a thing highly eligible by every good man, i.e. every Plumb. 1 But I am afraid this rule will reach only private persons at most, and cannot extend to those whose examples, while they keep their own purses shut, lock up the purses of all their neighbours. A fallacy of the same kind I am afraid we fall into when we refuse to lend our money to the Government at a moderate interest, in hopes of extorting more from the public purse ; with which thought a very good sort of man, a Plumb, seemed yesterday to hug himself, in a conversation which we had upon this subject ; but upon the nearest computation I could make with my pen, which I handled the moment he left me, I find that this very person, who pro- posed to gain 1 per cent, in £20,000, would, by the consequential effect on the public credit, be a clear loser of 2h In short, I am afraid certain persons may at this time run the hazard of a fate which too often attends very wise men, who have not on all occasions a recourse to figures, and may incur the censure of an old proverb, by being 'penny wise and pound foolish.' And since I may be involved against my will in the calamity, I shall be obliged to you if you will publish these cautions from, sir, your humble servant, Stephen* Grub. Ji.B. — As your paper supplies the place of three Evening Posts, I save lid. per week by it, for which pray accept my acknowledgments. CONGRATULATORY LETTER BY HENRY FIELDING TO THE HON. GEORGE LYTTLETON. On his Second Marriage. Bow Street, August 29, 1719. Sir, — Permit me to bring up the rear of your friends in paying my compliments of congratula- 1 Plumb, a man, or fortune, of £100,000. tion on your late happy nuptials. There may, perhaps, be seasons when the rear may be as honourable a post in friendship as in war ; and if so, such certainly must be every time of joy and felicity. Your present situation must be full of bliss ; and so will be, I am confident, your future life from the same fountain. No- thing can equal the excellent character your lady bears amongst those of her own sex, and I never yet knew them speak well of a woman who did not deserve their good words. How admirable is your fortune in the matrimonial lottery ! I will venture to say there is no man alive who exults more in this, or in any other happiness that can attend you, than myself, and you ought to believe me from the same reason that fully persuades me of the satisfac- tion you receive from any happiness of mine ; this reason is that you must be sensible how much of it I owe to your goodness ; and there is a great pleasure in gratitude, though I believe it second to that of benevolence ; for of all the delights upon earth, none can equal the raptures which a good mind feels in conferring happiness on those whom we think worthy of it. This is the sweetest ingredient in power, and I solemnly protest I never wished for power more than a few days ago, for the sake of a man whom I love, the more, perhaps, from the esteem I know he bears you than any other reason. This man is in love with a young creature of the most apparent worth who re- turns his affections. Nothing is wanting to make two very miserable people extremely blest, but a moderate portion of the greatest of human evils, so philosophers call it, and so it is called by divines, whose word is the rather to be taken as they are many of them more con- versant with this evil than even the philosophers were. The name of this man is Moore, to whom you kindly destined the laurel, which, though it hath long been withered, may not probably soon drop from the brow of its present possessor. But there is another place of much the same value now vacant : it is that of deputy licenser to the stage. Be not offended at this hint ; for though I will own it impudent enough in one who hath so many obligations of his own to you to venture to recommend another man to your favour, yet impudence itself may possibly be a virtue when exerted on behalf of a friend : at least I am the less ashamed of it, as I have known men remark- able for the opposite modesty, possess it without the mixture of any other quality. In this fault, then, you must indulge me ; for should I ever see you as high in power as I wish, and as it is perhaps more my interest than your own that you should be, I shall be guilty of the like as often as I find a man in whom I can, after much intimacy, discover no want but that of the evil above mentioned. I beg you will do me the honour of making my compliments to U6 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. your unknown lady, and believe me to be, with the highest esteem, respect, and gratitude, Sir, your most obliged, most obedient, humble servant, Hexhy Fielding. [It was in the senate, as seen in Cowper's noble description, — ' With all his country beaming in his i that Chatham appeared in the full splen- dour and majesty of his genius. Lord Chesterfield, one of his acutest and most accomplished contemporaries, declared that the dignity of his action and countei terrified his opponents ; and that even the arms of a Campbell and a Mansfield ' fell from their hands, as they shrank under the ascendant which his genius gained over them.' Sir Robert "Walpole used to say to his friends, that he should be delighted ' at any rate to muzzle that terrible cornet of horse.' Mr. Pitt, on leaving the Univer- sity, had entered the army as a cornet in the Blues, and in 1735 was returned to Parliament for the family borough of Old Sarum. The intellectual physiognomy of Chatham was of a severe and commanding order ; his genius "was eminently practical ; and while no person ever surpassed him in the lofty aspirations and generous enthusi- asm of patriotism, few have equalled him in their calm and Christian application. His private character shone with a lustre very different from the unhealthy glare of political fame. The publication of his correspondence presented him under an engaging aspect, and enabled the reader to admire the husband and the father, not less than the statesman and the orator. — Willmott.] THE EARL OF CHATHAM TO HIS NEPHEW, THOMAS TITT. 1 How to conduct himself at Cambridge— Religion tic perfection and glory of human nature. Bath, Jan. 14, 1754. MY DBAS NEPHEW, — You will hardly have read over one very long letter from me, before you arc troubled with a second. I intended to have writ soon, but I do it thesooin i of your letter to your aunt, which she trans- mitted to me here. If anything, my dear boy, i Thomas I'itt was tb ilyson of Mr. Pitts elder brother. Ha was born In 17.;7, was created Lord Camelfui'd in 17SJ, and died at Florence iu 17'JJ. could have happened to raise you higher in my esteem, and to endear you more to me, it is the amiable abhorrence you feel for the scene of vice ami folly (and of real misery and perdition, under the false notion of pleasure and spirit) which has opened to you at your college ; and at the same time, the manly, brave, generous, and wise resolution and true spirit with which you resisted and repulsed the first attempts upon a mind and heart, 1 thank God, infinitely too firm and noble, as well as too elegant and enlightened, to be in any danger of yielding to such contemptible and wretched corruptions. You charm me with the description of Mr. Wheeler; 1 and while you say you could adore him, I could adore you for the natural, generous love of virtue which speaks in all you feel, say, or do. As to your companions, let this be your rule. Cultivate the acquaintance with Mr. "Wheeler, which you have so fortunately begun ; and in general be sure to associate with men much older than yourself : scholars whenever you can ; but always with men of decent and honourable lives. As their age and learning, superior both to your own, must necessarily, in good sense, and in the view of acquiring know- ledge from them, entitle them to all deference, and submission of your own lights to theirs, you will particularly practise that first and greatest rule for pleasing in conversation, as well as for drawing instruction and improvement from the company of one's superiors in age and knowledge ; namely, to be a patient, attentive, and well-bred hearer, and to answer with modesty; to deliver your own opinions sparingly, and with proper diffidence ; and if you are forced to desire further information or explana- tion upon a point, to do it with proper apologies for the trouble you give ; or, if obliged to differ, to do it with all posi our, and an unprejudiced desire to find and asci rfcain truth, with an entire indifference to the side on which that truth is to be found. There is likewise a particular attention required to with good manners ; such as, ' begging pardon,' ' begging leave to doubt,' and such like phrases. Pythagoras enjoined his scholars an absolute silence for a long noviciate. I am far from approving such a taciturnity; but I highly d and intent of Pythagoras' injunction, which is to dedicate t: ■• parts of life more to hear and barn, in order to collect materials, out of which to form opinions founded on proper lights, and well- examined, sound principles, than to be presum- ing, prompt, and flippant in hazarding own slight crude notions of things, and thereby exposing the nakedness and emptiness of the mind, like a house opened to oompanj i Rev. John Wheeler, prebendary of Westi The friendship thus commenced, continued until the death of Lord Camelford. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 117 it is fitted cither with necessaries, or any orna- ments for their reception and entertainment. And not only will this disgrace follow from such temerity and presumption, but a more serious danger is sure to ensue, that is, the embracing errors for truth, prejudices for principles ; and when that is once done (no matter how vainly and weakly), the adhering, perhaps, to false and dangerous notions, only because one has declared for them, and submitting for life the under- standing and conscience to a yoke of base and servile prejudices, vainly taken up and obsti- nately retained. This will never be your danger, but I thought it not amiss to offer these reflec- tions to your thoughts. As to your manner of behaving towards these unhappy young gentle- men you describe, let it be manly and easy ; decline their parties with civility, retort their raillery with raillery, always tempered with good breeding ; if they banter your regularity, order, decency, and love of study, banter in return their neglect of them ; and venture to own frankly that you came to Cambridge to learn what you can, not to follow what they are pleased to call pleasure. In short, let your external behaviour to them be as full of polite- ness and ease, as your inward estimation of them is full of pity mixed with contempt. I come now to the part of the advice I have to offer to you, which most nearly concerns your welfare, and upon which every good and honour- able purpose of your life will assuredly turn. I mean the keeping up in your heart the true sentiments of religion. If you are not right towards God, you can never be towards man : the noblest sentiment of the human breast is here brought to the test. Is gratitude in the number of a man's virtues ? If it be, the high- est Benefactor demands the warmest returns of gratitude, love, and praise. Ingratum qui dixcrit, omnia dixit. If a man wants this virtue, where there are infinite obligations to excite and quicken it, he will be likely to want all others towards his fellow creatures, whose utmost gifts are poor, compared to those he daily receives at the hands of his never-failing Almighty Friend. ' Remember thy Creator in the days of thy youth,' is big with the deepest wisdom. ' The fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom ; and an upright heart, that is understanding.' This is eternally true, whether the wits and rakes of Cambridge allow it or not ; nay, I must add of this religious wisdom, ' Her ways are ways of pleasantness, and all her paths are peace.' Hold fast, therefore, by this sheet- anchor of happiness, religion ; you will often want it in the times of most danger, the storms and tempests of life. Cherish true religion as preciously as you will fly, with abhorrence and contempt, superstition and enthusiasm. The first is the perfection and glory of the human nature, the two last the depravation and dis- grace of it. Remember, the essence of religion is a heart void of offence towards God and man ; not subtle speculative opinions, but an active vital principle of faith. The words of a heathen were so fine that I must give them to you : Composition jus fasque animi, mnctosque recessus mentis, et incoctum gencroso pectus honesto. Go on, my dear child, in the admirable dispositions you have towards all that is right and good, and make yourself the love and admiration of the world. I have neither paper nor words to tell you how tenderly I am yours. WILLIAM TITT TO HIS WIFE, LADY CHATHAM. February 22, 176G (past 4 o'clock). Happy, indeed, was the scene of this glorious morning (for at past one we divided), 1 when the sun of liberty shone once more benignly upon a country too long benighted. My dear love, not all the applauding joy which the hearts of animated gratitude, saved from despair and bankruptcy, uttered in the lobby, could touch me, in any degree, like the tender and lively delight which breathes in your warm and affectionate note. All together, my dearest life, makes me not ill to-day after the immense fatigue, or not feeling that I am so. Wonder not if I should find myself in a placid and sober fever, for tumultuous exultation you know I think not permitted to feeble mortal successes ; but my delight, heartfelt and solid as it is, must want its sweetest ingredient (if not its very essence) till I rejoice with my angel, and with her join in thanksgivings to protecting Heaven for all our happy deliverances. Thank you for the sight of Smith ; his honest joy and affection charm me. Loves to the sweet babes, patriotic or not ; though I hope impetuous William is not behind in feelings of that kind. Send the saddle-horses if you please, so as to be in town early to- morrow morning. I propose and hope to execute my journey to Hayes by eleven. Your ever loving husband, W. Pitt. [When Boswell was setting out on his journey to Holland, Johnson testified the sincerity of his regard and esteem by accompanying him to Harwich. They rested the first night at Colchester, and during supper Boswell began, as he confesses, to tease his companion with fanciful apprehensions of unhappiness. Johnson corrected his folly in a manner peculiar to himself. 'A moth 1 On the American Stamp Act US THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. having fluttered round the candle and burnt itself, he laid hold of this little incident to admonish me, saying, with a sly look, and in a solemn and quiet tone, "That creature was its own tormentor, and I believe its name was Boswell."' The gloom of Utrecht, conl rasted with the gaiety of London, deepened Boswell's depression, and under its influence he addressed a very desponding letter to Johnson, who took no notice of his com- plaints. A second communication, written in a happier temper, brought the following reply.— Willmott.] JOHNSON TO BOSWELL. Tlic Proper Mode of 'Letter-writing. London, December 8, 17C3. Dear Sir, — You are not to think yourself forgotten, or criminally neglected, that you have had yet no letter from me. I love to see my friends, to hear from them, to talk to thern, and to talk of them ; but it is not without a considerable effort of resolution that I prevail upon myself to write. I would not, however, gratify my own indolence by the omission of any important duty, or any office of real kindness. To tell you that I am not well, that I have or have not been in the country, that I drank your health in the room in which we sat last together, and that your acquaintances continue to speak of you with their former kindness, topics with which those letters are commonly filled which are written only for the sake of writing, I seldom shall think worth communicating ; but if I can have it in my power to calm any harassing disquiet, to excite any virtuous desire to rectify any important opinion, or fortify any generous resolution, you need not doubt but I shall at least wish to prefer the pleasure of gratifying a friend much less esteemed than yourself before the gloomy calm of idle vacancy. "Whether I shall easily arrive at an exact punctuality of correspondence, I cannot tell. I shall at present expect that you will receive this in return for two I have had from you. The first, indeed, gave me an account so hopeless of the state of your mind, that it hardly admitted or deserved an answer ; by the second I was much better pleased, and tb.' pleasure will be still increased by such a :ve <>f tli.' progress of your studies, as may evince the continuance of an equal and rational application <>f your mind to some useful inquiry. You will, perhaps, wish to ask, what study I would recommend. I shall not speak of theology, because it ought not to !>.• considered as a question whether yOU shall endeavour to SHOW the will of Uod, I shall, therefore, consider only such studies as we are at liberty to pursue or to neglect ; and of these I know not how you will make a better choice, than by studying the civil law, as your father advises, and the ancient languages, as you had determined for yourself ; at least, resolve that while you remain in any settled residence, to spend a certain number of hours every day amongst your books. The dissipa- tion of thought, of which you complain, is nothing more than the vacillation of a mind suspended between different motives, and changing its direction as any motive gains or loses strength. If you can but kindle in your mind any strong desire, if you can but keep predominant any wish for some particular excellence or attain- ment, the gusts of imagination will pass away, without any effect upon your conduct, and commonly without any traces left upon the memory. There lurks, perhaps, in every human heart a desire of distinction, which inclines every man first to hope, and then to believe, that nature has given him something peculiar to himself. This vanity makes one mind nurse aversions, and another acute desires, till they rise by art much above their original state of power ; and as affection in time improves to habit, they at last tyrannize over him who at first encouraged them only for show. Every desire is a viper in the bosom, who while he was chill was harmless, but, when warmth gave him strength, exerted it in poison. You know a gentleman, who, when he first set his foot in the gay world, as he prepared himself to whirl in the vortex of pleasure, imagined a total indifference and universal negligence to be the most agreeable concomitants of youth, and the strongest indica- tion of an airy temper and a quick apprehension. Vacant to every object, and sensible of every impulse, he thought that all appearance of diligence would deduct something from the reputation of genius ; and hoped that he should appear to attain, amidst all the ease of care- lessness, and the tumult of diversion, that knowledge, and those accomplishments, which mortals of the common fabric obtain only by a mute abstraction and solitary drudgery. He tried this scheme of life a while, was made weary of it by his sense and his virtue ; he then wished to return to his studies, and, finding long habits of idleness and pleasure harder to be cured than he expected, still willing to retain his claim to some extraordinary preroga- tive, resolved the common consequen irregularity into an unalterable decree •! destiny, and concluded that nature had originally formed him incapable of rational employment. Let all such fancies, illusive and destructive, be banished henceforward from your thoughts for even THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 119 Besolve, and keep your resolution ; choose, and pursue your choice. If you spend this day in study, you will find yourself still more able to study to-morrow ; not that you are to expect that you shall at once obtain a complete victory. Depravity is not very easily overcome. Kesolu- tion will sometimes relax, and diligence will sometimes be interrupted ; but let no accidental surprise or deviation, whether short or long, dispose you to despondency. Consider these failings as incidental to all mankind. Begin again where you left off, and endeavour to avoid the inducements that prevailed over you before. This, my dear Boswell, is advice which, perhaps, has been often given you, and given you without effect. But this advice, if you will not take from others, you must take from your own reflections, if you purpose to do the duties of the station to which the bounty of Providence has called you. Let me have a long letter from you as soon as you can. I hope you continue your journal, and enrich it with many observations upon the country in which you reside. It will be a favour if you can get me any books in the Frisick language, and can inquire how the poor are maintained in the Seven Provinces. — I am, dear Sir, Your most affectionate servant. [This is the first letter, Mr. Croker observes, in which we perceive that coldness towards Mrs. Thrale, which had, however, existed for some time. The allusion to the friends he had lost is solemnly pathetic. Johnson was now in his seventy-fourth year, and looking back upon the brilliant circle, in which he had been accustomed to display his wonderful powers of conversation and eloquence, he could not but recall with sensations of sadness him whose death had eclipsed the gaiety of nations, and him of whom he had declared that he touched nothing he did not adorn. Many years before he had dismissed his Dictionary with ' frigid indifference,' as having no relatives or friends whom his success could gratify. But these feelings of gloomy dissatisfaction never overcame the natural sagacity of his understanding. ' If a man does not make new acquaintance,' he remarked to Sir Joshua Reynolds, ' as he advances through life, he will soon find himself left alone. A man, sir, should keep his friendship in constant repair.' The moralist realized his own theory. Johnson had visited during his tour to "Wales the seat of Lord Kilmurry, of whom mention is made, and significantly noted in his Journal, that 'he showed the place with too much exultation.' — Willmott.] TO MRS. THRALE. Old Friends. London, Nov. 13, 1783. Dear Matum, — Since you have written to me with the attention and tenderness of ancient time, your letters give me a great part of the pleasure which a life of solitude admits. You will never bestow any share of your good- will on one who deserves better. Those that have loved longest, love best. A sudden blaze of kindness may by a single blast of coldness be extinguished ; but that fondness, which length of time has connected with many circumstances and occasions, though it may for a while be suppressed by disgust or resentment, with or without a cause, is hourly revived by accidental recollection. To those that have lived long together, everything heard and everything seen recalls some pleasure communicated or some benefit conferred, some petty quarrel or some slight endearment. Esteem of great powers, or amiable qualities newly discovered, may embroider a day or a week, but a friendship of twenty years is interwoven with the texture of life. A friend may be often found and lost, but an old friend never can be found, and nature has provided that he cannot easily be lost. I have not forgotten the Davenants, though they seem to have forgotten me. I began very early to tell them what they have commonly found to be true. I am sorry to hear of their building. I have always warned those whom I loved against that mode of ostentatious waste. You seem to mention Lord Kilmurry as a stranger. We were at his house in Cheshire ; and he one day dined with Sir Lynch. 1 What he tells of the epigram is not true, but perhaps he does not know it to be false. Do not you remember how he rejoiced in having no park ? he could not disoblige his neighbours by sending them no venison. The frequency of death, to those who look upon it in the leisure of Arcadia is very dreadful. We all know what it should teach us ; let us all be diligent to learn. Lucy Porter has lost her brother. But whom I have lost — let me not now remember. Let not your loss be added to the mournful catalogue. Write soon again to, Madam, Yours, etc. 1 Sir Lynch Cotton. See Johnson's Journal 0/ the Tour to Wales. 120 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. TO MRS. LUCY POUTER, IN LICHFIELD. London, March 2, 1782. Dear MADAM,— I went away from Lichfield ill, and have had a troublesome time with my 1 reath ; for some weeks I have been disordered bj B cold, of which I could not get the violence abated till I had been let blood three times. I 1 ure not, however, been so bad but that I could have written, and am sorry that I neglected it. My dwelling is but melancholy ; both "Wil- liams, and DesmouliDS, and myself arc very sickly ; Frank is not well ; and poor Levett died in his bed the other day, by a sudden stroke. I suppose not one minute passed be- tween health and death; so uncertain are human things. Such is the appearance of the world about me ; I hope your scenes are more cheerful. But whatever befalls us, though it is wise to be serious, it is useless and foolish, and perhaps sinful, to be gloomy. Let us therefore keep ourselves as easy as we can ; though the loss of friends will be felt, and poor Levett had been a faithful adherent for thirty years. Forgive me, my dear love, the omission of writing; I hope to mend that and my other faults. Let me have your prayers. Make my compliments to Mrs. Cobb, and Miss Adey, and Mr. Pearson, and the whole company of my friends. I am, my dear, your most humble servant, Sam. Johnson. TO CAPTAIN LANGTON, 1 IN ROCHESTER. Bolt Court, Fleet Street, March 20, 1782. Dear Sir, — It is now long since we saw one another ; and, whatever has been the reason, neither you have written to me nor I to you. To let friendship die away by negligence and silence, is certainly not wise. It is voluntarily to throw away one of the greatest comforts of this weary pilgrimage, of which when it is as it must be, taken finally away, he that travels on alone will wonder how his esteem could be so little. Do not forget me ; you see that I do not forget you. It is pleasing, in the silence of solitude, to think that there is one at least, however distant, of whose benevolence there is little doubt, and whom there is yet hope of seeing again. Of my life, from the time we parted, the history is mournful. The spring of last year deprived me of Thrale, a man whose eye for fifteen years had scarcely been turned upon me but with respect or tenderness ; for such an- other friend the general course of human things will not suffer man to hope. I passed the summer at Streatham, but there was no Thrale ; and having idled away the summer with a weakly body and neglected mind, I made a journ i Lshire on the edge of winter. The season was dreary ; I was sickly, and found the friends sickly whom I went to see. After a soiTowful sojourn, I returned to a habitation possessed for the present by two sick women, where my dear old friend, Mr. Levett, to whom, as he used to tell me, I owe your acquaintance, died a few weeks ago suddenly in his bed. There passed not, I believe, a minute between health and death. At night, as at Mrs. Thrale's, I was musing in my chamber, I thought with uncommon earnestness, that however I might alter my mode of life, or whithersoever I might remove, I would endeavour to retain Levett about me. In the morning my servant brought me word that Levett was called to another state, — a state for which, I think, he was not unpre- pared, for he was very useful to the poor. How much soever I valued him, I now wish that I had valued him more. I have myself been ill more than eight weeks of a disorder from which, at the expense of about fifty ounces of blood, I hope I am now recovering. You, dear sir, have, I hope, a more cheerful scene : you see George fond of his book, and the pretty misses airy and lively, with my own little Jenny equal to the best ; and in whatever can contribute to your quiet or pleasure, you have Lady Rothes ready to concur. May whatever you enjoy of good be increased, and whatever you sutfer of evil be diminished. I am, dear sir, your humble servant, Sam. Johnson. i Mr. Langton being at this time on duty at Rochester, lie la addressed by his military title.— BoawELU [Of Sterne's correspondence, a curious anecdote is related by one of Hannah More's sisters. • Mrs. Medalle (Sterne's daughter) sent to all the correspondents of her deceased father, begging the letters which he had written to them : among other wits, she sent to Wilkes with the same request. He sent for answer that as there appeared nothing extraordinary in those he had received, he had burnt or lost them. On which the faithful editor of her father's works sent back to say, that if Mr. Wilkes would be so good as to write a few letters in her father's style, it would do just as well, and she would insert them.' We are not informed whether Wilkes complied with this singular request. Literature, THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 121 however, has not suffered by the loss of so many of Sterne's letters. His epistolary style has all the faults, with very few of the excellences, of his works ; it is full of theatrical starts of passion ; and even his expressions of sympathy and regard seem to be spoken in character. "When this letter was written, Garrick was upon the Continent, where he had been residing since the autumn of 1763. He returned to England in the April of 1705. Powell, to whom Sterne alludes, is described as 'a young man from Sir Eobert Ladbroke's counting-house in the city ; with slender education, few means of study, not striking in his person, but possessing an ardent love for acting, and the faculty of strongly interesting the passions of the audience.' Such was the fickleness of the popular taste, that the town, which had begun to weary of Garrick, thronged to see his successor. It ought, however, to be men- tioned, that the youthful actor, in the height of his success, remembered and vene- rated his illustrious master. — Willmolt.] STERNE TO GARRICK. Urging his Return to the Stage. Bath, April G, 17G5. I scalp you ! my dear Garrick ! — my dear friend ! foul befall the man who hurts a hair of your head !— and so full was I of that very sentiment, that my letter had not been put into the post office ten minutes before my heart smote me ; and I sent to recall it — but failed. You are sadly to blame, Shandy ! for this, quoth I, leaning with my head on my hand, as I recriminated upon my false delicacy in the affair. Garrick's nerves (if he has any left) are as fine and delicately spun as thy own — his sentiments as honest and friendly ; thou knowest, Shandy, that he loves thee— why wilt thou hazard him a moment's pain? Puppy ! fool ! coxcomb ! jackass ! etc. etc. ; and so I balanced the account to your favour, before I received it drawn up in your way. I say your way ; for it is not stated so much to your honour and credit, as I had passed the account before; for it was a most lamented truth, that I never received one of the letters your friendship meant me, except whilst in Paris. Oh ! how I congratulate you for the anxiety the world has, and continues to be under, for your return. Return— return to the few who love you, and the thousands who admire you. The moment you set your foot upon your stage— mark ! I tell it you, by some magic, irresisted power, every fibre about your heart will vibrate afresh, and as strong and feelingly as ever. Nature, with Glory at her back, will light up the torch within you ; and there is enough of it left to heat and enlighten the world these many, many, many years. Heaven be praised ! (I utter it from my soul) that your lady and Minerva is in a condition to walk to Windsor— full rapturously will I lead the graceful pilgrim to the temple, where I will sacrifice with the purest incense to her ; but you may worship with me or not, 'twill make no difference either in the truth or warmth of my devotion ; still (after all I have seen), I still maintain her peerless. Powell — good heaven ! give me some one with less smoke and more fire. There are, who, like the Pharisees, still think they shall be heard for much speaking. Come, come away, my dear Garrick, and teach us another lesson. Adieu ! —I love you dearly— and your lady better — not hobihorsically— but most senti- mentally and affectionately— for I am yours (that is, if you never say another word about ) with all the sentiments of love and friendship you deserve from me. FROM IGNATIUS SANCHO, AN EMANCIPATED NEGRO, TO MR. STERNE. 1766. Reverend Sir,— It would be an insult on your humanity (or perhaps look like it) to apologize for the liberty I am taking ; I am one of those people whom the vulgar and illiberal call negroes. The first part of my life was rather unlucky, as I was placed in a family who judged ignorance the best and only security for obedience. A little reading and writing I got by unwearied application. The latter part of my life has been, through God's blessing, truly fortunate, having spent it in the service of one of the best and greatest families in the king- dom. My chief pleasure has been books ; phil- anthropy I adore. How very much, good sir, am I (amongst millions) indebted to you for the character of your amiable Uncle Toby ! I declare I would walk ten miles in the dog-days to shake hands with the honest corporal. Your sermons have touched me to the heart, and I hope have amended it, which brings me to the point. In your tenth discourse is this very affecting passage :— ' Consider how great a part of our species, in all ages down to this, have been trod under the feet of cruel and capricious tyrants, who would neither hear their cries, nor pity their distresses. Consider slavery — ■ what it is — how bitter a draught— and how many millions are made to drink of it.' Of all my favourite authors, not one has drawn a tear in favour of my miserable black brethren, ex- cepting yourself, and the humane author of Sir George Ellison. I think you will forgive me ; 12: THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. I am sure you will applaud me for beseeching you to give one half-hour's attention to slavery as it is this day practised in our "West Indies. That subject, handled in your striking manner, would ease the yoke (perhaps) of many ; but, if only of one, gracious God ! what a feast to a benevolent heart ! and sure I am you are an epicurean in acts of charity. You who are universally read, and as universally admired, you could not fail. Dear sir, think in me you behold the uplifted hands of thousands of my brother Moors. Grief (yon pathetically observe) is eloquent : figure to yourself their attitudes ; hear their supplicating addresses ! Alas ! you cannot refuse ! Humanity must comply ; in which hope I beg permission to subscribe my- self, reverend sir, I. S. FROM UB. STEBHE TO IGNATIUS SANCHO. Coxwould, July 27, 1766. There is a strange coincidence, Sancho, in the little events (as well as in the great ones) of this world ; for I had been writing a tender tale of the sorrows of a friendless, poor negro girl, and my eyes had scarce done smarting with it, when your letter of recommendation, in behalf of so many of her brethren and sisters, came to me. But why her brethren, or yours, Sancho, any more than mine ? It is by the finest tints and most insensible gradations that nature descends from the fairest face about St. James's to the sootiest complexion in Africa. At which tint of these is it that the ties of blood are to cease? and how many shades must we descend lower still in the scale, ere mercy is to vanish with them ? But 'tis no uncommon thing, my good Sancho, for one-half of the world to use the other half of it like brutes, and then endea- vour to make them so. For my own part, I never look iccsticard (when I am in a pensive mood, at least) but I think of the burthens which our brothers and sisters are there carrying ; and could I ease their shoulders from one ounce of them, I declare I would set out this hour upon a pilgrimage to Mecca for their sakes, which, by the bye, Sancho, exceeds your walk of ten miles in about the same proportion that a visit of humanity should one of mere form. How- ever, if you meant my Uncle Toby, more he is your debtor. If I can weave the talc I have wrote into the work I am about, 'tis at the service of the afflicted, and a much greater matter; for, in Berious truth, it casts a sad shade upon the world, that so great a part of it are, and have been so long, bound in chains of > is, and in chain, of misery ; and I can- not hut both respect and felicitate you, that by so much laudable diligence you have broke the one, and that by falling into the hands of so good and merciful a family, Providence has rescued you from tip- other. And so, good-hearted Sancho, adieu ! and believe me, I will not forget your letter. — Yours, L. Sterne. WILLIAM SlIKXSTONE TO RICHARD JAGO, A ULNOB l'OET (1715-1781). November 1", 1752. Dear Mr. Jago, — Could I with convenience mount my horse, and ride to Harbury this instant, I should much more willingly do so than begin this letter. Such terrible events have happened to us, since we saw each other last, that, however irksome it may be to dwell upon them, it is in the same degree unnatural to substitute any subject in their place. I do sincerely forgive your long silence, my good friend, — indeed I do, though it gave me un- easiness. I hope you do the same by mine. I own, I could not readily account for the former period of yours, any otherwise than by sup- posing that I had said or done something, in the levity of my heart, which had given you disgust ; but being conscious to myself of the most sincere regard for you, and believing it could never be discredited for any trivial inadvertences, I remember, I continued still in expectation of a letter, and did not dream of writing till such time as I had received one. I trusted you would write at last ; and that, by all my past endeavours to demonstrate my friendship, you would believe the tree was rooted in my heart, whatever irregularity you might observe in the branches. This was my situation before that dreadful era which gave me such a shock as to banish my best friends for a time out of my memory. And when they recurred, as they did the first of anything, I was made acquainted with that deplorable misfortune of yours ! believe me, I sympathized in your aflliction, notwithstanding my own ; but alas ! what comfort could I administer, who had need of every possible assistance to support myself? I wrote indeed a few letters with difficulty ; amongst the rest, one to my friend Graves; but it was to vent my complaint. I will send you the letter, if you please, as it is by far my least painful method of conveying you some account of my situation. Let it convince you, that I could have written nothing at that time, which could have been of any service to you : let it you, at least, a faint sketch of my d< brother's character ; but let it not appear an ostentatious display of sorrow, of which I am by no means guilty. I know but too well that I discovered upon the occasion, what some would call an unmanly tenderness; but I know also, that sorrow upon such subjects as these is very consistent with virtue, and with the most absolute resignation to the just decrees of Providence ' ffomini» est <»im affici d<>hn-c si nit re ; resitten tamen et solatia admitta THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 123 solatiis non egerie.'— PLINY. I drank, purchased amusements, never suffered myself to be a minute without company, no matter what, so it was but continual. At length, by an attention to such conversation and such amuse- ments as I could at other times despise, I forgot so far as to be cheerful. And after this, the summer, through an almost constant succession of lively and agreeable visitants, proved even a scene of jollity. It was in- ebriation all, though of a mingled nature ; yet has it maintained a sort of truce with grief, till time can assist me more effectually by throwing back the event to a distance. Now, indeed, that my company has all forsaken me, and I am delivered up to winter, silence, and reflection, the incidents of the last year revive apace in my memory ; and I am even astonished to think of the gaiety of my summer. The fatal anniversary, the dies quern semper acerbum, etc., is beginning to approach, and every face of the sky suggests the ideas of last winter. Yet I find myself cheerful in company, nor would I recommend it to you to be much alone. You would lay the highest obligation upon me by coming over at this time. I pressed your brother, whom I saw at Birmingham, to use his influence with you ; but if you can by no means undertake the journey, I will take my speediest opportunity of seeing you at Harbury. Mr. Miller invited me strenuously to meet Dr. Lyttelton at his house ; but I believe my most convenient season will be, when my Lord Dudley goes to Barrels; for I can but ill bear the pensiveness of a long and lonely expedition. After all, if you can come hither first, it would afford me the most entire satisfaction. I have been making alterations in my house that would amuse you ; and have many matters to discourse with you, which it would be endless to mention upon paper. Adieu ! my dear friend ! May your merit be known to some one who has greater power to serve you than myself; but be assured at the same time, that no one loves you better, or esteems you more. W. Shenstone. [Thomas Gray, the poet, was an excellent cor- respondent, and his letters as such are quite equal to his poetical reputation. His descriptions of nature are genuine in an age which was beginning to emerge from a stilted and artificial style. Gray, it will be remembered, after he became intimate with Walpole, accompanied him so far in his tour of Europe, but returned to England in 1741. The first letter to Walpole was written from Burnham, celebrated for its beeches and fine woodland scenery, to which Gray was the first to draw public attention. Burnham is about twenty-five miles from London, and about five or six from Windsor. When Burnham Beeches was recently in the market, through the exer- tions of Mr. Heath, the place was bought, along with 374 acres of common ground, by the Corporation of London. Gray's spelling of Scotch names in his letter descriptive of his Scotch tour is sometimes curious. We quote the letter as he wrote it. The remarks of a poet, and such an acute observer, are valuable ; but his association of Edinburgh with the itch is decidedly uncomplimentary. The Edinburgh of that day was to him the most picturesque at a distance, and the 'nastiest when near,' of all capital cities.] me. gi:ay to me. walpole. I was hindered in my last, and so could not give you all the trouble I would have done. The description of a road, which your coach wheels have so often honoured, it would be needless to give you ; suffice it that I arrived safe at my uncle's, 1 who is a great hunter in imagination ; his dogs take up every chair in the house, so I am forced to stand at this pre- sent writing ; and though the gout forbids him galloping after them in the field, yet he con- tinues still to regale his ears and nose with their comfortable noise and stink. He holds me mighty cheap, I perceive, for walking when I should ride, and reading when I should hunt. My comfort amidst all this is, that I have at the distance of half a mile, through a green lane, a forest (the vulgar call it a common) all my own, at least as good as so, for I spy no human thing in it but myself. It is a little chaos of mountains and precipices ; mountains, it is true, that do not ascend much above the clouds, nor are the declivities quite so amazing as Dover cliff : but just such hills as people who love their necks as well as I do may venture to climb, and crags that give the eye as much pleasure as if they were more dangerous : both vale and hill are covered with most venerable beeches, and other very reverend vegetables, that, like most other ancient people, are always dreaming out their old stories to the winds, And as they bow their hoary tops relate, In murmuring sounds, the dark decrees of fate ; While visions, as poetic eyes avow, Cling to each leaf and swarm on every bough. At the foot of one of these squats me I {U penseroso), and there grow to the trunk for a whole morning. The timorous hare and sport- ive squirrel gambol around me like Adam in Paradise (before he had an Eve) ; but I think he 1 At Burnham in Buckinghamshire. For its pre- sent and past history see Heath's Burnham Beeches. 124 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. did not use to read Virgil, as I commonly do there. In this situation I often converse with my Horace, aloud too ; that is talk to you, but I do not remember that I ever heard you answer inc. I beg pardon for frnkingall the conversation to myself, but it is entirely your own fault. We have old Mr. Southern at a gentleman's house a little way off, who often comes to see us : he is now seventy-seven years old, and has almost wholly lost his memory; but is as agreeable as an old man can be, at least I persuade myself so when I look at him, and think of Isabella and Oroonoko. I shall be in town hi about three weeks. Adieu. September, 1737. MR. GRAY TO MR. MASON. 1 Cambridge, Dec. 19, 1757. A life spent out of the world has its hours of despondence, its inconveniences, its Bufferings, as numerous and as real, though not quite of the same sort, as a life spent in the midst of it. The power we have, when we will exert it over our own minds, joined to a little strength and consolation, nay, a little pride we catch from those that seem to love us, is our only support in either of these conditions. I am sensible I cannot return you more of this assistance than I have received from you ; and can only tell you, that one who has far more reason than you, I hope, ever will have to look on life with something worse than indifference, is yet no enemy to it ; but can look backward on many bitter moments partly with satisfaction, and partly with patience ; and forward too, on a scene not very promising, with some hope, and some expectations of a better day. The cause, however, which occasioned your reflection (though I can judge but very imperfectly of it) does not seem, at present, to be weighty enough to make you take any such resolution as you meditate. Use it in its season, as a relief from what is tiresome to you, but not as if it was in consequence of anything you take ill ; on the contrary, if such a thing had happened at the time of your transmigration, I would defer it merely to avoid that appearance. As to myself, I cannot boast, at present, either of my spirits, my situation, my employ- ments, or fertility. The days and the nights pass, and I am never the nearer to anything, but that one to which we are all tending ; yet I love people that leave some traces of their journey behind them, ami have strength enough to ad\ ise you to do so while you can. I expect to see Caractacus completed, and there- fore I send you the books you wanted. I do not know whether they will furnish you with any new matter ; but they are well i i W. Mason, M.A.. editor of an edition of tie > ., ., | works (1821), with Memoir and Letters. written, and easily read. I told you before that (in a time of dearth) I would borrow from the Edda, without entering too minutely on particulars : but, if I did so, I would make each image so clear, that it might be fully under- stood by itself ; for in this obscure mythology we must not hint at things, as we do with the Greek fables, that everybody is supposed to know at school. However, on second thoughts, I think it would be still better to graft any wild picturesque fable, absolutely of one's own inven- tion, on the Druid stock ; I mean on those half dozen of old fancies that are known to be a part of their system. This will give you more freedom and latitude, and will leave no hold for the critics to fasten on. I send you back the Elegy 1 as you desired me to do. My advices are always at your service to take or to refuse, therefore you should not call them severe. You know I do not love, much less pique myself on criticism ; and think even a bad verse as good a thing or better than the best observation that ever was made upon it. I like greatly the spirit and sentiment of it (much of which you perhaps owe to your present train of thinking) ; the disposition of the whole too is natural and elegiac ; as to the expression, I would venture to say (did not you forbid me) that it is sometimes too easy. The last line I protest against (this, you will say, is worse than blotting out rhymes) ; the descriptive part is excellent. Pray, when did I pretend to finish, or even insert passages into other people's works, as if it were equally easy to pick holes and to mend them ? All I can say is, that your Elegy must not end with the worst line in it. 2 It is flat; it is prose ; whereas that, above all, ought to sparkle, or at least to shine. If the sentiment must stand, twirl it a little into an apophthegm : stick a flower in it ; gild it with a costly expres- sion ; let it strike the fancy, the ear, or the heart, and I am satisfied. The other particular expressions which I object to, I mark on the manuscript. Now, I desire you would neither think me severe, nor at all regard what I say further than as it coin- cides with your own judgment ; for the child deserves your partiality ; it is a healthy, well made boy with an ingenuous countenance, and promises to live long. 1 would only wash its face, dress it a little, make it walk upright and strong, and ki ep it from learning paw words. I hope you couched my refusal 3 to Lord i Elegy in the Garden of a Friend. 2 'An attempt was accordingly made to improve it ; how it stood when this criticism upon it was written, I cannot now recollect.'— Mason. a mm' being Pool Laureate on tie- death of Cibber, which place the lite Duke of Devonshire (then Lord Chamberlain) desired his brother to oiler to Mr. Gray; and his lordship had commissioned me (then in town) to write to him concerning it.' — Mason. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 125 John Cavendish in as respectful terms as possible, and with all due acknowledgment to the Duke. If you hear who it is to be given to, pray let me know ; for I interest myself a little in the history of it, and rather wish somebody may accept it that will retrieve the credit of the thing, if it be retrievable, or ever had any credit. Rowe was, I think, the last man of character that had it ; Eusden was a person of great hopes in his youth, though at last he turned out a drunken parson ; Dryden was as disgraceful to the office, from his character, as the poorest scribbler could have been from his verses. MR. GRAY TO DR. WHARTON. Glames Castle, Scjit. 14, 1765. I deferred writing to you till I had seen a little more of this country than you yourself had seen ; and now being just returned from an excursion, which I and Major Lyon have been making into the Highlands, I sit down to give you an account of it. But first I must return to my journey hither, on which I shall be very short ; partly because you know the way as far as Edinburgh, and partly that there was not a great deal worth remarking. The first night we passed at Tweedmouth (77 miles) ; the next at Edinburgh (53 miles) ; where Lord Strath- more left the Major and me, to go to Lenox- Love (Lord Blantyre's), where his aunt lives ; so that afternoon and all next day I had leisure to visit the Castle, Holyrood House, Heriot's Hospital, Arthur's Seat, etc., and am not sorry to have seen that most picturesque (at a dis- tance) and nastiest (when near) of all capital cities. I supped with Dr. Robertson and other literati, and the next morning Lord Strath- more came for us. We crossed at the Queen's Ferry in a four-oared yawl without a sail, and were tossed about rather more than I should wish to hazard again ; lay at Perth, a large Scotch town with much wood about it, on the banks of the Tay, a very noble river. Next morning ferried over it, and came by dinner-time to Glames; being (from Edinburgh) 67 miles, which makes in all (from Hetton) 197 miles. The castle 1 stands in Strathmore (i.e. the Great Valley), which winds about from Stonehaven on the east coast of Kincardineshire, obliquely, as far as Stirling, near 100 miles in length, and -from seven to ten miles in breadth, cultivated everywhere to the foot of the hills, on either hand, with oats or bere, a species of barley, except where the soil is mere peat-earth (black as a coal), or barren sand covered only with broom and heath, or a short grass fit for sheep. Here and there appear, just above ground, the huts of the inhabitants, which they 1 This is said to be the very castle in which Duncan was murdered by Macbeth. call towns, built of, and covered with, turf; and among them, at great distances, the gentlemen's houses, with enclosures and a few trees round them. Amidst these the Castle of Glames dis- tinguishes itself, the middle part of it rising proudly out of what seems a great and thick wood of tall trees, with a cluster of hanging towers on the top. You descend to it gradually from the south, through a double and triple avenue of Scotch firs 60 or 70 feet high, under three gateways. This approach is a full mile long; and when you have passed the second gate, the firs change to limes, and another oblique avenue goes off on either hand towards the offices. These, as well as all the enclosures that surround the house, are bordered with three or four ranks of sycamores, ashes, and white poplars of the noblest height, and from 70 to 100 years old. Other alleys there are, that go off at right angles with the long one ; small groves, and walled gardens, of Earl Patrick's planting, full of broad-leaved elms, oaks, birch, black cherry- trees, laburnums, etc., all of great stature and size, which have not till this week begun to show the least sense of morning frosts. The third gate delivers you into a court with a broad pavement, and grass-plats adorned with statues of the four Stuart kings, bordered with old silver firs and yew-trees alternately, and opening with an iron palisade on either side to two square old-fashioned parterres surrounded by stone fruit-walls. The house, from the height of it, the greatness of its mass, the many towers atop, and the spread of its wings, has really a, very singular and striking appearance, like nothing I ever saw. You will comprehend something of its shape from the plan of the second floor, which I enclose. The wings are about 50 feet high ; the body (which is the old castle, with walls 10 feet thick) is near 100. From the leads I see to the south of me (just at the end of the avenue) the little town of Glames, the houses built of stone, and slated, with a neat kirk and small square tower (a rarity in this region). Just beyond it rises a beautiful round hill, and another ridge of a longer form adjacent to it, both covered with woods of tall fir. Beyond them, peep over the black hills of Sid-law, over which winds the road to Dundee. To the north, within about seven miles of me, begin to rise the Grampians, hill above hill, on whose tops three weeks ago I could plainly see some traces of the snow that fell in May last. To the east, winds a way to the Strath, such as I have before described it, among the hills, which sink lower and lower as they approach the sea. To the west, the same valley (not plain, but broken, unequal ground) runs on for above 20 miles in view : there I see the crags above Dunkeld ; there Beni-Gloe and Beni-More rise above the clouds ; and there is that Shc-khallian, that spues into a cone above 126 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. j them all, and lies at least 45 miles (in :i direct ; line) from this place. i Lord Strathmore, who is the greatest farmer in tins neighbourhood, is from break of day to dark night among his husbandmen and labourers ; he lias near 2000 acres of land in his own hands, and is at present employed in building a low wall of four miles long, and in widening the bed of the little river Deane, which inns to south and south-east of the house, from about twenty to fifty feet wide, both to prevent inundations, and to drain the lake of Forfar. This work will be two years more in completing, and must be three miles in length. All the Highlanders that canbe got are employed in it ; many of them know no English, and I hear them singing Erse songs all day long. The price of labour is eightpence a day ; but to such as will join together, and engage to perform a certain portion in a limited time, two shillings. I must say that all his labours seem to prosper ; and my lord has casually found in digging, such quantities of shell-marl as not only fertilize his own grounds, but are disposed of at a good price to all his neighbours. In his nurseries are thousands of oaks, beech, larches, horse-chest- nuts, spruce-firs, etc., thick as they can stand, and whose only fault is, that they are grown tall and vigorous before he has determined where to plant them out ; the most advantage- ous spot we have for beauty lies west of the house, where (when the stone walls of the meadows are taken away) the grounds, naturally unequal, will have a very park-like appearance : they are already full of trees, which need only thin- ning here and there to break the regularity of their trout-stream which joins the river Deane hard by. Pursuing the course of this brook upwards, you come to a narrow sequestered valley sheltered from all winds, through which it runs murmuring among great stones ; on one hand the ground gently rises into a hill, on the other are the rocky banks of the rivulet, almost perpendicular, yet covered with syca- more, ash, and fir, that (though it seems to have no place or soil to grow in) yet has risen to a good height, and forms a thick shade ; you may continue along this gill, and passing by one end of the village and its church for half a mile, it leads to an opening between the two hills covered with fir-woods, that I mentioned above, through which the stream makes its way, and forms a cascade of ten or twelve feet over broken rocks. A very little art is necessary to make all this a beautiful scene. The weather, till the last week, has been in general very fine and warm ; we have had no fires till now, and often have sat with the windows open an hour after sunset; now and then a shower has come, and sometimes sudden gusts of wind descend from the mountains, that finish as suddenly as they arose; but to-day it blows a hurricane. Upon the whole, I have been exceeding lucky in my weather, and particularly in my Highland expedition of five days. We set out then the 11th of September, and continuing along the Strath to the west, passed through Mcgill (where is the tomb of Queen Wanders, that was riven to dethe by slaned horses for nae gude tliat she did '; so the women there told me, I assure you), through Cowper of Angus ; over the river Ila ; then over a wide and dismal heath, fit for an assembly of witches, till we came to a string of four small lakes in a valley, whose deep-blue waters and green margin, with a gentleman's house or two seated on them in little groves, contrasted with the black desert in which they were enchased. The ground now grew unequal ; the hills, more rocky, seemed to close in upon us, till the road came to the brow of a steep descent, and (the sun then setting) between two woods of oak we saw far below \xs the river Tay come sweeping along at the bottom of a precipice, at least 150 feet deep, clear as glass, full to the brim, and very rapid in its course ; it seemed to issue out of woods thick and tall, that rose on either hand, and were overhung by broken rocky crags of vast height ; above them, to the west, the tops of higher mountains appeared, on which the evening clouds reposed. Down by the side of the river, under the thickest shades, is seated the town of Dunkeld ; in the midst of it stands a ruined cathedral, the towers and shell of the building still entire : a little beyond it, a large house of the Duke of Athol, with its offices and gardens, extends a mile beyond the town ; and as his grounds were interrupted by the streets and roads, he has flung arches of communication across them, that add to the scenery of the place, which of itself is built of good white stone, and handsomely slated ; so that no one would take it for a Scotch town till they come into it. Here we passed the night ; if I told you how, you would bless yourself. Next day we set forward to Taymouth, 27 miles farther west ; the road winding through beautiful woods, with the Tay almost always in full view to the right, being here from 3 to 100 feet over. The Strath -Tay, from a mile to three miles or more wide, covered with corn, and spotted with groups of people, then in the midst of their harvest ; on either hand a vast chain of rocky mountains that changed their face and opened something new every hundred yards, as the way turned, or the clouds passed ; in short, altogether it was one of the most pleasing days I have passed these many years, and at every step I wished for you. At the close of day we came to Ealloch, 1 so the place was called ; but now Taymouth, improperly enough ; for here it is that the river issues out of Looh-Tay, a glorious lake 15 miles long and i Mr, Pennant, in his tour in Scotland, explains this word ' Hi'' Mouth of the Loch.' THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 127 one mile and a half broad, surrounded with pro, ligious mountains; there on its north-eastern brink, impending over it, is the vast hill of Lawers ; to the east is that enormous creature, She-khallian (;'.e. the maiden's pap), spiring above the clouds : directly west, beyond the end of the lake, Beni-More, the great mountain, rises to a most awful height, and looks down on the tomb of Fingal. Lord Breadalbane's poKcy (so they call here all such ground as is laid out for pleasure) takes in about 2000 acres, of which his house, offices, and a deer-park, about three miles round, occupy the plain or bottom, which is little above a mile in breadth ; through it winds the Tay, which, by means of a bridge, I found here to be 158 feet over : his plantations and woods rise with the ground, on either side the vale, to the very summit of the enormous crags that overhang it : along them, on the mountain's side, runs a terrace a mile and a half long, that overlooks the course of the river. From several seats and temples perched on particular rocky eminences, you command the lake for many miles in length, which turns like some huge river, and loses itself among the mountains that surround it ; at its eastern extremity, where the river issues out of it, on a peninsula my lord has built a neat little town and church with a high square tower ; and just before it lies a small round island in the lake, covered with trees, amongst which are the ruins of some little religious house. Trees, by the way, grow here to great size and beauty. I saw four old chestnuts in the road, as you enter the park, of vast bulk and height ; one beech tree I measured that was 1C feet 7 inches in the girth, and, I guess, near 80 feet in height. The gardener presented us with peaches, nectarines, and plums from the stone walls of the kitchen-garden (for there are no brick nor hot walls) ; the peaches were good, the rest well tasted, but scarce ripe ; we had also golden pippins from an espalier, not ripe, and a melon very well flavoured and fit to cut : of the house I have little to say : it is a very good nobleman's house, handsomely furnished and well kept, very comfortable to inhabit, but not worth going far to see. Of the earl's taste I have not much more to say ; it is one of those noble situations that man cannot spoil : it is, however, certain that he has built an inn and a town just where his principal walks should . have been, and in the most wonderful spot of ground that perhaps belongs to him. In this inn, however, we lay ; and next day, returning down the river four miles, we passed it over a fine bridge, built at the expense of the Government, and continued our way to Logie-Bait, just below which, in a most charming scene, the Tummel, which is here the larger river of the two, falls into the Tay. We ferried over the Tummel in order to get into Marshal "Wade's road, which leads from Dunkeld to Inverness, and continued our way along it toward the north : the road is excellent, but dangerous enough, in conscience ; the river often running directly under us at the bottom of a precipice 200 feet deep, sometimes masked indeed by wood that finds means to grow where I could not stand, but very often quite naked and without any defence; in such places we walked fur miles together, partly for fear, and partly to admire the beauty of the country, which the beauty of the weather set off to the greatest advantage : as evening came on, we approached the pass of Gillikrankie (Killie- krankie), where, in the year 1745, the Hessians, with their prince at their head, stopped short, and refused to march a foot farther. Vestibulum ante ipsum, primisque in faucibus Orci stands the solitary mansion of Mr. Bobertson of Fascley ; close by it rises a hill covered with oak, with grotesque masses of rock staring from among their trunks, like the sullen countenances of Fingal and all his family, frowning on the little mortals of modern days : from between this hill and the adjacent mountains, pent in a narrow channel, comes roaring out the river Tummel, and falls headlong down involved in white foam which rises into a mist all round it : but my paper is deficient, and I must say nothing of the pass itself, the black river Garry, the Blair of Athol, Mount Beni-Gloe, my return by another road to Dunkeld, the Hermitage, the Stra-Bram, and the Bumbling Brig : in short, since I saw the Alps, I have seen nothing sublime till now. In about a week I shall set forward, by the Stirling road, on my return all alone. Pray for me till I see you, for I dread Edinburgh and the itch, and expect to find very little in my way worth the perils I am to endure. MR. GRAY TO MR. NICHOLLS. Pembroke College, June 24, 17G9. And so you have a garden of your own, 1 and you plant and transplant, and are dirty and amused ! Are not you ashamed of yourself ? "Why, I have no such thing, you monster, nor ever shall be either dirty or amused as long as I live. My gardens are in the windows, like those of a lodger up three pair of stairs in Petticoat Lane or Camomile Street, and they go to bed regularly under the same roof that I do. Dear, how charming it must be to walk out in one's own yarding, and sit on a bench in the open air, with a fountain and leaden statue, and a rolling stone, and an arbour : have a care of sore throats though, and the agoc. 1 ' Mr. Nicholls, by having pursued the advice of his correspondent, we find was now possessed of that competency which he wished him ; happy, not only in having so sage an adviser, but in his own good sense which prompted him to follow such advice. The gaiety, whim, and humour of this letter contrast prettily with the gravity and serious reflection of a former communication.' — Mason. I2S THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. However, be it known to you, though I have no garden, I have Bold my estate and got a thousand guineas, 1 and fourscore pounds a year for my old aunt, and a twenty-pound prize in the lottery, and Lord knows what arrears in the treasury, and am a rich fellow enough, go to ; and a fellow that hatli had losses, and one that hath two gowns, and everything handsome about him, and in a few days shall have new window curtains : are you advised of that? ay, and a new mattress to lie upon. My Ode has been rehearsed again and again, 2 and the scholars have got scraps by heart : I expect to see it torn piecemeal in the North Briton before it is born. If you will come, you shall see it, and sing in it amidst a chorus from Salisbury and Gloucester music meeting, great names there, and all well versed in Judas Maccabeus. I wish it were once over ; for then I immediately go for a few days to London, and so with Mr. Brown to Aston, though I fear it will rain the whole summer, and Skiddaw will be invisible and inaccessible to mortal-. I have got De la Landes' Voyage through Italy in eight volumes ; he is a member of the Academy of Sciences, and pretty good to read. I have read too an octavo volume of Shenstone's Letters : poor man ! he was always wishing for money, for fame, and other distinctions ; and his whole philosophy consisted in living against his will in retirement, and in a place which his taste had adorned ; but which he only enjoyed when people of note came to see and commend it : his correspondence is about nothing else but this place and his own writings, with two or three neighbouring clergymen who wrote verses too. I have just found the beginning of a letter, which somebody had dropped : I should rather call it first-thoughts for the beginning of a letter ; for there are many scratches and cor- rections. As I cannot use it myself (having got a beginning already of my own), I send it for your use on some great occasion : 'Dear Sir, — After so long silence, the hopes of pardon and prospect of forgiveness might seem entirely extinct, or at least very remote, was I not truly sensible of your goodness and candour, which is the only asylum that my negligence can fly to, since every apology would prove insufficient to counterbalance it, or alleviate my fault : how then shall my deficiency presume to make so bold an attempt, or be able to sutler the hardships of so rough a campaign?' etc. etc. etc. i < insisting ofhou • son the west Bide of Bandalley, London : Mi 'I"' aunt here mentioned, who bad a Bhare In this estate, and for whom he d this annuity. She died in lTTi, a few months before her nephew. - Ode for Music on the Duke of Grafton's Installa- tion. [As a British letter-writer, Horace "Walpole, Earl of Orford, takes the first rank, for variety, anecdote, humour, gossip, and reminiscence, with all the other qualities which go to make an interesting, familiar letter. Lord Dover edited the letters addressed to Sir Horace Mann ; the last and most complete collection, edited by Cunningham, occupied 9 vols. 8vo. The correspondence extends over 62 years, from 1735 to 1797. When Walpole retired from public life in 17C8, it was to devote himself to literature and to the collection of works of art and relics of antiquity, and to the adornment of his Gothic villa at Strawberry Hill, near Twickenham. Walpole's letters, says Mr. Seton in his Letters and Letter Writers, have been described as 'inimitable pictures of society and of human character, drawn by the hand of one who was a master in the delineation of scenes from familiar life ; not, it is true, inspiring his figures with poetic truth or serioits significance, but shedding over all of them a gaily comic light. They are a kind of satires ; and few com- positions claiming that name are equal to them in lively wit, in striking grasp of character, in picturesque colouring of incidents, and in apposite, epigrammatic, vigorous language.' Whatever may be thought of Walpole's tastes and friend- ships in the present day, they were cer- tainly quite sincere; and accordingly it is to be hoped that no impartial reader will acquiesce in Macaulay's estimate of his character, to the effect that ' affectation is the essence of the man, and if it were taken away nothing would be left.' No doubt, his earliest letters are overloaded with classical quotations ; but it ought to be borne in mind, that he wrote at a period when every man of letters considered that an idea was greatly enhanced in value when expressed in Latin ; and moreover, the blemish in question entirely disappears in his later life. 'The bulk, as well as the bes< of his letters,' in the opinion of Mr. ( lunningham, ' are addressed to people at a distance: to Mann, in Florence; to Mon- tagu, on the skiitsof a Northamptonshire forest ; to Bentley, in exile for debt ; to Cole, in tho Fens of Cambridgeshire; to Mason, in his Yorkshire parsonage; VO THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 129 blind Madame du Deffand, in the gilded saloons of Paris; and to Lady Ossory, seeking solitude, after her divorce, in the woods of Ampthill. ... He lived through- out a long life in the best society and in the best clubs. . . . His letters are absolute jests and story-books, and the exact stand- ard of easy, engaging writing. ... He has the art to interest us in very little matters, and to enliven subjects seemingly the most barren.' Walpole himself tells us that his letters are to be looked upon 'in their proper character of newspapers,' and that if they possess any excellence in point of style, it must be imputed to his careful study of the correspondence of Madame de Sevigne and his friend Gray. ' I generally write in a hurry,' he informs one of his many correspondents, 'and say anything that comes into my head. ... I cannot compose letters like Pliny and Pope.' Else- where he says to Montagu, ' Mine is a life of letter-writing.' The notes here given are chiefly from Lord Dover's edition of Wal- pole s Letters to Sir Horace Mann (1833). THE HON. HORACE WALPOLE TO MR. GRAY. Arlington Street, Feb. 18, 17GS. You have sent me a long and very obliging letter, and yet I am extremely out of humour with you. I saw Poems by Mr. Gray adver- tised ; I called directly at Dodsley's to know if this was to be more than a new edition. He was not at home himself, but his foreman told me he thought there were some new pieces, and notes to the whole. It was very unkind, not only to go out of town without mentioning them to me, without showing them to me, but not to say a word of them in this letter. Do you think I am indifferent, or not curious, about what you write ? I have ceased to ask you, because you have so long refused to show me anything. You could not suppose I thought that you never write. No, but I concluded you did not intend, at least yet, to publish what you had written. As you did intend it, I . might have expected a month's preference. You will do me the justice to own that I had always rather have seen your writings, than have shown you mine, which you know are the most hasty trifles in the world, and which, though I may be fond of the subject when fresh, I constantly forget in a very short time after they are published. This would sound like affectation to others, but will not to you. It would be affected, even to you, to say I am indifferent to fame ; I certainly am not, but I am indifferent to almost anything I have done to acquire it. The greater part are mere com- pilations ; and no wonder they are, as you say, incorrect, when they are commonly written with people in the room, as Richard and the Noble Authors were. But I doubt there is a more intrinsic fault in them ; which is, that I cannot correct them. If I write tolerably, it must be at once ; I can neither mend nor add. The articles of Lord Capel and Lord Peter- borough, in the second edition of the Noble Authors, cost me more trouble than all the rest together ; and you may perceive that the worst part of Richard, 1 in point of ease and style, is what relates to the papers you gave me on Jane Shore, because it was tacked on so long afterwards, and when my impetus was chilled. If some time or other you will take the trouble of pointing out the inaccuracies of it, I shall be much obliged to you ; at present I shall meddle no more with it. It has taken its fate, nor did I mean to complain. I found it was condemned, indeed, beforehand, which was what I alluded to. Since publication (as has happened to me before) the success has gone beyond my expectation. Not only at Cambridge, but here, there have been people wise enough to think me too free with the King of Prussia ! A newspaper has talked of my known inveteracy to him. Truly, I love him as well as I do most kings. The greater offence is my reflection on Lord Clarendon. It is forgotten that I had over- praised him before. Pray turn to the new State Papers, from which, it is said, he composed his history. You will find they are the papers from which he did not compose his history. And yet I admire my Lord Clarendon more than these pretended admirers do. But I do not intend to justify myself. I can as little satisfy those who complain that I do not let them know what really did happen. If this inquiry can ferret out any truth, I shall be glad. I have picked up a few more circum- stances. I now want to know what Perkin "Wai-beck's proclamation was, which Speed in his history says is preserved by Bishop Leslie. If you look in Speed, perhaps you will be able to assist me. The Duke of Richmond and Lord Lyttelton agree with you, that I have not disculpated Richard of the murder of Henry VI. I own to you, it is the crime of which in my own mind I believe him most guiltless. Had I thought he committed it, I should never have taken the trouble to apologize for the rest. I am not at all positive or obstinate on your other objections, nor know exactly what I believe on many points of this story. And I am so sincere, that except a few notes hereafter, I 1 His work entitled Historic Doubts oil the Lift and Reign 0/ Richard III, OF THE \ UNIVERSITY ) no THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. shall leave the matter to be settled or dismissed by others. As you have written much too little, I have written a great deal too much, and think only of finishing the two or three other things I have begun ; and of those, nothing but the last volume of painters is designed for the present public. What has one to do when turned fifty but really think of finishing} I am much obliged and flattered by Mr. Mason's approbation, and particularly by having had almost the same thought with him. I said, ' People need not be angry at my excusing Richard ; I have not diminished their fund of hatred, I have only transferred it from Richard to Henry.' "Well, but I have found you close with Mason — No doubt, ciy prating I, something will come out. 1 Oh ! no — leave us, both of you, to Annabcllas and Epistles to Ferney, that give Voltaire an account of his own tragedies, to Macarony fables that are more unintelligible than Pilpay'a are in the original, to Mr. Thornton's hurdy-gurdy poetry, and to Mr. , who has imitated himself worse than any fop in a magazine would have done. In truth, if you should abandon us, I could not wonder. — "When Garrick's prologues and epilogues, his own Cymons and farces, and the comedies of the fools that pay court to him, are the delight of the age, it does not deserve anything better. Pray read the new account of Corsica. "What relates to Paoli will amuse you much. There is a deal about the island and its divisions that one does not care a straw for. The author, Boswell, is a strange being, and, like , has a rage of knowing anybody that ever was talked of. He forced himself upon me at Paris in spite of my teeth and my doors, and I see has given a foolish account of all he could pick up from me about King Theodore. He then took an antipathy to me on Rousseau's account, abused me in the newspapers, and exhorted Kousseau to do so too ; but as he came to see me no more, I forgave all the rest. I see he now is a little sick of Rousseau himself, but I hope it will not cure him of Ids anger to me. However, his book will, I am sure, entertain you. I will add but a word or two more. I am criticized for the expression linker up in the preface. Is this one of those that you object to ? I own I think such a low expression, placed to ridicule an absurd instance of wise folly, very forcible. Replace it with an elevated word or phrase, and to my conception it becomes as flat as possible. i . orge Selwin says I may, if I phase, write 'I found him close with Swift' — 'In 'No doubt,' Cries prating Balbus, 'son etl .fit tu Arbuti historic doubts on the present Duke of G too. Indeed they would be doubts, for I know nothing certainly. "Will you be so kind as to look into Leslie de rebus Scotorum, and see if Perkin's proclama- tion is there, and if there, how authenticated. You will find in Speed my reason for asking this. I have written in such a hurry, I believe you will scarce be able to read my letter ; and as I have just been writing French, perhaps the sense may not be clearer than the writing. Adieu ! Yours ever. TO THE SAME. Arlington Street, Friday night, Feb. 26. I plague you to death, but I must reply a few more words. I shall be very glad to see in print, and to have those that are worthy see your ancient odes ; but I was in hopes there were some pieces, too, that I had not seen. I am sorry there are not. I troubled you about Perkin's proclamation, because Mr. Hume lays great stress upon it, ami insists, that if Perkin affirmed his brother was killed, it must have been true, if he was true Duke of York. Mr. Hume would have persuaded me that the proclamation is in Stowe, but I can find no such thing there ; nor, what is more, in Casley's catalogue, which I have twice looked over carefully. I wrote to Sir David Dalrymple in Scotland, to inquire after it, because I would produce it if I could, though it shoidd make against me ; but he, I believe, thinking I inquired with the contrary view, replied very drily, that it was published at York, and was not to be found in Scotland. Whether he is displeased that I have plucked a hair from the tresses of their great historian, or whether, as I suspect, he is offended for Kin- "William, this reply was all the notice he took of my letter and book. I only smiled, as I must do when I find one party is angry with me on King William's and the other on Lord Clarendon's account. The answer advertised is Guthrie's, who is furious that I have taken no notice of his History. I shall take as little of his pamphlet ; but his end will be answered, if he sells that and one or two copies of his History. Mr. Hume, I am told, has drawn up an answer too, which I shall see, and, if I can, will get him to publish; for, if I should ever choose to say anything more on this subject, I had rather reply to him than to hackney-writers : to the hitter, indeed, I never will reply. A few notes I have to add that will be very material ; and 1 wish to get some account of a book that was once sold at Osborn"s, that exists perhaps at Cambridge, and of which I found a memoran- dum t'other da; in my note-book. It is willed .1 Paradox, or Apology for JUchard the Third,\sy THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 131 Sir William Cornwallis. 1 If you could discover it, I should be much obliged to you. Lord Sandwich, with whom I have not exchanged a syllable since the general warrants, very obligingly sent me an account of the roll at Kimbolton ; and has since, at my desire, borrowed it for me and sent it to town. 2 It is as long as my Lord Lyttelton's History; but by what I can read of it (for it is both ill ■written and much decayed), it is not a roll of kings, but of all that have been possessed of, or been earls of Warwick ; or have not — for one of the first earls is iEneas. How, or where- fore, I do not know, but amongst the first is Richard the Third, in whose reign it was finished, and with whom it concludes. He is there again with his wife and son, and Edward the Fourth, and Clarence and his wife, and Edward their son (who unluckily is a little old man), and Margaret, Countess of Salisbury, their daughter But why do I say with these ? There is everybody else too — and what is most meritorious, the habits of all the times are admirably well observed from the most savage ages. Each figure is tricked with a pen, well drawn, but neither coloured nor shaded. Richard is straight, but thinner than my print ; his hair short, and exactly curled in the same manner; not so handsome as mine, but what one might really believe intended for the same countenance, as da-awn by a different painter, especially when so small ; for the figures in general are not so long as one's finger. His queen is ugly, and with just such a square forehead as in my print, but I cannot say like it. Nor, indeed, where forty-five figures out of fifty (I have not counted the number) must have been imaginary, can one lay great stress on the five. I shall, however, have these figures copied, especially as I know of no other image of the son. Mr. Astle is to come to me to-morrow morning to explain the writing. I wish you had told me in what age your Franciscan friars lived ; and what the passage in Comines is. I am very ready to make amende honorable. Thank you for the notes on the Noble Authors. They shall be inserted when I make a new edition, for the sake of the trouble the person has taken, though they are of little consequence. Dodsley has asked me for a new edition ; but I have had little heart to undertake such work, - no more than to mend my old linen. It is pity one cannot be born an ancient, and have commentators to do such jobs for one ! Adieu ! Yours ever. 1 The Praise of King Richard the Third, which was published by Sir William Cornwallis, Knight, the ' Essayist,' in 1617, is reprinted in the third volume of the Somers Collection of Tracts. 2 From this roll were taken the two plates of portraits in the Historic Doubts. Saturday morning. On reading over your letter again this morning, I do find the age in which the friars lived. I read and write in such a hurry, that I think I neither know what I read or say. TO THE EARL OF STRAFFORD. Strawberry Hill, Aug. 16, 1768. As you have been so good, my dear lord, as twice to take notice of my letter, I am bound in conscience and gratitude to try to amuse you with anything new. A royal visitor, quite fresh, is a real curiosity — by the reception of him, I do not think many more of the breed will come hither. He came from Dover in hackney-chaises ; for somehow or other the master of the horse happened to be in Lincoln- shire ; and the king's coaches having received no orders, were too good subjects to go and fetch a stranger king of their own heads. However, as his Danish majesty travels to improve himself for the good of his people, he will go back extremely enlightened in the arts of government and morality, by having learned that crowned heads may be reduced to ride in a hired chaise. By another mistake, King George happened to go to Richmond about an hour before King Chris- tiern arrived in London. An hour is exceedingly long ; and the distance to Richmond still longer ; so with all the despatch that could possibly be made, King George could not get back to his capital till next day at noon. Then, as the road from his closet at St. James's to the King of Denmark's apartments on t'other side of the palace is about thirty miles, which posterity, having no conception of the prodigious extent and magnificence of St. James's, will never believe, it was half an hour after three before his Danish majesty's courier could go, and return to let him know that his good brother and ally was leaving the palace in which they both were, in order to receive him at the queen's palace, which you know is aboxit a million of snail's paces from St. James's. Notwithstanding these difficulties and unavoid- able delays, Woden, Thor, Friga, and all the gods that watch over the kings of the north, did bring these two invincible monarchs to each other's embraces about half an hour after five the same evening. They passed an hour in projecting a family compact that will regulate the destiny of Europe to latest posterity ; and then, the fates so willing it, the British prince departed for Richmond, and the Danish poten- tate repaired to the widowed mansion of his royal mother-in-law, where he poured forth the fulness of his heart in praises on the lovely bride she had bestowed on him, from whom nothing but the benefit of his subjects could 132 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. ever have torn him. And here let calumny blush, who has aspersed so chaste and faithful a monarch with low amours ; pretending that he has raised to the honour of a seat in his sublime council, an artisan of Hamburg, known onl)' by repairing the soles of buskins, because that mechanic would, on no other terms, consent to his fair daughter's being honoured with majestic embraces. So victorious over his passions is this young Scipio from the Pole, that though on Shooter's Hill he fell into an ambush laid for him by an illustrious countess, of blood- royal herself, his majesty, after descending from his car and courteously greeting her, again mounted his vehicle, without being one moment eclipsed from the eyes of the surrounding multitude. Oh ! mercy on me ! I am out of breath. Pray let me descend from my stilts, or I shall send you as fustian and tedious a history as that of Henry II. 1 Well, then, this great king is a very little one ; not ugly, nor ill-made. He has the sublime strut of his grandfather, or of a cock-sparrow ; and the divine white eyes of all his family by the mother's side. His curiosity seems to have consisted in the original plan of travelling, for I cannot say he takes notice of anything in particular. His manner is cold and dignified, but very civil and gracious and proper. The mob adore him and huzza him ; and so they did the first instant. At present they begin to know why ; for he flings money to them out of his windows ; and by the end of the week I do not doubt they will want to choose him for Middlesex. His court is extremely well ordered ; for they bow as low to him at every word as if his name was Sultan Amurat. You would take his first Minister for only the first of his slaves. I hope this example, which they have been so good as to exhibit at the opera, will contribute to civilise us. There is, indeed, a pert young gentleman, who a little discomposes this august ceremonial. His name is Count Holke, his age three-and-twenty ; and his post answers to one that we had formerly in England many years ago, and which in our tongue was called the lord high favourite. Before the Danish monarchs became absolute, the most refractory of that country used to write libels, called North Danes, against this great officer ; but that practice has long since ceased. Count Holke seems rather proud of Ins favour than shy of displaying it. I hope, my dear, you will be content with my Danish politics, for I trouble myself with no other. There is a long history about the Baron de Bottetourt, and Sir Jeffery Amherst, who has resigned his regiment ; but it is nothing to me, nor do I care a straw about it. I am deep in the anecdotes of the new court ; and if you want to know more of 1 j."iension as lady of the bed-chamber to the late queen. No more changes are made yet. They have offered the Admiralty to Sir Charles Wager again, but he refused it : he said he heard that he was an old woman, and that he did not know what good old women could do anywhere. A comet has appeared here for two nights, which, you know, is lucky enough at this time, and a pretty ingredient for making prophecies. These are all the news. I receive your letters 1 Wilham Murray, Mr. Pope's friend, afterwards Solicitor and then Attorney-General. 2 Sir Richard Loyd, who succeeded Mr. Murray, in 1754, as Solicitor-General. 3 Horace YValpole, brother of Sir Robert. 4 Algernon Seymour, Earl of Hertford, eldest son of Charles, called the proud Duke of Somerset, whom he succeeded in that title, and was the last Duke of Somerset of that branch — his son, who is here mentioned, having died before him. regularly, and hope you receive mine so : I never miss one week. Adieu ! my dearest child ! I am perfectly well ; tell me always that you are. Are the good Chutes still at Florence? My best love to them, and services to all. TO THE SAME. Strawhcrry Hill, May 3, 1749. I am come hither for a few days to repose myself after a torrent of diversions, and am writing to you in my charming bow-window, with a tranquillity and satisfaction which, I fear, I am grown old enough to prefer to the hurry of amusements, in which the whole world has lived for this last week. We have at last celebrated the peace, and that as much in the extremes as we generally do everything, whether we have reason to be glad or sorry, pleased or angry. Last Tuesday it was proclaimed ; the King did not go to St. Paul's, but at night the whole town was illuminated. The next day what was called a jubilee-masquerade in the Venetian manner at Ranelagh : it had nothing Venetian in it, but was by far the best under- stood and the prettiest spectacle I ever saw ; nothing in a fairy tale ever surpassed it. One of the proprietors, who is a German and belongs to court, had got my Lady Yarmouth to persuade the King to order it. It began at three o'clock, and about five, people of fashion began to go. When you entered, you found the whole garden filled with masks, and spread with tents, which remained all night very commodely. In one quarter was a May-pole dressed with garlands, and people dancing round it to a tabor and pipe and rustic music, all masqued, as were all the various bands of music that were dis- posed in different parts of the garden, some like huntsmen with French horns, some like peasants, and a troop of harlequins and scara- mouches in the little open temple on the mount. On the canal was a sort of gondola, adorned with flags and streamers, and filled with music, rowing about. All round the outside of the amphitheatre were shops filled with Dresden china, japan, etc., and all the shopkeepers in mask. The amphitheatre was illuminated, and in the middle was a circular bower, com- posed of all kinds of firs in tubs, from twenty to thirty feet high ; under them orange trees, with small lamps in each orange, and below them all sorts of the finest auriculas in pots, and festoons of natural flowers hanging from tree to tree. Between the arches too were firs, and smaller ones in the balconies above. There were booths for tea and wine, gambling- tables and dancing, and about two thousand persons. In short, it pleased me more than anything I ever saw. It is to be once more, and probably finer as to dresses, as there has since been a subscription-masquerade, and people will go in their rich habits. The next day were 134 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. the fireworks, which by no means answered the expense, the length of preparation, and the expectation thai had been raised; indeed for a week before, the town was like a country fair, eeta filled from morning to night, scaffolds building wherever you could or could not see, and coaches arriving from every corner of the kingdom. This harry and lively scene, with the sight of the immense crowd in the park and on every house, the guards, and the machine itself, which was very beautiful, was all that was worth seeing. The rockets and whatever was thrown up into the air succeeded mighty well, but the wheels and all that was to compose the principal part, were pitiful and ill-conducted, with no changes of coloured fires and shapes : the illum- ination was mean, and lighted so slowly that scarce anybody had patience to wait the finishing ; and then what contributed to the awkwardness of the whole, was the right pavilion catching fire, and being burnt down in the middle of the show. The King, the Duke, and Princess Emily saw it from the library, 1 with their courts ; the Prince and Princess with their children from Lady Middlesex's, no place being provided for them, nor any invitation given to the library. The Lords and Commons had galleries built for them and the chief citizens along the rails of the Mall ; the lords had four tickets a-piece, and each commoner at first but two, till the Speaker bounced and obtained a third. Very little mischief was done, and but two persons killed : at Paris there were forty killed, and near three hundred wounded, by a dispute between the French and Italians in the management, who, quarrelling for precedence in lighting the fires, both lighted at once and blew up the whole. Our mob was extremely tranquil, and very unlike those I remember in my father's time, when it was a measure in the Opposition to work up everything to mischief, the excise and the French players, the convention and the gin- act. We are as much now in the opposite extreme, and in general so pleased with the peace, that I could not help being struck with a passage I read lately in Pasquiur, an old French author, who says, ' That in the time of Francis I. the French used to call their creditors Des Anylois, from the facility with which the English gave credit to them in all treaties, though they had broken so many. On Saturday we had a serenata at the Opera-house, called Peace in Europe, but it was a wretched per- formance. On Monday there was a subscription- masquerade, much fuller than that of last year, but not so agreeable or so various in dresses. The King was well disguised in an old-fashioned English habit, and much pleased with somebody i Probably the old brick building near the bottom of the Green Park, which was called 'the Queen's Library,' and which was pulled down by the Duke of York when he built bis new house In the Btable yard, St. James's. who desired him to hold their cup as they were drinking tea. The Duke had a dress of the same kind, but was so immensely corpulent, that he looked like Cacofogo, the drunken captain in ' Pule a "Wife and Have a "Wife.' The Duchess of Richmond 1 was a lady mayoress in the time of James I., and Lord Delaware,- Queen Elizabeth's porter, from a picture in the guard- chamber at Kensington ; they were admir- able masks. Lady Eochford, 3 Miss Evelyn, Miss Eishop, Lady Stafford, 4 and Mrs. Pitt, 5 were in vast beauty, particularly the last, who had a red veil, which made her look gloriously handsome. I forgot Lady Kildare. 6 Mr. Con- way was the duke in Don Quixote, and the finest figure I ever saw. Miss Chudleigh 7 was Iphigcnia, but so naked that you would have taken her for Andromeda ; and Lady Betty T Smithson 8 had such a pyramid of baubles upon her head, that she was exactly the Princess of Babylon in Grammont. You will conclude that after all these diversions people begin to think of going out of town — no such matter; the Parliament continues sitting, and will till the middle of June; Lord Egmont told us we should sit till Michaelmas. There are many private bills, no public ones of any fame. "We were to have had some chastisement for Oxford, where, besides the late riots, the famous Dr. King, 9 the Pretender's great agent, made a most violent speech at the opening of the Eatcliffe library. The Ministry denounced judgment ; but, in their old style, have grown frightened, and chopped it. However, this menace gave occasion to a meeting and union between the Prince's party and the Jacobites, which Lord Egmont has been labouring all the winter. They met at the St. Alban's tavern near Pall Mall last Monday morning, an hundred and twelve lords and commoners. The Duke of Beaufort 10 opened the assembly with a panegyric on the stand that had beeu made this winter against so corrupt an adminis- tration, and hoped it would continue, and 1 Sarah Cadogan, wife of Charles, second Duke of Richmond. - John West, seventh Lord Delawarr, — create. 1 Karl Delawarr in 1761. 3 Lucy Young, wife of William Henry Nassau, f< inrth Karl ofBochford. i Henrietta Cantillon, wife of Matthias Howard, third Earl of Stafford. ■• Penelope Atkyns, a celebrated beauty, wife of George Pitt, Esq. of Strattieldsaye, in Hants, i in 1770 Lord Rivers. Lady Emily Lennox, Countess of Kildare. 1 Afterwards Duchess of Kingston. 8 Afterwards Countessand Duchess of Northumber- land. i The la I conspicuous Jacobite at Oxford. He was public oral u of thai university, and Principal of St. .Man Ball. i" Lord Noel Somerset, who succeeded hi^ brother in the dukedom. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 135 desired harmony. Lord Egmont seconded this strongly, and begged they would come up to Parliament early next winter. Lord Oxford 1 spoke next ; and then Potter with great humour, and to the great abashment of the Jacobites said, he was very glad to see this union, and from thence hoped that if another attack like the last rebellion should be made on the royal family, they would all stand by them. No reply was made to this. Then Sir Watkyn Williams spoke, Sir Francis Dashwood, and Tom Pitt, 2 and the meeting broke up. I don't know what this coalition may produce ; it will require time with no better heads than compose it at present, though the great Mr. Doddington had carried to the conference the assistance of his. In France a very favourable event has happened for us, the disgrace of Maurepas, 3 one of our bitterest enemies, and the greatest promoter of their marine. Just at the beginning of the war, in a very critical period, he had obtained a very large sum for that service, but which one of the other factions, lest he should gain credit and glory by it, got to be suddenly given away to the King of Prussia. Sir Charles Williams is appointed envoy to this last king : here is an epigram which he has just sent over on Lord Egmont's opposition to the mutiny bill : ' Why has Lord Egmont 'gainst this bill So much declamatory skill So tediously exerted ? The reason's plain : but t'other day He mutinied himself for pay, And he has twice deserted.' I must tell you a bon-mot that was made the other night at the serenata of Peace in Europe, by Wall, 4 who is much in fashion, and a kind of Gondom ar. Grossatesta, the Modenese Minister, a very low fellow, with all the jackpudding- hood of an Italian, asked, ' Mais qui est ce qui represente mon maitreV Wall replied, 'Mais, mon Dieu I liable, ne sgavez vous pas que ce riest pas un opera boufonV And here is another bon-mot of my Lady Townshend : we were talking of the Methodists ; somebody said, 1 Edward Harley of Eyewood, in the county of Hereford, to whom, pursuant to the limitations of the patent, the earldoms of Oxford and Mortimer descended, upon the death without male issue of the Lord Treasurer's only son, Edward the second earl. Lord Oxford was of the Jacobite party. He died in 1755. - 2 Thomas Pitt, Esq. of Boconnock in Cornwall, Warden of the Stanneries. He married the sister of George Lord Lyttelton, and was the father of the first Lord Camelford. 3 Phelypeaux Count de Maurepas, son of the Chancellor de Pontchartrain. He was disgraced in consequence of some quarrel with the King's mistress. He returned to office, unhappily for France, in the commencement of the reign of Louis XVI. * General Wall, the Spanish ambassador. Gon- domar was the able Spanish ambassador in England in the reign of James I. ' Pray, Madam, is it true that Whitfield has n cantt these, not- withstanding he has an estate of £4000 a year. In the opposite one lives Lady Augusta l-'itzroy. You know she is the mother of the Duke of Grafton. I must now say a word about the place I am in. My extreme ignorance does not permit me to judge of this magnificent building according to the rules of architecture or taste. Yet that cannot destroy the pl< asure I receive in viewing it. I need not tell you, my dear madam, that it was built by the ambitious W'olsey, not for a royal palace, but for his own use ; and is a striking monument of his presumption, luxury, and riches. The grand state apartments are all that they show ; and these are six-aiul- twenty in number, and for magnificence of every kind are, indeed, admirable. I except the furniture, which the iron tooth of time has almost totally destroyed. This brings to my mind the fable of jEsop, where the old woman, smelling the lees of the brandy-cask, cries out, ' Ah ! dear soul ! if you are so good now that it is almost over with you, what must you have been when you were in perfection ?' It is a false report that this place was stripped of its fine paintings to adorn Buckingham House, as there were none removed but seven of the cartoons, six of these glorious pieces g been burnt. "What shall I say of these paintings '.' I was never more at a loss. A con- wr would be confounded at their number and beauty ; what, then, can I do, who scarcely know blue from green, or red from yellow'.' I will only say, that they are astonishingly beautiful ; tiny are the originals of the greatest master of the Italian school, and, consequently, of the whole world. The staircase is superb, light, and modern, richly ornamented with the ■finest paintings, I should have continued to think, if I had not seen finer afterwards. The Mu8es, and Apollo, gods, devils, and harpies (I forget by what hand), ten thousand pieces, I believe, in different rooms, by Vandyke, Lely, Rubens, Guido, Baptiste, Rousseau, Kneller, and every other name that does honour to this divine sciii.ee. Lathe grand council-chamber, nothing can Burpass the ceiling ; yet something can, too, King William's writing closet is prettier. I' is Endymion and the moon: so sweet the attitudes- so soft t lie colouring — such inimitable gra< es ! I do not know a more respectable sight than a room containing fourteen admirals, all by Sir II. low Btairs is what they call the beauty room: this is entirely rilled with the s of King William's time, his f[\te.-»_ at tin- head, who makes a very considerable figure among them, and must have been very hand- some ; but no encomiums can do justice to the labours of this industrious princess, her tapestry and other works being some of the finest orna- ment, here. The other tapestry is immensely rich, the ground gold ; but what surpass every- thing of this kind, are two rooms hung, the one with historical pieces of the battles and victories of Alexander, the other with those of Julius Casar. The celebrated cynic, and his no less celebrated tub, is worthy of the highest admiration. The contempt and scorn that animate his countenance, in addressing himself to the victorious Macedonian, delighted me extremely. You have the character of Clytus in the lines of his face. These famous pieces of tapestry were done at Brussels, from the paintings of Le Bruin at Versailles. Another room, and what is esteemed one of the finesT. is hung round with the defeat of the Spanish Armada, with an inimitable piece of Lord Effingham Howard, then lord high-admiral. It would he endless to aim at recounting the numberless curiosities with which the palace abounds ; but I must not omit mentioning an ordinary room, full of the original furniture of the cardinal. It is curious chiefly for its antiquity, consisting of cane tables, chairs, etc. I have not yet seen the play-house, chapel, and gardens. Every day this week is destined to pleasure, of which I shall plague you with an account in the next sheet. This day, had we been in town, we should have had tickets for the birth-night: but you will believe I did not much regard that loss, when I tell you I have visited the mansion of the tuneful Alexander: I have rambled through the im- mortal shades of Twickenham : I have trodden the haunts of the swan of Thames. You know, my dear madam, what an enthusiastic ardour I have ever had to see this almost sacred spot, and how many times I have created to | an imaginary Thames : l>ut, enthusiasm apart, there is very little merit in the grotto, house, or gardens, hut that they once belonged to one of the greatest poets on earth. The house must have been originally very small : but Sir William stanhope, who has bought it, has added two considerable wings, so that it is now a very good residence. The furniture is only genteel— all light linen — not a picture to he seen ; and I was sorry to see a library contemptibly small, with only French and English authors, in the house where Pope had lived. The -rotto is very large, very little ornamented, with but little spar or -littering stones. You know, madam, the garden is washed by the Thames, without any enclosure : THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 173 it is beautiful. This noble current was frozen quite over; the reason, I suppose, we saw no naiades; every hamadryad was also congealed in its parent tree. I could not be honest for the life of me ; from the grotto I stole two bits of stone, from the garden a sprig of laurel, and from one of the bed-chambers a pen : because the house had been Pope's, and because Sir William, whose pen it was, was brother to Lord Chesterfield. As our obliging friend will not let us pass over anything that is worth seeing, we went to Lord Radnor's, now Mrs. Henley's. This is within a hundred yards of Mr. Pope's ; consequently the situation, the water, and the gardens are much the same. It is fitted up in a whimsical taste ; there is a pretty picture-gallery — the pieces mostly Dutch ; the apartments are small, and rather oddly than magnificently furnished. I believe there is no such thing as a large room in this part of the world, except in this palace ; a room the size of one of your parlours would be accounted a wonder. You will easily believe, madam, that I could not leave Twickenham without paying a visit to the hallowed tomb of my beloved bard. For this purpose I went to the church, and easily found out the monument of one who would not be buried in Westminster Abbey. The inscription, I am afraid, is a little ostentatious ; yet I admire it, as I do the epitaph, which I will not transcribe, as I am sure it is as fresh in your memory as in mine. I imagine the same motive induced him to be interred here which made Caesar say, he 'had rather be the first man in a village than the second at Rome ; ' Pope, I suppose, had rather be the first ghost at Twickenham than an inferior one at Westminster Abbey. I need not describe the monument to you, as you have seen it as well as his father's. This day I have been to see ' Esher's groves, and Claremont's terraced heights,' as the sweet poet of the Seasons calls them. I need not tell you, madam, that this famous Claremont is the seat of the Duke of Newcastle ; but, alas ! this is an unpropitious season for parks, gardens, and wildernesses. You have undoubtedly seen Claremont, so I shall not describe it ; it commands thirty miles prospect, St. Paul's among the rest. The park is vast, and I like it better than Bushy Park, of which Lord Halifax is ranger ; it is almost close to Hampton Park, not quite twenty miles from London. On our return, we went to see Mr. Garrick's ; his house is repairing and is not worth seeing, but the situation of his garden pleases me infinitely ; it is on the banks of the Thames, the temple about thirty or forty yards from it. There is the famous chair, curiously wrought out of a cherry tree, which really grew in the garden of Shakespeare at Stratford ; I sat in it, but caught no ray of inspiration. But what drew and deserved my attention was a noble statue of this most original man, in an attitude strikingly pensive ; his limbs strongly muscular, his countenance expressive of some vast conception, and his whole form seeming the bigger from some immense idea with which you suppose his great imagination pregnant. This statue cost five hundred pounds. — Adieu, my dear madam, with grateful respects, H. More. [' If there be any persons remaining,' says Mr. Roberts, ' who were in habits of social intercourse with the family of Mrs. H. More, they will readily bear testimony to the originality of humour and playfulness of imagination which enlivened the conver- sation and letters of this lady, Miss Sally More, who possessed also talents of another kind, some of the most valuable of the cheap repository tracts being the productions of her pen.' Hannah More's first intro- duction to the Doctor was exceedingly auspicious; having been prepared by Sir Joshua Reynolds, at whose house the interview took place, to expect a silent reception, she was delighted, upon entering the room, to see Johnson advance towards her with good-humour in his countenance, Sir Joshua's macaw on his hand, and a verse, from one of her own poems, upon his lips.— Willmott.] MISS SALLY MORE TO THE FAMILY AT HOME. A Visit to Dr. Jolmson. London, 1774. We have paid another visit to Miss Reynolds. She has sent Dr. Percy (Percy's Collection- now you know him), who is quite a sprightly modern, instead of a rusty antique, as I expected. He was no sooner gone, than the most amiable and delightful of women (Miss Reynolds) ordered the coach to take us to Dr. Johnson's very own house,— yes, Abyssinia's Johnson ! Dictionary Johnson ! Rambler's, Idler's, and Irene's Johnson ! Can you picture to yourself the palpitation of our hearts as we approached his mansion? The conversation turned upon a new work of his, just going to the press (The Tour to the Hebrides), and his old Mend Richardson. Mrs. Williams, the blind poet, who lives with him, was introduced to us. She is engaging in her manners ; her conversation lively and entertaining. Miss Reynolds told the Doctor of all our rapturous exclamations on the road. He shook his scientific head at Hannah, and said, ' She was 174 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. a tillp thing.' When our visit was ended, he called for his hat (as it rained), to attend us down a very long entry to our coach, and not Rasselas could have acquitted himself mi r. We are engaged with him at Sir Joshua's, Wednesday evening — what do you think of us? I forgot to mention that, not finding Johnson in his little parlour when we in, Hannah seated herself in his great chair, hoping to catch a little ray of his genius ; when he heard it, he laughed heartily, and told her it was a chair in which he never sat. He said, it reminded him of Boswell and himself, when they stopped a night at the spot (as they imagined) where the weird sisters appeared to Macheth ; the idea so worked upon their enthu- siasm, that it quite deprived them of rest ; however, they learned the next morning, to their mortification, that they had been deceived, and were quite in another part of the country. [Returning from Bristol, in the December of 1779, Hannah More took up her abode with Mrs. Garrick, at Hampton. Their mode of life she has very agreeably described : — 'Hampton is very clean, very green, very beautiful, and very melancholy ; but the " long dear calm of fixed repose " suits me mightily, after the hurry of London. "We have been on the wing ever}' day this week ; our way is to walk out four or five miles, to some of the prettiest villages, or prospects, and when we are quite tired, we get into the coach, which is waiting for us, with our books, and we come home to dinner as hungry as Dragon himself. '--Willmott.] HANNAH MOKE TO HER SISTER. Lord Spencer's Seat at Wimbledon ; Anecdote of Lord Cobham. London, 1780. My being obliged to walk so much, makes me lose seeing my friends who call upon me ; and, what is worse, it makes me lose my time, which will never call on me again. Yesterday I spent a very agreeable day in the country. The Bishop <>f St. Asaph and his family invited me ■ to Wimbledon Park, Lord Spencer's ling villa, which In- always lends to the bishop at this time of the year. I did not think there could have been so beautiful a place within seven miles of London. The park has as mucb variety of ground, and is as un-Londonish as if it were an hundred miles off ; and I enjoyed the violets, and the birds, mure than all the marechal powder of this foolish town. There was a good deal of company at dinner, but we were quite at our ease, and strolled about, or sat in the library, just as we liked. This last amused me much, for it was the Duchess of Marlborough's (old Sarah), and numbers of the books were presents to her from all the great authors of her time, whose names she had carefully written in the blank leaves ; for I believe she had the pride of being thought learned, as well as rich and beautiful. I drank tea one day last week with our bishop (Newton), whom I never thought to see again on this side heaven ; he has gone through enough to kill half the stout young men, and seems to be patched up again for a few months. They are superabundantly kind to me. The gentlemen of the museum came on Saturday to fetch poor Mr. Garrick's legacy of the old plays and curious black-letter books. Though they were not things to be read, and arc only valuable to antiquaries for their age and scarcity, yet I could not see them carried off without a pang. I was the other night at Mrs. Ord's. Everybody was there ; and in such a crowd I thought myself well off to be wedged in with Mr. Smelt, Langton, Ramsay, and Johnson. Johnson told me he had been with the King that morning, who enjoined him to add Spenser to the Lives of the Poets. I seconded the motion ; he promised to think of it, but said the booksellers had not included him in their list of the poets. I dined at Mrs. Boscawen's the other day, very pleasantly ; for Berenger 1 was there, and was all himself, all chivalry, and blank verse, and anecdote. He told me some curious stories of Pope, with whom he used to spend the summer at his uncle's, Lord Cobham, of whom Pope assorts, you know, that he would feel ' the ruling passion strong in death,' and that ' Save my country, Heaven,' 2 would be his last words. But what shows that Pope was not so good a prophet as a poet (thougb the ancients some- times express both by the same word), was, that in his last moments, not being able to carry a glass of jelly to his mouth, he was in such a passion, feeling his own weakness, that he threw jelly, glass, and all, into Lady Chatham's face and expired ! Instead of going to Audlcy Street, where I was invited, I went to Mr. Reynolds', and sat for my picture. Just as he began to paint, in came Dr. Johnson, and stayed the whole time, i Miss More says that this gentleman was every- body's favourite, even Dr. Johnson's. He was equerry to George ill. - 'Ami yen, brave Cobham, to the latest breath, Shall feel your ruling passion strong in death ; Such iii those momenta as in all the ]>ast ; " Oh, save my country, Beaven ! " shall be your last.' Mora! Essays, Ep, l. Walton observes, in a note upon this passage, teat assion ' ruling passion ' was flrst employ* riod received but little for his writings, the liberal Bum which you offered, namely £3000, appeared a mine of wealth, the two frit nds whom he had employed io negotiate for him, and who, both exquisite judges of literary merit, measured the market- THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. IS3 able value of his works by their own admiration of them, thought that a bargain more advan- tageous might be made, and (as you, probably, now for the first time learn) applied to another eminent house on the subject. Taking but too just a measure of the state of public taste at that moment, the respectable publishers to whom I allude named, as the utmost which they could afford to give, but a third of the sum which you had the day before offered. In this predicament, the situation of poor Crabbe was | most critical. He had seen within his reach a prize far beyond his most sanguine hopes, and was now, by the over-sanguineness of friends, put in danger of losing it. Change of mind, or a feeling of umbrage at this reference to other publishers, might, not unnaturally, it was feared, induce you to decline all further negotiation ; and that such was likely to be the result there appeared every reason to apprehend, as a letter which Crabbe had addressed to you, saying that he had made up his mind to accept your offer, had not yet received any answer. In this crisis it was that Mr. Rogers and my- self, anxious to relieve our poor friend from his suspense, called upon you, as you must well remember, in Albemarle Street; and seldom have I watched a countenance with more solicitude, or heard words that gave me much more pleasure, than when, on the subject being mentioned, you said, ' Oh yes, I have heard from Mr. Crabbe, and look upon the matter as all settled.' I was rather pressed, I recollect, for time that morning, having an appointment on some business of my own ; but Mr. Rogers insisted that I should accompany him to Crabbe's lodgings, and enjoy the pleasure of seeing him relieved from his suspense. We found him sitting in his room, alone, and expecting the worst ; but soon dissi- pated all his fears by the agreeable intelligence which we brought. "When he received the bills for £3000, we earnestly advised that he should, without delay, deposit them in some safe hands ; but no — he must take them with him to Trowbridge, and show them to his son John. They would hardly believe in his good luck, at home, if they did not see the bills. On his way down to Trow- bridge, a friend at Salisbury, at whose house he rested (Mr. Everett, the banker), seeing that he carried these bills loosely in his waistcoat pocket, requested to be allowed to take charge of them .. for him ; but with equal ill-success. There was no fear, he said, of his losing them, and he must show them to his son John. It was during the same visit of Mr. Crabbe to London, that we enjoyed a very agreeable day together, at Mr. Horace Twiss's, — a day remarkable, not only for the presence of this great poet, but for the amusing assemblage of other remarkable characters who were there collected ; the dinner guests being, besides the Dowager Countess of Cork, and the present Lord and Lady Clarendon, Mr. "William Spencer, K". ;iii the actor, Colonel Berkeley, and Lord Petersham. Between these two last-mentioned gentlemen Mr. Crabbe got seated at dinner ; and though I was not near enough to hear distinctly their conversation, I could see that he was alternately edified and surprised by the information they were giving him. In that same year, I had the good luck to be present with him at a dinner in celebration of the memory of Burns, where he was one of a large party (yourself among the number) whom I was the mear.s of collecting for the occasion ; and who, by the way, subscribed liberally towards a monument to the Scottish bard, of which we have heard nothing ever since. Another public festival to which I accompanied him was the anniversary of the Wiltshire Society : where, on his health being proposed from the chair by Lord Lansdowne, he returned thanks in a short speech, simply, but collectedly, and with the manner of a man not deficient in the nerve necessary for such displays. In looking over an old newspaper report of that dinner, I find, in a speech of one of the guests, the following passage, which, more for its truth than its eloquence, I here venture to cite :— ' Of Mr. Crabbe, the speaker would say, that the Musa severior which he worships has had no influence whatever on the kindly dispositions of his heart : but that, while, with the eye of a sage and a poet, he looks penetratingly into the darker region of human nature, he stands surrounded by its most genial light himself.' In the summer of the year 1824, I passed a few days in his company at Longleat, the noble seat of the Marquis of Bath ; and it was there, as we walked about those delicious gardens, that he, for the first time, told me of an unpublished poem which he had by him, entitled, as I think he then said, the Departure and the Return, and the same, doubtless, which you are now about to give to the world. Among the visitors at Longleat, at that time, was the beautiful Madame , a Genoese lady, whose know- ledge and love of English literature rendered her admiration of Crabbe's genius doubly flattering. Nor was either the beauty or the praises of the fair Italian thrown away upon the venerable poet, among whose many amiable attributes a due appreciation of the charms of female society was not the least conspicuous. There was, indeed, in his manner to women a sweetness bordering rather too much upon what the French call doucereux, and I remember hearing Miss , a lady known as the writer of some of the happiest jeux d'esprit of our day, say once of him, in allusion to this excessive courtesy, ' The cake is no doubt very good, but there is too much sugar to cut through in getting at it.' In reference to his early intercourse with Mr. Burke, Sir James Mackintosh had, more than 1 84 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. once, said to me, 'It is incumbent on you, Moore, who are Crabbe's neighbour, not to allow him to leave this world without putting on record, in some shape or other, all that he remembers of Burke.' On mentioning this to Mr. .Rogers, when he came down to Bowood, one summer, to meet Mr. Crabbe, it was agreed between us that we should use our united efforts to sift him upon this subject, and endeavour to collect ■whatever traces of Beaconsfield might still have remained in his memory. But beyond a few vague generalities, we could extract nothing from him whatever, and it was plain that, in his memory at least, the conversational powers of the great orator had left but little vestige. The range of subjects, indeed, in which Mr. Crabbe took any interest was, at all times of his life, very limited ; and, at the early period when he became acquainted with Mr. Burke, when the power of poetry was but newly awakening within him, it may easily be conceived that whatever was unconnected with his own absorbing art, or even with his own peculiar province of that art, would leave but a feeble and transient impression upon his mind. This indifference to most of the general topics, whether of learning or politics, which diversify the conversation of men of the world, Mr. Crabbe retained through life ; and in this peculiarity, I think, lay one of the causes of his comparative inefficiency as a member of society, — of that im- pression, so disproportionate to the real powers of his mind, which he produced in ordinary life. Another cause, no doubt, of the inferiority of his conversation to his writings is to be found in that fate which threw him, early in life, into a state of dependent intercourse with persons far superior to him in rank, but immeasurably beneath him in intellect. The c urteous policy which would then lead him to keep his conver- sation down to the level of those he lived with, afterwards grew into a habit which, in the commerce of the world, did injustice to his great powers. You have here all that, at this moment, occurs to m>j, in the way either of recollection or remark, on the subject of our able and venerated friend. The delightful day which Mr. Kogers and myself passed with him at Syden- ham, you have already, I believe, an account of from my friend, Mr. Campbell, who was our host on the occasion. Mr. Lockhart has, I take for granted, communicated to you the amusing anecdote of Crabbe's interview with the two Scottish lairds— an anecdote which I cherish the more freshly and fondly in my memory, from its having been told me, with his own peculiar humour, by Sir Walter Scott, at Abbotsford. I have, therefore, nothing further left than to assure you how much and truly I am, yours, Thou \s Moobb. JOHN GIBSON LOCKHART TO THE REV. GEORGB CRABBE. Reminiscence* of his Father. London, Dec. 26, 1833. Dear Sir, — I am sorry to tell you that Sir Walter Scott kept no diary during the time of your father's visit to Scotland, otherwise it would have given me pleasure to make extracts for the use of your memoirs. For myself, although it is true that, in consequence of Sir Walter's being constantly consulted about the details of every procession and festival of that busy fortnight, the pleasing task of showing to Mr. Crabbe the usual lions of Edinburgh fell principally to my share, I regret to say that my memory does not supply me with many traces of his conversation. The general impression, however, that he left on my mind was strong, and, I think, indelible : while all the mummeries and carousals of an interval, in which Edinburgh looked very unlike herself, have faded into a vague and dreamlike indistinctness, the image of your father, then first seen, but long before admired and revered in his works, remains as fresh as if the years that have now passed were but so many days. His noble forehead, his bright beaming eye, without anything of old age about it, — though he was then, I presume, above seventy, — his sweet, and, I would say, innocent smile, and the calm mellow tones of his voice — all are reproduced the moment I open any page of his poetry ; and how much better have I understood and enjoyed his poetiy, since I was able thus to connect with it the living presence of the man ! The literary persons in company with whom I saw him the most frequently were Sir Walter and Henry Mackenzie ; and between two such thorough men of the world as they were, perhaps his apparent simplicity of look and manners struck one more than it might have done under different circumstances ; but all three harmon- ized admirably together— Mr. Crabbe's avowed ignorance about Gaels, and clans and tartans, and everything that was at the moment upper- most in Sir Walter's thoughts, furnishing him with a welcome apology for dilating on such topics with enthusiastic minuteness, while your father's countenance spoke the quiet delight he felt in opening his imagination to what was really a new world ; and the venerable ' Man of Feeling,' though a fiery Highlander himself at bottom, had the satisfaction of lying by aud lis- tening until some opportunity oil. red itself of hooking in, between the links, perhaps, of some grand chain of poetical imagery, some small comic or sarcastic trait, which Sir Walter caught up, played with, and, with that art so peculiarly his own, forced into the service of the very im- pression it seemed meant to disturb. ( >ne e\ eii- ing, at Mr. Mackenzie"* own house, I particularly remember, among the nocttt Co mi'/uc Dcum. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. i8 S Mr. Crabbe bad, I presume, read very little about Scotland before that excursion. It appeared to me that lie confounded the Inchcolm of the Firth of Forth with the Icolmkill of the Hebrides ; but John Kemble, I have heard, did the same. I believe he really never had known, until then, that a language radically distinct from the English was still actually spoken within the island. And this recalls a scene of high merriment which occurred the very morn- ing after his arrival. "When he came down into the breakfast parlour, Sir Walter had not yet appeared there ; and Mr. Crabbe had before him two or three portly personages all in the full Highland garb. These gentlemen, arrayed in a costume so novel, were talking in a language which he did not understand ; so he never doubted that they were foreigners. The Celts, on their part, conceived Mr. Crabbe, dressed as he was in rather an old-fashioned style of clerical pro- priety, with buckles in his shoes for instance, to be some learned abbe, who had come on a pilgrimage to the shrine of "Waverley ; and the result was, that when, a little afterwards, Sir "Walter and his family entered the room, they found your father and these worthy lairds hammering away, with pain and labour, to make themselves mutually understood in most execrable French. Great was the relief and potent the laughter, when the host interrupted their colloquy with his plain English good- morning. It surprised me, on taking Mr. Crabbe to see the house of Allan Ramsay on the Castle Hill, to find that he had never heard of Allan's name ; or, at all events, was unacquainted with his works. The same evening, however, he perused The Gentle Shepherd, and he told me next morning that he had been pleased with it, but added, there is a long step between Ramsay and Burns. He then made Sir "Walter read and interpret some of old Dunbar to him ; and said, I see that the Ayrshire bard had one giant before him. Mr. Crabbe seemed to admire, like other people, the grand natural scenery about Edinburgh ; but when I walked with him to the Salisbury Crags, where the superb view had then a lively foreground of tents and batteries, he appeared to be more interested with the stratification of the rocks about us than with any other feature in the landscape. As to the city itself, he said he soon got wearied " of the New Town, but could amuse himself for ever in the Old one. He was more than once detected rambling after nightfall by himself, among some of the obscurest wynds and closes ; and Sir "Walter, fearing that, at a time of such confusion, he might get into some scene of trouble, took the precaution of desiring a friendly caddie (see Humphrey Clinker), from the corner of Castle Street, to follow him the next time he went out alone in the evening. Mr. Crabbe repeated his visits several time3 to the Royal Infirmary of Edinburgh, and expressed great admiration of the manner in which the patients were treated. He also examined pretty minutely the interior of the Bedlam. I went with him both to the Castle and Queen Mary's apartment inHolyrood House ; but lie did not appear to care much about either. I remember, however, that when the old dame who showed us Darnley's armour and boots complained of the impudence, as she called it, of a preceding visitor, who had discovered these articles to be relics of a much later age, your father warmly entered into her feelings ; and said, as we came away, ' This pedantic puppyism was inhumane.' The first Sunday he was in Edinburgh, my wife and her sister carried him to hear service in St. George's Church, where the most popular of the Presbyterian clergy, the late Dr. Andrew Thomson, then officiated. But he was little gratified cither with the aspect of the church, which is large without grandeur, or the style of the ceremonial, which he said was bald and bad, or the eloquence of the sermon, which, however, might not be preached by Dr. Thomson him- self. Next Sunday he went to the Episcopalian Chapel, where Sir "Walter Scott's family were in the habit of attending. He said, however, in walking along the streets that day, this unusual decorum says not a little for the Scotch system : the silence of these well-dressed crowds is really grand. King George the Fourth made the same remark. Mr. Crabbe entered so far into the feelings of his host, and of the occasion, as to write a set of verses on the royal visit to Edinburgh ; they were printed along with many others, but I have no copy of the collection. (Mr. Murray can easily get one from Edinburgh, in case you wish to include those stanzas in your edition of his poetical works.) He also attended one of the King's levees at Holyrood, where his Majesty appeared at once to recognise his person, and received him with attention. All my friends who had formed acquaintance with Mr. Crabbe on this occasion appeared ever afterwards to remember him with the same feeling of affectionate respect. Sir "Walter Scott and his family parted with him most reluctantly. He had been quite domesticated under their roof, and treated the young people very much as if they had been his own. His unsophisticated, simple, and kind address put everybody at ease with him ; and, indeed, one would have been too apt to forget what lurked beneath that good-humoured, unpretending aspect, but that every now and then he uttered some brief, pithy remark, which showed how narrowly he had been scrutinizing into whatever might be said or done before him, and called us to remember, with some awe, that we were in the presence of the author of 2 he Borough. i86 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. I recollect that he used to have a lamp and writing materials placed by his bedside every night ; and when Lady Scott told him she wondered the day was not enough for author- ship, he answered, ' Dear lady, I should have lost many a good hit, had I not set down, at once, things that occurred to me in my dreams. 9 I never could help regretting very strongly that Mr. Orabbe did not find Sir Walter at Abbotsford, as he had expected to do. The fortnight he passed in Edinburgh was one scene of noise, glare, and bustle, — reviews, levees, banquets, and balls, — and no person could either see or hear so much of him as might, under other circumstances, have been looked for. Sir Walter himself, I think, took only one walk with Mr. Crabbe : it was to the ruins of St. Anthony's Chapel, at the foot of Arthur's Seat, which your father wished to see, as connected with part of the Heart of Mid-Lothian. I had the pleasure to accompany them on this occasion ; and it was the only one on which I heard your father enter into any details of his own p rs 'Hul history. He told us, that during many months when he was toiling in early life in London, he hardly ever tasted butcher's meat, except on a Sunday, when he dined usually with a tradesman's family, and thought their leg of mutton, baked in the pan, the perfection of luxury. The tears stood in his eyes while he talked of Burke's kindness to him in his distress ; and I remember he said, ' The night after I delivered my letter at his door, I was in such a state of agitation, that I walked Westminster Bridge backwards and forwards until daylight.' Believe me, dear sir, your very faithful servant, J. G. LOCKHART. [The eventful history of the mutiny of the /. until, and of Bligh's voyage of four thousand miles over the perilous Atlantic, has been narrated by Sir John Barrow with feeling and impartiality. Among those who remained in the .ship, after the expulsion of its commander, was Peter Hey wood, a native of the Isle of Man, where his father was seneschal to the Duke of Athol. He was a midshipman of the Bounty, and, being the only sur- viving officer, was probably subjected to a severer scrutiny. He was convicted by a court-martial, but subsequently received the Sing's pardon, and was restored to the service. It was during the distressing interval between the accusation and tho trial, that his sister, Nessy lleywood, addressed to him this pathetic expression of hope, affection, and pity. She lived, in her own words, to clasp her freed brother once more to her bosom, and to proclaim herself, in a hasty note to her mother, one of the happiest beings upon earth. But her constitution sank under the violent emotions it had undergone, and she died at Hastings, September 25, 1793, within a year of her brother's liberation. If the tenderest love, the most generous self-devotion, and the liveliest sense of honour and virtue, be some of the noblest endowments of human nature, we shall not hesitate to class Nessy Heywood among Eminent Persons. She appeals for distinction neither to the understanding nor to the fancy, but to the heart. — IVillmotL] Nr.SSY HEYWOOD TO HER BROTHER. Fervent Assurances of Love and Confidence. Me of Man, June 2, 1792. In a situation of mind only rendered sup- portable by the long and painful state of misery and suspense we have suffered on his account, how shall I address my dear, my fondly-beloved brother? how describe the anguish we have felt at the idea of this long and painful separation, rendered still more. distressing by the terrible circumstances attend- ing it? Oh ! my ever-dearest boy. when I look back to that dreadful moment which brought us the fatal intelligence, that you had remained in the Bounty after Mr. Bligh had quitted her, and were looked upon by him as a mutineer/ when I contrast that day of horror with my present hopes of again beholding you, such as my most sanguine wishes could expect, I know not which is the most predominant sensation, pity, cmn; assion, and terror for your sufferings, or joy and satisfaction at the prospect of their being near a termination, and of once more embracing the dearest object of our affections. I will not ask you, my beloved brother, whether you are innocent of the dreadful crime of mutiny; if the transactions of that day were as Mr. Bligh has represented them, such is my conviction of your worth and honour, that I will, without hesitation, stake my life on your innocence. If, on the contrary, you were concerned in such a conspiracy against your commander, I shall be as firmly persuaded that his conduct was the occasion of it ; but, alas; could any occasion justify so at' an attempt to destroy a number of our fellow creatures? No, my ever dearest brother, o.o- thing but conviction from your own mouth can possibly persuade me that you would eon.:. .it an action in the smallest degree inconsistent THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. I8 7 with honour and duty ; and the circumstance of your having swam off to the Pandora, on her arrival at Otaheite (which filled us with joy to which no words can do justice), is sufficient to convince all who know you, that you certainly stayed behind either by force, or from views of preservation. How strange does it seem to me that I am now engaged in the delightful task of writing to you ! Alas ! my beloved brother, two years ago I never expected again to enjoy such a felicity ; and even yet I am in the most painful uncertainty whether you are alive. Gracious God ! grant that we may be at length blessed by your return ; but, alas ! the Pandora's people have been long expected, and are not even yet arrived. Should any accident have happened, after all the miseries you have already suffered, the poor gleam of hope, with which we have been lately indulged, will render our situation j ten times more insupportable than if time had inured us to your loss. I send this to the care of Mr. Hayward of Hackney, father to the ! young gentleman you so often mention in your letters while you were on board the Bounty, and who went out as third lieutenant of the Pandora, a circumstance which gave us infinite satisfaction, as you would, on entering the Pandora, meet your old friend. On discovering old Mr. Hayward's residence, I wrote to him, as I hoped he could give me some information respecting the time of your arrival, and, in return, he sent me a most friendly letter, and has promised this shall be given to you when you reach EngLind, as I well know how great must be your anxiety to hear of us, and how much satisfaction it will give you to have a letter immediately on your return. Let me conjure you, my dearest Peter, to write to us the very first moment — do not lose a post — ■ 'tis of no consequence how short your letter may be, if it only informs us you are well. I need not tell you that you are the first and dearest object of our affections ; think, then, my adored boy, of the anxiety we must feel on your account ; for my own part, I can know no real happiness or joy independent of you, and if any misfortune should now deprive us of you, my hopes of felicity are fled for ever. We are at present making all possible interest with every friend and connection we have, to insure you a sufficient support and protection at your approaching trial ; for a trial you must unavoidably undergo, in order to convince the world of that innocence which tho*e who know you will not for a moment doubt ; but, alas ! while circumstances are against you, the generality of mankind will judge severely. Bligh"s representations to the Admiralty are, I am told, very unfavourable, and hitherto the tide of public opinion has been greatly in his favour. My mamma is at present well, con- sidering the distress she has suffered since you left us; for, my dearest brother, we have experienced a complicated scene of misery from a variety of causes, which, however, when compared with the sorrow r we felt on your account, was trifling and insignificant : that misfortune made all others light, and to see you once more returned anil safely restored to us will be the summit of all earthly happiness. Farewell, my most beloved brother ! God grant this may soon be put into your hands ! Perhaps at this moment you are arrived in England, and I may soon hive the dear delight of again beholding you. My mamma, brothers, and sisters join with me in every sentiment of love and tenderness. Write to us immediately, my ever-loved Peter, and may the Almighty preserve you until you bless with your presence your fondly affectionate family, and particularly your unalterably faithful friend and sister, Xesst Heywood. [Upon his return from Harrow, in the atitumnal I vacation of 17C9, with his pupil, Lord Althorpe, Sir William, then Mr., Jones visited his friends at Oxford ; and during his residence among them, he made the excursion to Forest Hill which is related with so much animation in the following letter. But a careful investigation of his hypothesis respecting Milton has shown that it cannot be supported. He says that the poet chose this spot for his abode after his first marriage ; but Milton's union with the daughter of Mr. rowell did not take place until 1G13, 1 when he had entered upon his thirty-fifth year; and he himself expressly alludes to the collection in which L' Allegro and II Pcn- seroso appeared as the work of his youth- ful hand. But although Milton did not write these famous poems at Forest Hill, it is not improbable that he introduced into them some of the features of the beautiful landscape which that spot pre- sented to his eyes ; he may have visited it when admitted in 1(135, according to the custom of the age, to the same degree at Oxford which he had previously taken at his own university. That, at a later period of his life, he actually resided at Forest Hill, may also be admitted, although 1 Professor Masson, whose word may safely be re- garded as final in such a matter, is of opinion that Milton spent a month at Forest Hill in Hie year 1643. The house no longer exists, but the site of it is still pointed out near the pretty vicarage of Forest Hill. i88 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. one of his recent biographers very positively asserts that such a supposition must be given up. Mr. Todd lias quoted from a letter of Madame de Bocage, who visited Baron Schutz and his wife at Shotover Hill, in the June of 1750, a singular con- firmation of the local tradition mentioned by Sir William Jones. 'They showed me,' she says, ' from a small eminence, Milton's house, to which I bowed with all the reverence with which that poet's memory inspires me.' The same writer notices the observation of the laureate "Warton, that a large portion of Paradise Lost was composed at Forest Hill. The question is more curious than important. Both V Allegro and It Pcnscroso ought, perhaps, to be regarded as fancy pieces, into which the poet has grouped the most harmonious circumstances of description, as they dwelt upon his memory, without intending to describe any particular situation. We know that the Deserted Village of Goldsmith was composed in this manner ; and the attempts to ac- commodate every particular in it to some imaginary original have been more ingenious than successful. Living with his father, in the rural quiet of Horton, one of the most secluded hamlets in Buckinghamshire, Milton would be likely to indulge in that varied strain of contem- plative description, of which these poems offer so exquisite an example. — Willmott.] SIR WILLIAM JONES TO THE COUNTESS OF SPENCEK. A Romance about Milton. September 7, 1702. The necessary trouble of correcting the first printed sheets of my History prevented me to-day from paying a proper respect to the memory of Shakespeare, by attending his jubilee. But I was resolved to do all the honour in my power to as great a poet, and set out in the morning in company with a friend, to visit n place where Milton spent some part of Ins life, and where, in all proba- bility, be composed several of Ins earliest productions. It is a small village, situated ou a pleasant hill, about three miles from Oxford, and called Forest Hill, because it rry lay contiguous to a forest, which has since been cut down. The poei chose this place of retirement after his first marriage, and he describes the beauty of his retreat in that fine passage of his L'AUegro : ' Sometimes walking not unseen, By hedge-row elms, or hillocks green. While the ploughman, near at hand, Whistles o'er the furrowed haul, And the milkmaid Bingeth blithe, And the mower whets his scythe; And every shepherd tells his tale, Under the hawthorn in the dale. Straight mine eye hath caught new pleasures. While the landscape round it measures. Russet lawns, and fallow- Where the nibbling flocks do stray; Mountains, on whose barren breast The lab'ring clouds do often rest ; Meadows trim, with daisies pied, Shallow brooks and rivers wide; Towers and battlements it sees, Bos imed high in tufted trees. Hard by, a cottage chimney smokes, From betwixt two aged oaks,' etc. It was neither the proper season of the year, nor time of the day, to hear all the rural sounds and see all the objects mentioned in this description ; but by a pleasing concurrence of circumstances, we were saluted, on our approach to the village, with the music of the mower and his scythe ; we saw the ploughman intent upon his labour, and the milkmaid returning from her country employment. As we ascended the hill, the variety of beautiful objects, the agreeable stillness and natural simplicity of the whole scene, gave us the highest pleasure. We at length reached the spot whence Miltwi undoubtedly took most of his images ; it is on the top of the hill, from which there is a most extensive prospect on all sides ; the distant mountains that seemed to support the clouds, the villages and turrets, partly shaded by trees of the finest verdure, and partly raised above the groves that sur- rounded them, the dark plains and meadows, of a greyish colour, where the sheep were feeding at large; in short, the view of the streams and rivers convinced us that there was not a single useless or idle word in the above-mentioned description, but that it was a most exact and lively representation of nature. Thus will this fine passage, which has always been admired for its elegance, receive an additional beauty from its exactness. Alter we had walked, with a kind of poetical enthusiasm, over this enchanted ground, we returned to the village. The poet's house was close to the church; the greatest part of it has been pulled down, and what remains belongs to an adjacent farm. I am informed that several papers in Milton's own hand were found by the gentleman who was last in possession of the estate. The tradition of his having lived there is current anion- the villagers j one of them showed us THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 189 a ruinous wall that made part of his chamber ; and I was much pleased with another, who had forgotten the name of Milton, but recollected him by the title of the poet. It must not be omitted, that the groves near this village are famous for nightingales, which are so elegantly described in the Penseroso. Most of the cottage windows are over-grown with sweetbriers, vines, and honeysuckles ; and that Milton's habitation had the same rustic ornament, we may conclude from his descrip- tion of the lark bidding him good-morrow : ' Through the sweetbrier, or the vine, Or the twisted eglantine.' For it is evident that he meant a sort of honeysuckle by the eglantine, though that word is commonly used for the sweetbrier, which he could not mention twice in the same couplet. If I ever pass a month or six weeks at Oxford in the summer, I shall be inclined to hire and repair this venerable mansion, and to make a festival for a circle of friends, in honour of Milton, the most perfect scholar, as well as the sublimest poet, that our country ever produced. Such an honour will be less splendid, but more sincere and respectful, than all the pomp and ceremony on the banks of the Avon. I have, etc. [Cuthbert Collingwood was born at Newcastle, September 26, 1750, and sent to a school in that town, where his companions, Lord Eldon and his brother, Lord Stowell, remembered him to have been a pretty and gentle boy. In 1701 he commenced his naval career on board the Shannon, commanded by Admiral Erathwaite. "While on the "West India station, he was brought into frequent intercourse with the illustrious Nelson. Collingwood, by the force of merit alone, gradually rose to the highest rank in his profession. He participated in the glory of St. Vincent and Trafalgar, and distinguished himself upon every occasion by his intrepidity and prudence. His health, however, visibly declined under the constant anxieties of service ; but to those friends who advised him to relinquish his com- mand, he always replied, that his life belonged to his country. "When at length he determined upon returning to England, the time was gone by. On Monday, March 7, 1810, we are informed by his biographer, there was a considerable swell, and his friend Captain Thomas, on entering his cabin, expressed his apprehen- sions that the motion of the vessel disturbed him,— 'No, Thomas,' he said, 'nothing in this world can disturb me more ; I am dying, and I am sure it must be consolatory to you, and all who love me, to see how comfortably I am coming to my end.' With affectionate remembrances of his absent family, after taking ' a tender farewell of his attendants,' he expired, in perfect tranquillity, off Port Mahon, at six o'clock in the evening, aged 59 years and 6 months. He was buried in St. Paul's, by the side of Nelson. The history of his life is recorded in the annals of his country; the history of his mind, in his most delightful correspondence. It has been very elegantly and justly observed, that there is something peculiarly affecting in his thoughts of home, and the trees he had planted, and the flower-garden, and the summer-seat, which he is perpetually breathing from the distant and lonely seas. — Willmott.] LORD COLLINGWOOD TO HIS DAUGHTER. Suggestions respecting her Education. Ocean, at Malta, February 5, 1809. I received your letter, my dearest child, and it made me very happy to find that you and dear Mary were well, and taking pains with your education. The greatest pleasure I have amidst my toils and troubles, is in the expectation which I entertain of finding you improved in knowledge, and that the under- standing which it has pleased God to give you both, has been cultivated with care and assiduity. Your future happiness and respect- ability in the world depend on the diligence with which you apply to the attainment of knowledge at this period of your life ; and I hope that no negligence of your own will be a bar to your progress. "When I write to you, my beloved child, so much interested am I that you should be amiable, and worthy of the friendship and esteem of good and wise people, that I cannot forbear to second and enforce the instruction which you receive, by admoni- tion of my own, pointing out to you the great advantages that will result from a temperate conduct and sweetness of manner, to all people on all occasions. It does not follow that you are to coincide and agree in opinion with every ill-judging person ; but, after showing them your reason for dissenting from their opinion, your argument and opposition to it should not 190 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. be tinctured by anything offensive. Never forget for one moment that you are a gentle- woman ; and nil your words, and all your actions, should murk you gentle. I never knew your mother — your dear, your good mother— say a harsh or a hasty thing to any person in my life. Endeavour to imitate her. I am quick and hasty in my temper ; my sensibility is touched sometimes with a trifle, and my expression of it sudden as gunpowder ; but, my darling, it is a misfortune which, not having been sufficiently restrained in my youth, lias caused me much pain. It has, indeed, given me more trouble to subdue this natural . than anything I ever undertook. I believe that you are both mild ; but if ever you feel in your little breasts that you inherit a particle of your father's infirmity, restrain it, and (put the subject that has caused it, until your serenity be recovered. So much for mind and manners ; next for accomplishments. No sportsman ever hits a partridge without aiming at it ; and skill is acquired by repeated attempts. It is the same thing in every art; unless you aim at perfection, you will never attain it ; but frequent attempts will make it easy. Never, therefore, do anything with indifference. Whether it be to mend a rent in your garment, or finish the most delicate piece of art, endeavour to do it as perfectly as it is possible. When you write a letter, give it your greatest care, that it may be as perfect in all its parts as you can make it. Let the subject be sense, expressed in the most plain, intelligible, and elegant manner that you are capable of. If, in a familiar epistle, you should be playful and jocular, guard carefully that your wit be not sharp, so as to give pain to any person ; and before you write a sentence, examine it, even the words of which it is composed, that there be nothing vulgar or inelegant in them. Remember, my dear, that your letter is the picture of your brains, and those whose brains are a compound of folly, nonsense, and impertinence are to blame to exhibit them to the contempt of the world, or the pity of their friends. To write a letter with negligence, without proper stops, with crooked lines, and great flourishing dashes, is inelegant ; it argues either great ignorance of what is proper, or great ignorance towards the person to whom it is addressed, and is conse- quently disrespectful. It makes no amends to add an apology, for having scrawled a sheet of papi r, ot bad pens, for you should mend them ; or want of time, for nothing is more important to you, or to which your time can more properly be d. voted. I think I can know the character of a lady pretty nearly by h ir hand-writing. The dashers are all impudent, however they may conceal it from themselves ox others, and the scribblers Hatter themselves with a vain hope that, as their letter cannot be read, it may be mistaken for sense. I am very anxious to come to England, for I have lately been unwell. The greatest happiness which I expect there, is to find that my dear girls have been assiduous in their learning. May God Almighty bl< ss you, my beloved little Sarah, and sweet Mary too. TO LADY COI.I.IXGWOOD. Cherished Hopes of returning to his lamihj. Ocean, June.16, 1806. This day, my love, is the anniversary of our marriage, and I wish you many happy returns of it. If ever we have peace, I hope to spend my latter days amid my family, which is the only sort of happiness I can enjoy. After this life of labour to retire to peace and quietness is all I look for in the world. Should we decide to change the place of our dwelling, our route would of course be to the southward of Morpeth; but then I should be for ever regretting those beautiful views which are nowhere to be exceeded ; and even the rattling of that old waggon that used to pass our door at six o'clock in a winter's morning had its charms. The fact is, whenever I think how I am to be happy again, my thoughts carry me back to Morpeth, where, out of the fuss and parade of the world, surrounded by those I loved most dearly, and who loved me, I enjoyed as much happiness as my nature is capable of. Many things that I see in the world give me a distaste to the finery of it. The great knaves are not like those poor unfortunates, who, driven perhaps to distress from accidents which they could not prevent, or at least not educated in principles of honour and honesty, are hanged for some little thievery ; while a knave of education and high-breeding, who brandishes his honour in the eyes of the world, would rob a state to its ruin. For the first I feel pity and com- passion ; forthelatter, abhorrence and contempt ; they are the tenfold vicious. Have you read — but what I am more interested about, is your sister with you, and is she well and happy ? Tell her— God bless her !— I wish I were with you, that we might have a good laugh. God bless me ! I have scarcely laughed these three years. I am here with a very reduced force, having been obliged to make detachments to all quarters. This leaves me weak, while the Spaniards ami French within are daily gaining strength. They have patched and pieced until they have now a very con- siderable fleet. Whether they will venture out, I do not know ; if they come, I have no doubt we shall do an excellent deed, and then I will bring them to England myself. How do the dear girls go on I I would have THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 191 them taught geometry, which is of all sciences in the world the most entertaining; it expands the mind more to the knowledge of all things in nature, and better teaches to distinguish between truths and such things as have the appearance of being truths, yet are not, than any other. Their education, and the proper cultivation of the sense which God has given them, are the objects on which my happiness most depends. To inspire them with a love of everything that is honourable and virtuous, though in rags, and with contempt for vanity in embroidery, is the way to make them the darlings of my heart. They should not only read, but it requires a careful selection of books ; nor should they ever have access to two at the same time ; but when a subject is bugun, it should be finished before anything else is undertaken. How would it enlarge their minds if they could acquire a sufficient knowledge of mathematics' and astronomy to give them an idea of the beauty and wonders of the creation ! I am persuaded that the generality of people, and particularly fine ladies, only adore God because they are told it is proper, and the fashion to go to church ; but I would have my girls gain such knowledge of the works of the creation, that they may have a fixed idea of the nature of that Being who could be the author of such a world. "Whenever they have that, nothing on this side the moon will give them much uneasiness of mind. I do not mean that they should be stoics, or want the common feelings for the sufferings that flesh is heir to ; but they would then have a source of consolation for the worst that could happen. Tell me how do the trees which I planted thrive? Is there shade under the three oaks for a comfortable summer-seat ? Do the poplars grow at the walk, and does the wall of the terrace stand firm? My bankers tell me that all my money in their hands is exhausted by fees on the peerage, and that I am in their debt, which is a new epoch in my life, for it is the first time I was ever in debt since I was a midshipman. Here I got nothing ; but then my expenses are nothing, and I do not want it particularly, now that I have got my knives, forks, tea-pot, and the things you were so kind as to send me. [The most eloquent tribute to the memory of Wakefield is contained in a letter from Dr. Parr to a private friend, acknowledging the communication of Mr. "Wakefield's death. 'I loved him,' he said, ' unfeignedly, and though our opinions on various subjects, both of theology and criticism, were diffe- rent, that difference never disturbed our quiet, mil- relaxed our mutual good-will. For my part,' he added, 'I shall ever think and ever speak of Mr. "Wakefield as a very profound scholar, as a most honest man, and as a Christian who united knowledge with zeal, piety with benevolence, and the simplicity of a child with the fortitude of a martyr.' From this eulogy some deductions may be properly made ; for Farr knew no middle path, either of censure or of praise. But with all his errors, both of religion and scholarship, "Wakefield was undoubtedly a man of genuine talent ; with a heart frequently governed by prejudice, and a temper at once irritable and overbearing. His edition of Lucretius, the second volume of which he inscribed to Mr. Fox, has been commended by those whose praise possesses an intrinsic value, and will preserve the name of a very original and a very eccentric scholar. Fox, who was particularly attached to the study of Greek literature, shared Milton's affection for Euripides ; an essay upon the beauties of that dramatist wa8 one of his favourite literary projects. He agreed with Milton, also, in his admiration of Ovid, a writer neglected at our colleges and our schools, but surpassing all the Latin poets in playfulness and brilliancy of imagination ; more inventive than Virgil, more tender than Claudian, more earnest than Tibullus. Dryden praises the prodi- gality of his wit, by which he meant the fertility of allusion, and ingenuity of appli- cation, which we discover in the pages of Moore. His defects flow out of his luxuri- ance ; and his fancy often runs into grotesque shapes from the very richness of the vine. But Ovid is not only the picturesque embellisher of sentiments ; Dryden acknowledged his power in moving the passions : and no person can read his allusion to the death of his parents without confessing that the commendation was deserved. — Willmott. ] CHARLES JAMES FOX TO GILBERT WAKEFIELD. The Character of Cicero's Eloquence; Genius of Ovid, St. Anne's Hill, Oct. 22, 1799. Sir, — I believe I had best not continue the controversy about field sports ; or at least, if I do, I must have recourse, I believe, to authority 192 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. and precedent, rather than to argument, and intent myself with rather excusing than justi- fying them. Cicero says, I believe, somewhere, Si quern nihil ddectaret nisi quod cum lawle etdignitate conjunctum foret, . . . huic homini ego foi-tasse, et pauci, Deos propitios, plcrique iratos putarcnt. But this is said, I am afraid, in defence of a libertine, whose public principles, when brought to the test, proved to lie as unsound as his private life was irregular. By the way, I know of no speech of Cicero's more full of beautiful passages than this is [pro M. Ceelio), nor where he is more in his element. Argumentative contention is what he by no means excels in ; and he is never, I think, so happy as when he has an opportunity of exhibiting a mixture of philosophy and pleasantry ; and especially, where he can interpose anecdotes, and references to the authority of the eminent characters in the history of his country. No man appears, indeed, to have had such real respect for authority as he ; and, therefore, when he speaks on that subject, he is always natural and in earnest ; and not like those among us, who are so often declaiming about the wisdom of our ancestors, without knowing what they mean, or hardly ever citing any particulars of their conduct, or of their dicta. I showed your proposed alteration in the Tristia to a very good judge, who approved of it very much. I confess, myself, that I like the old reading best, and think it more in Ovid's manner ; but this, perhaps, is mere fancy. I have always been a great reader of him, and thought myself the greatest admirer he had, till you called him the first poet of antiquity, which is going even beyond me. The grand and spirited style of the Iliad, the true nature and simplicity of the Odyssey, the poetical language (far excelling that of all other poets in the world) of the Gcoryics, and the pathetic strokes in the JEncid, give Homer and Virgil a rank, in my judgment, clearly above all competitors ; but next after them I should be very apt to class Ovid, to the great scandal, I believe, of all who pique themselves upon what is called purity of taste. You have somewhere compared him to Euripides, I think ; and I can fancy I see a resemblance in them. This resemblance it is, I suppose, which makes one prefer Euripides to Sophocles; a preference which, if one were writing a dissertation, it would be very difficult to justify. I cannot conceive upon what principle, or, indei d, from what motive, they have so restricted the intercourse between you anil your family. My first impulse was, to write to Lord Ihlicster to speak to Mr. Frampton ; but as you seem to suspect thai former applications have done mischief, 1 shall do nothing. Did you, who are such a hater of war, ever read the lines at the beginning of the second book of Cowpcr's Taski There are few things in our language superior to them, in my judgment. He is a fine poet, and has, in a great degree, conquered my prejudices against blank verse. I am, with great regard, sir, Your most obedient servant, C. J. Fox. My hand is not yet so well as to give me the use of it, though the wound is nearly healed. The surgeon suspects there is more bone to come away. I have been here something inure than a fortnight. [Among the schemes of intellectual exertion which presented themselves to the mind of Fox, during his repose from the excitement of politics and party, were treatises on Poetry, History, and Oratory ; an edition of the works of Dryden ; and a Defence of Bacine, whom he appears to have admired with the enthusiasm of Gray. But Fox, although the most fluent of speakers, was the slowest and most cautious of writers. He confessed that he was too scrupulous about language. The Fragment upon the History of James the Second disappointed the curiosity its appearance had awakened. His published correspond- ence, however, displays the kindliness of his heart, the elegance of his taste, and the cultivation of his mind. Lord Holland lias printed one of his familiar letters, which is not more interesting in itself than valu- able as an illustration of character. The reader should refer to the ' Observations ' upon this letter, appended to the History of the reign of James, where the opinion of Mr. Fox respecting the nightingale is very ingeniously examined and refuted. — Will- mott.] THE SAME TO MR. GRAY. The Note of the Nightingale. Dear Gray, — In defence of my opinion about the nightingales, I find Chaucer, who of all poets seems to have been the fondest of the singing of birds, calls it a merry note ; and though Theocritus mentions nightingales six or seven times, he never mentions their note as plaintive or melancholy. It is true, he does not call it anywhere merry, as Chaucer does; but by mentioning it with the song of the blackbird, and as answering it, he seems to imply that it was a cheerful note. Sophocles is against us, but even he says, 'lamenting Ityt,' and the comparison of her to Electra is rather THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 193 as to perseverance day ami night, than as to sorrow. At all events, a tragic poet is not half so good authority on this question as Theocritus and Chaucer. I cannot light upon the passage in the Odyssey, where Penelope's restlessness is compared to the nightingale ; but I am sure that it is only as to restlessness that he makes the comparison. If you will read the last twelve books of the Odyssey, you will certainly find it ; and I am sure you will be paid for your hunt, whether you find it or not. The passage in Chaucer is in the ' Flower and Leaf,' p. 99. The one I particularly allude to in Theocritus is in his Epigrams, I think in the fourth. Dryden has transferred the word merry to the goldfinch in the 'Flower and the Leaf,' in deference, may be, to the vulgar error ; but pray read his description of the nightingale there : it is quite delightful. I am afraid that I like those researches as much better than those that relate to Shaftesbury, Sunderland, etc., as I do those better than attending the House of Commons. Yours affectionately, C. J. Fox. [Hannah More, while pronouncing, very un- justly, the severest censure upon Shenstone's Correspondence, excepted the letters of the Countess of Hertford, which she thought very pleasant and unaffected productions. — Willmott.] THE COUNTESS OF HERTFORD, AFTERWARDS DUCHESS OF SOMERSET, TO LADY LUXBOROUGH. Spring Weather; Thomson's 'Castle of Indolence; ' Shenstone's ' Schoolmistress.' Piercy Lodge, May 16, 1748. Dear Madam, — How long soever your letters are in coming, they never fail to assure their welcome, by being more agreeable and enter- taining, as well as breathing more of friendship than anybody's else have the art of doing. I have been here about a month, and find some little improvements, which were ordered when we went to London, completed ; and I think ^they are not quite unworthy of the name. A piece of waste ground, on the lower side of the Abbey walk, has been turned into a corn-field, and a turf walk about eight feet wide round it, close to a flourishing hawthorn hedge; on one side there is a thatched seat open on three sides, which pretends to no name of greater dignity than justly belongs to what it represents, namely, a shepherd's hut ; before it there is an irregular piece of turf, which was spared for the sake of some old oaks and beeches winch arc scattered upon it ; and as you are sitting down there, you have, under these boughs, a direct view of "Windsor Castle. There are sweet-williams, narcissuses, rose- campions, ami such flowers as the hares will not eat, in little borders, round the foot of every tree ; and I almost flatter myself that you would not be displeased with the rural appearance of the whole. The rains have given us the strongest verdure I ever saw ; our lawns and meadows are enamelled with a profusion of daisies and cowslips ; and we have the greatest appearance of fruit that has been seen there many years. I conclude you will read Mr. Thomson's Castle of Indolence : it is after the manner of Spenser ; but I think he does not always keep so close to his style as the author of the Schoolmistress, whose name I never knew till you were so good as to inform me of it. I think it a charming poem ; and was very much pleased with his ballad of Queen Elizabeth's seeing the milkmaid. She appears at least, in my humble imagination, in a more natural light than when we hear of her bullying foreign powers, and cutting off the head of an unhappy queen who fled to her for protection. But to return to the Castle of Indolence, I believe it will afford you much entertainment ; there are many pretty paintings in it, but I think the Wizard's Song deserves a preference. ' He needs no muse who dictates from his heart.' Have you met with two little volumes, which contain four con- templations, written by a Mr. James Hervey, a young Cornish or Devonshire clergyman? The subjects are, upon Walking among the Tombs, upon a Flower Garden, upon Night, and upon the Starry Heavens. There is something poetical and truly pious. Now I have got into the impertinence of recommend- ing books to one who is a much better judge than myself, I must name an Essay on Delicacy, a subject which, if I were not acquainted with you, and one or two more, I should imagine had no longer an existence upon our globe. I sincerely sympathize in the pleasure which you must feel, dear madam, from the extreme good character which everybody gives of your son, and which his behaviour to you proves he deserves ; may this, with every other blessing, be long continued to you ; and may you always look upon me as a sincere though insignificant friend, as well as a most faithful and obedient, etc. My lord is at present in London, but I hope he will be here time enough to save the postage of this letter. I should be very glad to see anything of Mr. Shenstone's. N 194 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. [In the winter of the year 1790, an authoress, residing in a single room up two pair of stairs in Frith Street, presented to the world a tale, which, in natural truth and skilful delineation of the passions, has seldom been equalled. That authoress was Mrs. Inchbald; that tale was the Simple Story. The success of the novel was rapid and extensive ; but its most grateful fruit was the friendship of Mrs. Phillips, wife of the surgeon to the King. Mrs. Inchbald's letters to this lady are the pleasantcst in her biography, and afford the reader the clearest insight into her very singular character. The 'mutual acquaint- ance' was Mrs. Opie. — Willmott.] MRS. INCHBALD TO MRS. PHILLIPS. An Anecdote of Madame dc Stael. August 26, 1813. I will now mention the calamity of a neigh- bour, by many degrees the first female writer in the world, as she is called by the Edinburgh Reviewers. Madame de Stael asked a lady of my acquaintance to introduce her to me. The lady was our mutual acquaintance, of course, and so far my friend as to conceal my place of abode ; yet she menaced me with a visit from the Baroness of Holstein, if I would not consent to meet her at a third house. After much persuasion, I did so. I admired Madame de Stael much ; she talked to me the whole time ; so did Miss Edge worth, whenever I met her in company. These authoresses suppose me dead, and seem to pay a tribute to my memory ; but, with Madame de Stael, it seemed no passing compliment : she was inquisitive as well as attentive, and entreated me to explain to her the motive why I shunned society. 'Because,' I replied, ' I dread the loneliness that will follow.' ' What, will you feel your solitude more when you return from this company than you did before you came hither?' 'Yes.' 'I should think it would elevate your spirits : why will you feel your loneliness more ? ' ' Because I have no one to tell that I have seen you ; no one to describe your person to ; no one to whom I can repeat the many encomiums you have passed on my Simple Story ; no one to enjoy any of your praises bat myself.' ' Ah ! ah ! you have no children ; ' and she turned to an elegant young woman, her daughter, with pathetic tenderness. She then so forcibly depicted a mother's joys, that she sent me home more melancholy at the comparison of our situations in life than could have arisen from the con- sequences of riches or poverty. I called, by appointment, at her house, two days after: I was told she was til. The next morning, my paper explained her illness. You have seen the death of her son in the papers ; he was one of Bernadotte's aides-de-camp, — the most beauti- ful young man that ever was seen, only nineteen, — a duel with sabres-, ;l nd the first stroke liter- ally cut off his head! Xecker's grandson. [When the British Government had determined to punish the atrocious cruelty of the Algerines, the command of the expedition was entrusted to Lord Exmouth. Of his manner and appearance upon the memor- able day which witnessed the destruction of this stronghold of piracy, a very graphic sketch has been given by his Arabic interpreter, Mr. Salami, who had been despatched to the Dey with a flag of truce, to receive his reply to the Admiral's final demands. ' I was quite surprised,' he says, ' to see how his lordship was altered from what I left him in the morning, for I knew his manner was in general very mild, but now he seemed to me all fightful, as a fierce lion which had been chained in a cage, and was set at liberty. With all that his lordship's answer to me was, " Never mind, we shall see ! " and at the same time he turned towards the officer, saying, "Be ready!" whereupon, I saw every one standing with the match or the string of the lock in his hand, anxiously waiting for the word " Fire ! " During this time, the Queen Charlotte, in a most gallant and astonishing manner, took up a position opposite the head of the mole, and at a few minutes before three, the Algerines, from the eastern battery, fired the first shot at the Impregnable, which was astern, when Lord Exmouth, having seen only the smoke of the gun, and before the sound reached him, said, with great alacrity, "That will do— fire, my fine fellows!"' Lord Exmouth, in a spirit of confident bravery, which will remind the reader of the Duke of Wellington's conduct at Waterloo, had ordered his steward to keep several dishes ready, and he, accordingly, entertained the officers of the ship at supper after the engagement. — ]\'illm< tt.] LOBD lAMoilil TO BBS BBOTHSB. The Battle of Algiers. It has pleased God to give me again the opportunity of writing to you, and it has also THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 195 pleased Him to give success to our efforts against these hordes of barbarians. I never, however, saw any set of men more obstinate at their guns, and it was superior fire only that could keep them back. To be sure, nothing could stand before the Queen Charlotte's broad- side. Everything fell before it ; and the Swedish consul assures me we killed about five hundred at the very first fire, from the crowded way in which troops were drawn up, four deep, along the gun-boats, which were also full of men. I had myself beckoned to many around the guns close to us, to move away, previous to giving the order to fire ; and I believe they are within bounds when they state their loss at seven thousand men. Our old friend, John Gaze, was as steady as a rock ; and it was a glorious sight to see the Charlotte take her anchorage, and to see her flag towering on high, when she appeared to be within the flames of the mole itself ; and never was a ship nearer burnt ; it almost scorched me off the poop : we were obliged to haul in the ensign, or it would have caught fire. Everybody behaved uncom- monly well. Admiral Milne came on board at two o'clock in the morning, and kissed my hand fifty times before the people, as did the Dutch admiral, Von Capellan. I was but slightly touched in the thigh, face, and fingers, my glass cut in my hand, and the skirts of my coat torn off by a large shot ; but as I bled a good deal, it looked as if I was badly hurt, and it was gratifying to see and hear how it was received, even in the cockpit, which was then pretty full. My thigh is not quite skinned over, but I am perfectly well, and hope to reach Portsmouth by the 10th of October. Ferdinand has sent me a diamond star. "Wise behaved most nobly, and took up a line-of -battle ship's station ; but all behaved nobly. I never saw such enthusiasm in all my service, — not a wretch shrunk any- where ; and I assure you it was a very arduous task, but I had formed a very correct judgment of all I saw, and was confident, if supported, I should succeed. I could not wait for an off- shore wind to attack ; the season was too far advanced, and the land winds become light and calrny. I was forced to attack at once with a lee-shore, or perhaps wait a week for a precarious wind along shore ; and I was quite sure I should have a breeze off the land about one or two in the morning, and equally sure we could hold .out that time. Blessed be God, it came, and a dreadful night with it of thunder, lightning, and rain, as heavy as I ever saw. Several ships had expended all their powder, and been supplied from the brigs. I had latterly husbanded, and only fired when they fired on us ; and we expended 350 barrels, and 5420 shot, weighing about 65 tons of iron. Such a state of ruin of fortifications and houses was never seen ; and it is the opinion of all the consuls, that two hours' more firing would have levelled the town, — the walls are all so cracked. Even the aque- ducts were broken up, and the people famishing for water. The sea-defences, to be made effect- ive, must be rebuilt from the foundation. The fire all round the mole looked like Pandemonium. I never saw anything so grand and so terrific, for I was not on velvet, for fear they would drive on board us. The copper bottoms floated full of fiery hot charcoal, and were red hot above the surface, so that we could not hook on our fire-grapnels to put our boats on, and could do nothing but push fire-booms, and spring the ship off by our warps, as occasion required. [This letter is one of a series written during a tour into Staffordshire in company with Mr. Basil Montagu. The journey was accomplished in a one-horse carriage. This letter is given from Mr. Paul's William Godivin, by permission of C. K. Paul &Co.] WILLIAM GODWIN TO MART WOLLSTONECROFT GODWIN. June 17, 1797. You cannot imagine anything like Mr. AVynn and his wife. He is a raw country booby of eighteen, his hair about his ears, and a beard that has never deigned to submit to the stroke of the razor. His voice is loud, broad, and un- modulated, the mind of the possessor has never yet felt a sentiment that should give it flexible- ness or variety. He has at present a brother with him, a lad, as I guess, of fifteen, who has come to Dr. Parr's house at Hatton, with a high generosity of sentiment, and a tone of mind, declaring that, if his brother be disinherited, he, who is the next brother, will not reap the benefit. His name is Julius, and John "Wynn, the husband, is also a lad of very good disposi- tions. They both stammer : Julius extremely, John less ; but with the stuttering of Julius there is an ingenuousness and warmth that have considerable charms. John, on the contrary, has all the drawling, both of voice and thinking, that usually characterizes a clown. His ah' is gauche, his gait negligent and slouching, his whole figure boorish. Both the lads are as ignorant, and as destitute of adventure and ambition, as any children that aristocracy has to boast. Poor Sarah, the bride, is the victim of her mother, as the bridegroom is her victim in turn. The mother taught her that the height of female wisdom was to marry a rich man and a fool, and she has religiously complied. Her mother is an admirable woman, and the daughter mistook, and fancied she was worthy of love. Never was a girl more attached to her mother than Sarah "Wynn (Parr). You do not 196 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. know, but I do, that Sarah has an uncommon understanding, and an exquisite sensibility, which glmvs in her complexion, and flashes from her eyes. Yet she is silly enough to imagine that she shall be happy in love and a cottage with John Wynn. She is excessively angry with the fathers on both sides, who, as she says, after having promised the contrary, attempted clandestinely to separate them. They have each, beyond question, laid up a magazine of unhappiness ; yet I am persuaded Dr. Parr is silly enough to imagine the match a desirable one. We slept, as I told you, at Tamworth on Wednesday evening. Thursday morning we proceeded through Coleshill (where I found a permanent pillory established in lieu of the stocks), and where we passed through a very deep and rather formidable ford, the bridge being under repair, and breakfasted at the George, in the Tree, 18 miles. From thence the road by Warwick would have been 14 miles, and by a cross-country road only six. By this, therefore, we proceeded, and a very deep and rough road we found it. We arrived at Hatton about one, so, after dinner, thinking it too much to sit all day in the company I have described, I proposed to Montagu a walk to Kenilworth Castle, the seat originally of Simon de Montfort, Earl of Leicester, who in the reign of Henry III., to whom he was an implacable enemy, was the author of the institution of the House of Commons ; and, more recently, the seat of Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, the favourite, and, as he hoped and designed, the husband of Elizabeth, to whom he gave a most magnificent and memorable entertainment at this place. The ruins are, beyond comparison, the finest in England. I found Montagu by no means a desirable companion in this expedition. He could not be persuaded to indulge the divine enthusiasm I felt coming on my soul, while I felt revived, and, as it were, embodied the image of ancient times ; but, on the contrary, expressed nothing but indignation against the aristocracy displayed, and joy that it was destroyed. From Dr. Parr's to Kenilworth, across the fields, is only four miles. By the road, round by Warwick, it is nine. We of course took the field way, but derived but little benefit from it, as we were on foot from half after four to half after ten, exclusive of a rest of ten minutes. One hour out of the six we spent at Kenilworth, and two hours and a half in going and returning respectively, so utterly incapable were we of finding the path prescribed us. To-day, Friday, as fortune determined, was Coventry Fair, with a procession of all the trades, with a female representative of Lady Qodiva at their head, dressed in a close dress to represent nakedness. As fortune had thus disposed of us, we deemed it our duty not to miss the opportunity. We accordingly set out after breakfast, for Montagu proved lazy, and we did not get off till half after eleven. From Dr. Parr's to Warwick is four miles, from War- wick to Coventry ten miles. One mile on the Coventry side of Warwick is Guy's Cliff, Mr. Greathed's. My description of his garden was an irresistible motive with Montagu to desire to visit it, though I by no means desired it. We accordingly went, and walked round the garden. Mr. Greathed was in his grounds, and I left a card, signifying I had done myself the pleasure of paying my respects to him, and taken the liberty of leading my friend over his garden. This delay of half an hour precisely answered the purpose of making us too late for Lady Godiva. We saw the crowd, which was not yet dispersed, and the booths of the fair, but the lady, the singularity of the scene, was retired. It is now Sunday evening : we are at Cambridge. Montagu says we shall certainly be in town to-morrow (Monday) night. The distance is fifty-three miles : we shall therefore probably be late, and he requests that, if we be not at home before ten, you will retain somebody to take the whisky from Summers Town to Lincoln's Inn. If Mary be at a loss on the subject, perhaps the people of Montagu's lodging can assist her. Farewell : be happy : be in health and spirits. Keep a look-out, but not an anxious one. Delays are not necessarily tragical. I believe there will be none. [The letters of Burns want the simplicity, the heartiness, and the facility of his verse. For these deficiencies two excuses have been offered. The first has been found in his comparative ignorance of our language. 'Burns, though for the most part he writes with singular force and even gracefulness, is not master of English prose, as he is of Scottish verse, — not master of it in pro- portion to the depth and vehemence of his matter.' The second, and more important excuse, is discovered in the peculiarity of the poet's social position. ' His correspond- ents are often men whose relation to him he has never accurately ascertained ; whom, therefore, he is either forearming himself against, or else unconsciously flattering, by adopting the style he thinks will please them. Whenever he writes, as one would ever wish to do, to trusted friends, and on real interests, his style becomes simple, vivid, vigorous, expressive, sometimes even THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 197 beautiful.' Sir Walter Scott found many passages of great eloquence, accompanied by an air of affectation, and a tincture of pedantry ; while Mr. Jeffrey, with more relentless severity, supposed a large portion of his letters to have been composed only with a view to effect. '"When Burns wrote this touching letter to his father,' observes Allan Cunningham, in his illus- trative note, ' he was toiling as a heckler in his unfortunate flax speculation, a dull as well as a dusty employment. On the fourth day after it was penned, the poet and his relation Peacock were welcoming in the new year ; a lighted candle touched some flax, and there was an end to all their hopes. Of "William Burns, the father of the poet, much has already been said ; he was a worthy and pious man, desirous of maintaining rigid discipline in his house, and solicitous about the future welfare of his children. He was somewhat austere of manners ; loved not boisterous jocularity ; was rarely himself moved to laughter ; and has been described as abstemious of speech. His early and con- tinued misfortunes, though they saddened his brow, never afflicted the warm benevo- lence of his nature ; he was liberal to the poor, and stern and self-denying only to himself. He is buried in Alloway Kirk- yard, and his grave is visited by all who desire to pay homage to the fame of his eminent son.' — Willmott.~\ THE POET BURN'S TO HIS FATHER. Melancholy Forebodings. Irvine, Dec. 27, 1781. Honoured Sir, — I have purposely delayed writing, in the hope that I should have the pleasure of seeing you on New- Year's Day ; but work comes so hard upon us, that I do not choose to be absent on that account, as well as for some other little reasons which I shall tell you at meeting. My health is nearly .the same as when you were here, only my sleep is a little sounder ; and on the whole I am rather better than otherwise, though I mend by very slow degrees. The weakness of my nerves has so debilitated my mind, that I dare neither review past events, nor look forward into futurity ; for the least anxiety or perturbation in my breast produces most unhappy effects on my whole frame. Some- times, indeed, when for an hour or two my spirits are aUghtened, I glimmer a little into futurity ; but my principal, and, indeed, my only pleasurable employment is, looking back- wards and forwards in a moral and religious way : I am quite transported at the thought, that ere long, perhaps very soon, I shall bid an eternal adieu to all the pains, and uneasiness, and disquietudes of this weary life ; for I assure you I am heartily tired of it ; and if I do not very much deceive myself, I could contentedly and gladly resign it. The soul, uneasy and confined at home, Rests and expatiates in a life to come. It is for this reason I am more pleased with the 15th, lGth, and 17th of the seventh chapter of Revelations, than with any ten times as many verses in the whole Bible, and would not exchange the noble enthusiasm with which they inspire me, for all that this world has to offer. As for this world, I despair of ever making a figure in it. I am not formed for the bustle of the busy, nor the flutter of the gay. I shall never again be capable of entering into such scenes. Indeed, I am altogether unconcerned at the thoughts of this life. I foresee that poverty and obscurity probably await me, and I am in some measure pre- pared, and daily preparing to meet them. I have but just time and paper to return you my grateful thanks for the lessons of virtue and piety you have given me, which were too much neglected at the time of giving them, but which I hope have been remembered ere it is yet too late. Present my dutiful respects to my mother, and my compliments to Mr. and Mrs. Muir ; and with wishing you a merry New-Year's Day, I shall conclude. I am, honoured sir, your dutiful son, Eobert Burns. P.S.—Mj meal is out, but I am going to borrow till I get more. [Burns arrived in Edinburgh towards the close of November 1786, and continued in the Scottish capital for several months, the wonder of every literary coterie. ' Mrs. Dunlop of Dunlop,' writes Allan Cunning- ham, ' the daughter of Sir Thomas "Wallace, of Craigie, was proud of her descent from the race of Elderslie, and proud of her acquirements, which were considerable. Nor should we leave unmentioned, that she had some talent for rhyme. She had been ailing, and the first advantage she took of returning health was to read the poems of the Ayrshire Ploughman. She was struck with the beauty, natural and religious, of the Cottar's Saturday Night. 198 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. ' The poet's description of the simple cottagers,' she told Gilbert Burns, 'operated on her mind like the charm of a powerful exorcist, repelling the demon ennui, and restoring her to her wonted harmony and satisfaction.' An express, sent sixteen miles, for half-a-dozen copies of the book, and an invitation to Dunlop House, attested her sincerity. From tins period we must date a friendship which did not close with the poet's life. The poet's letters to Mrs. Dunlop are by far the most valuable and interesting in his collected correspondence. They could not fail of being so, having been written, as he confessed, with all the artlessness of truth, and consisting, in his own words, of the 'rhapsody of the minute.' — Willmott.] BURNS TO MRS. DUNLOP. His Situation and Prospects. Edinburgh, March 22, 1787. Madam, — I read your letter with watery eyes. A little, veiy little while ago, I had scarce a friend but the stubborn pride of my own bosom ; now I am distinguished, patronized, befriended by you. Your friendly advices, I will not give them the cold name of criticisms, I receive with reverence. I have made some small alteration in what I before had printed. I have the advice of some very judicious friends among the literati here ; but with them I sometimes find it necessary to claim the privilege of thinking for myself. The noble Earl of Glencairn, to whom I owe more than to any man, does me the honour of giving me his strictures ; his hints, with respect to im- propriety or indelicacy, I follow implicitly. You kindly interest yourself in my future views and prospects ; there I can give you no light. It is all ' Dark as was chaos, ere the infant sun Was roll'd together, or had tried his beams Athwart the gloom profound.' The appellation of a Scottish bard is by far my highest pride ; to continue to deserve it, is my most exalted ambition. Scottish themes ami Scottish story are the themes I could wish to sing. I have no dearer aim than to have li in my power, onplagued with the routine of business, for which, heaven knows, I am unfit enough, to make leisurely pilgrimages through Caledonia ; to sit on the fields of her battles ; to wander on the romantic banks of her rivers ; and to muse by the stately towers or venerable ruins, once the honoured abodes of her heroes. But these are all Utopian thoughts. I have dallied long enough with life ; 'tis time to be in earnest. I have a fond, an aged mother to care for ; and some other bosom ties perhaps equally tender. 'Where the individual only suffers by the consequences of his own thought- lessness, indolence, or folly, he may be excusable ; nay, shining abilities, and some of the nobler virtues, may half sanctify a heedless character ; but where God and nature have entrusted the welfare of others to his care — where the trust is sacred, and the ties are dear, that man must be far gone in selfishness, or strangely lost to reflection, when the?c connections will not rouse to exertion. I guess that I shall clear two or three hundred pounds by my authorship ; with that sum I intend, so far as I may be said to have any intention, to return to my old acquaintance the plough ; and, if I can meet with a lease by which I can live, to commence farmer. I do not intend to give up poetry ; being bred to labour secures me independence, and the Muses are my chief, sometimes have been my only enjoyment. If my practice second my resolution, I shall have principally at heart the serious business of life ; but while following my plough, or building up my shocks, I shall cast a leisure glance to that dear — that only feature of my character, which gave me the notice of my country, and the patronage of a Wallace. Thus, honoured madam, I have given you the bard, his situation, and his views, native as they are in his own bosom. R. B. TO FRANCIS GROSE. The Origin of Tarn O'Shantcr. Dumfries, 1792. Among the many witch stories I have heard ' to Allows y Kirk, I distinctly remem- ber only two or three. Upon a stormy night, amid whistling squalls of wind and bitter blasts of hail, — in short, on such a night as the devil would choose to take the air in, — a farmer, or farmer's servant, was plodding and plashing homeward, with his plough irons on his shoulder, having been getting some repairs on them at a neighbouring smithy. His way lay by the Kirk of Alloway, and being rather on the anxious look-oat in approaching a place so well known to be a favourite haunt of the devil, and the devil's friends and emissaries, he was struck aghast by discovering through the horrors of the storm and stormy night a light, which, on his nearer approach, plainly showed itself to proceed from the haunted edifice. Whether he had been Eortifj id from above, on Ids devout supplication, as i customary with people when they suspect mediate presence of Satan, or whether, a !Ct 1 ding to another custom, he had got courage- THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 199 ously drunk at the smithy, I will not pretend to determine ; but so it was that he ventured to go up to, nay into, the very kirk. As luck would have it, his temerity came off un- punished. The members of the infernal junto were all out on some midnight business or other, and he saw nothing but a kind of kettle or cauldron, depending from the roof over the fire, simmer- ing some heads of unchristened children, limbs of executed malefactors, etc., for the business of the night. It was in for a penny in for a pound with the honest ploughman ; so, with- out ceremony, he unhooked the cauldron from off the fire, and pouring out the damnable ingredients, inverted it on his head, and carried it fairly home, where it remained long in the family, a living evidence of the truth of the story. Another story, which I can prove to be equally authentic, was as follows : — On a market day, in the town of Ayr, a farmer from Carrick, and consequently whose way lay by the very gate of Alloway Kirkyard, in order to cross the river Doon at the old bridge, which is about two or three hundred yards farther on than the said gate, had been detained by his business, till by the time he reached Alloway it was the wizard hour, between night and morning. Though he was terrified with a blaze stream- ing from the kirk, yet it is a well-known fact that to turn back upon these occasions is running by far the greatest risk of mischief ; he prudently advanced on his road. "When he had reached the gate of the kirkyard he was sur- prised and entertained through the ribs and arches of an old gothic window, which still faces the highway, to see a dance of witches, merrily footing it round their old sooty black- guard master, who was keeping them all alive with the power of his bagpipe. The farmer, stopping his horse to observe them a little, could plainly descry the faces of many old women of his acquaintance and neighbourhood. How the gentleman was dressed tradition does not say, but that the ladies were all in their smccks ; and one of them, happening unluckily to have a smock which was considerably too short to answer all the purposes of that piece of dress, our farmer was so tickled that he in- voluntarily burst out with a loud laugh : ' Weel . luppen, Maggy wi' the short sark ! ' and recol- lecting himself, instantly spurred his horse to the top of his speed. I need not mention the universally known fact, that no diabolical power can pursue you beyond the middle of a running stream. Lucky it was for the poor farmer that the river Doon was so near, for, notwithstand- ing the speed of his horse, which was a good one, against he reached the middle of the arch of the bridge, and consequently the middle of the stream, the pursuing, vengeful hags were so close at his heels, that one of them actually sprung to seize him ; but it was too late, nothing was on her side of the stream but the horse's tail, which immediately gave way at her infernal grip, as if blasted by a stroke of light- ning ; but the farmer was beyond her reach. However, the unsightly, tailless condition of the vigorous steed was, to the last hour of the noble creature's life, an awful warning to the Carrick farmer not to stay too late in Ayr markets. The last relation I shall give, though equally true, is not so well identified as the two former with regard to the scene ; but as the best authorities give it for Alloway, I shall relate it. On a summer's evening, about the time that nature puts on her sable to mourn the expiring of the cheerful day, a shepherd boy, belonging to a farmer in the immediate neighbourhood of Alloway Kirk, had just folded his charge and was returning home. As he passed the kirk, in the adjoining field he fell in with a crew of men and women, who were busy pulling stems of the plant ragwort. He observed that as each person pulled a ragwort, he or she got astride of it, and called out, ' Up, horsee,' on which the ragwort flew off, like Pegasus, through the air, with its rider. The foolish boy likewise pulled his ragwort, and cried with the rest, ' Up, horsee,' and, strange to tell, away he flew with the company. The first stage at which the cavalcade stopped was a merchant's wine- cellar in Bordeaux, where, without saying by your leave, they quaffed away at the best the cellar could afford, until the morning, foe to the imps and works of darkness, threatened to throw light on the matter, and frightened them from their carousals. The poor shepherd lad being equally a stranger to the scene and the liquor, heedlessly got himself drunk ; and when the rest took horse he fell asleep, and was found so next day by some of the people belonging to the merchant. Somebody that understood Scotch, asking him who he was, he said such-a-one's herdboy in Alloway, and by some means or other getting home again, he lived long to tell the world the wondrous tale. I am, etc., B. B. [John Murdoch kept the school of Lochlea, and was for a time the teacher of Robert Burns and his brother Gilbert. He appears to have been a man of parts, and a willing teacher of clever and promising pupils. He removed to London, where he heard of the fame of his former pupil with much surprise. He died in London in April 1824. He published several educational works of some note in their day, and taught 200 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. English to several eminent personages, Talleyrand among the number. He said of Burns and his brother Gilbert : — ' Gilbert always appeared to me to possess :i more lively imagination, and to be more of a wit, than Robert. I attempted to teach them a little church music; here they were left far behind by all the rest of the school. Robert's ear, in particular, was remarkably dull, and his voice un- tunable ; his countenance was generally grave, and expressive of a serious, contem- plative, and thoughtful mind. Gilbert's face said, "Mirth, with thee I mean to live," and certainly if any person who knew the two boys had been asked which of them was most likely to court the Muses, he would surely never have guessed that Robert had a propensity of that kind.'] BUBNS TO MR. JOHN' MURDOCH, SCHOOLMASTER, STAPLES lira BUILDINGS, LONDON. L ichlea, Jan. 15, 17S3. Dear Sir, — As I have an opportunity of sending you a letter without putting you to that expense which any production of mine would but ill repay, I embrace it with pleasure, to tell you that I have not forgotten, nor ever will forget, the many obligations I lie under to your kindness and friendship. I do not doubt, sir, but you will wish to know what has been the result of all the pains of an indulgent father, and a masterly teacher ; and I wish I could gratify your curiosity with such a recital as you would be pleased witli ; but that is what I am afraid will not be the case. I have, indeed, kept pretty clear of vicious habits ; and, in this respect, I hope my conduct will not disgrace the education I have gotten ; but as a man of the world I am most miserably deficient. One would have thought that, bred as I have been, under a father who has figured pretty well as mi homiru des affaires, I might have been what tin world calls ;i pushing, active fellow; but to tell you the truth, sir, there is hardly anything more my leverse. I seem to be one sent into the world to see and observe ; and I very easily compound with the knave who tricks me of my money, if there be anything original about him, which shows me human nature in a different light from anything I have seen before. In short, the joy of my heart is to ' study men, their manners, and their ways,' and for this darling subject I cheerfully sacrifice eveiy other Consideration. I am quite indolent about those great concerns that set the bustling, buby sons of care agog ; and if I have to answer for the present hour, I am very easy with regard to anything further. Even the last, worst shift of the unfortunate and the wretched x does not much terrify me ; I know that even then my talent for what country- folks call ' a sensible crack,' when once it is sanctified by a hoary head, would procure me so much esteem that even then I would learn to be happy. However, I am under no apprehensions about that ; for though indolent, yet so far as an extremely delicate constitution permits, I am not lazy ; and in many things, especially in tavern matters, I am a strict economist, — not, indeed, for the sake of the money, but one of the principal parts in my com- position is a kind of pride of stomach ; and I scorn to fear the face of any man living ; above everything, I abhor as hell the idea of sneaking into a corner to avoid a dun — possibly some pitiful, sordid wretch, who in my heart I despise and detest. 'Tis this, and this alone, that endears economy to me. In the matter of books, indeed, I am very profuse. My favourite authors are of the sentimental kind, such as Shenstone, particularly his Elegies ; Thomson ; Man of Feeling, a book I prize next to the Bible ; Man of the World ; Sterne, especially his Sentimental Journey; Macpher- son's Oman, etc.; — these are the glorious models after which I endeavour to form my conduct ; and 'tis incongruous, 'tis absurd, to suppose that the man whose mind glows with sentiments lighted up at their sacred flame, the man whose heart distends with benevolence to all the human race, — he ' who can soar above this little scene of things,'- — can descend to mind the paltry concerns about which the teme-filLil race fret, and fume, and vex them- selves ! Oh, how the glorious triumph swells my heart ! I forget that I am a poor, in- significant devil, unnoticed and unknown, stalking up and down fairs and markets, when I happen to be in them, reading a page or two of mankind, and ' catching the manners living as they rise,' whilst the men of business jostle me on every side, as an idle encumbrance in their way. But I daresay I have by this time tired your patience ; so I shall conclude with begging you to give Mrs. Murdoch — not my compliments, for that is a mere common- place story, but my warmest, kindest wishes for her welfare : and accept of the same for yourself, from, dear sir, yours, R. B. 1 The last shift alluded to here must be the condition of an Itinerant beggar.— Cubrib. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 201 TO MR. JAMES SMITH, AT MILLER AND SMITH'S OFFICE, LINLITHGOW. June 30, 1787. My dear Friend, — On our return, at a Highland gentleman's hospitable mansion we fell in with a merry party, and danced till the ladies left us at three in the morning. Our dancing was none of the French or English insipid, formal movements. The ladies sang Scotch songs at intervals like angels ; then we flew at ' Bab at the Bowster,' ' Tullochgorum,' 'Locherroch Side,' etc., like midges sporting in the mottie sun, or craws prognosticating a storm in a hairst day. When the dear lasses left us, we ranged round the bowl till the good-fellow hour of six ; except a few minutes that we went out to pay our devotions to the glorious lamp of day peering over the towering top of Ben Lomond. "We all kneeled. Our worthy land- lord's son held the bowl, each man a full glass in his hand, and I, as priest, repeated some rhyming nonsense; like Thomas the Rhymer's prophecies, I suppose. After a small refreshment of the gifts of Somnus, we proceeded to spend the day on Loch Lomond, and reached Dumbarton in the evening. We dined at another good fellow's house, and consequently pushed the bottle ; when we went out to mount our horses, we found ourselves 'no very fou, but gayly yet.' My two friends and I rode soberly down the loch side, till by came a Highlandman at the gallop on a tolerably good horse, but which had never known the ornaments of iron or leather. We scorned to be out-galloped by a Highland- man, so off we started, whip and spur. My companions, though seemingly gaily mounted, fell sadly astern ; but my old mare, Jenny Geddes, one of the Rosinante family, strained past the Highlandman, in spite of all his efforts with the hair halter. Just as I was passing him, Donald wheeled his horse, as if to cross before me to mar my progress, when down came his horse, and threw his rider's breekless bottom into a dipt hedge, and down came Jenny Geddes over all, and my hardship be- tween her and the Highlandman's horse. Jenny trode over me with such cautious reverence that matters were not so bad as might well have been expected ; so I came off with a few cuts and bruises, and a thorough resolution to be a pattern of sobriety for the future. As for the rest of my acts and my wars, and all my wise sayings, and why my mare was called Jenny Geddes, they shall be recorded in a few weeks hence at Linlithgow, in the chronicles of your memory. R- B. TO MR. PETER HILL, BOOKSELLER, EDINBURGH. Ell island, Feb. 2, 1790. No ! I will not say one word about apologies or excuses for not writing — I am a poor, rascally gauger, condemned to gallop at least 200 miles every week to inspect dirty ponds and yeasty barrels, and where can I find time to write to, or importance to interest anybody ? The up- braidings of my conscience, nay, the upbraiding* of my wife, have persecuted me on your account these two or three months past. I wish to God I was a great man, that my correspondence might throw light upon you, to let the world see what you really are ; and then I would make your fortune, without putting my hand in my pocket for you, which, like all other great men, I suppose I would avoid as much as possible. What are you doing, and how are you doing? Have you lately seen any of my new friends ? What has become of the BOROUGH reform, or how is the fate of my poor name- sake Mademoiselle Burns decided ? O man ! but for thee and thy selfish appetites, and dis- honest artifices, that beauteous form, and that once innocent and still ingenuous mind, might have shone conspicuous and lovely in the faith- ful wife and the affectionate mother ; and shall the unfortunate sacrifice to thy pleasures have no claim on thy humanity ! x I saw lately in a review some extracts from a new poem, called the Village Curate; send it me. I want likewise a cheap copy of The World. Mr. Armstrong, the young poet, who does me the honour to mention me so kindly in his works, please give him my best thanks for the copy of his book — I shall write him my first leisure hour. I like his poetry much, but I think his style in prose quite astonishing. Your book came safe, and I am going to trouble you with further commissions. I call it troubling you — because I want only books ; the cheapest way, the best ; so you may have to hunt for them in the evening auctions. I want Smollett's Works, for the sake of his incom- parable humour. I have already Roderick Random, and Humphrey Clinker. Peregrine Pickle, Launcelot Greaves, and Ferdinand, Count Fathom, I still want ; but as I said, the veriest ordinary copies will serve me. I am nice only in the appearance of my poets. I forget the price of Cowper's Poems, but I believe I must have them. I saw the other day pro- posals for a publication, entitled, Banks's New and Complete Christian's Family Bible, printed for C. Cooke, Paternoster Row, London. He promises, at least, to give in the work, I think it is three hundred and odd engravings, to 1 The frail female here alluded to had been the subject of some rather oppressive magisterial pro- eeedings, which took their character from Creech and roused some public feeling in her behalf. 202 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. which he has put the names of the first artists in London. You will know the character of the performance, as some numbers of it are published : and. if it is really what it pretends to be, set me down as a subscriber, and send me the published numbers. Let me hear from you, your first leisure minute, and trust me you shall in future have no reason to complain of my silence. The dazzling perplexity of novelty will dissipate, and leave me to pursue my course in the quiet path of methodical routine. It. B. TO MR. GRAHAM OF FIXTRAT. Jjecembcr 1702. Sir, — I have been surprised, confounded, and distracted by Mr. Mitchel, the collector, telling me that he has received an order from your board to inquire into my political conduct, and blaming me as a person disaffected to govern- ment. Sir, you are a husband — and a father. You know what you would feel, to see the much- loved wife of your bosom, and your helpless, prattling little ones, turned adrift into the world, degraded and disgraced from a situation in which they had been respectable andrespected, and left almost without the necessary support of a miserable existence. Alas, sir ! must I think that such soon will be my lot ! and from the d— d, dark insinuations of hellish, ground- less envy, too ! I believe, sir, I may aver it, and in the sight of Omniscience, that I would not tell a deliberate falsehood, no, not though even worse horrors, if worse can be, than those I have mentioned, hung over my head ; and I say, that the allegation, whatever villain has made it, is a lie ! To the British constitution, on Revolution principles, next after my God, I am most devoutly attached. You, sir, have been much and generously my friend. Heaven knows how warmly I have felt the obligation, and how gratefully I have thanked you. Fortune, sir, has made you powerful, and me impotent; has given you patronage, and me dependence. I would not for my single self call Ku your humanity ; were such my insular, unconnected situation, I would despise the tear that now swells in my eye— I could brave mi I'litune, I could face ruin ; for at the worst, 'Death's thousand doors stand open;' but, good God ! the tender concerns that I have mentioned, the claims and ties that I see at this moment, and feel around me, how they unnerve courage and wither resolution ! To your patronage, a< a man of some genius, you have allowed nn- a claim ; and your esteem, as an honest man, I know is my due : to these, sir, permit me to appeal ; by these may I adjure you to save me from that misery which threatens to overwhelm me, and which, with my latest breath I will say it, I have not deserved. R. E. TO G. THOMSON. Broic, on the Solway Firth, July 12, 1796. After all my boasted independence, curst necessity compels me to implore you for five pounds. A cruel wretch of a haberdasher, to whom I owe an account, taking it into his head that I am dying, has commenced a process, and will infallibly put me into jail. Do, for God's sake, send me that sum, and that by return of post. Forgive me this earnestness, but the horrors of a jail have made me half distracted. I do not ask all this gratuitously ; for, upon returning health, I hereby promise and engage to furnish you with five pounds' worth of the neatest song-genius you have seen. I tried my hand on ' Rothemurche ' this morning. The measure is so difficult that it is impossible to infuse much genius into the lines ; they are on the other side. Forgive, forgive me ! G. THOMSON TO BURNS. July 14, 17%. My dear Sir, — Ever since I received your melancholy letters by Mrs. Hyslop, I have been ruminating in what manner I could endeavour to alleviate your sufferings. Again and again I thought of a pecuniary offer, but the recollection of one of your letters on this subject, and the fear of offending your independent spirit, checked my resolution. I thank you heartily, therefore, for the frankness of your letter of the 12th, and, with great pleasure, enclose a draft for the very sura I proposed sending. Would I were Chancellor of the Exchequer but for one day, for your sake ! Pray, my good sir, is it not possible for you to muster a volume of poetry? If too much trouble to you, in the present state of your health, some literary friend might be found here, who would select and arrange from your manuscripts, and take upon him the task of editor. In the meantime it could be advertised to be published by subscription. Do not shun this mode of obtaining the value of your labour : remember Rope published the Iliad by sub- scription. Think of this, my dear Burns, and do not reckon me intrusive with my advice. You are too well convinced of the respect and friendship I bear you, to impute anything THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 203 I say to an unworthy motive. Yours faith- fully, G. T. The verses to ' Rothemurche ' will answer finely. I am happy to see you can still tune your lyre. [The Clarinda of the Burns correspondence was a Mrs. M'Lehose, who resided in General's Entry, Potterrow, so called from a tradi- tion that General Monk had lodged there. Her maiden name was Agnes Craig; she ■was the daughter of a highly respectable surgeon in Glasgow, and when only seventeen years of age was married to a Mr. M'Lehose, a law agent. Her husband seems to have been in no way worthy of her, and a separation was the consequence. At the time Burns met her (1787), her husband was in the West Indies. In addition to being beautiful in person and fascinating in manner, she was something of a poetess, and more than ordinarily intelligent ; need it be wondered at, then, that she made a powerful impression on the susceptible poet, who was always ready to burst into a glow, even when the lady was not so attractive as Mrs. M'Lehose appears to have been ! Burns has been blamed by several of his biographers for his connection with Mrs. M'Lehose in the face of his engagement with Jean Armour ; but at the time there can be no doubt that he believed, and was justified in believing, that his engagement with her had come to an end. How slight was the impression made upon the poet by Clarinda, will be seen from the speedy making up of all his differences •with Jean Armour and her family, and the rapid disappearance of Clarinda from his thoughts and correspondence. Mrs. M'Lehose acutely felt the poet's forget- fulness of her, but never ceased to hold his memory in affectionate remembrance. In her private journal, written forty years after the date of her last interview with him, she writes :— ' Uh Dec. 1331.— This day I never can forget. Parted with Burns in the year 1791, never more to meet in this world. Oh, may we meet in heaven ! ' Mr. Chambers says :— * I have heard Clarinda, at seventy-five, express the same hope to meet in another sphere the one heart that she had ever found herself ablj entirely to sympathize with, but which had been divided from her on earth by such pitiless obstacles.' She died in 1841, in her eighty-second year. There is but one opinion as to the nature of the correspond- ence. She can be charged with nothing more serious than the imprudence of loving and giving warm expression to her love for the poet while she was still the wife of another. Notwithstanding this, Clarinda appears to better advantage in the correspondence than Sylvander, and there can be no doubt as to the reality and intensity of her love and admiration for him ; while his letters and after forget- fulness prove the truth of Gilbert Burns' assertion, that he was 'constantly the victim of some fair enslaver. One generally reigned paramount in his affec- tions ; but as Yorick's affections flowed out towards Madame de L at the remise door, while the eternal vows of Eliza were upon him, so Robert was frequently encountering other attractions, which formed so many under-plots in the drama of his love.'] MRS. M'LEHOSE TO ROBERT BURNS. Wednesday Morning. Sylvander, — I fancy you and Vulcan are intimates. He has lent you a key which opens Clarinda's heart at pleasure, shows you what is there, and enables you to adapt yourself to every feeling. I believe I shall give over writing to you. Your letters are too much ! My way, alas ! is hedged -in; but had I, like Sylvander, ' the world before me,' I should bid him, if he had a friend that loved me, tell him to write as he does, and ' that would woo me.' Seriously, you are the first letter- writer I ever knew. Either to-morrow or Friday I shall be happy to see you. On Saturday I am not sure of being alone, or at home. Say which you'll come. Come to tea if you choose ; but eight will be an hour less liable to intrusions. You are a consummate flatterer ; really my cheeks glow while I read your flights of fancy. I think you see I like it. If I grow affected or conceited, you alone are to blame. Sylvander, some most interesting parts of yours I cannot enter upon at present. I dare not think on the parting — on the interval ; but I am sure both are ordered for our good. ' Lasting impressions ! ' Your key might have shown you better. Say, my lover-poet 2Q4 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. and my friend, what day next month the eternity will end. "When you use your key, don't rummage too much, lest you find I am half as great a fool in the 'tender 'as yourself. Farewell ! Sylvander. I may sign, fur I am already scaled, your friend, Cl.AKINDA. KOBEUT BURNS TO CLARINDA. Sunday Morning. I have just been before the throne of my God, Clarinda ; according to my association of ideas, my sentiments of love and friendship, I next devote myself to you. Yesterday night I was happy — happiness ' that the world cannot give.' I kindle at the recollection ; but it is a flame where innocence looks smiling on, and honour stands by a sacred guard. Your heart, your fondest wishes, your dearest thoughts, these are yours to bestow, your person is unapproachable by the laws of your country ; and he loves not as I do who would make you miserable. You are an angel, Clarinda ; you are surely no mortal that ' the earth owns.' To kiss your hand, to live on your smile, is to me far more exquisite bliss than the dearest favours that the fairest of the sex, yourself excepted, can bestow. Sunday Evening. You are the constant companion of my thoughts. How wretched is the condition of one who is haunted with conscious gudt, and trembling under the idea of dreaded vengeance ' and what a placid calm, what a charming, secret enjoyment it gives, to bosom the kind feelings of friendship and the fond throes of love ! Out upon the tempest of anger, the acrimonious gall of fretful impatience, the sullen frost of lowering resentment, or the corroding poison of withered envy ! They eat up the immortal part of man ! If they spent their fury only on the unfortunate objects of them, it would be something in their favour ; but these miserable passions, like traitor Iscariot, betray their lord and master. Thou Almighty Author of peace and good- ness and love, do Thou give me the social heart that kindly tastes of every man's cup! Is it a draught of joy?— warm and open my heart to share it with cordial, unenvying rejoicing ! Is it the bitter potion of sorrow ? melt my heart witli sincerely sympathetic woe ! Above all, do Thou give me tin' manly mind, that resolutely exemplifies in life and manner those sentiments winch I would wish to 1' thought to possess! The friend of my soul — there may I never deviate from tin' firmest fidelity and most active kindness! Clarinda, the dear object of my fondest love — there may the most sacred, inviolate honour, the most faithful, kindling constancy, ever watch and animate my every thought and imagina- tion ! Did you ever meet with the following lines spoken of religion, your darling topic? — ' 'Tie this, my friend, that streaks our morning bright '. 'Tit this thai gilds the horrors of our night : When wealth forsakes us, ami when friends are few, When friends are faithless, or when foes pursue, Tis this that wards the "blow, or stills the smart, Disarms affliction, or repels its dart ; Within the breast bids purest rapture rise, Bids smiling Conscience spread her cloudless skies.' I met with these verses very early in life, and was so delighted with them that I have them by me, copied at school. Good - night and sound rest, my dearest Clarinda! Sylyaxder. TO THE SAME I was on the way, my Love, to meet you (I never do things by halves) when I got your card. M goes out of town to-morrow morning to see a brother of his who is newly arrived from . I am determined that he and I shall call on you together ; so, look you, lest I should never see to-morrow, we will call on you to-night ; and you may put off tea till about seven ; at which time, in the Gallo- way phrase, ' an the beast be to the fore, an the branks bide hale,' expect the humblest of your humble servants, and his dearest friend. "We propose staying only half an hour, 'for aught we ken.' I could suffer the lash of misery eleven mouths in the year, were the twelfth to be composed of hours like yester- night. You are the soul of my enjoyment ; all else is of the stuff and stocks of stones. Sylvaxdeb. to the same. Thursday Morning. 'Unlavish Wisdom never works in vain.' I have been tasking my reason, Clarinda. why a woman, who for native genius, poignant wit, strength of mind, generous sincerity of soul, and the sweetest female tenderness, is without a peer, and whose personal charms have few, very, very few parallels among her sex,— why, or how she should fall to the blessed lot of a poor harum-scarum poet, whom Fortune had kept for her particular use, to wreak her temper on whenever she was in ill humour. One tine I conjectured that, as Fortune is the most capricious jade ever known, she may have taken, not a tit of remorse, but a paroxysm of whim, to raise the poor devil out of the mire, where he had so often and so conveniently served her as a stepping-stone, and given him the most glorious boon she ever THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 205 had in her gift, merely for the maggot's sake, to see how his fool head and his fool heart will bear it. At other times I was vain enough to think that Nature, who has a great deal to say with Fortune, had given the coquettish goddess some such hint as, ' Here is a paragon of female excellence, whose equal in all my former compositions I never was lucky enough to hit on, and despair of ever doing so again ; you have cast her rather in the shades of life ; there is a certain poet of my making ; among your frolics it would not be amiss to attach him to this masterpiece of my hand, to give her that immortality among mankind which no woman of any age ever more deserved, and which few rhymsters of this age are better able to confer.' Evening, 9 o'clock. I am here, absolutely unfit to finish my letter— pretty hearty after a bowl, which has been constantly plied since dinner till this moment. I have been with Mr. Schetki, the musician, and he has set it 1 finely. . . I have no distinct ideas of anything, but that I have drunk your health twice to-night, and that you are all my soul holds dear in this world. Stlvandee. fMr. Wilberforce has recorded an Easter Sunday passed at Mr. Unwin's vicarage. He says in his journal : ' At Stock with the Unwins — day delightful, out almost all of it — communicated — very happy.' Wilberforce, who was ' devoted to Cowper,' delighted to ramble in his footsteps through the rural scenes round Newport Pagnel. * It is quite classic ground to me,' he wrote to Lord Muncaster. ' I have once already (but the day was bad, and I mean to do it again) carried some cold meat to a venerable old oak, to which he was much attached.' His friend, Mr. Bowdler, has given a pleasing sketch of him at this time. ' Mr. Wilber- force,' he says, ' enjoys his parsonage, I think, as much as possible : to say that he is happier than usual, is very bold ; but certainly he is as happy as I ever beheld any human being. He carried me one day to Weston, and we wandered over many a spot which Cowper's feet had trod, and gazed on those scenes which his pen had immortalized. On another day we visited Stowe, a work to wonder at, for we were 1 'Clarinda, mistress of my soul.' still in the land of poetry, and of music too, for Mr. Wilberforce made the shades resound with his voice, singing like a black- bird wherever he went.' With so much poetical sensibility, he would naturally derive a peculiar gratification from the society of Cowper's favourite correspondent. — Wittmott.] WILLIAM WILBERFORCE TO HIS SISTER. A Sabbath in the Country. Stock, April 1G, 1786. Aboixt five o'clock yesterday I put myself into a post-chaise, and in four hours found myself safely lodged with the vicar of Stock. It is more than a month since I slept out of town, and I feel all that Milton attributes to the man who has been ' Long in populous city pent, Where houses thick and sewers annoy the air.' I scarce recollect to have spent so pleasant a day as that which is now nearly over. My heart opens involuntarily to Unwin and his wife ; I fancy I have been with them every day since we first became acquainted at Notting- ham, and expand to them with all the confidence of a twelve years' intimacy. Can my dear sister wonder that I call on her to participate in the pleasure I am tasting? I know how you sympathize in the happiness of those you love, and I could not, therefore, forgive myself if I were to keep my raptures to myself, and not invite you to partake of my enjoyment. The day has been delightful. I was out before six, and made the fields my oratory, the sun shining as bright and as warm as at midsummer. I think my own devotions become more fervent when offered in this way amidst the general chorus, with which all nature seems on such a morning to be swelling the song of praise and thanksgiving ; and, except the time that has been spent at church and at dinner . . . x and neither in the sanctuary nor at table, I trust, had I a heart unwarmed with gratitude to the Giver of all good things. I have been all day basking in the sun. On any other day I should not have been so happy ; a sense that I was neglecting the duties of my situation might have interrupted the course of my enjoyments, and have taken from their totality ; for in such a situation as mine every moment may be made useful to the happiness of my fellow-creatures. But the Sabbath is a season of rest, in which we may be allowed to unbend the mind, and give a complete loose to those emotions of gratitude and admiration which a contemplation of the works, and a consideration of the good- 1 Something appears to have been omitted here in the transcript of the original MS. 206 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. ness of God, cannot fail to excite in a mind of the small t sensibility. And surely this Sabbath, of all others, is that which calls forth these feelings in a supreme degree; a frame of united love and triumph well becomes it, and holy confidence and unrestrained affection. May every Sabbath be to me, and to those I love, a renewal of those feelings, of which the small tastes we have in this life should make us look forward to that eternal rest, which awaits the people of God, when the whole will be a never-ending enjoyment of those feelings of love, and joy, and admiration, and gratitude, which are, even in the limited degree we here experience them, the truest sources of comfort ; ■when these (I say) will dictate perpetual songs of thanksgiving without fear, and without satiety. My eyes are bad, but I could not resist the impulse I felt to call on you and tell you how happy I have been. [The history of this unfortunate and misguided nobleman has caused many tears to flow upon the annals of Ireland. While his public career must ever lie open to censure, his private character shines with unsullied beauty. He was an affectionate son, a tender father, and a stedfast friend. In the duties of social life, the charm of his temper developed itself. His letters have not been praised by his biographer more than they deserve. The verses, quoted by Moore from Beaumont and Fletcher, are happily descriptive of their pleasant and unaffected simplicity : ' There's no art in 'em, They lie disordered on the paper, just As hearty nature speaks 'em.' The following account of a halting in an American wilderness is one of the most interesting in the collection. 'The quiet and affecting picture, ' remarks Mr. Moore, ' of an evening in the woods, detailed with such natural eloquence, affords one of those instances in which a writer may be said to be a poet without knowing it.' — Willmott.] LORD EDWARD FITZGERALD TO HIS MOTIIKi:. A Niyht Scene in an American Forest. St. John's, New Brunswick, July 8, 1788. My dearest Motiikk, — Here I am, after a very long and fatiguing journey. I had no idea of what it was : it was more like a campaign than anything else, except in one material point, that of having no danger. I should have enjoyed it most completely but for the mos quitoes, but they took off a great deal of my pleasure ; the millions of them are dreadful ; if it had not been for this inconvenience, my journey would have been delightful. The country is almost all in a state of nature, as well as its inhabitants. There are four sorts of these, — the Indians, the French, the old English settlers, and now the refugees from the other parts of America : the last seem the most civilised. The old settlers are almost as wild as Indians, but lead a very comfortable life : they are all farmers, and live entirely within themselves. They supply all their own wants by their contrivances, so that they seldom buy anything. They ought to be the happiest people in the world, but they do not seem to know it. They imagine themselves poor because they have no money, without considering they do not want it ; everything is done by barter, and you will often find a farmer well supplied with everything, and yet not having a shilling in money. Any man that will work is sure, in a few years, to have a comfortable farm : the first eighteen months is the only hard time, and that in most places is avoided, particularly near the rivers, for in every one of them a man will catch in a day enough to feed him for the year. In the winter, with very little trouble, he supplies himself with meat by killing moose- deer ; and in summer with pigeons, of which the woods are full. These he must subsist on till he has cleared ground enough to raise a little grain, which a hard-working man will do in the course of a few months. By selling his moose- skins, by making sugar out of the maple tree, and by a few days' work for other people, for which he gets great wages, he soon acquires enough to purchase a cow. This, then, sets him up, and he is sure, in a few years, to have a comfortable supply of every necessary of life. I came through a whole tract of country peopled by Irish, who came out not worth a shilling, and have all now farms, worth (according to the value of money in this country) from £1000 to .£3000. The equality of everybody, and their manner of life, I like very much. There are no gentlemen ; everybody is on a footing, provided he works, and wants nothing ; every man is exactly what he makes himself, or has made himself, by industry. The more children a man has the better ; the father has no uneasiness about providing for them, as this is done by the profit of their work. By the time they are fit to settle, he can always afford them two oxen, a cow, a gun, and an axe, and, in a few years, if they work, they will thrive. I came by a settlement along one of the rivers, which was all the work of one pair; the old man was seventy-two, the old lady seventy : they had been thru' thirty years; they came there with one cow, three children, and one servant ; there THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 207 was not a being within sixty miles of them. The first year they lived mostly on milk and marsh leaves ; the second year they contrived to purchase a bull, by the produce of their moose skins and fish : from this time they got on very well ; and there are now five sons and a daughter, all settled in different farms along the river for the space of twenty miles, and all living comfortably and at ease. The old pair live alone in the little old cabin they first settled in, two miles from any of their children; their little spot of ground is cultivated by these children, and they are supplied with so much butter, grain, meal, etc., from each child, according to the share he got of the land, so that the old folks have nothing to do but to mind their house, which is a kind of inn they keep, more for the sake of the company of the few travellers there are than for gain. I was obliged to stay a day with the old people on account of the tides, which did not answer for going up the river till next morning : it was, I think, as odd and as pleasant a day (in its way) as ever I passed. I wish I could describe it to you, but I cannot ; you must only help it out with your own imagination. Conceive, dearest mother, arriving about twelve o'clock in a hot day at a little cabin upon the side of a rapid river, the banks all covered with wood — not a house in sight, and there finding a little clean, tidy woman, spinning, with an old man, of the same appearance, weeding salad. We had come for ten mdes up the river without seeing anything but woods. The old pair, on our arrival, got as active as if only five-and- twenty, the gentleman getting wood and water, the lady frying eggs and bacon, both talking a great deal, telling their story, as I mentioned before, how they had been there thirty years, and how their children were settled, and, when either's back was turned, remarking how old the other had grown ; at the same time all kindness, all cheerfulness, and love to each other. The contrast of all this, which had passed during the day, with the quietness of the evening, when the spirits of the old people had a little subsided, and began to wear off with the day, and with the fatigue of their little work, sitting quietly at then- door, on the same spot they had lived in thirty years together ; the contented tboughtfulness of their counten- ances, which was increased by their age and the solitary life they had led, the wild quietness of the place, not a living creature or habitation to be seen, and me, Tony, and our guide, sitting with them all on one log ; the difference of the scene I had left, — the immense way I had to get from this corner of the world to see any- thing I loved, — the difference of the life I should lead from that of this old pair, perhaps, at their age, discontented, disappointed, and miserable, wishing for power, etc., — my dearest mother, if it was not for you, I believe I never should go home, at least I thought so at that moment. However, here I am with my regi- ment, up at six in the morning doing all sorts of right thing-;, and liking it very much, deter- mined to go home next spring, and live with you a great deal. Employment keeps up my spirits, and I shall have more every day. I own I often think how happy I should be with G in some of the spots I see ; and envied every young farmer I met, whom I saw sitting down with a young wife whom he was going to work to maintain. I believe these thoughts made my journey pleasanter than it otherwise would have been ; but I don't give way to them here. Dearest mother, I sometimes hope it will end well ; but shall not think any more of it till I hear from England. Tell Ogdvie I am obliged sometimes to say to myself, Tu Vas voulu, George Dandin, when I find things disagreeable, but, on the whole, I do not repent coming ; he won't believe me, I know. He will be in a fine passion when he finds I should havo been lieutenant-colonel for the regulated price, if I had stayed in the Sixtieth ; however, as fate seems to destine me for a major, I am deter- mined to remain and not purchase. Give my love to him ; I wish I could give him some of the wood here for Kilrush. [Dr. Gregory obtained from Sir James Mackin- tosh a few 1 articulars of his early intimacy with Robert Hall. They were both members of King's College, Aberdeen, Sir James being in his 18th year, and Kail about a year older. Their friendship soon grew close and affectionate. They read together, sat together at lectures, when they were able, and walked together. Mackintosh explained his attachment to Hall by saying ' that he could not help it.' Their praise of each other was constant and generous ; Mackintosh admired the splendour of Hall's eloquence, and Hall discovered in the mind of Mackintosh a relationship to the intellect of Bacon. The occasion of the following letter was the most afflicting calamity to which humanity is subject. "When Mr. Hall resumed his ministerial duties at Cambridge, he resided at Foulmire, a situa- tion where he was totally deprived of society and relaxation. Solitude, sleepless- ness, and pain combined to renew the malady which had already interrupted his labours. Complete abstraction from study, and the skilful attention of Dr. Coxe, near Bristol, gradually restored him to health 20S THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. and activity. Writing to a friend, Feb. 1, 1806, he thus alludes to his recovery : — 'With the deepest submission I wish to bow to the mandate of that awful, yet, I trust, paternal Power, which, when it pleases, confounds all human hopes, and lays us prostrate in the dust. It is for Him to dispose of His creatures as He pleases : and, if they be willing and obedient, to work out their happiness, though by methods the moat painful and afflictive — it is with the sincerest gratitude that I would acknowledge the goodness of God in restor- ing me. I am, as far as I can judge, as remote from anything wild and irregular in the state of my mind as I ever was in my life ; though I think, owing probably to the former increased excitation, I feel some abatement of vigour. My mind seems inert.'— Wilbnott.] SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH TO ROBERT HALL. Bombay, Sept. 21, 1S05. My dear Hall, — I believe that in the hurry of leaving London, I did not answer the letter that you wrote to me in December 1S03. I did not, however, forget your interesting young friend, from whom I have had one letter from Constantinople, and to whom I have twice written at Cairo, where he is. No request of yours could be lightly esteemed by me. It happened to me a few days ago, in drawing up (merely for my own use) a short sketch of my life, that I had occasion to give a statement of my recollection of the circumstances of my first acquaintance with you. On the most impartial survey of my early life, I could see nothing which tended so much to excite and invigorate my understanding, and to direct it towards high, though, perhaps, scarcely accessible objects, as my intimacy with you. Five and twenty years are now past since we first met ; yet hardly anything lias occurred since which has left a deeper or more agreeable impression on my mind. I now remember the extraordinary union of brilliant fancy with acute intellect, which would have excited more admiration than it 1ms done if it had been dedicated to the amusement of the great and the learned, in bead of being consecrated to the far more noble office of consoling, instructing, and reforming the poor and forgotten. It was then ton early for me to discover that extreme purity which, in a mind preoccupied with the low realities of life, would nave been no natural companion of so much activity and ardour, but which thoroughly detached you from the world, and made you the inhabitant of regions where alone it is possible to be always active without impurity, and where the ardour of your sensi- bility had unbounded scope amidst the inex- haustible combination of beauty and excellence. It is not given us to preserve an exact medium. Nothing is so difficult as to decide how much ideal models ought to be combined with ex- perience ; how much of the future should be let into the present in the progress of the human mind. To ennoble and purify, without raising us above the sphere of our usefulness, to qualify us for what we ought to seek, without unfitting us for that to which we must submit — are great and difficult problems, which can be but imperfectly solved. It is certain the child may be too manly, not only for his present engagements, but for his future prospects. Perhaps, my good friend, you have fallen into this error of superior natures. From this error has, I think, arisen that calamity, with which it has pleased Providence to visit you, which, to a mind less fortified by reason and religion, I should not dare to mention; and which I consider in you little more than the indignant struggles of a pure mind with the low realities which surround it — the fervent aspirations after regions more congenial to it — and a momentary blindness, produced by the fixed contemplation of objects too bright for human vision. I may say in this case, in a far grander sense than that in which the words were originally spoken by our great poet : 'And yot The light that led astray was light from heaven. On your return to us you must surely have found consolation in the only r terrestrial product which is pure and truly exquisite, in the affec- tions and attachments you have inspired, which you were most worthy to inspire, and which no human pollution can rob of their heavenly nature. If I were to prosecute the reflections, and indulge the feelings which at this moment fill my mind, I should soon venture to doubt whether for a calamity derived from such a source, and attended with such consolations, I should so far yield to the views and opinions of men as to seek to condole with you. But I check myself, and exhort you, my most worthy friend, to check your best propensities, for the sake of obtaining their object. You cannot live for men without living with them. Serve God, then, by the active service of men. Con- template more the good you can do than the evil you can only lament. Allow yourself to see the loveliness of nature amidst all its imperfections, and employ your moral imagina- tion, not so much by bringing it into contrast with the model of ideal perfection, as in gently blending some of the fainter colours with the brighter hues of real experience and excellence ; thus brightening their beauty, instead of broad- ening the shade, which must surround us till THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 209 we waken from this dream in other spheres of existence. My habits of life have not been favourable to this train of meditation. I have been too busy, or too trifling. My nature would have been better consulted if I had been placed iD a quit tt r situation, where speculation might have been my business, and visions of the fair and good my chief recreation. When I approach you, I feel a powerful attraction towards this, which seems the natural destiny of my mind ; but habit opposes obstacles, and duty calls me off, and reason frowns on him who wastes that reflection on a destiny independent of him, which he ought to reserve for actions of which he is the master. In another letter I may write to you on miscellaneous subjects ; at present I cannot bring my mind to speak of them. Let me hear from you soon and often. Farewell, my dear friend, Yours ever most faithfully, James Mackintosh. [John Philpot Curran was of humble origin, born near Cork in 1750, and educated at Trinity College, Dublin. He went to London, and studied law in the Temple. At first he met with great difficulties in his career, but his talent for defence and debate soon caused him to be distinguished. He was a member of the Irish House of Com- mons in 1784, and on the Whigs coming into office in 1806, he was made Master of the Eolls in Ireland. He held this office till 1814, when he received a pension of £3000, after which time he for the most part resided in London. He died in 1S17. The following is not the only record that Mr. Curran has left of his admiration of Scot- land. His defence of Mr. Hamilton Eowan contains a short but glowing eulogium upon the genius of that country, for whose splendid services in the cause of the human mind no praises can be too great. After speaking of the excessive terror of French principles by which juries were governed in their verdicts, he proceeded : ' There is a sort of aspiring and adventurous credulity, which disdains assenting to obvious truths, and delights in catching at the improbability of circumstances as its best ground of faith. To what other cir- cumstance can you ascribe that, in the wise, the reflecting, and the philosophic nation of Great Britain, a printer has been gravely found guilty of a libel for publish- ing those resolutions to which the present Minister of that kingdom had actually subscribed his name ? To what other cause can you ascribe what, in my mind, is still more astonishing ; — in such a country as Scotland — a nation cast in the happy medium between the spiritless acquiescence of submissive poverty and the sturdy credulity of pampered wealth — cool and ardent — adventurous and persevering — winging her eagle flight against the blaze of every science, with an eye that never winks, and a wing that never tires — crowned as she is with the spoils of every art, and decked with the wreath of every muse, from the deep and scrutinizing researches of her Hume, to the sweet and simple, but not less sublime and pathetic, morality of her Burns — how from the bosom of a country like that, genius, and character, and talents should be banished to a distant, barbarous soil, condemned to pine under the horrid communion of vulgar vice and base-born profligacy, for twice the period that ordinary calculation gives to the continuance of human life ? ' x ] LETTER WRITTEN BY J. P. CURRAN ON HIS ARRIVAL IN SCOTLAND. The day is too bad for shooting, so I write. We arrived in miserable weather at Donagh- adee ; thence we set sail for the Port, 2 where, after a prosperous voyage of ten hours, we arrived. The English gentlemen had got before us to the inn, and engaged four horses, all there were ; two might have drawn them one very short stage, and they saw us prepare to set out in a cart, which we did, and I trust with a cargo of more good manners and good humour aboard us, than the two churls could boast in their chaise and four. I was greatly delighted with this country ; you see no trace here of the devil working against the wisdom and beneficence of God, and torturing and degrading His creatures. It seems the romancing of travelling ; but I am satisfied of the fact, that the poorest man here has his children taught to read and write, and 1 In this latter outspoken sentiment Curran alludes to the sentence of Muir, Palmer, etc., who had been transported for sedition. - Port-Patrick, then the usual landing-place in Scotland. The harbour and lighthouse are now dis- used, and the line of communication between Scotland and Ireland in this district transferred to Stranraer, a few miles distant. O 210 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. that in every house is found :i Bible, and in almost every house a clock ; and the fruits of this are manifest in the intelligence and manners of all ranks. The natural effect of literary information, in all its stages, is to give bene- volence and modesty. Let the intellectual taper burn ever so brightly, the horizon which it lights is sure, but scanty ; and if it soothes our vanity a little, as being the circle of our light, it must check it also, as being the boundary of the interminable region of dark- ness that lies beyond it. I never knew any person of any real taste and feeling, in whom knowledge and humility were not in exact proportion. In Scotland, what a work have the four-and-twenty letters to show for them- selves ! — the natural enemies of vice, and folly, and slavery ; the great sowers, but the still greater weeders, of the human soil. Nowhere can you see the cringing hypocrisy of dissembled detestation, so inseparable from oppression ; and as little do you meet the hard, and dull, and right-lined angles of the southern visage ; you find the notion exact and the phrase direct, with the natural tone of the Scottish muse. The first night, at Ballantrae, the landlord attended us at supper ; he would do so, though we begged him not. AVe talked to him of the cultivation of potatoes. I said, I wondered at his taking them in place of his native food, oatmeal, so much more substantial. His answer struck me as very characteristic of the genius of Scotland— frugal, tender, and picturesque. ' Sir,' said he, ' we are not so much i' the wrong as you think ; the tilth is easy, they are swift i' the cooking, they take little fuel ; and then it is pleasant to see the gudewife wi' a' her bairns aboot the pot, and each wi' a potato in its hand.' We got on to Ayr. It was fortunate ; it was the last day of the rain, and the first of the races ; the town was unusually full, and we stood at the inn door — no room for us. 'My dear captain,' 1 said I, ' I suppose we must lie in the streets.' ' No, that you shall not,' says a good-looking man— it was Campbell of Fairfield — ' my wife and I knew you were coming, and we hare a warm bed ready for you ; she is your countrywoman, and I am no stranger to you ; I had a trial in Dublin eight years ago, and you were in the cause.' ' Oh ! yes, sir, I remember ; we beat the enemy.' 'Oh! yes, sir,' says ( 11 of Fairfield, '/ beat the enemy, though you were at his head.' I felt my 6 keen. I was charmed with the comical forgivi ness of his hospitality. I assured him I heartily forgave him for threshing my rascal client: and a few moments brought me to the kin 1 greeting of my very worthy country- o. They wents , and I over- n, of Dublin. heard their whispers about dinner. Trouble, you may suppose, I did not wish to give ; but the feeling of the possible delay by an additional dish was my panic. ' My dear madam, I hope you won't make me feel that I am not one of your family by adding anything.' ' No, that I won't,' says she ; ' and if you doubt my word, I'll give you the security of seven gentlemen against any extravagance.' So saying, she pointed to a group of seven miniatures of young men that hung over the fireplace. ' Six of those poor fellows are all over the earth ; the seventh, and these two little girls, are with us ; you will think that good bail against the wickedness of extravagance. Poor fellows!' she repeated. ' Nay, madam, don't say " poor fellows ; " at the moment when you feel that hospitality prevents the stranger from being a poor fellow, you don't think this the only house in the world where the wanderer gets a dinner and a bed ; who knows, my dear countrywoman, but Providence is at this moment paying to some of your poor fellows far away from you, for what your kind heart thinks it is giving for nothing.' 'Oh ! yes,' cried she : ' God bless you for the thought.' 'Amen, my dear madam,' answered I ; 'and I feel that He has done it.' "We were much pleased with the races ; not, you may suppose, at a, few foolish horses forced to run after each other, but to see so much order and cheerfulness ; not a single dirty person, nor a ragged coat. I was introduced to many of their gentry, Lord Eglinton, LordCassi- lis, Lord Archibald Hamilton, etc., and pressed very kindly to spend some time with them. Poor Burns '. — his cabin could not be passed unvisited or unwept : to its two little thatched rooms — kitchen and sleeping-place — a slated sort of parlour is added, and 'tis now an ale- house. We found the keeper of it tipsy ; he pointed to the comer on one side of the fire, and, with a most mal-u-propos laugh, observed, ' There is the very spot where Robert Burns was born.' The genius and the fate of the man were already heavy on my heart; but the drunken laugh of the landlord gave me such a view of the rock on which he foundered, I could not stand it, but burst into tears. On Thursday we dine with Lord Eglinton, and thence I hope to pursue our little tour to Loch Lomond, Glasgow, Edinburgh, etc. These places are at this time of the year much deserted ; however, we sha'n't feel it quite a solitude; and at all events, public building do not go to watering-places, so that still some- thing will be visible. In this region the winter is always mild : but the rain is almost perpetual, and still worse as you advance to the north. An Englishman said to a Highlander, 'Bless me, sir, does it rain for ever?' The other answered, *<>h ! nay, sir, it snaws whiles.' See what a chronicle I have written, eta etc. J. P. c. !_.. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 211 [Letter from Sir John Dalrymple, Bart., author of the Memoirs of Great Britain, etc., to Admiral Dalrymple. He was for many years a Baron of Exchequer in Scotland, and died in 1810, in his 81th year.] SIK JOHN DALRYMPLE TO ADMIRAL DALRYMPLE. Cranston, Jan. 1, 1772. My DEAR Sir, — Your shirts are safe. I have made many attempts upon them ; but Bess, who has in honesty what she wants in temper, keeps them in safety for you. You ask me what I have been doing. To the best of my memory, what has passed since I came home is as follows : — Finding the roof bad, I sent slaters, at the peril of their necks, to repair it. They mended three holes, and made thirty themselves. I pulled down as many walls round the house as would have fortified a town. This was in summer ; but now that winter is come, I would give all the money to put them up again that it cost me to take them down. I thought it would give a magnificent air to the hall to throw a passage into it. After it was done, I went out of town to see how it looked. It was night when I went into it ; the wind blew out the candle from the over-size of the room ; upon which, I ordered the partition to be built up again, that I might not die of cold in the midst of summer. I ordered the old timber to be thinned ; to which, perhaps, the love of lucre a little con- tributed. The workmen, for every tree they cut, destroyed three by letting them fall on each other. I received a momentary satisfac- tion from hearing that the carpenter I employed bad cut off his thumb in felling a tree. But this pleasure was soon allayed, when, upon examining his measure, I found that he had measured false, and cheated me of twenty per cent. Instead of saddle horses I bought mares, and had them sent to an Arabian. "When I went, some months after, to mount them, the groom told me I should kill the foals ; and now I walk on foot, with the stable full of horses, unless when, with much humility, I asked to be admitted into the chaise, which is generally refused me. Bemembering, with a pleasing complacency, the Watcombe pigs, I paid thirty shillings for a sow with pig. My wife starved them. They ran over to a madman, called Lord Adam Gordon, who distrained them for damage ; and the mother, with ten helpless infants, died of bad usage. Loving butter much, and cream more, I bought two Dutch cows, and had plenty of both. I made my wife a present of two more ; she learned the way to market for their pro- duce, and I have never got a bowl of cream since. I made a fine hay-stack, but quarrelled with my wife as to the manner of drying the hay and building the stack. The hay-stack took fire ; by whicli I had the double mortification of losing my hay, and finding my wife had more sense than myself. I kept no plough ; for which I thank my Maker, because then I must have wrote this letter from a gaol. I paid twenty pounds for a dung-hill, because I was told it was a good thing ; and now I would give anybody twenty shillings to tell me what to do with it. I built and stocked a pigeon-house ; but the cats watched below, the hawks hovered above ; and pigeon-soup, roasted pigeon, or cold pigeon pie have I never seen since. I fell to drain a piece of low ground behind the house ; but hit upon the tail of the rock, and drained the well of the house ; by which I can get no water for my victuals. I entered into a great project for selling lime, upon a promise from one of my own farmers to give me land off his farm. But when I went to take off the ground, he laughed, said he had choused the lawyer, and exposed me to a dozen law-suits for breach of bargains, which I could not perform. I fattened black cattle and sheep, but could not agree with the butchers about the price. From mere economy, we ate them ourselves, and almost killed all the family with surfeits. I bought two score of six-year-old wethers for my own table ; but a butcher, who rented one of the fields, put my mark upon his own carrion sheep ; by which I have been living upon carrion all the summer. I brewed much beer ; but the small turned sour, and the servants drank all the strong. I found a ghost in the house, whose name was M Alister, a pedlar, that had been killed in one of the rooms at the top of the house two centuries ago. No servant would go on an errand after the sun was set for fear of M'Alister, which obliged me to set off one set of my servants. Soon after the housekeeper, your old friend Mrs. Brown, died, aged ninety ; and then the belief ran, that another ghost was in the house, upon which many of the new set of servants begged leave to quit the house, and got it. In one thing only I have succeeded. I have quarrelled with all my neighbours ; so that, with a dozen gentlemen's seats in my view, I stalk alone like a lion in a desert. I thought I should have been happy with my tenants, because I could be insolent to them without their being insolent to me. But they paid me no rent ; and in a few days I shall have above one-half of the very few friends I have in the country in a prison. 212 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. Such being the pleasures of a country life, I intend to quit them all in about a month, to submit to the mortification of spending the spring in London, where, I am happy to hear, we are to meet. But I am infinitely happier to hear that Mrs. Dalrymple is doing so well. May God preserve her long to you ! for she is a fine creature. Just when I was going to you last spring, I received a letter from Bess that she was dying. I put off my journey to "Watcombe, and almost killed myself with posting to Scotland, where I found madam in perfect good health. Yours always, my dear Jack, John Dalrymple. Sir H. Dalrymple was member of Parliament for Haddington, and Sir Laurence Dundas an ancestor of the present Earl of Zet- land.] LETTER FROM SIR HEW DALRYMPLE TO SIR LAURENCE DUNDAS. Church Patronage. Dalzell, May 24, 1775. Dear Sir,— Having spent a long life in pursuit of pleasure and health, I am now re- tired from the world in poverty, and with the gout ; so, joining with Solomon, that ' all is vanity and vexation of spirit,' I go to church and say my prayers. I assure you that most of us religious people reap some little satisfaction in hoping that you wealthy voluptuaries have a fair chance of being damned to all eternity ; and that Dives shall call out for a drop of water to Lazarus, one drop of which he seldom tasted when he had the twelve apostles (tivelve hogsheads of claret) in his cellar. Now, sir, that doctrine being laid down, I wish to give you, my friend, a loop-hole to creep through. Going to church last Sunday as usual, I saw an unknown face in the pulpit, and rising up to prayers, as others do upon like occasions, I began to look around the church to find out if there were any pretty girls there, when my attention was attracted by the foreign accent of the parson. I gave him my attention, and had my devotion awakened by the most pathetic prayer I ever heard. This made me all attention to the sermon ; a finer discourse never came from the lips of a man. I returned in the afternoon, and heard the same preacher exceed his morning work by the finest chain of reasoning, conveyed by the most eloquent ex- pressions. I immediately thought of what Agrippa said to Paul, ' Almost thou persuadest me to be a Christian.' I sent to ask the man of God to honour my roof and dine with me. I asked him of his country, and what not ; I even asked him if his sermons were his own composi- tion, which he affirmed they were. I assured him I believed it, for never man had spoke or wrote so well. ' My name is Dishington,' said he. ' I am an assistant to an old minister in the Orkneys, who enjoys a fruitful benefice of £50 a year, out of which I am allowed £20 for preaching and instructing 1200 people, who live in two separate islands ; out of which I pay £1, 5s. to the boatman who transports me from the one to the other. I should be happy could I continue in that terrestrial paradise ; but we have a great lord, who has many little people soliciting him for many little things that he can do, and that he cannot do ; and if my minister dies, his succession is too great a prize not to raise up many powerful rivals to baulk my hopes of preferment.' I asked him if he possessed any other wealth. 'Yes,' says he, 'I married the prettiest girl in the island ; she has blessed me with three children, and as we are both young, we may expect more. Besides, I am so beloved in the island, that I have all my peats brought home carriage free.' This is my story, — now to the prayer of my petition. I never before envied you the posses- sion of the Orkneys, which I now do, only to provide for this eloquent, innocent apostle. The sun has refused your barren isles his kindly influence ; do not deprive them of so pleasant a preacher ; let not so great a treasure be for ever lost to that inhospitable country ; for I assure you, were the Archbishop of Canterbury to hear him, or hear of him, he would not do less than make him an archdeacon. The man has but one weakness, that of prefer- ring the Orkneys to all the earth. This way, and no other, you have a chance for salvation. Do this man good, and he will pray for you. This will be a better purchase than your Irish .estate, or the Orkneys. I think it will help me forward too, since I am the man who told you of the man so worthy and de- serving, so pious, so eloquent, and whose prayers may do so much good. Till I hear from you on this head, yours in all meekness, love, and benevolence, H. D. [In a most characteristic postscript, Dalrymple remarks what an 'unspeakable pleasure' it would be to look down from the upper world upon liigby and Masterton, and all the Campbells and Nabobs who have their portion in the lower world ; which happy result would attend his efforts in settling this man after the present in- cumbent.] THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 213 [The following is inserted merely to show what effect the singular letter of Sir Hew Dal- rymple produced.] LETTER FROM MR. DISHINGTON TO SIR JOHN SINCLAIR. Edinburgh, August 2, 1701. Sir, — Though it may seem ridiculous for one to talk of his own private concerns, I hope I may, without incurring the censure of egotism or vanity, be allowed to lay before you the following narrative, which may serve as an explanation of Sir Hew Dalrymple's letter. In the year 1770, being au assistant to a minister in the Orkneys, who was then in a very ill state of health, I went to Edinburgh, to try, if possible, to secure the survivancy, and to be appointed his successor. In this attempt being disappointed, I went to pay a visit to Mr. Thomas Hepburn, minister at Athelstaneford, with whom I had contracted an intimacy in my early years, and from whom I had often ex- perienced every mark of the most sincere friendship. Indeed, it is but justice to his memory to observe, that he was the friend and patron of young men who had none to re- commend them or to introduce them into the world. One Saturday evening, when I happened to be with him at Athelstaneford, he received a letter from one of his brethren, informing him, that being on his way to pay Mr. Hepburn a visit, and preach for him next day, he had unfortunately fallen from his horse, and re- ceived a slight hurt in his shoulder. At the same time he desired him, if any preachers were in the neighbourhood, to send one to officiate for him ; upon which I was despatched away on Sunday morning, and had the good fortune to be taken notice of by my worthy and honourable friend Sir Hew Dalrymple, whose letter to Sir Laurence Dundas procured me my present living. Before my presentation came to hand, I re- ceived a letter from Mr. Hepburn, dated October S, 1776 ; a paragraph or two of which, as far as it respects the present subject, I here send you. ' Dear Andrew, the last time I saw Sir Hew, he told me he had spoke to Sir Laurence Dundas, who told him, "Sir Hew, your man shall get the first vacancy ; and to show you that I am fixed in this matter, I will tell you that the Princess Amelia desired the favour of me to give my first kirk to a young man of her recommendation; I told her I was sorry I was pre-engaged. She asked to whom ? when I replied to you, and she said it was well, for that it was for your man she was applying." This in the days of the renowned Don Quixote, or even in those of modern chivalry, might pass for enchantment ; and I tell it you, that your soul may rest at ease. Meanwhile I charge you and Messrs. Lindsay and Laing, instantly to notify the first vacancy to me, that I may inform Sir Hew Dalrymple, who is going to winter at London. "Whether I write you fre- quently or not, you may believe that no man has your happiness more at heart,' etc. After the presentation came to hand, I was in danger of losing all, by the jure devoluto : the six months since the decease of my pre- decessor being near elapsed, at the end of which the right of presentation would have gone from the patron to the presbytery. It was now the depth of winter, and at that season of the year there is usually no communication between Orkney and Shetland ; when I had therefore given up all for lost, a vessel came into Papa Sound, in Orkney, very near the manse where I resided ; and on making inquiry, I was told it was the packet from Leith on her way for Shetland. There again was another surprising and uncommon circumstance, for it is very remarkable that this same packet was never known to put into the Orkneys either before or since that period. Not to trouble you any longer with a detail of uninteresting circum- stances, I hasten to conclude with one general remark. Such a combination of fortuitous incidents, or what you please to call them, served to impress on my mind the truth of Cicero's observations more forcibly, and with a more powerful effect, than a whole body of divinity, or 50,000 sermons, preached by the most celebrated doctors of the church. ' Nee vero universo generi humano solum, sed etiam singulis, Deus consult et provider i sold.' 1 — I am, etc. A- D. THE HONOURABLE ANDREW ERSK1NE TO JAMES BOSWELL, ESQ. New Tarbat, Nov. 23, 1761. Dear Eoswell, — As we never heard that Demosthenes could broil beef-steaks, or Cicero poach eggs, we may safely conclude that these gentlemen understood nothing of cookery. In like manner it may be concluded that you, James Eoswell, and I, Andrew Erskine, cannot write serious epistles. This, as Mr. Tristram says, I deny ; for this letter of mine shall contain the quintessence of solidity ; it shall be a piece of boiled beef and cabbage, a roasted goose, and a boiled leg of pork and greens ; in one word, it shall contain advice, sage and mature advice. O James Eoswell ! take care and don't break your neck, pray don't fracture your skull, and be very cautious in your manner of tumbling down precipices ; beware of falling into coal-pits, and don't drown your- 1 ' Providence seems to watch over the happiness, not only of the human race in general, but even of individuals.' 214 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. self in every pool you meet with. Having thus warned you of the most material dangers which your youth and inexperience will be ready to lead you into, I now proceed to others, less momentary indeed, but very necessary to be strictly observed. Go not near the Soaping Club ; never mention Drury Lane Playhouse ; be attentive to those pinchbeck buckles which fortune has so graciously given you, of which I am afraid you're hardly fond enough ; never wash your face ; but above all, forswear poetry ; from experience I can assure you, and this letter may serve as a proof, that a mnn may be as dull in prose as in verse ; and as dulness is what we aim at, prose is the easiest of the two. Oh, my friend ! profit by these my instructions; think that you see me studying for your advantage, my reverend locks over- shadowing my paper, my hands trembling, and my tongue hanging out, a figure of esteem, affection, and veneration. By heavens, Boswell ! I love you more But this, I think, may be more conveniently expressed in rhyme : More than a herd of swine a kennel muddy, More than a brilliant belle polemic study, More than fat Falstaff lov'd a cup of sack, More than a guilty criminal the rack, More than attorneys love by cheats to thrive. And more than witches to be burnt alive. I begin to be afraid that we shall not see you here this winter, which will be a great loss to you. If ever you travel into foreign parts, as Machiavel used to say, everybody abroad will require a description of New Tarbat 1 from you. That you may not appear totally ridic- ulous and absurd, I shall send you some little account of it. Imagine, then, to yourself what Thomson would call an interminable plain, interspersed in a lovely manner with beautiful green hills. The seasons here are only shifted by summer and spring. Winter, with his fur cap and his cat-skin gloves, was never seen in this charming retreat. The castle is of Gothic structure, awful and lofty; there are fifty bed- chambers in it, with halls, saloons, and galleries without number. Mr. M 's father, who was a man of infinite humour, caused a magni- ficent lake to be made just before the entry of the house. His diversion was to peep out of his window, and see the people who came to visit him skipping through it— for there was no other passage — then he used to put on such huge tires to dry their clothes, that there was no bearing them. He used to declare, that he never thought a man good company till lie was half drowned and half burnt; but if in any part of his life he had narrowly escaped hang- ing (a thing not uncommon in the Highlands), he would perfectly doat upon him ; and when- ever the story was told him, he was ready to i A wild scat in the Western Highlands of Si 6Urroundcd with mountains. choke himself. But to return. Everything here is in the grand and sublime style. But, alas ! some envious magician, with his enchantments, has destroyed all these beauties. By his potent art, the house, with so many bed-chambers in it, cannot conveniently lodge above a dozen people. The room which I am writing in just now is in reality a handsome parlour of twenty feet by sixteen ; though in my eyes, and to all outward appearance, it seems a garret of six feet by four. The magnificent lake is a dirty puddle ; the lovely plain a rude, wild country, covered with the most astonishing high black mountains ; the inhabitants, the most amiable race under the sun, appear now to be the ugliest, and look as if they were overrun with the itch. Their delicate limbs, adorned with the finest silk stockings, are now bare, and very dirty ; but to describe all the transformations would take up more paper than Lady B , from whom I had this, would choose to give me. My own metamorphosis is indeed so extraordinary that I must make you acquainted with it. Yon know I am really very thick and short, pro- digiously talkative, and wonderfully impudent. Now I am thin and -tall, strangely silent, and very bashful. If these things continue, who is safe ? Even you, Boswell, may feel a change. Your fair and transparent complexion may turn black and oily; your person little and squat ; and who knows but you may eternally rave about the King of Great Britain's guards—a species of madness from which, good Lord, deliver us ! I have often wondered, Boswell, that a man of your taste in music cannot play upon the Jew's harp ; there are some of us here that touch it very melodiously, I can tell you. Corelli's solo of Maggie Lauder, and Pergolesi's sonata of Tlie Carle he came o'er the Craft, are excellently adapted to that instrument : let me advise you to learn it. The first cost is but three halfpence, and they last a long time. I have composed the following ode upon it, which exceeds Pindar as much as the Jew's harp does the organ : ODE UPOX A JEW'S HARP. Sweet instrument ! which fix'd in yellow teeth, So clear, so sprightly, and so gay is found, Whether you breathe along the shore of Leitli, Or Lomond's lofty dill's thy strains resound ; Struck by a taper anger's gentle tip, All, softly in our ears thy pleasing murmurs slip ! Where'er thy lively music's found, All are jumping, dancing round : Even trusty William lifts a And capers like sixteen with Meg ; Both old and young confess thy powerful Bway, They skip like madmen, and they frisk away. Rous'd by the magic of the charming air, Tbe yawning dogs forego their heavy slumbers; THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 215 The ladies listen on the narrow stair, And Captain Androw straight forgets his numbers. Cats and mice give o'er their battling, Pewter plates on shelves are rattling; But falling down, the noise my lady hears, Whose scolding drowns the trump more tuneful than the spheres ! Having thus, Boswell, written you a most entertaining letter, with which you are highly pleased, to your great grief I give over in these or the like words, your affectionate friend, Andrew Erskine. to the same. New Tarbat, Dec. 13, 1761. Dear Boswell,— An Ode to Tragedy, by a gentleman of Scotland, and dedicated to you ! 1 Had there been only one spark of curiosity in my whole composition, this would have raised it to a flame equal to the general conflagra- tion. May me, as Lord Peter says, if the edge of my appetite to know what it can be about is not as keen as the best razor ever used by a member of the Soaping Club. Go to Donaldson, demand from him two of my franks, and send it me even before the first post : write me, oh write me ! what sort of man this author is, where he was born, how he was brought up, and with what sort of diet he has been principally fed ; tell me his gene- alogy, like Mr. M ; how many miles he has travelled in post-chaises, like Colonel B ; tell me what he eats, like a cook ; what he drinks, like a wine-merchant ; what shoes he wears, like a shoemaker ; in what manner his mother was delivered of him, like a man- midwife ; and how his room is furnished, like an upholsterer : but if you happen to find it difficult to utter all this in terms befitting Mr. M , Colonel B , a cook, a wine-merchant, a shoemaker, a man-midwife, and an uphol- sterer, oh ! tell it me all in your own manner, and in your own incomparable style. Your scheme, Boswell, has met with — but the thoughts of this ode-writing gentleman of Scotland again come across me — I must now ask, like the Spectator, is he fat or lean, tall or short? does he use spectacles? what is the length of his walking-stick? has he a landed estate? has he a good coal-work? — Lord! Lord! what a melancholy thing it is to live twenty miles from a post-town ! why am I not in Edinburgh ? why am I not chained to Donald- son's shop ? I received both your letters yesterday, for we send to the post-house hut once a week : I 1 This letter was occasioned by seeing an Ode to Tragedy, written by a gentleman of Scotland, and dedicated to James Boswell, Esq., advertised in the Edinburgh newspapers. It afterwards appeared that the Ode was written by Mr. Boswell himself. need not tell you how I liked them ; were I to acquaint you with that, you would consecrate the pen with which they were written, and deify the inkhorn ; I think the outside of one of them was adorned with the greatest quantity of good sealing-wax I ever saw ; and my brother A and Lady A , both of whom have a notable comprehension of these sort of things, agree with me in this my opinion. Your Ode to Gluttony is altogether excellent ; the descriptions are so lively, that mistaking the paper on which they were written for a piece of bread and butter spread with marma- lade, I fairly swallowed the whole composition, and I find my stomach increased threefold since that time ; I declare it to be the most admirable whet in the world, superior to a solan goose, or white wine and bitters ; it ought to be hung up in every cook's shop in the three kingdoms, engraved on pillars in all market places, and pasted in all rooms in all taverns. You seem to doubt in your first letter if ever Captain Erskine was better entertained by the great Donaldson than you were lately ; banish that opinion ; tell it not in Gath, nor publish it in Askalon ; repeat it not in John's Coffee- house, neither whisper it in the Abbey of Holyroodhouse : no, I shall never forget the fowls and oyster-sauce which bedecked the board ; fat were the fowls, and the oysters of the true pandore or croat kind ; then the apple-pie with raisins, and the mutton with colliflower, can never be erased from my remembrance. I may forget my native country, my dear brothers and sisters, my poetry, my art of making love, and even you, O Boswell ! but these things I can never forget ; the impression is too deep, too well imprinted, ever to be effaced ; I may turn Turk or Hottentot, I may be hanged for stealing a bag to adorn my hair, I may court the fattest Wapping landlady, but these things I can never forget ; I may be sick and in prison, I may be deaf, dumb, and may lose my memory, but these things I can never forget. And now, Boswell, I am to acquaint you, that your proposal is received with the utmost joy and festivity ; and the scheme, if I live till to-morrow fortnight, will be put in execution. The New Tarbat chaise will arrive at Glasgow on Monday evening, the 28th of December, drove by William. Captain Andrew's slim personage will slip out ; he will inquire for James Boswell, Esq. ; he will be shown into the room where he is sitting before a large fire, the evening being cold, raptures and poetry will ensue, and every man will soap his own beard ; every other article of the proposals will be executed as faithfully as this. But to speak very seriously, you must be true to your appointment, and come with the utmost 2l6 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. regularity upon the Monday ; think of my emotions at Graeme's if you should not come ; view my melancholy posture ; hark ! I rave like Lady Wishfort, No Boswell yet, Boswell's a lost thing. I must receive a letter from you before I set out, telling me whether you keep true to your resolution ; and pray send me the Ode to Tragedy. I beg you'll bring me out in your pocket my Critical Review, which you may desire Donaldson to give you ; but above all, employ Donaldson to get me a copy of Fingal, which tell him I'll pay him for ; I long to see it. There are some things lately published in London which I would be glad to have, particu- larly a Spousal Hymn on the Marriage of the King and Queen, and an Elegy on viewing a Ruined Pile of Buildings ; see what you can do for me ; I know you will not take it ill to be busied a little for that greatest of all poets, Captain Andrew. The sluice of happiness you have let in upon me has quite overflowed the shallows of my understanding ; at this moment I am determined to write more and print more than any man in the kingdom, except the great Dr. Hill, who writes a folio every month, a quarto every fortnight, an octavo every week, and a duodecimo every day. Hogarth has humor- ously represented a brawny porter almost sinking to the ground under a huge load of his works. I am too lazy just now to copy out an Ode to Indolence, which I have lately written ; besides, it's fitting I reserve something for you to peruse when we meet, for upon these occasions an exchange of poems ought to be as regular as an exchange of prisoners between two nations at war. Believe me, dear Bos well, to be yours sincerely, Andrew Erskixe. P- S.— Pray write me before I set out for Glasgow.— The Ode to Tragedy, by a gentle- man of Scotland ; good now ! wonderful ! [William Cobbett was born in 17G2, near Farnham in Surrey. His childhood was spent in the occupations usual upon a farm, as his father's had been. At sixteen he attempted to make off to sea ; at seventeen he went to London ; at twenty-two he enlisted as a private soldier, and rose to the rank of sergeant-major. His regiment was in America for four years, when on its recall to England in 1791 he obtained his discharge. He married in 1792 and went to France, but on the outbreak of the Revolution he went to America, where he remained eight years. He now commenced his career as author and editor, and on his return to England in 1S00, published the P ad Weekly Register, the latter of which was continued up till the time of his death. It appeared at first as a Tory, but became eventually a Radical publi- cation. It abounded in violent personal and political attacks on public men. He was twice fined and prosecuted for libel, and in 1809 was fined and imprisoned in Newgate for two years. In 1817 he went to America to avoid a prosecution under the 'Six Acts Bill,' where he remained two years until the Act was repealed. After the passing of the Reform Bill, he entered Parliament in 1832 as member for Oldham. He died in 1835. Besides his political writings, Cobbett wrote his Cottage Economy, English Grammar, History of the Protestant Reformation, and Rural Rides, etc. His language is uniformly forcible and vigorous,, and as he himself says, 'his popularity ' was owing to his ' giving truth in clear language.' The following is Cobbett's advertisement to his Grammar of the French Language : — ' All that I shall ask of the public is, that those who are expending, or have been expending, money for the purpose of obtaining a knowledge of the French language for themselves or for their children — all I ask is, that these persons will first read steadily through all that they find in the first fifty pages of any other French Grammar, and that they will then read steadily through the first fifty pages of my Grammar. If this were done by all such persons, there would, I am convinced, be but one French Grammar in use in a very short time. Any person who has never studied French at all, will be able, by such reading, to form a competent judgment. He will find that, from other grammars, he can, by such reading, get no knowledge at all of the matter, while from mine he will get at some knowledge of it. Those who under- stand the subject, I request to compare what tiny find in my Grammar on those difficult parts, the impersonals, the two past times of the verbs, and the participles — I request them to compare these parts of my Grammar with what they find as to the same matters in any other grammar.'] THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 2\y WILLIAM COBBETT TO HIS SOX KICIIAKD. On the Utility of Learning French. My DEAR little Son,— 1. Before we set about learning anything, be it what it may, it is right that we ascertain the thing to be such as is likely to be useful to us ; and it is but reason- able that the usefulness should, in point of magnitude, bear a just proportion to the expense, whether of money or of time, demanded by the task which we are going to encounter. If I did not think the French language a thing of this character, I certainly should not wish you to learn it. But a very little reflection will convince you that it is a branch of learning which, in the present age, stands, in the scale of importance, next after that of our native language. 2. It would be tedious, my dear Richard, to enumerate all the reasons for learning French ; but when I tell you that the laws of Eng- land were, for several centuries, written and administered in French ; that some of the present statutes stand in that language ; that a great part of the law terms in use at this day are also French, — were I to tell you only this, you would, I hope, see a motive more than sufficient to induce you to undertake the learning of this language, especially when you find that I have done all in my power to render the undertaking easy and pleasant. 3. There are, however, many other motives of equal, and some, perhaps, of greater weight. The French language is the language of all the courts of Europe. The cause of this is of no con- sequence; the fact is all that we have to do with here, and that is undeniable. Then, observe, that though each of the great nations of Europe generally insists that the treaties, to which it is a party, shall be in its own language or in Latin, yet the French is, in spite of all the efforts that have been made to prevent it, the universal language of negotiations. Few, indeed, comparatively speaking, are the persons employed in this way ; but the instances in which, for purposes connected with war or with foreign commerce, it is necessary to be master of the French language are by no means few nor of little importance. 4. In the carrying on of trade, and in the affairs of merchants, it is frequently absolutely necessary to be able to speak and to write French. A young man, whether in trade of wholesale or of retad, and especially in the counting-house of a merchant, is worth a great deal more when he possesses the French language than when he does not. To travel on the continent of Europe without being able to speak French, is to be, during such travelling, a sort of deaf and dumb person. Humiliation and mortification greater than this it is hardly possible to imagine ; and these will be by no means diminished by the reflection that we owe them to our own want of attention and industry. 5. Though many of the French books are translated into English, the far greater part are not ; and in every branch of knowledge great indeed is the number of those books which it may be useful to read. But, were there only the pain arising from the want of a knowledge of French, when we fall into a company where we hear one of our own nation conversing with a Frenchman, this alone ought to be more than sufficient to urge a young person on to the study. I remember a young lady in Long Island, who hsd been out on a visit to a house where one of the company happened to be a French lady who could not speak English, and where a young American lady had been interpretress between this foreigner and the rest of the company ; and I shall never forget the manner in which the first- mentioned young lady expressed the sense of her humiliation. 'I never before,' said she, ' in all my life, felt envy ; but there was Miss , first turning to the right, and then to the left, and, at each turn, changing her language ; and there sat I like a post, feeling myself more her inferior than I can describe.' 6. It is really thus. This talent gives, in such cases, not only an air of superiority, but also a reasonable and just claim to real superiority, because it must be manifest to every one that it is the effect of attention and of industry as well as of good natural capacity of mind. It is not a thing like dancing or singing, perfec- tion in the former of which is most likely to arise from an accidental pliancy of the limbs, and in the latter from an organization of the throat and lungs not less accidental : it is not a thing of this sort, but a thing, the posses- sion of which necessarily implies considerable powers of mind, and a meritorious application of those powers. Besides these considerations, there is this, that by learning French well, you will really become more thoroughly acquainted with your own language. If Dr. Johnson had known the French language, he could have committed scarcely any of those numerous blunders (relating to words from the French) which are contained in his Dictionary, and of which I will here give you a specimen. He has this passage : 'Rabbet, a joint made by paring two pieces of wood, so that they wrap over one another.' Then the verb he has thus : ' To rabbet, to pare down two pieces of wood so as to fit one another.' The Doctor meant, ' to make them fit one another.' But to our point. The Doctor says, that to rabbet comes from the French verb rabbatre, which means to bate, or abate, to bring down. So, says the Doctor, to rabbet comes from rabbatre ; for the wood is brought down by the carpenter's tool ! 'What ! Doctor ? to bate, abate, the wood ! This is far- fetched indeed. Now, if the Doctor had known French only tolerably well, he would have known that rabot is a carpenter's plane ; 2lS THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. that rabotcr is to plane wood with a carpenter's plane; and that boards fitted together by means of the plane, and not by means of the saw, the chisel, or other tools, are boards rabotes, or, in English, rabotaL How plain is all this ! And how clear it is that we have here got a piece of nonsense in our language, because Dr. Johnson did not know French ! 7. Having now spoken of the motives to the Learning of French, I shall, in the next letter, speak of the way to go to work and how to proceed, in order to accomplish the object. Before, however, I proceed further, let me explain to you the meaning of the numerical figures which I have used here, from one to seven. Each of the portions of writing, dis- tinguished by these figures respectively, is called a paragraph ; and as you, in the course of the letters that I am addressing to you, will find yourself frequently directed to look at parts of them other than the part which you are then reading, you will more quickly find the thing which you want by being referred to the paragraph, than you woidd if you were referred to the page. 8. The hope which I entertain of seeing you write and of hearing you speak French correctly is, I am sure, equalled by the desire which you have not to disappoint that hope. My dear little son, I beg you to remember, that to succeed in an undertaking like this requires great assiduity and perseverance ; but remember also, that nothing is justly gained without labour of some sort or other ; and bear constantly in mind, that in proportion to your increase in knowledge and talent will be the increase of the satisfaction of your affec- tionate father, "William Cobbett. Remington, 17th June 1824. [Mrs. Cockburn, mentioned by Scott in his Memoir as the authoress of the modern ' Flowers of the Forest,' born a Rutherford, of Fairaalie, in Selkirkshire, was distantly related to the poet's mother, with whom she had through life been in habits of intimate friendship. This accomplished woman was staying at Ravelstone, in the vicinity of Edinburgh, a seat of the Keiths of Dunnotar, nearly related to Mrs. Scott and to herself. With some of that family she spent an evening in George Square. She chanced to be writing next day to Dr. Douglas, the well-known and much- respected minister of her native parish, Galashiels; and her letter contains the following passage. — Luckhart.] MRS. COCKBURN TO PR. DOUGLAS. Boyhood of Sir Walter Scott. Edinburgh, Saturday 2>~ight, 15th [1777] of the gloomy month when the people of England hang and drown themselves. ... I last night supped in Mr. Walter Scott's. He has the most extraordinary genius of a boy I ever saw. He was reading a poem to bis mother when I went in. I made him read on ; it was the description of a shipwreck. His passion rose with the storm. He lifted his eyes and hands. ' There's the mast gone,' says he ; ' crash it goes ! they will all perish ! ' After his agitation, he turns to me. ' That is too melancholy,' says he; 'I had better read you something more amusing.' I preferred a little chat, and asked his opinion of Milton and other books he was reading, which he gave me wonder- fully. One of his observations was, ' How strange it is that Adam, just new come into the world, should know everything — that must be the poet's fancy,' says he. But when he was told he was created perfect by God, he instantly yielded. "When taken to bed last night, he told his aunt he liked that lady. ' "What lady ? ' says she. ' Why, Mrs. Cockburn ; for I think she is a virtuoso, like myself.' 'Dear "Walter,' says Aunt Jenny, 'what is a virtuoso?' 'Don't ye know? "Why, it's one who wishes and will know everything.' Now, sir, you will think this a very silly story. Pray, what age do you suppose this boy to be? Name it now, before I tell you. "Why, twelve or fourteen. No such thing; he is not quite six years old. 1 He has a lame leg, for which he was a year at Bath, and has acquired the perfect English accent, which he has not lost since he came, and he reads like a Garrick. You will allow this an uncommon exotic. [Riding one day with Fergusson, they met, some miles from Gilsland, a young lady taking the air on horseback, whom neither of them had previously remarked, and whose appearance instantly struck both so much that they kept her in view Until they had satisfied themselves that she also was one of the party at Gilsland. The same evening there was a ball, at which Captain Scott produced himself in his regimentals, and Fergusson also thought proper to be equipped in the uniform of the Edinburgh Volunteers. There was no little rivalry i lie was, in fut, six years ami three months old before this letter was written. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 219 among the young travellers as to who should first get presented to the unknown beauty of the morning's ride ; but though both the gentlemen in scarlet had the advantage of being dancing partners, their friend succeeded in handing the fair stranger to supper — and such was his first intro- duction to Charlotte Margaret Carpenter. Without the features of a regular beauty, she was rich in personal attractions ; ' a form that was fashioned as light as a fay's;' a complexion of the clearest and lightest olive ; eyes large, deep-set, and dazzling, of the finest Italian brown ; and a profusion of silken tresses, black as the raven's wing — her address hovering between the reserve of a pretty young Englishwoman who has not mingled largely in general society, and a certain natural archness and gaiety that suited well with the accompaniment of a French accent. A lovelier vision, as all who remember her in the bloom of her days have assured me, could hardly have been imagined ; and from that hour the fate of the young poet was fixed. She was the daughter of Jean Charpentier, of Lyons, a devoted royalist, who held an office under Government, 1 and Charlotte Volere, his wife. She and her only brother, Charles Charpentier, had been educated in the Protestant religion of their mother ; and when their father died, which occurred in the beginning of the Revolution, Madame Charpentier made her escape with her children, first to Paris, and then to England, where they found a warm friend and protector in the late Marquis of Downshire, who had, in the course of his travels in France, formed an intimate acquaintance with the family, and, indeed, spent some time under their roof. M. Charpentier had, in his first alarm as to the coming Revolution, invested £4000 in English securities, part in a mortgage upon Lord Downshire's estates. On the mother's death, which occurred soon after her arrival in London, this nobleman took on himself the character of sole guar- dian to her children ; and Charles Char- pentier received in due time, through his 1 ' In several deeds which I have seen, M. Charpentier is designed " Ecuyer du roi." What the post he held was I never heard.'— Lockhart. interest, an appointment in the service of the East India Company, in which he had by this time risen to the lucrative situa- tion of Commercial Resident at Salem. — Lockhart. I MISS CARPENTER TO WALTER SCOTT. Carlisle, Oct. 22, 1797. Your last letter, my dear sir, contains a very fine train of perhaps, and of so many pretty conjectures, that it is not flattering you to say you excel in the art of tormenting yourself. As it happens, you are quite wrong in all your suppositions. I have been waiting for Lord D.'s answer to your letter, to give a full answer to your very proper inquiries about my family. Miss Nicolson says, that when she did offer to give you some information, you refused it — and advises me now to wait for Lord D.'s letter. Don't believe I have been idle : I have been writing very long letters to him, and all about you. How can you think that I will give an answer about the house until I hear from London ? -that is quite impossible ; and I believe you are a little out of your senses to imagine I can be in Edinburgh before the twelfth of next month. Oh, my dear sir, no, you must not think of it this (jrcat while I I am much flattered by your mother's remembrance : present my respectful compliments to her. You don't mention your father in your last anxious letter; I hope he is better. I am expecting every day to hear from my brother. You may tell your uncle he is Commercial Resident at Salem. He will find the name of Charles C. in his India list. My compliments to Cnptain Scott. Sans adieu, C. C. TO THE SAME. Carlisle, Oct. 25. Indeed, Mr. Scott, I am by no means pleased with all this writing. I have told you how much I dislike it, and yet you still persist in asking me to write, and that by return of post. Oh, you really are quite out of your senses ! I should not have indulged you in that whim of yours had you not given me that hint that my silence gives an air of mystery. I have no reason that can detain me in acquainting you that my father and mother were French, of the name of Charpentier ; he had a place under Government ; their residence was at Lyons, where you would find on inquiries that they lived in good repute and in very good style. I had the misfortune of losing my father before I could know the value of such a parent. At his death we were left to the care of Lord I)., who was his very great friend, and very soon after I had the affliction of losing my mother. Our taking the name of Carpenter was on my 220 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. brother's going to India, to prevent any little difficulties that might have occurred. I hope now you are pleased. Lord 1). could have given yon every information, as he has been acquainted with all my family. You say you almost love him, hut until your almost comes to a quite I cannot love vou. Before I conclude this famous epistle, 1 will give you a little hint— that is, not to put so many must in your letters — it is beginning rather too soon ; and another thing is, that I take the liberty not to mind them much, but I expect you mind me. You must take care of yourself; you must think of me, and believe me yours sincerely, C. C. TO THE SAME. Carlisle, Oct. 2G. I have only a minute before the post goes, to assure you, my dear sir, of the welcome recep- tion of the stranger. 1 The very great likeness to a friend of mine will endear him to me ; he shall be my constant companion, but I wish he could give me an answer to a thousand questions I have to make — one in particular, what reason have you for so many fears you express ? Have your friends changed? Pray let me know the truth — they perhaps don't like me being Fit n<-l>. Do write immediately, let it be in better spirits. Et croi/ez-moi tovjours voire sincere C. C. TO THE SAME. October 31. . . . All your apprehensions about your friends make me very uneasy. At your father's age prejudices are not easily overcome ; old people have, you know, so much more wisdom and experience, that we must be guided by them. If he has an objection on my being French, I excuse him with all my heart, as I don't love them myself. Oh, how all these things plague me ! when will it end ? And to complete the matter you talk of going to the West Indies. I am certain your father and uncle say you are ahot, heady young man, quite mud, and I assure you I join with them ; and I must believe that, when you have such an idea, you have then di tii -mined to think no more of me. I begin to repent of having accepted your picture. I will Bend it back again, if you ever think again about the West Indies. Your family then would love me very much, to forsake them for a stranger, a person who does not possess half the charms and good qualities that you imagine. I think I hear your uncle railing you a hot, heady young man. I am certain of it, ami I am generally right in my conjectures. What does your sister say about it? I BUSpect that she thinks on the matter as I should do, with fears and anxieties for the happiness of her brother. If it be i A miniature of Scott. proper, and you think it would be acceptable, present my best compliments to your mother ; and to my old acquaintance Captain Scott I beg to be remembered. This evening is the first ball ; don't you wish to be of our party? I guess your answer — it would give me infinite pleasure. En attendant leplaisir de vous revoir, jc suis toujours votre constante Charlotte. to the same. The Castle, Hartford, October 29, 1797. Sir, — I received the favour of your letter. It was so manly, honourable, candid, and so full of good sense, that I think Miss Carpenter's friends cannot in any way object to the union you propose. Its taking place, when or where, will depend upon herself, as I shall write to her by this night's post. Any provision that may be given to her by her brother, you will have settled upon her and her children ; and I hope with all my heart, that every earthly happiness may attend you both. I shall be always happy to hear it, and to subscribe myself your faithful friend and obedient humble servant, Downshire. (On the same sheet.) Carlisle, Nov. 4. Last night I received the enclosed for you from Lord Downshire. If it has your approba- tion, I shall be very glad to see you as soon as will be convenient. I have a thousand things to tell you ; but let me beg of you not to think for some time of a house. I am sure I can convince you of the propriety and prudence of waiting until your father will settle things more to your satisfaction, and until I have heard from my brother. You must be of my way of thinking. — Adieu. C. C. TO THE SAME. Carlisle, Nov. 14. Your letter never could have come in a more favourable moment. Anything you could have said would have been well received. You sur- prise me much at the regret you express you had of leaving Carlisle. Indeed, I can't believe it was on my account, I was so uncommonly stupid. I don't know what could be the matter with me, I was so very low, and felt really ill : it was even a trouble to speak. The settling of OUT little plans all looked so much in earnest, thai 1 began reflecting more seriously than I generally do, or approve of. I don't think that very thoughtful people ever can be happy. As this is my maxim, adieu to all thoughts. I have made a determination of being pleased with everything and with everybody in Edin- burgh; a wise system for happiness, is it not? THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 22 I I enclose the lock ; I have had almost all my hair cut off. Miss Nicolson has taken some, which she sends to London to be made into something, but this you are not to know of, as she intends to present it to you. ... I am happy to hear of your father's being better pleased as to money matters ; it will come at last ; don't let that trifle disturb you. Adieu, Monsieur, fai Vhonneur d'etre votre tr&s humble et tres obeissante C. C. TO THE SAME. Carlisle, Nov. 27. You have made me very triste all day. Pray never more complain of being poor. Are you not ten times richer than I am? Depend on yourself and your profession. I have no doubt you will rise very high, and be a great rich man, but we should look down to be contented with our lot, and banish all disagreeable thoughts. We shall do very well. I am very sorry to hear you have such a bad head. I hope I shall nurse away all your aches. I think you write too much. "When I am mistress I shall not allow it. How very angry I should be with you if you were to part with Lenore. Do you really believe I should think it an unnecessary expense where your health and pleasure can be con- cerned? I have a better opinion of you, and I am very glad you don't give up the cavalry, as I love anything that is stylish. Don't forget to find a stand for the old carriage, as I shall like to keep it, in case we should have to go any journey ; it is so much more convenient than the post chaises, and will do very well till we can keep our carriage. What an idea of yours was that to mention where you wish to have your bones laid ! If you were married I should think you were tired of me. A very pretty compliment before marriage. I hope sincerely that I shall not live to see that day. If you always have those cheerful thoughts, how very pleasant and gay you must be ! Adieu, my dearest friend ; take care of your- self if you love me, as I have no wish that you should visit that beautiful and romantic scene, the burying-place. Adieu, once more, and believe that you are loved very sincerely by CO. TO THE SAME. Dec. 10. If I could but really believe that my letter gave you only half the pleasure you express, I should almost think, my dearest Scott, that I should get very fond of writing, merely for the pleasure to indulge you— that is saying a great deal. I hope you are sensible of the compli- ment I pay you, and don't expect I shall ahvays be so pretty behaved. You may depend on me, my dearest friend, for fixing as early a day as I possibly can ; and if it happens to be not quite so soon as you wish, you must not be angry with me. It is very unlucky you are such a bad housekeeper, as I am no better. I shall try. I hope to have very soon the pleasure of seeing you, and to tell you how much I love you ; but I wish the first fortnight was over. With all my love, and those sort of pretty things, adieu. Charlotte. P.S. — Etudiez votre Franqais. Remember you are to teach me Italian in return, but I shall be but a stupid scholar. Aimez Charlotte. TO THE SAME. Carlisle, Dec. 14. ... I heard last night from my friends in London, and I shall certainly have the deed this week. I will send it to you directly ; but not to lose so much time as you have been reckoning, I will prevent any little delay that might happen by the post, by fixing already next Wednesday for your coming here, and on Thursday the 21st — oh, my dear Scott ! — on that day I shall be yours for ever. C. C. P.S. — Arrange it so that we shall see none of your family the night of our arrival. I shall be so tired and such a fright, I should not be seen to advantage. ME. SCOTT TO MISS JOANNA BAILLIE. Ulva House, July 19, 1810. I cannot, my dear Miss Baillie, resist the temptation of writing to you from scenes which you have rendered classical as well as immortal. We, which in the present case means my wife, my eldest girl, and myself, are thus far in fortunate accomplishment of a pilgrimage to the Hebrides. The day before yesterday we passed the Lady's Eock, in the Sound of Mull, so near that I could almost have touched it. This is, you know, the rock of your Family Legend. The boat, by my desire, went as near as prudence permitted, and I wished to have picked a relic from it, were it but a cockle-shell or a mussel, to have sent to you ; but a spring tide was running with such force and velocity as to make the thing impossible. About two miles farther we passed under the Castle of Duart, the seat of Maclean, consisting of one huge (indeed immense) square tower, in ruins, and additional turrets and castellated buildings (the work, doubtless, of Benlora's guardianship), on which the roof still moulders. It overhangs the strait channel from a lofty rock, without a single tree in the vicinity, and is surrounded by high and barren mountains, forming alto- gether as wild and dreary a scene as I ever beheld. Duart is confronted by the opposite castles of Dunstaffnage, Dunolly, Ardtornish, 222 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. j and others, all once the abodes of grim feudal ! chiefs, who warred incessantly witli each other. 1 I think I counted seven of these fortresses in sight at once, and heard seven times seven de of war and wonder connected with them. We lauded late, wet and cold, on the island of Mull, near another old castle called Aros ; separated, too, from our clothes, which were in a large wherry, which could not keep pace with ! our row-boat. Mr. Macdonald of Staffa, my kind friend and guide, had sent his piper (a ant attendant, mark that!) to rouse a Highland gentleman's family in the neighbour- hood, where we were received with a profusion of kindness and hospitality. "Why should I appal you with a description of our difficulties and distresses — how Charlotte lost her shoes, and little Sophia her whole collection of pebbles — how I was divorced from my razors, and the whole party looked like a Jewish sanhedrim? By this time we were accumulated as follows : — Sir George Paul, the great philanthropist ; Mrs. Apreece, a distant relation of mine ; Hannah Mackenzie, a daughter of our friend Henry ; and Mackinnon of Mackinnon, a young gentleman born and bred in England, but nevertheless a Highland chief. It seems his father had acquired wealth, and this young man, who now visits the Highlands for the first time, is anxious to buy back some of the family property which was sold long since. Some twenty Mackinnons, who happened to live within hearing of our arrival (that is, I suppose, within ten miles of Aros), came posting to see their young chief, who behaved with great kindness, and propriety, and liberality. Next day we rode across the isle on Highland ponies, attended by a numerous retinue of gillies, and arrived at the head of the saltwater loch called Loch an Gaoil, where Staffa's boats awaited us with colours flying and pipes playing. "We proceeded in state to this lonely isle, where our honoured lord has a very comfortable residence, and were received by a discharge of swivels and musketry from his people. Yesterday we visited Staffa and Iona. The former is one of the most extraordinary places I ever beheld. It exceeded, in my mind, every description I had heard of it ; or rather, the appearance of the cavern, composed entirely of basaltic pillars as high as the roof of a cathedral, and running deep into the rock, entirely swept by a deep and swelling sea, and paved, as it were, with ruddy marble, baffles all description. You can walk along the broken pillars, with Mime difficulty, and in Bome places with a little danger, as far as the farthest extremity. I'.oats also can come in below when the sea is placid, which is Beldom the case. I had become a sort of favourite with the Uebridean boatmen, I suppose from my anxiety about their obi customs, and they uviv much pleased to see n.e get over the obstacles which stopped some of the party. So they took the whim of solemnly christening a great stone seat at the mouth of the cavern, Clachan an Bairdh, or the Poet's Stone. It was consecrated with a pibroch, which the echoes rendered tremendous, and a glass of whisky, not poured forth in the ancient mode of libation, but turned over the throats of the assistants. The head boatman, whose father had been himself a bard, made me a speech on the occasion ; but as it was in Gaelic, I could only receive it as a silly beauty does a fine-spun compliment— bow, and say nothing. "When this fun was over (in which, strange as it may seem, the men were quite serious), we went to Iona, where there are some ancient and curious monuments. From this remote island the light of Christianity shone forth on Scotland and Ireland. The ruins are of a rude architec- ture, but curious to the antiquary. Our return was less comfortable; we had to row twenty miles against an Atlantic tide and some wind, besides the pleasure of seeing occasional squalls gathering to windward. The ladies were sick, especially poor Hannah Mackenzie, and none of the gentlemen escaped except Staffa and myself. The men, however, cheered by the pipes, and by their own interesting boat-songs, which were uncommonly wild and beautiful, one man lead- ing and the others answering in chorus, kept pulling away without apparently the least sense of fatigue, and we reached Ulva at ten at night, tolerably wet, and well disposed for bed. Our friend Staffa is himself an excellent specimen of Highland chieftainship ; he is a cadet of Clanronald, and lord of a cluster of isles on the western side of Mull, and a large estate (in extent at least) on that island. By dint of minute attention to the property, and particularly to the management of his kelp, he has at once trebled his income and doubled his population, while emigration is going on all around him. He is very attentive to his people, who are distractedly fond of him, and has them under such regulations as conduce both to his own benefit and their profit ; and keeps a certain sort of rude state and hospitality, in which they take much pride. I am quite satisfied that nothing under the personal attention of the landlord himself will satisfy a Highland tenantry, and that the substitution of factors, which is now becoming general, is one great cause of emigration. This mode of life has, however, its evils, and I can see them in this excellent man. The habit of solitary power is dangerous even to the best regulated minds, and this ardent and enthusiastic young man has not escaped the prejudices incident to his situation. But I think I have bestowed enough of my tediousness upon you. To ballast my letter, I put in one of the hallowed green pebbles from the shore of St. Coluinha ; put it into your work-basket until we meet, when you will give THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 223 me some account of its virtues. Don't suppose the lapidaries can give you any information about it, for in their profane eyes it is good for nothing. But the piper is sounding to break- fast, so no more (excepting love to Miss Agnes, Dr., and Mrs. Baillie) from your truly affectionate Walter Scott. P.S. — I am told by the learned, the pebble will wear its way out of the letter, so I will keep it till I get to Edinburgh. I must not omit to mention that all through these islands, I have found every person familiarly acquainted with the Fain Hi/ Legend, and great admirers. [While the abortive negotiation as to the Ex- chequer was still pending, Scott was visited, for the first time since his childish years, with a painful illness, which proved the harbinger of a scries of attacks, all nearly of the same kind, continued at short intervals during more than two years. Various letters indicate how widely his habits of life when in Edinburgh differed from those of Abbotsford. They at all times did so to a great extent ; but he had pushed his liberties with a most robust constitution to a perilous extreme wbile the affairs of the Ballantynes were labouring, and he was now to pay the penalty. The first serious alarm occurred towards the close of a merry dinner party in Castle Street (on the 5th of March 1817), when Scott suddenly sustained such exquisite torture from cramp in the stomach, that his mas- culine powers of endurance gave way, and he retired from the room with a scream of agony which electrified his guests. This scene was often repeated, as we shall see presently. His friends in Edinburgh continued all that spring in great anxiety on his account. Scarcely, however, had the first symptoms yielded to severe medical treatment, than he is found to have be- guiled the intervals of his suffering by planning a dramatic piece on a story supplied to him by one of Train's communi- cations, which he desired to present to Terry on behalf of the actor's first- born son, who had been christened by the name of Walter Scott Terry. Such was the origin of the Fortunes of Devorgoil, a piece which, though completed soon after- wards, and submitted by Terry to many manipulations with a view to the stage, was never received by any manager, and was first published, towards the close of the author's life, under the title, slightly altered for an obvious reason, of the Doom of Devoir/oil. The sketch of the story which he gives in the following letter will probably be considered by many besides myself as well worth the drama. It appears tnat the actor had mentioned to Scott his intention of Terryfying the Black Dwarf. — Dockhart.] MR. SCOTT TO MR. TERRY. Dear Terry, — I am now able to write to you on your own affairs, though still as weak as water from the operations of the medical faculty, who, I think, treated me as a recusant to their authority, and having me once at advantage, were determined I should not have strength to rebel again in a hurry. After all, I believe it was touch and go ; and considering how much I have to do for my own family and others, my elegy might have been that of the ' Auld Man's Mare ' — 'The peats and turf are all to had, What ail'd the beast to die?' You don't mention the nature of your under- taking in your last, and in your former you spoke both of the Black Dwarf and of Triermain. I have some doubts whether the town will endure a second time the following up a well- known tale with a dramatic representation, and there is no vis comica to redeem the Black Dwarf, as in the case of Dominie Sampson. I have thought of two subjects for you, if, like the archbishop's homilies, they do not smell of the apoplexy. The first is a noble and very dramatic tradition preserved in Galloway, which runs briefly thus : — The Barons of Plenton (the family name, I think, was by Jupiter, forgot !) boasted of great antiquity, and formerly of extensive power and wealth, to which the ruins of their huge castle, situated on an inland loch, still bear witness. In the middle of the seven- teenth century, it is said, these ruins were still inhabited by the lineal descendant of this powerful family. But the ruinous halls and towers of his ancestors were all that had descended to him, and he cultivated the garden of the castle, and sold its fruits for a subsistence. He married in a line suitable rather to his present situation than the dignity of his descent, and was quite sunk into the rank of peasantry, excepting that he was still called — more in mockery, or at least in familiarity, than in respect — the Baron of Plenton. A causeway connected the castle with the mainland ; it was cut in the middle, and the moat only passable by a drawbridge which yet subsisted, and which 224 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. the poor old couple contrived to raise every night by their joint efforts, the country being very unsettled at the time. It must be observed, that the old man and his wife occupied only one apartment in the extensive ruins, a small one adjoining to the drawbridge ; the rest was waste and dilapidated. As they were about to retire one night to rest, they were deterred by a sudden storm, which, rising in the wildest manner possible, threatened to bury them under the ruins of the castle. "While they listened in terror to the complicated sounds of thunder, wind, and rain, they were astonished to hear the clang of hoofs on the causeway, and the voices of people clamouring for admittance. This was a request not rashly to be granted. The couple looked out, and dimly discerned through the storm that the causeway was crowded with riders. 'How many of you are there?' demanded John. ' Not more than the hall will hold,' was the answer ; ' but open the gate, lower the bridge, and do not keep the ladies in the rain.' John's heart was melted for the ladies, and, against his wife's advice, he undid the bolts, sunk the drawbridge, and bade them enter in the name of God. Having done so, he instantly retired into his sanctum sanc- torum to await the event, for there was some- thing in the voices and language of his guests that sounded mysterious and awfid. They rushed into the castle, and appeared to know their way through all its recesses. Grooms were heard hurrying their horses to the stables, sentinels were heard mounting guard, a thou- sand lights gleamed from place to place through the ruins, till at length they seemed all concen- trated in the baronial hall, whose range of broad windows threw a resplendent illumination on the moss-grown court below. After a short time, a domestic, clad in a rich but very antique dress, appeared before the old couple, and com- manded them to attend his lord and lady in the great hall. They went with tottering steps, and to their great terror found themselves in the midst of a most brilliant and joyous com- pany ; but the fearful part of it was, that most of the guests resembled the ancestors of John's family, and were known to him by their resem- blance to pictures which mouldered in the castle, or by traditionary description. At the head, the founder of the race, dressed like some mighty baron, or rather some Galwegian prince, sat with his lady. There was a differ- ence of opinion between tbese ghostly personages concerning our honest John. The chief was inclined to receive him graciously ; the lady considered him, from his mean marriage, as utterly unworthy of their name and board. The upshot is, that the chief discovers to his descendant the means of finding a huge treasure concealed in the castle; the lady assures him that the discovery shall never avail him. In the morning no trace can be discovered of the singular personages who had occupied the hall. But John sought for and discovered the vault where the spoils of the Southrons were con- cealed, rolled away the covering stone, ami f.astcd his eyes on a range of massy chests of iron, filled doubtless with treasure. As he deliberated on the best means of bringing them up, and descending into the vault, he observed it began slowly to fill with water. Baling and pumping were resorted to, and when he had exhausted his own and his wife's strength, they summoned the assistance of the neigh- bourhood. But the vengeance of the visionary lady was perfect : the waters of the lake had forced their way into the vault, and John, after a year or two spent in draining and so forth, died broken-hearted, the last Baron of Plenton. Such is the tale, of which the incidents seem new, and the interest capable of being rendered striking ; the story admits of the highest degree of decoration, both by poetry, music, and scenery, and I propose (in behalf of my god- son) to take some pains in dramatizing it. As thus, you shall play John, as you can speak a little Scotch ; I will make him what the Baron of Bradwardine would have been in the circum- stances, and he shall be alternately ludicrous from his family pride and prejudices, contrasted with his poverty, and respectable from his just and independent tone of feeling and character. I think Scotland is entitled to have something on the stage to balance Macklin's two worthies. 1 You understand the dialect will be only tinged with the national dialect — not that the baron is to speak broad Scotch, while all the others talk English. His wife and he shall have one child, a daughter, suitored unto by the conceited young parson or schoolmaster of the village, whose addresses are countenanced by her mother, and by Halbert the hunter, a youth uf unknown descent. Now this youth shall be the rightful heir and representative of the Eng- lish owners of the treasure, of which they had been robbed by the baron's ancestors, for which unjust act their spirits still walked the earth. These, with a substantial character or two, and the ghostly personages, shall mingle as they may ; and the disco%'ery of the youth's birth shall break the spell of the treasure-chamber. I will make the ghosts talk as never ghosts talked in the body or out of it ; and the music may be as unearthly as you can get it. The rush of the shadows into the castle shall be seen through the window of the baron's apart- ment in the flat scene. The ghosts' banquet and many other circumstances may giv, exercise to the scene-painter and dresser. If you like this plan, you had better suspend any other for the present. In my opinion it has i sir Archy UacSaroasm ami Sir Tertiuax MacSyco- pliant. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 225 the infinite merit of being perfectly new in plot and structure, and I will set about the sketch as soon as my strength is restored in some measure by air and exercise. I am sure I can finish it in a fortnight then. Ever yours truly, \V. Scott. [About this time, as the succeeding letter will show, Abbotsford had the honour of a short visit from Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, afterwards King of the Belgians. Imme- diately thereafter Scott heard of the death of Mrs. William Erskine, and repaired to Edinburgh to condole with his afflicted friend. His allusions meanwhile to views of buying more land on Tweedside are numerous. These speculations are ex- plained in a most characteristic style to the cornet, and we see that one of them was cut short by the tragical death of a bonnet - laird — namely, Lauchie Longlegs, the admired of Geoffrey Crayon. — Lockhart.] MR. SCOTT TO HIS SON WALTER. Abbotsford, October 3, 1819. My dear Lord, — I am honoured with your Buxton letter. . . . Ancnt Prince Leopold, I only heard of his approach at eight o'clock in the morning, and he was to be at Selkirk by eleven. The magistrates sent to ask me to help them to receive him. It occurred to me he might be coming to Melrose to see the abbey, in which case I could not avoid asking him to Abbotsford, as he must pass my very door. I mentioned this to Mrs. Scott, who was lying quietly in bed, and I wish you had heard the scream she gave on the occasion. ' What have we to offer him?' 'Wine and cake,' said I, thinking to make all things easy; but she ejaculated, in a tone of utter despair, ' Cake ! where am I to get cake ? ' However, being partly consoled with the recollection that his visit was a very improbable incident, and curiosity, as usual, proving too strong for alarm, she set out with me in order not to miss a peep at the great ^man. James Skene and his lady were with us, and we gave our carriages such additional dignity as a pair of leaders could add, and went off to meet him in full puff. The Prince very civilly told me, that, though he could not see Melrose on this occasion, he wished to come to Abbotsford for an hour. New despair on the part of Mrs. Scott, who began to institute a domiciliary search for cold meat through the whole city of Selkirk, which produced one sho uhler 0/ cold lamb. In the meanwhile, his Koyal Highness received the civic honours of the birse very graciously. I had hinted to Bailie Lang 1 that it ought only to be licked symboli- cally on the present occasion ; so he flourished it three times before his mouth, but without touching it with his lips, and the Prince followed his example as directed. Lang made an ex- cellent speech, sensible, and feeling, and well delivered. The Prince seemed much surprised at this great propriety of expression and be- haviour in a magistrate, whose people seemed such a rabble, and whose whole band of music consisted in a drum and fife. He noticed to Bailie Anderson that Selkirk seemed very populous in proportion to its extent. ' On an occasion like this it seems so,' answered the bailie, neatly enough I thought. I question if any magistrates in the kingdom, lord mayors and aldermen not excepted, could have behaved with more decent and quiet good-breeding. Prince Leopold repeatedly alluded to this during the time he was at Abbotsford. I do not know how Mrs. Scott ultimately managed ; but with broiled salmon, and blackcock, and partridges, she gave him a very decent lunch ; and I chanced to have some very fine old hock, which was mighty germain to the matter. The Prince seems melancholy, whether naturally or from habit I do not pretend to say ; but I do not remember thinking him so at Paris, where I saw him frequently, then a much poorer man than myself ; yet he showed some humour, for, alluding to the crowds that followed him everywhere, he mentioned some place where he had gone out to shoot, but was afraid to proceed for fear of 'bagging a boy.' He said he really thought of getting some shooting-place in Scotland, and promised me a longer visit on his return. If I had had a day's notice to have warned the waters, we could have met him with a very respectable number of the gentry ; but there was no time for this, and probably he liked it better as it was. There was only young Clifton who could have come, and he was shy and cubbish, and would not, though requested by the Selkirk people. He was perhaps ashamed to march through Coven- try with them. It hung often and sadly on my mind that he was wanting who could and would have received him like a prince indeed ; and yet the meeting betwixt them, had they been fated to meet, would have been a very sad one. I think I have now given your lordship a very full, true, and particular account of our royal visit, un- matched even by that of King Charles at the Castle of Tillietudlem. That we did not speak of it for more than a week after it happened, and that that emphatic monosyllable, The Prince, is not heard amongst us more than ten times a day, 1 Scott's good friend, Mr. Andrew Lang, Procurator- Fiscal for Selkirkshire, was then chief magistrate ot the county town. 226 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. is, on the whole, to the credit of my family's understanding. The piper is the only one whose brain he seems to have endangered ; for, as the Prince said he preferred him to any he had heard in the Highlands (which, by the way, shows his Royal Highness knows nothing of the matter), the fellow seems to have be- come incapable of his ordinary occupation as a forester, and has cut stick and stem without remorse to the tune of I'hail Phranse, i.e. the Prince's welcome. [In January 1S22, Sir Walter had the great satisfaction of seeing Er.skine at length promoted to a seat on the bench of the Court of Session, by the title of Lord Kinnedder ; and his pleasure was enhanced doubtless by the reflection that his friend owed this elevation very much, if not mainly, to his own unwearied exertions on his behalf. This happy event occurred just about the time when Joanna Bardie was distressed by hearing of the sudden and total ruin of an old friend of hers, a Scotch gentleman long distinguished in the commerce of the city of London ; and she thought of collecting among her literary acquaintance such contributions as might, with some gleanings of her own portfolios, fill up a volume of j>oetical miscellanies, to be published, by subscription, for the benefit of the merchant's family. In requesting Sir Walter to write something for this pur- pose, she also asked him to communicate the scheme, in her name, to various com- mon friends in the north — among others, to the new judge. — Lockliart.] MR. SCOTT TO JOANNA BAILI.IE. My dear Friend, — No one has so good a title as you to command me in all my strength and in all my weakness. I do not believe I have a single scrap of unpublished poetry, for I was never a willing composer of occasional pieces, and when I have been guilty of such effusions, it was to answer the purpose of some publisher of songs, or the like immediate de- mand. The consequence is that all these trifles have been long before the public, and whatever I add to your collection must have the grace of novelty, in case it. should have do other, [do UOt know what should make it rather a melan- choly task for me now a days to sit down to versify ; 1 did not use to think it so, but I have o a ed, I know not why, to find pleasure in it, and yet I do not think I have lost any of the faculties I ever possessed for the task ; but I was never fond of my own poetry, and am now much out of conceit with it. All this another person less candid in construction than yourself would interpret into a hint to send a good dose of praise ; but you know we have agreed long ago to be above ordinances, like Cromwell's saints. "When I go to the country upon the 12th of March, I will try what the water-side can do for me, for there is no inspiration in causeways and kennels, or even the Court of Session. You have the victory over me now, for I remember laughing at you for saying you could only write your beautiful lyrics upon a fine warm day. But what is this something to be? I wish you would give me a subject, for that would cut off half my difficulties. I am delighted with the prospect of seeing Miss Edgeworth, and making her personal acquaintance. I ex[ ect her to be just what you describe : a being totally void of affecta- tion, and who, like one other lady of my acquaintance, carries her literary reputation as freely and easily as the milk-maid in my country does the leglcn, which she carries on her head, and walks as gracefully with it as a duchess. Some of the fair sex, and some of the foul sex too, cany their renown in London fashion— <>n a yoke and a pair of pitchers. The consequence is, that besides poking frightfully, they are hitting every one on the shins with their buckets. Now, this is all nonsense, too fan- tastic to be written to anybody but a person of good sense. By the way, did you know Miss Austen, authoress of some novels which have a great deal of nature in them?— nature in ordinary and middle life, to be sure, but valu- able from its strong resemblance and correct drawing. I wonder which way she carried her pail? I did indeed rejoice at Erskine's promotion. There is a degree of melancholy attending the later stage of a barrister's profession, which, though no one cares for sentimentalities attend- ant on a man of fifty or thereabout, in a rusty black bombazine gown, are not the less cruelly felt; their business sooner or later fails, for younger men will work cheaper, and longer, and harder— besides that the cases are few, iratively, in which senior counsel are en- gaged, and it is not etiquette to ask any one in that advanced age to take the whole burden of a cause. Insensibly, without decay of talent, and without losing the public esteem, there is a gradual decay of employment, which alm< man ever practised thirty years without experi- encing ; and thus the honours and dignities of the Bench, so hardly earned, and themselves leading but to toils of another kind, are pecu- liarly desirable. Erskine would have sat there ten years ago but for wretched intrigues. He has a very poetical and elegant mind, but I do not know of any poetry of his writing, except THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 227 some additional stanzas to Collins' Ode on Scottish Superstitions, long since published in the Border Minstrelsy. I doubt it would not be consistent with his high office to write poetry now, but you may add his name with Mrs. Scott's (Heaven forgive me ! I should have said Lady Scott's) and mine to the subscription list. I will not promise to get you more, for people always look as if you were asking the guinea for yourself — there John Bull has the better of Sawney ; to be sure he has more guineas to bestow, but we retain our reluctance to part with hard cash, though profuse enough in our hospitality. I have seen a laird, after giving us more champagne and claret than we cared to drink, look pale at the idea of paying a crown in charity. I am seriously tempted, though it would be sending coals to Newcastle with a vengeance, not to mention salt to Dysart, and all other superfluous importations — I am, I say, strangely tempted to write for your proteges a dramatic scene on an incident which happened at the battle of Halidon Hill (I think). It was to me a nursery tale, often told by Mrs. Margaret Swinton, sister of my maternal grandmother, a fine old lady of high blood, and of as high a mind, who was lineally descended from one of the actors. The anecdote was briefly thus : The family of Swinton is very ancient, and was once very powerful, and at the period of this battle the Knight of Swinton was gigantic in stature, unequalled in strength, and a sage and experienced leader to boot. In one of those quarrels which divided the kingdom of Scotland in every corner, he had slain his neighbour, the head of the Gordon family, and an inveterate feud had ensued ; for it seems that, powerful as the Gordons always were, the Swintons could then bide a bang with them. Well, the battle of Halidon began, and the Scottish army, un- skilfully disposed on the side of a hill where no arrow fell in vain, was dreadfully galled by the archery of the English, as usual, upon which Swinton approached the Scottish general, re- questing command, of a body of cavalry, and pledging his honour that he would, if so sup- ported, charge and disperse the English archers — one of the manoeuvres by which Bruce gained the battle of Bannockburn. This was refused, out of stupidity or sullenness, by the general, on which Swinton expressed his determination to charge at the head of his own followers, though totally inadequate for the purpose. The young Gordon heard the proposal, son of him whom Swinton had slain, and with one of those irregular bursts of generosity and feeling which redeem the dark ages from the character of utter barbarism, he threw himself from his horse, and kneeled down before Swinton. ' I have not j'et been knighted,' he said, ' and never can I take the honour from the hand of a truer, more loyal, more valiant leader than he who slew my father ; grant me,' he said, ' the boon I ask, and I unite my forces to yours, that we may live and die together.' His feudal enemy became instantly his godfather in chivalry and his ally in battle. Swinton knighted the young Gordon, an 1 they rushed down at the head of their united retainers, dispersed the archery, and would have turned the battle had they been supported. At length they both fell, and all who followed them were cut off ; and it was remarked that while the fight lasted the old giant guarded the young man's life more than his own, and the same was indicated by the manner in which his body lay stretched over that of Gordon. Now, do not laugh at my Berwickshire burr, which I assure you is literally and lineally handed down to me by my grandmother from this fine old Goliath. Tell me, if I can clamper up the story into a sort of single scene, will it answer your purpose? I would rather try my hand in blank vei'se than rhyme. The story, with many others of the same kind, is consecrated to me by the remembrance of the narrator, with her brown silk gown and triple ruffles, and her benevolent face, which was always beside our beds when there were childish complaints among us. Poor Aunt Margaret had a most shocking fate, being mur- dered by a favourite maid-servant in a fit of insanity, when I was about ten years old ; the catastrophe was much owing to the scrupulous delicacy and high courage of my poor relation, who would not have the assistance of men called in for exposing the unhappy wretch her servant. I think you will not ask for a letter from me in a hurry again, but, as I have no chance of seeing you for a long time, I must be contented with writing. My kindest respects attend Mrs. Agnes, your kind brother and family, and the Richardsons, little and big, short and tall ; and believe me most truly yours, W. Scott. P.S. — Sophia is come up to her Sunday dinner, and begs to send a thousand remem- brances, with the important intelligence that her baby actually says ma-ma, and bow-wow when he sees the dog. Moreover, he is chris- tened John Hugh ; and I intend to plant two little knolls at their cottage, to be called Mount Saint John and Hougomont. The papa also sends his respects. TO MISS EDGEWORTH. Abbotsford, April 24, 1822. My dear Miss Edgeworth,— I am extremely sorry indeed that you cannot fulfil your kind intentions to be at Abbotsford this year. It is a great disappointment, and I am grieved to think it should have arisen from the loss of a 228 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. valued relation. That is the worst part of life when its earlier path is trod. If my limbs get stitf, my walks are made shorter, and my rides slower; if my eyes fail me, I can use glasses and a large print ; if I get a little deaf, I com- fort myself that, except in a few instances, I shall be no great loser by missing one full half of what is spoken ; but I feel the loneliness of age when my companions and friends are taken from me. The sudden death of both the Bos- wells, and the bloody end of the last, have given me great pain. 1 You have never got half the praise Vivian ought to have procured you. The reason is, that the class from which the excellent portrait was drawn feel the resem- blance too painfully to thank the author for it ; and I do not believe the common readers under- stand it in the least. I, who, thank God, am neither great man nor politician, have lived enough among them to recognise the truth and nature of the painting, and am no way impli- cated in the satire. I begin to think that of the three kingdoms the English alone are qualified to mix in politics safely and without fatal results ; the fierce and hasty resentments of the Irish, and the sullen, long-enduring, revengeful temper of my countrymen, make such agitations have a much wider and more dreadful effect amongst them. Well, we will forget what we cannot help, and pray that we may lose no more friends till we find, as I hope and am sure we shall do, friends in each other. I had arranged to stay at least a month after the 12th of May, in hopes of detaining you at Abbotsford, and I will not let you off under a month or two the next year. I shall have my house completed, my library replaced, my armoury new furbished, my piper new clothed, and the time shall be July. I trust I may have the same family about me, and perhaps my two sons. Walter is at Berlin studying the great art of war— and entertaining a most military conviction that all the disturbances of Ireland are exclusively owing to his last regiment, the i James Bosweli, of the Temple, editor of the last Variorum Shakespeare, etc., a man of considerable learning and admirable social qualities, died suddenly, in the prime of life, about a fortnight before his brother Sir Alexander. Scott was warmly attached to them both, and the fall of the baronet might well give him a severe shock, for he had dined in Castle Street only two or three days before it occurred, and the merriest tones of his voice were still ringing in his friend's ears when he received the fatal Intelli- gence. Thai evening was, I think, the gayest 1 ever spent in Castle Street ; and though Charles Matthews was present, and in his best force, poor Boswell's songs, jokes, and anecdotes had exhibited no symp- tom of eclipse, it turned out that he had Joined the party whom h ; i immediately after com- pleting the last arrangements for his duel. It may be WOXtU while to add, that several circumstances of his death are exactly reproduced In the duel scene of St. ILuaiii H'M. 18th Hussars, having been imprudently reduced Little Charles is striving to become a good scholar and fit for Oxford. Both have a chance of being at home in autumn 1823. I know nothing I should wish you to see which has any particu- lar chance of becoming invisible in the course of fourteen months, excepting my old bloodhound, poor fellow, on whom age now sits so heavily that he cannot follow me far from the house. I wished you to see him very much — he is of that noble breed which Ireland, as well as Scot- land, once possessed, and which is now almost extinct in both countries. I have sometimes thought of the final cause of dogs having such short lives, and I am quite satisfied it is in com- passion to the human race ; for if we suffer so much in losing a dog after an acquaintance of ten or twelve years, what would it be if they were to live double that time ? I don't propose being in London this year ; I do not like it — there is such a riding and driving — so much to see — so much to say — not to men- tion plovers' eggs and champagne — that I always feel too much excited in London, though it is good to rub off the rust too, sometimes, and brings you up abreast with the world as it goes. But I must break off, being summoned to a conclave to examine how the progress of decay, which at present threatens to destroy the ruins of Melrose, can yet be arrested. The Duke of Buccleuch, though but a boy, is very desirous to have something done, and his guardians have acquiesced in a w T ish so reasonable and creditable to the little chief. I only hope they will be liberal, for a trifle will do no good, or rather, I think, any partial tampering is likely to do harm. But the Duke has an immense estate, and I hope they will remember that though a moderate sum may keep up this national monu- ment, yet his whole income could not replace it should it fall.— Yours, dear Miss Edgeworth, with true respect and regard, Walter Scott. TO MR. MORRITT. Edgeworthstovm, Aug. 3, 1825. Your kind letter, my dear Morritt, finds me sweltering under the hottest weather I ever experienced, for the sake of seeing sights — of itself, you know, the most feverish occupation in the world. Luckily we are free of Dublin, and there is nothing around us but green fields and fine trees, 'barring the high roads,' winch make those who tread on them the most com- plete piepouoVeux ever seen ; that is. if the old definition of piepoudre! be authentic, and if not, you may seek another dusty simile for yourself —it cannot exceed the reality. I have with me Lookh&rt and Anne, Walter and his eOTO tpoaa, for all whom the hospitality of Edgcworthstowu THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 229 has found ample space and verge enough. In- deed it is impossible to conceive the extent of tins virtue in all classes ; I don't think even our Scottish hospitality can match that of Ireland. Everything seems to give way to the desire to accommodate a stranger, and I really believe the story of the Irish harper, who condemned his harp to the flames for want of firewood to cook a guest's supper. Their personal kindness to me has been so great, that were it not from the chilling recollection that novelty is easily substituted for merit, I should think, like the booby in Steele's play, that I had been kept back, and that there was something more about me than I had been led to suspect. As I am LL.D. of Trinity College, and am qualified as a Catholic seer, by having mounted up into the bed of Saint Kevin at the celebrated seven churches of Glendalough, I am entitled to pre- scribe, ex cathedra, for all the diseases of Ireland, as being free both of the Catholic and Protestant parties. But the truth is that Pat, while the doctors were consulting, has been gradually and securely recovering of himself. He is very loth to admit this, indeed, there being a strain of hypochondria in his complaints which will not permit him to believe he's getting better. Nay, he gets even angry when a physician, more blunt than polite, continues to assure him that he is better than he supposes himself, and that much of his present distress consists partly of the recollection of former indisposition, partly of the severe practice of modern empirics. In sober sadness, to talk of the misery of Ireland at this time is to speak of the illness of ■malade imaginaire. Well she is not, but she is rapidly becoming so. There are all the outward and visible tokens of convalescence. Every- thing is mending : the houses that arise are better a hundredfold than the cabins which are falling ; the peasants of the younger class are dressed a great deal better than with the rags which clothe the persons of the more ancient Teagues, which realize the wardrobe of Jenny Sutton, of whom Morris sweetly sings — ' One single jiin at night let loose The robes which veiled her beauty.' I am sure I have seen with apprehension a single button perform the same feat, and when this mad scarecrow hath girded up his loins to run hastily by the side of the chaise, I have feared it would give way, and that then, as King Lear's fool says, we should all be shamed. But this, which seems once to have generally been the attire of the fair of the Green Isle, pro- bably since the time of King Malachi and the collar of gold, is now fast disappearing, and the habit of the more youthful Pats and Patesses is more decent and comely. Here they all look well coloured, and well fed, and well contented ; and as I see in most places great exertions making to reclaim bogs upon a large scale, and generally to improve ground, I must needs hold that they are in constant employment. With all this there is much that remains to be amended, and which time and increase of capital only can amend. The price of labour is far too low, and this naturally reduces the labouring poor beyond their just level in society. The behaviour of the gentry in general to the labourers is systematically harsh, and this arro- gance is received with a servile deference which argues anything excepting alfection. This, however, is also in the course of amending. I have heard a great deal of the far-famed Catholic Question from both sides, and I think I see its bearings better than I did ; but these are for your ear when we meet^as meet we shall — if no accident prevent it. I return via Holyhead, as I wish to show Anne something of England, and you may believe that we shall take Eokeby in our way. To-morrow I go to Killarney, which will occupy most part of the week. About Saturday I shall be back at Dublin to take leave of friends ; and then for England, ho ! I wdl, avoiding London, seek a pleasant route to Rokeby. Fate will only allow us to rest there for a day or two, because I have some desire to see Canning, who is to be on the Lakes about that time. Et finis, my leave will be exhausted. Anne and Lockhart send kindest compliments to you and the ladies. I am truly rejoiced that Mrs. John Morritt is better. Indeed, I had learned that agreeable intelligence from Lady Louisa Stuart. I found Walter and his wife living happily and ration- ally, affectionately, and prudently. There is great good sense and quietness about all Jane's domestic arrangements, and she plays the leaguer's lady very prettily. I will write again when I reach Britain, and remain ever yours, Walter Scott. [When Scott returned to Edinburgh from Abbotsford on Monday the 16th of January 1826, he found that Hurst & Co. had dis- honoured a bill of Constable's, and then proceeded, according to engagement, to dine at Mr. Skene's of Eubislaw. Mr. Skene assures me that he appeared that evening quite in his usual spirits, conversing on whatever topic was started as easily and gaily as if there had been no impending calamity ; but at parting he whispered, ' Skene, I have something to speak to you about ; be so good as to look in on me as you go to the Parliament House to-morrow.' When Skene called in Castle Street, about half-past nine o'clock next morning, he found Scott writing in his study. He rose 230 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. and said, 'My friend, give me a shake of your hand — mine is that of a beggar.' He then told him that Ballantyne had just been with him, and that his ruin was cer- tain and complete, explaining briefly the nature of his connection with the three houses, whose downfall must that morning be made public. He added, ' Don't fancy I am going to stay at home to brood idly on what can't be helped. I was at work upon Woodstock when you came in, and I shall take up the pen the moment I get back from Court. I mean to dine with you again on Sunday, and hope then to report progress to some purpose.' When Sunday came he reported accordingly, that, in spite of all the numberless interruptions of meet- ings and conferences with his partner, the Constables, and men of business— to say nothing of his distressing anxieties on account of his wife and daughter — he had written a chapter of Ins novel every inter- vening day. The reader may be curious to see what account James Ballantyne's Memo- randum gives of that dark announcement on the morning of Tuesday the 17th. It is as follows : — ' On the evening of the lGth I received from Mr. Cadell a distinct message putting me in possession of the truth. I called immediately in Castle Street, but found Sir Walter had gained an unconscious respite by being engaged out at dinner. It was between eight and nine next morning that I made the final communication. No doubt he was greatly stunned — but, upon the whole, he bore it with wonderful for- titude. He then asked, " Well, what is the actual step we must first take — I sup- pose we must do something ? " I reminded him that two or three thousand pounds were due that day, so that we had oidy to do what we must do — refuse payment — to bring the disclosure sufficiently before the world. He took leave of me with these striking words, "Well, James, depend upon that, I will never forsake you.'" — Lockhart. ] 8C0TT TO LOCKHART. Edinburgh, January 20, 1826. MY DBAS LOOKHABT, — I have your kind letter. Whenever I heard that Constable had made a ccssio fori, I thought it became me to make public how far I was concerned in these matters, and to offer my fortune so far as it was prestable, and the completion of my literary engagements (the better thing almost of the two) ; to make good all chums upon Ballan- tyne & Co. ; and even supposing that neither Hurst & Co. nor Constable k Co. ever pay a penny they owe me, my old age will be far from destitute— even if my right hand should lose its cunning. This is the very worst that can befall me ; but I have little doubt that, with ordinary management, the affairs of those houses will turn out favourably. It is needless to add that I will not engage myself, as Con- stable desires, for £20,000 more— or £2000— or £200. I have advanced enough already to pay other people's debts, and now must pay my own. If our friend C. had set out a fortnight earlier nothing of all this would have happened ; but he let the hour of distress precede the hour of provision, and he and others must pay for it. Yet don't hint this to him, poor fellow; it is an infirmity of nature. I have made my matters public, and have had splendid offers of assistance, all which I have declined, for I would rather bear my own bur- den than subject myself to obligation. There is but one way in such cases. It is easy, no doubt, for any friend to blame me for entering into connection with commercial matters at all. But I wish to know what I could have done better, excluded from the Bar, and then from all profits for six years, by my colleague's prolonged life. Literature was not in those days what poor Constable has made it ; and, with my little capital, I was too glad to make commercially the means of supporting my family. I got but £600 for the Lay of tic Last Minstrel, and — it was a price that made men's hair stand on end— £1000 for Marmion. I have been far from suffering by James Ballan- tyne. I owe it to him to say, that his difficulties, as well as his advantages, are owing to me. I trusted too much to Constable's assurances of his own and his correspondents' stability, but yet I believe he was only sanguine. The upshot is just what Hurst & Co. and Constable may be able to pay me ; if 15s. in the pound, I shall not complain of my loss, for I have gained many thousands in my day. But while I live I shall regret the downfall of Constable's house, for never did there exist so intelligent and so liberal an establishment. They went too far when money was plenty, that is certain ; yet if e\ ery author in Britain had taxed himself half a year's income, he should have kept up the house which first broke in upon the monopoly of the London trade, and made letters what they now are. I have had visits from all the monied people, offering their purses— and those who are credi- tors, sending their managers and treasurers to assure me of their joining in and adopting any measures I may propose. I am glad of this fo» their sake, and for my own ; for although 1 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 231 shall not desire to steer, yet I am the only person that can cann, as Lieutenant Hatchway says, to any good purpose. A very odd anony- mous offer I had of £30,000/ which I rejected, as I did every other. Unless I die, I shall beat up against this foul weather. A penny I will not borrow from any one. Since my creditors are content to be patient, I have the means of righting them perfectly, and the confidence to employ them. I would have given a good deal to have avoided the coup oV eclat; but that having taken place, I would not give sixpence for any other results. I fear you will think I am writing in the heat of excited resistance to bad fortune. My dear Lockhart, I am as calm and temperate as you ever saw me, and working at Woodstock like a very tiger. I am grieved for Lady Scott and Anne, who cannot conceive adversity can have the better of them, even for a moment. If it teaches a little of the frugality which I never had the heart to enforce when money was plenty, and it seemed cruel to inter- rupt the enjoyment of it in the way they liked best, it will be well. Kindest love to Sophia, and tell her to study the song 2 and keep her spirits up. Tyne heart, tyne all ; and it is making more of money than it is worth to grieve about it. Kiss Johnnie for me. How glad I am fortune carried you to London before these reverses happened, as they would have embittered parting, and made it resemble the boat leaving the sinking ship. — Yours, dear Lockhart, affectionately, Walter Scott. [Towards the end of the year 1813, the Ettrick Shepherd wrote from Edinburgh to his brother "William, with reference to his celebrated poem, The Queen's Wake, and various other matters.] JAMES HOGG, THE ETTRICK SHEPHERD, TO HIS BROTHER. Edinburgh, Nov. 28, 1813. Dear Brother, — I have been very much to blame in not answering your letter, but the truth is that I never write any letters. The one of yours which I received in Athol I cannot lay my hands upon, but I know I objected particularly to the terms perfect breed and perfection of a breed. I received all my things in the box safe, and I find them of excellent quality. I am sorry I have not got a copy of the Wake to you, though I sent for one. I send you the Review and Mag. You shall have a copy of the poem soon. I will see my nephew Robert to-day, as I am bound to the south. Mr. Gray has a good letter from you, which I understand he has been reading in all the literary circles of Edinburgh, to show them, as he says, that the genius of the family is not all concentred in one head. For God's sake, take some thought of your wases and weres, has and have, is and are, etc. Excuse me, my dear William, for, believe me, the writing of a letter is now the greatest penance I suffer. — I am your affectionate brother, James Hogg. 1 Sir Walter never knew the name of this munificent person. 2 ' Up with the bonnets of Bonnie Dundee.' TO PROFESSOR JOHN WILSON. Mount Bengcr, August 1829. My dear and honoured John,— I never thought you had been so unconscionable as to desire a sportsman on the 11th or even the 13th of August to leave Ettrick Forest for the bare scraggy hills of Westmoreland !— Ettrick Forest, where the black cocks and white cocks, brown cocks and grey cocks, ducks, plovers and peaseweeps and whilly-whauns are as thick as the flocks that cover her mountains, and come to the hills of Westmoreland that can nourish nothing better than a castril or stonechat ! To leave the great yellow-fin of Yarrow, or the still larger grey-loch er, for the degenerate fry of Troutbeck, Esthwaite, or even Wastwatei ! No, no, the request will not do ; it is an unreasonable one, and therefore not unlike yourself, for besides, what would become of Old North and Blackwood and all our friends for game, were I to come to Elleray just now? I know of no home of man where I could be so happy within doors with so many lovely and joyous faces around me; but this is not the season for in-door enjoyments ; they must be reaped on the wastes among the blooming heath, by the silver spring, or swathed in the delicious breeze of the wilderness. Elleray, with all its sweets, could never have been my choice for a habitation, and perhaps you are the only Scottish gentleman who ever made such a choice, and still persists in maintaining it, in spite of every disadvantage. Happy days to you and a safe return ! Yours most respect- fully, James Hogg. [The smart critic in the Edinburgh could stoop to write a charming friendly letter. The work of the busy lawyer, the keen debater, and the ready journalist has served its day and generation, and few revive his criticism unless by way of comparison with views which have advanced and progressed ; but the personal good qualities of Jeffrey shine throughout his Life and Comespondence, which was edited shortly after his death by his friend Lord Cockburn.] THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. LORD JEFFREY TO HIS COUSUf, MISS CROCKETT. Oxford, March 9, 1792. My dear Crocke, — I fancy I have provoked you. I have entirely forgotten what I wrote in my List, but recollect that it was written imme- diately after a very hearty dinner, on a very cold and a wry cloudy day. I conclude it WU incredibly amusing. I beg your pardon — I excuse your silence — and I proceed. Bat I would excuse anything at present, for I am mollified and melted to the very temper of a lamb within these three weeks, and all owing to the reading of some very large and admirably elegant books ; which have so stupefied and harassed my understanding, so exercised and confirmed my patience, and, withal, so petrified and deadened my sensibility, that I can no longer perceive or resent any injury or affront that might be offered me. I have just intellect enough remaining to suggest the impropriety of proclaiming this my unhappy state, so tempting to insult or malice ; but I know to whom I confide the secret, and I know that I am safe ; for benevolence and compassion, especially when allied to a genuine nobility of spirit, will never take advantage of infirmity or misfortune ; and the assurance of impunity can only be a tempta- tion to the ungenerous and unfeeling. Now I beg you would never think of copying such sentences as these — I mean when you write to me on any other occasion. I am sure your purer taste must render the caution superfluous. There is a charm in simplicity and naturality of expression, for which neither excellent sense, nor egregious sentiment, nor splendid diction, can compensate. But this simplicity, in this vile, conceited, and puerile age, it is infinitely difficult to acquire ; and all our best writers since Shakespeare, except the gentle Addison, and sometimes Sterne, have given up the attempt in despair, and trusted to gaudier vehicles for the conveyance of their respective reputations to the ears of posterity and the mansion of fame ; which practice, you will allow, is greatly to the prejudice of those who are taught to consider them as the models of fine writing. However, I intend in a year or two to correct the depravity of taste, and to revive the simple and the sublime in all their purity and in all their majesty. This, you will perceive, is private and confidential. I wish you understood Latin, and particularly Greek, that you might understand what it is that I am talking about, in which wish I doubt nothing yon join me most cordially. Now you conceive I am grown a pedant; that I have done nothing but read law and language and science since I came here. Shall I tell you the truth,— though it would be a pity to undeceive you in mi error bo Battering to my diligence and industry, —I never was so dissipated in tuy life, being out almost every day, and pestered with languor all the morning. But the vacation is coining nil, and we shall have leisure enow, and there will be nothing but reading, and then we will get learning enow, etc. Write me a letter as long as these two last of mine, and believe me, yours sincerely. TO MR. B. MOREHEAD. Edinburgh, September 20, 1799. My hear Bobby, — I am happy to tell you that I found Mainie 1 almost entirely recovered from her late illness, and in every respect a great deal better than I had expected. This is the first chapter, and now I come to myself ; and a whole chapter of accidents I have to indite on that subject, though I am not sure if I shall have the patience to present you with the whole of it. I was roused carefully half an hour before four yesterday morning, and passed two delightful hours in the kitchen waiting for the mail. There was an enormous fire, and a whole houseful of smoke. The waiter was snoring with great vehemency upon one of the dressers, and the deep, regular intonation had a very solemn effect, I can assure you, in the obscurity of that Tartarean region, and the melancholy silence of the morning. An in- numerable number of rats were trotting and gibbering in one end of the place, and the rain clattered freshly on the windows. The dawn heavily in clouds brought on the day, but not, alas, the mail ; and it was long past five when the guard came galloping into the yard, upon a smoking horse, with all the wet bags lumbering beside him (like Scylla's water-dogs), roaring out that the coach was broken down somewhere near Dundee, and commanding another steed to be got ready for his transportation. The noise he made brought out the other two sleepy wretches that had been waiting like myself for places, and we at length persuaded the heroic champion to order a post-chaise instead of a horse ; into which we crammed ourselves all four with a whole mountain of leather bags, that clung about our legs like the entrails of a fat cow all the rest of the journey. At Kinross, as the morning was very fine, we prevailed with the guard to go on the outside to dry himself, and got on to the ferry about eleven, after encountering various perils and vexations, in the loss of horse-shoes and wheel-pins, and in a great gap in the road, over which we had to lead the horses and haul the carriage separately. At this place we supplicated our agitator for leave to eat a little breakfast ; but he would not stop an instant, and we were obliged ti> snatch up a roll or two a-piece to gnaw the dry crusts during our passage, to keep soul and 1 Ilis sister Mary. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. *33 body together. We got in soon after one, and I have spent my time in eating, drinking, sleeping, and other recreations, down to the present hour. This is the conclusion of my journal, you see. Yours is not in such forward- ness. But I hope the part of it that has been performed out of my guidance has been pros- perous and agreeable. I rather think my return must have been a riddance to you, for I was both dull and ill-tempered during the last days of our travelling, etc. And now farewell to you, my trusty travelling companion. We shall make another trip together again, I hope, very soon ; and, in the meantime, try to make as few trips as possible asunder. I am persuaded that they are good things both for the mind and the body, and. are very amusing, both past, present, and future ; which is more than you can say of any other kind of gratification. Remember me very kindly to Mrs. Morehead and her children twain, Mrs. B. and all the other members of that illustrious family, to all my friends and acquaintances, and, lastly, to the whole human race, rich and poor, friends and foes. Amen. — I am, dear Bob, always most affectionately yours. TO A GRANDCHILD. Craigcrook, June 20, 1848. My sonsy Nancy ! — I love you very much, and think very often of your dimples, and your pimples, and your funny little plays, and all your pretty ways : and I send you my blessing, and wish I were kissing your sweet, rosy lips, or your fat finger tips ; and that you were here, so that I could hear your stammering words from a mouthful of curds ; and a great purple tongue (as broad as it's long) ; and see your round eyes, open wide with surprise, and your wonder- ing look, to find yourself at Craigcrook ! To- morrow is Maggie's birthday, and we have built up a great bonfire in honour of it ; and Maggie Butherfurd (do you remember her at all?) is coming out to dance round it, — and all the servants are to drink her health, and wish her many happy days with you and Frankie, — and all the mammys and pappys, whether grand or not grand. We are very glad to hear that she and you love each other so well, and are happy in making each other happy ; and that you do not forget dear Tarley or Frankie when they are out of sight, nor Granny either, — or even old Granny pa, who is in most danger of being forgotten, he thinks. We have had showery weather here, but the garden is full of flowers ; and Frankie has a new wheel-barrow, and does a great deal of work, and some mischief now and then. All the dogs are very well ; and Foxey is mine, and Froggy is Tarley's, and Frankie has taken up with great white Neddy, — so that nothing is left for Granny but old barking Jacky and Dover when the carriage comes. The donkey sends Ids compliments to you, and maintains that you are a cousin of his ! or a near relation, at all events. He wishes, too, that you and Maggie would come ; for he thinks that you will not be so heavy on his back as Tarley and Maggie Butherfurd, who now ride him without mercy. This is Sunday, and Ali is at church — Granny and I taking care of Frankie till she comes back, and he is now hammering very busily at a corner of the carpet, which he says does not lie flat. He is very good, and really too pretty for a boy, though I think his two eye-brows are growing into one, — stretching and meeting each other above his nose ! But he has not near so many freckles as Tarley, who has a very fine crop of them, which she and I encourage as much as we can. I hope you and Maggie will lay in a stock of them, as I think no little girl can be pretty without them in summer. Our pea-hens are suspected of having young families in some hidden place, for though they pay us short visits now and then, we see them but seldom, and always alone. If you and Maggie were here with your sharp eyes, we think you might find out their secret, and introduce us to a nice new family of young peas. The old papa cock, in the meantime, says he knows nothing about them, and does not care a farthing ! We envy you your young peas of another kind, for we have none yet, nor any asparagus either, and hope you will bring some down to us in your lap. Tarley sends her love, and I send mine to you all, though I shall think most of Maggie to-morrow morning, and of you when your birth morning comes. When is that, do you know? It is never dark now here, and we might all go to bed without candles. And so bless you ever and ever, my dear dimply pussie. — Your very loving Grandpa. [At a time when the relationships between author and publisher are sometimes strained, and when they too often only stand in the position of buyer and seller of literary wares, this letter of Southey's is worth referring to, as an example of honour- able and high-minded business dealing. Shortly after Joseph Cottle, an enlightened Bristol bookseller, had been introduced to Southey, ami while the poet was yet unknown to fame, he gave him eighty guineas for his Poems and Joan of Arc. This was the first stepping-stone to fame, and the com- mencement of a prosperous career of author- 2Z\ THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. ship for Southey ; and when Cottle, after the sale of his effects, regretted he had not returned his copyrights, the poet replied in a letter which speaks strongly for the friendly feeling still subsisting between them.] ROBERT SOUTHEY TO JOSEPH COTTLE. Wednesday evening, Greta Hall, April 28, 1808. My dear Cottle, — "What you say of my copy- rights affects me very much. Dear Cottle, set your heart at rest on that subject. It ought to be at rest. They were yours ; fairly bought, and fairly soil. You bought them on the chance of their success, what no London book- seller would have done ; and had they not been bought, they could not have been published at all. Nay, if you had not published Joan of Arc, the poem never woidd have existed, nor should I, in all probability, ever have obtained that reputation which is the capital on which I subsist, nor that power which enables me to support it. But this is not all. Do you suppose, Cottle, that I have forgotten those true and most essential acts of friendship which you showed me when I stood most in need of them ? Your house was my house when I had no other. The very money with which I bought my wedding ring, and paid my marriage fees, was supplied by you. It was with your sisters that I left my Edith, during my six months' absence ; and for the six months after my return, it was from you that I received, week by week, the little on which we lived, till I was enabled to live by other means. It is not the settling of our cash account that can cancel obligations like these. You are in the habit of preserving your letters, and if you were not, I would entreat you to preserve this, that it might be seen hereafter. Sure I am, that there never was a more generous nor a kinder heart than yours; and you will believe me when I add, that there does not live that man upon earth, whom I remember with more gratitude and more affection. My heart throbs and my eyes burn with these recollections. Good-night, my dear old friend and benefactor. Robert Southey. [Charles Lamb, the delightful humorist and essayist, was born in London, in Grown Office How, Inner Temple, on Friday the 10th of February 1775. lie was the youngest surviving child of a family of seven, and after attending a little day school, in his eighth year was presented to Christ's Hospital by Timothy Yeates, the governor. In 17'.'2 he obtained a situation in the ac- countant's office of the East India Company, where he remained thirty-three years, till his salary had gradually risen from about £70 to £000 per annum. His thirty-three years' clerkship closed on Tuesday the 29th March 1825, when he received a retiring pension of £450 per annum, with a separate provision for his sister Mary. His feelings wdien 'he came home for ever' will be seen in his letter to Wordsworth. He did not many, but during his lifetime remained devotedly attached to his sister, Mary Lamb, who was subject to periodical attacks of insanity, and who had, while under the influence of one of these attacks, stabbed her mother to death with one of the knives from the dinner-table. Through- out his lifetime he enjoyed the friendship of Coleridge, "Wordsworth, Southey, Rogers, Hazlitt, and other eminent men of the time. The 'Essays of Elia' were con- tributed to the London Magazine between 1820-25. The largest sum he received for these essays was £170 a year for two years together. Lamb died December 27, 1834. Three years afterwards his friend Justice Talfourd embalmed his memory in his Final Memorials, which have been any- thing but final, as we have bad many mono- graphs and biographies of Lamb since that time. His letters are as whimsical and entertaining as his essays, with this ad- ditional advantage, that they are at the same time autobiographical. Without these letters, no correct biography of Lamb would be possible at this distance of time.] LAMB TO COLERIDGE. 1 [In allusion to a small volume of Poems by Coleridge, Lloyd, and Lamb, which was published by Cottle of Bristol.) Priestley, whom I sin in almost adoring, speaks of 'such a choice of company as tends to keep up that righl bent, and firmness of mind, which a necessary intercourse with the world would otherwise warp and relax.' 'Such fellowship is the true balsam of life ; its cement is in- finitely more durable than that of the friend- i This selection Is quoted from 1 fCharUt with a Sketch o/fcia Lift, byThomas Noon Talfourd, London, 1887. Lamb has had many biographers, in- eluding Talfourd, Barry Cornwall, Peroj iv Charles Kent, and Alfred Alnger. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 235 ships of the world, and it looks for its proper fruit, and complete gratification, to the life beyond the grave.' Is there a possible chance for such an one as I to realize in this world such friendships ? Where am I to look for 'em ? What testimonials shall I bring of my being worthy of such friendship ? Alas ! the great and good go together in separate herds, and leave such as I to lag far, far behind in all intellectual, and, far more grievous to say, in all moral accomplishments. Coleridge, I have not one truly elevated character among my acquaintance ; not one Christian ; not one but undervalues Christianity — singly what am I to do ? Wesley (have you read his life ?), was he not an elevated character? Wesley has said, ' Religion is not a solitary thing.' Alas ! it necessarily is so with me, or next to solitary. 'Tis true you write to me. But correspondence by letter, and personal intimacy, are very widely different. Do, do write to me, and do some good to my mind, already how much ' warped and relaxed ' by the world ! 'Tis the conclusion of another evening. Good-night. God have us all in His keeping. If you are sufficiently at leisure, oblige me with an account of your plan of life at Stowey, — your literary occupations and prospects, — in short, make me acquainted with every cir- cumstance, which, as relating to you, can be interesting to me. Are you yet a Berkleyan ? Make me one. I rejoice in being speculatively a Necessitarian. Would to God I were habitu- ally a practical one. Confirm me in the faith of that great and glorious doctrine, and keep me steady in the contemplation of it. You some time since expressed an intention you had of finishing some extensive work on the Evi- dences of Natural and Revealed Religion. Have you let that intention go? Or are you doing anything towards it? Make to yourself other ten talents. My letter is full of nothingness. I talk of nothing. But I must talk. I love to write to you. I take a pride in it. It makes me think less meanly of myself. It makes me think myself not totally disconnected from the better part of mankind. I know I am too dissatisfied with the beings around me ; but I cannot help occasionally exclaiming, ' Woe is me that I am constrained to dwell with Meshech, and to have my habitation among the tents of Kedar.' I know I am in noways - better in practice than my neighbours, but I have a taste for religion, an occasional earnest aspiration after perfection, which they have not. I gain nothing by being with such as myself ; we encourage one another in mediocrity. I am always longing to be with men more excellent than myself. All this must sound old to you, but these are my predominant feelings when I sit down to write to you, and I should put force upon my mind were I to reject them. Yet I rejoice, and feel my privilege with gratitude, when I have been reading some wise book, such as I have just been reading, Priestley on Philosophical Neces- sity, in the thought that I enjoy a kind of communion, a kind of friendship even with the great and good. Books are to me instead of friends. I wish they did not resemble the latter in their scarceness. And how does little David Hartley? Ecquid antiquam virtutem? Does his mighty name work wonders yet upon his little frame and opening mind ? I did not distinctly understand you ; you don't mean to make an actual plough- man of him ? Is Lloyd with you yet ? Are you intimate with Southey? What poems is he about to publish ? He hath a most prolific brain, and is indeed a most sweet poet. But how can you answer all the various mass of interroga- tion I have put to you in the course of the sheet? Write back just what you like, only write something, however brief. I have now nigh finished my page, and got to the end of another evening (Monday evening), and my eyes are heavy and sleepy, and my brain un- suggestive. I have just heart enough awake to say good-night once more, and God love you, my dear friend. God love us all. Mary bears an affectionate remembrance of you. [1797.] Charles Laitb. to the same. Your poem 1 is altogether admirable, parts of it are even exquisite. I perceived all its ex- cellences, on a first reading, as readily as now you have been removing a supposed film from my eyes. I was only struck with a certain faulty disproportion, in the matter and the style, which I still think I perceive between these lines and the former ones. I had an end in view ; I wished to make you reject the poem, only as being discordant with the other, and, in subservience to that end, it was politically done in me to over-pass, and make no mention of merit, which, could you think me capable of overlooking, might reasonably damn for ever in your judgment all pretensions, in me, to be critical. There — I will be judged by Lloyd, whether I have not made a very handsome re- cantation. I was in the case of a man whose friend has asked him his opinion of a certain young lady — the deluded wight gives judgment against her in toto, don't like her face, her walk, her manners ; finds fault with her eyebrows ; can see no wit in her ; his friend looks blank, he begins to smell a rat — wind veers about — he acknowledges her good sense, her judgment in dress, a certain simplicity of manners and honesty of heart, something too in her manners which gains upon you after a short acquaintance, and then her accurate pronunciation of the 1 A poem of Coleridge's, which he proposed to call the Maid of Orleans. 236 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. French language, and a pretty uncultivated taste in drawing. The reconciled gentleman smiles applause, squeezes him by the hand, and hopes he will do him the honour of taking a hit of dinner with Mrs. and him, a plain family dinner, sunn- day next week; 'for I suppose you never heard we were married. I'm glad to see you like my wife, however ; you'll come and see her, ha?' Now, am I too proud to retract entirely? Yet I do perceive I am in some sort straitened ; you are manifestly wedded to this poem, and what fancy has joined let no man separate. I turn me to the Joan of Arc, second book. The solemn openings of it are with sounds, which LI. would say 'are silence to the mind.' The deep preluding strains are fitted to initiate the mind, with a pleasing awe, into the sub- limest mysteries of theory concerning man's nature, and his noblest destination — the philo- sophy of a first cause— of subordinate agents in creation, superior to man — the subserviency of Pagan worship and Pagan faith to the intro- duction of a purer and more perfect religion. which you so elegantly describe as winning with gradual steps her difficult way northward from Eethabra. After all this cometh Joan, a publican's daughter, sitting on an alediouse bench, and marking the swingings of the sign- board, finding a poor man, his wife and six children, starved to death with cold, and thence roused into a state of mind proper to receive visions emblematical of equality ; which, what the devil Joan had to do with, I don't know, or, indeed, with the French and American revolutions, though that needs no pardon, it is executed so nobly. After all, if you perceive no disproportion, all argument is vain ; I do not so much object to parts. Again, when you talk of building your fame on these lines in pre- ference to the Religious Musings, I cannot help conceiving of you, and of the author of that, as two different persons, and I think you a very vain man. I have been re-reading your letter ; much of it I could dispute, but with the latter part of it, in which you compare the two Joans, with respect to their predispositions for fanaticism, I, toto conic, coincide, only I think that Southey's strength rather lies in the description of the emotions of the Maid under the weight of inspiration— these (I see no mighty difference between her describing them or you describing them), these if you only equal, the previous admirers of his poem, as is natural, will prefer his,— if you surpass, prejudice will scarcely allow it ; and I scarce think you will surpass, though your specimen at the conclusion, I am in earnest, I think very nigh equal, them. And in an aec'unt of a fanatic or of a prophet, the description of her emotions is expecttd to be most highly finished. By the way, 1 Bpoke far too disparagingly of your lines, and, lam ashamed to say, purposely; I should like you to specify or particularize; the story of the 'Tottering Kid,' of 'his eventful years all come and gone,' is too general ; why not make him a soldier, or some character, however, in which he has been witness to frequency of 'cruel wrong and strange distress'? I think I should. When I laughed at the 'miserable man crawling from beneath the coverture,' I wonder I did not perceive that it was a laugh of horror, such as I have laughed at Dante's picture of the famished Ugolino. Without falsehood, I perceive an hundred beauties in your narrative. Yet I wonder you do not perceive something out of the way, something unsimple and artificial, in the expression 'voiced a sad tale.' I hate made-dishes at the muses' banquet. I believe I was wrong in most of my other objections. But surely 'hailed him immortal,' adds nothing to the terror of the man's death, which it was your business to heighten, not diminish, by a phrase which takes away all terror from it. I like that line, ' They closed their eyes in sleep, nor knew 'twas death.' Indeed there is scarce a line I do not like. ' Turbid ecstasy' is surely not so good as what you had written, ' troublous.' Turbid rather suits the muddy kind of in- spiration which London porter confers. The versification is, throughout, to my ears un- exceptionable, with no disparagement to the measure of the Religious Musings, which is exactly fitted to the thoughts. You were building your house on a rock, when you rested your fame on that poem. I can scarce bring myself to believe that I am admitted to a familiar correspondence, and all the licence of friendship, with a man who writes blank verse like Milton. Xow, this is delicate flattery, indirect flattery. Go on with your Maid of Orleans, and be content to be second to yourself. I shall become a convert to it, when 'tis finished. This afternoon I attend the funeral of my poor old aunt, who died on Thursday. I own I am thankful that the good creature has ended all her days of Buffering and infirmity. She was to me the 'cherisherof infancy,' and one must fall on those occasions into reflections, which it would lie commonplace to enumerate, concerning death, ' of chance and change, and fate and human life.' Good , who could have foreseen all this but four months back ? I had reckoned, in particular, on my aunt's living many years ; she was a very hearty old woman. But she was a mere skeleton before she died, looked more like a corpse that had lain weeks in the grave than one fresh dead. 'Truly the light is sweet, and a pleasant thing it is for the eyes to behold the sun ; hut let a man live many days and rejoice in them all, yet let him remember the days of darkness, for they shall be many.' Coleridge, why are we to THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 237 live on after all the strength and beauty of existence are gone, when all the life of life is fled, as Burns expresses it ? Tell Lloyd I have had thoughts of turning Quaker, have been reading, and, or am rather just beginning to read, a most capital book, good thoughts in good language, William Penn's No Cross, no Croivn. I like it immensely. Unluckily I went to one of his meetings, tell him, in St. John's Street, yesterday, and saw a man under all the agitations and workings of a fanatic, who believed himself under the influences of some ' inevitable presence. ' This cured me of Quaker- ism ; I love it in the books of Penn and Wool- man, but I detest the vanity of a man thinking he speaks by the Spirit, when what he says an ordinary man might say without all that quaking and trembling. In the midst of his inspiration, and the effects of it were most noisy, was handed into the midst of the meet- ing a most terrible blackguard Wapping sailor ; the poor man, I believe, had rather have been in the hottest part of an engagement, for the congregation of broad-brims, together with the ravings of the prophet, were too much for his gravity, though I saw even he had delicacy enough not to laugh out. And the inspired gentleman, though his manner was so super- natural, yet neither talked nor xwofessed to talk anything more than good sober sense, common morality, with now and then a declara- tion of not speaking from himself. Among other things, looking back to his childhood and early youth, he told the meeting what a graceless young dog he had been, that in his youth he had a good share of wit : reader, if thou hadst seen the gentleman, thou wouldst have sworn that it must indeed have been many years ago, for his rueful physiognomy would have scared away the playful goddess from the meeting where he presided for ever. A wit ! a wit ! what could he mean ? Lloyd, it minded me of Falkland in the Rivals, ' Am I full of wit and humour? No, indeed you are not. Am I the life and soul of every company I come into? No, it cannot be said you are.' That hard- faced gentleman a wit ! Why, nature wrote on his fanatic forehead fifty years ago, ' Wit never comes, that comes to all.' I should be as scandalized at a bon mot issuing from his oracle- looking mouth, as to see Cato go down a country dance. God love you all. You are very good .to submit to be pleased with reading my nothings. 'Tis the privilege of friendship to talk nonsense, and to have nonsense respected. Yours ever, C. Lamb. Monday [1797]. [The following letter — rich in fun — bears date Saturday, July 28, 1798. In order to make its allusions intelligible, it is only necessary to mention that Southey was then contemplating a calendar illustrative of the remarkable days of the year. — Talfourd.] LAMB TO MR. SOUTHEY. I am ashamed that I have not thanked you before this for the Joan of Arc, but I did not know your address, and it did not occur to me to write through Cottle. The poem delighted me, and the notes amused me, but methinks she of Neufchatel, in the print, holds her sword too ' like a dancer. ' I sent your notice to Phillips, particularly requesting an immediate insertion, but I suppose it came too late. I am some- times curious to know what progress you make in that same ' Calendar,' whether you insert the nine worthies and Whittington ; what you do or how you can manage when two Saints meet and quarrel for precedency ; Martlemas, and Candlemas, and Christmas are glorious themes for a writer like you, antiquity-bitten, smit with the love of boars' heads and rosemary ; but how you can ennoble the 1st of April I know not. By the way, I had a thing to say, but a certain false modesty has hitherto pre- vented me ; perhaps I can best communicate my wish by a hint — my birthday is on the 10th of February, new style, but if it interferes with any remarkable event, why, rather than my country should lose her fame, I care not if I put my nativity back eleven days. Fine family patronage for your 'Calendar,' if that old lady of prolific memory were living, who lies (or lyes) in some church in London (saints forgive me, but I have forgot ivhat church), attesting that enormous legend of as many children as days in the year. I marvel her impudence did not grasp at a leap year. Three hundred and sixty-five dedications, and all in a family — you might spit in spirit on the one- ness of Maecenas patronage ! Samuel Taylor Coleridge, to the eternal regret of his native Devonshire, emigrates to Westphalia — ' Poor Lamb (these were his last words), if he wants any knowledge, he may apply to me,' in ordinary cases, I thanked him, I have an Encyclopedia at hand, but on such an occasion as going over to a German university, I could not refrain from sending him the following propositions, to be by him defended or oppugned (or both) at Leipsic or Gottingen. THESES QU^DAM THEOLOGICE. I. ' Whether God loves a lying angel better than a true man ? ' 233 THE BRITISH LETTER U'RfTERS. ' Whether the archangel Uriel ox M knowingly affirm an untruth, and whether, if he could, he would ? ' in. ' "Whether honesty be an angelic virtue, or not rather belonging to that class of qualities which the Schoolmen term ' ' virtutes minus Eplendida j ,ethominisetterraenimispartitipes?''' IV. ' "Whether the seraphim ardentes do not manifest their goodness by the way of vision and theory? and whether practice be not a Bub-celestial and merely human virtue ? ' v. 'Whether the higher order of seraphim illuminati ever sneer ? ' VI. '"Whether pure intelligences can love, or whether they can love anything besides pure intellect?' VII. '"Whether the beatific vision be anything more or less than a perpetual representment to each individual angel of his own present attainments and future capabilities, something in the manner of mortal looking-glasses ? ' VIII. 'Whether an "immortal and amenable soul" may not come to be damn'd at last and the man never suspect it beforehand ? ' Samuel Taylor hath not deigned an answer ; was it impertinent in me to avail myself of that offered source of knowledge ? Wishing Madoc may be born into the world with as splendid promise as the second birth, or purification, of the Maid of Neufchatel, I remain, yours sincerely, C. Lamb. TO MR. WORDSWORTH. Dear Wordsworth,— I have not forgot your commissions. But the truth is, — and why should I not confess it ? — I am not plethorically abounding in cash at this present. Merit, Heaven knows, is very little rewarded ; but it does not become me to speak of myself. My motto is, 'Contented with little, yet wishing for more.' Now, the books you wish for would require some pounds, which, I am sorry to say, I have not by me ; so, I will say at once, if you will give me a draft upon your town banker for any sum you propose to lay out, I will dispose of it to the very best of my skill in choice old books, such as my own soul lovcth. In fact, I have been waiting for the liquidation of a debt to enable myself to set about your commission handsomely ; for it is a scurvy thing to cry, 'Give me the money first,' and I am the first of the family of the Lnmbs that have done it for many centuries ; but the debt remains as it was, and my old friend that I accommodated has generously forgot it ! The books which you want, I calculate at about £8. Ben Jonson is a guinea book. Beaumont and Fletcher, in folio, the right folio not now to be met with ; the octavos are about £Z. As to any other drama- tists, I do not know where to find them, except what are in Dodsley's old plays, which are about £3 also. Massinger I never saw but at one shop, but it is now gone ; but one of the editions of Dodsley contains about a fourth (the best) of his plays. Congreve, and the rest of King Charles' moralists, are cheap and accessible. The works on Ireland I will in- quire after, but, I fear, Spenser's is not to be had apart from his poems ; I never saw it. But you may depend upon my sparing no pains to furnish you as complete a library of old poets and dramatists as will be prudent to buy ; for I suppose you do not include the £20 edition of Hamlet, single play, which Kemble has. Marlow's plays and poems are totally vanished ; only one edition of Dodsley retains one, and the other two of his plays; but John Ford is the man after Shakespeare. Let me know your will and pleasure soon, for I have observed, next to the pleasure of buying a bargain for oneself, is the pleasure of per- suading a friend to buy it. It tickles one with the image of an imprudency, without the penalty usually annexed. C. Lamb. [1800.] [Thomas Manning was a mathematical tutor at Cambridge when Lamb first made his acquaintance. He had a strong scientific turn, and afterwards travelled in the remoter parts of China and Thibet.] LAMB TO MR. MANNING. Dear Manning, — Had you written one week before you did, I certainly should have obeyed your injunction ; you should have seen me before my letter. I will explain to you my situation. There are six of us in one depart- ment. Two of us (within these four days) are confined with severe fevers ; and two more, who belong to the Tower Militia, expect to have marching orders on Friday. Now six are absolutely necessary. I have already asked and obtained two young hands to supply the loss of the feverites. And, with the other prospect before me, you may believe I cannot decently ask leave of absence for myself. All I can promise is (and I do promise, with the .sincerity of y.iint Peter, and the contrition of sinner Peter if I fail), that I will come the very first spare week, and go nowhere till I have been at Cambridge. No matter if you are in a state of pupilage when I come ; for I can THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 239 employ myself in Cambridge very pleasantly in the mornings. Are there not libraries, halls, colleges, books, pictures, statues? I wish you had made London in your way. There is an exhibition quite uncommon in Europe, which could not have escaped your genius, — a live rattlesnake, ten feet in length, and the thick- ness of a big leg. I went to see it last night by candlelight. We were ushered into a room very little bigger than ours at Pentonville. A man and woman and four boys live in this room, joint tenants with nine snakes, most of them such as no remedy has been discovered for their bite. "We walked into the middle, which is formed by a half moon of wired boxes, all mansions of snakes — whip-snakes, thunder- snakes, pig-nose snakes, American vipers, and this monster. He lies curled up in folds ; and immediately a stranger enters (for he is used to the family, and sees them play at cards), he set up a rattle like a watchman's in London, or near as loud, and reared up a head, from the midst of these folds, like a toad, and shook his head, and showed eveiy sign a snake can show of irritation. I had the foolish curiosity to strike the wires with my finger, and the devil flew at me with his toad mouth wide open ; the inside of his mouth is quite white. I had got my finger away, nor could he well have bit me with his big mouth, which would have been certain death in five minutes. But it frightened me so much, that I did not recover my voice for a minute's space. I forgot, in my fear, that he was secured. You would have forgot too, for 'tis incredible how such a monster can be confined in small, gauzy- looking wires. I dreamed of snakes in the night. I wish to heaven you could see it. He absolutely swelled with passion to the bigness of a large thigh. I could not retreat without infringing on another box, and just behind, a little devil, not an inch from my back, had got his nose out, with some difficulty and pain, quite through the bars ! He was soon taught better manners. All the snakes were curious, and objects of terror ; but this monster, like Aaron's serpent, swallowed up the impression of the rest. He opened his cursed mouth, when he made at me, as wide as his head was broad. I hallooed out quite loud, and felt pains all over my body with the fright. I have had the felicity of hearing George Dyer read out one book of The Farmer's Boy. I thought it rather childish. No doubt, there is originality in it (which, in your self-taught geniuses, is a most rare quality, they generally getting hold of some bad models, in a scarcity of books, and forming their taste on them), but no selection. All is described. Mind, I have only heard read one book. Yours sincerely, Philo-Snake, [1800.] C L. TO THE SAME. Dear MANNING, — I have received a very kind invitation from Lloyd and Sophia, to go and spend a month with them at the lakes. Now it fortunately happens (which is so seldom the case !) that I have spare cash by me, enough to answer the expenses of so long a journey ; and I am determined to get away from the office by some means. The purpose of this letter is to request of you (my dear friend) that you will not take it unkind, if I decline my proposed visit to Cambridge for the present. Perhaps I shall be able to take Cambridge in my way, going or coming. I need not describe to you the expectations which such an one as myself, pent up all my life in a dirty city, have formed of a tour to the lakes. Con- sider, Grasmere ! Ambleside ! Wordsworth ! Coleridge ! Hills, woods, lakes, and mountains to the eternal . I will eat snipes with thee, Thomas Manning. Only confess, confess a bite. P.S. — I think you named the 16th ; but was it not modest of Lloyd to send such an invitation ! It shows his knowledge of money and time. I would be loath to think he meant ' Ironic satire sidelong sklented on my poor pursie. Burns. For my part, with reference to my friends northward, I must confess that I am not romance-bit about nature. The earth, and sea, and sky (when all is said), is but as a house to dwell in. If the inmates be courteous, and good liquors flow like the conduits at an old coronation, if they can talk sensibly, and feel properly, I have no need to stand staring upon the gilded looking-glass (that strained my friend's purse strings in the purchase), nor his five-shilling print over the mantelpiece of old Nabbs the carrier (which only betrays his false taste). Just as important to me, in a sense, is all the furniture of my world ; eye pampering, but satisfies no heart. Streets, streets, streets, markets, theatres, churches, Covent Gardens, shops sparkling with pretty faces of industrious milliners, neat sempstresses, ladies cheapening, gentlemen behind counters lying, authors in the street with spectacles (you may know them by their gait), lamps lit at night, pastry-cook and silver-smith shops, beautiful Quakers of Pentonville, noise of coaches, drowsy cxy of mechanic watchmen at night, with bucks reeling home drunk ; if you happen to wake at midnight, cries of fire and stop thief, inns of court, with their learned air, and halls, and butteries, just like Cambridge colleges ; old book- stalls, Jeremy Taylors, Burtons on Melancholy, and Religio Medicis on every stall. These are thy pleasures, O London, with the many sins. O city, abounding in , for these may Keswick and her giant brood go hang ! [1800.] C. L. 240 THE BRITISH LETTER J I 'RITE RS. TO MR. WORDSWORTH. I ought before this to have replied to your very kind invitation into Cumberland. "With you and your sister I could gang anywhere ; but I am afraid whether I shall ever be able to afford so desperate a journey. Separate from the pleasure of your company, I don't now care if I never see a mountain in my life. I have passed all my days in London, until I have formed as many and intense local attach- ments as any of you mountaineers can have done with dead nature. The lighted shops of the Strand and Fleet Street, the innumerable trades, tradesmen, and customers, coaches, waggons, playhouses ; all the bustle and wickedness round about Covent Garden ; the watchmen, drunken scenes, rattles ; life awake, if you awake, at all hours of the night ; the impossibility of being dull in Fleet Street ; the crowds, the very dirt and mud, the sun shining upon houses and pavements, the print- shops, the old book-stalls, parsons cheapening books, coffee-houses, steams of soups from kitchens, the pantomimes — London itself a pantomime and a masquerade— all these tilings work themselves into my mind, and feed me ■without a power of satiating me. The wonder of these sights impels me into night walks about her crowded streets, and I often shed tears in the motley Strand from fulness of joy at so much life. All these emotions must be strange to you ; so are your rural emotions to me. But consider, what must I have been doing all my life, not to have lent great portions of my heart with usury to such scenes ? My attachments are all local, purely local — I have no passion (or have had none since I was in love, and then it was the spurious engendering of poetry and books) to groves and valleys. The rooms where I was born, the furniture which has been before my eyes all my life, a book-case which has followed me about like a faithful dog (only exceeding him in knowledge) wherever I have moved, old chairs, old tables, streets, squares, where I have sunned myself, my old school, these are my mistresses — have I not enough without your mountains? I do not envy you. I should pity you, did I not know that the mind will make friends of anything. Your sun, and moon, and skies, and hills, and lakes affect me no more, or scarcely come to me in more venerable characters, than as a gilded room witli tapestry and tapers, where I might live with handsome, visible objects. I consider the clouds above me but as a roof beautifully painted, but unable to satisfy the mind; and at last, like the pictures of the apartment of a connoisseur, unable to afford him any longer a pleasure. So fading upon me, from disuse, have been the beauties of nature, as they have been oonfinedly called; so ever fresh, and green, and warm are all the inventions of men and assemblies of men in this great city. I should certainly have laughed with dear Joanna. 1 Give my kindest love, and my sister's, to D. and yourself. And a kiss from me to little Barbara Lethwaite. 2 Thank you for liking my play ! C. L. [Lamb, accompanied by his sister, visited the lake country in 1802, and spent three weeks with Coleridge at Keswick. There he also met Thomas Clarkson, the philan- thropist and opponent of the slave trade.] LAMU TO MR. MANNING. London, Sept. 24, 1S02. My DEAR Manning,— Since the date of my last letter, I have been a traveller. A strong desire seized me of visiting remote regions. My first impulse was to go and see Paris. It was a trivial objection to my aspiring mind that I did not understand a word of the language, since I certainly intend some time in my life to see Paris, and equally certainly intend never to learn the language ; therefore that could be no objection. However, I am very glad I did not go, because you had left Paris (I see) before I could have set out. I believe, Stoddart pro- mising to go with me another year, prevented that plan. My next scheme (for to my restless, ambitious mind London has become a bed of thorns) was to visit the far-famed peak in Derbyshire, where the devil sits, they say, without breeches. This my purer mind rejected as indelicate. And my final resolve was a tour to the lakes. I set out with Mary to Keswick, without giving Coleridge any notice, for, my time being precious, did not admit of it. He received us with all the hospitality in the world, and gave up his time to show us all the wonders of the country. He dwells upon a small hill by the side of Keswick, in a com- fortable house, quite enveloped on all sides by a net of mountains ; great floundering bears and monsters they seemed, all couchant and asleep. "We got in in the evening, travelling in a post-chaise from Penrith in the midst of a gorgeous sunshine, which transmuted all the mountains into colours, purple, etc. etc. We thought we had got into fairyland. But that went off (and it never came again; while we stayed we had no more fine sunsets); and we entered Coleridge's comfortable study just in the dusk, when the mountains were all dark i Alluding to the Inscription of Wordsworth's, entitled 'Joanna,' containing a magnificent description of the effect of laughter echoing amidst thi mountains of Westmoreland. - Alluding to Wordsworth's poem 'The Pet Lamb.' THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 241 with clouds upon their heads. Such an im- pression I never received from objects of sight before, nor do I suppose that I can ever again. Glorious creatures, fine old fellows, Skiddaw, etc. I never shall forget ye, how ye lay about that night, like an entrenchment ; gone to bed, as it seemed, for the night, but promising that ye were to be seen in the morning. Coleridge had got a blazing fire in his study, which is a large, antique, ill-shaped room, with an old- fashioned organ, never played upon, big enough for a church, shelves of scattered folios, an iEolian harp, and an old sofa, half bed, etc. And all looking out upon the fading view of Skiddaw, and his broad-breasted brethren : what a night ! Here we stayed three full weeks, in which time I visited Wordsworth's cottage, where we stayed a day or two with the Olarksons (good people, and most hospitable, at whose house we tarried one day and night), and saw Lloyd. The Wordsworths were gone to Calais. They have since been in London, and passed much time with us ; he is now gone into Yorkshire to be married. So we have seen Keswick, Grasmere, Ambleside, Ulswater (where the Clarksons live), and a place at the other end of Ulswater, I forget the name, 1 to which we travelled on a very sultry day, over the middle of Helvellyn. We have clambered up to the top of Skiddaw, and I have waded up the bed of Lodore. In fine, I have satisfied myself that there is such a thing as that which tourists call romantic, which I very much suspected before ; they make such a spluttering about it, and toss their splendid epithets around them, till they give as dim a light as at four o'clock next morning the lamps do after an illumination. Mary was excessively tired when she got about half-way up Skiddaw ; but we came to a cold rill (than which nothing can be imagined more cold, running over cold stones), and with the reinforcement of a draught of cold water, she surmounted it most manfully. Oh, its fine black head, and the bleak air atop of it, with a prospect of mountains all about and about making you giddy ; and then Scotland afar off, and the border counties so famous in song and ballad ! It was a day that will stand out like a mountain, I am sure, in my life. But I am returned (I have now been come home near three weeks — I was a month out), and you cannot conceive the degradation I felt at first, from being accustomed to wander free as air among mountains, and bathe in rivers without being controlled by any one, to come home and work. I felt very little. I had been dreaming I was a very great man. But that is going off, and I find I shall conform in time to that state of life to which it has pleased God to call me. Besides, after all, Fleet Street and the Strand are better places l Patterdale. to live in for good and all than amidst Skiddaw. Still, I turn back to those great places where I wandered about, participating in their greatness. After all, I could not live in Skiddaw. I could spend a year, two, three years among them, but I must have a prospect of seeing Fleet Street at the end of that time, or I should mope and pine away, I know. Still, Skiddaw is a fine creature. My habits are changing, I think, i.e. from drunk to sober. Whether I shall be happier or no, remains to be proved. I shall certainly be more happy in a morning ; but whether I shall not sacrifice the fat, and the marrow, and the kidneys, i.e. the night, glorious care-drowning night, that heals all our wrongs, pours wine into our mortifications, changes the scene from indifferent and flat to bright and brilliant? — O Manning, if I should have formed a diabolical resolution, by the time you come to England, of not admitting any spirituous liquors into my house, will you be my guest on such shame-worthy terms ? Is life, with such limitations, worth trying? The truth is that my liquors bring a nest of friendly harpies about my house, who consume me. This is a pitiful tale to be read at St. Gothard, but it is just now nearest my heart. F is a ruined man. He is hiding himself from his creditors, and has sent his wife and children into the country. , my other drunken companion (that has been : nam hie ccestus artemque repono), is turned editor of a Naval Chronicle. Godwin continues a steady friend, though the same facility does not remain of visiting him often. Holcroft is not yet come to town. I expect to see him, and will deliver your message. Things come crowding in to say, and no room for 'em. Some things are too little to be told, i.e. to have a preference ; some are too big and circumstantial. Thanks for yours, which was most delicious. Would I had been with you, benighted, etc. I feai my head is turned with wandering. I shall never be the same acquiescent being. Farewell ; write again quickly, for I shall not like to hazard a letter, not knowing where the fates have carried you. Farewell, my dear fellow ! C. Lamb. [The following letter, containing the germ of the well-known Dissertation on Roast Pig, was addressed to Coleridge, who had received a pig as a present, and attributed it erroneously to Lamb. — Talfourd.] LAMB TO COLERIDGE. Dear C, — It gives me great satisfaction to hear that the pig turned out so well — they are interesting creatures at a certain age — what a pity such buds should blow out into the maturity of rank bacon ! You had all some of 242 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. the crackling — and brain sauce — did you remember to rub it with butter, and gently dredge it a little, just before the crisis? Did the eyes come away kindly, with no QSdipean avulsion ? Was the crackling the colour of the ripe pomegranate ? Had you no cursed com- pliment of boiled neck of mutton before it, to blunt the edge of delicate desire? Did you flesh maiden teeth in it? Not that I sent the pig, nor can form the remotest guess what part O could play in the business. I never knew him give anything away in my life. He would not begin with strangers. I suspect the pig, after all, was meant for me ; but at the unlucky juncture of time being absent, the present somehow went round to Highgate. To confess an honest truth, a pig is one of those things I could never think of sending away. Teals, widgeons, snipes, barn-door fowl, ducks, geese, — your tame villalio things, — Welsh mutton, collars of brawn, sturgeon, fresh or pickled, your potted char, Swiss cheeses, French incs, early grapes, muscadines, I impart as freely unto my friends as to myself. They are but self extended ; but pardon me if I stop some- where — where the fine feeling of benevolence giveth a higher smack than the sensual rarity, there my friends (or any good man) may command me ; but pigs are pigs, and I myself therein am nearest to myself. Nay, I should think it an affront, an undervaluing done to Nature who bestowed such a boon upon me, if in a churlish mood I parted with the precious gift. One of the bitterest pangs I ever felt of remorse was when a child. My kind old aunt had strained her pocket strings to bestow a sixpenny whole plum-cake upon me. In my way home through the Borough, I met a venerable old man, not a mendicant, — but thereabouts ; a look-beggar, not a verbal petitionist ; and in the coxcombry of taught- charity, I gave away the cake to him. I walked on a little in all the pride of an Evangelical peacock, when of a sudden my old aunt's kindness crossed me; the sum it was to her; the pleasure she had a right to expect that I — not the old impostor— should take in eating her cake; the cursed ingratitude by which, under the colour of a Christian virtue, I had frustrated her cherished purpose. I sobbed, wept, and took it to heart so grievously, that I think I never suffered the like— and I was right. It was a piece of unfeeling hypocrisy, and proved a lesson to me ever after. The cake has long been masticated, consigned to dunghill with the ashes of that unseasonable pauper. But when Providence, who is better to us all than our aunts, gives me a pig, remembering my temptation and my fall, I shall endeavour to act towards it more in the spirit of the donor's purpose. Yours (short of pig) to command in every- thing, C. L. TO BERNARD BARTON. Dear B. B.,— Do you know what it is to succumb under an insurmountable day-mare, — 'a whoreson lethargy,' Falstaff calls it, — an indisposition to do anything, or to be anything, — a total dcadness and distate,— a suspension of vitality, — an indifference to locality, — a numb, Boporifical good-for-nothingness, — an ossification all over, — an oyster-like insensi- bility to the passing events, — a mind-stupor, — a brawny defiance to the needles of a thrusting- in conscience? Did you ever have a very bad cold, with a total irresolution to submit to water-gruel processes? This has been for many weeks my lot, and my excuse ; my fingers drag heavily over this paper, and to my thinking it's three-and-twenty furlongs from hence to the end of this demi-sheet. I have not a thing to say; nothing is of more importance than another ; I am flatter than a denial or a pan- cake ; emptier than Judge 's wig when the head is in it ; duller than a country stage when the actors are off it ; a cipher, an O ! I acknowledge life at all, only by an occasional convulsional cough, and a permanent phlegmatic pain in the chest. I am weary of the world, and the world is weary of me. My day is gone into twilight, and I don't think it worth the expense of candles. My wick hath a thief in it, but I can't muster courage to snuff it. I inhale suffocation ; I can't distinguish veal from mutton ; nothing interests me. 'Tis twelve o'clock, and Thurtell is just now coming out upon the New Drop, Jack Ketch alertly tucking up his greasy sleeves to do the last office of mortality, yet cannot I elicit a groan or a moral reflection. If you told me the world will be at an end to-morrow, I should just say, ' "Will it?' I have not volition enough left to dot my i's, much less to comb my eyebrows ; my eyes are set in my head ; my brains are gone out to see a poor relation in Moorfields, and they did not say when they'd come back again ; my skull is a Grub Street attic to let — not so much as a joint-stool left in it ; my hand writes, not I ; just as chickens run about a little when their heads are off. Oh for a vigorous fit of gout, of cholic, toothache, — an earwig in my auditory, a fly in my visual organs ; pain is life — the sharper, the more evidence of life ; but this apathy, this death ! Did you ever have an obstinate cold,— a six or seven weeks' uninter- mitting chill and suspension of hope, fear, conscience, and everything? Yet do I try all I can to cure it; I try wine, and spirit smoking, and snuff in unsparing quantities, bat they all only seem to make me worse instead of better. I sleep in a damp room, but it does me no good ; I come home late o nights, but do not find any visible amendment ! It is just fifteen minutes after twelve ; Thurtell is by this time a good way on his THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 243 journey, baiting at Scorpion perhaps ; Ketch is bargaining for his cast coat and waistcoat ; the Jew demurs at first at three half-crowns, but, on consideration that he may get somewhat by showing 'em in the town, finally closes. C. L. [Written on his retirement from the post as clerk in the East India House in 1825.] LAMB TO WORDSWORTH. Colebrooke Cottage, April 6, 1825. Dear "Wordsworth,— I have been several times meditating a letter to you concerning the good thing which has befallen me, but the thought of poor Monkhouse came across me. He was one that I had exulted in the prospect of congratulating me. He and you were to have been the first participators, for indeed it has been ten weeks since the first motion of it. Here am I, then, after thirty-three years' slavery, sitting in my own room at eleven o'clock this finest of all April mornings, a freed man, with £441 a-year for the remainder of my life, live I as long as John Dennis, who outlived his annuity and starved at ninety : £441, i.e. £450, with a deduction of £9 for a provision secured to my sister, she being survivor, the pension guaranteed by Act Georgii Tertii, etc. I came home FOR EVER on Tuesday in last week. The incomprehensibleness of my con- dition overwhelmed me. It was like passing from life into eternity. Every year- to be as long as three, i.e. to have three times as much real time— time that is my own, in it ! I wandered about thinking I was happy, but feeling I was not. But that tumultuousness is passing off, and I begin to understand the nature of the gift. Holidays, even the annual month, were always uneasy joys, with their conscious fugitiveness, the craving after making the most of them. Now when all is holiday, there are no holidays. I can sit at home, in rain or shine, without a restless impulse for walkings. I am daily steadying, and shall soon find it as natural to me to be my own master as it has been irksome to have had a master. Mary wakes every morning with an obscure feeling that some good has happened to us. and , after their releasements, - describe the shock of their emancipation much as I feel mine. But it hurt their frames. I eat, drink, and sleep sound as ever. I lay no anxious schemes for going hither and thither, but take things as they occur. Yesterday I excursioned twenty miles ; to-day I write a few letters. Pleasuring was for fugitive play-days, mine are fugitive only in the sense that life is fugitive. Freedom and life co-existent ! At the foot of such a call upon you for gratulation, I am ashamed to advert to that melancholy event. Monkhouse was a character I learned to love slowly, but it grew upon me, yearly, monthly, daily. What a chasm has it made in our pleasant parties ! His noble, friendly face was always coming before me, till this hurrying event in my life came, and for the time has absorbed all interest ; in fact it has shaken me a little. My old desk companions, with whom I have had such merry hours, seem to reproach me for removing my lot from among them. They were pleasant creatures; but to the anxieties of business, and a weight of possible woes ever impending, I was not equal. Indeed this last winter I was jaded out — winters were always worse than other parts of the year, because the spirits are worse, and I had no daylight. In summer I had daylight evenings. The relief was hinted to me from a superior power when I, poor slave, had not a hope but that I must wait another seven years with Jacob — and lo ! the Rachel which I coveted is brought to me. Have you read the noble dedication of Irving's Missionary Orations to S. T. C. Who shall call this man a quack hereafter? What the Kirk will think of it neither I nor Irving care. When somebody suggested to him that it would not be likely to do him good, videlicet, among his own people, ' That is a reason for doing it,' was his noble answer. That Irving thinks he has profited mainly by S. T. C, I have no doubt. The very style of the dedication shows it. Communicate my news to Southey, and beg his pardon for my being so long acknowledg- ing his kind present of the Church, which circumstances, having no reference to himself, prevented at the time. A ssure him of my deep respect and friendliest feelings. Divide the same, or rather each take the whole to you — I mean you and all yours. To Miss Hutchinson I must write separate, Farewell ! and end at last, long selfish letter ! 0. Lamb. [The following letter, written in the beginning of 1S30, describes his landlord and landlady, and expresses, with a fine solemnity, the feelings which still held him at Enfield. — Taffourd.] LAMB TO WORDSWORTH. And is it a year since we parted from you at the steps of Edmonton stage? There are not now the years that there used to be. The tale of the dwindled age of men, reported of succes- sional mankind, is true of the same man only. We do not live a year in a year now. 'Tis a punctum stans. The seasons pass with indiffer- ence. Spring cheers not, nor winter heightens 244 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. our gloom ; autumn hath foregone its moralities, — they are ' hey-pass repass,' as in a show-box. Yet, us far as last year recurs, — for they scarce show a reflex now, they make no memory as heretofore, — 'twas sufficiently gloomy. Let the sullen nothing pass. Suffice it, that after sad spirits, prolonged through many of its months, as it called them, we have cast our skins ; have taken a farewell of the pompous, troublesome trifle called housekeeping, and are settled down into poor boarders and lodgers at next door with an old couple, the Baucis and Baucida of dull Enfield. Here we have nothing to do with our victuals but to eat them ; with the garden but to see it grow ; with the tax-gatherer but to hear him knock ; with the maid but to hear her scolded. Scot and lot, butcher, baker, are things unknown to us, save as spectators of the pageant. "We are fed we know not how ; quietists, — confiding ravens. "We have the otiiua pro dignitate, a respectable insignificance. Yet in the self-condemned obliviousness, in the stagnation, some molesting yearnings of life, not quite killed, rise, prompting me that there was a London, and that I was of that old Jerusalem. In dreams I am in Fleet Market, but I wake and cry to sleep again. I die hard, a stubborn Eloisa in this detestable Paraclete. "What have I gained by health? Intolerable dulness. What by early hours and moderate meals ? A total blank. Oh ! never let the lying poets be believed, who 'tice men from the cheerful haunts of streets, or think they mean it not of a country village. In the ruins of Palmyra I would gird myself up to solitude, or muse to the snoring of the Seven Sleepers ; but to have a little teazing image of a town about one ; country folks that do not look like country folks; shops two yards square, half-a-dozen apples and two penn'orth of overlooked ginger- bread for the lofty fruiterers of Oxford Street ; and, for the immortal book and print stalls, a circulating library that stands still, where the show-picture is a last year's valentine, and whither the fame of the last ten Scotch novels has not yet travelled (marry, they just begin to be conscious of Redyauntlet) ; to have a new- plastered flat church, and to be wishing that it was but a cathedral ! The very blackguards here are degenerate ; the topping gentry stock- brokers ; the passengers too many to ensure your quiet, or let you go about whistling or gaping, too few to be the fine indifferent pageants of Fleet Street. Confining, room- keeping, thickest winter, is yet more bearable here than the gaudy months. Among one's books at one's fire by candle, one is soothed into an oblivion that one is not in the country : but with the light the green fields return, till I gaze, and in a calenture can plunge myself into St. Giles 9 . Oh ! let no native Londoner imagine that health, and rest, and innocent occupation, Interchange of converse sweet, and recreative study, can make the country anything better than altogether odious and detestable. A garden was the primitive prison, till man, with Promethean felicity and boldness, luckily sinned himself out of it. Thence followed Babylon, Nineveh, Venice, London, haberdashers, gold- smiths, taverns, playhouses, satires, epigrams, puns, — these all came in on the town part, and the thither side of innocence. Man found out inventions. From my den I return you con- dolence for your decaying sight ; not for any- thing there is to see in the country, but for the miss of the pleasure of reading a London news- paper. The poets are as well to listen to ; any- thing high may, nay must, be read out ; you read it to yourself with an imaginary auditor ; but the light paragraphs must be glid over by the proper eye ; mouthing mumbles thei ■ gossamery substance. 'Tis these trifles I should mourn in fading sight, A newspaper is the single gleam of comfort I receive here ; it comes from rich Cathay with tidings of mankind. Yet I could not attend to it, read out by the most beloved voice. But your eyes do not get worse, I gather. Oh for the collyrium of Tobias enclosed in a whiting's liver, to send you with no apocryphal good wishes ! The last long time I heard from you, you had knocked your head against something. Do not do so ; for your head (I do not flatter) is not a nob, or the top of a brass nail, or the end of a ninepin,— unless a Yulcanian hammer could fairly batter a 'Becluse' out of it; then would I bid the smirch'd god knock, and knock lustily, the two- handed skinker. Mary must squeeze out a line proprid manu, but indeed her fingers have been incorrigibly nervous to letter-writing for a long interval. 'Twill please you all to hear, that though I fret like a lion in a net, her pi health and spirits are better than they have been for some time past ; she is absolutely years and a half younger, as I tell her, since we have adopted this boarding plan. Our providers are an honest pair, Dame W and her husband ; he, when the light of prosperity shined on them, a moderately thriv- ing haberdasher within Bow Bells, retired since with something under a competence ; writ s himself gentleman ; hath borne parish offices ; sings fine old sea songs at threescore and ten ; sighs only now and then when he thinks that he has a son on his hands about fifteen, whom he finds a difficulty in getting out into the world, and then checks a sigh with muttering, as I once heard him prettily, not meaning to be heard, 'I have married my daughter, however:' takes the weather as it comes; outsides it to town iii severest season ; and o' winter nights tells old stories not tending to literature (how comfortable to author-rid folks!), and 1 anecdote, upon which and about forty pounds a year he seems to have retired in green old age. It was how he was a rider in his youth, rV OF TH UNIVER — JMLIFOj m BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 245 travelling for shops, and once (not to balk his employer's bargain), on a sweltering day in August, rode foaming into Dunstable upon a mad horse, to the dismay and expostulatory wonderment of inn-keepers, ostlers, etc., who declared they would not have bestrid the beast to win the Derby. Understand, the creature galled to death and desperation by gadflies, cormorant-winged, worse than beset Inachus 1 daughter. This he tells, this he brindles and burnishes on a winter's eve ; 'tis bis star of set glory, his rejuvenescence, to descant upon. Far from me be it [dii avertant) to look a gift story in the mouth, or cruelly to surmise (as those who doubt the plunge of Curtius) that the inseparate conjuncture of man and beast, the centaur-phenomenon that staggered all Dun- stable, might have been the effect of unromantic necessity ; that the horse - part carried the reasoning, willy nilly ; that needs must when such a devil drove ; that certain spiral configura- tions in the frame of T W unfriendly to alighting, made the alliance more forcible than voluntary. Let him enjoy his fame for me, nor let me hint a whisper that shall dis- mount Eellerophon. But in case he was an involuntary martyr, yet if in the fiery conflict he buckled the soul of a constant haberdasher to him, and adopted his flames, let accident and he share the glory. You would all like T W - 1 [ ] How weak is painting to describe a man ! Say that he stands four feet and a nail high by his own yard measure, which, like the sceptre of Agamemnon, shall never sprout again, still you have no adequate idea ; nor when I tell you that his dear hump, which I have favoured in the picture, seems to me of the buffalo — indicative and repository of mild qualities, a budget of kindnesses — still you have not the man. Knew you old Norris of the Temple ? sixty years ours and our father's friend ? He was not more natural to us than this old W., the acquaintance of scarce more weeks. Under his roof now ought I to take my rest, but that back-looking ambition tells me I might yet be a Londoner ! Well, if we ever do move, we have incumbrances the less to impede us ; all our furniture has faded under the auctioneer's hammer, going for nothing like the tarnished frippery of the prodigal, and we have only a spoon or two left to bless us. Clothed we came into Enfield, and naked we must go out of it. 1 would live in London shirtless, bookless. Henry Crabbe is at Borne ; advices to that effect have reached Bury. But by solemn legacy he bequeathed at parting (whether he should live or die) a turkey of Suffolk to be sent every succeeding Christmas to us and divers other friends. What a genuine old bachelor's action ! I fear he will find the air of 1 Here was a rude sketch of a gentleman answering to the description. Italy too classic. His station is in the Harz forest ; his soul is be-Goetlied. Miss Kelly we never see ; Talfourd not this half-year : the latter flourishes, but the exact number of his children, Cod forgive me, I have utterly for- gotten ; we single people are often out in our count there. Shall I say two? We see scarce anybody. Can I cram loves enough to you all in this little O? Excuse particularizing. C. L. [John Leyden (1775-1811) was an enthusiastic student, with an extraordinary power for acquiring languages, and any branch of knowledge in which he might be interested. He went out to India as an assistant surgeon, and was rapidly rising in the Indian service when death cut short a promising career. His arrival at Madras, and his first experiences in that city, are graphically depicted by his own hand as follows : — ] leyden's arrival at madras. 1 We landed, after passing through a very rough and dangerous surf, and being completely wetted by the spray. We were received on the beach by a number of the natives, who wanted to carry us from the boat on their naked, greasy shoulders, shining with cocoa oil. I leapt on shore with a loud huzza, tumbling half a dozen of them on the sand. But the sun was so excruciatingly hot, that my brains seemed to be boiling, for which reason I got into a palanquin and proceeded to the principal inn. On my way thither, wishing to speak to one of my messmates, I overset the palanquin, by leaning incautiously to one side, and nearly tumbled head foremost into the street. At the inn I was tormented to death by the impertinent persevering of the black people, for every one is a beggar as long as you are reckoned a griffin, or new-comer. I then saw a number of jugglers, and fellows that play with the hooded snake a thousand tricks, though its bite is mortal ; and among the rest, I saw a fellow swallow a sword. You are not to suppose, however, that this was a Highland broadsword, or even a horseman's sabre ; it was only a broad piece of iron, perfectly blunt at the edges. I then set out to survey the town in the self-same palanquin. The houses had all of them an unearthly appearance, by no means consonant to our ideas of Oriental splendour. The animals differed a good deal from ours. The dogs looked wild and mangy, their hair stood on end, and they 1 We quote our letters from the centenary edition of the Poetical Works of John Leyden, edited by Thomas Brown, M.A., 1875. 246 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. had all the appearance of being mad. The cows and bullocks had all bunches on their shoulders, and their necks low, and apparently bowed beneath the burden. The trees were totally different from any that I had seen, and the long hedges of prickly aloes, like large house leeks in their leaves ; and spurge, whose knotted and angular branches seemed more like a collec- tion of tapeworms than anything else. The dress of the natives was so various and fantastic, as quite to confuse you ; and their complexions, of all kinds of motley hues, except the healthy European red and white. Can you be surprised that my curiosity was so thoroughly satisfied, that I even experienced a considerable degree of sickness, and felt all my senses so dazzled anil tormented, that my head ached, and my ears tingled, and I was so completely fatigued by the multitude of new sensations which crowded on me on every side, that, to free my- self from the torment, like an ox tormented with gad-flies, I took to the water, and got again on ship-board, with more satisfaction than I had descried land after a five months' voyage. The first night I slept ashore I was waked by my side smarting very severely, and, rolling myself on my side, discovered, with very little satisfaction, that the smart was occasioned by a large animal, which I imagined to be a snake. As the chamber was dark, I disengaged myself from it with as little bustle and violence as possible, not wishing to irritate such an anta- gonist. "With great pleasure I heard it make its way from the couch to the floor, and, with great sang froid, lay down to sleep again, as quietly as my blistered side would permit. On the morn, however, I discovered it to be a large lizard, termed a blood-sucker here, which nods ■with its head when you look at it ; and it saluted me with a nod from the window, like Xailoun's cousin, the Karduwan, in the Arabian Tales, which saluted him so kindly, though it would not condescend to enter into conver- sation. [Leyden here relates the incidents of a trip taken for the benefit of his health, and other events that occurred during the first two years of his Indian life, in two letters sent in October 1S05 to Constable and Ballantyne.] I in: in india. Prince of Walat Island, I Pvloo Pi ruing, Oct. 23, 1805. Dear Constable, — I would with great pleasure apologize for not answering sooner your brief note, accompanying a vol. of the Edinburgh Review, but really it is not a couple of months since I received it, and the last of tin je hi been spent at sea, between Travancore ami Achin. I had almost forgot, that it is very probable these names are not quite so familiar to you as York and Newcastle, or any other two places one might pitch on between Edinburgh and London, on the great high road. Be it therefore known to you, that the one is the name of a kingdom on the Malabar coast, and the other of a sultanship on the western coast of Sumatra, the sultan of which styles himself 'Lord of heaven and earth, and of the four-and- twenty umbrellas.' But how came you to be so long in receiving my card and volume? You will say, Why so ? Because I have been stationed in Mysore during the greater part of the time I have been in India, and during a considerable part of the time amid the jungles of Coimbatore, and on the confines of the "Wynaad, where neither mail-coach nor post- chaise ever come at all ; and during a consider- able part of that time, the communication between Mysore and Madras has been cut off by the Gentoo Polygars, and between Mysore and Malabar by the Kairs of the Wynaad, into whose hands I nearly fell about five months ago, when I descended into Malabar through the passes of Coory. Besides all these obstacles, you must take into consideration that ever since I left Madras, which was a few months after my arrival, it has seldom been an easy matter to tell where I should be in a few days, or even within a few hundred miles of it. You say you will be glad to hear that I have found Madras according to my wish. "Why then rejoice therefor, as ancient Pistol says. I assure you that I have found it exactly the field for me, where, if I stretch out my arms, I may grasp at anything — no fear but I show you I have long hands. There is, to be sure, one terrible drawback with all tljs — the pestilent state of health I have enjoyed, or rather suffered under, ever since I came to the country. This, however, I think I may i to triumph over, though it has, even at this very time, brought me from Mysore to Puloo Penang. In spite of all this, I think I may venture safely to say, that no person whatever has outstripped me in the acquisition of country languages, whether sick or well. I have, nevertheless, been given up by the physicians three or four times within these last eleven months, as any one might very well be, afflicted at once with the four most formidable diseases of India— i.e. liver, spleen, bloody flax, and fever of the jungles, which is reckoned much akin to the African yellow fever. Not- withstanding all that, I am the old man, a pretty tough chap, with a heart as sound as a roach, ami, moreover, as merry as a grig, — 'So let thr world :-.'" as it will, I'll be tree ami easy still.' I shall only add that my first medical appoint- ment has been worth more than any possessed THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 247 by three-fourths of the medical men on the Madras establishment. I have been extremely successful in all my medical and surgical practice so that at Madras my medical reputation is at least as high as my literary character. This I may say without vanity, after some of the services I have been employed in. I have forgot two things which ought to have been mentioned. The first is, when you are disposed to remember old friends, and my name comes athwart you, direct to the care of Messrs. Binnie & Dennison, Madras, who are my agents, and consequently always better apprised of my motions than others ; else your letters may chance not to reach me in a couple of years, or perhaps never come within a thousand miles of me. I should be well pleased if you were to send the Scots Magazine, from the time I was first connected with it to the present, and continue. I lost the copy in London of the first year ; send also the Edinburgh Review, for I have only odd numbers of it, and Murray's Bruce's Travels, when published. Let this, however, be entirely at your own pleasure. I cannot transmit you the value till I have opened a communication with London direct, which cannot be till I revisit Madras, which may be perhaps some time, as after the Mysore survey is closed, I am to be employed, I understand, as a Mahratta inter- preter, as well as physician and surgeon, at one of the Mahratta residences or courts. So you see I cannot immediately answer that you will be paid for them ; therefore, do as you think fit ; if they come in my way I shall provide myself. Is Sir Tristram published? I have not seen a Review less than a year and ten months old. The wars of Wynaad are nearly finished. "When I was there the Nairs could not venture to show themselves, though they sometimes kept up a rattling fire from the bushes. The rebellion of the Nairs in Travan- core has been quashed by the skill of Colonel Macaulay, the resident. The war in Ceylon goes badly on from our own misconduct. We lately took Candy a second time, and were obliged to leave it from not having provided magazines. The wars with the Mahrattas are more glorious than advantageous : had the Marquis Wellesley remained half a year longer, they would have been crushed to pieces. But , M. Cornwallis is unfit for such .active service, and besides, he is just dying of the dropsy in the chest. We are tigers among hares here. [The following letter was sent by Leydeu from Puloo Penang to Mr. Ballantyne : — ] My dear Ballantyne, — Finding an extra Iudiaman, The Revenge, which has put into this harboxir in distress, bound to Europe, I take another opportunity of attempting to revive, or rather commence, an intercourse with my European friends, for since my arrival in India I have never received a single letter from one of them — Proh Deum! — Mr. Constable excepted; and my friend Erskiue writes me from Bombay, that none of you have received the least intelligence of my motions since I left Europe. This is to me utterly astonishing and incom- prchensive, considering the multitude of letters and parcels that I have despatched from Mysore, especially during my confinement for the liver disease at Seringapatam, where I had for several months the honour of inhabiting the palace of Tippoo's prime minister. I descended into Malabar in the beginning of May, in order to proceed to Bombay, and perhaps eventually up the Persian Gulf as far as Bassorah, in order to try the effect of a sea voyage. I was, however, too late, and the rains had set in, and the last vessels sailed two or three days before my arrival. As I am always a very lucky fellow, as well as an unlucky one, which all the world knows, it so fell out that the only vessel which sailed after my arrival was wrecked, while some secret pre- sentiment, or rather ' sweet little cherub that sits up aloft,' prevented my embarking on board of her. I journeyed leisurely down to Calicut from Cananore, intending to pay my respects to the Cutwall and the Admiral, so famous in the Lusiad of Camoens ; but only think of my disappointment when I found that the times are altei - ed, and the tables turned with respect to both these sublime characters. The Cutwall is only a species of borough-bailiff, while the Admiral — God help him — is only the chief of the fishermen. From Calicut I journeyed to Paulgantcherry, which signifies, in the Tamal language, ' the town of the forest of palms,' which is exactly the meaning of Tadmor, the name of a city founded by Solomon — not for the Queen of Sheba, but, as it happened, for the equally famous Queen Zenobia. Thus having demonstrated that Solomon understood the Tamal language, we may proceed to construct a syllogism in the following manner : Solomon understood the Tamal language, and he was wise; I understand the Tamal language, therefore I am as wise as Solomon ! I fear your logical lads of Europe will be very little disposed to admit the legitimacy of the conclusion ; but, however the matter may stand in Europe, I can assure you it's no bad reasoning for India. At Paulgantcherry I had a most terrible attack of the liver, and should very probably have passed away, or, as the Indians say, changed my climate — an elegant periphrasis for dying, how- ever—had I not obstinately resolved on living, to have the pleasure of being revenged on all of you for your determined silence and persever- ance therein to the end. 248 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. Hearing about the middle of August that a Bombay cruiser had touched at Aleppo, between Quilon and Cochin, I made a desperate push through the jungles of the Cochin rajah's country, in order to reach her, and arrived about three hours after she had set sail. Any- body else would have died of chagrin, if they had not hanged themselves outright. I did neither one nor the other, but ' tuned my pipes and played a spring to John o' Badenyon !' after which I set myself coolly down and translated the famous Jewish tablets of brass, preserved in the synagogue of Cochin ever since the days of Methuselah. Probably you may think this no more difficult a task than deciphering the brazen tablet on any door of Princes or Queen Street. But here I beg your pardon ; for so far from anybody, Jew, Pagan, or Christian, having ever been able to do this before, I assure you the most learned men of the world have never been able to decide in what las or in what alphabet they were written. As the character has for a long time been supposed to be antediluvian, it has for a long time been as much despaired of as the Egyptian hiero- glyphics. So much was the diwan — or grand vizier, if you like it — of Travancore astonished at the circumstance, that he gave me to under- stand that I had only to pass through the Sacred Cow in order to merit adoption into the holy order of Brahmins. I was forced, however, to decline the honour of the sacred cow, for unluckily Phnlaris' bull and Moses' calf presented themselves to my imagination, and it occurred to me that perhaps the Ram-rajah's cow might be a beast of the breed. Apprehensive of a severe attack of the liver, I was forced to leave Travancore with great precipitation, in the first vessel that presented itself, which, as the devil would have it, was a Mapilla brig, bound to Puloo Penang, the newly-erected presidency on the Straits of Malacca, where I have just arrived, after a perverse pestilent voyage, in which I have been terribly ill of revulsions of bile and liver, without any of the conveniences which are almost necessary to a European in these parts, and particularly to an invalid. "We have had a very rough passage, the cabin very often all afloat, while I have been several times completely drenched. In addition to this, we have been pursued by a Frenchman, and kept in a constant state of alarm and agitation ; and now, to mend the matter, I am writing you at a kind of naval tavern, while all around me is ringing with the vociferation of tarpaulins, the hoarse bawling of sea-oaths, and the rattling of the dice-box. However, I flatter myself I have received considerable benefit from the voyage, tedious and disgusting and vexatious as it has been. Thank CI. id, my dear fellow, that you have nothing to do with tedious, tiresome semi- savages, who have no idea of the value of time whatsoever, and who will dispute even more keenly about a matter of no importance what- soever than one that deserves the highest consideration. Not knowing where to begin or where to end, I have said nothing of my previous rambles and traverses in Mysore or elsewhere ; of course, if no person has heard from me at all, all my proceedings must be completely a riddle. But I beg and request you to consider, that all this is utterly out of my power to prevent, if nobody whatsoever will condescend to take the trouble of writing me ; for how is it possible for me to divine which of my letters arrive at their destination and which do not ? I have now despatched for Europe exactly fifty-seven letters. I had intended to make a dead pause after the fiftieth, for at least a couple of years, and wrote Erskine to that effect, when he informed me in return, that he had the utmost reason to think nobody had ever heard from me at all, not only since I arrived in India, but for some time before leaving London. Utterly amazed, astonished, and confounded at this, I have resolved to write out the hundred complete ; and if none of my centenary brings me an answer, why then farewell, till we meet ... I write no more, except in crook-backed characters, and this I swear by all petty oaths that are not dangerous. Now, my friend, the situation in which I am placed by this most vexatious silence is ex- tremely odd and perplexing. I am actually afraid to inquire for anybody, lest it should turn out that they have for a long time been dead, damned, and stra ugh ted. It is all in vain that I search for every obituary, and peruse it with the utmost care, anxiety, and terror. There are many of you good Scotch folks that love to slip slily out of the world, like a knotless thread, without ever getting into any obituary at all ; and, besides, it is always very nearly a couple of years before any review, magazine, or obituary reaches the remote and almost inaccessible regions in which my lot has been long cast. To remedy a few of these inconveniences, I propose taking a short trip to Bengal as soon as I have seen how the climate of Puloo Penang agrees with my health ; and as in that region they are generally better informed with regard to all European matters, and better provided with reviews, magazines, and newspapers, I shall probably be able to discover that a good many of you have gone ' to kingdom come ' since I bade adieu to Auld Reekie. When I arrived in Madras, I first of all reeon- noitered my ground, when I perceived that the public men fell naturally into two divisions. The mercantile party consisting chiefly of men of old standing, versed in trade, and inspired with a spirit in no respect superior to that of the most pitiful pettifogging pedlar, nor in their views a whit more enlarged ; in short, men whose sole occupation is to make money, and THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 249 who have no name for such phrases as national honour, and would not scruple to sell their country's credit to the highest bidder. What is more unfortunate, this is the party that stands highest in credit with the East India Company. There is another party, for whom I am more at a loss to find a name. They cannot with propriety be termed the anti-mercantile party, as they have the interests of our national commerce more at heart than the others ; but they have discovered that we are not merely merchants in India, but legislators and gover- nors, and they assert that our conduct there ought to be calculated for stability and security, and equally marked by a wise internal adminis- tration of justice, financial and political eco- nomy, and by a vigilant, firm, and steady system of external politics. This class is represented by the first as only actuated by the spirit of innovation, and tending to embroil us every- where in India. Its members consist of men of the first abilities, as well as principles, that have been drafted from the common professional routine for difficult or dangerous service. I fancy this division applies as much to Bombay and Bengal as to Madras. As to the members of my own profession, I found them in a state of complete depression, so much so, that the commander-in-chief had assumed all the powers of the medical board, over whom a court- martial was at that very time impending. The medical line had been from time immemorial shut out from every appointment, except pro- fessional, and the emoluments of these had been greatly diminished just before my arrival. In this situation I found it very difficult at first what to resolve on. I saw clearly that there were only two routes in a person's choice : first, to sink into a mere professional drudge, and, by strict economy, endeavour to amass a few thousand pounds in the course of twenty years ; or, secondly, to aspire a little beyond it, and by a superior knowledge of India, its laws, relations, politics, and languages, to claim a situation somewhat more respectable in addition to those of the line itself. You know when I left Scotland, I had determined at all events to become a furious Orientalist, nemini sccundus, but I was not aware of the difficulty. I found the expense of native teachers would prove almost insurmountable to a mere assistant surgeon, whose pay is seldom equal to his absolutely necessary expenses ; and, besides, that it was necessary to form a library of MSS. at a most terrible expense, in every language to which I should apply, if I intended to proceed beyond a mere smattering. After much con- sideration I determined on this plan, at all events, and was fortunate enough in a few months to secure an appointment which fur- nished me with the means of doing so, though the tasks and exertions it imposed on me were a good deal more arduous than the common duties of a surgeon, even in a Mahratta cam- paign. I was appointed medical assistant to the Mysore survey, and at the same time ordered to cany on inquiries concerning the natural history of the country, and the manners and languages, etc. of the natives of Mysore. Tins, you would imagine, was the very situation I wished for, and so it would, had I previously had time to acquire the country languages. But I had them now to acquire after severe marches and counter-marches in the heat of the sun, night-marches and day-marches, and, amid the disgusting details of a field hospital, the duties of which were considerably arduous. However, I wrought incessantly and steadily, and without being discouraged by any kind of difficulty, till my health absolutely gave way ; and when I could keep the field no longer, I wrought on my couch, as I generally do still, though I am much better than I have been. As I had the assistance of no intelligent Euro- peans, I was obliged long to grope my way ; but I have now acquired a pretty correct idea of India in all its departments, which increases in geometrical progression as I advance in the languages. The languages that have attracted my attention since my arrival have been Arabic, Persic, Hindostani, Mahratta, Tamal, Telinga, Canara, Sanskrit, Malayalam, Malay, and Armenian ! You will be ready to ask where the I picked up these hard names, but I assure you it is infinitely more difficult to pick up the languages themselves ; several of which include dialects as different from each other as French or Italian from Spanish or Portuguese ; and in all these, I flatter myself, I have made con- siderable progress. "What would you say, were I to add the Maldivian and Mapella languages to these ? Besides, I have deciphered the inscriptions of Mavalipoorani, which were written in an ancient Canara character, which had hitherto defied all attempts at understand- ing it ; and also several Lada Lippi inscriptions, which is an ancient Tamal dialect and character ; in addition to the Jewish tablets of Cochin, which were in the ancient Malayalam, generally termed Malabar. I enter into these details merely to show you that I have not been idle, and that my time has neither been dissipated nor without plan, though that plan is not sufficiently unfolded. To what I have told you of, you are to add constant and necessary ex- posure to the sun, damps and dews from the jungles, and putrid exhalations of marshes, before I had been properly accustomed to the climate ; constant rambling in the haunts of tigers, leopards, bears, and serpents of thirty or forty feet long, that make nothing of swallowing a buffalo, by way of demonstrating their appetite, in a morning, together with smaller and more dangerous snakes, whose haunts are dangerous, and bite deadly — and you have a faint idea of a situation, in which, 250 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. with health, I lived as happy as the day was long. It was diversified with rapid jaunts of a hundred miles or so, as fast as horses or bearers could carry me, by night or day, swimming through rivers, afloat in an old brass kettle, at midnight ! Oh, I could tell you adventures to outrival the "Witch of Endor, or any witch that ever swam in egg-shell or sieve ; but you would undoubtedly imagine I wanted to impose on you were I to relate what I have seen and passed through. No ! I certainly shall never repent of having come to India. It has awakened energies in me that I scarcely ad I possessed, though I could gnaw my living nails with pure vexation, to think how much I have been thwarted by indisposition. If, however, I get over it, I shall think the better of my constitution as long as I live. It is not every constitution that can resist the combined attack of liver, spleen, bloody flux, and jungle fever, which is much akin to the plague of Egypt and yellow fever of America, It is true I have been five times given up by the most skilful physicians in these parts ; but in spite of that, I am firmly convinced that ' my doom is not to die this day,' and that you shall see me emerge from this tribulation like gold purified in the fire ; and when that happens, egad, I may boast that I have been refined by the very same menstruum too, even the uni- versal solvent mercury, which is almost the only cure for the liver, though I have been obliged to try another, and make an issue on my right side. Now pray, my dear Ballantyne, if this ever comes to hand, instantly sit down, and write me a letter a mile long, and tell me of all our common friends ; and if you see any of them that have the least spark of fri ndly recollection, say to them how vexatious their silence is, and how very unjust, if they have received my letters. But particularly you are to commend me kindly to your good motherly mother, and tell her I wish I saw her oftcner ; and then to your brother Alexander, and request him sometimes on a Saturday night, precisely at eight o'clock, for my sake, to play Jingling Johnnie on his flageolet. If I had you both in my tent, you should drink yourself drunk with wine of Shiraz, which is our Eastern Falernian, in honour of Hafez, our ]'• reian Anacreon. As for me, I often drink your health in water (ohon a ree !), having abandoned both wine and animal food, not from choice, but dire necessity. [Lord Minto's expedition arrived at Java on the 4th of August 1811, and on the 7th entered Batavia, it- capital, without resistance. The enemy had retired toastron-* i -position some miles inland. After a hard-fought battle the British troops remained masters of the field. Lcyden meanwhile busied himself in exploring the captured city. Its fragments of literature especially attracted his atten- tion, and it was while one day searching for a valuable library, that he entered into a low, unventilated house which contained some interesting manuscripts and books. He inadvertently neglected to allow the fresh air to pass through it, but went in and breathed its pestiferous particles for some hours. On leaving he was seized with sickness and shivering. He felt from the first that the end of his career was approaching, and that the poison of Batavia's noxious air was deadly for a frame that had frequently been, for some years, on the very brink of death. The fever increased for three days, and cut short his useful and laborious life on the 27th of August 1811, when he was within teu days of completing his thirty-sixth year. Lord Minto and Mr. Baffles per- formed the last sad services to his remains, and communicated the sad tidings to his parents. The news produced universal sorrow among his friends at home, for they were in the full hope of seeing him again among them at a very early date.] LEYDEN TO HIS FATHER. Ship ' Phoenix,' iii the latitude of Masulipatam, March 20, 1811. My dear Father, — After what I wrote you in my last letter, of the probability of my con- fining my wanderings to Calcutta for the time I may stay in India, you will probably be not a little surprised to find me again at sea. How- ever, you need not, I hope, be the least alarmed, for I am in company with Lord Minto. and not in the least likely to be more exposed than his lordship. "\Ve left Calcutta on the 9th of this month for Madras, where there is an army collected of about 10,000 men, black and white, ready to sail the instant his lordship arrives, against the Dutch and French in the islands of Java, Sumatra, Borneo, Celebes, and the other Malay countries which are under the celebrated Batavia. We expect to reach Madras in four days, where we do not mean to stay more than three days. From Madras we set sail for Malacca and Puloo Penang, or Prince of Wales' Island, which we expect to reach in twenty days more. In three weeks further we expect to be off Batavia, which is now very much deserted by the Dutch, from its unhealthy situation. For that reason we shall not stop THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 251 there, but advance to the centre of the island of Java, which is reckoned the healthiest coun- try in the East, and where the Dutch and French army are encamped about 20,000 strong ; but we have no fear of beating them with half their force, as we will be joined by all the Malays and Javanese, which make the greatest part of their force. I take the advantage of the ship Gcorgiana, which goes part of the way in our company, to send you the dupli- cate of the £100, of which I sent the first in the end of last month. I shall send the duplicate of the same for fear the first or second miscarry from Madras, and it is my intention to remit another £100 by the first ship which leaves Java. I accompany Lord Minto on this occasion, to assist in settling the country when conquered, and as interpreter for the Malay language, which I acquired when I was among the East- ern Isles four years ago ; and I hold myself highly honoured on the occasion, as his lordship has taken very few persons to accompany him, and those who have volunteered, and been refused, are very numerous. It is not my intention, however, to take up my residence in Java, but to return with his lordship to Bengal. I therefore do not resign my appointment of Assay Master of the Mint, but my assistant is appointed to supply my place till my return, which I expect to be in eight or ten months from the present. I am highly delighted at the prospect, for I shall have the opportunity of seeing a very curious and very fine country, with which the English are very little acquainted. I hope you will not think of being anxious about me on this occasion, as I do not consider it as more dangerous than a common journey, of which I have not taken a few. Moreover, if there were any dangers, I should not hesitate a particle more than as it is ; for I should think all paternal and other feelings most unworthily exerted in endeavouring to detain me from the clear and obvious path of duty, if ever it called me to expose myself to danger for my country, or for my benefactors. Indeed, if the truth be spoken, I am only sorry there appears no danger whatever, for I should certainly think it my duty to encounter it if it were, and I am not a man to shrink from dangers of any kind, especially if it were to be on Lord Minto's account. About G000 or 7000 have already sailed from Bengal, but we shall probably over- take them at Malacca. The Madras army is chiefly that which has returned from the boasted Isle of France, which did not cost us 200 men killed and wounded, though about two months before the arrival of the fleet, four of our frigates were driven on the rocks and compelled to surrender. However, the crews were all recovered when the island was taken, and as soon as our army had landed, the French surrendered after a slight skirmish. Java is now the last place that remains to them in the East. I will let you know how we come on by the first ships. Tell my mother not to be so frightened as she generally is. — I am, dear father, your most affectionate son, John Leyden. [John Wilson, the genial and inspired Professor of Moral Philosophy in the University of Edinburgh, and the ' Christopher North ' of Blackwood's Magazine, is here seen in a holiday mood. In the first letter he is as whimsical and facetious as Lamb in some of his famous letters to Manning, with a wholesome, breezy freshness running riot in his pages. In September 1830, he was at Penny Bridge, and wrote in this manner to his wife.] JOHN WILSON TO JAMES HOGG. Edinburgh, September 1815. My deak Hogg, — I am in Edinburgh, and wish to be out of it. Mrs. Wilson and I walked 350 miles in the Highlands, between the oth of July and the 26th of August, sojourning in divers glens from Sabbath unto Sabbath, fishing, eating, and staring. I purpose appear- ing in Glasgow on Thursday, where I shall stay till the Circuit is over. I then go to Elleray, in the character of a Benedictine monk, till the beginning of November. Now pause and attend. If you will meet me at Moffat on October Oth, I will walk or mail it with you to Elleray, and treat you there with fowls and Irish whisky. Immediately on receipt of this, write a letter to me, at Mr. Smith's Bookshop, Hutcheson Street, Glasgow, saying positively if you will or will not do so. If you don't, I will lick you, and fish up at Douglas Burn before you, next time I come to Ettrick. I saw a letter from you to M the other day, by which you seem to be alive and well. You are right in not making verses when you can catch trout. Francis Jeffrey leaves Edinburgh this day for Holland and France. I presume, after destroying the King of the Netherlands he intends to annex that kingdom to France, and assume the supreme power of the United Countries, under the title of Geoffrey the First. You he will make poet laureate and fish- monger, and me admiral of the Musquito Fleet. If you have occasion soon to write to Murray, I pray introduce something about The Citii of the Plague, as I shall probably offer him that poem in about a fortnight or sooner. Of course I do not wish you to say that the poem is utterly worthless. I think that a bold eulogy 252 THE BRITISH TETTER WRITERS. from you (if administered immediately) would be of service to me ; but if you do write about it, do not tell him that I have any intention of offering it to him, but you may say, you hear I am going to offer it to a London bookseller. "We stayed seven days at Mrs. Izett's. at Kinnaird, and were most kindly received. Mrs. Izett is a great ally of yours, and is a fine creature. I killed in the Highlands 170 dozen of trouts. One day 19 dozen and a half, another seven dozen. I one morning killed ten fronts that weighed nine pounds. In Loch Awe, in three days, I killed 76 pounds' weight of fish, all with the fly. The Gaels were astonished. I shot two roebucks, and had nearly caught a red deer by the tail. I was within half a mile of it at farthest. The good folks in the Highlands are not dirty. They are clean, decent, hospitable, ugly people. We domiciliated with many, and found no remains of the great plague of fleas, etc., that devastated the country from the time of Ossian to the accession of George the Third. "We were at Loch Katrine, Loch Lomond, Inveraray, Dal- mally, Loch Etive, Glen Etive, Dalness, Appin, Ballachulish, Fort-William, Moy, Dalwhinnie, Loch Ericht (you dog), Loch Rannoch, Glen Lyon, Taymouth, Blair Athole, Bruar, Perth, Edinburgh. Is not Mrs. "Wilson immortalized ? I know of Cona. It is very creditable to our excellent friend, but will not sell any more than the late of Palms, or The White Doe. The White Doe is not in season ; venison is not liked in Edinburgh. It wants flavour ; a good Ettrick wether is preferable. "Wordsworth has more of the poetical character than any living writer, but he is not a man of first-rate intellect ; his genius oversets him. Southey's Roderic is not a first-rate work ; the remorse of Roderic is that of a Christian devotee rather than that of a dethroned monarch. His battles are ill fought. There is no processional march of events in the poem, no tendency to one great end, like a river increasing in majesty till it reaches the sea. Neither is there national character, Spanish or Moorish. No sublime imagery ; no profound passion. Southey wrote it, and Southey is a man of talent ; but it is his worst poem. Scott's Field if Waterloo I have seen. "What a poem ! — such bald and nerveless language, mean imagery, commonplace sentiments, and clumsy versification ! It is beneath criticism. Unless the latter part of the battle be very fine indeed, this poem will injure him. "Wordsworth is dished; Southey is in pur- gatory; Scott is dying; and Byron is married. Herbert is frozen to death in Scandinavia. Moore has lost his manliness. Coleridge is always in a fog. Joanna J'.;iillie is writing a system of cookery. Montgomery is in a mad- house, or ought to be. Campbell is sick of a constipation in the bowels. Hogg is herding sheep in Ettrick Forest ; and "Wilson has taken the plague. O wretched writers ! Unfortunate bards ! "What is Bobby Miller's back shop to do this winter ? Alas | alas ! alas ! a wild doe is a noble animal ; write an address to one, and it shall be inferior to one I have written — for half a barrel of red herrings ! The Highlanders are not a poetical people. They are too national; too proud of their history. They imagine that a colley8hangy between the Macgregors and Campbells is a sublime event ; and they over- look mountains four thousand feet high. If Ossian did write the poems attributed to him, or any poems like them, he was a dull dog, and deserved never to taste whisky as long as he lived. A man who lives for ever among mist and mountains knows better than to be always prosing about them. Methinks I feel about objects familiar to infancy and manhood, but when we speak of them, it is only upon great occasions, and in situations of deep passion. Ossian was probably born in a flat country. Scott has written good lines in the Lord of the Isles, but he has not done justice to the Sound of Mull, which is a glorious strait. The Northern Highlanders do not admire Warcrlni, so I presume the South Highlanders despise Guy Mannering. The "Westmoreland peasants think "Wordsworth a fool. In Borrowdale, Southey is not known to exist. I met ten men at Hawick who did not think Hogg a poet, and the whole city of Glasgow think me a madman. So much for the voice of the people being the voice of God. I left my snuff-box in your cottage. Take care of it. The Anstruther bards have advertised their anniversary ; I forget the day. I wish Lieutenant Gray of the Marines had been devoured by the lion he once carried on board his ship to the Dey of Algiers, or that lie was kept a perpetual prisoner by the Moors in Barbary. Did you hear that Tennant had been taken before the session for an offence against good morals ? If you did not, neither did I ! Indeed it is, on many accounts, exceedingly improbable. Yours truly, John Wilson. JOHN WILSON TO HIS WIFE. Penny Bridge, Tuesday, Sept. 1S30. My dearest Jane, — We came here yester- day ; and my intention was to take Maggy back to Elleray with me to-day, and thence in a few days to Edinburgh. But I find that that arrangement would not suit, and therefore have altered it. Our plans now are as follows : — "We return in a body to Elleray (that is, I and Maggy, and dallies Fenier) this forenoon. There is a ball at Mrs. Edmund's (the Gale!) to-night, where we shall be. On Thursday, THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 253 there is a grand public ball at Ambleside, where we shall be ; and I shall keep Maggy at Elleray till Monday, when she and the boys will go in a body to Fenny Bridge, and I return alone to Edinburgh. From your letters I see you are well ; and I cannot deny Maggy the pleasure of the two balls ; so remain on her account, which I hope will please you, and that you will be happy till and after my return. The session will begin soon, and I shall have enough to do before it comes on. Dearest Jane, be good and cheerful ; and I hope all good will attend us all during the winter. Such weather never was seen as here ! Thursday last was fixed for a regatta at Lowood. It was a dreadful day, and nothing occurred but a dinner-party of twenty-four, where I presided. On Friday, a sort of small regatta took place. A repast at three o'clock was attended by about seventy-five ladies and gentlemen, and the ball in the evening was, I believe, liked by the young people. The ' worstling ' took place during two hours of rain and storm. The ring was a tarn. Robinson, the schoolmaster, threw Brunskil, and Irvine threw Robinson ; but the last fall was made up between them, and gave no satisfaction. The good people here are all well and kind. Maggy has stood her various excursions well, and is fat. I think her also grown tall. She is a quarter of an inch taller than Mrs. Barlow. Colonel B lost his wife lately by elopement, but is in high spirits, and all his conversation is about the fair sex. He is a pleasant man, I think, and I took a ride with him to Grasmere t'other day. The old fool waltzes very well, and is in love with Maggy. He dined with us at Elleray on Sunday. I have not seen the "Watsons for a long time, but shall call on them to-morrow. The weather and the uncertainty of my motions have stood in the way of many things. I have constant toothache and rheu- matism, but am tolerably well notwithstanding. Give my love to Molly and Umbs. Tell them both to be ready on my arrival, to help me in arranging my books and papers in the garrets and elsewhere. My dearest Jane, God bless you always. — Your affectionate husband, J. Wilson. [Next year he paid another visit to Westmore- land, from which he writes to his wife.] TO THE SAME. Penny Bridge, Sunday, Sept. 26, 1831. My dear Jane, — I delayed visiting this place with Mary till I could leave Elleray, without interruption, for a couple of days. T. Hamilton stayed with us a fortnight, and as he came a week later, and stayed a week longer, than he intended, so has my return to Edinburgh been inevitably prevented. Mary and I came here on Thursday, since which hour it has never ceased raining one minute, nor has one of the family been out of doors. They are all well, including Mrs. and Miss Hervey, who have been staying about a month. It now threatens to be fair, and I purpose setting off by and by on foot to Elleray, a walk of fifteen miles, which perhaps may do me good ; but if I feel tired at Newby Bridge, I will take a boat or chaise. Mary I leave at Penny Bridge for another week. The boys will join her here next Thursday, and remain till the Monday following, when they will all return to Winder- mere. On that Monday, Mary will go to Rayrig for two days or three, and either on Thursday or Friday arrive together in Edin- burgh. I and Gibb will most probably be in Edinburgh on Thursday first, unless I find any business to detain me at Elleray for another day, on my return there to-night. If so, you will hear from me on Wednesday. As Mary wrote a long letter on Tuesday last, full, I presume, of news, I have nothing to communi- cate in that line. Birkbeck has been at Elleray for two or three days, and Johnny says he expects Stoddart, who perhaps may be there on my return to-night. "We all went to the Kendal ball, which the young people seemed to enjoy. Twenty-six went from Bowness, forming the majority of the rank and beauty. I hope you have been all quite well since I saw you, as all letters seem to indicate, and that I shall find you all well on my return. A severe winter lies before me, for I must lecture on Political Economy this session, as well as Moral Philosophy ; and that Magazine will also weigh heavy on me. I certainly cannot work as I once could, and feel easily wearied and worn down with long sitting ; but what must be must, and toil I must, whatever be the con- sequence. The month before the session opens will be of unspeakable importance to me, to relieve, if possible, my miserable appearance in College beginning of last session. I wish to do my duty in that place at least, and change and exposure there are hard to bear, and of infinite loss to my interests. I feel great uneasiness and pain very often from the complaint I spoke of ; but how else can I do what is necessary for me to do? "Whatever be the consequence, and however severe the toil, I must labour this winter like a galley-slave ; and since it is for us all, in that at least I shall be doing what is at once right and difficult, and in itself deserving of commendation. If I fall through it, it shall only be with my life, or illness beyond my strength to bear up against. I hope Maggy's playing the guitar and singing frequently, and that Umbs is a good boy. Kindest love to them. I should like to have a few kind lines from you, written on Monday, the evening you 254 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. ' receive this, and sent to post office then. I i may, or rather 7nust miss them, but if anything i prevents it I shall conclude you are undoubt- edly all well. You need not send any newspapers after receipt of this, but please to keep them together. Do not say anything about my motions to the Blackwoods, as I wish to be at home a day or two incog. I shall get my room done up when I arrive, which will save me trouble perhaps afterwards in looking out for papers. Mary is getting fat, and looks well, and the boys are all right. — I am, my dearest Jane, yours ever affectionately, John Wilson. [Henry Kirke "White fell a martyr to over- exertion in his studies in 1806. How hard a student he was appears from time to time in these letters, which are his best biography. He was destined to fill an early grave, like Chatterton and Keats in England, and Michael Bruce in Scotland, before the remarkable promise of his life obtained fulfilment. He was in turn stocking-weaver, clerk with an attorney, and student at St. John's College, Cam- bridge, and at all times a hard and earnest student. His Remains were edited by Southey, and proved eminently successful.] HENRY KIRKE WHITE TO HIS BROTHER NEVILLE. Nottingham, June 26, 1S0O. Dear Brother, — My mother has allowed me a good deal lately for books, and I have a large assortment (a retailer's phrase). But I hope you do not suppose they consist of novels ; no, I have made a firm resolution never to spend above one hour at this amusement. Though I have been obliged to enter into this resolution in consequence of a vitiated taste acquired by reading romances, I do not intend to banish them entirely from my desk. After long and fatiguing researches in Blackstone or Cope, whi ii the mind becomes weak, through intense application, Tom Jones, or Robinson Crusoe, will afford a pleasing and necessary relaxation. Apropos, now we are speaking of Bobinson Crusoe, I shall observe that is allowed to be the best novel for youth in the English language. De Foe, the author, was a singular character ; but as I make no doubt you have read hi-- life, I will not trouble you with any further rem., i ' . The books which I now read with attention are, Blackstone, Knox's Essays, Plutarch, r field's Letters, four large volumes; Virgil, Homer, and ('('arc, and several others. Black stone and Knox, Virgil and Cicero, I have got; the others I read out of Mr. Coldham's library. I have finished Rollin's Ancient History, Blair's Lectures, Smith's Wealth of Nations, Hume's England and British Ncpos lately. "When I have read Knox I will send it you, and recom- mend it to your attentive perusal ; it is a most excellent work. I also read now the British Classics, the common edition of which I now take in ; it comes every fortnight. I dare say ' you have seen it; it is Cooke's edition. I would recommend you also to read these ; I will send them to you. I have got the Citizen of j the World, Idler, Goldsmith's Essays, and part of the Rambler. I will send you soon the fourth number of the Monthly Preceptor. I am noticed as worthy of commendation, and as affording an encouraging prospect of future excellence. You will laugh. I have also i turned poet, and have translated an Ode of Horace into English verse, also for the Montldy Preceptor, but, unfortunately, when I sent it I forgot the title, so it won't be noticed. I do not forsake the flowery paths of poesy, for that is my chief delight ; I read the best poets. Mr. Coldham has got Johnson's com- plete set, with their lives ; these, of course, I read. "With a little drudgery, I read Italian ; have got some good Italian works, as Pastor Fido, etc. I taught myself, and have got a grammar. I must now beg leave to return you my sincere thanks for your kind present. I like La Brucre the Less very much ; I have read the original La Bruere : I think him like Roche- foucault. Madame de Genlis is a very able woman. But I must now attempt to excuse my neglect in not writing to you. First I have been very | busy with these essays and poems for the Monthly Preceptor. Second, I was rather angry at your last letter. I can bear anything but a sneer, and it was one continued grin from beginning to end, as were all the notices you made of me in my mother's letters, and I could not, nor can I now, brook it. I could say much more, but it is veiy late, and must beg leave to wish you good night.— I am, dear brother, your affectionate friend, H. K. "WHITE. P.S. — You may expect a regular correspond- ence from me in future, but no sneers ; and shall be very obliged by a long letter. TO THE SAME. Nottingham, Michaelmas-day, 1S0O. DEAR NEVILLE, — I cannot divine what, in an epistolary correspondence, can have such charms (with people who write only commonplace occurrences) as to detach a man from his usual affairs, and make him waste time and paper on what cannot be of the least real benefit to his THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 255 correspondent. Amongst relatives, certainly, there is always an incitement ; we always feel an anxiety for their welfare. But I have no friend so dear to me as to cause me to take the trouble of reading his letters, if they only con- tained an account of his health, and the mere nothings of the day ; indeed, such an one would be unworthy of friendship. What, then, is requisite to make one's correspondence valu- able ? I answer, sound sense. Nothing more is requisite. As to the style, one may very readily excuse its faults, if repaid by the sentiments. You hare better natural abilities than many youth, but it is with regret I see that you will not give yourself the trouble of writing a good letter. There is hardly any species of com- position (in my opinion) easier than the epis- tolary ; but, my friend, you never found any art, however trivial, that did not require some application at first. For if an artist, instead of endeavouring to surmount the difficulties which presented themselves, were to rest con- tented with mediocrity, how could he possibly ever arrive at excellence ? Thus 'tis with you ; instead of that indefatigable perseverance which, in other cases, is the leading trait in your character, I hear you say, ' Ah, my poor brains were never formed for letter-writing, I shall never write a good letter,' or some such phrases ; and thus by despairing of ever arriving at excellence, you render yourself hardly tolerable. You may perhaps think this art beneath your notice, or unworthy of your pains ; if so, you are assuredly mistaken, for there is hardly any- thing which would contribute more to the advancement of a young man, or which is more engaging. You read, I believe, a good deal; nothing could be more acceptable to me, or more im- proving to you, than making a part of your letters to consist of your sentiments, and opinion of the books you peruse ; you have no idea how beneficial this would be to yourself ; and that you are able to do it I am certain. One of the greatest impediments to good writing, is the thinking too much before you note down. This I think you arc not entirely free from. I hope that by always writing the first idea that presents itself, you will soon conquer it. My letters are always the rough first draft; of course there are many alterations ; these you will excuse. I have written most of my letters to you in so negligent a manner, that if you will have the goodness to return all you have preserved, sealed, I will peruse them, and all sentences worth preserving I will extract, and return. You observe, in your last, that yortr letters are read with contempt. Do you speak as you think? You had better write again to Mr. . Between friends, the common forms of the world, in writing letter for letter, need not be observed ; but never write three without re- ceiving one in return, because in that case they must be thought unworthy of answer. We have been so busy lately I could not answer yours sooner. Once a month suppose we write to each other. If you ever find that my correspondence is not worth the trouble of carrying on, inform me of it, and it shall cease. P.S. — If any expression in this be too harsh, excuse it. I am not in an ill humour, re- collect. TO MR. E. A . Nottingham, May 7, 1804. Dear Robert, — You don't know how I long to hear how your declamation was received, and. ' all about it,' as we say in these parts. I hope to see it, when I see its author and pronouncer. Themistocles, no doubt, received due praise from you for his valour and subtlety; but I trust you poured down a torrent of eloquent indignation upon the ruling principles of his actions and the motive of his conduct, while you exalted the mild and unassuming virtues of his more amiable rival. The object of Themis- tocles was the aggrandizement of himself, that of Aristides the welfare and prosperity of the state. The one endeavoured to swell the glory of his country ; the other to promote its security, external and internal, foreign and domestic. While you estimated the services which Themistocles rendered to the state, in opposition to those of Aristides, you of course remembered that the former had the largest scope for action, and that he influenced his countrymen to fall into all his plans, while they banished his competitor, not by his superior wisdom and goodness, but by those intrigues and factious artifices which Aristides would have disdained. Themistocles certainly did use bad means to a desirable end ; and if we may assume it as an axiom, that Providence will forward the designs of a good sooner than those of a bad man, whatever inequality of abilities there may be between the two characters, it will follow that had Athens remained under the guidance of Aristides, it would have been better for her. The difference between Themistocles and Aristides seems to me to be this : That the former was a wise and a fortunate man ; and that the latter, though he had eqm.l wisdom, had not equal good fortune. We may admire the heroic qualities and the crafty policy of the one, but to the temperate and disinterested patriotism, the good and virtuous dispositions of the other, we can alone give the meed of heartfelt praise. I only mean by this, that we must not infei 256 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. Themistocles to have been the better or the greater man, because he rendered more essential services to the state than Aristides, nor even that his system was the most judicious, but only that, by decision of character and by good fortune, his measures succeeded best. The rules of composition are, in my opinion, very few. If we have a mature acquaintance with our subject, there is little fear of our ex- pressing it as we ought, provided we have bad some little experience in writing. The first thing to be aimed at is perspicuity. Tlmi is the great point, which, once attained, will make all other obstacles smooth to us. In order to write perspicuously, we should have a perfect knowledge of the topic on which we are about to treat, in all its bearings and depend- encies. We should think well beforehand what will be the clearest method of conveying the drift of our design. This is similar to what the painters call the massing, or getting the effect of the more prominent lights and shades by broad dashes of the pencil. When our thesis is well arranged in our mind, and we have pre- disposed our arguments, reasonings, and illustra- tions, so as they shall conduce to the object in view, in regular sequence and gradation, we may sit down and express our ideas in as clear a manner as we can, always using such words as are most suited to our purpose ; and when two modes of expression, equally luminous, present themselves, selecting that which is the most harmonious and elegant, It sometimes happens that writers, in aiming at perspicuity, overreach themselves, by em- ploying too many words, and perplex the mind by a multiplicity of illustrations. This is a very fatal error. Circumlocution seldom con- duces to plainness ; and you may take it as a maxim, that when once an idea is clearly expressed, every additional stroke will only confuse the mind and diminish the effect. "When you have once learned to express yourself with clearness and propriety, you will soon arrive at elegance. Everything else, in fact, will follow as of course. But I warn you not to invert the order of things, and be paying your addresses to the graces, when you ought to be studying perspicuity. Young writers, in general, are too solicitous to round off their periods, and regulate the cadences of their style. Hence the feeble pleonasms and idle repetitions which deform their pages. If you would have your compositions vigorous, and masculine in their tone, let every word tell; ami when you detect yourself polishing o(f a sentence with expletives, regard yourself in exactly the same predicament with a poet who should eke out the measure of his verses with 'titum, titoni, tee. sir.' So much for style. . . . TO MB. B. HADDOCK. Wiiita-intjham, March 1, 1805. My DBAS Bkn, — I hope and trust that you hare at length arrived at that happy tempera- ment of disposition, that although you have much cause of sadness within, you are yet willing to be amused with the variegated scenes around you, and to join, when occasions present themselves, in innocent mirth. Thus, in the course of your peregrinations, occurrences must continually arise, which, to a mind willing to make the best of everything, will afford amuse- ment of the chastest kind. Men and manners are a never-failing source of wonder and sur- prise, as they present themselves in their various phases. We may very innocently laugh at the brogue of a Somerset peasant, and I should think that person both cynical and surly, who would pass by a group of laughing children, without participating in their delight, and joining in their laugh. It is a truth most undeniable, and most melancholy, that there is too much in human life which extorts tears and groans, rather than smiles. This, however, is equally certain, that our giving way to unre- mitting sadness on these accounts, so far from ameliorating the condition of mortality, only adds to the aggregate of human misery, and throws a gloom u ver those moments when a ray of light is permitted to visit the dark valley of light, and the heart ought to be making the best of its fleeting happiness. Landscape, too, ought to be a source of delight to you ; fine buildings, objects of nature, and a thousand things which it would be tedious to name. I should call the man, who could survey such things as these without being affected with pleasure, either a very weak-minded and foolish person, or one of no mind at all. To be always sad, and always pondering on internal griefs, is what I call utter selfishness ; I would not give twopence for a being who is locked up in his own sufferings, and whose heart cannot respond to the exhilarating cry of nature, or rejoice because he sees others rejoice. The loud anil unanimous chirping of the birds on a fine sunny morning pleases me, because I see they are happy ; and I should be very selfish did I not participate in their seeming joy. Do not, how- ever, suppose that I mean to exclude a man's own sorrows from his thoughts, since that is an impossibility, and, were it possible, would be prejudicial to the human heart. I only mean that the whole mind is not to be incessantly engrossed with cares, but with cheerful elasticity to bend itself occasionally to circumstances, and give way without hesitation to pleasing emo- tions. To be pleased with little is one of the • blessings. Sadness is itself soinet inies infinitely more pleasing than joy; hut this sadness must be of the expansive and generous kind, rather THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 257 referring to mankind at large, than the indi- vidual; and this is a feeling not incompatible with cheerfulness and a contented spirit. There is a difficulty, however, in setting bounds to a pensive disposition ; I have felt it, and I have felt that I am not always adequate to the task. I sailed from Hull to Barton the day before yesterday, on a rough and windy day, in a vessel filled with a marching regiment of soldiers ; the band played finely, and I was enjoying the many pleasing emotions which the water, sky, winds, and musical instruments excited, when my thoughts were suddenly called away to more melancholy subjects. A girl, genteelly dressed, and with a countenance which, for its loveliness, a painter might have copied for Hebe, with a loud laugh seized me by the greatcoat, and asked me to lend it her ; she was one of those unhappy creatures who depend on the brutal and licentious for a bitter livelihood, and was now following in the train of one of the officers. I was greatly affected by her appearance and situation, and more so by that of another female who was with her, and who, with less beauty, had a wild sorrow- fulness in her face, which showed she knew her situation. This incident, apparently trifling, induced a train of reflections which occupied me fully during a walk of six or seven miles to our parsonage. At first I wished that I had fortune to erect an asylum for all the miserable and destitute : — and there was a soldier's wife with a wan and haggard face, and a little infant in her arms, whom I would also have wished to place in it : — I then grew out of humour with the world, because it was so unfeeling and so miserable, and because there was no cure for its miseries ; and I wished for a lodging in the wilderness, where I might hear no more of wrongs, affliction, or vice ; but, after all my speculations, I found there was a reason for these things in the gospel of Jesus Christ, and that to those who sought it there was also a cure. So I banished my vain meditations, and knowing that God's providence is better able to direct the affairs of men than our wisdom, I leave them in His hands. TO MR. JOHN CHARLESWOETH. St. John's, Sept. 22, 1806. My dear Charlesworth, — Thank you for taking the blame of our neglected correspond- ence on your own shoulders. I thought it rested elsewhere. Thrice have I begun to write to you — once in Latin, and twice in English ; and each time have the fates opposed themselves to the completion of my design. But, however, pax sit rebus, we are naturally disposed to forgive, because we are, as far as intention goes, mutual offenders. I thank you for your invitation to Clapham, which came at a fortunate juncture, since I had just settled with my tutor that I should pay a visit to my brother in London this week. I shall of course see you, and shall be happy to spend a few days with you at Clapham, and to rhapso- dize on your common. It gives me pleasure to hear you are settled, and I give you many hearty good wishes for practice and prosperity. I hope you will soon find that a wife is a very neces- sary article of enjoyment in a domesticated state ; for how indeed should it be otherwise ? A man cannot cook his dinner while he is employed in earning it. Housekeepers are complete helluones rei familiaris, and not only pick your pockets, but abuse you into the bargain ; while a wife, on the contrary, both cooks your dinner, and enlivens it with her society ; receives you after the toils of the day with cheerfulness and smiles ; and is not only the faithful guardian of your treasury, but the soother of your cares and the alleviator of your calamities. Now, am I not very poetical? But on such a subject who would not be poetical? A wife ! — a domestic fireside ; — the cheerful assiduities of love and tenderness ! It would inspire a Dutch burgomaster ! and if, with all this in your grasp, you shall still choose the pulsare terrain pede libero, still avoid the irrupta copula, still deem it a matter of light regard to be an object of affection and fondness to an amiable and sensible woman, why then you deserve to be fellow of a college all your days ; to be kicked about in your last illness by a saucy and careless bed-maker ; and lastly, to be put in the ground in your college chapel, followed only by the man who is to be your successor. Why, man, I dare no more dream that I shall ever have it in my power to have a wife, than that I shall be Archbishop of Canter- bury and Primate of all England. A suite of rooms in a still, quiet corner of old St. John's, which was once occupied by a crazy monk, or by one of the translators of the Bible in the days of good King James, must form the boundary of my ambition. I must be content to inhabit walls which never echoed with a female voice, to be buried in glooms which were never cheered with a female smile. It is said, indeed, that women were sometimes permitted to visit St. John's, when it was a monastery of White-Friars, in order to be present at particular religious ceremonies ; but the good monks were careful to sprinkle holy water wherever their profane footsteps had carried contagion and pollution. It is well that you are free from the restric- tions of monastic austerity, and that, while I sleep under the shadow of towers and lofty walls, and the safeguard of a vigilant porter, you are permitted to inhabit your own cottage, under your own guardianship, and to listen to the sweet accents of domestic affection. Yes, my very Platonic, or rather Stoical B 258 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. friend, I must see you safely bound in the matrimonial noose, and tben, like a confirmed bachelor, ten years hence I shall have the satisfaction of pretending to laugh at, while, in my heart, I envy you. So much for rhapsody. I am coming to London for relaxation's sake, and shall take it pretty freely ; that is, I shall seek after fine sights — stare at fine people — be cheerful with the gay — foolish with the simple — and leave as little room to suspect as possible that I am (anything of) a philosopher and mathematician. I shall probably talk a little Greek, but it will be by stealth, in order to excite no suspicion. I shall be in town Friday or Saturday. I am in a very idle mood, and have written you a very idle letter, for which I entreat your pardon: and I am, dear C, very sincerely yours, H. K. WHITE. [George Gordon, Lord Byron, was born in Holies Street, London, on 22d January 1788. His father was Captain John Byron, of the Guards, and his mother Catherine Gordon, who came of an Aberdeenshire family. His father speedily dissipated his mother's fortune, when she returned to Aberdeen to bring up her only son on a narrow income. Young Byron succeeded his grand-uncle in his title and to Newstead Abbey, and afterwards went to Dulwich and Harrow to continue his education. At the age of fifteen he became enamoured of Mary Chaworth, but she became betrothed to another ; Byron has recorded this passion in his poem, 'The Dream.' After this time he went to Cambridge, where his studies were pursued in a desultory manner. His first volume of poetry, Hours of Idleness, appeared in 1807, and was sharply noticed in the Edinburgh Rcvieiv, which roused Byron's spirit to the famous rejoinder, English Bards and Scotch Reviewers. One of these letters is an apology to Scott for this youthful perform- ance. After two years of foreign travel, during which he visited Greece and Turkey, he issued the two first cantos of Chihlc Harold in 1812, when 'he awoke one morning ami found himself famous.' Work after work now flowed from his pen, and his fame was at its height; he went a round of fashionable dissipation, married tin- daughter of sir Ralph Uilhai Separated from her after the union had lasted a twelvemonth. One daughter, afterwards Countess of Lovelace, was the fruit of this marriage. Byron left his native land once more, reckless and miserable, yet conscious of his great powers ; visited France and Brussels, and pursued the course of the Rhine to Geneva. He went to Italy, where he remained till 1823, plunged in a course of dissipation at Venice, when he left for Greece to assist in the struggle for independence. He arrived at Missolonghi, and his influence was just making itself felt in the cause he had most at heart, when he died from fever, on 19th April 1821. A statue was erected to the poet at Missolonghi in 1881. Besides his dramas, Don Juan was his most important poem written abroad. See Moore's Life of Byron, and Byron, by John Nichol, in ' English Men of Letters ' series. Byron is a great letter- writer; his letters are always pointed and pithy, full of dash and fire, and their meaning is unmistakeable. The poet is more fully represented as a letter- writer in the next section of the book.] LORD BYRON TO SIR WALTER SCOTT. An Apology for his 'English Bards and Scotch Ui viewers' St. James's Street, July 6, 1S12. Sir, — I have just been honoured with your letter. I feel sorry that you should have thought it worth while to notice the 'evil works of my nonage,' as the thing is suppressed voluntarily, and your explanation is too kind not to give me pain. The Satire was written when I was very young and very angry, and fully bent on displaying my wrath and my wit, and now I am haunted by the ghosts of my wholesale assertions. I cannot sufficiently thank you for your praise ; and now, waiving myself, let me talk to you of the Prince Regent. He ordered me to be presented to him at a ball ; and after some sayings peculiarly pleasing from royal lips, as to my own attempts, he talked to me of yon and your immortalities : he preferred you to every bard past and present, and asked which of your works pleased me most. It was a difficult question. I answered, I thought the Lay. He said his own opinion was nearly similar. In speaking of the othei <, I told him that I thought you more particularly the poet of princes, as they never appeared more fascinating than in MarmUm and the Lady nVa£e (as I calculate) ; a setting of my poor house in order ; which I would fain finish in time, and occasionally fear I shan't. Dear Mr. Erskine, good be ever with you. Were my hand as little shaky as it is to-day, I would write to you oftener. A word from you will ever be welcome here ! — Yours sincerely and much, T. Carlyle. [Carlyle, having heard that James Dodds, one of his correspondents, and afterwards a well-known parliamentary solicitor and lecturer, intended to proceed in due time to London, to prosecute his adopted career as a lawyer, thus addressed him :] THOMAS CARLYLE TO JAMES DODDS. Chelsea, July 11, 1844. My dear Sir, — You are probably right in your determination towards London ; at hast I will by nomeanssay you are wrong. Your description of Edinburgh life has much in it that agrees with my own experience and observation there ; and certainly the patience with which you have THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 263 seen and admitted all that, and silently gone on with it, and are still ready to go on with it, in manful diligence under such conditions as there may be, is of good augury for you here or elsewhere. Go where we will, we find ourselves again in a conditional world. Of law in London I know nothing practical. I see some few lawyers in society at times, a tough, withered, wiry sort of men ; but they hide then- law-economies, even when I question them, very much under lock and key. I have understood that the labour is enormous in their profession, and the reward likewise ; the suc- cessful lawyer amasses hundreds of thousands, and actually converts himself into what we might call a 'spiritual speldrin,' no very blessed bargain ! On the whole, I would not prophesy for you the first prizes in such a course, nor like you the worse that you went without prize at all in it. But there is much here besides law ; law is a small item here. The great question is : Dare you, must you ? It is an awful enterprise that of London, but also full of generous results if you have strength — strength to look chaos and hell in the face ; to struggle through them toward the Adamantine Isles ! For a literary lawyer, I should say Edinburgh was far preferable. Success in law here is totally incompatible with literature. This you should reflect on before starting. On the whole, if you have the offer of a clerkship that will secure you subsistence, there can be no harm in coming up to take a view of us, and to try what kind of chaos we are. There is much here to interest a brave young Scotsman, to expand him, to repress him, and in many ways instruct him, if he have strength to learn. If he will not learn, they will kill him here in one way or other. You may depend very certainly on my omitting no opportunity that may arise to further you in this matter. If my power equalled my inclination, you were very safe in it. If your present half -certain outlook end in nothing, pray apprise me of that, and I will at least speak to some persons about it. And so I will wish you a wise resolution, wise and genuine as in the sight of God your Maker, which indeed is wishing you all. The heedless clamoiir and babble of our fellow-creatures do but bewilder us. ' Thou must be a great man,' they cry, ' or we will not be flunkies to thee ! ' ' "Who wants you for flunkies? I will be a small man !' Believe me, yours very sincerely, T. Caklyle. nearly seven hundred perished in Dumfries and suburbs. Carlyle wrote this letter, which breathes a strong practical piety, to a brother of his mother's resident in the town at the time.] CARLYLE TO ME. JOHN AITKEN, MASON, FRIARS' TENNEL, DUMFRIES. Craigenputtock, October 16, 1832. My dear Uncle, — Judge if I am anxious to hear from you! Except the silence of the newspapers, I have no evidence that you are still spared. The disease, I see, has been in your street ; in Shaw's ; in Jamie Aitken's ; it has killed your friend Thomson : who knows what farther was its appointed work ! You I strive to figure in the meanwhile as looking at it, in the universal terror, with some calmness, as knowing and practically believing that your clays, and the days of those dear to you, were now, as before and always, in the hand of God only ; from whom it is in vain to fly ; towards whom lies the only refuge of man. Death's thousand doors have ever stood open ; this indeed is a wide one, yet it leads no farther than they all lead. Our boy was in the town a fortnight ago (for I believe by experience the infectious influence to be trifling, and quite inscrutable to man; therefore go and send whithersoever I have business, in spite of cholera); but I had forgot that he would not naturally see Shaw or some of you, and gave him no letter ; so got no tidings. He will call on you to-morrow, and in any case bring a verbal message. If you are too hurried to write in time for him, send a letter next day to the care of Mrs. Welsh, his mother-in-law, Templand, Thornhill ; tell me only that you are all spared alive ! We are for Annandale, after Thornhill, and may possibly enough return by Dumfries. I do not participate in the panic. "We were close beside cholera for many weeks in London ; every ball has its billet. I hear the disease is fast abating ; it is likely enough to come and go among us ; to take up his dwelling with us among our other maladies. The sooner we grow to compose ourselves beside it the wiser for us. Man who has reconciled himself to die need not go dis- tracted at the manner of his death. God make us all ready ; and be His time ours ! No more to-night. Ever your affectionate T. Carlyle. [During the visitation of cholera in 1832, Dum- fries suffered terribly, as many as forty- four deaths taking place in one day. About one thousand persons were attacked, and 264 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. [That Mrs. Carlyle was worthy of the noble stock from which she came, and that she possessed not a little of the ready wit of brave Mrs. Welsh of Ayr, has been attested by all who knew her. Among her other gifts was that of writing a letter in no wise inferior to the choicest productions of her husband in the epistolary line. Of this we find an example in a playful communication to Sir George Sinclair, written in 1800, shortly after her husband had gone north on a visit to the baronet at Thurso Castle. — W. II. "Wylie's Thomas Carlyle, the Man and his Books (1881).] JANE WELSH CARLYLE TO SIR GEORGE SINCLAIR. 5 Cheyne Roxo, Chelsea. My dear Sir, — Decidedly you are more thoughtful for me than the man who is bound by vow to ' love and cherish ' me ; not a line have I received from him to announce his safe arrival in your dominions. The more shameful on his part, that, as it appears by your note, he had such good accounts to give of himself, and was perfectly up to giving them. Well ! now that you have relieved me from all anxiety about the effects of the journey on him, he may write at his own ' reasonably good leisure.' Only I told him I should not write until I heard of his arrival from himself ; and he knows whether or no I am in the habit of keeping my word to the letter. A thousand thanks for the primrose roots, which I shall plant so soon as it fairs ! To-day we have again a deluge, adding a deeper shade of horror to certain household operations going on under my inspection (by way of ' improving the occasion' of his absence)! One bedroom has got all the feathers of its bed and pillows airing themselves out on the floor ! creating an atmosphere of down in the house more choking even than cotton-fuzz. In another, upholsterers and painters are plashing away for their life ; ami a couple of bricklayers are tearing up flags in the kitchen to seek 'the solution' of a non- acting drain ! All this on the one hand ; and on the other, visits from my doctor, resulting in ever new 'composing draughts,' and charges to 'keep my mind perfectly tranquil.' You will admit that one could easily conceive situations more ideal. Pray do keep him as long as you like! To hear of him 'in high spirits' and 'looking remarkably well' is more composing for me than any amount of 'composing draughts,' or of insistence on the benefits of 'keeping myself perfectly tranquil.' It is so very different a state of things with him from that in which I have Men him for a long time back 1 Oh ! I must not forget to give you the ' kind remembrance' of a very charming woman, whom any man may be pleased to be remembered by as kindly as she evidently remembered you ! I speak of Lady William Kussell. 1 She knew you in Germany, 'a young student,' she told me, when she was Bessy Rawdon. She ' had a great affection for you, and had often thought of you since.' You were ' very romantic in those days ; oli, very romantic and sentimental,'' she could assure me ! Pray send me back a pretty message for her, she will like so much to know that she has not remembered you 'with the reciprocity all on one side. ' I don't even send my regards to Mr. C., but affection- ately yours, Jane W. Carlyle. [The publication in 1877 of the Letters oj Thomas Erskine of Linlatlun, under the editorial care of the Eev. William Hanna, D.D., revealed to the general public a nature of great originality, depth, and spirituality. His letters, whatever their main subject may be, or to whomsoever addressed, invariably lead up to some spiritual truth, which is expressed with great clearness and simplicity. The style of his letters may be gathered from these specimens ; he ranked amongst his corre- spondents, Thomas Carlyle, Lady Augusta Stanley, the Eev. J. Macleod Campbell of Eow, and many others. We are indebted to the courtesy of the editor of these letters, and to Mr. Erskine of Linlathen, for our present instalment, and also for those previously given, which were addressed to him by Thomas Carlyle.] THOMAS ERSKINE TO MISS WEDGWOOD. Polloc House, Glasgow, May 18, 1S65. Beloved Snow, — I have read over your letter more than once with deep sympathy. I wish I could say anything that might help you. At all events, I know you are in the hands of One who can help you, and who not only sees these dark gropings in you, but who in a certain sense put them there. My own feelings of love and justice give me an assurance that He has them, that He is loving and just, and I am sine that love and justice must seek to communicate themselves. When I am per- suaded that a thing ought to be, 1 feel certain that it will be sooner or later—not that it will 1 The mother of the present Duke of Bedford, a lady of ran gifts. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 265 come of itself, but that God will not cease to press it until it is accomplished. I am sure that all the good which I feel the want of is in God, and that He makes me feel the want of it that I may look to Him for it with a confident expectation. I feel that we are created to be educated into a perfect sympathy with God, with the living personal Fountain of all good- ness. Understand what I mean, that our education is not into absolute or independent goodness, but a goodness continually to be received through sympathy — fresh every moment — a well of water springing up into everlasting life, so that we may not only have the blessedness of the goodness, but also of that loving sympathy which is continually supplying it. The evidence of a spiritual state which con- tinually forces itself upon me, is the demand which my conscience makes on me for qualities and feelings which would not be at all necessary if this outward social order were all. To do actions beneficial to society, and to abstain from actions hurtful to society, would be enough ; but love and holiness, and trust in an unseen, are demanded by my conscience, and are necessary for my peace, still more than any outward actions whatever, and I cannot meet these demands without knowing something of the nature of that spiritual world of which they are the natural laws. My whole being is a contradiction if there be not a spiritual world, and if I do not belong to it. But it is impossible that my being should be a contradiction. I feel that goodness and truth and righteousness are realities, eternal realities, and that they cannot be abstractions or vapours floating in a spiritual atmosphere, but that they necessarily imply a living personal will, a good, loving, righteous God, in whose hands we are perfectly safe, and who is guiding us by unfailing wisdom. I have known in my life two or three persons who, I knew, honestly and earnestly and unceasingly endeavoured to help me to be a right man ; and now, in looking back on these persons, I feel what a deep confidence this purpose of theirs inspired me with, and I am conscious of having a similar confidence in God through all varieties in His treatment of me, because I have in my conscience the continual proof that He never for a moment relaxes His earnest purpose that I should be right. Dear friend, I write tht.se fragmentary sentences from the hope that you may catch hold of something in them which may help you to take hold of God. There is nothing else which can do us any good. If I believe in God, in a Being who made me, and fashioned me, and knows my wants and capacities and necessities, because He gave them to me, and who is perfectly good and loving, righteous, and perfectly wise and powerful, whatever my circumstances, inward or outward, may be, however thick the darkness which encompasses me, I yet can trust, yea, be assured, that all will bo well, that He can draw light out of darkness, and make crooked things straight. Without such a thought of God, the conscious- ness of being embarked in an unending existence, out of which we cannot extricate ourselves, would be a horror insupportable ; but I know that He can make it not only support- able, but a real and continual joy, and a reason for continual thankfulness. Que mon time vivc qu'ellc te loue. Dear Madame de Broglie used to repeat that verse the last year of her life as the chief expression of her feeling. Yes, beloved Snow, we shall yet see a moral law of gravitation doing in the world of spirits that which the material law of gravitation does in this visible system of things ; we yet shall see the infinite righteous love of God attracting all hearts, and uniting them to Himself and to each other, and filling them all out of His fulness. Farewell. I may be here for a few days longer, but Linlathen will be my proper address through the summer. Ever yours very affectionately, T. Erskine. I am just looking at some beautiful fragrant flowers, and they seem to me to say so much of the gentleness and tenderness of their Creator. What do they represent? Can we say when they are before us that we have no evidence of the love and righteousness of God ? But still the demand of righteousness within us is the chiefest evidence, — an evidence which the dismal condition of the human race does not seem to me at all to shake. God is in no hurry, and man requires a long and varied process. TO BISHOP EWING. Education not Probation. Linlathen, August 17, 1S64. Vescovo cakissimo, — ... It is as clear as day, that however true a truth may be, it can never have its full legitimate influence over me and value to me, until I discern the truthfulness of it ; but I require to be gradually educated into the discernment of its truthfulness ; and authority is an indispensable element in this education. A child must begin in its knowledge of numbers by believing on the authority of its teacher that twice two is four, yet no one even supposes that the child has really learned the truth on this matter, until it is in a condition to reject any authority that would try to give it the idea that twice two was five. Even so in religious truth we must begin with 266 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. authority : the child is to be educated into the discernment of truth, and we know that in regard to much in this department of thought. nine hundred and ninety-nine out of every thousand remain children to the end of their lives. At the same time, the object of the true teacher will always be to help the child (whether he be young or old) to discern the truthfulness of the truth, and this is to be done by helping it from a lower step to a higher, by letting it perceive the connection between them ; just as a child, after it has perceived that twice two is four, may be helped to see that twice four is eight. Thus a child may soon understand that God wishes it to be good, if it has the good fortune to have a father or mother who it feels wishes it to be good; and when it has got the knowledge in this way, it has hold of the truth, not on authority, but really. In the same way it may learn that God's purpose in punishing it, is to make it good, and that the meaning of God's goodness in relation to it is, that He will use the fittest treatment (whether pain or pleasure) to make it good. It may then go on to learn that real trust in God means a confidence that His purpose in all that He does is to make it good. It is quite evident that the duty of faith in God might be taught as a dogma resting on the authority of Catechism or Scripture for a hundred years without the slightest good, because the old child has never discerned the truthfulness of the truth. Now, as I believe that all the dogmas of Revelation are connected with that primal truth, their truthfulness must be discerned in the light of that truth before they can do the work they are intended for. The true teaching of Christianity is helping men to see that the work of Christ is simply the declaration of and carrying out of this primal truth, that God's purpose is to make men good. For my own part, I fe.d that I believe the Bible because of the things that I find in it, rather than that I believe them because they are in the Bible. I believe that if it were generally adopted as a fundamental truth that man was created not to be tried but to be educated, it would help to clear the way both of teachers and of learners very much. The idea that we are in a state of trial or probation necessarily forces us to look on God a3 a judge, and forces us also to be more occupied with the forgiveness of sins, than with a deliverance from sinfulness. It is this idea which has given its character of substitution to the life and death of Christ, representing it as the ground on which God is justified in forgiving men, rather than as the actings of the root of the human tree, by which the sap is prepared for and propelled into tin- branches. It seems to me also, that it is this idea which has made eternal punish- ment to bo received as a principle in God's government. If it were believed that God had created us for education, and that not one in a thousand had really received any education, it would generally be accepted without hesitation that the education must necessarily proceed in the next world. I hope the Great Physician's treatment may be profitable both for your soul and body. — Yours very truly, T. EB8KTJHC TO MRS. BATTEN. Sudden Conversions. Liiihtth.cn, Awjust 17, 1S59. Dear Mrs. Batten, — The information con- tained in your own letter, and in Mr. Brendon's, and the other, about the conversions taking place in your neighbourhood and elsewhere, is very remarkable and very interesting. I do not pretend to judge them. I am sure the Lord desires the conversion of all, and that His Spirit is striving with all, whether they yield to the sacred influence or resist it. A conversion, that is to say a true con- version, implies a knowledge of God, and of the relation in which we stand to Him in His Son. It implies a knowledge of God as a holy, loving Father, who desires for us that we should be partakers of His own holiness and His own blessedness. But a man may be awakened without being converted ; he may discern that it is a fearful thing to be opposed to the God who holds him and all things in Hi.-i hands. He may discern that the words which he has been in the habit of using about God and sin are the representatives of tre- mendous realities ; but until he knows that this God is his owii loving Father, he can never turn to Him truly. I would say that God lives by and in His own Will, that Will is the eternal life of God, and when a created spirit receives God's Will into its will, it becomes partaker of the eternal life. This I conceive is salvation ; I don't understand any other mean- ing of salvation. This is what I believe man was made for ; his danger, his temptation, is self-will, — making himself his centre. This is sin, that which separates a man from God and his fellow-creatures. Jesus came to save men from sin, from this sin, which is the root ami summing-up of all sin. This, then, is the salvation of Christ : I don't believe that He came to deliver men from any penalty. I believe that every penalty which God has inflicted on men has been for good, so that deliverance from it would be an evil. I cannot see any distinction between salvation and the conformity of the will to God. I agree with Mr. Brenton that I should expect more lasting results from a silent THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 267 conversion than from a more excited one, still it is the actual turning to God which is the important matter. In this country we are all brought up from childhood with the great words of Christianity sounding in our ears, but they have no meaning to us until we hear them in the Spirit. This discovery of the truth does not make God our Father. He always was and is so ; He is the Father of the prodigal whilst eating the husks with the swine ; but until he knows His Father's love, he shuts out the eternal life, because he cannot trust his Father. He cannot open his will to let in and embrace his Father's Will, for that seems to threaten him with destruction ; but when he discovers that that Will seeks only to deliver him from the dis- order and confusion and misery which his blinded self-seeking has produced, then he can and will say, 'Search me, O God, and know my heart ; try me, and know my thoughts, and see if there be any wicked way in me, and lead me in the way everlasting.' He now sees that what God desires for him is the very thing which he desires for himself, but which he can only get through a partici- pation in God's Spirit, and through yielding himself to all God's training. ' Open Thou mine eyes, that I may see wondrous things out of Thy law.' God is my Father, Christ is my head, and the Spirit proceeding from the Father and the Son is breathing into my conscience. This is all true, whether I believe it or not. My faith cannot make it, but until I know Him whose voice it is, until I know whence that voice cometh, and whither it would lead me, I am not, and cannot be, born of it ; for this is life eternal, to know Thee, the only true God, and Jesus Christ whom Thou hast sent ; and the birth of the Spirit, the birth from above, is just to receive the eternal life, to receive the will of God, instead of the will of the flesh, or of self-will. One man may teach another words, but he cannot even give him thought, much less can he give him a realizing apprehension of the realities of the unseen world. I think that there is a great deal of wisdom in Mr. Brendon's observation, that in the case of these sudden conversions there is always the danger of the person trusting in the conversion, instead of trusting in God. In fact there is a continual temptation to escape difficulties by substituting a sham for a reality. I may have eternal life for ten minutes, but I must abide in it by a sustained faith in God, and by the continual action of my will, if I would keep the blessing. I must fight the good fight of faith, not merely to get hold of eternal life, but to keep hold of it, and to make progress in it. Man was created perfect, that is, merely without the wrong bias ; and he was placed where he was, that he might learn the super- iority of God's Will to his own, and practically to acknowledge that superiority. He had the self-will in him which he was to keep in subjection to the will of God. This he could only do by continual trust and continual watchfulness ; but he seems to have forgotten that he was placed there to learn to fight, and thought only of enjoying, and thus the first temptation overcame him. And are we to think ourselves secure because we have tasted of the love of God ? I don't believe that a man is or can ever be stereotyped either in good or evd. To suppose that God is good by necessity and not by His own will, would be to degrade Him ; and it must be the same with the creatures made in His image. Moral good always implies choice, so man can neither be made good nor upheld in good by a mere act of power. And yet neither conversion nor perseverance in good is man's own act. They are the voluntary yieldings of man to the actings of God. We are the branches of the Vine, whether we receive the sap or not ; our will cannot make the sap, or be a substitute for it. The voice of conscience is the effort of the sap to enter into the branch ; that effort gives us the power to receive. Man is made to be a continual receiver, and in order to this he must be in a continual state of trustful dependence. We are to be fellow-workers with God, I suppose and believe, for ever. I believe that the baptism of an infant means simply to declare God's fatherly love and relation to the child, and His purpose to educate it for Himself, — this I believe to be true of every child bom into this world. Baptism declares the truth, it does not make it. The child must afterwards learn to yield its will. I believe also that the forgiveness to be preached through Christ is the same thing which is declared in baptism. It is not withdrawing any penality, it is the declaration of God's fatherly love and relationship to every human being, and His unchanged and unchangeable purpose to train him into conformity with the Divine Will, which will be carried forward on the other side of the grave as well as on this. — I am, etc., T. EliSKINB. 268 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. [Sara Coleridge, daughter of S. T. Coleridge, the poet, was born at Greta Hall, near Keswick, December 22, 1802. Her father, who was absent in Germany at the time, on his return wrote thus to a friend : — ' My sweet little Sara is a remarkably interesting baby, with the finest possible skin, and large blue eyes ; and she smiles as if she were basking in a sunshine as mild as moonlight in her own happiness.' She was married to her first cousin, Henry Nelson Coleridge, and settled at Hamp- stead. Her husband died in 1843. Her own death took place on May 3, 1852, when in her forty-ninth year. Her remains rest in the family burying-ground in the old churchyard of Highgate. In the literary work she accomplished she is said to have displayed ' powers of critical analysis, and of doctrinal, political, and historical re- search, of no mean order.' Her life and letters, edited by her daughter, when published in 1S73, charmed a wide circle of admirers. "We quote one specimen from this book, through the courtesy of the publishers, Messrs. C. K. Paul, Trench, &Co.] SARA COLERIDGE TO MISS E. TREVENEN. Hampstead, August 1834. Mary Howitt's book 1 is a perfect love as to its external part ; the prints are really exquisite. The poems I have not read through, but what I have read confirm me in my previous opinion, that she has a genuine vein of poetry, though not, I think, a very affluent one. Some of the puffs (one of them at least) said that she had even surpassed the authoresses 2 of the Original Poems in hitting off something truly poetical, yet intelligible to children, in verse. To this particular theme of praise I cannot subscribe. I think Mary Howitt's verses do not contain what all children must enter into, in the same degree that the Original Poems do ; but in this respect I think them preferable even as regards fitness for youthful (I mean for childish) minds, that they represent scarcely anything but what is bright and joyous. Children should dwell apart from the hard and ugly realities of life as long as possible. The origiim/ Poems give too many revolting pictures of mental depravity, bodily torture, and of adult sorrows ; and I think the senti- 1 Sketches of Natural History. - Aim and .Tune Taylor, dau lit. i , of Isaac Taylor of Ongar, and sisters of the popular author of the Katurul History vf Enthusiasm. ments (the tirades against hunting, fishing, shooting, etc., for instance) are morbid, and partially false. "When I say that Mary Howitt's vein is not affluent, I mean that she is given to beat out one fancy as a gold-beater does a bit of gold, — that the self-same imagination is reproduced, with a little change of attire, in one poem after another. You speak of Mrs. Hannah More. I have seen abundant extracts from her Remains, and I think I could not read them through if I were to meet with them. I fear you will think I want a duly disciplined mind, when I confess that her writings are not to my taste. I remember once disputing on this subject with a young chaplain, who affirmed that Mrs. Hannah More was the greatest female writer of the age. '"Whom,' he asked, 'did I think superior?' I mentioned a score of authoresses whose names my opponent had never even heard before. I should not now dispute doggedly with a divine in a stage-coach ; but years of discretion have not made me alter the opinion I then not very discreetly expressed, of the disproportion between Mrs. More's cele- brity and her literary genius, as compared with that of many other female writers whose fame has not extended to the Asiatic Islands. I cannot see in her productions aught comparable to the imaginative vigour of Mrs. J. P.aillie, the eloquence and (for a woman) the pro- fundity of Madame de Stael, the brilliancy of Mrs. Hernans (though I think her over-rated), the pleasant broad comedy of Miss Burney and Miss Ferrier, the melancholy tenderness of Miss Bowles, the pathos of Inchbald and Opie, the masterly sketching of Miss Edgeworth (who, like Hogarth, paints manners as they grow out of morals, and not merely as they are modified and tinctured by fashion) ; the strong and touching, but sometimes coarse pictures of Miss Martineau, who has some highly interest- ing sketches of childhood in bumble life : and last, not least, the delicate mirth, the gently- hinted satire, the feminine decorous humour of .lane Austen, who, if not the greatest, is surely the most faultless of female novelists. My uncle Southey and my father had an equally high opinion of her merits, but Mr. "Wordsworth used to say that though he admitted that her novels were an admirable copy of life, he could not be interested in productions of that kind ; unless the truth of nature were presented to him clarified, as it were, by the pervading light of imagination, it had scarce any attractions in his eyes: and for this reason, he took little pleasure in the writings of Crabbe. My uncle Southey often Bpoko in high terms of Castle Raclarent; he thought it a work of true genius. Miss Austen's works are essentially feminine, but tho best part of Miss Edgeworth'B seem as if THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 269 they had been written by a man. Castle Rack- rent contains genuine humour, a thing very rare in the writings of women, and not much relished by our sex in general. Belinda con- tains much that is powerful, interspersed, like the fine parts of Scotland, with tracts of dreary insipidity ; and what is good in this work I cannot think of so high an order as the good things in Castle Backrent and Emma. I have been led to think that the exhibition of disease and bodily torture is but a coarse art to ' freeze the blood.' Indeed, you will acquit me of any affected pretence to originality of criticism, when you recollect how early my mind was biassed by the strong talkers I was in the habit of listening to. The spirit of what I sport on critical matters, though not always the application, is generally derived from the sources that you wot of. Yet I know well that we should not go by authority without finding out a reason for our faith ; and unless we test the opinions learned from others with those of the world in general, we are apt to hold them in an incorrect, and, at the same time, a more strong and unqualified way than than those do from whom we have derived them. Though I think with the Spectator, etc., that Mrs. More's very great notoriety was more the work of circumstances, and the popular turn of her mind, than owing to a strong original genius, I am far from thinking her an ordinary woman. She must have had great energy of character, and a sprightly versatile mind, which did not originate much, but which readily caught the spirit of the day, and reflected all the phases of opinion in the pious and well-disposed portion of society in a clear and lively manner. To read Mrs. More's new book was a sort of good work, which made the reader feel satisfied with him or her self when performed ; and it is agreeable to have one's very own opinions presented to one in handsome language, and placed in a highly respectable point of view. Then Mrs. More entered the field when there were few to make a figure there beside, and she was set agoing by Garrick and Johnson. Garrick, who pleased all the world, said that the world ought to be pleased with her ; and Johnson, the Great Mogul of literature, was gracious to a pretender whose highest ambition was to follow him at a humble distance. He would have sneered to death a writer of far subtler intellect, and more excur- sive imagination, who dared to deviate from the track to which he pronounced good sense to be confined. He even sneered a little at his dear pet, Fanny Burney : she had set up shop for herself, to use a vulgarism ; she had ventured to be original. I must add that Mrs. More's steady devotion to the cause of piety and good morals added the stamp of respectability to her works, which was a deserved passport to their reception ; though such a passport cannot enable any production to keep its hold on the general mind if it is not characterized by power as well as good intention. I admired some of Walpole's Letters in this publication, and I read a flattering one from Mrs. Barbauld, who was a very acute-minded woman herself. Some of her Essays are very clever indeed. I like Mrs. More's style, — so neat and sprightly. The Letters seem to con- tain a great deal of anecdote, the rage of the reading public, but that is an article which I am not particularly fond of. [Thomas Babington Macaulay (Lord Macaulay) was born at Bothley Temple, Leicester- shire, October 25, 1800. Young Macaulay graduated at Cambridge, was the author of two prize poems, was elected to the Craven scholarship in 1821, and became a fellow of Trinity College in 1822. In February 1826 he was called to the bar at Lincoln's Inn. In the same year he commenced his brilliant career as an essayist by the publication of the paper on Milton in the Edinburgh Review, written when twenty-five years of age. He was next appointed Commissioner of Bankruptcy, and was returned as Member of Parliament for Calne in 1830. In 1834 he visited India, as a member and legal adviser of the Supreme Council, to draw up a new code of Indian law, and as one of the results of this visit, afterwards contributed his two famous essays to the Edinburgh Review on Lord Clive and Warren Hastings. In 1839 he was made Secretary of "War, and in 1840 he was elected M.P. for Edinburgh. In 1857 he was raised to the peerage under the title of Baron Macaulay of Kothley. The state of his health forbidding his taking part in the public business in the House of Lords, his time was mainly devoted to the writing of his History of England. Four volumes of his exceedingly popular History appeared during his lifetime ; the fifth, which had not received his final revision, was published after his death, which took place at Holly Lodge, in his sixtieth year, December 28, 1859. The Life and Letters of this great historian and brilliant essayist, by his nephew, G. Otto Trevelyan, M.P., was published in March 1876, and is one of the 270 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. best and most interesting of modern biographies. We quote two specimens of Macaulay's letters from this book with the sanction of the author. ] MACAULAY TO ELLIS. London, March 30, 1831. Dear Ellis, — I have little news for you, except what you will learn from the papers as well as from me. It is clear that the Reform Bill must pass, either in this or in another Parliament. The majority of one docs not appear to me, as it does to you, by any means inauspicious. We should, perhaps, have had a better plea for a dissolution if the majority had been the other way. But surely a dissolution under such circumstances would have been a most alarming thing. If there should be a dissolution now, there will not be that ferocity in the public mind which there would have been if the House of Commons had refused to entertain the bill at all. I confess that, till we had a majority, I was half inclined to tremble at the storm which we had raised. At present I think that we are absolutely certain of victory, and of victory without commotion. Such a scene as the division of last Tuesday I never saw, and never expect to see again. If I should live fifty years, the impression of it will be as fresh and sharp in my mind as if it had just taken place. It was like seeing Cassar stabbed in the Senate House, or seeing Oliver taking the mace from the table ; a sight to be seen only once, and never to be forgotten. The crowd overflowed the House in every part. "When the strangers were cleared out, and the doors locked, we had six hundred and eight members present, — more by fifty-five than ever were in a division before. The ayes and noes were like two volleys of cannon from opposite sides of a field of battle. When the Opposition went out into the lobby, an operation which took up twenty minutes or more, we spread ourselves over the benches on both sides of the House, for there were many of us who had not been able to find a seat during the evening. When the doors were shut we began to specu- late on our numbers. Everybody was despond- ing. 'We have lost it. We are only two hundred and eighty at most. I do not think we are two hundred and fifty. They are three hundred. Alderman Thompson has counted them. He says they are two hundred and nine.' This was the talk on our benches. I wonder that men who have been long in Parliament do nut acquire a better cowp d'ceil for numbers. The Hon e, when only the ayes were in it, looked to me a very fair House, — much fuller than it generally is even on debates of considerable interest. I had no hope, how- ever, of three hundred. As the tellers passed along our lowest row on the left-hand side, the interest was insupportable, — two hundred and ninety-one, — two hundred and ninety-two, — we were all standing up and stretching forward, telling with the tellers. At three hundred there was a short cry of joy, — at three hundred and two another, — suppressed, however, in a moment ; for we did not yet know what the hostile force might be. We knew, however, that we could not be severely beaten. The doors were thrown open, and in they came. Each of them, as he entered, brought some different report of their numbers. It must have been impossible, as you may conceive, in the lobby, crowded as they were, to form any exact estimate. First we heard that they were three hundred and three ; then that number rose to three hundred and ten ; then went down to three hundred and seven. Alexander Barry told me that he had counted, and that they were three hundred and four. We were all breathless with anxiety, when Charles Wood, who stood near the door, jumped up on a bench and cried out, ' They are only three hundred and one.' We set up a shout that you might have heard to Charing Cross, waving our hats, stamping against the floor, and clapping our hands. The tellers scarcely got through the crowd : for the House was thronged up to the table, and all the floor was fluctuating with heads like the pit of a theatre. But you might have heard a pin drop as Duncannon read the numbers. Then again the shouts broke out, and many of us shed tears. I could scarcely refrain. And the jaw of Peel fell ; and the face of Twiss was as the face of a damned soul ; and Hemes looked like Judas taking his neck- tie off for the last operation. We shook hands, and clapped each other on the back, and went out laughing, crying, and huzzaing into the lobby. And no sooner were the outer doors opened than another shout answered that within the House. All the passages and the stairs into the waiting-rooms were thronged by people who had waited till four in the morning to know the issue. We passed through a narrow lane between two thick masses of them; and all the way down they were shouting and waving their hats, till we got into the open air. I called a cabriolet, and the first thing the driver asked was, 'Is the bill carried?' 'Yes, by one.' 'Thank God for it, sir.' And away I i 1 1 ray's Inn, — and so ended a scene which will probably never be equalled till the reformed Parliament wants reforming; and that I hope will not be till the days of our grandchildren — till that truly orthodox and apostolical person, Dr. Francis Ellis, is an archbishop of eighty. As for me, 1 am for the present a sort of lion. My speech has set me in the front rank, if I oan keep there; and it has not been my luck hitherto to lose ground when 1 have once got it. Sheil and I are on very eivil terms. He talks largely concerning Demosthenes and Burke. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 271 He made, I must say, an excellent speech ; too florid and queer, but decidedly successful. Why did not Trice speak? If he was afraid, it was not without reason ; for a more terrible audience there is not in the world. I wish that Praed had known to whom he was speaking. But, with all his talent, he has no tact, and he has fared accordingly. Tierney used to say that he never rose in the House without feeling his knees tremble under him ; and I am sure that no man who has not some of that feeling will ever succeed there. Ever yours, T. B. Macaulay. TO HANNAH MORE MACAULAY. London, June 1, 1831. My dear Sister,— My last letter was a dull one. I mean this to be very amusing. My last was about Basinghall Street, attorneys, and bankrupts. But for this— take it dramati- cally in the German style. Fine morning. Scene, the great entrance of Holland House. Enter Macaulay, and Two Footmen in livery. First Footman — Sir, may I venture to demand your name ? Macaulay— Macaulay, and thereto I add M.P. And that addition, even in these proud halls, May well ensure the bearer some respect. Second Footman— And art thou come to breakfast with our lord ? Macaulay — I am : for so his hospitable will. And hers— the peerless dame ye serve— hath bade. First Footman— Ascend the stair, and thou above shalt find, On snow-white linen spread, the luscious meal. (Exit Macaulay upstairs.) In plain English prose, I went this morning to breakfast at Holland House. The day was fine, and I arrived at twenty minutes after ten. After I had lounged a short time in the dining- room, I heard a gruff, good - natured voice asking, ' Where is Mr. Macaulay ? Where have you put him ? ' and in his arm-chair Lord Holland was wheeled in. He took me round the apartments, he riding and I walking. He gave me the history of the most remarkable portraits in the library, where there is, by the bye, one of the few bad pieces of Lawrence that I hare seen— a head of Charles James Fox, an ignominious failure. Lord Holland said that it was the worst ever painted of so eminent a man by so eminent an artist. There is a very fine head of Machiavelli, and another of Earl Grey, a very different sort of man. I observed a portrait of Lady Holland painted some thirty years ago. I could have cried to see the change. She must have been a most beautiful woman. She still looks, however, as if she had been handsome, and shows in one respect great taste and sense. She does not rouge at all ; and her costume is not youthful, so that she looks as well in the morning as in the evening. We came back to the dining-room. Our breakfast party consisted of my lord and lady, myself, Lord Kussell, and LuttrelL You must have heard of LuttrelL I met him once at Rogers's ; and I have seen him, I think, in other places. He is a famous wit,— the most popular, I think, of all the professed wits, — a man who has lived in the highest circles, a scholar, and no con- temptible poet. He wrote a little volume of verse, entitled, Advice to Julia, — not first-rate, but neat, lively, piquant, and showing the most consummate knowledge of fashionable life. We breakfasted on very good coffee, and very good tea, and very good eggs, butter kept in the midst of ice, and hot rolls. Lady Holland told us her dreams ; how she had dreamed that a mad dog bit her foot, and how she set off to Brodie, and lost her way in St. Martin's Lane, and could not find him. She hoped, she said, the dream would not come true. I said that I had had a dream which admitted of no such hope ; for I had dreamed that I heard Pollock speak in the House of Commons, that the speech was very long, and that he was coughed down. This dream of mine diverted them much. After breakfast Lady Holland offered to con- duct me to her own drawing-room, or, rather, commanded my attendance. A very beautiful room it is, opening on a terrace, and wainscotted with miniature paintings interesting from their merit, and interesting from their history. Among them I remarked a great many — thirty, I should think — which even I, who am no great connoisseur, saw at once could come from no hand but Stothard's. They were all on subjects from Lord Byron's poems. 'Yes,' said she ; ' poor Lord Byron sent them to me a short time before the separation. I sent them back, and told him that, if he gave them away, he ought to give them to Lady Byron. But he said that he would not, and that, if I did not take them, the bailiffs would, and that they would be lost in the wreck.' Her ladyship then honoured me so far as to conduct me through her dressing-room into the great family bed- chamber, to show me a very fine picture by Reynolds of Fox, when a boy, bird-nesting. She then consigned me to Luttrell, asking him to show me the grounds. Through the grounds we went, and very pretty I thought them. In the Dutch garden is a fine bronze bust of Napoleon, which Lord Holland put up in 1817, while Napoleon was a prisoner at St. Helena. The inscription was 272 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. selected by his lordship, and is r.markably happy. It is from Homer's Odyssey. I will translate it, as well as I can extempore, into a measure which gives a better idea of Homer's manner than Pope's sing-song couplet : For not, be sure, within the grave Is hid that prince, the wise, the brave ; But in an islet's narrow bound, With the great ocean roaring round, The captive of a foeman base, He pines to view his native place. There is a seat near the spot which is called Rogers's seat. The poet loves, it seems, to sit there. A very elegant inscription by Lord Holland is placed over it : 'Here Rogers sate ; and here for ever dwell With me those pleasures which he sang so well.' Very neat and condensed, I think. Another inscription by Luttrell hangs there. Luttrell adjured me with mock pathos to spare his blushes ; but I am author enough to know what the blushes of authors mean. So I read the lines, and very pretty and polished they were, but too many to be remembered from one reading. Having gone round the grounds I took my leave, very much pleased with the place. Lord Holland is extremely kind. But that is of course ; for he is kindness itself. Her ladyship too, which is by no means of course, is all graciousness and civility. But, for all this, I would much rather be quietly walking with you ; and the great use of going to these fine places is to learn how happy it is possible to be without them. Indeed, I care so little for them, that I certainly should not have gone to-day, but that I thought that I should be able to find materials for a letter which you might like. Farewell, T. B. MACAULAY. [Hugh Miller, one of the most remarkable of our self-taught writers, and popular illus- trators of geology, was a native of Cromarty, born October 10, 1802. His family were seafaring men, his own father being drowned at sea in a storm, 1807. He re- ceived a common school education, through the interest of two maternal uncles, and thereafter at his own request was appren- ticed as a stonemason. In the Cromarty quarries he began that habit of keen observation, and virtuous self denial, the first of which placed him in the front rank as a scientific and descriptive writer, and tbe latter k >pt him safe in his often hard and rough surroundings. His first attempt in the field of literature was the publication of a volume of poems. Some letters written to the Inverness Courier, on the Herring Fishing, drew the attention of the editor towards him, and paved the way for the publication in 1834 of Scenes and Le- gends in the North of Scotland. "When a bank accountant in Cromarty, he married Lydia Falconer Fraser, to whom one of these letters is addressed. A chapter in My Schools and Schoolmasters is devoted to their romantic courtship. In 1840 he was called to Edinburgh as editor of the Witness newspaper, which appeared twice a week, for which post he had previously shown great capacity. He continued its editor- ship till his self-inflicted death at Porto- bello on the 24th of December 1856. He was the victim of an overtasked brain, and while suffering in both mind and body, shot himself in the heart, and almost instantly expired. During the last fifteen years of his life Miller wrote The Old Bed Sandstone, 1S41; First Impressions of Eng- land, 1847 ; Footprints of the Creator, 1S50 ; My Schools and Schoolmasters, an auto- biography, 1854 ; The Testimony of the Rocks, a work which he left finished, but which was not published till after his death. Two other works were also published after his death, The Cruise of the Betsey, and Sketch-Book of Popular Geology. Mrs. Miller, who also possessed good literary taste, and wrote some minor works in Natural History, survived him twenty years, and died at the house of a son-in-law in Sutherlandshire, March 11, 1S76, and on the 20th of the same month was buried beside her husband in the Grange Cemetery, Edin- burgh. A daughter, Mrs. Harriet Miller Davidson, has shown no mean power as a novelist. Miller's Schools and School , closes with his entrance upon the editor- ship of the Witness, but an elaborate Life and Letters, edited by Dr. Peter Bayne, appeared in 1871, which gives a full account of his career. This book should be read by every one who wishes to gain a complete idea of the man and his work ; it contains some excellent letters. Those we quote are given with Dr. Payne's sanction, and also that of Mr. Strahan, who originally pub- lished the work. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 273 When Miss Fraser taught him to under- stand the love-peetry of Burns, as he ex- pressly says she did, he bade adieu for ever, though not without a sigh, to the tranquil hopes which had hitherto inspired him. He told Miss Fraser that she had spoiled a good philosopher, and it was with no exultation, though with calm and fixed resolution, that he felt the spirit of the philosophic recluse die within him and the spirit of the man arise. The classic fable was reversed. Daphne overtook and dis- enchanted her lover. Miller awoke from the dream which was stealing over him ; the roots which had already struck deep into his native soil, and which promised to bind him down to a mild tree-like existence on the hill of Cromarty, were snapped asunder ; a stronger circulation swept in fierce thrills along his veins ; and with new hope, new ambition, new aspiration, he girded up his loins for the race of life. Hitherto, ' he professed just what he felt, to be content with a table, a chair, and a pot, with a little fire in his grate and a little meat to cook on it.' He professed such contentment no longer ; for himself he could have lived and died a working man, but he could not endure the idea of his wife being in any rank save that of a lady. Habitually self-conscious, observant of every event in his mental history, Miller did not fail to mark the change which had passed over him. In a letter written in the summer of 1S34 he describes it, with grace, naivete, and lightness of touch, to her who was its cause. The first part of the letter is unimportant, but it may as well be inserted for the illustration it affords of his simple and pleasurable mode of life in Cromarty at this period.— Bay?ic.] HUGH MILLER TO MISS FRASER. Cromarty, Wednesday, 12 o'clock. - I am afraid you are still unwell. Your window was shut till near ten this morning, and as I saw no light from it last evening, I must conclude you went early to bed. How very inefficient, my L , are the friendships of earth ! My heart is bound up in you, and yet I can only wish and regret, and — yes, pray. Well, that is something. I cannot regu- late your pulses, nor dissipate your pains, nor give elasticity to your spirits ; but I can implore on your behalf the great Being who can. Would that both for your sake and my own my prnyers had the efficacy of those described by simple-hearted James ! J They are sincere, my L , when you form the burden of them, but they are not the prayers of the righteous. . . . My mother, as you are aware, has a very small garden behind her house. It has produced this season one of the most gigantic thistles of the kind which gardeners term the Scotch, that I ever yet saw. The height is fully nine feet, the average breadth nearly five. Some eight years ago I intended building a little house for myself in this garden. I was to cover it out- side with ivy, and to line it inside with books ; and here was I to read and write and think all my life long —not altogether so independent of the world as Diogenes in his tub, or the savage in the recesses of the forest, but quite as much as is possible for man in his social state. Here was I to attain to wealth not by increasing my goods, but by moderating my desires. Of the thirst after wealth I had none, — I could live on half-a-crown per week and be content ; nor yet was I desirous of power, — I sought not to be any man's master, and I had spirit enough to preserve me from being any man's slave. I had no heart to oppress ; --why wish, then, for the seat or the power of the oppressor ? —I had no dread of being subjected to oppression ; — did the proudest or the loftiest dare infringe on my rights as a man, there might be disclosed to him, perchance, ' Through peril and alarm, The might that slumber'd in a peasant's arm.' Even for fame itself I had no very exciting desire. If I met with it in quest of amusement, well ; if not, I could be happy enough without it. So much for the great disturbers of human life — avarice and ambition, and the thirst of praise. My desires were not tall enough to penetrate into those upper regions which they haunt ; — I was too low for them, and for the inferior petty disturbers of men's happiness I was as certainly too high. Love, for instance, I could have nothing to fear from. I knew myself to be naturally of a cool temperament ; — and, then, were not my attachments to my friends so many safety-valves ? Besides, no woman of taste could ever love me, for I was ugly and awkward ; and as I could love only a woman of taste, and could never submit to woo one to whom I was indifferent, my being ugly and awkward was as an iron wall to me. No, no, I had nothing to fear from love. My own dear L , only see how much good philosophy you have spoiled. I am not now indifferent to wealth or power or place in the world's eye. I would fain be rich, that I might render you comfortable ; powerful, that I might raise you to those high places of society which you are so 1 'The effectual, fervent prayer of a righteous man availeth much.' — James v. 16. S 74 THE BR/ TISII LET TE R I ! T R ITERS. fitted to adorn; celebrated, that the world might justify your choice. I never think now of build- ing the little house or of being happiest in soli- tude ; and if my life is to be one of celibacy, it must be one of sorrow also, — of heart-wasting sorrow for — but I must not think of that. TO MIIS. FRASER. Cromarty, Nor. 2, 1833. My dear Madam, — I trust ingratitude is not among the number of my faults. But how render apparent the sense I entertain of your kindness in so warmly interesting yourself in my welfare? Just by laying my whole mind open before you. Two years ago there was not a less ambitious or more contented sort of person than myself in the whole kingdom. I knew happiness to be altogether independent of external circumstances ; I more than knew it, — I felt it. My days passed on in a quiet, even tenor ; and though poor, and little known, and bound down to a life of labour, I could yet anticipate, without one sad feeling, that in all these respects my future life was to resemble the past. Why should I regret my poverty? I was independent, in debt to no one, and in possession of all I had been accustomed to regard as the necessaries of life. Why sigh over my obscurity? My lot was that of the thousands around me ; and, besides, was I not born to an immortality too sublime to borrow any of its grandeur or importance from the mock immortality of fame? Why repine because my life was to be one of continual labour? I had acquired habits of industry, and had learned from experience that, if labour be indeed a curse, the curse of indolence is by far the weightier of the two. It will not surprise you, my dear madam, that, entertaining such sentiments, I should have used no exertions, and expressed no wish, to quit my obscure sphere of life for a higher. Why should I ? I carried my happiness about with me, and was independent of every external circumstance. I shall not say that I still continue to think and feel after this manner, for, though quite the same sort of man at present that I was then, I have, perhaps, ascertained that my happiness does not now centre so exclusively in myself. To you, I dare say, I need not be more explicit. But though, in consequence of this discovery, I have become somewhat solicitous, perhaps, of rising a step or two higher in the scale of society, I find it is one thing to wish and quite another to attempt. I find, too, that habits Inn- indulged in, and formed under the influ- ence of sentiments such as I describe, must militate so powerfully against me, if that attempt be made, as to leave little chance of success. My lack of a classical education has i i against me all the liberal professions : I have no turn for business matters ; and the experience of about twelve years has taught me that, as an architect or contractor (professions which, during at least that space of time, have been the least fortunate in this part of the kingdom of all others), I can indulge no rational hope of realizing what I desire. There is one little plan, however, which is rather more a favourite with me than any of the others. I think 1 have seen men not much more clever than myself, and possessed of not much greater command of the pen, occupying respectable places in the ephemeral literature of the day as editors of magazines and newspapers, and deriving from their labours incomes of from one to three hundred pounds per annum. A very little application, if I do not overrate my abilities, natural and acquired, might fit me for occupj-ing a similar place, and of course deriv- ing a corresponding remuneration. But how push myself forward? .Simply in this manner. I have lately written, as I dare say you are aware, a small traditional work, which I sub- mitted to the consideration of some of the literati of Edinburgh, and of which they have signified their approval, in a style of commen- dation far surpassing my fondest anticipations. I shall try and get it published. If it succeed in attracting any general notice, I shall consider my literary abilities, such as they are, fairly in the market ; if (what is more probable) it fail, I shall just strive to forget the last two years of my life, and try whether I cannot bring a very dear friend to forget them too. God has not suffered me in the past to be either unhappy myself, or a cause of unhappiness to those whom I love, and I can trust that He will deal with me after the same fashion in the future. I need not say, my dear madam, that I write in confidence, and for your own eye alone. If I fail in my little scheme, I shall bear my dis- appointment all the better if it be not known that I built much upon it, or looked much beyond it. In such an event, the pity of people who, in the main, are less happy than myself (and the great bulk of mankind are certainly not happier) shall, I trust, never be solicited by, My dear madam, etc. [The two letters addressed to Mr. William Smith, Forres, are without question among the most important Miller ever wrote. They form a supplement to that portion of his spiritual history which embraced his period of indifference and semi-scepticism, and contain not only an explicit oonfession of faith, but a statement of that intellectual is on which it was for him a necessity that his faith should rest. Reticent as he was in all that related to his BOUl's condition, — sensitively averse to the un- THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 275 veiling to human eyes of Ins spiritual experience,— lie would probably never have written such letters had not an occasion occurred which constrained him to over- come every scruple. A friend lay ill, perhaps unto death ; it seemed possible to Hugh that he might minister to his spirit's health and his eternal salvation; and he yielded to the impulse of affection and the mandate of duty. The scheme of religion which he unfolds in the letters is that of simple acceptance of Christ for salvation, as He is offered in the gospel, acceptance with the heart as well as the head, accept- ance with clear consciousness that the difficulties of the intellect cannot be wholly removed. The religion of Miller was to cling close to Christ, to die with Christ, to rise with Christ, to wear with Him the crown of thorns, and to receive from Him the crown of glory. The idea formerly thrown out by Miller, that Christianity suggests objections so many and so obvious that common sense would not have per- mitted its invention by man, receives in these letters its balance and counterpart in the hypothesis that the adaptation of Christianity to man's wants is so exquisite, and its evidence so strong, that its obvious offences to mere human reason tend to prove that it is divine. From a biographic point of view, the letters have a special interest as showing the tenacity with which Miller retained thoughts which had once been deliberately accepted into his intel- lectual system. The illustration of the working of the atonement of Christ, given long subsequently in the Schools and Schoolmasters, is but a slight expansion of that which he here lays before his friend ; and the thesis maintained, that man can apprehend facts and results in God's universe, whether physical or spiritual, but not the constructive principles and processes by which they are brought about, is worked out in a chapter on the Discoverable and the Revealed in the Testimony of the Rocks, which is perhaps the most valuable that Hugh Miller ever penned. — Bai/ne.] TO MB. SMITH, FORRES. Cromarty, August 5, 1835. My dear 'William,— I need not tell you how famous Cromarty is for its hasty reports, or on how slender a foundation the imagination of the townsfolks sometimes contrives to build. I must needs tell you, however, for the circum- stance forms my only apology for now writing you, that the last story current among us affected me more deeply than any of its class ever did before. On your late severe attack, your brother, the doctor, was called hastily to Forres, and the stoiy went that you were dead. I never before knew how much I valued and esteemed you ; — the thought too that one with whom I had so often conversed, and with whose mind I was so thoroughly acquainted, had passed the dark bourne which separates this world from tl. e other, had something inexpress- ibly solemn and melancholy in it. I felt for the time that, disguise the fact as we may, the main business of this life consists in preparing for another, and conscience was not quite silent when I remembered that, though you and I had beaten together over many an interesting topic, the most interesting of all had been omitted. You remember the fable of the wise men who were permitted to make a three days' visit to the moon that they might report to our lower world regarding its plants and animals, and who on their return had to confess that they had squandered their time in drinking with gay young men, and dancing with beautiful women, and had only remarked that the trees and sky of the planet, when seen casually through a window, very much resembled those of our own. Alas for the application of this ingenious story. There are few men who do not at some time or other think seriously of the future state, or who have not formed some at least theoretic set of notions regarding the best mode of preparing for it. Man was born to anticipate a hereafter, — he is a religious animal by the very constitution of his nature, and the thousand forms of superstition which still overspread the world and darken every page of its history are just so many proofs of this. It has often struck me that the infidel, when in his assaults on revelation he draws largely from this store of delusion, sadly mistakes his argument ; — every false religion which has sprung out of the nature of man shows us — not surely that there is no true religion, but that we stand in need of a true one ; — every mythologic folly and absurdity should convince us that we need an infallible guide. Regarded in this light, the Shaster and the Koran are substantial proofs of how ill we could do without the Bible ; and Paganism and Mahometanism powerfully recom- mend Christianity. You, my dear "William, to whom it has been given to possess an inquiring and reflecting mind, must have often thought of the final destinies of man ; I myself have observed in you much of that respect for sacred things which is one of the characteristics of an ingenuous nature ; but there is perhaps danger that your very ingenuity and acuteness might 2/6 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. have led you into error. Christianity is emphatically termed the wisdom of God, but it is not on a first examination that a reasoning mind can arrive at the evidence of its being such ; on the contrary, some of its main doctrines seem opposed to the more obvious principles of common sense ; and this quite in the same way that, before the days of Newton, it would have seemed contrary to tin- e principles to allege that the whiteness of light was occasioned by a combination of the most vivid colours, or that the planets were held in their orbits by the law which impelled a falling stone towards the ground. Now this is exactly what we might expect of the true religion. A religion made by rational men — many Deists, you know, were eminently such, and we may instance theirs — will be, like themselves, rational and easily understood ; but this very facility is a conclusive proof that it had its origin in the mind of man. It is like all his other works — like the clocks and watches and steam engines of his construction— easily under- stood, and easily imitated ; but it is not thus with Christianity, nor is it thus with the great machine of the universe. Let us, my dear William, take a brief survey of some of the main doctrines of this religion ; they concern us so nearly that it may be fatal to misunderstand them. The invariable reply of the apostles of our Saviour to that most important of all queries, 'What shall I do to be saved?' was, 'Believe in the Lord Jesus Christ.' Belief seems to be, if I may so speak, the main condition of man's acceptance, but belief in what or whom? in a person who is at once God and Man, and who thus, to the perfection of a divine nature, adds the feelings of a human heart. Now there is something amazing in this, something which, for its exquisite fitness to our moral and sentient constitution, is worthy the conception of a God. Observe, my dear William, the false religions of the world, and you will find that they run into two opposite extremes. In the artificial religions which have been formed by the intellect of man, God is represented as a mere abstraction of wisdom and power. He is the Great First Cause of the philosopher, and it is scarcely more possible for the human heart to love Him as such, than it is for Him to love any of the great second causes, such as the sun with its light and heat, or the law of gravitation. And hence the coldness and utter inefficacy of all such religions, whether known under the name of philosophical Deism or Sooinian Christianity ;— they are totally unfitted to the nature of man. The religions of the other class are rather the offspring of passion than intel- lect; they arise in those obscure and remote Alien unenlightened man created his gods in his own image. What was Jupiter or his son Hercules, or what their companions in the court of Olympus, the Dianas, Venuses, or Minervas with which the old poets have brought us acquainted, but human creatures bearing the very mould and impression of their worshippers? And such deities could be loved and feared just in the way one human creature can love or fear another ; the belief in them powerfully influ- enced the conduct, but their worship, as it originated in the darkened human heart, was a worship of impurity. Observe with what a truly God-like wisdom Christianity is formed to avoid the opposite extremes of these two classi s, and how it yet embraces more than the philosophy of the one and more than the warmth of the other : the object of our worship is at once God the First Great Cause, and the man Jesus Christ our brother. But not merely must we believe in Christ as God, but also as our Saviour ; as the restorer of our moral nature, and our sacrifice or atonement. There are wonderful Janusdike mysteries here, — inexplicable in their one aspect as they regard God, though simple and easy in the other as they regard man. Perhaps an illustration from the human frame may serve to explain my meaning. Need I remind you, who are an anatomist, and acquainted with Paley to boot, of the admirable adaptation of the human frame to the various ends for which it was created, or how easy it is for a person of even ordinary capacity to be made to perceive this adaptation ? Almost any one can see how fairly and beautifully the machine works, — but who, on the other hand, can conceive of the higher principles on which it is constructed ? "Who can know anything of the workings of the brain as the organ of thought, or of the operations of the nerves as the seats of feeling,— of how the chyle is chosen by its thousand blind mouths, and every other fluid rejected, — of how one gland should sea liquor so unlike that secreted by another, — of, in short, any of the thousand phenomena of our animal nature when we trace them towards their first cause? The working of the machine is simple, its construction we find to be inexplicably mysterious. Now it is thus with Christianity. No one can understand how the sufferings of the Saviour satisfy the justice of God,— that regards, if I may so speak, the construction of the scheme ; but every one who examines may see how wonderfully these vicarious sufferings are suited to the nature and the wants of man,— for that regards its working. But it is not in the limits of so brief a com- position as a letter that such a subject can be discussed. May I recommend to you, my dear "William, bo laj hold on this Saviour as the way, and the truth, and the life? He is willing and aide to save to the uttermost all who trust in Him. You suffer from pain and dejection; He suffered from pain and dejection also, and THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 277 hence His wonderful fitness to be tlie God and Saviour of a nice born to anguish and sorrow. Not only does He know our weaknesses as God, but He sympathizes in them as man. Forgive me the freedom with which I write you ; — it is as a friend, — as one foolish and careless, and often so wrapped up in the dreams of life as to forget its real businesses, but also as one convinced that the Saviour can through His Spirit make wise unto salvation, and that to secure an interest in Him is to possess a righteousness that is perfect, and to have every sin forgiven through an atonement that is complete. May I ask, my dear "William, that when you address yourself to Him, — and oh, He is willing to hear and ready to help, — you will put up one petition for your affectionate friend, Hugh Miller. [When Thackeray was delivering his lectures in America upon the ' English Humorists,' in 1853, he made the acquaintance of the Hon, H. B. Heed, to whom the first letter is here addressed, and who afterwards published a brief memorial of the great novelist, under the title of Hand Immenior — Thackeray in America. Reed was for a time United States Minister to China, and printed a private edition of his mono- graph, which was written in May 1864. A copy found its way to England, and was reproduced in Blackivood's Magazine, June 1872. On the back of the note on which the first of these letters was written was a pen- and-ink sketch, evidently one of the illus- trations to his fairy tale, The Rose and the Ring, to which he alludes as ' the rubbishing picture which I didn't see.' A fac-simile of this letter appears in Anecdote Biographies of Thackeray and Dickens, by R. H. Stoddard (New York : Scribner, 1877). It contains a reprint of Reed's monograph on Thackeray, also articles by Dickens, Dr. John Brown, James Hannay, etc., reprinted from British periodicals, and in the absence of any authorized memoir, is the most authentic and complete account of the author of Pendennis which has yet appeared.] WILLIAM M. THACKERAY TO THE HON. W. B. REED. Neufchatel, Sicitzerland, July 21, 1853. My dear Reed,— Though I am rather slow in paying the tailor, I always pay him ; and as with tailors, so with men ; I pay my debts to my friends, only at rather a long day. Thank you for writing to me so kindly, you who have so much to do. I have only begun to work ten days since, and now, in consequence, have little leisure. Before, since my return from the West, it was flying from London to Paris, and vice versa— dinners right and left — parties eveiy night. If I had been in Phila- delphia, I could scarcely have been more feasted. Oh, you unhappy Reed ! I see you (after that little supper with M 'Michael) on Sunday, at your own table, when we had that good sherry-madeira, turning aside from the wine cup with your pale face ! That cup has gone down this well so often, that I wonder the cup isn't broken, and the well as well as it is. Three weeks of London were more than enough for me, and I feel as if I had had enough of it and of pleasure. Then I remained a month with my parents ; then I brought my girls on a little pleasuring tour. We spent ten days at Baden, when I set intrepidly to work again ; and have been five days in Switzerland now, not bent on going up mountains, but on taking things easily. How beautiful it is ! How pleasant ! How great and affable, too, the landscape is ! It's delightful to be in the midst of such scenes — the ideas get generous reflections from them. I don't mean to say my thoughts grow mountainous and enormous like the Alpine chain yonder — but, in fine, it is good to be in the presence of this noble nature. It is keeping good company ; keeping away mean thoughts. I see in the papers now and again accounts of fine parties in London. Bon Dieu ! Is it possible any one ever wanted to go to fine London parties, and are there now people sweating in May-fair routs? The European continent swarms with your people. They are not all as polished as Chesterfield. I wish some of them spoke French a little better. I saw five of them at supper, at Basle, the other night, with their knives down their throats. It was awful. My daughter saw it, and I was obliged to say : 'My dear, your great-great grandmother, one of the finest ladies of the old school I ever saw, always applied cold steel to her victuals. It's no crime to eat with a knife,' which is all very well, but I wish five of 'em at a time wouldn't. Will you please beg M'Michael, when Mrs. Glyn, the English tragic actress, comes to read Shakespeare in your city, to call on her— do the act of kindness to her, and help her with his valuable editorial aid? I wish we were going to have another night soon, and that I was going this very evening to set you up with a headache against to-morrow morning. By Jove, how kind you all were to me ! How I like people, and want to see 'em again ! You are more tender-hearted, romantic, sentimental, than we are. I keep on telling this to our fine people here, and have so belaboured your — 278 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. (Here the paper on being turned revealed a pen-and-ink caricature. At the top is written, ' Pardon this rubbishing picture : but I didn't see, and can't afford to write page 3 over again ') — your country with praise in private that I sometimes think I go too fax. I keep back some of the truth ; but the great point to tiy and ding into the ears of the great, stupid, virtue-proud English is, that there are folks as good as they in America. That's where Mrs. Stowe's book has done harm, by inflaming us with an idea of our own superior virtue in freeing our blacks, whereas you keep yours. Comparisons are always odorous, as Mrs. Malaprop says. I am about a new story, but don't know as yet if it will be any good. It seems to me I am too old for story-telling; but I want money, and shall get 20,000 dollars for this, of which (D.V.) I'll keep fifteen. I wish this rubbish (the sketch) were away ; I might put written rubbish in its stead. Not that I have anything to say, but that I always remember you and yours, and honest Mac, and Wharton, and Lewis, and kind fellows who have been kind to me, and I hope will be kind to me again. Good-bye, my dear Reed, and believe me, ever sincerely yours, W. M. Thackeray. Written parity on board the ' Canada,' 1 and partly after he had reached London. On board, last day— May 7, 1856. My dear old , — I tell you that writing is just as dismal and disgusting as saying good- bye. I hate it, and but for a sense of duty I wouldn't write at all — confound me if I would. But you know, after a fellow has been so uncommonly hospitable and kind, and that sort of thing, a fellow ought, you see, to write and tell a fellow that a fellow is very much obliged ; and, in a word, you understand. So you made me happy when I was with you, you made me sorry to come away, and you make me happy now when I think what a kind, generous, friendly W. B. E. you are. Y- 2 SO THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. Tavistock mansion two nights, with feelings of the profoundest depression. I have breakfasted there, like a criminal in l'entonville (only not so well). It is more like "Westminster Abbey by midnight than the lowest-spirited man — say you at present, for example — can well imagine. There has been a wonderful robbery at Folkestone, by the new manager of the Pavilion, who succeeded Giovannini. He had in keeping £1G,000 of a foreigner's, and bolted with it, as he supposed, but in reality witli only £1400 of it. The Frenchman had previously bolted with the whole, which was the property of his mother. "With him to England the Frenchman brought a 'lady,' who was, all the time and at the same time, endeavouring to steal all the money from him and bolt with it herself. The details are amazing, and all the money (a few pounds excepted) has been got back. They will be full of sympathy and talk about you when I get home, and I shall tell them that I send their loves beforehand. They are all enclosed. The moment you feel hearty, just write me that word by post. I shall be so delighted to receive it. Ever, my dear boy, your affectionate friend. [Rev. Norman Macleod, D.D., was born at Campbeltown, Argyleshire, June 3, 1812, and studied at Edinburgh and Glasgow, and for some time acted as a private tutor. He was ordained pastor of the parish of Loudoun, Ayrshire, in 1838. He removed to Dalkeith in 1843, and was translated to the Barony parish, Glasgow, in 1851. There he worked earnestly and unweariedly for the elevation of the people of his parish, taking a deep interest in both home and foreign missions. In 1854 he preached before the Queen at Crathie. In 1SG0, at the request of Mr. Alexander Strahan, the well-known pub- lisher, he undertook the editorship of Good Words, and some of his most popular works appeared in its pages. It carried his name wherever the English language is spoken. In 1867 he visited India as a deputation from the Church of Scotland, ostensibly to give a new impetus to mission work in India. On his return he delivered his memorable address on missions before the General Assembly. He died at his resid- ence in Glasgow, on Sunday, June 10, 1872, universally regretted by all classes of the community. His biography, written by his brother Donald, was issued in 1870, and more fully revealed his earnestness and large-heartedness. Many of his letters — the first we quote is a specimen — were full of fun and rollicking humour, such as we are hardly accustomed to find in religious biographies. These specimens are given with the assent of the publisher of the Memoir of Norman Macleod.'] NORMAN MACLEOD TO SIR J. CAMPBELL OF KILDALLOIG. On the Birth of a Son and Heir. Officer of the Watch. The commodore is sig- nalling, sir. Captain. What has she got up? Officer. Xo. 1, sir. 'An heir apparent is born.' Captain. Glorious news ! All hands on deck. Bend on your flags. Stand by your halyards. Load your guns ! All ready fore and aft? All ready, sir. Hoist and fire away ! Three cheers ! ! ! Load. Fire ! Three cheers ! ! ! Load again. Fire ! Three tremendous cheers ! ! ! For the Laird of Kildalloig ! It is impossible to do justice to the sensation which was created on every part of the ship. The vessel herself made one of her best bows, and for once ceased to look stem. The sails, though suffering much from the bi'jht of a rope, for which the doctor had stuck on them a num- ber of leeches and recommended wet sheets, nevertheless 'looked swell' and much pleased as the topgallants said sweet things into their lee earing. The royals, though rather high and complaining of the truck system, waved their caps. The chain-cable sung 'Old King CoH,' while the best-bower cried encore/ (anchor). The capstan began to make love to the wind- lass, who was thought to be a great catch, but who preferred the caboose on account of his coppers. The bmd.iir tin took the ship round the waist, but got it pitched into him for his impertinence. He said it was all friendship. The binnacle was out of his wits with joy — quite non-compass. The wheel never spoke ; he had more conning than any in the ship, and was afraid of being put doicn, or getting hard up. The cuddy gave a fearful bray. The cat-ef-nina- tui/s gave a mew which was heard a mile off, and Bcampered off to the best-bower, which was embracing the cathead and sharing its stock with it. The life-buoy roused up the dead lights, who rushed and wakened the dead ci/cs, who began to weep tears of joy. The shrouds ohanged into wedding garments. The two davits said they would, out of compliment to the laird, call themselves after the two Johns. The companion got so in love with marriage, THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 281 that he swore he would not be cheated by a mere name, but get another companion as soon as possible. The long-boat sighed for a punt, and began to pay his addresses to the cutter. The launch got so jealous that he kicked the bucket ; while the szvab declared he would turn cleanly, and try and earn a good character, so as to get spliced to a holystone. The guns offered their services to all hands, and pro- mised that they would marry all and sundry can(n)onicaUy, and each gave a ball on the occasion. The block-heads alone were confused, but even they said they would contribute their sheaves. The very man-holes spoke lovingly of the fair sex ; and the false keel for once spoke truth, saying he never saw sucli fun, but that he would be at the bottom of all this mystery. What the effects of all this might have been no one can tell, if all the above marriages had taken place ; but just as all parties were ready for being spliced (the marling-spikes acting as curates), it was found every gun was deep in port. But in the meantime the captain sum- moned all on deck, and gave the following short but neat speech : — 'My men,- -Fill your glasses ! Drink a bum- per to the health of the young Laird of Kildal- loig. May he swim for many a long year over the stormy ocean on which he has been launched. May neither his provisions nor cloth ever fail him. May he ever be steered by the helm of conscience, and go by the chart of duty and the compass of truth ; and may every breeze that blows and every sea that dashes carry him nearer a good haven ! ' Hurrah ! [At the end of May 1862, accompanied by Mrs. Macleod and his brother Donald, he took a six weeks' tour in Italy, crossing Mont Cenis to Turin, and thence by Genoa and the Riviera to Florence, Bologna, Venice, Milan, and the Italian lakes, and returning home by Courmayeur, the Great St. Ber- nard, and Basle. His impressions of Italy were afterwards recorded in Good Words.'] NORMAN MACLEOD TO A. STRAHAN. Monastery of the Great St. Bernard, June 21, 1862. Ere I bid farewell to the world, I wish to bid farewell to thee. I have resolved to join the Brothers of St. Bernard. All is arranged. I find that they never heard of Presbyterianism, Free, or U.P. Kirk ; know nothing even of Dr. or Dr. , and have kept up service here, helping the poor and needy, for 800 years. I find I can live here for nothing, never preach, but only chant Latin prayers ; that they never attend public meetings, never go to Exeter Hall nor to a General Assembly, but attend to the big dogs and the travellers of all nations. In short, it is the very place for me, and I have craved admission, and hope to be received to- night. I shall be known henceforth as Frater Flemingus. (I think I owe it to the Captain to adopt his name.) My wife goes to a nunnery; I leave my children to your care — 31 to you and 3^ to Isbister. Farewell, best of men and of publishers ! Farewell, Isbister, best of men and of smokers ! Farewell, Good Words! Farewell, the world and all its vanities ! I was interrupted at this point by a procession of monks, who came to strip me of my worldly garments, and to prescribe the vows. Before changing garments, I inquired about the vows. Judge of my amazement in finding I must renounce cigars for ever ! I pause P.S.—2 a.m., 22d.— The monks won't give in. The weather is fearfully cold. No fires in the cells. The dogs are mangy. 3a.M. — I am half -dead with cold. I shan't lie in the morgue. I repent ! 6 A.M.— Off for London ! Hurrah [No portion of the earth's surface has recently received more attention by the missionary, traveller, and commercial adventurer, than Africa. This applies more particularly to the region lying south of the equator. There has been an extraordinary influx of population to the diamond fields consequent upon the discovery of diamonds in Griqua- land West. But two of the strongest links in the chain of circumstances which have kept the country before the eyes of the public, and helped to bring this about, are the lives and labours of Dr. Moffat and his son-in-law, David Livingstone. Moffat by his example and his missionary labours, and Livingstone by his unparalleled journeys and discoveries, have both done much to draw the attention of the civilised world towards what has long been termed the Dark Continent, now less dark than ever. The publication of his missionary travels marked the era of a new departure in African discovery, which was only deepened by his subsequent wanderings and lonely death at Ilala on Lake Bemba. His letters came from time to time to England as the voice of one crying in the wilderness. He did not only describe what he saw and experienced, but his whole soul was stirred within him at the evils of the 2S2 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. accursed slave traffic. The reports by Dutch missionaries, on the cast coast, of the existence of a large inland lake in the southern equatorial regions of Africa, was the means of attracting the attention of the Geographical Society to the subject. Burton and Speke were despatched to South Africa, and subsequently discovered Lake Tanganyika ; on the return journey to Zanzibar from the interior, Speke left Burton at the village of Kazeh, and journeying northwards, caught a glimpse of the southern end of the Victoria N'yanza. Speke subsequently returned to the scene of his discovery, accompanied by Captain Grant, and confirmed the fact of the existence of the great lake, which has since been more fully made known by its circum- navigation by H. M. Stanley in 187G. Livingstone, attracted to the mission-field in South Africa partly by tie presence and example of Moffat, whose daughter Mary he afterwards married, was not long in discovering where his real strength lay. This was in missionary exploration. In the remarkable journeys which he performed, he discovered lakes Bangweolo, N'gami, N'yassa ; explored the Zambesi and its tributaries ; crossed the continent from St. Paul de Loanda to Quillimane on the east coast ; surveyed Tanganyika, and laid open a vast field for possible exploration and missionary labour. The reported death of Livingstone, with his long silence on his third and final journey, led to two great expeditions, all tending to make the country and people better known. Lieutenant Young made a journey to N'yassa, and proved the falsity of Livingstone's reported death ; and H. M. Stanley, a young journalist on the staff of the New York Herald, at the instigation of Mr. Bennett, the proprietor of that newspaper, undertook a journey, satisfying the civilised world that the great explorer was still alive, and succeeded in succouring him when help was greatly needed. This exploit of Stanley's doubtless paved the way for his more remarkable journey across Africa from Zanzibar, by way of the Victoria N'yanza, Tanganyika, and the Congo, to the west coast, in which several geographical problems were solved. Other explorers have been more recently at work, notably Lieutenant Cameron, who crossed the continent, and Major Serpa Pinto, who has crossed from Benguela on the west coast to Natal on the east ; also Mr. Joseph Thomson, who has more fully explored the districts lying between the great lakes N'yassa and Tanganyika, and many others. But the most gratifying result of the labours of Livingstone and others, has been the decided attempts to evangelize the Dark Continent, making the Great Lakes the basis of operations. Mission stations, for the founding of which all the Scotch churches have co-operated, exist at the southern end of N'yassa, which is now comparatively easy of access from the coast, on Tanganyika, and on Lake Victoria N'yanza. The annexation of Basutoland and Griqualand, and the placing of large tracts of country in South Africa under British control, has led to troublesome wars with the Boers, Easutos, and Zulus ; although remote, in many cases, from the field of missionary operations, this has had a retarding influence ; but the good work goes on, the existence of much of which is due to the labours of Livingstone and Moffat. As our second extract shows, Livingstone was proud of the pluck and spirit displayed by his daughter.] DR. LIVINGSTONE TO HIS DAUGHTER AGNES. Preparations for the Last Journey. Bombay, Septembt r 20, 1865. ... By advice of the Governor, I went up to Nassick, to see if the Africans there under Government instruction would suit my purpose as members of the expedition. I was present at the examination of a large school, under Mr. Price, by the Bishop of Bombay. It is partly supported by Government. The pupils (108) are not exclusively African, but all showed very great proficiencies. They excelled in music. I found some of the Africans to have conic from parts I know, — one from Ndonde on the Bovuma, — and all had learned some handi- craft, besides reading, writing, etc., and it is probable that some of them will go back to their own country with me. Eight have since volunteered to go. Besides these I am to get some men from the 'Marine Battalion' who have been accustomed to rough it in v; rioUS v. ays, and their pensions will be given to their widows if they should die. The Governor (Sir Bartle Frere) is going to do what he can for my success. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 2S3 After going back to Bombay I came up to near Poonali, and am now at Government House, the guest of the Governor. Society here consists mainly of officers and their wives. . . . Miss Frere, in the absence of Lady Frere, does the honours of the establish- ment, and very nicely she does it. She is very clever, and quite unaffected— very like her father. . . . Christianity is gradually diffusing itself, leavening as it were in various ways the whole mass. When a man becomes a professor of Christianity, he is at present cast out, abandoned by all his relations, even by bis wife and children. This state of things makes some who don't care about Christian progress say that all Christian servants are useless. They are degraded by their own countrymen, and despised by others, but time will work changes. Mr. Maine, who came out here with us, intends to introduce a law whereby a convert deserted by his wife may marry again. It is in accordance with the text in Corinthians : If an unbelieving wife depart, let her depart. People will gradually show more sympathy with the poor fellows who come out of heathenism, and discriminate between the worthy and unworthy. You should read Lady Duff Gordon's Letters from Egypt. They show a nice sympathizing heart, and are otherwise very interesting. She saw the people as they are. Most people see only the outside of things. Avoid all nasty French novels. They are very injurious, and effect a lasting injury on the mind and heart. I go up to Government House again three days hence, and am to deliver two lectures, —one at Poonah, and one at Bombay. [Probably no human being was ever in circum- stances parallel to those in which Livingstone now stood. Years had passed since he had heard from home. The sound of bis mother- tongue came to him only in the broken sen- tences of Chuma or Susi or his attendants, or in the echoes of his own voice as he poured it out in prayer, or in some cry of home- sickness that could not be kept in. In long pain and sickness there had been neither wife nor child nor brother to cheer him with sympathy, or lighten his dull hut with a smile. He had been baffled and tantalized beyond description in his efforts ' to complete the little bit of exploration which was yet necessary to finish his task. His soul was vexed for the frightful exhibitions of wickedness around him, where ' man to man,' instead of brothers, •were worse than wolves and tigers to each other. During all his past life he had been sowing his seed weeping, but so far was ho from bringing back his sheaves rejoicing, that the longer he lived the more cause there seemed for his tears. He had not yet seen of the travail of his soul — Blaikie's Life of Livingstone.] DR. LIVINGSTONE TO HIS DAUGHTER AGNES. I commit myself to the Almighty Disposer of events, and if I fall, will do so doing my duty, like one of His stout-hearted servants. I am delighted to bear you s;iy that, much as you wish me home, you would rather hear of my finishing my work to my own satisfaction, than come merely to gratify you. That is a noble sentence, and I felt all along sure that all my friends would wish me to make a complete work of it, and in that wish, in spite of every difficulty, I cordially joined. I hope to present to my young countrymen an example of manly perseverance. I shall not hide from you that I am made by it very old and shaky, rny cheeks fallen in, space round the eyes ditto ; mouth almost toothless,— a few teeth that remain out of their line, so that a smile is that of a he-hippo- potamus,— a dreadful old fogie ; and you must tell Sir Roderick that it is an utter impossibility for me to appear in public till I get new teeth, and even then the less I am seen the better. [Livingstone reached Ujiji on the 23d of October 1871, and on the 28th Mr. H. M. Stanley arrived to succour him. "The great traveller,' says Mr. Stanley, 'was reduced to a skeleton by illness and fatigue ; he was sick, destitute, and forlorn. All his men except four had either deserted or had died, and there seemed to be no hope for him. His piteous appeals for help to his friends at Zanzibar were either neglected or bis letters were lost. There was no prospect but that of lingering illness and death before him. Under the influence, however, of good cheer and nourishing food, and, perhaps, social fellowship with another of his race, he speedily recovered, and in six or seven days after his rescue was enabled to accompany a portion of the American Exi edition in a boat to the north end of Lake Tanganyika, where both Livingstone and the author saw a river running through a broad gorge enclosed by lofty mountains into the lake, with no possible outlet what- ever at any part in the firmly connected mountain- walls which surround the entire 284 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. northern half of the Tanganyika. After a journey of 750 miles, and a residence of over four months together, Livingstone and the American Expedition became parted for ever atUnyanyembe on March 14, 1872.'] A LETTER OF THANKS To MR. TAMES OOBDON BENNETT OF THE 'NEW YORK HERALD.' If I explain the forlorn condition in which he [Stanley] found me, you will easily perceive that I have good reason to use very strong expressions of gratitude. I came to TJjiji off a tramp of between 400 and 500 miles beneath a blazing vertical sun, having been baffled, worried, deflated, and forced to return, when almost in sight of the end of the geographical part of my mission, by a number of half-caste Moslem slaves sent to me from Zanzibar instead of men. The sore heart, made still sorer by the truly woful sights I had seen of ' man's inhumanity to man,' reacted on the bodily frame, and depressed it beyond measme. I thought that I was dying on my feet. It is not too much to say, that almost every step of the weary sultry way I was in pain, and I reached Ujiji a mere ruckle of bones. Here I found that some £500 worth of goods I had ordered from Zanzibar had unaccountably been intrusted to a drunken half-caste Moslem tailor, who, after squandering them for sixteen months on the way to Ujiji, finished up by selling off all that remained for slaves and ivory for himself. He had divined on the Koran, and found that I was dead. He had also written to the governor of Unyanyembe that he had sent slaves after me to Manyema, who returned and reported my decease, and begged permission to sell off the few goods that his drunken appetite had spared. He, however, knew perfectly well from men who had seen me that I was alive, and waiting for the goods and men ; but as for morality, he is evidently an idiot ; and there being no law here except that of the dagger or musket, I had to sit down in great weakness, destitute of everything save a few barter cloths and beads I had taken the precaution to leave here in case of extreme need. The near prospect of beggary among Ujijians made me miserable. I could not despair, because I laughed so much at a friend, who, on reaching the mouth of the Zambesi, said 'that he was tempted to despair on breaking the photograph of his wife : we could have no success after that.' After that, the idea of despair has to me such a strong smack of the ludicrous, it is out of the question. Well, when I had got to about the lowest verge, vague rumours of an English visitor reached me. I thought of myself as the man who went down from Jerusalem to Jericho; but neither priest, Levite, nor Samaritan could possibly pass my way. Yet the good Samaritan was close at hand, and one of my people rushed up at the top of his speed, and in great excite- ment gasped out, ' An Englishman coming ! I see him !' And off he darted to meet him. An American flag, the first ever seen in these parts, at the head of a caravan, told me the nationality of the stranger. I am as cold and non-demonstrative as we islanders are usually reputed to be, but your kindness made my frame thrill. It was indeed overwhelming, and I said in my soul, ' Let the richest blessings descend from the Highest on you and yours.' The news Mr. Stanley had to tell me was thrilling : the mighty political changes on the Continent, the success of the Atlantic cables, the election of General Grant, and many topics riveted my attention for days together, and had an immediate and beneficial effect on my health. I had been without news from home for years, save what I could glean from a few Saturday Reviews and copies of Punch for 1SG8. The appetite revived, and in a week I began to feel strong again. Mr. Stanley brought a most kind and encouraging despatch from Lord Clarendon, whose loss I sincerely deplore, — the first I have received from the Foreign Office since 1866, — and information that Her Majesty's Government had kindly sent £1000 to my aid. Up to his arrival I was not aware of any pecuniary aid. I came unsalaried, but this want is now happily repaired ; and I am anxious that you and all my friends should know that, though uncheered by letters, I have stuck to the task which my friend Sir Roderick Murchison set me, with John-Bullish tenacity, believing that all will come right at last. [Probably few beyond his own personal friends would have heard of Thomas Davidson, had not the Rev. James Brown, D.D., collected his scattered poems and letters, and en- shrined them in an interesting memoir of this promising but not very fortunate student. Thomas Davidson was bom at Oxnam Row, near Jedburgh, in 1838, and died of consumption at the latter town in 1S70. His father, Jonah Davidson, was a decent, God-fearing Border shephrrd, latterly an elder in a United Presbyterian Church, Jedburgh, who died in 18S1. Young Davidson was intended for the ministry of the United Presbyterian Church, but he never got farther than the probationary stage, and died without a church. It was the moving to and fro from place to place in the country, on various preaching expeditions, that gave THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 285 him food and play for his vein of kindly humour, seen in the two letters which he wrote from Sixtowns and Cullyhackey in Ireland. His poems are full of promise, and have been likened to flowers or to a bird's song. While attending Edinburgh Uni- versity, he gained the second prize in the class of Ehetoric and Belles Lettres for a poem, the subject being Ariadne at Naxos. An enthusiastic fellow-student sent on this poem, unknown to the author, to W. M. Thackeray, then editor of the newly- started CornhiU Magazine. Much to the delight and astonishment of Davidson, it received a place of honour in the magazine, with an illustration, while the author re- ceived a welcome remittance of ten guineas for his contribution. His letters are emi- nently suggestive, free and spontaneous, and always the utterance of the heart. "We quote these specimens with the sanction of Mr. Maclehose, the publisher of the Life of a Scottish Probationer.] DAVIDSON TO . Cullybackerj , January 4, 1S65. ... I meant to devote last night, or at least a bit of it, to writing to you ; but Mr. Knowles, knowing my fondness for Scotch music, had gone and invited down specially an Irish fiddler who lives not a great way off, to treat me to a quantity. The fiddler made his appearance, fiddle and all, about six o'clock, and barring the time we took to tea and several intermissions for smoking purposes, which Mr. Knowles himself turned to good use in singing Irish melodies, Mr. Larry M'Kie's ' elbo jinked and diddled' till past eleven o'clock. Larry has been in Australia, where he learned a great many Scotch airs from the Scotch gold-diggers, and now he is settled down comfortably to cultivate music and potatoes, for Mr. M'Kie is both a fiddler and a farmer. Also, he sings remarkably well, and the humour with which he renders Sam Lover's Irish songs is quite overpowering, I assure you. Larry has got the Irish susceptibility as well as the Irish humour, and when I touched the strings of his violin in succession downwards, he begged me 'fur goodness sake not to do that same ; it was so murnfull and melancholy -like it wud make him cry, and,' he added, ' that's jist as sure as my neem's Larry M'Kie.' He is as fond of his fiddle as an ordinary mortal is of his sweetheart. The evening was damp when he came down, and, to prevent her from 'ketching harm,' he had her secured in the never-failing green bag, then this was swathed in a fine Paisley shawl, then he put the 'darlint' under his greatcoat, surmounting the whole with a cotton umbrella as big as a Lammas-fair tent ; and even on his arrival the first thing he did with herwasto disen- tangle and disengage her from all these securities, and warm her tenderly at the fire. Larry is not good at a slow tune, or chunc as he calls it, but he comes out strong in 'jigs, strathspeys, and reels,' and he 'whacked off' 'Tullochgorum,' ' Killiecrankie,' and 'The Braes of Tullymet and Mar,' not to mention ' Garryowen ' and ' The Pradhestan Bhoys,' and ' Saint Pathrick's Day ' and ' Boyne Water,' with inconceivable ■vim and vigour. Altogether, I liked Larry very much indeed ; and Larry took so kindly to me that he begged me to settle down here and he would himself take a seat in the church ! I thanked him heartily, and assured him that I didn't think the place would just exactly suit me, and that, moreover, I didn't think that I would exactly suit the place. Larry then assured me in turn that it wasn't just such an ' abshcure pleece as most people took it to be, for shure,' lie added, 'yemushn't have heard the song about it that I sung meself twelve times over the night before I left Geelong, and not a sowl there but was weepin' like a Donegal summer, though their bairds were as long as the Apostle Aaron's.' I desired him to sing it, which he did with great pathos, and a very nice little song it is, and Larry is going to write down for me both the words and the music. So you see I continue to extract no small amusement and enjoyment out of my quarters in Ireland. Don't believe half the stories they tell you about it, they're all blarney ; in fact, there is very little difference between this and Scotland. At the same time, I am beginning to weary slightly to get across the Channel again. However, I haven't very long to wait ; I shall be at liberty in about ten days : on Monday week I hope to be in Glasgow. ... I had just finished dinner, and had taken my two young friends Lizzie and Willie on my knee to sing them a song, when a deputation of the elders came in to pay me my fee, and also to pay Mrs. Knowles for the lodgings. They paid me much in the usual kind of coin, but Mrs. Knowles, to whom they gave twenty-five shillings, found it to consist of so many coins that she couldn't count it, and was forced to call in my assistance. With some difficulty I succeeded. There were, I think, five fourpenny pieces, nine threepennies, and I don't know how many pennies and halfpennies. This, of course, was done after they went away. You never saw such a droll-looking session in your life. All their hats put together wouldn't have fetched sixpence in an old clothes shop. The principal spokesman was clothed in corduroy breeks, red with a year's draining in heavy clayey soil, a black surtout coat, a red cotton neckerchief, and a pair of clogs. Saving the 236 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. coat, which I believe he must have donned for the sake of upholding his dignity as chief i speaker, the rest were arrayed in very much me style. The ly asked me sundry questions, v did I like Cullybackey ? How long had 1 lov&t Did I find the church very damp and awfully cold? — which questions Mrs, Knowles interpreted to me after the three worthies had taken their departure. It seems this is a sly style of fishing which they employ in order to expiscate (I always like to carry out a metaphor) the man's sentiments as to accepting or declining if they should happen to give him a call. As soon as they had learned that I hadn't been a year out, they looked at each other, scratched their head3, rubbed their beards, or at least their jaws, for they are all close shaven, and finally took their pocket- handkerchiefs out of their hats, and, having blown their noses, said that they would have to be going, which they accordingly proceeded to do. Cullybackey is, however, a rather pleasant little place. There are plenty of roads and walks about it, some of them going through woods and avenues, some of them merely through long tracts of fields with lots of houses, all farm-houses, for everybody is a farmer here, with a little wee farmie that just keeps the family jogging and eating, and not what might be called downright scarecrows. On Sundays they look very respectable, saving their hats. Ireland is a great field for the study of the human hat, as you may see in poor Leech's Irish sketches. I have often stood an hour at the hotel window in Dublin watching the hats, and never failing to be thoroughly interested and amused. But, to return, I feel it very iit to walk along one of these roads here, especially after dark, as the candles are all lighted up, and the whole country - side is a-twinkle with them, here and there and yonder, and through on the other side, and up the hill behind you there, in the jolliest disorder and prettiest confusion. I often think that you would enjoy an hour's walk with all those tiny lights blinking and winking and flitting about, and going out of a sudden, and then of a sudden jumping in again. You see I can enjoy almost any place. The church here is a very poor one ; the congregation veiy thin (just now) ; the pulpit not in good repair ; the floor an earthen one, and not a living soul able to keep his feet still for five minutes. Moreover, it stands low, though it does stand very prettily too, fast by the river Maine, which passes on its way to ! : Neagh. There is a church-yard beside inh too a queer -looking, unsymmetrical Bhapen like a bit of paper which one would tear off the corner and along the side of the di to Eight his pipe with. Troi i fringe this on all sides round ; butth them you can easily count the graves as you go along the public road to Kilrea, which passes behind. There are a good many of them, some close to the river's brink, others out on the green, and others, again, lying up the hill, at an angle of forty-five degrees, basking, as it were, with their faces turned to the south. The people, of course I mean the living, are very old-fashioned. They don't sing para- phrases, as Mr. assured me before the whole congregation, when I had just given them out the 46th, and they read the line always, which has a very strange effect to one who is unaccustomed to it. However, they have not acquired the good old time-honoured Scotch custom of sleeping during the sermon — they listen (I must say it, for I have no better simile at hand) 'like swine at a yett.' I have had some little difficulty in sliding into the thread of my discourse again at that last ' however,' for my good friend Larry again made his appearance, and entertained me for several hours with a new batch of songs and airs of all descriptions. He seems perfectly inexhaustible, does Larry. He came down to- night to settle about an excursion we are going to make to-morrow — Mr. Knowles, Larry, and myself — to a place called Bellaghy. This I take to be rather a plenteous place, for I learn that the host (intended) is much troubled with gout. I expect, therefore, to find myself in clover for a day, not that I don't find myself in clover where I am, and good broad-leaved, red-and-white- flowered clover, too ; but then, you know, 'one star differeth from another star,' albeit they both be stars. . . . I have had a letter and a great many papers from Bruce here, for which I am very grateful, for in the present aspect of the American War I devour all discussions of the question and news of the state of affairs with even greater avidity than usual. I am much obliged for your papers too. My sister Frank also sent me a whole bundle of Scotsmans (is that the plural ? ), which took four postage stamps to carry them. The royal mail (or the royal female rather, for our letters are carried by a woman) has never been well since ! Having got to the end of that sentence, let me apologize for the pun — do you see it ? I didn't want to cumber the sentence with more parentheses than one, else I should have marrow-boned immediately after it was down. But really it was such an obvious one — 'humblest capacity,' you know — and then I'm in Ireland, and I defy any man to be in Ireland and not joke. Why, I wrote an indignant letter to Mr. MacGill the other day, and I joked all the way through it ! TO THE SAME. Ki.it' was, January 13, 18G5. This is a most entertaining place, rendered so by the amusing petty wants and laughable THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 287 hardships to which the dwellers in it are subjected. ... As you know, I am living at the house of Sir. Kennedy, who, with his own unaided and unassisted energies, discharges the threefold duties of schoolmaster, precentor, and hairdresser. The other night we had a number of the ' boys ' — so called here because they are not boys but men — for the last-mentioned trade to be exercised upon. They submitted their polls successively to the scissors. Mr. Kennedy followed up the pruning operations with a few ' chunes ' on the fiddle. He plays pretty toler- ably 01 an instrument of his own making, which underlined bit of information reminds me of the fact that to all his other trades he adds the ele- ments of cabinet-making and playing. . . . The house is a new one (and it answers for church too). It is the dreadfullest house for smoke I ever lived in. Mr. Kennedy smokes, I smoke, and so does every chimney in the place. Indeed, we have had to sit with the front door half-open, with a ' great muckle stane ' at the back of it to keep it from opening too far, ever since I came — the wind happening to be in the worst direction. If we close it for a moment, there is an imme- diate strike among the chimneys. Now, it happens just to open at the back of my own door, consequently a wind sweeps across the floor of my room and up the chimney like the great Euroclydon. It is as much as I can do to keep my slippers from going up with it ! To supplement this little laughing Zephyr, there are two panes out of the window, their place being but somewhat insufficiently supplied by a curious and ingenious combination of news- papers and pot-lids, between whose multitudin- ous interstices the wind plays pibrochs from morning to night, and then again from night to morning. Occasionally it takes a momentaiy capricious fit and goes backwards, in which case a perfectly volcanic eruption takes place, clouds and volumes of half-burned peats, and whitey- brown scoriae, come belching into the room, and, remembering the terrible fate of Pliny, I rush precipitately to the farthest corner, from which, when all is over again, I cautiously emerge, and brush my garments. By good luck, when I was in Dublin, my sister Frank sent me a smoking- cap, which I am obliged here to wear constantly to prevent my hair from getting dishevelled and powdered with peat ashes. Thus fortified with my cap and my philosophy, I thoroughly enjoy the humour of the situation ; and I am sure if Mr. Kennedy were to hear my cachinnations (especially during the eruptions), he would have serious doubts of my sanity. HISTORICAL, LITERARY, AND DESCRIPTIVE LETTERS. [Among the voyagers and naval heroes flourish- ing in the times of Queen Elizabeth, a high place must be given to Sir Francis Drake for his courage and persevering bravery, displayed in almost every enterprise, successful or unsuccessful, with which he was identified. Drake was born about 1539 or 1541, and died while upon an expedition against the Spanish colonies in 1596. The last paragraph of Drake's letter, written to Lord Walsingham during the heat of the pursuit after the Invincible Armada, with little verbal alteration resolves itself into blank verse. It may be taken as an example of a great mind when under strong emotion expressing itself poetically : 'We have the army of Spain before us, And by God's grace shall wrestle a pull with him. Never was anything pleased me better Than seeing the enemy flying With a southerly wind to the northwards. God grant you have a good eye on Parma. By God's grace, if we live, we'll so handle This Duke of Sidonia, he'll wish himself back To St. Mary's, safe 'mid his orange trees.' A childish rhyme of the period, which has thus been translated, testifies how far the dislike and terror of his name had entered into the Spanish mind : ' My brother Don John To Kngland is gone, To kill the Drake, And the Queen to take, And the heretics all to destroy.' This dislike attended even on his memory, for it is said when the news of his death reached Panama, two days of religious festi- vities were celebrated in honour of his death and damnation. In Stowe's AnrutU he is described as ' low of stature, of strong 288 limbs, broad breasted, rounde headed, broune hayre, full bearded ; his eyes round, large, and clear, well favoured, fayre, and of a cheerfull countenance. His name was a terror to the French, Spaniard, Portugal, and Indians. Many princess of Italy, Germany, and other, as well enemies as friends, in his lifetime desired his picture. He was the second that ever went through the Straights of Magellanes, and the first that ever went rounde aboute the worlde.' A monument to Drake has been proposed to be set up at Plymouth.] SIR FRANCIS DRAKE TO LORD WALSINGHAM. July 31, 1588. Most Honorable, — I am comaunded to send these prisoners ashore by my Lord Admerall, which had, ere this, byne long done, but that I thought ther being here myght have done some- thing which is not thought meet now. Lett me beseche your Honor that they may be presented unto her Majestie, either by your honor, or my honorable good lord, my Lord Chancellor, or both of you. The one, Don Pedro, is a man of great estymacyon with the King of Spayne, and thowght next in this armye to the Duke of Sedonya. If they shoulde be geven from me unto any other, it would be som gref to my friends. Yf her Majestie will have them, God defend but I shoulde tbinok it happye. AVc have the armey of Spayne before us, and mynd with the grace of God to wressell a poull with him. Ther was never anything pleased me better than the seeing the enemy flying with a Sotherly wynd to the Northwards. God grant you have a good eye to the Duke of Parma, for with tin- grace of God, yf we live, I doubt it not, but ere it be long so to handed the matter with the THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 289 Duke of Seilonya, as he shall wish hymselff at Saint Marie Tort among his orynge trees. God gyre us grace to depend upon Him, so shall we not doubt victory; for our cawse is good. Humbly taking my leave this last of July 1588, your Honor's faythfully to be commanded ever, Fra. Drake. DR. SHARP TO THE DUKE OP BUCKINGHAM. With Queen Elizabeth's Speech to her Army at Tilbury Fort, 1588. I remember in eighty-eight waiting upon the Earl of Leicester at Tilbury Camp, and in eighty-nine going into Portugal with my noble master, the Earl of Essex, I learned somewhat fit to be imparted to your grace. The Queen lying in the camp one night, guarded with her army, the old Lord Treasurer, Burleigh, came thither, and delivered to the earl the examination of Don Pedro, who was taken and brought in by Sir Francis Drake, which examination the Earl of Leicester de- livered unto me to publish to the army in my next sei - mon. The sum of it was this : — ■ Don Pedro being asked what was the intent of their coming, stoutly answered the lords, "What but to subdue your nation, and root it out. Good, said the lords ; and what meant you then to do with the Catholics ? He answered, We meant to send them (good men) directly unto heaven, as all you that are heretics to hell. Yea, but said the lords, what meant you to do with your whips of cord and wire (whereof they had great store in their ships)? What? said he, we meant to whip you heretics to death that have assisted my master's rebels, and done such dishonours to our Catholic king and people. Yea, but what would you have done, said they, with their young children? They, said he, which were above seven years old should have gone the way their fathers went, the rest should have lived, branded in the forehead with the letter L for Lutheran, to perpetual bondage. This, I take God to witness, I received of those great lords upon examination taken by the council, and by commandment delivered it to the army. The Queen the next morning rode through all the squadrons of her armie, as armed Pallas, attended by noble footmen, Leicester, Essex, and Norris, then Lord Marshal, and divers other great lords, where she made an excellent ora- tion to her army, which the next day after her departure I was commanded to re-deliver to all the army together, to keep a public fast. Her words were these : — 'My loving people, we have been persuaded by some, that are careful of our safety, to take heed how we commit ourself to armed multi- tudes for fear of treachery : but, I assure you, I do not desire to live to distrust my faithful and loving people. Let tyrants fear ; I have always so behaved myself that, under God, I have placed my chiefest strength and safeguard in the loyal hearts and good-will of my subjects. And therefore I am come amongst you, as you see, at this time, not for my recreation and disport, but being resolved in the midst and heat of the battle to live or die amongst you all, to lay down for my God, and for my king- dom, and for my people, my honour .and my blood, even in the dust. I know I have the body but of a weak and feeble woman, but I have the heart and stomach of a king, and of a king of England too ; and think foul scorn that Parma, or Spain, or any prince of Europe, should dare to invade the borders of my realm ; to which, rather than any dishonour shall grow by me, I myself will take up arms, I myself will be your general, judge, and rewarder of every one of your virtues in the field. I know already, for your forwardness, you have de- served rewards and crowns ; and we do assure you, in the word of a prince, they shall be duly paid you. In the meantime, my lieutenant- general shall be in my stead, than whom never prince commanded a more noble or worthy sub- ject ; not doubting but by your obedieuce to my general, by yovir concord in the camp, and your valour in the field, we shall shortly have a famous victory over those enemies of my God, of my kingdoms, and of my people.' This I thought would delight your grace, and no man hath it but yourself and such as I have given it to, and therefore I make bold to send it unto you, if you have it not already. [Thomas Egerton was Lord Chancellor in the reign of James I. ; he was in succession Attorney-General, Master of the Rolls, and then Lord Keeper. He was appointed Lord Chancellor, with the title of Baron Elles- mere, in 1603. This seasonable advice was addressed to Essex when in disgrace at the court of Elizabeth, and dismissed from her presence.] LORD CHANCELLOR EGERTON TO THE EARL OP ESSEX. A Letter of Advice. My very good Lord, — It is often seen, that he that stands by seeth more than he that playeth the game ; and for the most part, every one in his own cause standeth in his own light, and seeth not so clearly as he should. Your lordship hath dealt in other men's causes, and in great and weighty affairs, with great T 290 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. wisdom and judgment ; now your own is in hand, you are not to contemn or refuse the advice of any that love you, how simple soever. In this order I rank myself among others that love you, none more simple, and none that love you with more true and honest affection, which shall plead my excuse if you shall either mis- take or mistrust my words or meaning. But, in your lordship's honourable wisdom, I neither doubt nor suspect the one nor the other. I will not presume to advise you, but shoot my bolt, and tell you what I think. The beginning and long continuance of this so unseasonable dis- contentment you have seen and proved, by which you aim at the end. If you hold still this course, which hitherto you find to be worse and worse (and the longer you go the farther you go out of the way), there is little hope or likelihood the end will be better. You are not yet gone so far but that you may well return : the return is safe, but the progress is dangerous and desperate in this course you hold. If you have any enemies, you do that for them which they could never do for themselves. Your friends you leave to scorn and contempt ; you forsake yourself, and overthrow your fortunes, and ruinate your honour and reputation ; you give that comfort and courage to the foreign enemies, as greater they cannot have, for what can be more welcome and pleasing news than to hear that her Majesty and the realm are maimed of so worthy a member, who hath so often and so valiantly quailed and daunted them ? You forsake your country when it hath most need of your counsel and aid ; and, lastly, you fail in your indissoluble duty which you owe unto youi m »st gracious sovereign, — a duty imposed upon you not by nature and policy only, but by the religious and sacred bond wherein the divine majesty of Almighty God hath by the rule of Christianity obliged you. For the four first, your constant resolution may perhaps move you to esteem them as light ; but, being well weighed, they are not light, cor lightly to be regarded. And for the four last, it may be that the clearness of your own con- science may seem to content yourself, but that is not enough ; for these duties stand not only in contemplation or inward meditation, and cannot be performed but by external actions, and where that faileth, the substance also fail- eth. This being your present state and condi- tion, what is to be done '! What is the remedy, my good lord? I lack judgment and wisdom to :i w1 ' : tates were given previous to his first Imprisonment. TO PKINOE HENRY, SON OF JAMES L May ir please your Highness, — The follow- ing lines are addressed to your Highness, from a man who values his liberty, and a very small fortune in a remote part of this island, under the present Constitution, above all the riches and honours that he could anywhere enjoy under any other Establishment. You see, sir, the doctrines that are lately come into the world, and how far the phrase has obtained, of calling your royal father God's vicegerent; while ill men have turned both to the dishonour of God, and the impeachment of Ins Majesty's goodness. They adjoin vicegerency to the idea of being all-powerful, and not to that of being all-good. His Majesty's wisdom, it is to be hoped, will save him from the snare that may lie under gross adulations ; but your youth, ami the thirst of praise, which I have observed in you, may possibly mislead you to hearken to these charmers, who would conduct your noble nature into tyranny. Be careful, O my prince ! hear them not, fly from their deceits; you are in the succession to a throne, from whence no evil can be imputed to you, but all good must be conveyed from you. Your father is called the vicegerent of heaven. While he is good he is the vicegerent of heaven. Shall man have authority from the Fountain of Good to do evil? No, my pri::ce ; let mean and degenerate spirits, which want benevolence, suppose your power impaired by a disability of doing injuries. If want of power to do ill be an incapacity in a prince, with reverence be it spoken, it is an incapacity he has in common with the Deity. Let me not doubt but all picas, which do not carry in them the mutual happiness of prince and people, will appear as absurd to your great understanding, as disagreeable to your noble nature. Exert yourself, O generous prince, against such sycophants, in the glorious cause of liberty ; and assume such an ambition worthy of you, to secure your fellow-creatures from slavery ; from a condition as much below that of brutes, as to act without reason is less miserable than to act against it. Preserve to your future subjects the divine right of being free agents ; and to your own royal house the divine right of being their benefactors. Believe me, my prince, there is no other right can flow from God. While your Highness is forming yourself for a throne, consider the laws as so many commonplaces in your study of the science of government ; when you mean nothing but justice, they are an ease and help to you. This way of thinking is what gave men the glorious appellations of deliverers and fathers of their country ; this made the si-:lu of them their beholders into acclamations, and mankind inoapable ".' bearing their very appearance without applauding it as a benefit. Consider the inexpressible advantages which THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 295 will ever attend your Highness, while you make the power of rendering men happy the measure of your actions. While this is your impulse, how easily will that power be extended ! The glance of your eye will give gladness, and your very sentence have a force of bounty. What- ever some men would insinuate, you have lost your subjects when you have lost their incli- nations. You are to preside over the minds, not the bodies of men ; the soul is the essence of the man, and you cannot have the true man against his inclinations. Choose therefore to be the king or the conqueror of your people ; it may be submission, but it cannot be obedience that is passive. I am, sir, your Highness' most faithful servant, Walter Kaleigh. London, August 12, 1611. [The most affecting eulogy upon the fallen Chancellor was pronounced by his friend Ben Jonson, in one of those majestic frag- ments of prose upon which he bestowed the name of Explorata, or Discoveries : — 'My conceit of his person was never increased towards him by his place, or honours ; but I have, and do reverence him, for the greatness that was only proper to himself, in that he seemed to me ever, by his work, one of the greatest men, and most worthy of admiration, that had been in many ages. In his adversity I ever prayed that God would give him strength ; for greatness he could not want. Neither could I condole in a word or syllable for him, as knowing no accident could do harm to virtue, but rather help to make it manifest.' The Discoveries appeared in the folio of 1641. Bacon died, April 9th, 1626, in the sixty- sixth year of his age. The parliamentary sentence, under which he had suffered more than three years, was remitted in the beginning of 1624, by the command of James, who expired at Theobalds in the spring of the following year. A very ample and interesting narrative of the proceedings against Lord Bacon, and of the evidence adduced to support the charge of bribery, may be seen in Basil Montagu's edition of his works, vol. xvi. (Life). 1 After his fall, his annual income appears to have comprised a pension from the crown of £1200, £600 from the Alienation Office, and £700 from his own estate. The pension he retained unto his death. From the King he probably 1 Now superseded by Spedding's Lift. derived pecuniary assistance ; and Bucking- ham, in one of his letters, communicates the consent of James 'to yield unto the three years' advance.' But his disposition was munificent, and his embarrassments frequent. See also page 15. — Willmott.] LORD BACON, AFTER HIS DISGRACE, TO JAMES I. To the King, — It may please your most excellent Majesty, in the midst of my misery, which is rather assuaged by remembrance than by hope, my chiefest worldly comfort is to think, that, since the time I had the first vote of the Commons House of Parliament for Commissioner of the Union, until the time that I was, by this last Parliament, chosen by both Houses for their messenger to your Majesty in the petition of religion (which two were my first and last services), I was evermore so happy as to have my poor services graciously accepted by your Majesty, and likewise not to have had any of them miscarry in my hands ; neither of which points I can anywise take to myself, but ascribe the former to your Majesty's goodness, and the latter to your prudent directions, which I was ever careful to have and keep. For, as I have often said to your Majesty, I was towards you but as a bucket and cistern, to draw forth and conserve, whereas yourself was the foimtain. Unto this comfort of nineteen years' prosperity, there succeeded a comfort even in my greatest adversity, somewhat of the same nature, which is that, in those offences wherewith I was charged, there was not any one that had special relation to your Majesty, or any your particular commandments. For as towards Almighty God there are offences against the first and second table, and yet all against God ; so with the servants of kings, there are offences more immediate against the sovereign, although all offences against law are also against the king. Unto which comfort there is added this circum- stance, that as my faults were not against your Majesty, otherwise than as all faults are ; so my fall was not your Majesty's act, otherwise than as all acts of justice are yours. This I write not to insinuate with your Majesty, but as a most humble appeal to your Majesty's gracious remembrance, how honest and direct you have ever found me in your service, whereby I have an assured belief that there is in your Majesty's own princely thoughts a great deal of serenity and clearness towards me, your Majesty's now prostrate and cast-down servant. Neither, my most gracious sovereign, do I, by this mention of my former services, lay claim to your princely graces and bounty, though the privilege of calamity doth bear that form of petition. I know well, had they been much more, they had been but by bounden duty : nay, I must also confess, that they were, from time 296 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. to time, far above my merit, over and super- rewarded by your Majesty's benefits, which you heaped upon me. Your Majesty was and is that master to me that raised and advanced me nine times, thrice in dignity, and six times in offices. The places were indeed the painf idlest of all your services ; but then they had both honour and profits ; and the then profits might have maintained my now honours, if I had been wise ; neither was your Majesty's immediate liberality wanting towards me in some gifts, if I may hold them. All this I do most thankfully acknowledge ; and do herewith conclude, that for anything arising from myself to move your eye of pity towards me, there is much more in my present miseiy than in my past services ; save that the same, your Majesty's goodness, that may give relief to the one, may give value to the other. And indeed, if it may please your Majesty, this theme of my miseiy is so plentiful as it need not be coupled with anything else. I have been somebody by your Majesty's singular and undeserved favour, even the prime officer of your kingdom. Your Majesty's arm hath often been laid over mine in council when you pre- sided at the table ; so near was I ! I have borne j'our Majesty's image in metal, much more in my heart. I was never, in nineteen years' service, chidden by your Majesty ; but, contrariwise, often overjoyed when your Majesty ■would sometimes say, I was a good husband for you, though none for myself ; sometimes, that I had a way to deal in business fauvibw modis, which was the way which was most according to your own heart ; and other most gracious speeches of affection and trust, which I feed on to this day. But why should I speak of these things which are now vanished but only the better to express my downfall ? For now it is thus with me : I am a year and a half l old in misery ; though, I must ever acknowledge, not without some mixture of your Majesty's grace and mercy. For I do not think it possible that any one, whom you once loved, should be totally miserable. Mine own means, through my own improvidence, are poor and weak, little better than my father left me. The poor things that I have had from your Majesty are either in question or at courtesy. My dignities remain marks of your past favour, but burdens of my present fortune. The poor remnants which I had of my former fortunes, in plate or jewels, I have spread upon poor men unto whom I owed, scarce leaving myself a convenient subsistence ; so as to conclude, I must pour out my misery before your Majesty, so far as to say, Si til deferis, perimus. But as I can offer to your Majesty's compassion 1 Therefore this was written Dear the middle of the year 10:;:!. little arising from myself to move you, except it be my extreme misery, which I have truly opened ; so looking up to your Majesty's own self, I should think I committed Cain's fault if I should despair. Your Majesty is a king, whose heart is as inscrutable for secret motions of goodness as for depth of wisdom. You are, Creator-like, factive, not destructive ; you are the prince in whom hath ever been noted an aversion against anything that savoured of an hard heart ; as on the other side, your princely eye was wont to meet with any motion that was made on the relieving part. Therefore, as one that hath had the happiness to know your Majesty near-hand, I have, most gracious sovereign, faith enough for a miracle, and much more for a grace, that your Majesty will not suffer your poor creature to be utterly defaced, nor blot that name quite out of your book, upon which your sacred hand hath been so oft for the giving him new ornaments and additions. Unto this degree of compassion, I hope God (of whose mercy towards me, both in my pro- sperity and adversity, I have had great testi- monies and pledges, though mine own manifold and wretched unthankfulness might have averted them) will dispose your princely heart, already- prepared to all piety you shall 1 do for me. And as all commiserable persons (especially such as find their hearts void of all malice) are apt to think that all men pity them, so I assure myself that the lords of your council, who, out of their wisdom and nobleness, cannot but be sensible of human events, will, in this way which I go, for the relief of my estate, further and advance your Majesty's goodness towards me ; for there is, as I conceive, a kind of fraternity between great men that are, and those that have been, being but the several tenses of one verb. Nay, I do further presume, that both Houses of Parliament will love their justice the better if it end not in my ruin ; for I have been often told, by many of my lords, as it were in the way of excusing the severity of the sentence, that they knew they left me in good hands. And your Majesty knoweth well I have been all my life long acceptable to those assemblies ; not by flattery, but by moderation, and by honest expressing of a desire to have all tilings go fairly and well. But if it may please your Majesty (for saints I shall give them reverence, but no adoration ; my address is to your Majesty, the fountain of goodness), your Majesty shall, by the grace of God, not feel that in gift, which I shall extreme- ly feel in help ; for my desires are moderate, and my courses measured to a life orderly and reserved, hoping still to do your Majesty honour in my way ; only I most humbly beseech your Majesty to give me leave to conclude with these words, which necessity speaketh. llelp me, 1 Vouchsafe to express towards me. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 297 dear sovereign, lord and master, and pity so far, as that I, that have borne a bag, be not now in my age forced, in effect, to bear a wallet ; nor that I, that desire to live to study, may not be driven to study to live. I most humbly crave pardon of a long letter, after a long silence. God of heaven ever bless, preserve, and prosper your Majesty. Your Majesty's poor ancient servant and beadsman, Fr. Bacon. lord bacon to james i. It may please your most excellent Majesty, — I do many times with gladness, and for a remedy of my other labours, revolve in my mind the great happiness which God (of His singular goodness) hath accumulated upon your Majesty every way ; and how com- plete the same would be, if the state of your means were once rectified and well ordered ; your people military and obedient, fit for war, used to peace ; your church enlightened with good preachers, as an heaven of stars ; your judges learned, and learning from you, just, and just by your example ; your nobility in a right distance between crown and people, no oppressors of the people, no overshadowers of the crown ; your council full of tributes, of care, faith, and freedom ; your gentlemen and justices of peace willing to apply your royal mandates to the nature of their several counties, but ready to obey ; your servants in awe of your wisdom, in hope of your goodness ; the fields growing every day by the improvement and recovery of grounds, from the desert to the garden ; the city grown from wood to brick ; your sea-walls, or pomerium of your island surveyed, and in edifying ; your mer- chants embracing the whole compass of the world, east, west, north, and south ; the times giving you peace, and yet offering you oppor- tunities of action abroad ; and, lastly, your excellent royal issue entailing these blessings and favours of God, to descend to all posterity. It resteth, therefore, that God having done so great things for your Majesty, and you for others, you would do so much for yourself as to go through (according to your good beginnings) with the rectifying and settling of your estate and means, which only is wanting. Hoc rebus defuit unum. I there- fore, whom only love and duty to your Majesty, and your royal line, hath made a financier, do intend to present unto your Majesty a perfect book of your estate, like a perspective- glass, to draw your estate near to your sight ; beseeching your Majesty to conceive, that if I have not attained to do that, that I would do in this which is not proper for me, nor in my element, I shall make your Majesty amends in some other thing in which I am better bred. God ever preserve, etc. [Sir Henry AVotton was born in 15G8 at Boughton Hall, in Kent, and educated at Westmin- ster School, Oxford, and Queen's Colleges. He spent several years in Germany ; re- turned and attached himself to the Earl of Essex ; on the arrest of the latter for treason, he escaped to France and Italy. The Grand-Duke of Tuscany sent him on a private message to James VI. , which he per- formed so well as to gain the king's favour ; and on his accession to the throne, AVotton was sent on various missions to Italy and Germany. He became provost of Eton College in 1624, and died in 1039. The little work from which we quote is entitled, ' Letters of Sir Henry Wotton to Sir Edmund Bacon. London : Printed by B. "VV. for F. T. at the three Daggers in Fleet Street. 1661.'] SIR HENRY WOTTON TO SIR EDMUND BACON. March the last, 1613. Sir, — I returned from Cambridge to London some two hours after the King. The next day was celebrated with twenty filters, wherein there entered four fraternities : the Earls Pembroke and Montgomery, my Lord Walden, Thomas and Henry Howards, the two Biches, and the two Alexanders, as they are called (though falsely), like many things else in a court. The rest were Lenox, Arundel, But- land, Dorcet, Shandowes, North, Hey, Dingwel, Clifford, Sir Thomas Sommerset, and Sir John Harrington. The day fell out wet, to the disgrace of many fine plumes. Some caparisons seen before, adventured to appear again on the stage with a little disguisement, even on the back of one of the most curious ; so frugal are the times, or so indigent. The two Biches only made a speech to the King, the rest were contented with bare impress ; whereof some were so dark that their meaning is not yet understood, unless, perchance, that were their meaning not to be understood. The two best to my fancy were those of the two Earls Brothers ; the first a small exceeding white Pearl, and the word, Solo candore valeo. The other, a sun casting a glance on the side of a pillar, and the beams reflecting, with this motto, Splendcnte refulget. In which devices there seemed an agreement ; the elder brother to allude to his own nature, and the younger to his fortune. The day was signalized with no extraordinary accident, save only between Sir Thomas Howard and Sir Thomas Sommer- set, who, with a counter-buff, had almost set himself out of the saddle, and made the other's horse sink under him ; but they both came fairly off without any further disgrace. Of 29S THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. the merits of tlie rest I will say nothing, my pen being very unlit to speak of lances. To this solemnity of the public ambassadors, only the arck-duke was invited, for the healing of the distaste he had taken for the nee of the Venetian at the marriage. But I doubt the plaister be too narrow for the sore ; which he seemed not much discontented men should note in his whole countenance that day. Towards the evening a challenge passed between Archie and a famous knight, called Sir Thomas Parsons ; the one a fool by election, and the other by necessity: which was accordingly performed some two or three days after at tylt, tornie, and on foot, both completely armed, and solemnly brought in before their majesties, and almost as many other meaner eyes as were at the former. Which bred much sport for the present, and afterwards, upon cooler consideration, much censure and discourse, as the manner is. The departure of the Count Palatine and my Lady Elizabeth is put off from the Thursday in the Easter week till the Tuesday following, which day I think will hold. The commissioners that accompany her, have the titles of ambassa- dors, to give them precedency before Sir Ralph Win wood at the Hague, and likewise in any encounters with Almaigne princes. Sir Edward Cecil goeth as treasurer to keep up that office in the name, though it be otherwise perhaps from a general, rather a fall than an ascent. Before this journey there is a conceit, that the Duke of Lenox will be naturalized a Peer of our Parliament, and my Lord of Rochester be created Earl of Devonshire. The foreign matter is little increased since my last unto 3'ou from Cambridge. The Savoy ambassador not yet arrived. The Turks' designs hitherto unknown, and marching slowly according to the nature of huge armies ; in which suspense the Venetians have augmented their guard in the gulf, enough to confirm unto the world that states must be conserved, even with ridiculous fears. This is all that the week yi, birth. My lord and lady have received thi se letters and loving salutations which my footman brought. And so with mine own hearty prayers to God for you, and for that most good niece, I commit you both to his blessing and love. Your faithfullest of un- profitable friends, Henuy Wotton. TO Till: SAME. Sin,— In my last I told you that the am- l a idor of Savoy was to meet the Queen at Windsor, Which pains she hath spared liiin by her own coming yesternight to Greenwich, where I think she will settle herself a day or two before she admit him. Now, seeing the time of the commencement at Cambridge BO near as it is, and being able to determine of this ambassador's departure within that space, I have resolved to take those philosophical exercises in my way to you, hoping in the meantime to sec Albertus admitted by oath to a clerkship of the council, or at least to the next vacancy, for he is now strong enough again to swear. Sir Robert Mansfeld and Mr. Whitlock were, on Saturday last, called to a very honourable hearing in the Queen's Presence Chamber at Whitehall before the Lords of the Council, with intervention of my Lord Cook, the Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer, and Master of the Rolls, the Lord Chief-Justice being kept at home with some infirmity. There the Attorney and Solicitor first undertook Mr. "Whitlock, and the Recorder (as the King's Sergeant) Sir Robert Mansfeld ; charging the one as a counsellor, the other as a questioner in matter of the King's prerogative and sovereignty, upon occasion of a commission intended for a research into the administration of the Admiralty, against which the said Sir Robert Mansfeld (being himself so principal an officer therein) had sought some provision of advice, and this was the sum of the charge, which was diversely amplified. Whitlock in his answer spake more confusedly than was expected from a lawyer, and the knight more temperately than was expected from a soldier. There was likewise some difference noted, not only in the manner, but in the substance between them. For Whitlock ended his speech with an absolute confession of his own offence, and with a pro- mise of employing himself hereafter in defence of the King's prerogative. Sir Robert Mansfeld, on the other side, laboured to distinguish between the error of his acts and the integrity of his zeal and affection towards the King his master ; protesting he should hold it the greatest glory undi r heaven to die at his feet, and that no man living should go before him, if there were occasion to advance his dominions, with some other such martial strains which became him well. The conclusion of his speech had some- what of the courtier beseeching the lords, if the restraint he had endured were not in their judgments a sufficient punishment of his error, that then they would continue it as long as it should please them, and add unto it any other bion of pain or shame whatsoever; provided that afterwards he might be restored again into his Majesty's favour and their good opinions. To tell you what they all severally said that day, were to rob from the liberty of our disco irse when we shall meet. In this they generally agreed, both counsellors and judges, to represent the humiliation of both the prisoners unto the King in lieu of innocency, and to intercede for his gracious pardon ; which \\as dune, and accordingly the next day they were 1 nlarged upon a submission under writing. This is the end of that business, at which were THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 299 present as many as the room could contain, and men of the best quality, whom the King was desirous to satisfy, not only about the point in hand, but in some other things that ■were occasionally awaked ; which I likewise reserve to our private freedom. The King's officers are returned from my Lady Elizabeth, whom they left at Goltzheime the last of Slay, where his Majesty's expense did cease. This place was chosen for her consign- ment, instead of Bacherach, suspected of contagion. She was at Andernach feasted by the Elector of Cullen ; at Confluence, or Cobolentz (as they call it), by the other of Trier ; and at Mentz by the third of those ecclesiastic poten- tates very royally and kindly, and (which was less expected) very handsomely. The Count Maurice and his brother, with troops of horse and a guard of foot, accompanied her to Cullen, and entered themselves into that city with her (I need not tell you, that though themselves were within, the horse and most of the foot were without the walls), which is here (by the wiser sort of interpreters) thought as hazardous an act as either of them both had done in the heat of war, and indeed in no way justifiable in foro sapiential. And therefore such adventures as these must appeal ad forum Providcntics ; where we are all covered by His vigilant mercy and love, to which I commit you and my sweet niece in my hearty prayers. Your faithful poor friend, uncle, and servant, Henry "Wotton. to the same. From St. Martins by the Fields, April 18, IG'33. Sir,— By beginning first with philosophy, I will discover the method of my nature, pre- ferring it before the speculations of State. Take any vegetable whatsoever (none excepted in the effect, though some difference in the degree), express the juice, put that in any vessel of wood or stone with a narrow neck and mouth, not closed at the top, but covered with anything, so as it may work out above ; set it afterwards in some cold hole in a cellar, let it stand there some three weeks or a month, till by fermentation it have both purged itself upwards, and by sediment downwards. Then decant from it the clear juice, and put that in a limbeck in balnco rnaris, or in balnco roris. The first that riseth will be aqua ardens, useful perchance according to the quality of the plant ; as of wormwood for the stomach, of succory or any of those Incubce for the liver. And on the sides of the limbeck will hang a salt ; this is the extracting of salt without calcination, which otherwise certainly must needs consume all the active powers of any vegetable, and leave nothing but a plastic and passive virtue. For the point of preserving that salt after- wards from resolution by air into water, I hold it impossible, notwithstanding the proper examples that you allege, winch yet must of necessity yield to it. For as your excellent uncle says, and says well, in not the least of his works (though born after him), of his experiments : air is predatory. I have forgotten (for menwria primo se7iescit) whether I told you in my last a pretty late experiment in arthritical pains. It is cheap enough. Take a roasted turnip (for if you boil it, it will open the pores, and draw too much), apply that in a poultice to the part affected, with change once in an hour or two, as you find it dried by the heat of the flesh, and it will in little time allay the pain. Thus much in our private way, wherein I dare swear, if our medicines were as strong as our wishes, they would work extremely. Now for the public, where peradventure now and then there are distempers as well as in natural bodies. The Earl of Holland was on Saturday last (the day after your post's departure) very solemnly restored at Council Table (the King present) from a kind of eclipse, wherein he had stood since the Thursday fortnight before. All considered, the obscuration was long, and bred both various and doubtful discourse ; but it ended well. All the cause yet known was a verbal challenge sent from him by Mr. Henry Germain in this form : To the now Lord "Weston newly returned from his foreign employments. That since he had already given the King an account of his embassage, he did now expect from him an account of a letter of his which he had opened in Paris, and he did expect it at such a time, even in the Spring Garden (close under his father's window) with his sword by his side. It is said (I go no farther in such tender points) that my Lord "Weston sent him by Mr. Henry Percy (between whom and the said Lord "Weston had in the late journey, as it seems, been contracted such friendship as overcame the memory that he was cousin- german to my Lord of Holland), a very fair and discreet answer : That if he could challenge him for any injury done him before or after his embassage, he would meet him as a gentle- man with his sword by his side where he should appoint. But for anything that had been done in the time of his embassage, he had already given the King an account thereof, and thought himself not accountable to any other. This published on Thursday was fort- night, the Earl of Holland was confined to his chamber in court, and the next day morning to his house at Kensington, where he remained without any further circumstance of restraint or displeasure Saturday and Sunday ; on which days being much visited, it was thought fit on Monday to appoint Mr. Dickenson, one of 30O THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. the clerks of the Council, to be his guardian thus fur, that none without his presence should accost him. This made the vulgar judgments run high, or rather indeed run low. That he was a lost and discarded man, judging as of patients in fevers, by the exasperation of the fits. But the Queen, who was a little obliquely interested in this business, for in my Lord of Holland's letter, which was opened, she had one that was not opened, nor so much (as they say) as superscribed, and both the Queen's and my Lord of Holland's were enclosed in one from Mr. "Walter Mountague (whereof I shall tell you more hereafter). The Queen, I say, stood nobly by him, and as it seems pressed her own affront. It is too intricately involved for me so much as to guess at any particulars. I hear generally discoursed that the opened despatch was only in favour (if it might be obtained) of Monsieur de Chateau Neuf, and the Chevalier de Fair (who had both been here) ; but written with caution (and surely not without the King's knowledge) to be delivered, if there were hope of any good effect, and perchance not without order from his Majesty to my Lord Weston ; afterwards to stop the said letters, upon advertisement that both Chateau Neuf and de Farr were already in the Eastile. But this I leave at large, as not knowing the depth of the business. Upon Monday was seven night fell out another quarrel, nobly carried (branching from the former) between my Lord Fielding and M. Goring, son and heir to the lord of that name. They had been the night before at supper, I know not where, together ; where M. Goring spake something in diminution of my Lord "Weston, which my Lord Fielding told him, it could not become him to suffer, lying by the side of his sister. Thereupon, these hot hearts appoint a meeting next day morning, them- selves alone, each upon his horse. They pass by Hyde Park, as a place where they might be parted too soon, and turn into a lane by Knight's Bridge, where, having tied up their horses at a hedge or gate, they got over into a close ; there stripped into their shirts, with single rapiers, they fell to an eager duel, till they were severed by the host and his servants of the inn of the Prince of Orange, who, by mere chance, had taken some notice of them. In this noble encounter, wherein blood was spent, though (by God's providence) not much, on either side, there passed between them a very memorable interchange of a piece of courtesy, if that word may have room in this place : says my Lord Fielding, M. Goring, if you leave me here, let me advise you not to go back by Piccadillia Hall, lest if mischance befall me, and be suddenly noised (as it falleth out in these occasions now between us), you might receive some harm by some of my friends that lodge thereabouts. My lord (replies Goring), I have no way but one to answer this courtesy : I have here by chance in my pocket a warrant to pass the ports of England without a name (gotten I suppose upon some other occasion before) ; if you leave me here, take it for your use, and put in your own name. This is a passage much commended between them, as proceeding both from sweetness and stoutness of spirit, which are very compatible. On the solemn day of Saturday last, both this difference and the original between the Earl of Holland and the Lord "Weston, were fairly reconciled and forgiven by the King, with shaking of hands, and such symbols of agreement. And likewise Sir Maurice Dromand, who had before, upon an uncivil rupture on his part between him and my Lord of Cai'lisle, been committed to the Tower, was then delivered at the same time ; and so it all ended, as a merry fellow said, in a Maurice. But whether these be perfect cures, or but skinnings over and palliations of court, will appear hereafter. Nay, some say very quickly, for my Lord AVeston's lady being since brought to bed of a daughter, men stand in a kind of suspense, whether the Queen will be the godmother after so crude a reconcilement, which, by the King's inestimable goodness, I think may pass in this forgiving week. For foreign matter, there is so little and so doubtful, as it were a misery to trouble you with it. The States' confuted Treaty is put to the stock ; and the Prince of Orange (by account) gone to the field two days since, having broken the business (as they say) by three demands ; the resignment of Breda and Guelder, the dismantling of Eheynberg, and the equality of free exercise of religion on either side. The States are strong in arms, weak in money, owing above six hundred thousand pounds sterling in bare interest, be- sides the capital. The enemy hath neither money, nor men, nor agreement. Arena SVM calce, yet I hear (and ex bonis codicibue) that the States are absolutely resolved to besiege no town this year, unless it be some such place as may haply fall gently into their lap. They will range with divided troops. I will have a care in my letters to the King's only sister (for that is now her published style even in sermons), so to commend your frank unto her (whom she was wont to call, when he went fust over, her little Pig) that he may speedily have a captain's place. God bless him, and bless your whole name, to which I am so much tied, both by the alliance of the sweetest niece that ever man had, and by your own kindness since her departure to heaven. And so I rest your indissoluble servant, Hkmiy Wotton. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 301 SIR HENRY W0TT0N TO LORD BACON. Thanking him fur his 'Novum Organum. 1 Right honourable, and my very good Lord, — I have your lordship's letters dated the 20th of October, and I have withal by the care of my cousin, Mr. Thomas Meawtis, and by your own special favour, three copies of that work, wherewith your lordship hath done a great and ever-living benefit to all the children of Nature ; and to Nature herself, in her utter- most extent and latitude: who never before had so noble nor so true an interpreter, or (as I am ready to style your lordship) never so inward a secretary of her cabinet. But of your said work (which came but this week to my hands) I shall find occasion to speak more hereafter ; having yet read only the first book thereof, and a few aphorisms of the second. For it is not a banquet, that men may super- ficially taste, and put up the rest in their pockets ; but, in truth, a solid feast, which requireth due mastication. Therefore when I have once myself perused the whole, I deter- mine to have it read piece by piece at certain hours in my domestic college, as an ancient author : for I have learned thus much by it already, that we are extremely mistaken in the computation of antiquity, by searching it back- wards, because indeed the first times were the youngest ; especially in points of natural discovery and experience. For though I grant, that Adam knew the natures of all beasts, and Solomon of all plants, not only more than any, but more than all since their time ; yet that was by divine infusion, and therefore they did not need any such Organum as your lordship hath now delivered to the world ; nor we neither, if they had left us the memories of their wisdom. But I am gone further than I meant in speaking of this excellent labour, while the delight yet I feel, and even the pride that I take in a certain congeniality (as I may term it) with your lordship's studies, will scant let me cease. And, indeed, I owe your lordship even by promise (which you are pleased to remember, thereby doubly binding me) some trouble this way ; I mean, by the commerce of philosophical experiments, which surely of all others is the most ingenuous traffic. Therefore, for a beginning, let me tell your lordship a pretty thing which I saw coming down the Danube, though more remarkable for the application than for the theory. I lay a night at Lintz, the metropolis of the higher Austria, but then in very low estate, having been newly taken by the Duke of Bavaria ; who, blandiente fortuna, was gone on to the late effects. There I found Kepler, a man famous in the sciences, as your lordship knows, to whom I purpose to convey from hence one of your books, that he may see we have some of our own that can honour our king, as well as he hath done with his Harinmi in . l In this man's study I was much taken with the draught of a landscape on a piece of paper, methoughts masterly done : whereof inquiring the author, he bewrayed with a smile, it was himself ; adding, he had done it, Non tanquam Pictor, sed tanquam Mathe- maticus." This set me on fire ; at last he told me how. He hath a little black tent (of what stuff is not much importing) which he can suddenly set up where he will in a field, and it is convertible (like a windmill) to all quarters at pleasure, capable of not much more than one man, as I conceive, and perhaps at no great ease ; exactly close and dark, save at one hole, about an inch and a half in the diameter, to which he applies a long perspective trunk, with a convex glass fitted to the said hole, and the concave taken out at the other end, which extendeth to about the middle of this erected tent, through which the visible radiations of all the objects without are intromitted, falling upon a paper, which is accommodated to receive them, and so he traceth them with his pen in then - natural appearance, turning his little tent round by degrees till he hath designed the whole aspect of the field. This I have described to your lordship, because I think there might be good use made of it for chorography : for otherwise, to make landscapes by it were il- liberal ; though surely no painter can do them so precisely. Now from these artificial and natural curiosities, let me a little direct your lordship to the contemplation of fortune. [The reader who has compared the structure and the pauses of Jonson's blank verse with those of Milton, will not be surprised to discover in the noble dedication to The Fox, the peculiar characteristics of Milton's prose. The relationship between the dramatist and the epic poet may be traced not only in their intellectual, but in their moral features. They were equally learned ; equally confident in their own powers ; equally regardless of the acquire- ments of others. Both delighted in Attic and Latin idioms, and both occasionally rose into the loftiest flights of eloquence and passion. The following composition of Jonson is not inappropriately included in a volume of letters. It belongs to a species of writing, which a revolution of taste has banished from our literature. To the practice of addressing the powerful and opulent in a laudatory epistle, we owe 1 Johium Kepler, born 1571, died 1630. - Not as Painter, but as Mathematician. 302 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. some of the most beautiful passages of Taylor, of Hall, and of De Foe ; and the earliest specimens of English criticism are contained in the eloquent adulation of Dryden. Each of the three divisions of Taylor's Qreat Exemplar is inscribed to a separate individual ; an engine of harm- less flattery, which, in the words of his biographer, 'he was too grateful, or too poor, to omit any opportunity of employ- ing.' The comedy of The Fox, to which this dedicatory epistle is prefixed, was represented at the Globe Theatre in 1605, and printed in 1607, having been previously represented before the universities with great applause. It has been considered the masterpiece of Jonson ; and Cumber- land pronounced his portrait of Mosca, the parasite of Volpone, to be equal to the happiest delineation of antiquity. Mr. Gifford, however, preferred the Alchemist, whose plot, in the opinion of Coleridge, was absolutely perfect ; he coupled it, in this particular, with the Tom, Jones of Fielding, and the CEdipus Tyrannus of Sophocles. — Willmott.] BEN JONSON TO THE TWO UNIVERSITIES. Never, most equal Sisters, had any man a wit so presently excellent, as that it could raise itself, but there must come both matter, occasion, commenders, and favourers to it. If this be true, and that the fortune of all writers doth daily prove it, it behoves the careful to provide well towards these accidents ; and, having acquired them, to preserve that part of reputation most tenderly, wherein the benefit of a friend is also defended. H.nce is it, that I now render myself grateful, and am studious to justify the bounty of your act ; to which, though your mere authority were satisfying, yet it being an age wherein poetry and the professors of it hear so ill on all sides, there will a reason be looked for in the subject. It is certain, nor can it with any forehead be opposed, that the too much licence of poetasters in this time hath much deformed their mistress; that, every day, their manifold and manifest ignor- ance doth stick unnatural reproaches upon her; but for their petulancy, it were an act of the greatest injustice, either to let the learned sufferer, or so divine a skill (which inde< d should not, be attempted with unclean hands), to fall into the least contempt. For if men will impartially, and not asquint, look toward the offices and function of a poet, they will easily conclude to themselves the impossibility of any man's being a good poet, without first being a good man. He that is said to be able to inform young men to all good disciplines, inflame grown men to all great virtues, keep old men in their best and supreme state, or, as they decline to childhood, recover them to their first strength ; that comes forth the interpreter and arbiter of nature, a teacher of things divine, no less than human, a master in manners ; and can alone, or with a few, effect the business of mankind ; this, I take him, is no subject for pride and ignorance to exercise their railing rhetoric upon. But it will here be hastily answered, that the writers of these days are other things ; that not only their manners, but their natures, are inverted, and nothing remaining with them of the dignity of poet, but the abused name, which every scribe usurps ; — that now, especially in dramatic, or, as they term it, stage-poetiy, nothing but ribaldry, profanation, blasphemy, all licence of offence to God and man, is practised. I dare not deny a great part of this, and am sorry I dare not, because in some men's short abortive features (and would they had never boasted the light) it is over-true ; but that all are embarked in this bold adventure for hell, is a most uncharit- able thought, and, uttered, a more malicious slander. For my particular, I can, and from a most clear conscience, affirm, that I have ever trembled to think towards the least profane- ness ; have loathed the use of such ford and unwashed bawdry, as is now made the food of the scene ; and, howsoever I cannot escape from some the imputation of sharpness, but that they will say, I have taken a pride or lust to be bitter, and not my youngest infant but hath come into the world with all his teeth ; I would ask of these supercilious politics, what nation, society, or general order or state, I have provoked? what public person? whether I have not in all these preserved their dignity, as mine own person, safe? My works are read, allowed (I speak of those that are entirely mine), look into them ; what broad reproofs have I used? where have I been particular? where personal? except to a mimic, cheater, or buffoon, creatures for their insolencies worthy to be taxed. Yet to which of these so point- ingly as he might not either ingenuously have confest or wisely dissembled his disease ? But it is not rumour can make men guilty, much less entitle me to other men's crimes. I know that nothing can be so innocently writ or carried, but may be made obnoxious to con- struction ; marry, whilst I bear mine own innocence about me, I fear it not. Application is now grown a trade with many ; and there are that profess to have a key for the decipher- ing of averytbing: but let wise and noblo persons take heed how they be too credulous, or give leave to these invading interpreters to be over-familiar with their fames, who cunningly, and often, utter their own virulent malice THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 303 under other men's simplest meaning. As for those that will (by faults which charity hath raked up, or common honesty concealed) make themselves a name with the multitude, or, to draw their rude and beastly claps, care not whose living faces they intrench with their petulant styles, may they do it without a rival for me ! I choose rather to live graved in obscurity, than share with them in so prepos- terous a fame. Nor can I blame the wishes of those severe and wise patriots, who, providing the hurts these licentious spirits may do in a State, desire rather to see fools and devils, and those antique relics of barbarism retrieved, with all other ridiculous and exploded follies, than behold the wounds of private men, of princes, and nations ; for, as Horace makes Trebatius speak among these : ' Sibi quisque timet, quamquam est intactus, et odit.' And men may justly impute such rages, if continued, to the writer, as his sports. The increase of which lust in liberty, together with the present trade of the stage, in all their miscelline interludes, what learned or liberal soul doth not already abhor ? Where nothing but the filth of the time is uttered, and with such impropriety of phrase, such plenty of solecisms, such dearth of sense, so bold pro- lepses, so racked metaphors, with brotherly, able to violate the ear of a pagan, and blas- phemy, to turn the blood of a Christian to water. I cannot but be serious in a cause of this nature, wherein my fame, and the reputa- tion of divers honest and learned, are the question ; when a name so full of authority, antiquity, and all great mark, is, through their insolence, become the lowest scorn of the age ; and those men subject to the petulancy of every vernaculous orator, that were wont to be the care of kings and happiest monarchs. This it is that hath not only rapt me to present indignation, but made me studious heretofore, and by all my actions, to stand off from them ; which may most appear in this my latest work, which you, most learned Arbi tresses, have seen, judged, and to my renown approved ; wherein I have laboured for their instruction and amendment, to reduce not only the ancient forms, but manners of the scene, the easiness, the propriety, the innocence, and last, the doctrine, which is the principal end of poesie, to - inform men in the best reason of living. And though my catastrophe may, in the strict rigour of comic law, meet with censure, as turning back to my promise, I desire the learned and charitable critic to have so much faith in me, to think it was done of industry : for, with what ease I could have varied it nearer his scale (but that I fear to boast my own faculty) I could here insert. But my special aim being to put the snaffle in their mouths that cry out, We never punish vice in our interludes, etc. , I took the more liberty, though not without some lines of example, drawn even in the ancients themselves, the goings out of whose comedies are not always joyful, but ofttimes the servants, the rivals, yea, and the masters are mulcted ; and fitly, it being the office of a comic poet to imitate justice, and instruct to life, as well as purity of language, or stir up gentle affections : to which I shall take the occasion elsewhere to speak. For the present, most reverenced Sisters, as I have cared to be thankful for your affections past, and have made the understanding acquainted with some ground of your favours, let me not despair their continuance, to the maturing of some worthier fruits ; wherein, if my muses be true to me, I shall raise the despised head of poetry again, and stripping her out of those rotten and base rags wherewith the times have adulterated her form, restore her to her primitive habit, feature, and majesty, and render her worthy to be embraced and kist of all the great and master-spirits of our world. As for the vile and slothful, who never affected an act worthy of celebration, or are so inward with their own vicious natures, as they worthily fear her, and think it a high point of policy to keep her in contempt, with their declamatory and windy invectives ; she shall out of just rage incite her servants (who are genus irritabile) to spout ink in their faces, that shall eat farther than their marrow into their fames ; and not Cinnamus, the barber, with his art, shall be able to take out the brands ; but they shalllive, and be read, till the wretches die, as things worst deserving of themselves in chief, and then of all mankind. From my house in the Black-Friars, this 11th day of February, 1G07. [Thomas Wentworth, Earl of Strafford, the great minister of Charles I., was born at London in 1593. He was educated at Cambridge, and in 1611 was knighted, and travelled on the Continent. He entered Parliament as member for Yorkshire in 1611, and sat in several parliaments as member for the same county. In 1623 he sided with the King, and was created Baron Wentworth, then Viscount, Lord President of the Council of the North, and a Trivy Councillor in 1629. He was made Lord Deputy of Ireland in 1633. The despotic nature of his government is suppused to have led to the rebellion of 1641. He helped, however, to encourage the intro- duction of the growth of flax, and the establishment of linen manufactures. He 304 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. was created Earl of Strafford in 1639, receiving the title of Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. On taking his seat in the House of Lords in November 1G40, he was impeached for high treason. His trial caused the greatest excitement all over the country ; the whole House of Commons was present, along with commissioners from Scotland and Ireland, eighty peers as judges, and with the King and Queen as lookers on. Unaided against thirteen accusers, he argued the charges which they brought forward for seventeen days. The impeachment was at one time likely to fail, when, the King at last giving his assent to the attainder, he was beheaded on Tower Hill, May 12, 1611. The year 1637 was marked by the constitutional struggle of the people against the odious tax 'ship money,' levied by the ministers of Charles I. to enrich the royal coffers. Laud, and Thomas "Wentworth, Earl of Strafford, were the two most strenuous supporters of the policy of the King. ' I am for thorough,' Strafford wrote to Laud. Wentworth in this first letter strives to answer the popular clamour which was rising against his selfish and tyrannical policy. See also page 30.] LORD WENTWORTH TO ARCHBISHOP LAUD. May it please your Grace, — No sooner am I got home, but the gout hath laid fast hold on me, yet gives me leave to think the more, as it renders me able to do the less ; and in taking the view of my buildings, as I came along, they put me in mind of some things, which have run in my thoughts ever since, so as I shall crave your leave to count them over with your grace. And as I shall deal most ingenuously with you as my ghostly father, so do I beseech and promise unto myself your advice and counsel. I have good advertisement that some, who sure find I serve the crown too entirely for their purpose, do yet endeavour to persuade his Majesty that I serve myself too well in this place, so to bring me into suspicion with my r, and through that open a way to my prejudice. To evince this belief from his Majesty, they fetch their calumnies OD every side. Their first charge is, that I have two or three and twenty thousand pounds a year coming in. And should it be forty, were I to be condemned for that, more than themselves, that compara- tively have forty times as much BS other men, that for anything I know, may deserve as much better than they, as they themselves deserve better than I? It is very true, I have, under the blessing of Almighty God, and the pro- tection of his Majesty, six thousand pounds a year good land, which I brought with me into his service ; I have a share for a short term in these customs, which, whilst his Majesty's revenue is there increased more than twenty thousand pounds by year, proves nevertheless a greater profit to me than ever I dreamt of. Besides, I have nothing but those gracious entertainments, which others before had, and those which succeed me must have, saving only that my troop consists of a hundred horse, where theirs were but forty. Yet let them take this truth along, my hundred hath stood me in gathering, furnishing, and maintaining, some thousands more, than ever I must see again forth of his Majesty's pay ; where other former deputies have known how, out of the pay of their forty, to clear into their own purse above five hundred pounds yearly ; nor is this a riddle, lest it be I will expound it : they kept in their stable half a dozen hackneys; I a hundred horse, in every respect able and fitted for his Majesty's service. Next they say, I build up to the sky. I ac- knowledge that were myself only considered in what I build, it were not only to excess, but even to folly, having already houses moderate for my condition in Yorkshire ; but his Majesty will justify me, that at my last being in Eng- land, I acquainted him with a purpose I had to build him a house at the Naas, it being un- comely his Majesty should not have one here of his own, capable to lodge him with moderate conveniency (which in truth as yet he hath not) in case he might be pleased sometimes here- after to look upon this kingdom ; and that it was necessary in a manner for the dignity of this place, and the health of his deputy and family, that there should be one removing house of fresh air, for want whereof I assure your lordship, I have felt no small incon- venience since my coming hither ; that when it was built, if liked by his Majesty, it should be his, paying me as it cost ; if disliked, a sito damno, I was content to keep it, and smart for my folly. His Majesty seemed to be pleased with all, whereupon I proceeded, and have in a manner finished it, and so contrived it for the rooms of state and other accommodations which I have observed in his Majesty's houses, as I had been indeed stark mad ever to have cast it so for a private family. Another frame of wood I have given order to set up in a park I have in the county of Wicklow. And gnash the tooth of these gallants never so hard, I will by God's leave go on with it, that so I may have a place to take my recreation for a month or two in a year, were it for no other reason than to dis- them, by keeping myself, if so please Cod, a little longer in health. Yet lest these magnificent structures might THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 305 be thought those of Nebuchadnezzar, the plain truth is, that at the Naas with the most may stand in six thousand pounds, that in the park at twelve hundred ; faith, at worst methinks, they should not judge it very much for a person of my great Hazienda to cast away twelve hundred pounds upon his own fancy; and yet to profess a truth to your grace, but that I did consider his Majesty might judge it hereafter for his service to visit this kingdom, in that case foresaw no part able to give him the pleasure of his summer hunting like that park and country adjacent ; and lastly, that then at least I would provide a lodge, that might house him dry from the injuries of the weather, I protest there had not been one timber of it fastened to another. In the mean- time my confidence is my comfort, that if I be made so happy as to see his Majesty on this side, he will give me thanks for them both, and then am I at the height of my ambition, and these my well-wishers fairly bounded upon the very place to accuse me, if anything they have to say unto me. The third is, that I purchase all before me. In truth they are mistaken, I have not yet quantum milvus oberret : confess all I will to your grace, indeed give them no account at all ; I have as much land here in Ireland as stands me in twelve or thirteen thousand pounds. I trust in time to make it worth me a thousand pounds a year, but as yet it is well short ; but to put water in my wine, in the word of honesty and truth, I owe at least seven thou- sand pounds more than I did when I came into Ireland. Yet I must needs say they have some colour to fasten this slander upon me ; for I understanding by my Lady of Carlile, when I was last in England, that her ladyship would be unwilling to part with the impost upon wines, unless I would endeavour other- wise to bestow the money to raise a present equal revenue to support her charge, and being desirous to fetch this grant back to the crown, as also to serve her ladyship, I promised to do the best I could, and have since in both these respects used all diligence to inquire and find where I might place her ladyship's money to most advantage. This pursuit hath raised one great dust about me. The other is, that the contract made for my Lord of Carlile's interest in the Birnes, is believed here to be for me, but in truth (I dare impart it to your grace) his Majesty full well knows it is for himself : it is to cost fifteen thousand pounds, and I do not doubt to make it in present into the Exchequer five and twenty hundred pounds a year, and will be double as much after the leases we shall now make be expired. The bargain is worth twenty thousand pounds. Now let them set beside me first one of themselves, that hath turned from himself to the advantage of the crown a bargain of so mighty a profit, which honourably and justly he might have brought to the help of his own private fortune, as I might have done this, and then at after, let them burthen me with my greediness of pur- chasing. In the mean space, let them for shame hold their tongues, however the malignity of their eye pursue me still, I am content ; if I grow not the richer, I trust to grow the better, living thus under their disci- pline. The fourth is, that I grow monstrous rich. Have I in the least falsified or neglected the trusts of my most gracious master? Have I corruptly or oppressively taken from his people? Have I been a burthen to his coffers more than for those his princely entertainments which others have before had, and others must again have after me in these places ? Have I lived meanly, below that which I owe to the honour of his Majesty, and dignity of the place I exercise ? If so, let them show wherein. I defy them, every mother's son. Howbeit, I am none of those insolent servants neither, that shall strictly call upon myself my master's justice, without any grain of his favour ; to him with all reverence and humility I seek for his remission, his compassion of all my defects, all my infirmities, in the pursuit, in the fulfilling of his good pleasures, the rather in regard of the uprightness, however, of my heart to his person, to his affairs. But I will break to fitters, die, before I take from any so affected towards me a better being, nay, indeed, any being at all. AVell then, thus I am become rich, able, I hope, in some reasonable time (I praise God and his Majesty), to pay every man his own. "Was I not in some measure so before I had the honour to serve his Majesty? Or shall that be a crime in me, which they so heartily desire themselves, nay, perchance in their grudging souls, lay it already as a great and grievous fault upon his Majesty, that he hath not made them so likewise? Or can it be other than pleasing to any gracious, noble, or generous master, that his honest and faithful servant grows rich under him ? I confess I am so great a lover myself to have my servants thrive, as I believe all others like minded ; and yet not to make it more than there is cause, I vow to you in all truth, that to the best of my understanding, I am not thirteen thousand pounds bettered in my estate since I first received my master's pay, being now become near nine years ; which, considering six thou- sand pounds a year good land I brought along with me, is, in my weak opinion, no prodigious getting, or convincing argument of my covetous- ness. Yet is it such as I am fully contented withal, it is sufficient, and I acknowledge from my very soul to have received more of his Majesty than I shall ever be able to deserve. Howbeit, there are some of them, perchance, 3o6 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. that open their mouths thus wide, raise this hideous cry after me, that in proportion have received forty times as much forth of his immediate coffers as ever I did ; and yet, let it be spoken with modesty, because I believe it truth, I have done (without charge to the King more than my ordinary) the crown forty times as much service, whether you look upon my labour, expense, and hazard, or the profit, the weight, and difficulty of the services themselves. Lastly, there is one Mr. Uarrc, a Scotchman by nation, whose person your grace once saw before you at the committee for Irish affairs, at my last being in England. This gentleman that pretends to be a merchant, but indeed is scarce so good as a petty chapman, hath pro- cured a special licence, under the signet and signature royal, of going and coming over with- out my comptrol, under which he magnifies himself extremely, as exempt, if not above, any power of mine ; and thus leaping like a jackanapes betwixt two stools, holds on this side very inward intelligence with some here which wish me ill, blown up by them boldly to calumniate me there, whilst they know my actions here over well ever to dare to appear in my contrary. Then on that side he procures, by some very near his Majesty, access to the King, there whispering continually something or another to my prejudice ; boasts familiarly how freely he speaks with his Majesty, what he saith concerning me, and nou'tmt pleeae your Mejesty, ea wcrde mare ancnt your debuty of Yrland, with many such like botadoes stuffed ■with a mighty deal of untruths and follies amongst. Far lie the insolency from me in any case to measure out for my master, with whom, or what to speak, I more revere his wisdom, better understand myself ; besides, the more of truth he inquires and hears of me, I am most assured the more it must be to my advantage ; but to have such a broken pedlar, a man of no credit or parts, to be brought to the King, and countenanced by some (that have cause to wish me well, however I have reason to believe I shall not find it so), only to fill his Majesty's ears with untruths concerning me, and that the whilst his foul mouth should not either be closed, or else publicly brought to justify what he informs, and so the one of us to public punishment; to have such a companion famed as sent comptrol and superintendent over me, I must confess, as in regard to myself it moves me not much, yet as the King's deputy, it grieves an.! disdains me exceedingly. Alas! if his Majesty have any suspicion I am not ti> : vice as I ought, let there be commissaries of honour and wisdom set upon me, let them publicly examine all I have done, let me he b< : . and after covered with shame if I have ih.-' rved it. This is gracious, I accept it, magnify his Majesty for his justice, hut let not the deputy be profaned in my person, under the administration of such a petty fellow as this, unto whom, believe me, very few that know him will lend five pounds, being as needy in his fortune as shifting in his habita- tion, and that for none of his good qualities neither. Nor have I unfolded all which lies upon my stomach, but how to digest it, how to turn it to good nourishment, to my health, there is the difficulty ; the humour which offends me is not so much anger as scorn, and desire to wrest out from amongst them my charge ; for, as they say, if I might come to fight for my life, it would never trouble me, indeed I should then weigh them all very light, and be safe under the goodness, wisdom, and justice of my master. Again, howbeit, I am resolved of the truth of all this, yet to accuse myself is very uncomely. I love not to put on my armour before there be cause, in regard I never do so, but I find myself the wearier and sorer for it the next morning. Therefore altogether to seek in myself what to do, I have here opened my grief, and do most humbly beseech of your advice and counsel, what were best to be done by your grace's most humbly to be commanded, "Wextvyorth. Dublin, this 27th of September 1037. LORD WE.N'TWORTH TO THE EARL OF PORTLAND. May it please your Lordship,— Since I had the honour to serve his Majesty, calumny and misreport have been my portions, which for the most part were passed over in silence and disdain ; but when they dare attempt your lordship to my prejudice, then I confess they touch me very nearly, considering that if I commit any wilful crime here, where I have received, and to whom I profess so much, I must even acknowledge myself incapable any longer of trust or friendship amongst men. Pardon me therefore, I beseech your lordship, if I be as far from digesting this wrong as 1 shall be ever found innocent from the guilt. I understand some shameless person or other hath insinuated with your lordship, as if I went about to be treasurer, and lays for a ground of that opinion my forwardness in his Majesty's service. This I have cursorily and slightly in a letter from my cousin Wandesford ; but with me it imprints, sinks, strikes deeper than to pass along so easily from me. Lord ! with what shadows would they have overcast my negligence, with what darkness have benighted the least commission, that can fetch this con- out of those premises '.' THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 307 I will not deny, it is a full truth indeed, that there inhabits with me an infinite zeal and vigilance to serve my mastei-, the most accepted way I can devise ; nor shall any private ease or profit cool or lessen it, or any endeavour from abroad make me understand it as a fault to do so. Yet, my lord, I do not greedily serve to repair a broken fortune, much less out of any ambitious desires, which (if any ever in me) were long agone laid to rest upon my receiving this place from his Majesty, through the means of my friends, I confess (being then altogether a stranger to the King in service and person), and of them, your lordship the very principal. No, no, my lord, they are those sovereign and great duties I owe his Majesty and your lord- ship, which thus provoke me beyond my own nature, rather to leave those cooler shades, wherein I took choicest pleasure, and thus put myself with you into the heat of the day, than poorly and meanly to start aside from my obligations, convinced in myself of the most wretched ingratitude in the whole world. God knows how little delight I take in the outwards of this life, how infinitely ill-satisfied I am with myself, to find daily those calm and quiet retirements, wherein to contemplate some things more divine and sacred than this world can afford us, at every moment inter- rupted through the importunity of the affairs I have already. To heaven and earth I protest it, it grieves my very soul, and that it is nothing but love (if I may be admitted a word of so near a distance, and of so little courtship) to the persons of his Majesty and yourself, that could make me take up this yoke and follow ; no other affection or passion could effect it. So, my lord, once for all, let me find belief with you ; if I obtain it not from you, with the greatest sereneness possible (pardon me for saying so), you do that friendship and confi- dence, which ought to pass between men of honour, infinite wrong, and render yourself the most inexcusable man towards me that lives. Let shame and confusion then cover me, if I do not abhor the intolerable anxiety I well understand to wait inseparably upon that staff, if I should not take a serpent as soon into my bosom, and if I once find so mean a thought of me can enter into your heart, as that to compass whatever I could take most delight in, I should go about beguilefully to supplant any ordinary man (how much more then impotently to catch at such a staff and from my Lord Treasurer), if I leave not the court instantly, betake myself to my private fortune, repofeedly seek my contentment and quiet within my own doors, and follow the dictamen of my own reason and conscience, more according to nature and liberty, than in those gyves which now pinch and hang upon me. Thus you see how easily you may be rid of me when you list, and in good faith with a thousand thanks ; yet be pleased not to judge this proceeds out of any wayward, weary humour in me neither ; for my endeavours are as vigorous and as cheerful to serve the crown and you as ever they were, nor shall you ever find them to faint or flaskuer. I am none of those soft - tempered spirits ; but I cannot endure to be mistaken, or suffer my purer and more entire affections to be soiled, or in the least degree prejudiced, with the loathsome and odious attributes of covetousness and ambitious falsehood. Do me but right in this, judge my watches to issue (as in faith they do) from those clearer cisterns. I lay my hand under your foot, I despise danger, I laugh at labour. Command me in all difficulties, in all con- fidence, in all readiness, your lordship's ever most faithful friend, and most humble servant, Wentworth. York, October 21, 1G32. ARCHBISHOP LAUD TO LORD WENTWORTH. My very good Lord, — It seems by your late letters which I have received, that you have taken your leave of Fulham ; the bishop you say is gone, and I believe that's true. God speed him as well where he now is, as he did there. As for your letters (and yourself, when you come), they shall be as welcome to Lambeth as they were to Fulham. And since you have learnt the way to be a little merry, I would you and your Cousin Sibbs had been the other day at the council table, where I never heard, you know whom, in a better mood verily. I am very glad to read your lordship so resolute, and more, to hear you affirm, that the footing of them, which go thorough for our master's service, is not now upon fee as it hath been. But you are withal upon so many ifs, that by their help you may preserve any man upon ice, be it never so slippery. At first, if the common lawyers may be contained within their ancient and sober bounds ; if the word thorough be not left out (as I am certain it is); if we grow not faint ; if we ourselves be not in fault ; if it come not to a Peccatum ex te Israel; if others will do their parts as thoroughly as you promise for yourself, and justly conceive of me. Now I pray, with so many and such ifs as these, what may not be done, and in a brave and noble way ? But can you tell when these ifs will meet, or be brought together ? How- soever, I am resolved to go on steadily in the way which you have formerly seen me go, so that (to put in one if too) if anything fail of my hearty desires for the King and the Church's service, the fault shall not be mine. The indisposition, of which I wrote unto 303 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. your lordship, I tliank Goil, passed over quickly, though I find that I cannot follow your counsel ; for Croydon is to go often to it, and my leisure here hath hitherto been extremely little, I may truly call it none. Besides, the Lady Davis hath prophesied against me, that I shall not many days outlive the 5th of Novem- ber, and then to what end should I trouble myself with exercise or the like? My lord, I thank you, that you arc pleased so kindly and so nobly to take that which I writ unto you about the Archbishop of Dublin, and his taking upon him, together with the rest of the Popish clergy, to meddle with the civil government, of which I doubt not but your lordship will be very careful, as of all things else that may weaken the power of that party in that kingdom. But I had not ventuiwd to write anything to you in this business, if your lordship had not required it of me. But your lordship doth very prudently in bearing with them till the parliament be over, that there you may make use of them for the King's service. And that contention between the regulars and the seculars is grown so general and so warm, that you may easily hold up Harris, if no decision come to the contrary ; and a brave service it will be, if you can settle the revenues of that kingdom. I perceive you mean to build, bxit as yet your materials are not come in ; but if that work do come to me before Christmas, as you promise it shall, I will rifle every corner in it ; and you know, my good lord, after all your bragging, how I served you at York, and your church- work there ; especially I pray provide a good riding-house, if there be ever a decayed body of a church to make it in, and then you shall be well fitted ; for you know one is made your stable already, if you have not reformed it, of which I did look for an account, according to my remembrances, before this time. I find your lordship hath a good opinion of my lord primate's learning and honesty, and I verily think he will not deceive your expecta- tion in either ; but you are pleased to ask me a question, whether that be all that goes to a good bishop and a good governor? I must needs answer, no; but if that which is further required be wanting in 1dm, I am the more sony ; but I will tell you, my lord, I pray God all be well in his and the other bishops' appre- hensions concerning your lordship and your government there. For, before you went, I writ, as I thought, and think still, very largely in your commendation, how thorough you would befortheKing and tlic Church; it may be they understood this otherwise than I could mean it, or your lordship perform it, and did not look with such a prudent eye as they should upon the necessities of that place ; and methinks it may stand for an observation, that I who had frequent letters before from my lord primate, have not received any one that I remember since your lordship went thither. My lord, I did not take you to be so good a physician before as now I see you are ; for the truth is, a great many church-cormorants have fed so fullupon it, that they arc fallen into a fever; and for that no physic is better than a vomit, if it be given in time ; and therefore you have taken a very judicious course to administer one so early to my Lord of Cork. I hope it will do him good, though perchance he thinks not so ; for if the fever hang long about him, or the rest, it will certainly shake either them or their estates in pieces. Go on, my lord ; I must needs say this is thorough indeed, and so is your physic too; for a vomit never ends kindly that doth not work both ways, and that is thorough. Nor can I answer, what became of the primate and the rest of the bishops, while the poor inferior clergy were thus oppressed, more than this, that I ever thought it was not in their power to help it. But if any of them be as bad for oppression of the church as any layman, that I am sure is unanswerable ; and if it appear so to you, great pity it is, but some one or other of the chief offenders should be made a public example, and turned out of his bishopric. And I believe such a course once held would do more good in Ireland than any- thing that hath been there this forty years. Now for your question, what my Lord of Cork will say ? I cannot tell ; but sure I am, so many of the fraternity as think it Popery to set the communion-table at the end of the chancel, and for the prebends to come in then- for- malities to church, are either ignorant or factious fools. But I warrant you the poor vicar thinks very well of you, and so doth the King, to whom I have told what physic you have given the Earl of Cork. But, I warrant you, I am thought as odd an archbishop as you can be a deputy ; for my Lady Davies she prophecies against me that I shall not many days outlive the 5th of November. And I think I sent your lordship word before of one Bowyer, a rogue that broke prison, but said he came newly from beyond the seas, and went up and down the country railing against me, and making me no less than a traitor ; but he was brought to the Star Chamber the 13th of November, and there soundly censured ; the rogue confessed all, and all by the devil, but would acknowledge no confederates. And now there is another fellow half mad, that i into the court with a great sword by his side, and rails upon the archbishop, God knows for what, and says he will have justice of the King against him, or take another course for it himself. Would not this encourage any man to do service ? One thing more and then I have done : you will herein find an enclosed paper, it came from my lord the Bishop of Durham, and by it you THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 309 may see the effects of your composition in the north ; do not you think this may make a fine noise in time ? I hope yon will hear of this the next parliament, as well as others have done for less matters. Well, it is time to make an end ; and so I leave you to the grace of God, ever resting your lordship's poor loving friend to serve you, W. Cant. Lambeth, Nov. 15, 1G33. KING CHARLES I. TO LORD WENTWORTH. WENTWOBTH, — The accounts that you give me are so good, that if I should answer them particularly, my letters would rather seem panegyrics than despatches ; so leaving them, I come to those things wherein you require directions. And although I shall refer myself to Secretary Coke for answer of those things that are in the public despatches, yet concerning two of them I must express my own sense, to wit, the not continuing of the parliament, and the guard of the coast. For the first, my reasons are grounded upon my experience of them here ; they are of the nature of cats, they ever grow curst with age, so that if ye will have good of them, put them off handsomely when they come to any age ; for young ones are ever most tractable, and in earnest you will rind that nothing can more conduce to the beginning of a new, than the well ending of the former parliament, wherefore now that we are well, let us content ourselves therewith. Your most assured friend, Charles Rex. London, Jan. 22, 1634. LORD WENTWORTH TO ARCHBISHOP LAUD. May it please tour Grace, — I am gotten hither to a poor house I have, having been this last week almost feasted to death at York. In truth, for anything I can find, they were not ill pleased to see me. Sure I am, it much con- tented me to be amongst my old acquaintance, which I would not leave for any other affection I have, but to that which I both profess and owe to the person of his sacred Majesty. Lord ! with what quietness in myself could I live here ■ in comparison of that noise and labour I met with elsewhere ; and I protest put up more crowns in my purse at the year's end too. But we'll let that pass, for I am not like to enjoy that blessed condition upon earth. And there- fore my resolution is set, to endure and struggle with it so long as this crazy body will bear it ; and finally drop into the silent grave, where both all these (which I now could, as I think, innocently delight myself in) and myself are to be forgotten ; and fare them well. I persuade myself exuto lepido I am able to lay them down very quietly, and yet leave behind me, as a truth not to be forgotten, a perfect and full remembrance of my being your grace's most humbly to be commanded, Wentwobth. Gawthorp, this 17th of Aug. IGoO. LORD WEXTWORTH TO KING CHARLES I. MAY IT PLEASE YOUR SACRED MAJESTY, — In pursuit of the command received at Rufford, I have effectually, both in public and private, recommended the justice and necessity of the shipping-business, and so clearly shown it to be not only for the honour of the kingdom in general, but for every man's particular safety, as I am most confident the assessment this next year will be universally and cheerfully answered through this whole jurisdiction. And whereas I then truly informed your Majesty that upon a difference betwixt the county at large, and the county of the city of York, there was some thirty pounds yet behind, I have set a course for the present payment of that small remainder, and so quieted the controversy, as no disturbance can thereby happen to the service hereafter. My Lord Marshall left a letter for me before his departure ; howbeit of very late came to my hand, by which I find his lordship much un- satisfied concerning some stay of that other pro- cured by him from your Majesty under the signet. I am bold to enclose a duplicate of my answer, and thereby represent a true state of the business, and of my carriage therein, with- out easing myself any way upon your Majesty's commands, or being beaten, I trust, from the grounds I must proceed upon in this business. Besides, your Majesty will not be the worse prepared to receive any suit his lordship may further make, or to give answer thereunto, such as shall seem good unto your wisdom. If this were the only displeasure I had con- tracted in serving faithfully (as I shall ever do) it might be borne more easily and silently ; but it is much otherwise with me, as I have heard since I attended your Majesty. My carriage on this side hath been towards all so circum- spect and observant, as I well trusted there had not been the least offence or scandal given or taken : yet it seems I have left some great and powerful persons in such a distemper towards me and themselves, as, in a manner, everywhere to avow a resolution set for my ruin. It is likewise discoursed much to my prejudice, as they think, that my return must be without any mark of your Majesty's favour, whereby my innocency and just acquittal might be de- clared to the hearing of others, or myself strengthened or graced in the course of my 3io THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. service ; albeit, they say, I had bet n defamed for barbarous and cruel usage of the late Earl of St. Albans, and the Lord Mountnorris ; slanted upon by Sir James Gallway and Mr. Barr, in their proposition to your Majesty, as a cozener and impostor in the Customs, under a pretence of doing great service ; charged by Sir Piers Crosby with a horrid murder, the silly man daily countenanced and fomented by some at court in his senseless calumnies ; and in a word reported to all the world rather for a baasaw of Buda, than the minister of a pious and Christian king. Little do I find myself moved with any or all of these ; I can smile at their vanity, that glorify themselves in being reported the con- trivers and procurers of this imputed coldness and disregard, nay, esteem them as little powerful as they would be thought almighty in such a case ; and, which is far above all the rest, securely repose myself, and humbly wait upon your Majesty's gracious promise, that I shall receive such a mark of your favour as will silence these spirits, and set me right again, as well in the opinion of others as for your own service. Yet where the storm sets so dark upon me, and my absence likely to be of some continuance, I cannot conceal that there are many things upon this occasion which I desire to offer ; some for the prosperity of your affairs, some for my own defence and safety, and all of them fitter to be discoursed than written. So as if it be possible, and that your Majesty will admit me thereunto, I propose to wait at court a day or two in my passage towards the charge your Majesty intrusteth me with in Ireland, and there attend your future commands, with and through all the expressions of your Majesty's most faithful and most humble subject and servant, Wentworth. Wenticorth-Woodhouse, Awj. 23, 1636. CHARLES I. TO LORD WENTWOBTH. "WENTWOBTH, — Certainly I should be much to blame not to admit so good a servant as you are, to speak with me, since I deny it to none that there is not a just exception against ; yet I must freely tell you, that the cause of this desire of yours, if it be known, will rather hearten than discourage your enemies ; for, if they can once find that you apprehend the dark setting of a storm when I say no, they will make you leave to care for anything in a short while but for your fears. And, believe it, the marks of my favours that stop malicious tongues are neither places nor titles, but the little welcome I give to accusers, and the willing ear I give to my servants: this is not to disparage those favours (for envy flies most at the fairest mark) but to show their use ; to wit, not to quell envy, but to reward service ; it being truly so, when the master without the servant's importunity does it, otherwise men judge it more to proceed from the servant's wit, than the master's favour. I will end with a rule that may serve for a statesman, a courtier, or a lover: never make a defence or apology before you be accused. And so I rest your assured friend, Charles R. Lindhurst, Sept. 3, 1636. For my Lord Marshall, as you have armed me, so I warrant you. LORD WENTWOBTH TO CHARLES I. May it please your sacred Majesty,— The letter vouchsafed me from Lindhurst, the third of this present, awakens me with your gracious favour to express myself farther, in some few particulars, lest perchance my desires and the grounds of them might be conceived otherwise than I meant. The dark setting of a storm was not with the least apprehension that your Majesty's gracious and cheerful favours were either lessened or languishing towards me, but had relation merely to some near your Majesty, who publicly profess my ruin. Nor was, or ever can, this or any other the like storm be able to affright or shake me from the duties of faith I owe unto your Majesty's commands. I trust such a poverty of spirit shall not be imputed unto a mind long since resolved freely to sacrifice a life, as often as required, for the least of your good pleasures. It is indeed altogether impossible I should begin to care less for your service, meanly or at all to weigh my own greatest dangers, where your Majesty's smallest interests are concerned ; much less un ler favour to care for nothing but my own fears. And yet (I find it) this immove- able purpose doth consist well enough witli a moderate foresight, so to provide for a safety, as it may be without your trouble, judging otherwise my being or well-being less in value than that it should cost your Majesty so much as a dispute to preserve me. Whatever your Majesty appoints shall please me most, it being certainly best for me rather really to live in your gracious good opinion than only to be thought so by others : yet better for your affairs in Ireland, I might seem and appear so to them on that side. So then, whilst I did most confidently trust through your Majesty's goodness that I had the best for myself, it will be, I hope, very pardonable if I did desire to better my condition also, as I stood in relation to those affairs, and the greatness of the service now in view as them. As for wit, or importunity ; in the former, THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 311 I tlitl never affect other than a single plainness, nor is my nature possibly to be hardened into the latter. Besides, I too well know and more reverence your Majesty's Wisdom and courage than (had I been that way inclined) to attempt you by either. And I do most earnestly beseech you, sir, be assured I never went disguisedly forward with you in all rny life, nor could I ever yet so far value anything as to prostitute modesty for it. And therefore, considering nothing can more comfort me, or be more for my advan- tage, than to be rightly understood by your Majesty, I do most humbly acknowledge your favour in admitting my attendance at court for a few days in my passage for Ireland, where I shall not only set my own thoughts again at ease and liberty, but withal settle some of your business, which otherwise, myself at Dublin, may not chance to find any other solicitor that can attend upon them, undis- tf acted by other your Majesty's affairs. In the business of Galloway, I have fully imparted my sense to Mr. Secretary Coke, from which I find no reason to depart in any circum- stance. Howbeit, I hear my Lord of Holland, forth of his lordship's tender regard for the peace of that kingdom, apprehends that my severity may disaffect that people, and dispose them to call the Irish regiments forth of Flanders to their assistance. The best of his lordship's insight in those particulars is, as I conceive, through the sugges- tions and problems of my Lord St. Albans, Mr. d'Arcy, and Sir Piers Crosby, persons promoting either their own interests or passions ; and had they obtained belief with your Majesty's Ministers on the other side, we must neither have planted nor yet found your Majesty's title in Connaught. All the answer I can give is, that if taking of an half move that country to enter into open rebellion, the taking of a third, or a fourth, methinks, should hardly secure the crown of their allegiance. Then be it granted, that they are thus unsound and rotten at the heart, wisdom adviseth so to weaken them, and line them thoroughly with English and Protestants, as that they shall not (by the help of Gcd) be able to disquiet anything if they would. Besides, if Sir Piers Crosby, according to his undertaking, persuade those regiments into the pay of the French, that door will be shut upon them likewise. So as in good faith every way I judge all most safe, it neither being in their power to hurt, or in their purpose, I persuade myself, to betake themselves to any such desperate counsels. I forgot in my last humbly to offer my opinion, that in case your Majesty find or apprehend any backwardness in the south, it were good the next year's writs for the shipping-assessment were hastened first down into these parts where they are sure to find no opposition or unwillingness, which example may rather further than hinder in the right way, which others ought to follow elsewhere. God long preserve your Majesty. Your Majesty's most faithful and most humble subject and servant, "WENTWORTH. Wcntworth, Sept. 10, 1G36. [Sir Thomas Eoe was an able statesman and diplomatist, born about 15S0, who, after travelling in America, was despatched on an embassy to the Great Mogul, Shah Jehan, at whose court he remained three years. He went in 1621 to the court of the Grand Seignior, and lived under three different Sultans. Eoe collected a number of valuable manuscripts during his residence abroad, which he presented on his return to the Bodleian Library. He also brought over as a present to Charles I. from Cyril, the patriarch of Constantinople, the Alexandrian M.S. of the Greek Bible.] SIR THOMAS ROE TO SECRETARY CALVERT. Eight Honourable, — About ten days before the date of this, I despatched a gentleman, my kinsman, express to his Majesty, with letters from the Grand Signor Sultan Osman ; and gave large advice to your honour, and to the lords, as well of the public occurrences as of mine own success in other business ; wherein you shall find, whensoever they arrive, that I had settled all things given me in commission, both from his Majesty and the Company, and obtained new and large privileges ; recovered, by warrant, money extorted, though yet unpaid ; procured such commands and letters for Tunis and Algiers, sent expressly by the emperor, that I might have boasted of a prosperous industry, as you will see by copies already sent you. And therein your honour will find, that I prophesied of these things that are now come upon us, foreseeing that which I could not prevent. On Wednesday last, the 7th present, the Sultan, according to his obstinate purpose, sending over his pavilions, the soldiers rose, both janizaries and spahees, and first staid the tents, and then brake into the courts of the Seraglio with infinite tumult, demanding of the emperor not to proceed, and to deliver the great Vizier Delauir Bassa, and the Hoia the tutor, the caslariaga, the chief eunuch-keeper of the women, the tefterdar, the treasurer, and some others, as privy and consenting to this voyage, which would (as they pretended) destroy the empire. The king promised, but delayed, and attempted to convey them, and 12 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. some treasure, to Asia side ; but they prevented him, and kept guard all that day, only sacking the house of the Hoia. The king, in the mean- time, made some show of defending his palace. The next morning, the fury increasing, they demanded those officers, or else they would carve their own justice, so that he for the present was forced to hide himself; and then taking oath among themselves not to rifle the king's house, they entered in, and by menaces found the vizier and caslariaga hidden, whom they presently cut in pieces ; and so seeking the emperor, not able to find him, nor force any to tell where he had conveyed himself, they cried out, they must have a king; and then demanded for Sultan Mustafa, uncle to Osman, by him deposed, being a soft-spirited man, and to speak modestly, of no great wit ; who being found in a vault (where the king had put him since the beginning of the rebellion) half-starved, they took up, and set him on the throne, and proclaimed him emperor, taking him out of that Seraglio, and carrying him to another. Osman, amazed with these news, first practised the "Woemen, whither he was conveyed, to murder him, and here began in the night a new uproar. The soldiers rescued him, and took him to their own college half dead. Thus a man despised, naked, taken from a pit, at first only begging a little water, was in a moment made one of the greatest monarchs in the world. The deposed, not yet in despera- tion, the same night dealt with the aga of the janizaries, and one Huzein Bassa, vizier in the wars of Poland, to assist him, promising the soldiers great benevolence. They counsel him, in this extremity, to go out to the mutinied troops to offer his largess, and to see if he could move them to any compassion ; which he did, with them, and few others accompanied. When he came so unlookcd for, they laid hold on him as he was pleading his own cause. The aga of the janizaries, and Huzein Bassa, but seeming to persuade for him, were instantly cut in pieces. Then the poor Osman took a cloth, and covered his face, expecting (bath ; but they set him upon a horse, and sent him instantly to the seven towers under good guard, and ever since have been employed in the Back of those houses with whose masters they hail any quarrel as ill ministers, and have touched nothing else. At this instant I am advised, that the new great Vizier Daout Bassa, by the command of the new emperor, hath strangled < taman, sent to prison but four hours ago : the first emperor that ever they laid violent hands on, a fatal sign, I think, of their declination. I cannot discourse at this present, having but cue hour allowed me to write by the Venetian baile, and all not yet appeased. But I would not his Majesty should receive it from another band ; therefore you will be pleased to present, and to accept res yostus in this hurly-burly. I have knowledge of all the ground of this business, and the practice of the great vizier, now slain, to alter the whole frame of govern- ment of this empire ; a brave and wise plot, if it hath taken effect ; which had either made him monarch of the world, or wholly torn and dissolved it. But God hath His band and power in these things above our reach; and I will send your honour the story of this, wherein you shall see strange things proposed and now confounded. And this is the third day since these troubles began, and I hope will be the last, though I suspect a war to ensue, of which I will advise your honour in time. Constantinople, May 10, 1622. TO THE SAME. Right Honourable, — The former is a copy of mine, sent you the last week, written in haste, and while we were unquiet, and not free from fear ; for the substance, it is all true, only some difference in the manner of no moment, which I must then take as I could get it from report. But I will in few days trouble you with the whole and large discourse, which I think is one of the rarest and strangest stories, both for the design and confusion thereof, and for the great alterations following, and ways opened to greater, that this age or many former have produced. In the meanwhile, to give your honour a longing to know more, I will for this time touch the project, and some few observa- tions upon it, and then conclude with mine own business. First, your honour must know, that this last emperor, Osman, was a youth of a great and haughty spirit, very courageous, and a mortal hater of the Christians ; envious of the glory of his ancestors, having designed great tilings, and ambitious to advance his name higher than any of theirs. His first enterprise was that of Poland, which he undertook of his own head, against the liking both of viziers and soldiers, who in a monarchy grown to riches and height, declined from her ancient discipline by ease and wealth, and perhaps longa dominatione inertes, are ever corrupt and lazy. This action he thought so easy, as that he had disposed of the distribution of his conquest, and divided the live lion's skin. Being met upon the borders with a poor army, in comparison, he was first (as I informed you) worsted at Chotyn, so that he was fain to leave it untaken. Then, when he would have forced the trenches of the chancellor, to have advanced into a plain country, he could never procure his janizaries to light, though engaging liis person, once or twice, beyond the regard of his quality ; and in conclusion was compelled to rise shame- fully, and to treat upon easy conditions ; and, to save his honour, was very glad, by my coming, of that pretence to make a peace (which yet depends) until he had executed his THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 3*3 deep conceived counsels. For this disgrace, he took so rooted an indignation against the janizaries, and so justly, that he often com- plained, he was no king that was subject to the insolency of his own slaves, upon whom he spent his treasures ; and yet they would neither fight in war nor be content in peace without exacting bounties. Delauir Bassa Vizier, a man of great wit and courage, and called from the eastern parts to this action, who came in a brave and soldierly equipage above all his captains, was suddenly made a great vizier, the former being in the same disgrace common with the soldiers, though not in the fault. This man was never bred here, but had lived in action for many years, and so had no faction nor dependence in court, but stood upon him- self ; and being now, unlooked for, advanced to this high dignity, he wrought upon the king's discontent, and nourished it ; and in conclusion told him, it was true, he was no emperor, nor could be, while the janizaries had the power which they had lately usurped ; that they were corrupted from their ancient institution, and were lazy cowards, unworthy of bread. But if he would follow his advice, he could provide him a new soldiery about Damascus, and from the Coords, of men ever bred in the frontier war, and of great courage ; and that of them he should erect a new militia, that should wholly depend of him only, entertaining forty thousand in pay, which should always be his guard. That every beglerbegh in his government should train some of the inhabit- ants, who on all occasions of making a great army should be in readiness ; and hereby he should spare infinite treasure, and secure his estate, eaten and in danger by these drones, and be able, with men of new spirits, to do greater matters than any of his ancestors. The king, pleased with this counsel, gave all to the vizier's direction, who was a true soldier, and a very wise man, able, by his credit in Asia, to perform this and more ; for he was exceed- ingly beloved in those parts, very rich, and had kept Damascus for himself in the last rebellion. Upon this conclusion between them, he sent his letters to his friends, and provided ten thousand thereabouts, and ten thousand from the Coords, all upon pretence of invading Persia ; and had caused the Emir de Saida to raise twenty thousand, which was called a revolt, but was indeed in aid of the king's purposes, who pretended to go privately to Media ; but his end was to meet those soldiers, and to stay a year at Damascus, until he had regulated his new army, and then to return to Constantinople, and root out and dissolve all the chambers of the janizaries, and cast the spahees and timariotts, and to exauctorate all their captains, who eat up his country. And having thus settled all things here, he then resolved, vith his new soldiers, to attempt the recovery of his honour in Christendom ; in the mean- time to hold all good friendship and correspond- ence there in all parts. Certainly this was a brave and well-grounded design, and of great consequence for the renewing of this decayed empire, if Cod had not destroyed it ; for it is very true, the Turkish emperor is now but the janizaries' treasurer. If this project had taken place, God knows what events it might have produced by a civil war ; for doubtless the soldiery here would have set up a new king, and maintained him as they could, and this European part had been torn away by the division ; besides Delauir Bassa, having the king in his possession, and the treasure and his own authority so great, and his inclination velle imperare, once discovered, it may well be thought that he would have shared some part of this great estate. If, on the other side, the king had prevailed, and the vizier x^roved faithful, I am persuaded they would have made such a reformation, and erected such a new order for the war and treasure, that he would have troubled all Christendom ; but, ubi disquisitor sccculi hums ? Nonne infatuavit deus sapientiam, mundi huius 1 Perdam sapientiam sapientum, et vanam reddam intelligentiam intelligentium. I know not whether I ought to wish that these counsels had succeeded or not; now I am sure we are here governed by a poor and silly man ; or rather, here is no govern- ment, where slaves, that in a few hours could change the greatest monarch, are become so insolent that yet there is no open divan or council, until they have received a donative for guerdon of their iniquity. Your honour will give me leave to make short observations. First, that the treasury, by the three changes in four years (for every janizary in the empire, whether absent or present, hath twenty-five checquins gold, besides the spahees and other orders), and by the late war, is very much exhausted, and these fellows all living that have had the milk, and now inured to prosper- ous mutinies, they have taken such head as cannot be suffered, nor safely taken off ; and I do not think that all is quiet, though it appears so ; but that we shall have new troubles from those prepared in Asia, who will attempt a revenge for the death of a king that was their martyr ; et hinc ruince. Secondly, in the degrees of the uproar itself, that the soldiers had no intention at first either to depose or hurt their emperor, but only to stay him, and to cut off the counsellors of his journey, whom the next day, dead and buried, they bitterly lamented, knowing they had rashly set up one whom they must change for disability. Thirdly, at the order ; that these mutineers, having no head or direction, kept that rcglcment, that they took oath in their fury in the king's yard, not to spoil nor sack the imperial throne, as their own dishonour, and neither committed 3H THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. nor suffered any insolence nor violence in the city ; and, which is strange, I think there hath not been done, in the three days and three nights, one thousand checquins damage to the neutrals, nor to any but to those obnoxious for some former quarrel ; and six of them meeting with £100 of mine in the streets, in the hands of a poor man, they first took it away; but he pleading it was mine, they returned it ; so that I may wonder at such orderly disorder. This plot was discovered to the soldiers, by words cf disdain let fall from the king, by removing all his treasure, pulling down the riches of his house, melting furniture and Baddies, and whatsoever could be converted into bullion. Thus your honour hath a model of troubles and my contemplations, which time may enlarge. For our own business, they will now do anything I shall propound for Poland, having sent offers thither, and will send into England ; but whether it were well done now to assist to any peace, I know not, yet will follow my instructions. Within four days after this, I procured to be renewed all my commands and letters for Tunis and Algiers, in this emperor's name, and have dispeeded them away, according to my advices sent your honour by my cousin, Robert Roe ; so that I think I shall rather fortify than weaken that design. The letter written to his Majesty by the last emperor shall be confirmed, and we are just in pristino statu. I beseech your honour, read part of this my letter to his Majesty, and mediate for me, that it may absolve me, until I can put it in better form, being scarce allowed time to tran- scribe this that you may read it. Et ab his incendicurijs, libera nos, domine. Your honour's affectionate servant. Constantinople, May 16, 1G22. JAMES HOWKIX TO SIB 8. C . Holborn, March 17, 1G39. Sir,— I was upon the point of going abroad to steal a solitary walk, when yours of the 12th Current came to hand. The high researches and choice abstracted notions I found therein, seemed to heighten my spirits, and make my fancy fitter for my intended retirement and meditation: add hereunto, that the counte- nance of the weather invited me ; for it was a still evening, it was also a clear open sky, not a speck or the least wrinkle appeared in the whole face of heaven, it was such a pure deep azur ■ all the hemisphere over, that I wondered what was become of the three regions of the air with their meteors. So having got into a close field, I cast my face upwards, and fell to consider what a rare prerogative the optic virtue of the eye hath, much more the intui- tive virtue in the thought, that the one in a moment can reach heaven, and the other go beyond it ; therefore sure that a philosopher was but a kind of frantic fool, that would have plucked out both his eyes, because they were a hindrance to his speculations. Moreover, I began to contemplate, as I was in this posture, the vast magnitude of the universe, and what proportion this poor globe of earth might bear with it ; for if those numberless bodies which stick in the vast roof of heaven, though they appear to us but as sp angles, be some of them thousands of times bigger than the earth, take the sea with it to boot, for they both make but one sphere, surely the astronomers had reason to term this sphere an indivisible point, and a thing of no dimension at all, being compared to the whole world. I fell then to think, that at the second general destruction, it is no more for God Almighty to fire this earth, than for us to blow up a small squib, or rather one small grain of gunpowder. As I was musing thus, I spied a swarm of gnats waving up and down the air about me, which I knew to be part of the universe as well as I ; and methought it was a strange opinion of our Aristotle to hold, that the least of those small insccted ephemerans should be more noble than the sun, because it had a sensitive soul in it. I fell to think that in the same proportion which those animalillios bore with me in point of bigness, the same I held with those glorious spirits which are near the throne of the Almighty. "What then should we think of the magnitude of the Creator Himself ! Doubtless, it is beyond the reach of any human imagination to conceive it : in my private devotions I presume to compare Him to a great mountain of light, and my soul seems to discern some glorious form thi rein ; but suddenly as she would fix her eyes upon the object, her sight is presently dazzled and disgregated with the refulgcncy and corus- cations thereof. Walking a little farther, I spied a young boisterous bull breaking over hedge and ditch to a herd of kir.e in the next pasture ; which made me think, that if that fierce, strong animal, with others of that kind, knew their own strength, they would never Buffer man to be their master. Then looking upon them quietly grazing up and down, I fell to consider that the flesh which is daily dished upon our tables is but concocted grass, which is recar- nified in our stomachs, and transmuted to another flesh. I fell also to think, what advantage those innocent animals had of man, who :i s soon as nature east them into the world, find their meat dressed, the cloth laid, and the table covered; they find their drink brewed, and the buttery open, their beds made, and their clothes ready ; and though man hath the faculty of reason to make him a compensation for the want of those advantages, yet this reason brings with it a thousand perturbations of mind and perplexities of spirit, griping cares THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 315 and anguishes of thought, which those harmless silly creatures were exempted from. Going on, I came to repose myself upon the trunk of a tree, and I fell to consider further what advan- tage that dull vegetable had of those feeding animals, as not to be so troublesome and beholden to nature, nor to be subject to starving, to diseases, to the inclemency of the weather, and to be far longer-lived. Then I spied a great stone, and sitting awhile upon it, I fell to weigh in my thoughts that that stone was in a happier condition in some respects than either of those sensitive creatures or vegetables I saw before ; in regard that that stone which propagates by assimilation, as the philosophers say, needed neither grass nor hay, or any aliment for restoration of nature, nor water to refresh its roots, or the heat of the sun to attract the moisture upwards, to increase growth, as the other did. As I directed my pace homeward, I spied a kite soaring high in the air, and gently gliding up and down the clear region so far above my head, that I fell to envy the bird extremely, and repine at his happiness, that he should have a privilege to make a nearer approach to heaven than I. Excuse me that I trouble you thus with these rambling meditations, they are to correspond with you in some part for those accurate fancies of yours lately sent me. So I rest your entire and true servitor. TO THE INCOMPARABLE LADY, THE LADY JL CARY. Madam, — I have discovered so much of divinity in you, that he who would find your equal must seek one in the other world. I might play the oracle, and more truly pronounce you the wisest of women, than he did Pythagoras the wisest of men, for questionless, that he or thee are the wisest of all human creatures, who are careful of preserving the noblest part of them, I mean the soul. They who prink and pamper the body, and neglect the soul, are like one who, having a nightingale in his house, is more fond of the wicker cage than of the bird ; or rather like one who hath a pearl of an invaluable price, and esteems the poor box that holds it more than the jewel. The rational soul is the breath of God Almighty, she is His very image, therefore who taints his soul may be said to throw dirt in God's face, and make his breath stink. The soul is a spark of immortality ; she is a divine light, and the body is but a socket of clay that holds it. In some this light goes out with an ill-favoured stench, but others have a save-all to preserve it from making any snuff at all. Of this number, madam, you are one that shines clearest in this horizon, which makes me so much your La. truly devoted servant, «L **» [Howell was born in 1594, and from the free school of Hereford was sent to Jesus College, Oxford, from whence, in 1G13, he came to London, as Wood says, with his fortune to make. In 162!), he visited the Continent, in the capacity of agent to a glass manufactory. His route lay through France, Italy, Spain, Holland, and the Netherlands. 'Thank God,' he used to say, I have this fruit of my travels, that I can pray to Him every day of the week in separate languages, and upon Sunday in seven ! ' After a life of chequered fortunes, Howell found himself in the Fleet prison. Having at length obtained his release, he was appointed to the office of historiographer to Charles the Second. He did not, however, long enjoy his appointment; he died in 1666, and was buried in the Temple church. Howell, during many years of his life, was an author by profession, and numerous works, chiefly upon temporary topics, show that he only wrote to live. His Familiar Letters are alone remembered. Thomas Warton considered them, after Bishop Hall, the second published correspondence in the language ; discovering a variety of litera- ture, and abounding with agreeable and instructive information. Respecting Felton, Mr. D'Israeli has communicated some in- teresting particulars. He says that his passage to London, after the assassination of the duke, resembled a triumph ; women held up their children to behold him ; and one old woman exclaimed, ' God bless thee, little David.'— Willmott.] JAMES HOWELL TO THE RIGHT HON. LADY SCROOP, COUNTESS OF SUNDERLAND. Stamford, August 5, 1628. Madam, - 1 lay yesternight at the post-house at Stilton, and this morning betimes the post- master came to my bed's head, and told me the Duke of Buckingham was slain. My faith was not then strong enough to believe it, till an hour ago I met in the way with my Lord of Rutland (your brother) riding post towards London ; it pleased him to alight, and show me a letter, wherein there was an exact relation of all the circumstances of this sad tragedy. Upon Saturday last, which was but next before yesterday, being Bartholomew eve, the duke did rise up in a well-disposed humour out 3i6 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. of his bed, and cut a caper or two, and being ready, and having been under the barber's hand (where the murderer bad thought to have done tin deed, for he was leaning upon the window all the while), he went to breakfast, attended by a great company of commanders, where Monsieur Subize came to him, and whispered him in the ear that llochelle was relieved ; the duke seemed to slight the news, which made some think that Subize went away discontented. After breakfast the duke going out, Colonel Fiyer stepped before him, and stopped him upon some business, and Lieutenant Felton, being behind, made a thrust with a common tenpenny knife over Fryer's arm at the duke, which Lighted so fatally that he slit his heart in two, leaving the knife sticking in the body. The duke took out the knife and threw it away ; and laying his hand on his sword, and (hawing it half out, said, 'The villain hath killed me ' (meaning, as some think, Colonel Fryer), for there had been some difference betwixt them ; so reeling against a chimney, he fell down dead. The duchess being with child, hearing the noise below, came in her night-gears from her bed-chamber, which was in an upper room, to a kind of rail, and thence beheld him weltering in his own blood. Felton had lost his hat in the crowd, wherein there was a paper sewed, wherein he declared that the reason which moved him to this act was no grudge of his own, though he had been far behind for his pay, and had been put by his captain's place twice, but in regard he thought the duke an enemy to the State, because he was branded in parliament ; therefore what he did was for the public good of his country. Yet he got clearly down, and so might have gone to his horse, which was tied to a hedge Lard by ; but he was so amazed that he missed his way, and so struck into the pastry, where, although the cry went that some Frenchman had done it, he, thinking the word was Felton, boldly confessed it was he that had done the dee I. and bo he was in their hands. Jack Stamford would have run at him, but he was kept off by Mr. Nicholas ; so being carried up to a tower, Captain Mince tore off his spurs, ami asking how he durst attempt such an act, making him believe the duke was not dead, he answen d boldly, that he knew he was despatched, for it was not he, but the hand of Heaven that gave the stroke; and though his whole body had been covered over with armour of proof, be could not have avoide I it. Captain Charles Price went post presently to the king, four miles off, who being at prayers on his Lines win n it was told him, yet never stirred, nor was he disturbed a whit till all divine service was done. This ws the relation, as far a-, my memory could bear, in my Lord of Rutland's letter, who willed me to remember him to your ladyship, and tell you that he was going to comfort your niece (the duchess) as far as he could. And so I have sent the truth of this sad story to your ladyship, as fast as I could by this post, because I cannot make that speed myself, in regard of some business I have to despatch for my lord in the way ; so I humbly take my leave, and rest your ladyship's most dutiful servant. [The warmth which Admiral Montague expressed in the discharge of his command, did not hinder the admiral from perceiving the great prejudice done to our trade by the carrying on the Spanish war, of which he gives a fair and clear account in one of his despatches to the Secretary, wherein he complains that he saw the Dutch, Hamburghers, and Genoese carrying on a mighty trade with Spain, which, as he observes, it was impossible for them to hinder without engaging the state in a war with all the world, and therefore proposed that a squadron of light frigates only might be kept in those seas, and that the fleet should be employed somewhere else to more advantage. However, the Protector's orders being positive, they returned to- wards autumn into the road of Cadiz, where, in September following, Captain Stayner made prize of the galleons. A full account of their strength, and the money on board them, Admiral Montague sent into England as soon as they were taken ; and, when he afterwards received directions to convoy the prizes home, he sent another account of the silver on board them, desir- ing at the same time that some persons might be sent down to meet the fleet at Portsmouth, in order to take charge of the silver, and to make a farther search into the contents of the galleons. The money thus taken from the Spaniards was, though undeservedly, the most popular act in all Cromwell's administration, and therefore the utmost pains were taken to give the populace a very high idea of this advantage. The silver was carried in open carts and ammunition waggons through Southwark to the Tower of London ; and to make a show of entire confidence in the people, these waggons had no greater guard than ten soldiers. As for Admiral Montague, he had all the compliments paid him, upon THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 317 this occasion, that it was possible for him to desire ; the Protector caressed him exceedingly ; the Parliament returned him thanks by their Speaker, and some other honours he had received, if with industry he had not declined them. — Campbell's 'Lives of the Admi/rals.'] CAPTAIN RICHARD STAYNER TO THE GENERALS OF THE FLEET. Right Honourable,— After my service pre- sented to your honours, these are to acquaint you, that upon the 8th instant at night it blew hard westwardly, by means whereof we with our squadron (only the Providence, she being gone to water) weighed out of the bay of Cadiz, and plyed to sea. In the evening we espied eight sail, some five or six leagues to the west- ward of Cadiz, we using the best means that we could, to meet with them the next day, which we did, it being little wind at N.E. It was nine of the clock before we came up with them ; but having a fresh gale in the night, all but we and the Bridgwater were to the leeward, and could not come up to us. But when we came to the fleet, it proved to be the Spanish fleet come from the West Indies, which were four of the king of Spain's, three merchant- men, and one prize, which they had taken by way of the Western Islands, being a Portuguese, which were eight in all. We engaged the fleet, but being within four leagues of Cadiz, could not stay for our ships ; but we, the Bridgwater and Plymouth, engaged them, and had a sharp dispute some of us ; but the Admiral being the smallest ship, we slighted her, for we conceived there was some policy used in the flag, by which means the Admiral and the Portugal prize got into Cadiz. The Vice-Admiral, and one more, we sunk, and burnt two ; we took one. The captain of her, which we have on board, saith she hath in her two millions of silver. The Vice-Admiral had as much, I do believe. The Plymouth chased another, who came ashore near St. Peter's and Cape Degar, but it seems, by the prisoners' information, they had no silver in her. The ship we took is as good as all the fleet besides. The other that Captain Harman hath taken is very rich ; but • little silver in her. Both the prize and our ship are sorely wounded both in masts and hull. The commanders advise me not to take the silver out of her. I do intend to take further advice about it. There is no news, only I believe the fleet will follow us ; the galleys came out. Because of the riches and disability of our ship, we will come towards you, except your honours send further orders, for we are in no capacity to stay here. I shall leave two or three of the best sailing ships off the Cape, and I and the rest will come to Lisbon, where I hope to find your honours. There is the Nova Spaniola fleet at the Havanna, but when they will come home is not known. This is all, only there is loss of men in some ships, the number I know not. I am your honours' humble servant, Eic. Stayner. From on board the ' Speaker,'' in haste, this Wi of Sept. 1656. GENERAL MOUNTAGU TO SECRETARY THURLOE. Sir, — Since I dispatcht my packuet to you, I have had almost a whole afternoon's discourse with Don Francisco de Lopez, the now Mar- quesse of Baydex, who is a most ingenious and intelligent youth, about 16 years of age, born in Lima. He hath given mee very much light concerning the Western Indies ; and I thought it not amiss to trouble you with some of it : if it be of no use, it is but my labour lost in writinge. He saith, that about five moenths since, presently after his father and family departed out of Lima in Peru, there happened the fearfullest earthquake, and raininge of fire from heaven, in Peru, that has beene heard off in the world, insomuch that the whole cittye of Lima is swallowed up, and also the island of Calloa, in which places there perished about 11,000 Spaniards, and not above 100 Indians with them. In that cittye alsoe the king of Spaine hath lost by the earthquake 50,000 millions of barrs of silver ready wrought up. The famous mines and mountains of Potosi are destroyed, soe that there is noe more hills to be seene, all a plaine, nor any further possibilitye of having silver or gold in Peru. 1 The king hath had noe knowledge hereof until now, by the shipps that escaped of this company. It is too large to repeat all that he hath told mee of the monstrous cruelty of the Spaniards to the poor Indians, even those of them that are counted freemen, and profess the P«,oman Catholique religion ; insomuch that they cry to- heaven against them, and are beyond measure greeved with theire sufferings. He tells mee assuredly, that the island of Hispaniola is abundantly rich in mines of gold and silver, and that the only reason why they have not hithertoo beene wrought, hath beene the king's edict, which he hath read, severely prohibitinge the digginge or transportation of any thence ; intendinge that as a reserve, in case warrs should grow upon him, that might cause a greater expense of monye, or the mines in Peru faile ; and he saies, undoubtedly now that this fatality is come upon Peru, the next order from the kinge of Spaine will be, to open 1 This, of course, is a gross exaggeration, the mines of Potosi between 1545 and 1789 yielded at least £200,000,000 in silver ; the annual yield still is over £400,000. 3i8 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. j the mines of Hispaniola. He saies, that scince | our attempt there, Santa Domingo is mightily fortified and provided in all points for defence, both with men, and arms, and provisions. lit- s.iiih also, that the Mexican fleet is now in the Havana ; that there are 10 shipps of them, the Admirall and Vice-Admirall only gallions for burthen, and they have in them seven millions of plate ; the other S are gallions only fitted with ordinance and soldiers for wan-. They will arrive in Europe (probably) about the latter end of November, or rather in December, as he thinkes. They alwaies make the Canaries in theire returne, and they there receive advice from Spaine, whether to betake themselves ; and 'tis possible that they may be directed for Gallicia, if they soe will in Spain, as these ships wee have taken would have done, if their Portugall prise had not lied to them and betrayed them. He saith, the Havana is a place almost impregnable ; Cartagena easye to be had by starvinge, and that way only : it is a peninsula, and may easily be deprived of commerce and assistance. The people upon the maine are generally very fearfull of attempts from the English, and their unaccustomednesse to warr is the cause thereof, though otherwise naturally they are a people bold enough, and shew it in private and particular quarrells. He saith, if the English be able to mayntaine a fleete at Jamaica, the Spaniard can trade noe more in the Indies but with great fleets ; for already, he saith, the Spanish merchants give over, and will noe more venture theire estates, unlesse the king provide sufficiently for theire protection. He saith also, he heard before they came out of the Havana, that some of our fleete of Jamaica had taken some Spanish shipps laden with negroes, but none of silver. He also saies, there was a report that 9 shipps were sent by Sedgewicke to England, and that he demands supply of all things from England, viz. Victualls and Woemen, etc., if it is expected he should continue there. And he saies, the natives and negroes of Jamaica infest them sorely, whensoever they adventure out of their fortifications for cattle or the like. He saith, that though the natives upon the maine be readye to receive libertye from the ham Is of any people, by reason of theire op- pressions unheard of almost (as before is said), yet the Spaniards are exceedingly loyall ; which appeared not long since by a proffer, which the Dutch and French made to them at Lima in Peru, that they would engage to come yearely to them with a certain number of shipps, and bring them commodittyes at a far cheaper rate then they have from Spayne, and trade with them upon their own account, which the Spaniard refu led totally. He saies, the Inquisition is most severe and cruell in the Indies ; but the inquisitors axe universally hated to such a degree, that an Inquisitor dares not stir out of his own house, not so much as to see a friend, for fear of violence from the people. This is as much as is materiall to write hereoff at present. I am, your very humble servant, E. Mountagu. Sept. 20, 1656. ' NasAy? in the Bay of Wyeri. [A treaty was made with France in 1657, containing a provision that the English troops should unite with the French in attacking certain coast towns. "When the Protector heard that it was possible the English troops would be diverted to another purpose, this letter, and another which he sent, brought the king and Cardinal Mazarin to their senses. Lock- hart was one of the ablest and best ambassadors Cromwell had, and was married to his niece, Robina Sewster. He came from the family of Lockhart of Lee, in Lanarkshire.] OLIVER CROMWELL TO LOCKHART, HIS AMBASSADOR AT PARIS. Sir, — I have seene your last letter to Mr. Secretary, as alsoe divers others ; and although I have noe doubt either of your diligence or ability to serve us in soe great a business, yet I am deeply sensible that the French are very much short with us in ingenuity and perform- ance. And that which increaseth our sense is, the resolution we had rather to overdoe than to be behinde hand in anythinge of our treatye. And although wee never were soe foolish to apprehend, that the French and their interests were the same with ours in all things, yet as to the Spanyard, who hath beene knowne in all ages to be the most implacable enemie that France hath, we never could doubt, before we made our treatye, that goinge upon such grounds wee should have beene fayled as wee are. To talke of giveinge us garrisons, which are inland, as caution for future action ; to talke of what wil be done next campaine, are but parcells of words for children. If they will give us garrisons, let them give us Calais, Dieppe, and Boullogne ; which I thinke they will doe as soon as be honest in their words, in giveing us any one Spanish garrison upon the coast into our hands. I positively thinke, which I say to you, they are afrayde we should have any footinge on that side, though Spanish. I pray you tell the Cardinal] from me, that I thinke, if Franco desires to mainteyne his ground, much more to get ground upon the Spanyard, the performance of his treatye with us will better doe it than anythinge appears THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 319 yet to me of any design hee hath. Though wee cannot soe well pretend to souldiery as those who are with him, yet wee thinke that wee, being able by sea to strengthen and secure his seidge, and reinforce it as wee please by sea, and the enemie in a capacity to doe nothinge to relieve it ; that the best time to besiedge that place will be now, especially if we consider, that the French horse will be able soe to ruine Flanders as that noe succour can be brought to relieve the place ; and that the French army and our owne will have constant relief, as fair as England and France can give it, without any manner of impediment, especially consideringe the Dutch are now engaged soe much to the southward as they are. I desire you to let him knowe, that Englishmen have soe good experience of winter-expeditions, that they are confident, that if the Spanyard shall keepe the field, as he cannot impede this svorke, soe neither will he be able to attaque any- thinge towards France with a possibility of retreate. And what doth all delayes signifie, but the giveinge the Spanyard opportunitie so much the more to reinforce himself, and to the keepingo our men another summer to serve the French, without any colour of a reci^rocall, or any advantage to ourselves. And therefore, if this will not be listened unto, I desire that thinges may be considered of, to give us satis- faction for the great expense wee have been at with our navall forces, and otherwise ; which, out of an honourable and honest ayme on our part, hath been done, that we might answere our engagements. And that consideration may be had, how our men may be put into a posture to be returned to us; which wee hope wee shall employ to a better purpose than to have them to continue where they are. I desire wee may know what France saith and will doe upon this point. "Wee shall be ready still, as the Lord shall assist us, to performe what can be reasonablie expected on our parte. And you may alsoe let the Cardinall knowe further, that our intentions, as they have beene, soe they will be, to do all the good offices wee can to promote the interest thereof. Apprehendinge it is of moment that this business should come to you with speed and suretie, wee have sent it by an expresse. Your very lovinge friend, o. r. Whitehall, Aug. 31, 1057. HENRY CROMWELL, VICEROY OF IRELAND, TO OLIVER CROMWELL. May it please your Highness,— Having by your highness's favour been admitted governor here, your highness might expect by the return of the messenger, who brought me your com- mission, to receive from me nothing but thanks ; or, as some may think, nothing but expressions of joy for so great an honour and preferment. Nevertheless (though without the least deroga- tion from what I owe your highness) I am forced to mingle with those duties some addresses of another nature also. That which I am to trouble your highness with at this time is, want of monies to discharge so great an arrear to your army, as of late hath scarce been heard of within the three nations. I have received lately a letter from my brother Fleetwood, so full of discouragements as to this matter, that did I not know our condition to be lamentable and dangerous, I should have little hope to speed in this attempt. I have several times hinted our wants to your highness, Mr. Secretary, and others ; but being then subordinate, I thought it fit to be urgent chiefly with my immediate superior, trusting that he, being upon the place of relief, and having himself left me in this entangled condition, would use all fit remedies. But hitherto finding no effectual answer to all former intimations, and having some reason to think that some make it too much their work to frustrate my endeavours therein, the care of this business being now wholly mine, and that all miscarriages must be charged upon my single account, I must now humbly tell your highness that had not this country been in an ill condi- tion by reason of the three months' vacancy of government, I should even have deferred open- ing my commission until by supply of monies I might have seen it possible for me to discharge the trust thereby committed to me, and not have given ground for all men to think that my greediness of honour and power is such as to make me admit of any absurdity, to venture upon any impossibility, and to take upon me such things as must hereafter end in your highness's disservice, and my own reproach. May it please your highness, this arrear of our army is of eight months' growth ; about half of it being contracted before the disbanding in Sep- tember 1655, and the rest, by paying off that great number of horse and foot then disbanded, with the growing pay of the then remaining army, who got no pay till near three months after that reducement. I shall not here trouble your highness with a more particular account of this matter, having entrusted my Lord Lroghill with a large state thereof to be pre- sented to your highness, as it was drawn up by the treasurer and auditors of the Exchequer here. In the next place, I humbly mind your highness, that although I was left under this debt, yet at the time of that reducement, the allowance from England was lessened from 24m. to 17m. pounds per mensem, and no care taken how to pay off that debt. And that there hath been no assignment made of that our allowance since the 24th of June last, which comes to near £100,000, and which, with what is yet not sent to us of our former assignments, makes up 320 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. about the £180,000, which, by my letter to your highness of the 15th of July last, I humbly intimated was wanting to clear our engagements here. We are sollicitous to think upon what reason our allowance of £17,000 per mensem is withheld from us since June last; but hope that it was not because Ireland's share of £1,000,000 per ann. will not extend so far ; fur in that case care ought to have been taken for lessening the charge of Ireland accordingly, which (foreseeing the streights we were running into) I have several times pressed ; and that in my letter of the loth of July, did offer my thoughts as to the manner and hast of doing it. Your highness seeing in what condition I am, and how I came into it, I humbly beg your highness to consider, what ill uses of several kinds my enemies have made of this disadvan- tage ; some perswading the army that I was negligent of their concernments, hoping thereby to aleniate the affections of the soldiery from me; others telling them my interest in England was very small, that I could not procure supply es as others, my predecessors, had done ; others taking occasion to advise that the said arrear might be wholly struck off, and never paid at all, perhaps thereby to bring the odium of so ill an office upon me. Your highness may easily conceive what I have been forced to do to keep down mutinous dispositions among them ; and that it will be very difficult hence- forward to keep the army quiet, and in their due obedience, with words and promises only. The truth is, that to have borne delays from time to time for above these two years did argue a good temper and inclination towards your highness. If they have no relief from me now, when they see me in ..s much visible power as they can expect, and when I want those grounds of excuse which formerly I had, I shall be much to seek how to carry it towards them for the future ; for upon my being vested in the government, they seeming to expect sonic ad- vantage, may think it very hard not to receive their bare dues after so long expectation. Besides, this want of pay concurring at this juncture with the extreme trouble and con- fusion about Spanish and bad coins, the soldiers are apt to grow too licentious in abusing the country, when they levy their contribution, refusing to take such money as probably is good enough, thereby to extort some unwarrantable advantage from the people; all which they take occasion to do, partly out of necessity, and partly presuming 'twill seem unreasonable to punish severely and pay negligently. Moreover, if your highness thinks fit shortly to lessen the charge, I suppose it will appear very hard now, after all their patient forbear- ance, to dismiss them without their due. And if we put off those who are now to be disbandi 1, with the growing pay of the rest who are to stand, we shall then relapse into the same error we committed in 1655, upon the like occasion ; and so growing still into a worse and worse condition, must at last fall into such a state as I cannot promise myself able to wade through. I humbly beg your highness to weigh these truths, and not to keep me for ever engaged in conflicts and difficultys more and greater than any other man in my way doth or hath suffered. Your highness knows how hard 'tis to keep things right without money. The ill con- sequences of these wants may be hereafter re- presented as my errors and miscarriages ; and it will be better for me never to have been advanced to this place of trust, than to be left without means to manage it ; without which it must prove but an empty and dangerous title only. I hope your highness will think well of some, perhaps not so fit, expressions, which I used in giving you my apprehensions of the army. I am not willing to suggest causeless fears, nor would I speak at this rate to any other : I judge it my duty to deal faithfully upon these occasions. Eight months' arrear is so great a matter that I hope your highness will not think me froward if I insist upon the paying it off, as believing no prudent man would or ever did embarque on a charge of this moment, without being first set on clear board. I have several other things of moment where- with to trouble your highness, as that of the reducement, and of your highness's leave for rne to come to England for a small time at a convenient season ; but I shall at present only beg your highness's attention to this of sending us over the above-mentioned £1S0,000, it being no more than what will appear to be justly due as the arrear of our allowance from England. I say, I shall press this one thing of money only ; and therefore hope your highness will mind it with effect on our behalfs. The Lord bless your highness, and direct you in that great affair of the other House, and in what else may make for the glory of His name, and good of His people committed to your care ; and enable me in the faithful discharge of my trust, and that I may in all things approve myself your highness's most obedient sonn, H. C. Dublin, Dec. 2, 1C57. HENRI CROMWELL TO LORD FAUCOXBEKG. February 10, 1057. My LORD, — As Ireland (like all other reviv- ing plantations) receives many imported but exports little, so I cannot repay your Lordship's news with news, but must only give your lordship my humble thanks for those you:- free and useful communications, as the interest of your lordship's debt upon THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 321 me. Besides, as Ireland sends forth nothing but hides, tallow, pipe-staves, and other coarse commodities, in exchange of the delicacies of art and nature ; so, my lord, your lordship must not expect anything from me bearing other proportion to what I receive from your lordship. Wherefore it's something that I see in your letters, not in my own, which makes me confident to draw you on to this trouble of a correspondence with me. Although the want of Mr. Secretary's intelligence leaves a great dimness upon my sight of affairs, yet I may tell your lordship, without flattery to yourself, or disparagement to him, that the addition of your lordship's observations will so brighten the objects I look upon, as to make his prospective the more useful to me. Besides, my lord, as several plants contract their several and contrary substances from the same common earth, so certainly out of the same general mass of human affairs, men of several minds and inclinations will remark and be affected with several and very different particulars. From whence concluding that your lordship may shine upon me as clear from your own orb, as Mr. Secretary from his, I again beg the continuance of your lordship's favours ; I say I beg, or at least would borrow them, for I told your lordship you must not expect pay- ment from me at present. I was quite mistaken in my last, when I feared as if the new-begotten house would lie cross in the womb that conceived it ; whereas now I see the unnatural mother uses means to procure the abortion of her own issue. But it may be, it is only the worms or vipers (you named) lying in the guts of the Common- wealth, which have caused the frettings and gnawings you mention ; and this I rather believe, because of the 500 maggots, which you say are now again busily crawling out of the ... of Mr. Feak's corrupted church. But to be serious, my lord, it is a sad thing when men of so many different ways (for such are or have been many of those you mention) should all conspire for unsettlement, seeking vain occasions to quarrel. But it is his Highness' happiness that they find nothing but words and names to snap and snarl at. I hear that Harrison, Carey, Okey, etc., have done some new feats. I hope God will infatuate these men in their further endeavours .to disturb the peace of these nations, as they seem already to be by those their follies, which do sufficiently show them to have been but mere pretenders to, and abusers of religion, and such whose hypocrisy the Lord will avenge in his due time. Our want of money and engagements abroad will be an encouragement to these incendiaries, which are certainly very dangerous, and of an inveterate temper, when nothing will suppress their fury even for a while. I hope his Highness will have an eye to the army, that those who have a mind to scold may not be suffered to fight too. The people of these nations have been too well experienced by their past sufferings to engage their blood in so particular and unchristian animosities, as these contentions now on the stage seem to be. The Lord direct his High- ness, and dispose his friends to pray for his life, on which thread a great weight hangs. My dear lord, you see I have no matter, only words to return for your things. Wherefore I will abruptly subscribe myself, yours, etc. [Oliver Cromwell, worn out with care and anxieties, and overwhelmed at the death of his daughter, Lady Claypole, fell sick and died September 3, 1G58.] HENRY CROMWELL TO SECRETARY THURLOE. Dublin, Sept. 11, 1658. Sir, — Yesterday, in the forenoon, the mes- singer arrived with the sad tidings of his Highness' death. In the afternoon my brother was proclaimed his successor. I send you herewith the proclamation, subscribed by my- selfe, and the councell, and such of the nobility, judges, officers of the army, and gentlemen of quality as were in the town, and present when it was produced for signing. You may guess at my condition, and how hard a thing it was within an hower to put off my greife for my dear father, to give directions for a matter of solemnity ; but the peace of the nation, my love and tenderness to my deare brother, I should now say my duty to the cheife magistrate, made me cast myselfe before the Lord, and begg earnestly for a support, and God heard my prayer. I went in person to make the proclamation, and therefore am able to assure you that it was performed, not only with the greatest solemnity this place could afford, but with very great shouts and acclamations of joy, which I am perswaded came from the hearts of the people. This morning I caused the officers of the army to attend me, and having at large acquainted them with the state of our affaires, and their duty, left them together to consider of what I had said, and to offer me their thoughts. They returned an unanimous desire to me that I would assure his Highness of their cheerful obedience and faithfullness to his Highness to the uttermost ; and that they would suddaiuly give more testimony of it by their acting in their severall places. Indeed their temper seems to me at this time better than what I could have expected. I have commanded them all to their respective charges, to preserve things the surer, and to see the proclamation X 322 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. (which arc also printed, and this evening sent through the nation) published with the more solemnity, and the acclamations of the soldiers. I intend this evening a dispatch to General Monke, to acquaint him with our unanimity to strenthen his hands, if he be in any streight. Tray present my humble duty to his Highness, and acquaint him with this. I hope God will enable him to beare his grcifc. If he sinke under it, wee perish ; for how can the sheep be safe, unless the sheapheard watch ? Let her Highness, my deare mother, know that my affliction is dubled, when I tliinke of her condition. Pray God comfort her. I doe pray for her, and I shall not cease, but shall con- tinue her obedient and affectionate son whilst I live. I shall not tell you how unexpressible my greife is. God knows what is in the womb of this severe stroke. I am loath to give way to my own fears. It is from His hand, and wee must submit. The Lord help us ! I rest your affectionat friend and humble servant, H. Cromwell. SECRETARY THURLOE TO HENRY CROMWELL. Detailing the Last Illness of Oliver Cromwell. May it please yodr Excellexcye,— I gave you some account by Doctor "Worth of his Highness' condition as it then was ; but least he should delay his journey, or miscarry in it, I thought it necessary to send this expresse, to the end your excellencye may fully understand how it is with his Highnesse. This is the 13th day since his ague took him, haveinge beene sick a fortnight before of a generall distemper of body. It continued a good while to be a tertian ague, and the burninge fitts very violent. Upon Saterday it fell to a double tertian, haveinge 2 fitts in 24 hours, one upon the heeles of another, which doe extreamely weaken hym, and endaunger his life. And truly since Saterday morninge he hath scarce beene perfectly out of his fitts. The doctors are yet hopefull that he may struggle through it, though their hopes are mingled with much feare. But truly wee have cause to put our ho; e iii the Lord, and to expect mercy from Hym in this case, He haveinge stirred up the saints to pray for hym in all places. Never wa there a greater stockc of prayers goingc for any man then is now goinge for him ; ami truly there is a generall consternation upon the spirits of all men, good and bad, feareinge what may be the event of it, should it phase God to bis Highnesse at this tyme ; and God havinge prepared the heart to pray, I fcru • Hi will enclyne His eare to heare. And thai which is some grounde of hope is, that the Lord, as in some former occasions, hath given to liimselfe a particular assurance that he shall yet live to serve Hym, and to cany on the worke He hath put into his hands. I doe not yet find there are any great stir- ringes yet uj>on this occasion ; though the cavaliers doe begin to listen after it, and hope their day is comeinge, or indeed come, if his Highnesse dye. And truly, my lord, wee have cause to feare that it may goe very ill with us, if the Lord should take away his Highnesse in this conjuncture ; not that I thinke Charles Stewart's interest is soe great, or his partie soe powerfull in themselves; but I fear our owne divisions, which may be great enough, if his Highnesse should not settle and fix his successor before he dies, which truely I beleeve he hath not yet done. He did by himself declare one in a paper before he was installed by the parliament, and sealed it up in the forme of a letter, directing it to me, but kept both the name of the person and the paper to himself. After he fell sicke at Hampton Court, he sent Mr. John Earrington to London for it, tellinge hym it lay upon his study table at "Whitehall ; but it was not to be found there, nor elsewhere, though it hath beene very narrowly looked for. And in this condition matters stand, his High- nesse having beene too ill to be troubled with a buissines of this importance. This day he hath had some discourse about it, but his illnes dis- enabled him to conclude it fully ; and if it should please the Lord not to give hym tyme to settle his succession before his death, the judgment would be the soarer, and our condition the more dangerous ; but I trust he will have compassion on us, and not leave us as a prey to our enemies, or to one another. All persons here are very reserved as to what they will doe, in case his Highnesse should not declare his successor before he dyes, not beinge willinge to enterteyne any discourse of it, either because it is a matter too grevious to be thought of, or because they would not discover any opinion which might crosse his Highnesse thoughts in his lifetyme. And this, my lord, is the whole account I am able to give your lordship of this sadd buissines, which I am sure will occasion much trouble and sorrow to you; but I could not omit my duty, judgeing it absolutely necessary that your excellency should under- stand all that passes or falls out upon this subject, that you may the better knowe how to direct your prayers and counsells, and stirre up others alsoe to pray for his Highnesse and '■'< nations in this day of distresse. And as any- thinge further occurs (which I beseecli the Lord may be for good) I shall suddeinly dispatch it away to you, and be ready to answer such commands as your excellency shall lay upon me, beinge, your exoellencye's most humble, faithfull, and obedient servant, JO. TlIlRLOE. Whitehall, 30 Awj. 1668, 9 o'clock at night. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 3^3 SECRETARY THURLOE TO HENRY CROMWELL. Announcing the Death of Oliver Cromwell. May it please your Excellencye, — I did by an espresso upon Munday give your excellencye an account of his Highness' sicknes, and the danger he was in. Since that it has pleased God to put an end to his days. He died yesterday about four of the clock in the after- noone. I am not able to speake or write ; this stroke is soe soare. Soe unexpected, the providence of God in it soe stupendious, consideringe the person that is fallen, the tyme and season wherein God tooke hym away, with other circumstances, I can doe nothinge but put my mouthe in the dust, and say, it is_ the Lord ; and though His wayes be not alwayes knowne, yet they are alwayes righteous, and wee must submitt to His will, and resigne up ourselves to Him with all our concernements. His Highnesse was pleased before his death to declare my Lord Richard successor. He did it upon Munday ; and the Lord hath soe ordered it, that the Councell and army hath receiv'd him with all manner of affection. He is this day proclaymed; and hitherto there seems a great face of peace ; the Lord continue it! It is not to be sayd, what affection the army and all people shew to his late Highnesse ; his name is already precious. Never was there any man soe pray'd for, as he was dureinge his sicknes, solemne assemblie meetinge every day, to beseech the Lord for the continuance of his life ; soe that he is gone to heaven, embalmed with the teares of his people, and upon the winges of the prayers of the saints. He lived desired, and dyed lamented, every body bemoaning themselves, and sayeinge, a great man is fallen in Israel ! The Lord double His spirit upon his successor and upon your excellencye, that you both may be famous in your generation, and be helped by God with one heart and shoulder to carry on that worke, the foundation whereof your most renowned father layed, for which posterity will blesse hym ! The councell hath given your excellencye an account of what is done as to the proclay- minge his Highnesse your brother. I only herewith send the voet of the councell; and though I know not what will be my portion or condition here, yet I shall alwayes be your excellencye's most humble and obedient servant, Jo. THURLOE. September 4, 1658. His Highnesse intends to send a gentleman to your excellencye in the beginninge of the next weeke to let you understand fully the state of all things here, and of your family ; and commanded me to desire you to excuse his not writeinge by this messenger. The truth is, bis Highnesse death is soe soare a stroake unto him, and he is soe sensible of it, that he is in noe condition to write or doe yet. Here is a Badd family on all hands ; the Lord support them ! There is a proclamation actually past for keepeinge on foot all commissions, which will be sent by the next ; there need be noe scruple in the meantyme. [Henry Cromwell retired into private life, and died in 1G74. Richard, the eldest son of the Protector, and appointed to succeed him, did not long hold the reins of govern- ment, but being compelled to abdicate in 1659, retired to Cheshunt in Hertfordshire, where he died in 1712.] HENRY CROMWELL TO RICHARD CROMWELL, PROTECTOR. Sept. 2S, 1658. May it please your Highness, — I received a letter from your Highness by Mr. Underwood, who, according to your comands, hath given me a particular account of the sickness and death of his late Highness my dear father, which was such an amazing stroke that it did deeply affect the heart of every man ; much more may it doe those of a nearer relation. And indeed, for my own part, I am so astonish'd at it, that I know not what to say or write upon this so sad and grievous occasion. I know it is our duties upon all accounts to give submission to the will of God, and to be awakened by this mighty noise from the Lord to look into our own hearts and wayes, and to put our mouths in the dust, acknowledging our own vileness and sinfulness before Him ; that so, if possible, we may thereby yet obtain mercy from Him for ourselves and these poor nations. As this stroke was very stupendous, so the happy news of his late Highness leaving us so hopefull a foundation for our future peace, in appointing your Highness his successor, coming along with it to us, did not a little allay the other. For my part, I can truly say, I was relieved by it, not only upon the public consideration, but even upon the account of the goodness of God to our poor family, who hath preserved us from the contempt of our enemy. I gave a late account to Mr. Secretary Thurloe of what passed about the proclaiming your Highness here, which, I may say without vanity, was with as great joy and general satisfaction as (I believe) in the best affected places in England. I doubt not but to give your Highness as good an account of the rest of the places in Ireland, so soon as the proclamations are returned. I did also give some account of the speedy compliance of the army, whose obedience your Highness -4 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. may justly require at my hands. Now, that the God and Father of your late father and mine, and your Highness' predecessor, would support you, and hy pouring down a double portion of the same spirit which was so emin- ently upon him, would enable you to walk in his steps, and to do worthily for his name, cause, and people, and continually preserve you in so doing, is and shall be the fervent and dayly prayer of yours, etc. JOHN BABWIGK TO CHARLES II. I am too short-sighted to write of State affaires, and yet, having this opportunity, I think it my duty to give your Majesty some account of what I conceive the present con- dition of affaires are. About a week before Cromwell's death, he made his son Richard generalissimo of all the forces both by sea and land ; but it was not till the very day before he dyed that he nominated him his successor, and that so sleightly, as some doubt whether he did it at all. It was justly expected by all men, that a matter of such weight should not be done without a formal instrument under hand and seal before the counsell, etc., but those that speak the highest of this, say it was only verball, before Thurloe and one of the commissioners of the great seall ; and those that duly ponder the proclamation, will have cause to think the penner of it did not believe so much. And though hitherto things pass with some smoothness in the former channel, yet there is some underhand muttering already upon this poynt of his succession, which makes them dread the very name of a parliament, and yet they are upon the very poynt of being forced to call one for want of money. Their debts are great, and no other visible way of raysing any competent summe. Whether this be the cause, or his so tamely parting with the generalship of England, at least to Fleet- wood, or both, of young Cromwell's melan- cholie, I know not ; but sure it is, most men say he is sick ; and yet those that are likest to know the disease, say it is chiefly to give way to his counsell to doe what they please, which some of them like well enough. There was some confusion at Whitehall the night before Cromwell's death, though closely conveyed. Some of the grandees, distrusting the place, removed their trunks out of the house. At least six bowers before his death, the fifth- monarchic-men sent out their emissaries post into most parts of England, having notice how desperate his condition was. They speak their minds freely already, and have something a brewing in all likelyhood. They have pitched upon Lambert for their general, and Harrison is content with the next command under hint. Ever since old Cromwell had his eye upon the crown, he hath courted Lambert very much. One office he had was restored, with £2000 arrears, and his estate was promised to be doubled from £3000 per annum to six ; and still they carry fair with him, and have sent him mourning against the funerall. The want of money makes them fall short of their first designe of the funerall pageantries. At first they proposed to themselves the funerall of K. James for their pattern, and intended to go beyond it ; but second thoughts are wiser. If a parliament come, the fifth-monarchie-men will cut them out worke both in the house and field. They hone Fleetwood will be no bitter enemy ; and give out, as if they had Monck's army sure on their side, though not his person. If they have not learned the ... of bragging, there may be some cause of fear, least they get . . . the saddle, and ride us all ; yet some of them say your Majesty will need no other sword but their own to make way to your throne, in case they clash in earnest ; for the weaker party will espouse your Majestie's case, and that upon your owne termes, rather than yield to the other. I wish they may be true prophets. And I humbly crave leave to add, that some persons here of good repute for wisdome and fidelity to your Majesty think this will be more sensible, if your own party be not too forward to engage on either side ; and seeing your Majesty having now no visible force on foot, will make them more secure, and conse- quently the more likely to quarrell among themselves. I beseech your Majestie pardon this boldness. I was never cut out for a statesman. If there be anything in it of moment, your Majestie's wisdome may make use of it ; if nothing, I hope your clemency will pardon it. That God would direct your Majestie's counsells, protect your person, and prosper your designes, is a part of the dayly prayer of your Majestie's obscure but most loyall and faithful servant, J. B. [Charles Fleetwood, son of Sir "William Fleet- wood, a Parliamentary general, was allied to the family of the Cromwells by marrying the daughter of the Protector after the decease of her first husband, Ireton ; he was sent as lord-deputy to Ireland, but after Cromwell"s death he sided with those who were in favour of his son Richard's abdication.] HENRI CROMWELL TO FLEETWOOD. Dear Bbothbb, — I received the account you give of the petition of your officers, for which I give you thanks, and especially for your caution, that I should not believe anything THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 325 concerning you, till I hail heard you. Truly it was seasonable advice ; for I am told strange things ; and pray give me leave to expostulate with you. How came these two or three hundred officers together? If they came of their own heads, the being absent from their charge without licence would have flown in their face, when they petitioned for a due observance of martiall discipline. If they were called together, were they not also taught what to say and do? If they were called, was it with his Highness's privity ? If they met with- out leave in so great a number, were they told their error? I shall not meddle with the matter of their petition, though some things in it do unhandsomely reflect, not only upon his present, but his late Highness. I wish with all my heart you were commander-in-chief of all the forces in the three nations ; but I had rather have it done by his Highness's especial grace and meer motion, than put upon you in a tumultuary, unsoldierly way. But, dear brother, I must tell you (and I cannot do it without tears) I hear, that dirt was thrown upon his late Highness at that great meeting. They were exhorted to stand up for that good old cause, which had long lain asleep, etc. I thought my dear father had pursued it to the last. He dyed like a servant of God, and prayed for those that desired to trample upon his dust, for they were also God's people. O dear brother ! let us not render evil for good ; let us not make his memory stink before he is under- ground ; let us remember his last legacy, and even for his sake render his successor consider- able, and not make him vile, a thing of nought, and a by-word. Oh, whither do these things tend ! Surely God hath a controversy with us. What a hurly-burly is there made ! a hundred Independent ministers called together ! a coun- cil!, as you call it, of two or three hundred officers of a judgment ! Remember what has always befallen imposing spiritts. Will not the loins of an imposing Independent or Ana- baptist be as heavy as the loins of an imposing Prelate or Presbyter? And is it a dangerous error, that dominion is founded in grace, when it is held by the Church of Rome, and a sound principle when it is held by the fifth monarchy? Dear brother, let us not fall into the sins of other men, lest we partake of their plagues. Let it be so carryed, that all the people of God, ■ though under different forms, yea, even those whom you count without, may enjoy their birthright and civil liberty, and that no one party may tread upon the neck of another. It doth not become the magistrate to descend into parties ; but can the things you do tend to this end ? Can those things be done, and the world not think his Highness a knave or a fool, or oppressed with mutinous spirits? O dear brother, my spirit is sorely oppressed with the consideration of the miserable estate of the innocent people of these three poor nations ! What have these sheep done, that their blood should be the price of our lust and ambition? Let me beg of you to remember how his late Highness loved you, how he honoured you with the highest trust in the world by leaving the sword in your hand which must defend or destroy us ; and his declaring his Highness his successor shews that he left it there to preserve him and his reputation. O brother, use it to curb extravagant spirits and busybodys ; but let not the nations be governed by it. Let us take heed of arbitrary power. Let us be governed by the known laws of the land, and let all things be kept in their proper channels ; and let the army be so governed, that the world may never hear of them, unless there be occasion to fight. And truly, brother, you must pardon me, if I say, God and man may require this duty at your hand, and lay all miscarriages in the army, hi point of discipline, at your door. You see I deal freely and plainly with you, as becomes your friend and a good subject. And the great God, in whose presence I speak this, He knows that I do it not to reproach you, but out of my tender affection and faithfullness to you; and you may rest assured, that you shall always find me your true friend and loving brother, H. Cromwell. Oct. 20, 1638. [In this indignant protest Derby refused to acknowledge the authority of General Henry Ireton, son-in-law of Cromwell, as representing the Commonwealth. Derby was beheaded in 1650 at Bolton-le-Moors, when the island was delivered up to General Fairfax, who held it nine years. The House of Derby again regained posses- sion of the island at the restoration of the Stuarts. The lordship of the island passed to the Atholl family in 1730 ; the privileges of the ducal family were finally purchased by the Imperial government in 1829 for £416,000.] JAMES, EARL OF DERBY, TO COMMISSARY- GENERAL IRETON. In answer to the Summoris to deliver up the Isle of Man. Sir, — I have received your letter with indignation, and with scorn return you this answer, that I cannot but wonder whence you should gather any hopes that I should prove like you, treacherous to my sovereign ; since you cannot be ignorant of the manifest 326 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. camlourof my former actings in his late Majesty's service, from which principles of loyalty I am not a whit departed. I scorn your proifer ; I disdain your favour ; I abhor your treason ; and am so far from delivering up this island to your advantage, that I shall keep it to the utmost of my power, and, I hope, to your destruction. Take this for your final answer, and forbear any further solicitations ; for if you trouble me with any more messages of this nature, I will burn your paper, and hang up your messenger. This is the immutable resolu- tion, and shall be the undoubted practice, of him who accounts it his chiefest glory to be his Majesty's most loyal and obedient subject, Derby. From Castle- Town, this 12th of July 1G49. CHARLES II. TO THE DUKE OF YORK. Cologne, Nov. 10, 1654. Dear Brother, — I have received yours without a date, in which you mention that Mr. Montague has endeavoured to pervert you in your religion. I do not doubt but you remember very well the commands I left with you at my going away concerning that point, and am confident you will observe them. Yet the letters that come from Paris say, that it is the queen's purpose to doe all she can to change your religion, which, if you hearken to her, or anybody else in that matter, you must never thinke to see England or me again ; and whatsoever mischiefe shall fall on me or my affairs from this time, I must lay all upon you as being the only cause of it. Therefore, con- sider well what it is, not only to be the cause of ruineing a brother that loves you so well. but also of your king and country. Doe not let them perswade you either by force or faire promises ; for the first they neither dare, nor will use ; and for the second, as soon as they have perverted you, they will have their end, and will care no more for you. I am also informed that there is a purport to put you in the Jesuits' Colledge, which I command you upon the same grounds never to consent unto. And whensoever anybody shall goe to dispute with you in religion, doe not answer them at all ; for though you have the reason on your side, yet they being prepari d, will have the advantage of anybody that is not upon the same security that they are. If you do not consider what I say to you, remember the last words of your dead father, which were, to be constant to your religion, and never to be shaken in it. Which if you doe not observe, this shall bo the last time yon will ever hear from, dear brother, your most affectionate brother, Charles 11. [When Johnson claimed for Temple the merit of being the first writer who gave a cadence to English prose, he showed a forgetful- ness of our elder literature, of which the only parallel is afforded by his criticism of Waller. Hume, with greater justice, commends the agreeablcncss of his manner ; and Mackintosh, its modern air. The first, however, admits his negligence, and the second his foreign idioms. Of all his productions, the Essay on Poetry is the best known, and most deserving of perusal. The thoughts are frequently beautiful, and the style is easy and harmonious. A passage in this treatise has been pointed out as the probable origin of one of the most exquisite images in the poetry of Gray— ' Vet oft before his infant eyes wouM run Such forms as glitter in the Muse's ray, With orient hues nnhorrow*d of the suu. ' There must be a sprightly imagination or fancy ranging over infinite ground, piercing into every corner, and by the light of that true poetical fire, discovering a thousand little bodies or images in the mind, and similitudes among them, unseen to common eyes, and which could not be discovered without the rays of that sun.' Evelyn mentions Temple's residence at Sheen with great praise in his Diary: — '27th Aug. (1678).— I took leave of the duke, and dined at Mr. Hen. Erouncker's, at the Abbey of Sheen, formerly a monas- tery of Carthusians, there yet remaining some of their solitary cells, with a cross. Within this ample enclosure are several pretty villas and fine gardens of the most excellent fruits, especially Sir W. Temple's (lately ambassador into Holland), and the Lord Lisle's, son to the Earl of Leicester, who has divers rare pictures ; above all, that of Sir Erien Take's, by Holbein.' And again, March 2'J, 1GS7 : 'After dinner we went to see Sir Win. Temple's near to it, where the most remarkable things arc his orangery and gardens, where the wall-fruit trees are most exquisitely nailed and trained, far better than I ever noted.' — IVillmvtt.] SIR WILLIAM TEMPLE To SIR JOHN TEMPLE. SlB,- After BO hard and BO long a journey. I thought yon would be glad to know 1 \v;is well again in my former station, and what was THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 327 the occasion of my leaving it so suddenly and so privately, that I could not acquaint any of my friends with it before I went, which now I am at liberty to entertain you with. This winter has passed with much noise, made by the Bishop of Munster in his enterprise against Holland, with some attempts, but little success. The fault he has laid in some degree upon the marquis here, for refusing to suffer the Duke of Bornoville to go and command his troops, which he durst not consent to, for fear of giving too much offence to the French and the Dutch, at a time when the Spaniards here are in ill condition for a quarrel ; but the bishop's chief complaints have been want of those sums of money, stipulated by his Majesty to be furnished him both before and after his taking the field. Our excuses upon the loss of the ships with tin before Ostend, though they may serve to keep us in countenance, yet they will not pay forces in the field, which he has often threatened these three months past must break up without speedy supplies. In the meantime, his neigh- bouring princes of the empire, especially the electors of Ments and Brandenburg, with the Duke of Nieuburgh, seeing a flame broke out, which must draw foreign armies into the empire, both French and Dutch, have used first all offices they could to prevail with the bishop to make his peace with Holland, engaged the emperor himself in the same endeavours, and finding him steady to his treaty with the King, at last the Duke of Brandenburg drew his forces into the field, resolved to compel him by joining with the Dutch, if he could not persuade him to make the peace, and the Duke of Nieuburgh prepared to second him in this design ; the French were not wanting in their offices to the same ends ; so that a private agreement was made about the beginning of this month, for the French, Dutch, and Munster envoys to meet at Cleve, and there treat the peace under the mediation of the Elector of Brandenburg. As soon as the King received this alarm, he sent an express immediately to command me away the instant I received it, with a com- mission to the Bishop of Munster, and with instructions to do all I could possibly to hinder the peace, and with bills of exchange to revive his payments which had been long intermitted, and promise of more to be remitted every post, which I was to order into his agent's hands here in my absence. I went accordingly, acquainting none with my going but the marquis here, who gave me twenty of his own guards, with command to follow absolutely all orders I should give them. I was to pass through a great deal of the Spanish country, much infested with Dutch parties, more of the Duke of Nieuburgh's, and more yet of the Brandenburgers, who I know were all enemies to the affair I went upon, and therefore thought it best to pass for a Spanish envoy sent from the Marquess Castel Rodrigo to the Emperor, and charged my small guard and cornet that commanded them to keep true to this note. And some of my ser- vants, as most of the guards speaking Spanish, I spoke nothing else unless in private, or when I was forced out of it by some incident. In this guise I came to Dusehlorp, where the Duke of Nieuburgh happened to be (contrary to what I had been informed) ; as soon as I was in my inn, one of his officers came to know who I was, and whither I was going, and would not be satisfied by the common answer from my servants and guards, but would receive it from me ; when he came up, tho' with much civility, yet he prest me so far, that I found there was no feigning with him, and so bid him tell the duke, that within an hour I would come and give him an account both of myself and my journey. I remembered the great kindness that had ever interceded between his Majesty and this prince ; and tho' I went upon an errand that I knew was disagreeable to bim, yet I thought he would be less likely to cross me, if I acquainted him frankly with it, than if I disguised scurvily as I was likely to do, being the thing of the world I could do the most uneasily. I had a letter of credence, which I brought out of England at my first coming over, for this prince ; but passing another way to Munster, I had not used it, and so resolved to do it now ; I did so, gave it him, told him my errand, how much his Majesty reckoned upon his friendship, and desired his good offices to the Bishop of Munster in the design I went upon, of keeping him firm to his treaties with the King my master. This duke is in my opinion the finest gentle- man of any German I have seen, and deserves much better fortune than he is in ; being small, very much broken, and charged with a very numerous issue ; he seems about fifty years old, tall, lean, very good mien, but more like an Italian than a German. All he says is civil, well-bred, honneste, plain, easy, and has an air of truth and honour. He made great pro- fessions of kindness and respect to the King, was sorry he could not serve him in this affair, his engagements were already taken with the emperor and his neighbour princes for making the Munster peace, and by that means keeping war out of the empire. He doubted I could not serve his Majesty upon this errand neither ; for, he first believed I could not get safe to Munster, the ways being all full of Dutch and Brandenburg parties, who had notice of the King's intention to send away to the bishop upon this occasion ; and if I should arrive, he believed however I should find the peace signed before I came. My answer was short, for I was very weary ; 32S THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. that go I would, however I succeeded ; that for the danger of the journey I knew no providing against it, but a very good guide who might lead me through ways the most unfrequented; that I would desire his Highness to give me one of his own guards to conduct me, because none would expect a person going upon my design would have one in his livery for a gui.lf ; and I desired he would let me pass as I had done hitherto in a journey for a Spanish envoy. The duke, after some difficulties at first (which we turned into pleasantries) com- plyed with me in all. I took my leave, and went away early next morning. I never travelled a more savage country, over cruel hills, through many great and thick woods, stony and rapid streams, never hardly in any highway, and very few villages, till I came near Dortmund, a city of the empire, and within a day's journey, or something more, of Munster. The night I came to Dortmund was so advanced when I arrived, that the gates were shut ; and with all our eloquence, which was as moving as we could, we were not able to pre- vail to have them opened : they advised us to go to a village about a league distant, where, they said, we might have lodging. "When we came there, we found it all taken up with a troop of Brandenburg horse, so as the poor Spanish envoy was fain to eat what he could get in a barn, and to sleep upon a heap of straw, and lay my head upon my page instead of a pillow. The best of it was, that he, under- standing Dutch, heard one of the Brandenburg soldiers coming into the barn examine some of my guards about me and my journey, which when he was satisfied of, he asked if he had heard nothing upon the way of an English envoy that was expected ; the fellow said, he was upon the way, and might be at Dortmund within a day or two, with which he was satisfied, and I slept as well as I could. The next morning I went into Dortmund, and hearing there that, for five or six leagues round, all was full of Brandenburg troops, I dispatch'd away a German gentleman I had in my train with a letter to the Bishop of Munster, to let him know the place and condition I was in, and desire he would send me guards imme- diately, and strong enough to convoy me. The night following my messenger returned, and brought me word that by eight o'clock the morning after a commander of the bishop's would come in sight of the town, at the head of twelve hundred horse, and desired I would come and join them so soon as they appeared : I did so ; and after an easie march till four o'clock, I came to a castle of the bishop's, where I was received by Lieutenant-Qeneral Gorgas, a Scotchman in that service, who omitted untiling of honour or entertainment that could be given me. There was nothing here remark- able, but the most episcopal way of drinking that could be invented. As soon as we came in the great hall, where stood many flaggons ready charged, the general called for wine to drink the King's health ; they brought him a formal bell of silver gilt, that might hold about two quarts or more: he took it empty, pulled out the clapper, and gave it me who he intended to drink to ; then had the bell filled, drank it off to his Majesty's health, then asked me for the clapper, put it in, turned down the bell, and rung it out to show he had play'd fair, and left nothing in it ; took out the clapper, desired me to give it to whom I pleased ; then gave his bell to be filled again, and brought it to me. I that never used to drink, and seldom would try, had commonly some gentlemen with me that served for that purpose when 'twas neces- sary : and so I hail the entertainment of seeing this health go current through about a dozen hands, with no more share in it than just what I pleased. The next day after noon, about a league from Munster, the bishop met me at the head of four thousand horse, and, in appearance, brave troops. Before his coach, that drove very fast, came a guard of a hundred Heydukes, that he had brought from the last campaign in Hungary : they were in short coats and caps, all of a brown colour, every man carrying a sabre by his side, a short pole-ax before him, and a skrewed gun hanging at his back by a leather belt that went cross his shoulder. In this posture they run almost full speed, and in excellent order, and were said to shoot two hundred yards with their skrew'd gun, and a bullet of the bigness of a large pea, into the breadth of a dollar or crown-piece. When the coach came within forty yards of me, it stopt ; I saw the bishop and his general, the Prince d'Homberg, come out ; upon which I alighted so as to meet him between my horses and his coach : after compliments, he would have mo go into his coach, and sit alone at the back end, reserving the t'other to himself and his general: I excused it, saying, I came without character ; but he replied, that his agent had writ him word, I brought a commission, which stiled me oratorem nostrum (as was true), and that he knew what was due to that stile from a great king. I never was nice in taking any honour that was offered to the King's character, and so easily took this ; but from it, and a reception so extraordinary, began immediately to make an ill presage of my business, and to think of the Spanish proverb : ' Quien te hase mas Corte que no sueli Ote ha d'engannar ote ha monaster.' And with these thoughts, and in this posture, I entered Munster, and was conducted by the bishop to a lodging prepared for me in one of the canons' houses. The bishop would have left me immediately THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. !0 after he brought me to my chamber ; but I told him I could not let him go without asking an hour of audience that very evening : he would have excused it upon respect and weariness, and much compliment ; but I persisted in it, unless he would chuse to sit down where we were, and enter upon affairs without ceremony. He was at last contented ; and I said all I could towards my end of keeping him to the faith of his treaty with the King, to the pursuit of the war till both consented to the peace, and to the expectations of the money that was due : he answered me, with the necessities had forced him to treat, from the failing of his payments, the violences of his neighbour princes, and the last instances of the emperor ; but that he would, upon my coming, dispatch one imme- diately to Cleve, to command his ministers to make a stop in their treaty till they received further orders, which I should be master of. I went to supper after he left me, but was told enough privately to spoil it before I sat down, which was that the treaty was signed at Cleve, tho' I took no notice of it, because I knew if it were so, being angry would hurt nobody but my master or myself. Next day the bishop made me a mighty feast among all his chief officers, where we sat for four hours, and in bravery I drank fair like all the rest ; and observed that my Spanish cornet and I that never used it, yet came off in better order than any of the company. I was very sick after I came to my lodging ; but he got a horseback on purpose to show himself about the town, while the rest of the company were out of sight all the afternoon. The day after was agreed to give me an account of the affair of Cleve, upon the return of the bishop's express after my arrival ; and at an audience in the evening, with great pretence of trouble and grief he confest the treaty was signed, and so past remedy, and that it had been so before his express arrived, tho' much against his expecta- tion, as he profest ; I am sure 'twas not against mine ; for I left Brussels in the belief that I should certainly find all concluded ; which made my journey much harder than it could have been with any hopes of succeeding. I told him, when I found all ended, and no hopes of retrieving it, that I would be gone within a day or two, and would take my leave of him that night, being not well, and needing some rest before I began my journey. He said and did all that could be to persuade my stay till I had represented his reasons to the King, and received an answer ; and I found his design was to keep me as long as he could, while his agent at Brussels received bills of exchange from England that were ordered him in my absence ; so that I knew not how much every day's stay would cost the King, and that no other service was to be done his Majesty in this affair, besides saving as much of his money as I could. The bishop finding me immoveable, advised me, however, in pretended kindness, to go by Collen, which, though four or five days about, would be the only way that was left for me with any safety, the Dutch and Branden- burgers having posted themselves on purpose to attend my return upon all the other roads ; and he offered me Colonel Ossory, an Irish gentleman in his service, to conduct me : I seemed to accept all, and to be obliged by his care, but wished myself well out of it, and took my leave, though he pretended to see me again next day. I went home, and instead of going to bed, as I gave out, I laid my journey so as to be on horseback next morning between three and four o'clock, upon Good Friday, which I thought might help to make my journey less suspected : I fee'd the officer that opened the gates for me, to keep them shut two hours longer than usual that morning (which I hear was performed), and so committed myself to the conduct of the Duke of Nieuburg's guide, to lead me the shortest way he could into some place belonging to his master. I rode hard, and without any stop, to a village eight leagues from Minister, and just upon the borders of the Brandenburg country : there I baited, and pretended to go to bed and stay all night ; but in an hour's time having got fresh horses ready for four men that I pretended to send before me, I put on a cassaque of one of the Marquis's guards, and with my page, the Duke of Nieuburg's guard, and Colonel Masjette, a Flemish officer in the Munster service, I took horse at the back door of my inn, while the rest of my company thought me in bed, and resolved to ride as far as I could the rest of that day, leaving my steward to follow me the next with the rest of my train and guards. I rode till eight at night, through the wildest country and most unfrequented ways that ever I saw, but being then quite spent, and ready to fall from my horse, I was forced to stop and lay me down upon the ground, till my guard went to a peasant's house in sight, to find if there were any lodging for me ; he brought me word there was none, nor any provisions in the house, nor could find anything but a little bottle of juniper water, which is the common cordial in that country ; I drunk a good deal, and with it found my spirits so revived, that I resolved to venture upon the three leagues that remained of my journey, so as to get into the territories of Nieuburg, having passed all the way since I left my train through those of Brandenburg, whose engagements with the Dutch left me no safety while I was there. About midnight I came to my lodging, which was so miserable that I lay upon straw, got on horseback by break of day, and to Duseldorp by noon ; where, being able to ride no further, I went to bed for an hour, sent to make my excuses to the Duke of Nieuburg upon my haste and weariness, and to borrow his coach to carry me 330 THE BRfT/SH LETTER WRITERS. to Ruremonde, which was a long day's journey. This i rince sent me his coach and his com- pliments, with all the civility in the world : I wi at away that afternoon, got to Ruremonde the next, and from thence hither, not without ...at danger of the Dutch parties even in the Spanish country : and so have ended the hard- est journey that ever I made in my life, or ever shall ; for such another I do not think I could ever bi ar with a body no stronger than mine. At my return, I have had the fortune to stop several bills of exchange, that would otherwise have fallen into the hands of the bishop's agent here, and to forbid the payment of the rest he received in my absence, which though accepted by the merchants at Antwerp, yet were not satisfied, the time having not expired at which they were payable. And this service to the King is all the satisfaction I have by this adventure, which has ended the whole affair of Minister, that has of late made so much noise, and raised so much expectation in the world. — I am, sir, your, etc. Brussels, Ma y 10, S.A'. 1 f.-G. TO TI1K SAME. Sir, — Though I doubt our late motions may have lost or delay'd some of your letters, which we have now been some time in want of ; yet I presume ours have had their constant course to you, though from several parts ; and though mine have not been frequent, upon the permission you give me to spare my own eyes and time, when they are otherwise taken up, and trust to my sister's entertaining you ; yet, upon my return home, after three years' absence, I could not but give you some account of my coming and stay here ; and of what I can fore- see is like to follow it, both as to my own particular, and to the public affairs, in which that seems at present to be so much involved. After the conclusion of the triple alliance, and the peace of Aix, I was at an end of my ambition ; having seen Flanders saved as if it had been by one of the miracles the house of Austria has, they say, been used to ; and the general interests of Christendom secured against the power and attempts of France; and at the Bame time the consideration and honour of his Majesty and his crown abroad, raised to a it had not been in for some ages past, and we had no reason to expect should be in some ages to come, upon the decline it felt after the business of Chatham, and the peace of Breda that succeeded it. I returned from Aix to Brussels without other thoughts than of continuing in that station till I grew wearier of it than I was like to do very suddenly, of a place I confess I love ; but immediately upon my arrival there, I met with letters from my Lord Arlington, which brought me the King's orders to continue the equipage of an ambassa- dor that I was in upon my Aix journey, in order to my serving his Majesty in the same character at the Hague, whither he was resolved to send rne, and to renew upon occasion of our late alliances a character which the crown of England had discontinued in that country since King James' time. In order hereunto I was left at liberty to take my leave of the Marquis, and to return into England as soon as I pleased, which I did by the way of Holland, and left most of my servants and horses at Utrecht. Upon my arrival here I was received both by the King and court a great deal better than I could deserve or pretend ; but people seem generally pleased with the councils and negotia- tions, in which I have had so much part since Christmas last ; and I understand not courts so ill (how little soever I have been used to them) as not to know that one ought not to lose the advantage of common opinion of some merits or good hitts at one's back, if one's business be de pousser sa fortune, and I am put enough in mind of it upon this occasion, by several of those many new friends one would think I had at this time of day, as well as by some of my old ones ; but I cannot imagine why I should pretend to have deserved more than my pay of the King, for which I served him in my late employments ; and if I got honour by them, 'twas so much more than I had to reckon upon. Besides, I should be sorry to ask money of him at a time when, for aught I can judge by the cry of the court, he wants it more than I do. The Spanish ambassador and Baron d'Isola, as well as others of my friends, would needs be asking a title for me, and 'tis with difficulty enough that I have prevented it ; but 'tis that I am sure I never can have a mind to, and if it should ever be offered me, I resolve it shall either begin with you, if you desire it, if not, with my son, which I had much rather. But I suppose, nothing of this can happen in our court with- out pursuit, and so I reckon myself in all these points just where I was about six months ago, but only designed for another embassy, and no man knows bow that will end. I am very much press'd to dispatch my preparations for it, by my Lord Keeper and Lord Arlington', who are extream kind to me, as well as to the measures lately taken by their ministry, and seem to value themselves a great deal upon them. They say, all the business the King now has, both at home and abroad, will turn upon my hand in Holland, by keeping the French from breaking in upon our late alliances, and the confidence between us ; and by drawing the Emperor and the princes of the empire into a common guaranty of a peace; and thereupon they are mighty earnest with me to hasten away. On t'other side, the Commissioners of the Treasury seem to have more mind to my THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. oo company here than I could expect; for after some of them had tried to hinder the King's resolution, of sending either an ambassador at all into Holland (upon pretence of so long disuse of that character) or me in particular; when that could not be carried, they prepared my way by entering upon new regulations in the exchequer, among which, those concerning foreign employments, brought down the equi- page money of ambassadors from three thousand pounds, as it has been since the King came in, to fifteen hundred pounds in France and Spain, and to one thousand pounds in all other courts ; and their allowance from one hundred pounds a week to ten pounds a day in France and Spain, and to seven in other places. Though this be pretended by the commissioners as only a piece of a general scheme of parsimony, they find necessary in the present condition of the revenue, yet I understand it as calculated just at this time particularly for me ; and my Lord Arlington confesses he thinks it so too, and takes part in it as a piece of envy or malice to himself as well as to me, from some who are spited at all that has lately passed between us and Holland, and at the persons who have been at the head of those councils. For my part, I resent it not only as a thing I have not deserved, upon an employment cast wholly upon me by the King's choice, and, as he seems to think, by the necessity of his affairs ; but as that which I find plainly, by the short exper ience of my last embassy, will not defray the expence of another, with any honour to the King or myself abroad ; and though I do not pretend to make my fortune by these employ- ments, yet I confess I do not pretend to ruin it neither. I have therefore been resolved several times absolutely to refuse this embassy, unless it be upon the terms all others have had; but my Lord Arlington puts so much weight upon my going, that he will not hear of it ; he says, 'tis that our good friends would have, and intend by this usage ; and that I can no way disappoint them so much as by going, and that this rule will be broken in three months' time ; that I should not consider small matters of money in the course of my fortune, and that the King cannot fail of making mine at a lump one time or other ; that there is nothing I may not expect from him upon my return from this embassy ; and that if his Majesty had not thought me of absolute necessity to him in Holland upon this conjuncture, he had brought me now into Secretary Morris's place, which upon my going abroad is designed for Sir John Trevor. My Lord Keeper is of the same mind, to have me by no means refuse it (as he says) neitherforthe King's sake nor my own ; and your old friend Sir Robert Long agrees with them both ; and says, after a year or two of this em- bassy, I cannot fail of being either Secretai-y of State, or sent ambassador into Spain, which are both certain ways of making any man's fortune. With all this, I confess I find it not very easy to resolve, and very much desire yours and my brother's opinion upon it ; and that you may the better give it me, I shall tell you one circumstance which weighs a little with me, though not at all with my friends here. They are all of opinion, the measures the King has lately taken cannot be broken nor altered, however they may be snarled at by some persons, upon particular envy or interest ; but I see plainly there are others of another mind. Sir Thomas Clifford said to a friend of mine in confidence, upon all the joy that was here at the conclusion of the Triple Alliance, ' "Well, ' for all this noise, we must have yet another war with the Dutch before it be long.' And I see plainly already, that he and Sir George Downing are endeavouring with all the industry that can be, to engage the East India Company here in such demands and pretensions upon the Dutch, as will never be yielded to on that side, and will increase a jealousy they will ever have of our unsteady councils, and of our leaving still a door open for some new offences when we shall have a mind to take them. On t'other side, the French will leave no stone unturned to break this confidence between us and Holland, which spoils all their measures, and without which they had the world before them. If they can, they will undermine it in Holland by jealousies of the Prince of Orange, or any other artifice, and will spare neither promises nor threats. If I should be able to keep that side staunch, they will spare none of the same endeavours here, and will have some good helps that I see already, and may have others that do not yet appear. If by any of these ways, or other accidents, our present measures come to change, I am left in Holland to a certain loss, upon the terms they would send me, though I should be paid, but to a certain ruin if I should not ; which I may well expect from the good quarter I may reckon upon from some in the Treasury ; and when my embassy ends, I may find a new world here, and all the fine things I am told of may prove castles in the air. There is, I know, a great deal to be said for my going, but on t'other side, I am well as I am, and cannot be ruined but by such an adventure as this. I beg of you to let me know your opinion upon the whole ; and if I could have the confidence, I should beg a great deal more earnestly that I might see you here, since I cannot get loose to wait on you there. Till I hear from you, I shall let the talk and the forms of my embassy go on, and am confident, however they presume, yet I can spin out the time of my going till about the end of August, in hopes of seeing you here ; which will be, I am sure, the greatest satisfaction that can befall, sir, yours, etc. Sheen, July 22, 16GS. 332 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. LORD LISLE TO SIR WILLIAM TEMPLE. Sir,— Since I had your last letter, I have made you no acknowledgment of it; a retire- ment is in several respects like the night of one's life, in the obscurity and darkness, and in the sleepiness and dosedness ; which I mention to put you in mind that I am only by my posture of life apt to be failing towards you. What is of court or assemblies near us is at my Lord Crofts's. Sir Thomas Ingram this summer hath made no noise at all. Old Lady Devonshire keeps up her feasts still ; and that hath been of late Mr. "Waller's chief theatre ; the assembly of wits at Mr. Comptroller's will scarce let him in; and poor Sir John Denham is fallen to the ladies also ; he is at many of the meetings at dinners, talks more than ever he did, and is extremely pleased with those that seem willing to hear him ; and from that obligation exceedingly praises the Duchess of Monmouth and my Lady Cavendish ; if he had not the name of being mad, I believe in most companies he would be thought wittier than ever he was ; he seems to have few extrava- gancies, besides that of telling stories of himself, which he is always inclin'd to ; some of his acquaintance say that extream vanity was a cause of his madness as well as it is an effect. All persons of note hereabouts are going to their winter quarters at London. The burning of the city begins to be talk'd of as a story like that of the burning of Troy. At Sheen we are like to be bare : Lady Luddal seems uncertain in her stay ; and we hear that when Sir James Sheen and his lady were ready to come from Ireland, great cramps took my lady in her limbs ; and Sir James' servants doubt whether we shall see him this winter. I desire, sir, your leave to kiss my Lady Temple's hands, and my Lady Giffard's hands by your letter. My daughter and I were in dispute which of us two should write this time to Brussels ; and because I was judged to have more leisure it fell to me, and my Lady Temple is to have the next from her. I wish you, sir, all good successes in your businesses, and am, your very affectionate servant, Lisle. September 2G, 1GG7. THE EARL OP ROCHESTER TO THE HONOURABLE HENRY SAVILLE. Dear Saville, — 'Tis neither pride or neglect (for I am not of the new council, and I love you sincerely), but idleness on one side, and not knowing what to say on the other, has hindered me from writing to you, after so kind a letter and the present you sent me, for which I return you at last my humble thanks. ( lhangea in this place are so frequent that F himself can now no longer give an account why this was done to-day, or what will ensue to-morrow ; and accidents are so extravagant that my Lord W intending to lie, has, with a prophetick spirit, once told truth. Every man in this court thinks he stands fair for minister ; some give it to Shaftsbury, others to Hallifax ; but Mr. Waller says S does all ; I am sure my Lord A does little, which your Excellence will easily believe. And now the war in Scot- land takes up all the discourse of politick persons. His Grace of Lauderdale values himself upon the rebellion, and tells the King it is very auspicious and advantageous to the drift of the present councils ; the rest of the Scots, and especially D. H , are very in- quisitive after news from Scotland, and really make a handsome figure in this conjuncture at London. "What the D. of Monmouth will effect is now the general expectation, who took post unexpectedly, left all that had offered their service in this expedition in the lurch, and, being attended only by Sir Thomas Armstrong and Mr. C , will, without question, have the full glory as well of the prudential as the military part of this action intire to himself. The most profound poli- ticians have weighty brows and careful aspects at present, upon a report crept abroad that Mr. Langhorn, to save his life, offers a dis- covery of priests' and Jesuits' lands, to the value of fourscore and ten thousand pounds a year ; which being accepted, it is feared partisans and undertakers will be found out to advance a considerable sum of money upon this fund, to the utter interruption of parliaments, and the destruction of many hopeful designs. This, I must call God to witness, was never hinted to me in the least by Mr. F , to whom I beg you will give me your hearty recommendations. Thus much to afford you a taste of my serious abilities, and to let you know I have a great goggle-eye to business; and now I cannot deny you a share in the high satisfaction I have received at the account which flourishes here of your high protestancy at Paris ; Charenton was never so honoured, as since your residence and ministry in France, to that degree, that it is not doubted if the parlia- ment be sitting at your return, or otherwise the mayor and common council will petition tlie King you may be dignified with the title of that place, by way of earldom or dukedom, as his Majesty shall think most proper to give, or you accept. I thank God there is yet a Harry Saville in England, with whom I drank your health last week at Sir William Coventry's, and who in features, proportion, and pledging, gives me so lively an idea of yourself, that I am resolved to retire into Oxfordshire, and enjoy him till Shiloe come, or you from France. ROCHESTER. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 333 [Etheredge, in a notice of his life, is said to have painted his own portrait in Sir Fopling Flutter, and that of his friend Rochester in Dorimant ; but Lockyer, dean of Peterborough, an excellent story-teller, and who noted down everything he heard, considered the poet to have designed Dorimant for his own picture. The comedy was condemned by Steele in the Spectator, ■where it was pronounced to be 'nature, but nature in its utmost corruption and degradation.' By his contemporaries he was styled 'gentle George,' and the' refined Etheredge.' His gay and playful humour shines most agreeably in this letter, written from Eatisbon, where he had been appointed envoy to the Duke of Bucking- ham. The play of his friend Sir Charles Sedley, which he mentions with such commendation, had nearly caused the death of its author. During the performance of Bellamira, we are told, 'the roof of the theatre fell in, which produced considerable alarm in the house ;' but fortunately Sedley, who was slightly bruised, was the only person who suffered any injury from the accident. This circumstance drew from his merry friend, Sir Fleetwood Shepherd, the observation that there was so much fire in his play that it blew up the poet, play-house, and all. ' No, no,' replied Sedley, ' the play was so heavy that it broke down the house, and buried the poet in the ruins.' The praise of Sedley was a welcome topic to Buckingham, who had often been delighted by his festive wit and conversational brilliancy, in which, according to Shadwell, he was unrivalled. — Willmott.] SIR GEORGE ETHEREDGE TO THE DUKE OP BUCKINGHAM. My Lord, — I received the news of your grace's retiring into Yorkshire, and leading a -sedate, contemplative life there, with no less astonishment than I should hear his Christian Majesty's turning Benedictine monk, or the pope's wearing a long perriwig, and setting up for a flaming beau in the seventy-fourth year of his age. "We have a picture here in our town- hall, which I never look upon but it makes me think on your grace ; ami I dare swear, you will say there is no dishonour done you when you hear whose it is. In short, it is that of the famous Charles V., who among all the magnifi- cence which this foolish world affords, amidst all his African lawrels and Gallic triumphs, freely divested himself of the empire of Europe, and his hereditary kingdoms, to pass the remainder of his life in solitude and retirement. Is it possible that your grace (who has seen ten times more luxury than that emperor ever knew, possessed as much too of the true real greatness of the world as ever he enjoyed) should, in an age still capable of pleasure, and under a fortune whose very ruins would make up a comfortable electorate here in Germany — is it possible, I say, that your grace should leave the play at the beginning of the fourth act, when all the spectators are in pain to know what will become of the hero, and what mighty matters he is reserved for, that set out so advantageously in the first? That a person of your exquisite taste, that has breathed the air of a court even from your infancy, should be content, in that part of your life which is most difficult to be pleased, and most easy to be disgusted, to take up with the conversation of country parsons (a set of people whom, to my know- ledge, your grace never much admired), and do penance in the nauseous company of lawyers, whom I am certain you abominate ? To raise our astonishment higher, who could ever have prophesied, though he had a double gift of Nostradamus's spirit, that the Duke of Buckingham would ever condescend to sigh and languish for the heiress-apparent of some thatch'd cottage, in a straw hat, flannel petticoat, stockings of as gross a thrum as the blew-coat boys' caps at the hospital, and a smock of as coarse a canvas as ever served an apprentice to a mackerel-boat ? Who could believe, till matter of fact had confirmed the belief of it (and your grace knows that matter of fact is not to be disputed), that the most polished, refined epicure of his age, that had regaled himself in the most exquisite wines of Italy, Greece, and Spain, would, in the last scenes of his life, debauch his constitution in execrable Yorkshire ale ! And that he, who all his lifetime had either seen princes his play-fellows or companions, would submit to the nonsensical chat and barbarous language of farmers and higlers ! This, I confess, so much shocks me, that I cannot tell what to make on it ; and unless the news came to me confirmed from so many au- thentic hands, that I have no room to suspect the veracity of it, I should still look upon it to be apocryphal. Is your grace then in earnest, and really pleased with so prodigious an alter- ation of persons and things ? For my part, I believe it ; for I am certain that your grace can act any person better than that of a hypocrite. But I humbly ask your grace's pardon for this familiarity I have taken with you; give me leave therefore, if you please, to tell you some- 334 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. thing of myself. I presume that an account of what passes in this busy part of the world will not come unacceptable to you, since all my corre- spondents from England assure me, that your grace does me tlie honour to inquire of ten after me, and lias expressed some sort of a desire to know how my new character sits upon me. Ton years ago I as little thought that my stars designed to make a politician of me, and that it would come to my share to debate in pul lie assemblies, as the Grand Signior dreamed of losing Hungary ; but my royal master, having the charity to believe me master of some qua- lities, of which I never suspected myself, I find that the zeal and alacrity I discover in myself to support a dignity which he has thought fit to confer upon me, has supplied all other defects, and given me a talent for which, till now, I justly fancied myself uncapable. I live in one of the finest and best-manner'd cities in Germany, where, it is true, we have not pleasure in that perfection as we see it in London and Paris ; yet, to make us amends, we enjoy a noble serene air, that makes us as hungry as hawks. And though business, and even the worst sort of business, wicked politics, is the distinguishing commodity of the place, yet I will say that for the Germans, that they manage it the best of any people in the world ; they cut off and retrench all those idle pre- liminaries and useless ceremonies that clog the wheels of it everywhere else ; and I find that, to this day, make good the observation that Tacitus made of their ancestors, I mean, that their affairs (let them be never so serious and pressing) never put a stop to good eating and drinking, and that they debate their weightiest negociations over their cups. 'Tis true, they cany this humour by much too far for one of my complexion, for which reason I decline appearing among them, but when my master's concerns make it necessary for me to come to their assemblies. They are indeed a free-hearted, open sort of gentlemen that com- pose the diet, without reserve, affectation, and artifice ; but they are such unmerciful pliers of the bottle, so wholly given up to what our sots call good fellowship, that it is as great a con- straint upon my nature to sit out a night's enter- tainment with them, as it would be to hear half a score of long-winded Presbyterian divines cant successively one after another. . . . Thus I have given your grace a short system of my morals, and belief in these affairs ; but the gentlemen of this country go upon a quite different scheme of pleasure; the best furniture of their parlours (instead of innocent china) are tall, overgrown rummers; and they take more care to enlarge their cellars than their patri- monial estates : in short, drinking is the hereditary sin of this country ; and that hero of a deputy line, that can demolish, at one sitting, the rest of his brother envoys, is mentioned with as much applause as the Duke of Lorrain for his noble exploits against the Turks, and may claim a statue, erected at the public expence, in any town in Germany. Judge then, my lord, whether a person of my sober principles, and one that only uses wine (as the wiser sort of Roman Catholics do images) to raise up my imagination to something more exalted, and not to terminate my worship upon it, must not be reduced to very mortifying circumstances in this place, where I cannot pretend to enjoy conversation, without practis- ing that vice that directly ruins me. Could a man find out the secret to take a lease for his life, as Methuselah and the rest of the antediluvian gentlemen, who were three hundred years growing up to the perfection of vigour, enjoyed it the same number, and were as long a decaying, something might be said for the two crying sins of both sexes here ; I mean drunkenness in the men, and reservedness in the ladies. But, my lord, I forget, that while I take upon me to play the moralist, and to enlarge so rhetorically upon the preciousness of time, I have already made bold with too much of your grace's, for which reason I here put a stop to my discourse ; and will endeavour, the next packet that goes from this place, to entertain you with something more agreeable. I am, my lord, your grace's most obedient servant, G. EiHEREGE. TO THE SAME. My LORD, — I never enjoy myself so much as when I can steal a few moments from the hurry of public business to write to my friends in England ; and as there is none to whom I pay a profounder respect than to your grace, wonder not if I afford myself the satisfaction of con- versing with you by the way of letter, the only relief I have left me to support your absence at this distance, as often as I can find an oppor- tunity. You may guess, by my last, whether I do not pass my time very comfortably here ; forced as I am, by my character, to spend the better part of my time in squabbling and deliber- ating with persons of beard and gravity, how to preserve the balance of Christendom, which would go well enough of itself, if the divines and ministers of princes would let it alone ; and when I come home, spent and weary from the diet, I have no Lord D t's, or Sir Charles S y's, to sport away the evening with ; no Madam I , or my Lady A s; so that, not nii'y my Bufferings to your grace, they really want a greater stockof Christian patience to BUpport them than I can pretend to be master of. I have been long enough in this town, one would think, to have made acquaintance enough with persons of both sexes, so as never to be at THE BRITISH TETTER WRITERS. 335 a loss how to pass the few vacant hours I can allow myself ; but the terrible drinking that accompanies all visits, hinders me from con- versing with the men so often as I would other- wise do. So that, to deal freely with your grace, among so many noble and wealthy families as we have in this town, I can only pretend to be truly accpiainted but with one ; the gentleman's name was Monsieur Hoffman, a frank, hearty, jolly companion. His father, one of the most emi- nent wine merchants in the city, left him a considerable fortune, which he improved by marrying a French jeweller's daughter of Lions. To give you his character in short, he was a sensible, ingenious man, and had none of his country's vices, which I impute to his having travelled abroad, and seen Italy, France, and England. His lady is a most accomplished, ingenious person ; and notwithstanding he is come into a place where so much formality and stiffness is practised, keeps up all the vivacity, air, and good-humour of France. I had been happy in my acquaintance with this family some months, when an ill-favoured action robbed me of the greatest happiness I had hitherto enjoyed in Germany, the loss of which I can never sufficiently regret. Monsieur Hoff- man, about three weeks ago, going to make merry with some friends, at a village some three leagues from this place, upon the Danube, by the unskilfulness or negligence of the water- men, the boat wherein he was unfortunately chanced to overset, and of some twenty persons, not one escaped to bring home the news, but a boy that miraculously saved himself by holding fast to the rudder, and so by the rapidity of the current was cast upon the other shore. I was sensibly afflicted at the destiny of my worthy friend, and so indeed were all that had the honour of knowing him ; but his wife took on so extravagantly, that she, in a short time, was the only talk of city and country : she re- fused to admit any visits from her nearest relations ; her chamber, her antichamber and pro-antichamber were hung with black ; nay, the very candles, her fans, and tea-table wore the livery of grief; she refused all manner of sustenance, and was so averse to the thoughts of living, that she talked of nothing but death ; in short, you may tell your ingenious friend Monsieur de St. Evremont, that Petronius's - Ephesian matron, to whose story he has done so much justice in his noble translation, was only a type of our more obstinate, as well as unhappy German widow. About a fortnight after this cruel loss (for I thought it would be labour lost to attack her grief in its first vehemence) I thought myself obliged in point of honour and gratitude to the memory of my deceased friend to make her a small visit, and condole her ladyship upon this unhappy occasion ; and though I had been told that she refused to see several persons who had gone to wait on her with the same errand, yet I presumed so much upon the friendship her late husband had always ex- pressed for me (not to mention the particular civilities I had received from her) as to think I should be admitted to have a sight of her : accordingly I came to her house, sent up my name, and word was immediately brought me, that if I jdeased I might go up to her. When I came into the room, I fancied my- self in the territories of death, everything looked so gloomy, so dismal, and so melancholy. There was a grave Lutheran minister with her, that omitted no arguments to bring her to a more composed and more Christian disposition of mind. Madam, says he, you don't consider that by abandoning yourself thus to despair, you actually rebel against Providence. I can't help it, says she ; Providence may even thank itself for laying so insupportable a load upon me. Oh fie, madam, cries the other, this is downright impiety : what would you say now, if Heaven should punish it by some more exemplary visita- tion ? That is impossible, replies the lady, sighing ; and since it has robbed me of the only delight I had in this world, the only favour it can do is to level a thunderbolt at my head, and put an end to all my sufferings. The parson finding her in this extravagant strain, and seeing no likelihood of persuading her to come to a better temper, got up from his seat, and took his leave of her. It came to my turn now to try whether I was not capable of comforting her ; and being convinced by so late an instance, that argu- ments brought from religion were not like to work any extraordinary effects upon her, I resolved to attack her ladyship in a more sensible part, and represent to her the great inconveniencies (not which her soul) but her body received from this inordinate sorrow. Madam, says I to her, next to my concern for your worthy husband's untimely death, I am grieved to see what an alteration the bemoan- ing his loss has occasioned in you. These words raising her curiosity to know what this altera- tion was, I thus continued my discourse ; in endeavouring, madam, to extinguish, or at least to alleviate your grief, than which nothing can be more prejudicial to a beautiful woman, I intend a public benefit ; for if the public is interested, as most certainly it is, in the pre- serving a beautiful face, that man does the public no little service who contributes most to its preservation. This odd beginning operated so wonderfully upon her, that she desired me to leave this general road of compliments, and explain my- self more particularly to her. Upon this (delivering myself with an unusual air of gravity, which your grace knows I seldom carry about me in the company of ladies) I told 336 THE HR1TISH LETTER WRITERS. her that gri^-f ruins the finest faces sooner than anything whatever ; and that as envy itself could not deny her face to be the most charm- ing in the universe, so if she did not suffer herself to be comforted, she must soon expect to take her farewell of it. I confirmed this assertion by telling her of one of the finest women we ever had in England, who did herself more injury in a fortnight's time by lamenting her only brother's death, than ten years could possibly have done ; that I had heard an eminent physician at Leyden say- that tears (having abundance of saline particles in them) not only spoiled the complexion, but hastened wrinkles. But, madam, concluded I, why should I give myself the trouble to confirm this by foreign instances, and by the testimonies of our most knowing doctors, when, alas ! your own face so fully justifies the truth of what I have said to you ? How ! reply'd our disconsolate widow, with a sigh that came from the bottom of her heart ; and is it possible that my just concern for my dear husband has wrought so cruel an effect upon me in so short a time ? With that she ordered her gentlewoman to bring the looking- glass to her, and having surveyed herself a few minutes in it, she told me she was perfectly convinced that my notions were true ; but, cries she, what would you have us poor women to do in these cases? For something, continued she, we owe to the memory of the deceased, and something to the world ; which expects, at least, the common appearance of grief from us. By your leave, madam, says I, all this is a mistake, and no better ; you owe nothing to your husband, since he is dead, and knows nothing of your lamentation. Besides, could yon shed an ocean of tears upon his hearse, it would not do him the least service ; much less do you lie under any such obligations to the world a3 to spoil a good face, only to comply with its tyrannic customs ; no, madam, take care to preserve your beauty, and then let the world say what it pleases ; your ladyship may be revenged of the world whenever you see fit. I am resolved, answers she, to be intirely governed by you, therefore tell me frankly what sort of course you'd have me steer. "Why, madam, says I, in the first place, forget the defunct, and in order to bring that about, relieve nature, to which you have been so long unmerciful, with the most exquisite meats ami the most generous wines. Upon condition you will sup with me, cries our afflicted lady, I will submit to yourprescrip tion. But why should I trouble your grace witli a narration in every particular? we hail a noble regale ; and our good widow push'd tli.' -lass so strenuously about that her com- forter (meaning myself) could hardly find the way to his coaeh. To conclude this farce (which I am afraid begins now to be too tedious to your grace), this Pheniz of her sex, this pattern of conjugal fidelity, two mornings ago was married to a smooth-chin'd ensign of Count Tranmendorf's regiment, that has not a far- thing in the world but his pay to depend on : I assisted at the ceremony, though I little imagined the lady would take the matrimonial receipt so soon. I was the easier persuaded to give your grace a large account of this tragi-comedy, not only because I wanted better matter to entertain you withal at this lazy conjuncture, but also to show your grace that not only Ephesus iu ancient and England in later times have afforded such fantastical widows, but even Germany itself; where if the ladies have not more virtue than those of their sex in other countries, yet they pretend, at least, a greater management of the outside of it. By my last packet from England, among a heap of nauseous trash, I received the Three Dukes of Dunstable, which is really so mon- strous and insipid, that I am sorry Lapland or Livonia had not the honour of producing it ; but if I did penance in reading it, I rejoiced to hear that it was so solemnly interred to the tune of Catcalls ; the Squire of Alsatia, how- ever, which came by the following post, made me some amends for the cursed impertinence of the Three Dukes. And my witty friend Sir C S y's Bellamira gave me that entire satisfaction that I cannot read it over too often. They tell me my old acquaintance, Mr. Dry- den, has left off the theatre, and wholly applies himself to the study of the controversies between the two churches ; pray Heaven, this strange alteration in him portends nothing disastrous to the State ; but I have all along observed that poets do religion as little service by drawing their pens for it, as the divines do poetry by pretending to versification. But I forget how troublesome I have been to your grace ; I shall therefore conclude with assuring you, that I am, and at the last moment of my life shall be, ambitious of being, my lord, your grace's most obedient and most obliged servant, George Etherege. [Philip, Duke of "Wharton, was born in 1698, and early evinced brilliant talent ; he received the title of duke from the Pre- tender when on the Continent, but on lib return to England supported the Govern- ment. The present letter gives a picture of the straits to which he reduced himself by his follies and extravagances. He died in poverty, in Spain, in 1731.] THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. FROM A GENTLEMAN WHO ATTENDED THE DUKE OF WHARTON ABROAD. Dear Sir, — I am just returned from the gates of death, to return you thanks for your last kind letter of accusations, which I am persuaded was intended as a seasonable help to my recollection, at a time when it was necessary for me to send an inquisitor-general into my conscience, to examine and settle all the abuses that ever were committed in that little court of equity. But I assure you, your long letter did not lay so much my faults as my misfortunes before me, which, believe me, dear , have fallen as heavy and as thick as the shower of hail upon us two in E forest, and has left me as much at a loss which way to turn myself. The ( pilot of the ship I embarked in, who indus- triously ran upon every rock, has at last split the vessel ; and so much of a sudden, that the whole crew, I mean his domestics, are all left to swim for their lives, without one friendly plank to assist them to shore. In short, he left me sick, in debt, and without a penny ; but, as I begin to recover, and have a little time to think, I can't help considering myself as one wbisked up behind a witch upon a broomstick, and hurried over mountains and dales, through confused woods and thorny thickets, and when the charm is ended, and the poor wretch dropped in a desert, he can give no other account of his enchanted travels, but that he is much fatigued in body and mind, his clothes torn, and worse in all other circumstances, without being of the least service to himself or anybody else ; but I will follow your advice, with an active resolution to retrieve my bad fortune, and almost a year miserably misspent. But notwithstanding what I have suffered, and what my brother madman had done to undo himself, and everybody who was so unlucky as to have the least concern with him, I could not but be movingly touched at so extraordinary vicissitude of fortune, to see a great man fallen from that shining light, in which I beheld him in the House of Lords, to such a degree of obscurity, that I have observed the meanest commoner here decline, and the few he would sometimes fasten on, to be tired of his company ; for you know he is but a bad orator in his cups, and of late has been but seldom sober. A week before he left Paris he was so reduced that he had not one single crown at command, and was forced to thrust in with any acquaintance for a lodging. Walsh and I have had him by turns, all to avoid a crowd of duns, which he had of sizes from fourteen hundred livres to four, who hunted him so close that he was forced to retire to some of the neighbouring villages for safety. I, sick as I was, hurried about Paris to raise money, and to St. Germains to get him linen. I brought him one shirt and a cravat, with which, and five hundred livres, his whole stock, he and his duchess, attended by one servant, set out for Spain. All the news that I have heard of them since, is that, a day or two after, he sent for Capt. Brierly, and two or three of his domestics, to follow ; but none but the captain obeyed the summons. Where they are now I can't tell ; but fear they must be in great distress by this time, if he has had no other supplies. And so ends my melancholy story. I am, etc. [Matthew Pilkington, according to his own account, was clerk for eleven days to Lord Carteret (1G90-1763), viceroy of Ireland, and this letter affords a specimen of his feelings, given in a humorous vein, when rewarded for his services.] MR. PILKINGTON TO DR. DELANY. Dear Doctor, — Though you expected to see me the happiest man in the world, by the extraordinary honours which I received from his excellency, yet I cannot forbear acquainting you, you are greatly disappointed in that respect. Before I received his bounty (which far sur- passed my hopes, and was more the effect of his generosity than any merit of mine), I thought riches were so necessary an ingredient in human life, that it was scarce possible to attain any degree of happiness without them. I imagined, that if I had but a competent sum, I should have no care, no trouble to discompose my thoughts, nothing to withdraw my mind from virtue and the Muses ; but that, if possible, I should enjoy a more exalted degree of content and delight than I had hitherto ; but now I perceive these kind of notions to have been the pure genuine effect of a very empty purse. My hopes are vanished at the increase of my fortune ; my opinion of things is of a sudden so altered, that I am taught to pity none so much as the rich, who, by my computation (after three tedious weeks' experience), must of neces- sity have an income of plagues proportioned to their fortunes. I know this declaration surprises you ; but in order to convince you, I will, as exactly as possible, set down, by way of diary, the different emotions of mind which I laboured under during the first three weeks' guardianship (for I can hardly call it a possession) of that same unfortunate, care-bringing fifty pounds ; and have not the least doubt but you will believe my assertions to be true. Monday, Feb. 16. Received this morning the agreeable news of being ordered to wait on his excellency the 33S THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. Lord Carteret, but Buffered a great deal of perplexity about appearing before one in so eminent a station, ami more admired and eminent for learning, and every other perfection of the mind ; went, however, to the castle — met with a vc ry gracious reception — had full proof of that affability, wisdom, and generosity for which his excellency is so peculiarly dis- tinguished, and which I knew before only by the testimonies of others — was ordered to go to Mr. T , to receive the premium appointed by my lord. Memorandum, I imagined my stature greatly increased, and walked more erect than usual — went in high spirits to the Secretary's — but, as a drawback to my happiness, received the dispiriting account of his being confined to his chamber — denied admittance. Memorandum, his excellency easier of access than his officer. Tuesday, 17. The Secretary still sick — paid a visit to his 6treet-door about twelve — returned melancholy. Wednesday, . . ditto. Thursday, . . ditto. Friday, . . ditto. Saturday, . . ditto. Sunday, . . ditto. Oh, 'twas a dreadful interval of time ! Monday, 23. Ordered to wait again on Mr. T ; but happening to be over eager to receive the sum, I hastened away too unseasonably, about half an hour after twelve, and found him asleep. Memorandum, admitted this morning to stand in the hall, and not at the door as hath been slanderously and maliciously reported ; I presume because it happened so at other times. Walked in the piazzas till after one, rumi- nating on the various hopes and fears with which my mind has been tormented this week past — could not forbear repeating aloud the two lines of the libel which accidentally are not more true of Mr. Addison than this friend, ' Who, grown a Minister of State, Sees poets at his levee wait.' Memorandum, not under any apprehension of bei) g understood by any persons walking there, which were only a few lawyers and a parson or two — Saunter again to the Secretary's— out of hope —permitted now to go into a wide unfurnished apartment— in half-an-hour's time admitted to l.i- presence— received a bill of fifty pounds- returned with great delight. I now imagined that nothing was wanting to make me really happy; I pleased myself also with the thought of communicating happiness t<> my friends who would share in my success, and particularly to you, who are unwearied in endeavouring to promote the felicity of others. How far I was disappointed will appear by the sequel— so to proceed with my diary. I wrapt up my bill very carefully— yet could not bear looking at it sometimes, though not oftener than at e\ ery street's length— But mark the instability of all human affairs !— As I was very attentively reading it, a pert swaggering fellow rushes by ine — I immediately suspected an attempt upon my treasure — looked as earnestly as I dared in the fellow's face, and thought I read robbery in the lines of his countenance — so hastily slipt my bill into my pocket without its cover — met a friend, told him of my success— and the generosity of his excel- lency — but pulling out the bank note hastily, tore it in the middle— dismally frightened — came home— showed it to my wife —was nvjre terrified at hearing that it would now be of no value — received several compliments from her for my care of it — and that I was likely to be rich, since I took such pains to preserve what I got — and the like — went direct in a fit of anger and vexation to Henry's bank — smiled a little, and spoke submissively to the clerk — obtained a new bill — returned again in great joy — all things settled amicably between us. Memorandum, Found upon inquiry that the ill-favoured gentleman above mentioned was one Mr. what d'ye call him ? — the attorney, of whom I need not have been in such terror, since he was never known to be guilty of such an action in a public way. Monday night, 12 o'clock. Went to bed as usual — but found myself violently pulled till I awoke — seized with a very great trembling, when I heard a voice crying — Take care of the bill — found im- mediately it proceeded from the concern of my bedfellow, who it seems was as ill formed to possess great riches as myself — pitied her — told her it was safe — fell asleep soon, but was in less than two hours roused again with her crying — ' My dear — my dear— are you sure it is safe? — don't you hear some noise there? — I'll lay my life there's robbers in the room ! — Lord have mercy upon us — what a hideous fellow I just now saw by my bedside with a drawn sword — or did I dream it?' — trembled a little at her suspicions — slumbered — but was awaked a third time in the same manner— rose about six, much discomposed — received a very solemn charge to be watchful against accidents — 'and let me beg of you, my dear, to have a great care of the bill.' Tuesday, 24. Become extremely impatient to have this toi Hunting bill changed into money, out of a be- lief that it would be then less liable to accidents, breaking of bankers, etc. — went to one bank and was refused — yet was ashamed to go to Henry's so soon— contrived, however, to get it THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 339 exchanged after a great variety of schemes and journeys to several places — came home — spread it upon a table to see the utmost bounds and extent of my riches — all the rest of the day sat contriving where to lay it— what part of the house would be most secure — what place would be least suspected by thieves, if any should come — perceived my mind more dis- turbed with having so much money in my custody than I was before. Tuesday night, 11 o'clock. "Went round my house to inspect my doors, whether they were all safe —perceived a great deficiency of bars, bolts, locks, latches, door- chains, window-shuts, fire-arms, etc., which I never had taken the least notice of before — peeped with great circumspection under the beds — resolved to watch this night, and prepare expedients for my security next morning — watched accordingly — Wednesday, 25. Extremely fatigued with last night's watch- ing—consulted several hours about preserving my wealth, believed it most safe in bills ; after mature deliberation hurried away to the bank and took a bill for it — came away with an easier mind — walked about two streets' length cheerfully — but began to reflect that if my load was lighter, yet on the other hand the bill might again be torn, be dropt, be mislaid — went back in haste — once more received it in money— brought it home— looked frequently behind me as I walked — hid it— resolved to lay out the greatest part of it in plate — bespoke it accordingly — prepared my fire-arms — went to bed— not one wink of sleep all this night. — Thursday, 26. Looked a little paler to-day than usual — but not much concerned at that, since it was misinterpreted by my friends for the effects of hard study — invited abroad to dinner — went — sat down to table, but in that dreadful moment recollected that my closet, where my whole treasure was deposited, was left open— was observed to change colour and looked terrified — not Macbeth so startled when he saw the ghost of murdered Banquo at the feast. Money a perpetual apparition to the covetous mind. Ran directly home— found all safe, but returned too late for dinner — fasted — fretted — well saith St. Paul — Money is the root of all evil. Thursday night, 12 o'clock. Hired a watchman to guard my doors — went to bed — but no sleep — the same mind-plaguing riches floated uppermost in my thoughts — me- thinks they cried — Sleep no more ! — "Wealth has murdered sleep ! — slumbered, however, a little towards morning— dreamt of nothing but robbers, assassins, spectres, flames, hurricanes, — waked in great terror. Dear doctor, it would be too tedious to pur- sue the dreadful narration any farther ; every day administered new cause of uneasiness, nor did my concern forsake me even in the midst of company and wine. Till I had the plate sent home I was uneasy, lest after I had ordered it to be made I should be robbed of my money, and then not be able to pay for it, and when I had it once in my possession, I trembled every instant for fear of losing it for ever. "When at home I was afraid of being mur- dered for my substance, and when abroad I was much terrified with the apprehension that either my servants might possibly be dishonest, and so contrive to deprive me of it while I was guarding it, or else that by carelessness they might set fire to my house, and destroy it all at once. Every bell I heard ringing I immediately imagined to be a fire-bell ; and every fire-bell alarmed me with a belief that my own house was in a blaze ; so that I was plagued without interruption. Since I have recovered myself a little, I have made an exact calculation of the quantity of pleasure and pain which I endured, and I shall show you the just balance, the more fully to convince you. A faithful account of the happiness and misery of Matthew Pilkington, clerk, for the space of eleven days, on receiving fifty pounds from his Excellency the Lord Carteret. HAPPY. Days Hours Min. During the whole time of being \ with my lord, and till I I 00 01 00 went to the Secretary's ) By telling my'success to several \ friends, and describing his I excellency's person and per- I w °° 01 fections ' By receiving the sum from Mr. \ Q0 00 03 T J By obtaining the new bill for~k that which was torn, and[- 00 03 00 pacifying my wife ) Total of happiness MISERABLE. All the remainder 00 07 04 Days Hours Min. 10 16 56 To conclude all, to keep my mind as calm and quiet as it was in the days of poverty, I have expended thirty-two pounds in plate, to be a monument of his excellency's generosity to me ; and that plate I have lodged at a rich neighbour's house for its security. About tea 340 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. pounds I have expended in fortifying my house against the next money misfortune may happen to me, of which, however, at present there appears no great danger ; and if providentially my fortune be advanced, I hope to bear it with greater resolution, and to be in a better con- dition to preserve it. I am, dear doctor, your affectionate friend and servant, Mat, Pilkington. [The character of Boyle presents the beautiful union of philosophy with religion ; of the profoundest research with the lowliest de- pendence upon the mercy and providence of God. His memory is alike dear to science and to virtue. Evelyn's eulogy of him — the tribute of a familiar intimacy of forty years — requires no illustration ; but his allusion to the charity of Boyle is amiily confirmed by Bishop Burnet. ' Even those,' says he, 'who knew all his other concerns, could never find out what he did in that way ; and, indeed, he was so strict to our Saviour's precept, that, except the persona themselves, or some one whom he trusted to convey it to them, nobody ever knew how that great share of his estate which went away invisibly was dis- tributed ; even he himself kept no account of it, for that, he thought, might fall into other hands.' Burnet spoke with authority on the subject, having been the frequent instrument of Boyle's benevolence, and having himself received his aid in the publication of the History of the Reforma- tion. — Willmott.] EVELYN TO WOTTON. Sir, — I most heartily beg your pardon for detaining your books so unreasonably long after I had read them, which I did with great satis- faction, especially the life of Descartes. The truth is, I had some hopes of seeing you here again, for methought (or at least I flattered myself with it) you said at parting you would do us that favour before my going to London, whither I am, God willing, setting out to- morrow or next day, for some time ; not with- out regret, unless I receive your commands, if I may be anyways serviceable to you, in order to that noble undertaking you lately mentioned to me: I mean your generous offer and inclina- tion to write the life of our late illustrious pmlosopher, Mr. Boyle, and to honour the memory of a gentleman of that singular worth aud virtue. I am sure if you persist in that design, England shall nes-er envy France, of need a Gassendus or a Baillet to perpetuate and transmit the memory of one not only equalling, but, in many things, transcending either of those excellent and, indeed, extraordinary persons, whom their pens have rendered im- mortal. I wish myself was furnished to afford you any considerable supplies (as you desired), after my so long acquaintance with Mr. Boyle, who had honoured me with his particular esteem, now very near forty years ; as I might have done by more duly cultivating the fre- quent opportunities he was pleased to allow me. But so it is, that his life and virtues have been so conspicuous, as you'll need no other light to direct you, or subject matter to work on, than what is so universally known, and by what he has done and published in his books. You may, perhaps, need some particulars as to his birth, family, education, and other less necessary circumstances for introduction ; and such other passages of his life as are not so distinctly known but by his own relations. In this, if I can serve you, I shall do it with great readiness, and I hope success, having some pretence by my wife, in whose grandfather s house (which is now mine, at Deptford) the father of this gentleman was so conversant, that contracting an affinity there, he left his (then) eldest son with him, whilst himself went into Ireland, who in his absence dying, lies iu our parish church, under a remarkable monu- ment. It is now, as I said, almost forty years since I first had the honour of being acquainted with Mr. Boyle ; both of us newly returned from abroad, though, I know not how, never meeting there. "Whether he travelled more in France than Italy, I cannot say ; but he had so uni- versal an esteem in foreign parts, that not any stranger of note or quality, learned or curious, coming into England, but used to visit him with the greatest respect and satisfaction imag- inable. Now as he had an early inclination to learning (so especially to that part of philosophy he so happily succeeded in), he often honoured Oxford, and those gentlemen there, with his company, who more peculiarly applied them- selves to the examination of the so long domineering methods and jargon of the schools. You have the names of this learned junto, most of them since deservedly dignified in that elegant History of the Royal Society, which must ever own its rise from that assembly, as does the preservation of that famous university from the fanatic rage and avarice of those melan- choly times. These, with some others (whereof Mr. Boyle, the Lord Yiscount Brouncker, sir Robert Sforray, were the most active), spirited with the same zeal, and under a more pro- pitious influence, were the persons to whom the world stands obliged for the promoting of that generous and real knowledge, which gave the THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 341 ferment that has ever since obtained, and surmounted all those many discouragements which it at first encountered. But by no man have the territories of the most useful knowledge been more enlarged than by our hero, to whom there are many trophies due. And accordingly his fame was quickly spread, not only among us here in England, but through all the learned world besides. It must be confessed that he had a marvellous sagacity in finding out many useful and noble experiments. Never did stubborn matter come under his inquisition, but he extorted a confession of all that lay in her most intimate recesses, and what he dis- covered he as faithfully registered, and frankly communicated ; in this exceeding my Lord Verulam, who (though never to be mentioned without honour and admiration) was used to tell all that came to hand without much ex- amination. His was probability ; Mr. Boyle's, suspicion of success. Sir, you will here find ample held, and infinitely gratify the curious with a glorious and fresh survey of the progress he has made in these discoveries. Freed from those incumbrances which now and then render the way a little tedious, 'tis abundantly re- compensing the pursuit ; especially those noble achievements of his, made in the spring and weight of the two most necessaiy elements of life, air and water, and their effects. The origin of forms, qualities, and principles of matter : histories of cold, light, colour, gems, effluvias and other his works so firmly established on experiments, polychrests, and of universal use to real philosophy ; besides other beneficial inventions peculiarly his ; such as the dulcify- ing sea-water with that ease and plenty, to- gether with many medicinal remedies, cautions, directions, curiosities, and arcana, which owe their birth or illustration to his indefatigable recherches. He brought the phosphorus and anteluca to the clearest light that ever any did, after innumerable attempts. It were needless to insist on particulars to one who knows them better than myself. You will not, however, omit those many other treatises relating to religion, which, indeed, runs through all his writings upon occasion, and show how unjustly that aspersion has been cast on philosophy, that it disposes men to atheism. Neither did his severer studies yet sour his conversation in the least. He was the farthest from it in the world, and I question whether ever any man has produced more experiments to establish his opinions without dogmatizing. He was a Corpuscularian without Epicurus ; a great and happy analyzer, addicted to no particular sect, but, as became a generous and free philosopher, preferring TRUTH above all ; in a word, a person of that singular candour and worth, that to draw a just character of him, one must run through all the virtues, as well as through the sciences : and though he took the greatest care imaginable to conceal the most illustrious of them, his charities, and the many good works he so continually did, could not be hid. It is well known how large his bounty was upon all occasions ; witness the Irish, Indian, Lithuanian Bibles, upon the translating, printing, publish- ing of which he laid out considerable sums ; the Catechism and Principles of the Christian Faith, which I think he caused to be put into Turkish, and dispersed amongst those infidels. And here you will take notice of the lecture he has endowed, and so seasonably provided for. As to his relations (as far as I have heard), his father, Richard Boyle, was faber fortuncc, a person of wonderful sagacity in affairs, and no less probity, by which he compassed a vast estate and great honours to his posterity, which was very numerous, and so prosperous, as has given to the public both divines and philosophers, soldiers, politicians, statesmen, and spread its branches among the most illustrious and opulent of our nobility. Mr. Robert Boyle, born, I think, in Ireland, was the youngest, to whom yet he left a fair estate ; to which was added, an honorary pay of a troop of horse, if I mistake not. And now, though amongst all his experi- ments he never made that of the married life, yet I have been told he courted a beautiful and ingenious daughter of Carew, Earl of Monmouth, to which is owing the birth of his SERAPHIC Love ; and the first of his productions. Des- cartes was not so innocent. In the meantime he was the most facetious and agreeable con- versation in the world among the ladies, when ever he happened to be engaged ; and yet so very seiious, composed, and contemplative at all other times ; though far from moroseness, for, indeed, he was affable and civil rather to excess, yet without formality. As to his opinion in religious matters and discipline, I could not but discover in him the same free thoughts which he had of philosophy ; not in notion only, but strictly as to practice, an excellent Christian, and the great duties of that profession, without noise, dispute, or de- termining ; owning no master but the divine Author of it, no religion but primitive, no rule but Scripture, no law but right reason. For the rest, always comformable to the present settlement, without any sort of singularity. The mornings, after his private devotions, he usually spent in philosophical studies, and in his laboratory, sometimes extending them to night ; but he told me he had quite given over reading by candle-light, as injurious to his eyes. This was supplied by his amanuensis, who some- times read to him, and wrote out such passages as he noted, and that so often in loose papers, packed up without method, as made him some- times to seek upon occasions, as himself con- fesses in divers of his works. Glasses, pots, chemical and mathematical instruments, books, 342 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. and bundles of papers, did so fill and crowd lis bedchamber, that there was just room for a few chairs : so as his whole equipage was very philosophical without formality. There were yet other rooms, and a small library (and so, you know, had Descartes), as learning more from men, real experiments, and in his labora- tory (which was ample and well furnished), than from books. I have said nothing of his style, which those who are better judges think he was not alto- gether so happy in, as in his experiments. I do not call it affected, but doubtless not answerable to the rest of his great and shining parts ; and yet, to do him right, it was much improved in his Tlieodora, and latter writings. In his diet (as in habit) he was extremely temperate and plain ; nor could I ever discern in him the least passion, transport, or ccnsori- ousncss, whatever discourse the times suggested. All was tranquil, easy, serious, discreet, and profitable ; so as, besides Mr. Hobbes, whose hand was against everybody, and who admired nothing but his own, Francis Linus excepted (who, yet with much civility, wrote against him), I do not remember he had the least antagonist. In the afternoons he was seldom without company, which was sometimes so in- commodious, that he now and then repaired to a private lodging in another quarter of the town, and at other times (as the season in- vited) diverted himself in the country among his noble relations. He was rather tall and slender of stature, for most part valetudinary, pale, and much emaci- ated ; not unlike his picture in Gresham College, which, with an almost impudent im- portunity, was, at the request of the society, hardly extorted, or rather stolen, from this modest gentleman, by Sir Edmund King, after he had refused it to his nearest relations. In his first addresses, being to speak or answer, he did sometimes a little hesitate, rather than stammer, or repeat the same word ; imputable to an infirmity, which, since my remembrance, he had exceedingly overcome. This, as it made him somewhat slow and deliberate, so, after the first effort, he proceeded without the least interruption in his discourse. And I impute this impediment much to the fi iquent attacks of palsy, contracted, I fear, m>t a little by his often attendance on chemical Operations. It has plainly astonished me to have seen him so often recover, when he has not been able to move, or bring his hand to his mouth ; ami, indeed, the contexture of his body, during the best of his health, appeared to me so delicate, that I have frequently com- pared him to a crystal or Venice glass, which, though wrought never so thin and fine, being carefully set up, would outlast the hardier metals of daily use ; and he was withal as clear and candid ; not a blemish or spot to tarnish his reputation ; and he lasted accord- ingly, though not to a great, yet competent age— threescore years, I think; and to many more he might, I am persuaded, have arrived, had not his beloved sister, the lady Viscountess Banelagh, with whom he lived, a person of ex- traordinary talent, and suitable to his religious and philosophical temper, died before him. But it was then he began evidently to droop apace ; nor did he, I think, survive her above a fortnight. But of this last scene I can say little, being unfortunately absent, and not knowing of the danger till he was past re- covery. His funeral (at which I was present) was decent ; and though without the least pomp, yet accompanied with a great appearance of persons of the best and noble quality, besides his own relations. He lies interred (near his sister) in the chancel of St. Martin's church, the Lord Bishop of Salisbury preaching the funeral sermon, with that eloquence natural to him on such and all other occasions. The sermon, you know, is printed, with the panegyric so justly due to his memory. Whether there have been since any other monument erected on him I do not know, nor is it material. His name (like that of Joseph Scaliger) were alone a glorious epitaph. And now, sir, I am again to implore your pardon for giving you this interruption with things so confusedly huddled up, this very afternoon, as they crowded into my thoughts. The subject, you see, is fruitful, and almost inexhaustible. Argument fit for no man's pen but Mr. Wotton's. Oblige, then, all the world, and with it, sir, your, etc. Wotton, March 30, 1G9G. EARL OF BRISTOL TO CHARLES II. May it please your Majesty,— During the seven months' sufferance under the misfortune of your Majesty's heavy displeasure, banished from your presence, and deprived of the fruits of your former bounty, branded by proclamation as guilty of high crimes against your person and government, and lastly, prosecuted to such extremes for my religion, I have chosen to live most of the time a closer prisoner than, I dare say, your clemency would have me. And to undergo all with submission and silence, rather than seek advantages from my enemies, by exposing to censure anything (how in. Boever) wherein your Majesty's name hath been used ; and should have continued to do so still, accepting (with an entire resignation to your will and pleasure) your Majesty's own time for grace and favour, did not the approaching session of parliament impose upon me this THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 343 address by way of duty to your service ; since it appears to me impossible that the privilege of peers in parliament can suffer one of their own members to lie under an imputation of crimes, without either being pardoned, pun- ished, or vindicated. This it is which makes me presume at this time to cast myself at your Majesty's feet, and most humbly to beg your pardon for my rash and indiscreet behaviour, in being more earnest than became me, when I had last the honour to wait upon you in your closet ; such as I must confess, might very justly move your indigna- tion against me, since no provocation, nor excess of zeal whatever, can justify such a freedom from a subject to a sovereign. And if my sufferings and submissions have not yet been sufficient to expiate that indiscretion, I am ready to undergo whatever your Majesty shall further think fit to inflict upon me, by way of displeasure ; so that it draw along with it no imputation of crime : for as to that, I must ever crave leave to defend my innocence against all the world ; since this truth I must justify to my latest breath, that neither then, nor at any other time, hath my heart ever been susceptible of a thought either to disserve or displease you. But as God Himself, whose vicegerent you are, doth, in the judging of sin, admit of exten- uation from high temptations of frailty, so I hope your Majesty will be pleased to consider how far the nature of so faithful and passionate a servant of yours, as I am, could bear that provocation, of finding his master not only so incensed against him by his enemies, but con- tinued still in the danger of being betrayed, by their unfaithfulness, in the highest interests of his estate and person. Reflecting upon this, I beseech you, sir, what honest man (loving you as I do) might not have been transported even to frenzy and madness? As for my charging your Lord Chancellor in the House of Peers, I must confess to have done it without leave was a failure, since no man ought to think that he is abetter judge of his master's highest concern- ment than himself. I do therefore, in all humility, beg your pardon for any the least appearance of such presumption. But that done, I most humbly beseech you to weigh in your princely thoughts, from what other motive it could possibly proceed but from my zeal to your service. From particular spleen your Majesty cannot think it, since you have so often vouchsafed me the character of a very unvin- dictive man ; and know so well with what patience I have borne all his malicious practices against me, without falling upon him publicly, till I thought it could be no longer forborne, without imminent hazard to your service and safety : from interest much less, since it is evident that by forbearing to do it, I might have enjoyed plenty and quiet, with marks of your favour ; and that by doing it, I hazarded and ruined my fortune, then upon the point of settlement, and reduced myself either to be a prisoner or a vagabond. Nor do I think that anybody will say, that finding myself lost with you, I made my court by it to the next in power. Lastly, be pleased to vouchsafe me one moment of reflection back upon the whole tenor of my life in your royal father's service, and in yours ; and if in the entire progress of it, your princely heart can accuse me of the least failure in true zeal for the interest and glory of your crown, or in affection for the honour and happiness of your person, I am so far from desiring your pardon, that I desire not to live ; but if, on the contrary, your excellent judgment, as well as nature, shall bear me the testimony, within yourself, of a constant fervour and faith- fulness in them both, I hope that with so gracious a master, I shall not be ruined for one transportment of love beyond the bounds of discretion. You know, as well as Solomon, that love covers a multitude of faults : it is that which I cannot but promise myself, from your incomparable goodness, whom I beseech God to bless and direct to what may be most for the honour and prosperity of your affairs, though it were to be with the certain destruction of your Majesty's humble servant, Bristol. SIR ISAAC NEWTON TO RICHARD BENTLEY. Cambridge, February 11, 1693. Sir, — The hypothesis of deriving the frame of the world by mechanical principles from matter evenly spread through the heavens being inconsistent with my system, I had considered it very little before your letters put me upon it, and therefore trouble you with a line or two more, if this come not too late for your use. In my former I represented that the diurnal rotations of the planets could not be derived from gravity, but required a divine power to impress them. And though gravity might give the planets a motion of descent towards the sun, either directly or with some little obliquity, yet the transverse motions by which they revolve in their several orbs required the Divine Arm to impress them according to the tangents of their orbs. I would now add, that the hypothesis of matter being at first evenly spread through the heavens is, in my opinion, inconsistent with the hypothesis of innate gravity without a supernatural power to reconcile them, and therefore it infers a Deity. For if there be innate gravity, it's impossible now for the matter of the earth and all the planets and stars to fly up from them, and become evenly spread throughout the heavens, 344 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. without a supernatural power ; and certainly that which can never be hereafter without a supernatural power could never be heretofore without the same power. •You queried whether matter evenly spread throughout a finite space, of some other figure than spherical, would not, in falling down towards a central body, cause that body to be of the same figure with the whole space ; and I answered, Yes. But in my answer it is to be supposed that the matter descends directly downwards to that body, and that that body baa ii" diurnal rotation. This, sir, is all that I would add to my former letters. I am, your most humble servant, Is. Newton. [It was certainly a very extraordinary under- taking in all respects, the giving of Lieu- tenant General Admiral Herbert the command of the fleet, and will appear so, if we reflect that a great army was to be embarked ; that seven hundred transports were to be prepared for that embarkation ; that provisions, ammunition, and every- thing requisite for the service, as well of the army as of the fleet, was to be procured in a short time, and with the utmost secrecy ; all which was actually done by the indefatigable diligence of four com- missioners, viz. Bentinck, Dykvelt, Van Hulst, and Herbert : it is plain, therefore, that his skill in directing what was requisite for the fleet was entirely relied on, that nothing broke out all that time. After such an instance of his capacity and inde- fatigable care, they might well expect that the rest of his conduct would be of a piece. But what seems further to explain the real intention of the States and the Prince of Orange in trusting Vice-Admiral Herbert, though a stranger, with so high a command, was the publishing his letter to the commanders of the English fleet at the very same time with the Frince of Orange's declaration; for, if they had not placed very strong hopes upon that, without question it had never been published at all, and, if they had such hopes, this alone will sufficiently account for the giving him the chief command under the Prince of Orange, to whom, by the nature of his commission, he was Lieutenant-General by sea. Neither were these hopes of influencing the English seamen slightly grounded, since the pamph- lets written in those times universally agree, that the seamen had a very general and warm aversion to Popery, disliked and despised such of their officers as had em- braced that religion, and were very prone in their cups to drink Admiral Herbert's health ; so that these were very strong indications of their ill-will on one side, and their good-will on the other. — Campbell's Lives of the Admirals.] ADMIRAL HERBERT TO THE COMMANDERS OF THE FLEET. Gentlemen,— I have little to add to what his Highness has expressed in general terms, besides laying before you the dangerous way you are at present in, where ruin or infamy must inevitably attend you, if you do not join with the Prince in the common cause for the defence of your religion and liberties ; for should it please God, for the sins of the English nation, to suffer your arms to prevail, to what end can your victory serve you, but to enslave you deeper, and overthrow the true religion in which you have lived, and your fathers died, of which I beg you as a friend to consider the consequences, and to reflect on the blot and infamy it will bring on you, not only now, but in all after-ages, that by your means the Protestant religion was destroyed, and your country deprived of its ancient liberties ; and if it pleases God to bless the Prince's endeavours with success, as I do not doubt but He will, consider then what their condition will be that oppose him in this so good a design, where the greatest favour they can hope for their being Buffered to end their days in misery and want, detested and despised by all good men. It is, therefore, for these and for many other reasons, too long to insert here, that I, as a true Englishman, and your friend, exhort you to join your arms to the Prince for the defence of the common cause, the Protestant religion, and the liberties of your country. It is what I am well assured the major and best part of the army, as well as the nation, will do as soon as convenience is offered. Pre- vent them in so good an action while it is in your power, and make it appear, that as the kingdom has always depended on the navy for its defence, so you will yet go farther, by making it as much as in you lies the protection of her religion and liberties ; and then you may assure yourselves of all marks of favour and honour, suitable to the merits of so glorious an action. After this I ought not to add so inconsiderable a thing, as that it will fur ever engage me to be in a most particular manner, your faithful friend, and bumble servant. An. HebbBBI. Aboard the ' Leydcn,' in tlu < THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 345 [William Wycherley, dramatist and man of fashion in the reign of Charles II., in this and the following letter is comparing notes with his brother dramatist and critic John Dennis, who occupies a conspicuous place in Tope's Dunciad, and whose life was frequently embittered by literary quarrels with his contemporaries.] WYCHERLEY TO DENNIS. Dear Sir, — You have found a way to make me satisfied with my absence from London ; nay, what is more, with the distance which is now betwixt you and me. That, indeed, uses to lessen friendship, but gives me the greater mark of yours, by your kind letter, which I had missed if I had been nearer to you : so that I, who receive no rents here, yet must own, if I did, I could not receive greater satisfaction than I had from yours, -worth even a letter of exchange, or letters patent ; for I value your friendship more than money, and am prouder 01 your approbation than I should be of titles : for the having a good opinion of one who knows mankind so well, argues some merit in me, upon which every man ought to consider himself more than upon the goods of fortune. I had rather be thought your friend in proof of my judgment and good sense, than a friend to the Muses ; and had rather have you than them thought mine. If I am, as you say, at once proud and humble, 'tis since I have known I have had the honour to please you ; though your praise rather humbles than makes me (though a poet) more vain : for it is so great, that it rather seems the raillery of a witty man than the sincerity of a friend ; and rather proves the copiousness of your own invention than justifies the fertility of mine. But I fear I am forfeiting the character of the plain- dealer with you ; and seem, like vain women or vainer men, to refuse praise but to get more ; and so by returning your compliments, show myself grateful out of interest, as knaves are punctual in some payments but to augment their credit. And for your praise of my humility (the only mark of my knowledge, since it is a mark of my knowing myself), you have praised that to its destruction, and have given me so much, you have left me none ; like those admirers, who praise a young maid's modesty till they deprive her of it. But let me tell you, 'tis not to my humility that you owe my friendship, but to my ambition, since I can have no greater than to be esteemed by you, and the world, your friend, and to be known to all mankind for, dear sir, your humble servant, W. Wycherley. DENNIS TO WTCHERLET. Dear Sir, — Not long after I writ my last to you, I was hurried up to town by a kind of a cholic, which was ended in a derluxion upon one of my feet. You know, sir, a detiuxion is a general name which some pleasant Frenchmen have given an infant gout too young to be yet baptized. But though the distemper raged in each hand, I would in spite of it answer your admirable letter ; a letter which I had certainly known to be yours, though it had been sent me without a name, nay, and transcribed by a chancery-clerk in his own hideous manner of copying. But I must confess I was surprised to hear you say in it, that you took the sincerity of a man who so much esteems you for raillery ; yet though you declare it, you can never believe it. I am willing to believe you exceeding humble ; but you can never be humble to that degree, unless your mind, which resembles your eye in its clearness, its liveliness, and in its piercing views, should be also like it in this, that plainly discerning all tilings else, it wants a sight of itself : but in this it does not resemblo it ; for it beholds itself by reflections, and, like a lovely maid at her glass, is charmed with the sight of its own beauty. This is a sight in which you take pride as well as pleasure ; but yours, I must confess, is a guiltless pride, it being nothing but first motion, which it is impossible for man to avoid. You have both the force to subdue it immediately, and the art and goodness to conceal it from us. That it plainly appears from what I have said, that you do not believe I had any design to rally you, I am confident, that through all my letter there appears an air of sincerity. But that is a virtue which has been so long and so peculiarly yours, that you may perhaps be jealous of it in your friends, and disclaim some virtues which they commend in you, only to monopolize that. You had given me at least an occasion to think so, if the raillery in yours had not been so very apparent, that even I had eyes to discern that you have been to blame in it, though I am doubly blinded with love of you and myself. Yet if you writ it with a design to mortify me, assure yourself, that I shall fortify my vanity with that very artillery with which you have begun to attack it. If Mr. Wycherley rallies me, it is certain that I have my defects ; but it is full as certain, that he would never condescend to abuse me at such a distance if he wholly despised me. Thus, sir, you see I am as reasonable with my friend as a Russian spouse is with her husband, and take his very raillery for a mark of esteem, as she does a beating for a proof of affection. The very worst of your qualities gain our affections : even your jealousy is very obliging, which it could never be unless it were very groundless. But since your very suspicion is obliging, what influence must your 346 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. kindness have on our souls? The wish that I were with you in some retirement, is engaging to that degree that I almost repent that I so eagerly desired your conversation before; for if it were possible, I would augment that desire as a grateful return to yours. To be with you in solitude would make me happy. Though it were in the Orcades, I would not wish myself removed to any happier climate ; no, not even to that which contained my absent mistress : all that I could do for her on that occasion, would be to wish lur with me. In that retirement what should I not enjoy? where I should be admirably instructed without trouble, and infinitely delighted without vice ; where I should be glorious at once with envy and quiet; for what could be more glorious than to be the companion of your retreat ? My very ambition instructs me to love such solitude; though, properly speaking, there can be no solitude where you reside ; immortal company still attend you ; and the virtues, the graces, and the charming Nine who love the groves, and are fond of you, follow you to remotest retirements. The comic muse is more particularly yours ; and it is your peculiar praise to allure the most ravishing of all the sisters after you into retirement : to make that goddess forsake the crowd with you, who loves it most of the Nine : you have been constantly her darling, her best beloved. Thus in retirement with her and you, I should have the conversation of mankind ; I should enjoy it with all its advantages, without its least inconveniences. In the philosophy of your actions and words, I should see the wise, the good, and the truly great ; in your obser- vations and in your raillery, the men of sense and the men of wit ; and in your satire, severely pleasant, the fools and rascals exposed by it. In the postscript to my last, I made an apology for usurping a style so foreign from this way of writing. I have once more run into the same fault in this ; but the very thought of Mr. Wycherley spreads a generous warmth through me, and raises my soul to rapture ; and when a man writes, his soul and his style of necessity rise together. In my next, I have something with which I must trouble you, that will require another manner of writing. I am, sir, etc. WYI HERLEY TO DENNIS. Dear Sir, — I have received yours of the 20th of November, and am glad to find by it that however your fiicnds are losers by your absence from the town, you arc a gaini r hy it, of your health, which every one you have left behind you (but Ch — ) may be thought a friend to ; and the more each man is your friend, the more he is satisfied with your absence, which, though it makes us ill for want of you, makes you well for want of us ; your taking no leave of me (which you would excuse) I take to be one of the greatest kindnesses you ever showed me ; for I could no more see a departing friend from the town than a departing friend from this life ; and sure 'tis as much kindness and good breeding to steal from our friends' society, unknown to them (when we must leave them to their trouble), as it is to steal out of a room, after a ceremonial visit, to prevent trouble to him whom we would oblige and respect ; so that your last fault (as you call it) is like the rest of your faults, rather an obligation than an offence ; though the greatest injury indeed you can do your friends, is to leave them against their will, which you must needs do. You tell me you converse with mc in my writings ; I must confess, then, you suffer a great deal for me in my absence, which (though I would have you love me) I would not have you do ; but for your truer diversion, pray change my country wife for a better of your own in the country, and exercise your own plain-dealing there ; then you will make your country squire better com- pany, and your parson more sincere in your company than in his pulpit, or in his cups : but when you talk of store of delights you find in my plain-dealer, you cease to be one ; and when you commend my country wife, you never were more a courtier ; and I doubt not but you will like your next neighbour's country wife better than you do mine, that you may pass your time better than you can do with my country wife. I was sorry to find by you that your head ached while you writ me your letter ; since I fear 'twas from reading my works (as you call them), not from your own writing, which never gave you pain, though it would to others to imitate it. I have given your service to your friends at the Rose, who, since your absence, own they ought not to go for the Witty Club ; nor is Will's the Wits' Coffee- house any more, since you left it ; whose society, for want of yours, is grown as melan- choly, that is, as dull as when you left them a nights to their own mother-wit, their puns, couplets, or quibbles ; therefore expect not a witty letter from any of them, no more than from me, since they nor I have conversed with you these three weeks. I have no news worth sending you, hut my next shall bring you what we have. In the meantime, let me tell you (what I hope is no news to you) that your absence is more tedious to me than a quibbler's company to you ; so that I being sick y< sterday, as I thought without any cause, reflected you were forty or fifty miles off, and then found the reason of my disposition, for I cannot be well BO fax from you, who am, dear Mr. Dennis, your obliged, humble servant, w. Wtoheelet, THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 347 QUEEN ANNE TO THE DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH, AFTER THE VICTORY OF OUDENARDE, 170S. 1 I want words to express the joy I have that you are well after your glorious success, for which, next to Almighty God, my thanks are due to you. And indeed I can never say enough for all the great and faithful services you have ever done me. But be so just as to believe, I am as truly sensible of them as a grateful heart can be, and shall be ready to show it upon all occasions. I hope you cannot doubt of my esteem and friendship for you ; nor think, because I dilFcr with you in some things, it is for want of either : no, I do assure you. If you were here, I am sure you would not think me so much in the wrong in some things as I fear you do now. I am afraid my letter should come too late to London ; and therefore dare say no more, but that I pray God Almighty to continue His protection over you, and send you safe home again : and be assured I shall ever be sincerely, etc. DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH TO QUEEN ANNE. Madam, — I have the honour of your Majesty's letter of the 6th, and am very thankful for all your goodness to me ; and I am sure it will always be my intention as well as duty, to be ready to venture my life for your service. As I have formerly told your Majesty, that I am desirous to serve you in the army, but not as a minister, I am every day more and more confirmed in that opinion. And I think myself obliged upon all accounts on this occasion to speak my mind freely to you. The circum- stances in this last battle, I think, show the hand of God ; for we were obliged, not only to march five leagues that morning, but to pass a river before the enemy, and to engage them before the whole army was passed, which was a visible mark of the favour of Heaven to you and j- our arms. Your Majesty shall be convinced from this time, that I have no ambition nor anything to ask for myself or family ; but I will end the few years which I have to live, in endeavouring to serve you, and to give God Almighty thanks for His infinite goodness to me. But as I have taken this resolution to myself, give me leave to say, that I think you are obliged in con- science, and as a good Christian, to forgive, and to have no more resentments to any particular person or party, but to make use of such as will carry on this just war with vigour, which is the only way to preserve our religion and liberties, i The victory over the forces led by the Duke cf Vendome in Flanders, in 170S. and the crown on your head. "Which, that you may long enjoy, and be a blessing to your people, shall be the constant wish and prayer of him, that is with the greatest truth and duty, madam, etc. July 23, 170S. TO THE SAME. Madam, — By what I hear from London, I find your Majesty is pleased to think, that when I have reflected, I must be of opinion that you are in the right in giving Mr. Hill the Earl of Essex's regiment. I beg your Majesty will be so just to me, as not to think I can be so unreasonable as to be mortified to the degree that I am, if it proceeded only from this one thing ; for I shall always be ready and glad to do everything that is agreeable to you, after I have represented what may be a prejudice to your service. But this is only one of a great many mortifications that I have met with. And as I may not have many opportunities of writing to you, let me beg of your Majesty to reflect what your own people and the rest of the world must think, who have been witnesses of the love, zeal, and duty with which I have served you, when they shall see that after all I have done, it has not been able to protect me against the malice of a bed-chamber woman. Your Majesty will allow me on this occasion to remind you of what I writ to you the last campaign, of the certain knowledge I had of Mrs. Masham's having assured Mr. Hurley that I should receive such constant mortifica- tions as should make it impossible for me to continue in your service. God Almighty and the whole world are my witnesses, with what care and pains I have served you more than twenty years, and I was resolved, if possible, to have struggled with difficulties to the end of the war. But the many instances I have had of your Majesty's great change to me, has so broke my spirits, that I must beg as the greatest and last favour that you will approve of my retiring, so that I may employ the little time I have to live, in making my just acknowledg- ments to God for the protection He has been pleased to give me. And your Majesty may be assured that my zeal for you and my country is so great, than in my retirement I shall daily pray for your prosperity, and that those who shall serve you as faithfully as I have done, may never feel the hard return that I have met with. [Godolphin was a sxipporter of Marlborough'3 rjolicy, but gradually passed from the Tory party to that of the Whigs. In 1710 he was dismissed from office by Queen Anne.] !4 8 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. LORD TREASURER GODOLFHIN* TO QUEEN* ANNE. I have the honour of your Majesty's letter of the 13th, by which I have the grief to find thai what you are pleased to call spleen in my former letter, was only a true impulse and conviction of mind, that your Majesty is suf- fering yourself to be guided to your own ruin and destruction as fast as it is possible for them to compass it, to whom you seem so much to hearken. I am not therefore so much surprised as con- cerned at the resolution which your Majesty says you have taken, of bringing in the Duke of Shrewsbury. For when people began to be sensible it would be difficult to persuade your Majesty to dissolve a parliament which, for two winters together, had given you above six millions a year for the support of a war upon which your crown depends ; even while that war is still subsisting, they have had the cun- ning to contrive this proposal to your Majesty, which in its consequence will certainly put you under a necessity of breaking the parliament, though contrary (I yet believe) to your mind and intention. I beg your Majesty to be persuaded I do not say this out of the least prejudice to the Duke of Shrewsbury. There is no man of whose capacity I have had a better impression, nor with whom I have lived more easily and freely for above twenty years. Your Majesty may please to remember, that at your first coming to the crown, I was desirous he should have had one of the chief posts in your service; and it would have been happy for your Majesty and the kingdom if he hail accepted that offer ; but he thought fit to decline it, and the reasons generally given at that time for his doing so, do not much recommend him to your Majesty's sendee. But I must endeavour to let your Majesty see things as they really are. And to bring him into your service and into your business at this time, just after his being in a public open conjunction in every vote with the whole body of the Tories, and in a private, constant correspondence and caballing with Mr. Harley in everything ; what consequence can this possibly have, but to make every man that is now in your cabinet council, except , to run from it as they would from the plague? And I leave it to your Majesty to judge, what effect this entire change of your ministers will have among your allies abroad, and how well this war is like to be carried on, in their opinion, by those who have all along opposed and obstructed it, and who will like any peace the better, the more it leaves France at liberty to take their time of imposing the Pretender upon this country. These considerations must certainly make Holland run immediately into a separate peace With France, and make your .Majesty lose all the honour and all the reputation your arms had acquired by the war ; and make the king- dom lose all the fruits of that vast expense which they have been at in this war, as well as all the advantage ami safety which they had so much need of and had so fair a prospect of obtaining by it. And can anybody imagine that after so great a disappointment of the kingdom, there will not be an inquiry into the causes of it ; and who have been the occasion of so great a change in your Majesty's measures and councils, which had been so long successful, and gotten you so great a name in the world ? I am very much afraid your Majesty will find, when it is too late, that it will be a pretty difficult task for anybody to stand against such an inquiry. I am sure if I did not think all these consequences inevitable, I would never give your Majesty the trouble and uneasiness of laying them before you. But persuaded as I am that your Majesty will find them so, it is my indispensable duty to do it out of pure faithfulness and zeal for your Majesty's service and honour. Your Majesty having taken a resolution of so much consequence to all your affairs both at home and abroad, without acquainting the Duke of Marlborough or me with it, till after you had taken it, is the least part of my mortification in this whole affair. Though perhaps the world may think the long and faithful services we have constantly and zealously endeavoured to do your Majesty, might have deserved a little more consider- ation. However, for my own part, I most humbly beg leave to assure your Majesty, I will never give the least obstruction to your measures, or to any ministers you shall please to employ. And I must beg further to make two humble requests to your Majesty, — the one, that you will allow me to pass the remainder of life always out of London, where I may find most ease and quiet ; the other, that you would keep this letter anil read it again about next Christmas, and then be pleased to make your own judgment, who hath given you the best and most faithful ad\.ice. I am, etc. Newmarket, April 15, 1710. DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH TO QUEEN* ANNE. 1 Madam, — I am very sensible of the honour your Majesty does me in dismissing me from your service by a letter of your own hind, though I find by it that my enemies have been able to prevail with your Majesty to do it in the manner that is most injurious to me. And if their malice and inveteracy against me had not been more powerful with them than the consideration of your Majesty's honour and ' Bee page tii. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 549 justice, they would not have influenced you to impute the occasion of my dismission to a false and malicious insinuation, contrived by themselves, and made public, when there was no opportunity for me to give in my answer ; which they must needs be conscious would fully detect the falsehood and malice of their aspersions, and not leave them that handle for bringing your Majesty to such extremities against me. But I am much more concerned at an expres- sion in your Majesty's letter which seems to complain of the treatment you had met with. I know not how to understand that word, nor what construction to make of it. I know I have always endeavoured to serve your Majesty faithfully and zealously, through a great many undeserved mortifications. But if your Majesty does intend by that expression to find fault with my not coming to the Cabinet Council, I am very free to acknowledge that my duty to your Majesty and my country would not give me leave to join in the counsel of a man, who, in my opinion, puts your Majasty upon all manner of extremities. And it is not my opinion only, but the opinion of all mankind, that the friendship of France must needs be destructive to your Majesty ; there being in that court a root of enmity irreconcilable to your Majesty's Government, and the religion of these kingdoms. I wish your Majesty may never find the want of so faithful a servant as I have always endeavoured to approve myself to you. I am with the greatest duty and sub- mission, Madam, your Majesty's most dutiful and obedient subject, Marlborough. commerce in letters. And what of all this? why nothing, but that I have had some subject to write upon. But to write a letter, only because Mr. Kosingrave has a mind to carry one in his pocket ; to tell you that you are sure of a friendship which can never do you threepence worth of good ; and to wisli you well in England very soon, when I do not know when I am likely to be there myself ;— all this, I say, is very absurd for a letter, especially when I have this day written a dozen much more to the purpose. If I had seen your manuscript 1 — if I had received Dr. Parnell's poem— if I had any news of Lenden being taken— why, well and good. But as I know no more than that the Duke of Shrewsbury designs for England within three weeks, that I must stay here till some- body else comes, and then brings me necessarily to say, good Mr. Dean, that I am like the fellow in the Rehearsal, who did not know if he was to be merry or serious, or in what way or mood to act his part. One thing only I am assured of, that I love you very well, and most sincerely and faithfully. Dear sir, your servant and brother, M. Prior. [Prior, who was at this period ambassador at Paris, belonged to a club of sixteen who dined every week in rotation at each others' houses. Of this society Swift was a member. They were distinguished by the title of Brothers.] MATTHEW PRIOR TO SWIFT. A Letter upon Nothing. Paris, August 1G, 1713. As I did not expect, my good friend Jonathan, to have received a letter from you at Dublin, so I am sure I did not intend to write one thither to you ; but Mr. Kosingrave 1 thinks it may do him service, in recommending him to you. If so, I am very glad of it ; for it can be of no other use imaginable : I have writ letters now above twenty-two years. I have taken towns, destroyed fleets, made treaties, and settled [This letter contains the views of an eminent and successful English dramatist upon humour. With all their wit and spirit, Congreve's own dramas are too gross for the stage of the present day,] WILLIAM CONGREVE (1670-1729) TO DENNIS. Dear Sir,— You write to me, that you have entertained yourself two or three days with reading several comedies of several authors ; and your observation is, that there is more of humour in our English writers than in any of the other comic poets, ancient or modern. You desire to know my opinion, and at the same time my thought of that which is generally called humour in comedy. I agree with you in an impartial preference of our English writers in that particular. But if I tell you my thoughts of humour, I must at the same time confess that what I take for true humour has not been so often written even by them as is generally believed, and some who have valued themselves, and have been es- teemed by others for that kind of writing, have seldom touched upon it. To make this appear to the world would require a long and laboured discourse, and such as I neither am able nor willing to undertake. But such little remarks as may be contained within the compass of a letter, and such unpremeditated thoughts as may be communicated between friend and friend, without incurring the censure of the 1 A celebrated musical performer. 1 Of the History of the Peace vf Uti echt. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. world, or setting up for a dictator, you shall i Lave from me, since you have enjoined it. To define humour, perhaps, were as difficult as to define wit; for, like that, it is of infinite variety. To enumerate the several humours of men, were a work as endless as to sum up their several opinions. And in my mind the Quot homines tot sententicc might have been more pi perly interpreted of humour; since there are many men of the same opinion in many things, who are yet quite different in humours. But though we cannot certainly tell what wit is, or what humour is, yet we may go near to show something which is not wit, or not humour, and yet often mistaken for both. And since I have mentioned wit and humour together, let me make the first distinction between them, and observe to you that wit is often mistaken for humour. I have observed, that when a few things have been wittily and pleasantly spoken by any character in a comedy, it has been veiy usual for those who make their remarks on a play while it is acting, to say, Such a thing is very humorously spoken ; there is a great deal of humour in that part. Thus the character of the person speaking, may be surprisingly and pleasantly, is mistaken for a character of humour, which, indeed, is a character of wit ; but there is a great difference between a comedy wherein there are many tilings humor- ously, as they call it, which is pleasantly spoken, and one where there are several characters of humour, distinguished by the particular and different humours appropriated to the several persons represented, and which naturally arise from the different constitutions, complexions, and dispositions of men. The saying of humorous things does not distinguish characters ; for every person in a comedy may be allowed to speak them. From a witty man they are expected, and even a fool may be per- mitted to stumble on them by chance. Though I make a difference betwixt wit and humour, yet I do not think that humorous characters exclude wit : no, but the manner of wit should be adapted to the humour. As for instance, a character of a splenetic and peevish humour should have a satirical wit ; a jolly and sanguine humour, should have a facetious wit : the former should speak positively, the latter carelessly ; for the former observes and shows things as they are ; the latter rather overlooks nature, and speaks things as he would have them ; and Ins wit and humour have both of them a less alloy of judgment than the others. As wit, so its opposite, folly, is sometimes mistaken for humour. When a poet brings a character on the stage, committing a thousand absurdities, and talking knpertinencieB, roaring aloud, and laughing immoderately, on every, or rather upon no occasion ; this is a character of humour. Is anything more common than to have a nded comedy stuffed with such grotesque figures and farce-fools ? Things that either are not in nature, or if they are, are monsters, and births of mischance ; and consequently, as such, should be stilled, and huddled out of the way, like Sooterkins, that mankind may not be shocked with an appearing possibility of the degeneration of a God-like species. For my part, I am as willing to laugh as anybody, and as easily diverted with an object truly ridiculous ; but at the same time, I can never care for seeing things that force me to entertain low thoughts of my nature. I don't know how it is with others, but I confess freely to you, I could never look long upon a monkey without very mortifying reflections ; though I never heard anything to the contrary why that creature is not originally of a distinct species. As I don't think humour exclusive of wit, neither do I think it inconsistent with folly ; but I think the follies should be only such as men's humours may incline them to, and not follies entirely abstracted from both humour and nature. Sometimes personal defects are misrepre- sented for humours. I mean, sometimes characters are barbarously exposed on the stage, ridiculing natural deformities, casual defects in the senses, and infirmities of age. Sure the poet must both be very ill-natured himself, and think his audience so, when he proposes, by showing a man deformed, or deaf, or blind, to give them an agreeable entertainment ; and hopes to raise their mirth by what is truly an object of compassion. But much need not be said upon this head to anybody, especially to you, who in one of your letters to me concerning Mr. Jonson's Fox, have justly excepted against this immoral part of ridicule in Corbaccio's cha- racter ; and there I must agree with you to blame him, whom otherwise I cannot enough admire, for his great mastery in true humour in comedy. External habit of body is often mistaken for humour. By external habit, I do not mean the ridicu- lous dress or clothing of a character, though that goes a good way in some received characters (but undoubtedly a man's humour may incline him to dress differently from other people) ; but I mean a singularity of manners, speech, and behaviour, peculiar to all or most of the same country, trade, profession, or education. I cannot think that a humour which is only a habit or disposition contracted by use or custom ; for by a disuse or compliance with other customs, it may be worn off, or diversified. Affectation is generally mistaken for humour. These are indeed so much alike, that, at a distance, they may be mistaken one for the other ; for what is humour in one may be THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. i5i affectation in another ; ami nothing is mure common than for some to affect particular ways of saying ami doing things peculiar to others, whom they admire and would imitate. Humour is the life, affectation the picture. He that draws a character of affectation, shows humour at the second-hand ; lie at best but publishes a translation, and his pictures are but copies. But as these two last distinctions are the nicest, so it may be most proper to explain them by particular instances from some author of reputation. Humour I take either to be born with us, and so of a natural growth ; or else to be grafted into us by some accidental change in the constitution, or revolution of the internal habit of body, by which it becomes, if I may so call it, naturalized. Humour is from nature, habit from custom, and affectation from industry. Humour shows us as we are. Habit shows us as we appear under a forcible impression. Affectation shows what we would be under a voluntary disguise. Though here I would observe by the way, that a continued affectation may in time become a habit. The character of Morose in the Silent Woman, I take to be a character of humour. And I choose to instance this character to you, from many others of the same author, because I know it has been condemned by many as unnatural and farce ; and you have yourself hinted some dislike of it, for the same reason, in a letter to me concerning some of Jonson's plays. Let us suppose Morose to be a man naturally splenetic and melancholy : is there anything more offensive to one of such a disposition, than noise and clamour ? Let any man that has the spleen (and there are enough in England) be judge. "We see common examples of this humour in little every day. 'Tis ten to one but three parts in four of the company that you dine with are discomposed and startled at the cutting of a cork, or scratching a plate with a knife. It is a proportion of the same humour, that makes such or any other noise offensive to the person that hears it ; for there are others who will not be disturbed at all by it. Well ; but Morose, you will say, is so extravagant, he cannot bear any discourse or conversation above a whisper. Why, it is his excess of this . humour that makes him become ridiculous, and qualifies his character for comedy. If the poet had given him but a moderate proportion of that humour, 'tis odds but half the audience would have sided with the character, and have condemned the author for exposing a humour which was neither remarkable nor ridiculous. Besides, the distance of the stage requires the figure represented to be something larger than the life ; and sure a picture may have features larger in proportion, and yet be very like the original. If this exactness of quantity were to be observed in wit, as some would have it in humour, what would become of those characters that are designed for men of wit? I believe if a poet should steal a dialogue of any length from the extempore discourse of the two wittiest men upon earth, he would find the scene but coldly received by the town. But to the purpose : The character of Sir John Daw in the same play is a character of affectation. He every- where discovers an affectation of learning ; when he is not only conscious to himself, but the audience also plainly perceives, that he is ignorant. Of this kind are the characters of Thraso in the Eunuch of Terence, and Pyrgopo- linices in the Miles Gloriusus of Plautus : they affect to be thought valiant, when both them- selves and the audience know they are not. Now such a boasting of valour in men who were really valiant, would undoubtedly be a humour ; for a fiery disposition might naturally throw a man into the same extravagance, which is only affected in the characters I have mentioned. The character of Cob in Every Man in his Humour, and most of the under characters in Bartholomew Fair, discover only a singularity of manners appropriated to the several educa- tions and professions of the persons represented. They are not humours, but habits contracted by custom. Under this head may be ranged all country clowns, sailors, tradesmen, jockeys, gamesters, and such like, who make use of cants or peculiar dialects in their several arts and vocations. One may almost give a receipt for the composition of such a character ; for the poet has nothing to do but to collect a few proper phrases and terms of art, and to make the person apply them by ridiculous metaphors in his conversation with characters of different natures. Some late characters of this kind have been very successful ; but in my mind they may be painted without much art or labour, since they require little more than a good memory and superficial observation. But true humour cannot be shown without a dissection of nature, and a narrow search to discover the first seeds from whence it has its root and growth. If I were to write to the world I should be obliged to dwell longer upon each of these distinctions and examples ; for I know that they would not be plain enough to all readers : but a bare hint is sufficient to inform you of the notions which I have on the subject ; and I hope by this time you are of my opinion, that humour is neither wit nor folly, nor personal defect, nor affectation, nor habit; and yet that each and all of these have been both written and re- ceived for humour. I should be unwilling to venture even on a bare description of humour, much more to 352 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. make a definition of it ; but now my hand is in, I'll tell you what serves me instead of either : I take it to be, a singular and unavoidable manner of doing or saying anything, peculiar and natural to one man only, by which his Bpeecfa and actions are distinguished from those of other men. Our humour has relation to us, and to what proceeds from us, as the accidents have to a substance : it is a colour, taste, and smell, dif- fused through all ; though our actions are never so many, and different in form, they are all splinters of the same wood, and have naturally one complexion; which though it may be dignified by art, yet cannot be wholly changed ; we may paint it with other colours, but we cannot change the grain. So the natural sound of an in- strument will be distinguished, though the notes expressed by it are never so various, and the diversions never so many. Dissimulation may by degrees become more easy to our practice ; but it can never absolutely transubstantiate us into what we would seem : it will always be in some proportion a violence upon nature. A man may change his opinion, but I believe he will find it a difficulty to part with his humour ; and there is nothing more provoking than the being made sensible of that difficulty. Sometimes one shall meet with those who, perhaps innocently enough, but at the same time impertinently, will ask the question, Why are you not merry? "Why are you not gay, pleasant, and cheerful? Then, instead of an- swering, could I ask such one, Why are you not handsome ? Why have you not black eyes, and a better complexion ? Nature abhors to be forced. The two famous philosophers of Ephesus and Abdera have their different sects at this day ; some weep, and others laugh, at one and the same thing. I don't doubt but you have observed several men laugh when they are angry ; others who are silent ; some that are loud : yet I cannot suppose that it is the passion of anger which is in itself different, or more or less in one than t'other ; but that it is the humour of the man that is predominant, and urges him to express it in that manner. Demonstrations of pleasure are as various : one man has a humour of retiring from all company, when anything has happened to please him beyond expectation ; he hugs himself alone, and thinks it an addition to the pleasure to keep it secret. Another is upon thorns till he has made proclamation of it ; and must make other people sensible of his happiness, before he can be so himself. So it is in grief and other passions. Demonstrations of love, and the effects of that passion upon .several humours, arc infinitely different : but here the ladies, who abound in servants, are the best judges. Talking of the ladies, methinks something should be observed of the humour of the fair sex, since they are sometimes so kind as to furnish out a character for comedy. But I must confess, I have never made any observa- tion of what I apprehend to be true humour in women. Perhaps passions are too powerful in that sex to let humour have its course, or may- be, by reason of their natural coldness, humour cannot exert itself to that extravagant degree which it often does in the male sex : for if ever anything does appear comical or ridiculous in a woman, I think it is little more than an acquired folly or an affectation. We may call them the weaker sex ; but I think the true reason is, because our follies are stronger, and our faults are more prevailing. One might think that the diversity of humour, which must be allowed to be diffused through- out mankind, might afford endless matter for the support of comedies. But when we come closely to consider that point, and nicely to distinguish the difference of humours, I believe we shall find the contrary. For though we allow every man something of his own, and a peculiar humour, yet every man has it not in quantity to become remaikable by it; or, if many do become remarkable by their humours, yet all those humours may not be diverting. Nor is it only requisite to distinguish what humour will be diverting, but also how much of it, what part of it to show in light, and what to cast in shades ; how to set it off in preparatory scenes, and by opposing other humours to it in the same scene. Through a wrong judgment, sometimes, men's humours maybe opposed when there is really no specific difference between them, only a gi-eater proportion of the same in one than t'other, occasioned by having more phlegm or choler, or whatever the con- stitution is from whence their humours derive their source. There is infinitely more to be said on this subject, tho' perhaps I have already said too much ; but I have said it to a friend, who I am sure will not expose it if he does not approve of it. I believe the subject is entirely new, and was never touched upon before ; and if I would have any one to see this private essay, it should be some one who might be provoked by my errors in it to publish a more judicious treatise on the subject. Indeed I wish it were done, that the world being a little acquainted with the scarcity of true humour, and the difficulty of finding and showing it, might look a little more favourably on the labours of them who endeavour to search into nature for it, and lay it open to the public view. I don't say but that very entertaining and useful characters, and proper for corned) - , may be drawn from affectations, and those other qualities which I have endeavoured to distinguish from humour: but I would not have such im- posed on the world for humour, nor esteemed of equal value with it. It were perhaps the work of a long life to make one comedy true in all THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 353 its parts, and to give every character in it a true and distinct humour. Therefore every poet must be beholden to other helps, to make out his number of ridiculous characters. But I think such a one deserves to be broke who makes all false musters ; who does not show one true humour in a comedy, but entertains his audience to the end of the play with everything out of nature. I will make but one observation to you more, and I have done ; and that is grounded upon an observation of your own, and which I mentioned at the beginning of my letter, viz. that there is more of humour in our English comic writers than in any others. I do not at all wonder at it, for I look upon humour to be almost of English growth ; at least it does not seem to have found such increase on any other soil ; and what appeal's to me to be the reason of it, is the great freedom, privilege, and liberty which the common people of England enjoy. Any man that has a humour, is under no restraint or fear of giving it vent : they have a proverb among them, which maybe will show the bent and genius of the people as well as a longer discourse : he that will have a May-pole shall have a May-pole. This is a maxim with them, and their practice is agreeable to it. I believe something considerable too may be as- cribed to their feeding so much on flesh, and the grossness of their diet in general. But I have done, let the physicians agree that. Thus you have my thoughts of humour, to my power of expressing them in so little time and compass. You will be kind to show me wherein I have erred ; and as you are veiy capable of giving me instruction, so I think I have a very just title to demand it from you ; being, without reserve, your real friend and humble servant, W. C'ONGREVE. ME. TO CONGREVE. Deae Sir, — I came home from the Land's End yesterday, where I found three letters from Mr. Dennis, and one from you, with a humorous description of John Abassus. 1 Since the dubbing of Don Quixote, and the coronation of Petrarch in the capitol, there has not been so great a solemnity as the consecration of John Abassus. In all the pagan ritual, I never met with the form of poetical orders ; but I believe the ceremony of consecrating a man to Apollo is the same with devoting a man to the Dii Manes, for both are martyrs to fame. I believe not a man of the Grave Club durst assist at this ridiculous scene for fear of laughing out- right. W. was in his kingdom, and for my part, I would have rather sat there than in the House of Commons. "Would to God I could laugh with you for one hour or two at all tho ridiculous things that have happened at Will's Coffee-house since I left it ; 'tis the merriest place in the world : like Africa, every day produces a monster ; and they are got there just as Pliny says they are in Africa : beasts of different kinds come to drink, mingle witli one another, and beget monsters. Present my humble duty to my new lord, and tell him that I am preparing an address to congratulate his accession to the throne of the Rabble. Tell the lady, who was the author of the hue and cry after me, she might have sent out a hun- dred hues and cries before she would have found a poet. I took an effectual course not to be apprehended for a poet ; for I went down clad like a soldier, with a new suit of clothes on, and I think there could not have been a better disguise for a poet, unless I had stolen Dr. B 's coat. Mr. Dennis sent me down P M 's parody. I can say very little of the poem ; but as for the dialogue, I think 'twas the first time that M suffered anybody to talk with him, though indeed here he interrupts Mr. Boileau in the midst of the first word. My humble service to Mr. Wycherley. I desire you would write me some news of the stage, and what progress you have made in your tragedy. I am your most affectionate friend and servant. 1 A country poet. congreve's answer. Deae Sir,— I can't but think that a letter from me in London to you in C is like some ancient correspondence between an inhabi- tant of Borne and a Cimmerian. Maybe my way of writing may not be so modestly com- pared with Boman epistles ; but the resemblance of the place will justify the other part of the parallel: the subterraneous habitations of the miners, and the proximity of the Bajre, help a little ; and while you are at B , let B be Cunte, and do you supply the place of Sibylla. You may look on this as raillery ; but I can assure you, nothing less than oracles are expected from you in the next parliament, if you succeed in your election, as we are pretty well assured you will. You wish yourself with us at Will's Coffee-house ; all here wish for you, from the Grave Club to the most puny member of the Babble : they who can think, think of you, and the rest talk of you. There is no such monster in this Africa that is not sensible of your absence ; even the worst natured people, and those of least wit, lament it ; I mean half critics and quibblers. To tell you all that want you, I should name all the creatures of Covent Garden, which, like those of Eden Garden, would want some Adam to be a godfather, and give them names, I can't tell whether I may ° Z 354 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. justly compare our Covent Garden to that of Eden or no ; for though I believe we may have variety of strange animals equal to Paradise, yet I fear we have not amongst us the Tree of Knowledge. It had been much to the disad- vantage of Pliny, had the Coffee-house been in his days ; for sure he would have described some who frequent it, which would have given him the reputation of a more fabulous writer than he has now. But being in our age, it does him a service ; for we who know it can give faith to all his monsters. You who took care to go down into the country unlike a poet, I hope will take care not to come up again like a politician ; for then you will add a new monster to the Coffee-house that was never seen there before. So you may come back again in your soldier's coat, for in that you will no more be suspected for a politician than a poet. Pray come upon any terms, for you are wished for by everybody ; but most wanted by your affectionate friend and servant, W. CONGREVE. TO CONGREVE AT TUNBRIDGE. Dear Sir, — My business and my thanks for your kindness you will find in the enclosed, which I had sent by the last post had not an accident hindered it. All the return that I can make you at present is, to acquaint you with such news as we have. Our friend Mr. went last Friday to the Bath : he promised to write to me from that place, but it would be unreasonable indeed to expect it ; for W takes up his afternoons, and his mornings, I suppose, are spent in contemplation at the Cross-Bath. Most of your friends at the Coffee- house are dispersed ; some are retreated into the country, in hopes of some favours which they expect from the Muses ; two or three of them are retired in town, to ruminate on some favours which they have received from their mistresses. So that the Coffee-house is like to grow into reputation again. For if any one gives it the scandalous denomination of the "Wits' Coffee- house, he must call it so by antiphrasis, because there comes no wit there. Here are two or three indeed, who set up for wits at home, and endeavour to pass for wise at the Coffee-house ; for they hold their tongues there. Indeed the Coffee-house is generally the exchange for wit, where the merchants meet without bringing the commodity with them, which they leave at home in their warehouses, alias their closets, while they go abroad to take a prudent care for the vending it. But you are of the number of those happy few, who so abound in hereditary possessions, and in rich returns from Greece and from Italy, that you always carry some of it about you, to be liberal to your Mends of that which you sell to strangers. Mr. babbles eternally according to his old rate, and as extravagantly as if he talked to himself; which he certainly does, if nobody minds him any more than I do. He has been just now inquir- ing what sort of distemper the spleen is, an infallible sign that he is the only man in Covent Garden who does not know that he is an ass. To make him sensible what the spleen is, I could find in my heart to show him himself, and give it him. If anything restrains me from being revenged of his impertinence this way, 'tis the consideration that will make him wiser. This coxcomb naturally puts me in mind of the stage, where they have lately acted some new plays ; but had there been more of them, I would not scruple to affirm that the stage is at present a desert and a barren place, as some part of Africa is said to be though it abounds in monsters. And yet those prodigious things have met with success ; for a fool is naturally fond of a monster, because he is incapable of knowing a man. "While you drink steel for your spleen at Tunbridge, I partake of the benefit of the course ; for the gaiety of your letters relieves me considerably : then what must your conversation do? Come up and make the experiment, and impart that vigour to me which Tunbridge has restored to you. I am your most humble servant, John Dennis. [It was a saying of Swift, that he sometimes read a book with pleasure, although h9 detested the author ; and the reader of Gray will often feel an interest in the writer, while he disapproves of his principles. Johnson portrays him the favourite of an association of wits, who regarded him as a play-fellow rather than a partner. He certainly possessed none of the qualities of a dictator ; and if he had the affection of his friends, cared nothing for their vene- ration. Pope always mentioned him with the warmest regard. '"Would to God,' he wrote to Swift, ' the man we have lost had not been so amiable, nor so good ; but that is a wish for oxir own sake, not for his.' And more tenderly still in another letter to the Dean, 'I wished vehemently to have seen him in a condition of living independ- ent, ami to have lived in perfect indolence the rest of our days together, the two most idle, most innocent, most nndeaigning poets of our age.' Swift's friendship for Cay glows through his misanthropy. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 355 "When he wished to paint the misery of his residence in Ireland, he called it a banish- ment from ' St. John, Pope, and Gay ; ' and upon the letter in which Pope communicated to him the death of their gentle companion, he inscribed a most affecting memorandum. Gay was too lazy to be a voluminous correspondent, but his style is easy, natural, and amusing. He had accompanied Pope to the seat of Lord Harcourt in Oxfordshire, and during his visit the accident occurred which suggested this beautiful and affecting letter.— WiUmott.] GAY TO . A Thunder-storm in Autumn. Stanton Harcourt, Aug. 19, 1718. The only news that you can expect to have from me here, is news from heaven, for I am quite out of the world ; and there is scarce anything can reach me except the voice of thunder, which undoubtedly you have heard too. We have read in old authors of high towers levelled by it to the ground, while the humbler valleys have escaped : the only thing that is proof against it is the laurel, which, however, I take to be no great security to the brains of modern authors. But to let you see that the contrary to this often happens, I must acquaint you, that the highest and most extravagant heap of towers in the universe which is in this neighbourhood, stand still undefaced, while a cock of barley in our next field has been consumed to ashes. Would to God that this heap of barley had been all that perished ! for, unhappily, beneath this little shelter sat two much more constant lovers than ever were found in romance under the shade of a beech-tree. John Hewet was a well-set man, of about five-and-twenty ; Sarah Drew might be rather called comely than beautiful, and was about the same age. They had passed through the various labours of the year together with the greatest satisfaction : if she milked, it was his morning and evening care to bring the cows to her hand ; it was but last fair that he bought her a present of green silk for her straw-hat ; and the posie on her sDver ring was of his choosing. Their love was the talk of the whole neighbourhood ; for scandal never affirmed that they had any other views than the lawful possession of each other in marriage. It was that very morning that he had obtained the consent of her parents ; and it was but till the next week that they were to wait to be happy. Perhaps, in the intervals of their work, they were now talking of the wedding-clothes ; and John was suiting several sorts of poppies and field-flowers to her complexion, to choose her a knot for the wedding day. While they were thus busied (it was on the last of July, between two and three in the afternoon) the clouds grew black, and such a storm of thunder and lightning ensued, that all the labourers made the best of their way to what shelter the trees and hedges afforded. Sarah was frightened, and fell down in a swoon on a heap of barley. John, who never separated from her, sat down by her side, baving raked together two or three heaps, the better to secure her from the storm. Immediately there was heard so loud a crack, as if heaven had split asunder : every one was now solicitous for the safety of his neighbour, and called to one another throughout the field. No answer being returned to those who called to our lovers, they stepped to the place where they lay; they perceived the barley all in a smoke, and then spied this faithful pair : John with one arm about Sarah's neck, and the other held over her, as to screen her from the lightning. They were struck dead, and stiffened in this tender posture. Sarah's left eye-brow was singed, and there appeared a black spot on her breast ; her lover was all over black, but not the least signs of life were found in either. Attended by their melancholy companions, they were conveyed to the town, and the next day were interred in Stanton Harcourt churchyard. My Lord Harcourt, at Mr. Pope's and my request, has caused a stone to be placed over them, upon condition that we furnished the epitaph, which is as follows : — 'When Eastern lovers feed the funeral fire, On the same pile the faithful pair expire : Here pitying heaven that virtue mutual found, And blasted both that it might neither wound. Hearts so sincere, the Almighty saw well pleased, Sent his own lightning, and the victim seized.' But my lord is apprehensive the country people will not understand this ; and Mr. Pope says he'll make one with something of Scripture in it, and with as little of poetry as Hopkins and Sternhold. Yours, etc. [Parr was heard to declare, in the presence of an accomplished English writer, that the fame of Warburton rested upon the 'two pillars of his and Johnson's commendation.' This was said of an author of whom Pope had affirmed, that he possessed a genius equal to his fancy, and a taste equal to his learning. But the polemical fervour, which broke out in the gravest disquisitions of Warburton, is abundantly visible in his correspondence. You see the flashing steel, and hear the sounding bow of the eager disputant. His letters have been 356 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. analyzed by the ingenious author of the Diary of a Lover of Literature :— ' Hume is consigned to the pillory in his first curious notice of him (Lett. G, 1749), and after- wards (Lett. 100, 1757), he is described as possessing a more cruel heart than he ever met with. Johnson's remarks on his com- mentaries upon Shakespeare (Lett. 175) are full of insolent and malignant reflections. Priestley (Lett. 220) is that wretched fellow. The gloomy and malig- nant Jortin (Lett. 227) dies of eating his own heart. Evanson (235) is a convicted innovator. Walpole, an insufferable cox- comb. Spence, a poor creature ; and dunces and blockheads thunder through his epistles without number.'— These are the characteristic faults of the writer, for which the fertility of his invention, the affluence of his erudition, and the purity of his intentions make ample amends. His letters have been justly characterized 'as replete with bold and original thoughts, acute criticism, profound reflections, daring paradoxes, boastful exultations, ingenious and frank avowals, fervent demonstrations of friendly regard, strains of manly and indignant eloquence, strokes of true and genuine humour, coarse and contemptuous invectives on his enemies.' The following humorous account of a voyage round the Park is pronounced a fine letter by Hurd, who acknowledges to have made use of it in the Dialogues on Foreign Travel.— Willmott.] WARBURTON TO HURD. I agree with you that our friend is a little whimsical, as a philosopher or a poet, in his project of improving himself in men or manners; though as a fine gentleman, ex- tremely fashionable in his scheme. But, as I dare say this is a character he is above, tell him I would recommend him now and then, with me, a voyage round the Park, of ten times more ease, and ten thousand times more profit than making the grand tour; whether he chooses to consider it in a philosophico-poetical or in an ecclesiastico-political light. Let us suppose his mind bent on improvements in poetry. What can afford nobler hints for pastoral than the cows and the milk-women at your entrance from Spring Gardens. As you advance, you have nobler subjects for comedy and farce, from one end of the Mall to the other ; not to eay satire, to which our worthy friend has a kind of propensity ; as you turn to the left, you | soon arrive at Rosamond's Pond, long con- secrated to disastrous love and elegiac poetry. The Bird-cage Walk, which you enter next, speaks its own influence, and inspires you with the gentle spirit of madrigal and sonnet. When we come to Duck Island, we have a double chance for success in the Georgic, or didactic poetry, as the governor of it, Stephen Duck, can both instruct our friend in the breed of his wild fowl, and lend him of his genius to sing of their generations. But now, in finishing our tour, we come to a place indeed,— the reed-plot of Dettingen and Fontenoy,— the place of trumpets and kettle-drums, of horse and foot guards, the Parade,— the place of heroes and demigods, the eternal source of the Greek poetry, from whence springs that acme of human tilings, an epic poem, to which our friend has consecrated all his happier hours. But suppose his visions for the bays be now changed for the brighter visions of the mitre, here still must be his circle ; which on one side presents him with those august lovers of St. James's, which, though neither seemly nor sublime, yet ornament that place where the balances are preserved, which weigh out liberty and property to the nations all abroad ; and on the other, with that sacred, venerable dome of St. Peter, which, though its head rises and remains in the clouds, yet carries in its bowels the very flower and quintessence of ecclesias- tical policy. This is enough for any one who only wants to study them for his use. But if our aspirin- friend would go higher, and study human nature in and for itself, he must take a much larger tour than that of Europe. He must first go and catch her undressed, nay, quite naked, in North America and at the Cape of Good Hope. He may then examine how she appears crampt, contracted, and buttoned close up in the straight tunic of law and custom, as in China and Japan, or spread out and enlarged above her common size, in the long and flowing robe of enthusiasm, amongst the Arabs ami Saracens; or lastly, as she flutters in the old rags of worn-out policy and civil government, and almost ready to run back to the deserts, as on the Mediterranean coast of Africa. These, tell him, are the grand scenes for the true philosopher, the citizen of the world, to con- template. The tour of Europe is like the entertainment that Plutarch Bpeaks of, which Pompey's host of Epirus gave him. There were many dishes, and they had a seeming variety ; but when he came to examine them narrowly, he found them all made out of one hog, and indeed nothing but pork differently disguised. This is enough for our friend. But to you who have, as Mr. Locke expresses it, 'large, sound, and round-about sense,' I have some- thing more to say. Though, indeed, I perfectly agree with you, that a scholar by profession, THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 357 who knows how to employ his time in his study for the benefit of mankind, would be more than fantastical, he would be mad, to go rambling round Europe, though his fortune would permit him. For to travel with profit must be when his faculties are at their height, his studies matured, yet all his reading fresh in his head. But to waste a considerable space of time, at such a period of life, is more than suicide ; yet, for all this, the knowledge of human nature (the only knowledge, in the largest sense of it, worth a wise man's concern or care) can never be well acquired without seeing it under all its disguises and distortions, arising from absurd governments and monstrous religions, in every quarter of the globe. Therefore, I think a collection of the best voyagers no despicable part of a philosopher's library. Perhaps there will be found more dross in this sort of liter- ature, even when selected most carefully, than in any other. But no matter for that. Such a collection will contain a great and solid treasury. The report you speak of is partly false, with a mixture of truth, and is a thing that touches me so little, that I never mentioned it to any of my friends, who did not chance to ask about it. I have no secrets that I would have such to you. I would have it so to others, merely because it is an impertinent thing that concerns nobody ; and its being in common report, which nobody gives credit to, covers the secret the better, instead of divulging it. The simple fact is only this, that not long since the D. N. sent word by a noble person to Mr. Allen, that he had a purpose of asking the K. for the Deanery of Bristol for me, if it should become vacant while he is in credit, as a thing which, he supposed, would not be unacceptable to me, on account of its neighbourhood to this place. And now, my dear friend, you have the whole secret, and a very foolish one it is. If it comes, as Falstaff says of honour, it comes unlooked for, and there's an end. But he had a good chance, because he did not deserve what he was so indifferent about. What my chance is by this scale I leave to be adjusted between my friends and enemies. It gives me, my dear friend, a sincere pleasure to hear that your health seems to be re-estab- lished ; and that the good couple tied together for life, the mind and body, are at peace with one another. As for spirits, it is like love in marriage, it will come after. Should we have ■ the pleasure of seeing you at Christmas, you would likely meet the good company you met last Christmas, I mean Mr. Yorke's. You know, I hope, the true esteem Mr. Allen has for you, and the sincere pleasure your company gives him. [Mary Delany, the daughter of Barnard Gran- ville, and niece, of George, afterwards Lord Granville, was born at Coulton, Wiltshire, May 14, 1700. When only seventeen years of age she was married to Alexander Pendarves, and was a widow in 1724. Between 1730 and 1736, she corresponded with Swift, and in 1743 was married to Dr. Delany, who regarded her with strong affection. She was patronized by the Duchess of Portland and George III. The latter assigned for her a summer residence near Windsor Castle, and a pension of £300 per annum. She died in 1788. Her private character is thus given by her friend Mr. Keate :— 'She had every virtue that could adorn the human heart, with a mind so pure, and so uncon- taminated by the world, that it was matter of astonishment how she could have lived in its more splendid scenes, without being tainted with one single atom of its folly or indiscretion. The strength of her understanding received, in the fullest de- gree, its polish, but its weakness never reached her. Her life was conducted by the sentiments of true piety ; her way of thinking, on every occasion, was upright and just ; her conversation was lively, pleasant, and instructive. She was warm, delicate, and sincere in her friendships ; full of philanthropy and benevolence, and loved and respected by every person who had the happiness to know her. That sunshine and serenity of mind which the good only can enjoy, and which had thrown so much attraction on her life, remained without a shadow to the last ; not less bright in its setting than in its meridian lustre. That form which in youth had claimed admiration, in age challenged respect. It presented a noble ruin, be- come venerable by the decay of time. Her faculties remained unimpaired to the last ; and she quitted this mortal state to receive, in a better world, the crown of a well-spent life.' Mrs. Delany was buried in a vault belonging to St. James's Church ; and on one of its columns a stone is erected to her memory, with an inscription, which, after reciting her name, descent, marriages, age, etc., concludes as follows: — 'She was a lady of singular ingenuity and politeness, and of unaffected piety. These qualities 358 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. had endeared her through life to many noble and excellent persons, and made the close of it illustrious, by procuring for her many signs of g and favour from their Majesties.' — From the general Biographical Dictionary, by Alexander Chalmers, vol. xi. pp. 115 to 419.] MRS. HEI.ANY tO Till: HON. MRS. HAMILTON. 1 Buldrode, June 28, 1779. "What a task you have set me, my dear friend : I can no more tell you the particulars of all the honours I received last autumn from the King and Queen and eight of their royal progeny, than I can remember last year's clouds, — a simile, by the bye, ill adapted to the grace and benignity of their manners, that gave a lustre even to Bulstrode, superior as it is to most places. I had formed to myself a very diffi n it idea of such visitors, and wished the day over ; but their affability and good humour left no room for anything but admiration and respect ; for, with the most obliging condescension, there was no want of proper dignity to keep the balance even. They were delighted with the place, but above all with the mistress- of it, whose sweetness of manners, and knowledge of propriety, engage all ranks. To give you a just notion of the entertainment, you should have a plan of the house, that I might lead you through the apartments ; but imagine every- thing that is elegant and delightful, and you will do more justice to the place and entertain- ment than I can by my description. The royal family (ten in all) came at twelve o'clock. The King drove the Queen in an open chaise, with a pair of white horses. The Prince of Wales and Prince Frederick rode on horseback, all with proper attendants, but no guards. Princess Royal and Lady "Weymouth, 3 in a post-chaise ; Princess Augusta, Princess Elizabeth, Prince Adolphus (about seven years old), and Lady Charlotte Finch, 4 in a coach ; Prince William, Prince Edward, Duke of Montague, 5 and Bishop of Lichfield, in a coach : another coach, full of attendant gentle- men ; amongst the number, Mr. Smelt, 6 whose character sets him above most men, and does great honour to the King, who calls him his 1 Dorothea, daughter of James Forth, Esq. of Redwood, and widow of the Eon. and Rev. Francis Hamilton, son of James, Karl of Abercom. 2 Lady Margaret Cavendish Harley, Duchess i lows • c of Portland. 8 The Lady Elizabeth Cavendish Bentinck, eldest Br of the Duchess Dowager of Portland. * Daughter of Daniel, seventh Earl of Winchilsea. " George, last Duke of Montague ; he died In i7'.m <> Formerly sub-governor bo ii.imi. the Prli >1 Wales, from which situation be retired on a] In the year 1771. frii nd, and has drawn him out of his solitude (the life he had chosen) to enjoy his conver- sation every leisure moment. These, with all their attendants in rank and file, made a splendid figure as they drove through the park and round the court up to the house. The day was as brilliant as could be wished, the 12th of August, the Prince of "Wales' birthday. The Queen was in a hat, and an Italian night- gown of purple lustring, trimmed with silver gauze. She is graceful and genteel ; the dignity and sweetness of her manner, the pci feet propriety of everything she says or tisfies everybody she honours with her distinction so much, that beauty is by no wanting to make her perfectly agreeable ; and though age and long retirement from court made me feel timid on my being called to make my appearance, I soon found myself perfectly at ease ; for the King's condescension and good humour took off all awe but what one must have for so respectable a character (severely tried by his enemies at home, as well as abroad). The three princesses were all in frocks ; the King and all the men were in a uniform, blue and gold. They walked through the great apartments, which are in a line, and attentively observed everything ; the pictures in particular. I kept back in the drawing- room, and took that opportunity of sitting down ; when the Princess Royal returned to me, and said the Queen missed me in the train : I immediately obeyed the summons with my best alacrity. Her Majesty met me half-way, and seeing me hasten my steps, called out to me, ' Though I desired you to come, I did not desire you to run and fatigue yourself.' They all returned to the great drawing-room, where there were only two armed chairs placed in the middle of the room for the King and Queen. The King placed the Duchess Dowager of Portland in his chair, and walked about admiring the beauties of the place. Breakfast was offered — all prepared in a long gallery that runs the length of the great apartments (a suite of eight rooms and three closets). The King and all his royal children, and the rest of the train, chose to go to the gallery, where the well-furnished tables were set : one with tea, coffee, and chocolate; another with their proper accompaniments of eatables, rolls, cakes, etc. ; another table with fruits and ices in the utmost perfection : which with a magical touch had succeeded a cold repast. The Queen remained in the drawing-room ; I stood at the back of her chair, which happening to be one of my working, gave the Queen an opportunity of saying many flattering and obliging things. The Duchess Dowager of Portland brought her Majesty a dish of tea on a waiter, with biscuits, which was what she chose ; after she had drank her tea, she would not return the cup to the Duchess, but got up and would cany it THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 359 into the gallery herself, and was much pleased to see with what elegance everything was prepared ; no servants but those out of livery made their appearance. The gay and pleasant appearance they all made, and the satisfaction all expressed, rewarded the attention and politeness of the Duchess of Portland, who is never so happy as when she gratifies those she esteems worthy of her attention and favours. The young royals seemed quite happy, from the eldest to the youngest, and to inherit the gracious manners of their parents. I cannot enter upon their particular address to me, which not only did me honour, but showed their humane and benevolent respect for old age. The King desired me to show the Queen one of my books of plants ; she seated herself in the gallery ; a table and the book lay before her. I kept my distance till she called me to ask some questions about the mosaic paper work ; and as I stood before her Majesty, the King set a chair behind me. I turned with some confusion and hesitation on receiving so great an honour, when the Queen said, 'Mrs. Delany, sit down, sit down : it is not every lady that has a chair brought her by a king,' so I obeyed. Amongst many gracious things, the Queen asked me why I was not with the Duchess when she came ; for I might be sure she would ask for me. I was flattered, though I knew to whom I was obliged for the distinc- tion (and doubly flattered by that). I acknow- ledged it in as few words as possible, and said I was particularly happy at that time to pay my duty to her Majesty, as it gave me an opportunity of seeing so many of the royal family, which age and obscurity had deprived me of. ' Oh, but,' says her Majesty, ' you have not seen all my children yet,' upon which the King came up and asked what we were talking about ; which was rerjeated, and the King replied to the Queen, ' You may put Mrs. Delany into the way of doing that, by naming a day for her to drink tea at Windsor Castle. ' The Duchess of Portland was consulted, and the next day fixed upon, as the Duchess had appointed the end of the week for going to Weymouth. We went at the hour appointed, seven o'clock, and were received in the lower private apartment at the castle ; went through a large room with great bay windows, where were all the princesses and youngest princes, with their attendant ladies and gentlemen. We passed on to the bed-chamber, where the Queen stood in the middle of the room, with Lady Weymouth and Lady Charlotte Finch. (The King and the eldest princes had walked out.) When the Queen took her seat, and the ladies their places, she ordered a chair to be set for me opposite to where she sat, and asked me if I felt any wind from the door or window ? — It was indeed a sultry day. At eight the King, etc. came into the room, with so much cheerfulness and good humour that it was impossible to feel any painful restraint. It was the hour of the King and Queen and eleven of the princes and princesses walking on the terrace. They apologized for going, but said the crowd expected them ; but they left Lady Weymouth and the Bishop of Lichfield to entertain us in their absence ; we sat in the bay-window, well pleased with our companions, and the brilliant show on the terrace, on which we looked ; the band of music playing all the time under the window. When they returned we were summoned into the next room to tea, and the royals began a ball, and danced two country dances, to the music of French horns, bassoons, and hautboys, which were the same that played on the terrace. The King came up to the Prince of Wales and said he was sure, when he considered how great an effort it must be to play that kind of music so long a time together, that he would not continue their dancing there, but that the Queen and the rest of the company were going to the Queen's House, and they should renew then dancing there, and have proper music. I can say no more : I cannot describe the gay, the polished appearance of the Queen's House, furnished with English manufacture. The Prince of Wales dances a minuet better than any one I have seen for many years ; but what would please you more, could I do it justice, is the good sense and engaging address of one and all. I think I have great courage in having gone so far on this subject, knowing how you hate vanity and ostentation ; and I fear I have been guilty of both : but recollect how you pressed me to it, and let the tempter pardon the frailty she has encouraged ; and also the awkward half-sheet that begins this unreason- able narration. I have obeyed your commands, and am now only able to say, that I, and all belonging to me, are pretty well. The Duchess Dowager of Portland desires her best compli- ments ; mine to all friends. Ever yours, M. Delany. The Duchess of Portland bids me add, that she insisted on my sending you this letter ; for a qualm seized me, and I would have sunk it. TO THE SAME. Bulstrode, October 10, 1783. My dear Friend, — I am very much obliged to you for the satisfactory account you have given me of your present situation, and well pleased at your cultivating an intimacy with your worthy and amiable relations ; when they are so, our natural connections are to be preferred to all others, and I am sure your own 360 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. good qualities and friendly disposition must secure you their love and esteem. ... I wish I could answer your kind solicitude about my health entirely to your satisfaction. A return of the epidemic disorder soon after I came to Bulstrode has left me a great languor behind it ; but, I thank God, I am now gaining strength again, and only feel that gentle decay natural to my years, and what I ought to be very thankful for as well as my friends. The daily tender attention I received from my noble one here is a constant reviving cordial ; — she has not been well, but is better, and desires me to add her best wishes and compliments to you and Mrs. Anne Hamilton, and thinks herself much obliged to you both for the satisfaction you express at my being here ; and now I will add, for your amusement, the way of life we have led since we left town. "We have had many visitors for two or three days in succes- sion ; and when health has permitted us, have enjoyed this delightful place ; but, as I know you interest yom\self in all the honours I receive, I must now tell you of our royal visitors. In a few days after our arrival here, the Duchess of Portland and I were sitting in the long gallery, very busy with our different employments, when, without any ceremony, his Majesty walked up to our table unperceived and unknown, till he came quite up to us. You may believe we were at first a little fluttered with his royal presence ; but his courteous and affable manner soon made him a welcome guest. He came to inform the Duchess of Portland of the Queen's perfect recovery after her lying-in, which made him doubly welcome. Breakfast was called for, and after a visit of two hours, the King left us. About a week after this, the King and Queen came together, only accompanied by Lady Courtown. They breakfasted and stayed much about the same time. The etiquette is, that the person on whom such an honour is conferred, goes the next day to inquire after their Majesties ; but the Queen waived that ceremony, and desired the Duchess not to come till she received a summons, as they were going to St. James's for some days. Last Thursday, 2d of October, a little before twelve o'clock, word was brought that the royal family were coming up the park; and immediately after, two coaches-and-six, with the King on horseback, and a great retinue, came up to the hall door. The com- pany were the King and Queen, Princess Royal, Princess Augusta, Princess Elizabeth, Princess Mary, and Princess Sophia, — a lovely group, all dressed in white muslin polonaises, white chip hats with white feathers, except the Queen, who had on a black hat and cloak ; — the King dressed in his Windsor uniform of blue and gold ; the Queen attended by the Duchess of Ancaster, who is Mistress of the Pobes, and Lady Elizabeth Waldegrave, 1 who attends the two eldest princesses, and Mrs. Goldsworthy, who is sub-governess to the three younger princesses. The King had no attendants but the equerries, Major Digby and Major Price. They were in the drawing-room before I was sent for, where I found the King and Queen and Duchess of Portland seated at a table in the middle of the room. The King, with his usual graciousness, came up to me, and brought me forward, and I found the Queen very busy in showing a very elegant machine to the Duchess of Portland, which was a frame for weaving of fringe, of a new and most delicate structure, and wculd take up as much paper as has already been written upon to describe it minutely, yet it is of such simplicity as to be very useful. You will easily imagine the grate- ful feeling I had when the Queen presented it to me, to make up some knotted fringe which she saw me about. The King, at the same time, said he must contribute something to my work, and presented me with a gold knotting shuttle, of most exquisite workmanship and taste ; and I am at this time, while I am dictating the letter, knotting white, silk, to fringe the bag which is to contain it. On the Monday after, we were appointed to go to the lodge at Windsor at two o'clock. AVe were first taken into the Duchess of Ancaster's dressing-room ; in a quarter of an hour after, to the King and Queen in the drawing-room, who had nobody with them but Prince Alverstaden, the Hanoverian minister, which gave me an opportunity of hearing the Queen speak German ; and I may say, it was the first time I had received pleasure from what I did not understand ; but there was such a fluency and sweetness in her manner of speak- ing it, that it sounded as gentle as Italian. There were two chairs brought in for the Duchess of Portland and myself to sit on (by order of their Majesties), which were easier than these belonging to the room. We were seated near the door that opened into the concert-room. The King directed them to play Handel and Geminiani's music, which he was graciously pleased to say was to gratify me. These are flattering honours. I should not indulge so much upon this subject, but that I depend upon your considering it proceeding more from gratitude than vanity. The three eldest princesses came into the room in about half an hour after we were seated. All the royal family were dressed in a uniform for the demi-saison, of a violet-blue armozine, gauze aprons, etc. etc.; the Queen had the addition of a great many fine pearls. 1 Elizabeth Laura, daughter of James, Becond Earl Waldegrave, by Maria (daughter of sir Edward Walpole), afterwards Duchess of Gloucester, married her first cousin, Qeorge, fourtb Earl of Waldegrave. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 361 "When the concert of music was over, the young Frincess Amelia, nine weeks old, was sent for, and brought in by her nurse and at- tendants. The King took her in his arms, and presented her to the Duchess of Portland and to me. Your affectionate heart would have been delighted with the royal domestic scene ; an example worthy of imitation by all ranks, and indeed adding dignity to their high station. We were at Bulstrode before five, and very well after our expedition. I am afraid you will be much more tired than we were, in travelling through this long narration. If it affords any amusement to our dear friend, Mrs. Anne Hamilton, 1 as well as to yourself, it will give much satisfaction to my dear Mrs. F. Hamilton's most affectionate and obliged friend, M. Delany. Continue your kind offices to the friends I must always esteem in Ireland. TO THE SAME. St. Alban's Street, Windsor, Sept. 20, 17S5. The hurry that I have been in since my arrival at this place has prevented the intelli- gence that I am sure my dear friend would like to receive, and, indeed, I hardly know how to recollect the many honours and kindnesses I hourly receive in my present situation. On Saturday the 3d of this month, one of the Queen's messengers came and brought me the following letter from her Majesty, written with her own hand : — ' My dear Mrs. Delany will be glad to hear that I am charged by the King to summon her to her new abode at "Windsor for Tuesday next, where she will find all the most essen- tial parts of the house ready, excepting some little trifles, which it will be better for Mrs. Delany to direct herself in person, or by her little deputy, Miss Port. I need not, I hope, add, that I shall be extremely glad and happy to see so amiable an inhabitant in this our sweet retreat ; and wish, very sincerely, that my dear Mrs. Delany may enjoy every blessing amongst us that her merits deserve. That we may long enjoy her amiable company, Amen ! These are the true sentiments of my dear Mrs. Delany's very affectionate Queen, ' Charlotte. ' Queen's Lodge, Windsor, Sept. 3, 1785. ' P.S. — I must also beg that Mrs. Delany will choose her own time of coming as will best suit her own convenience.' MY ANSWER. ' It is impossible to express how I am over- 1 Eldest daughter of the Hon. Henry Hamilton, son of Gustavus, lirst Viscount Boyue. whelmed with your Majesty's excess of good- ness to me. I shall, with the warmest duty and most humble respect, obey a command that bestows such honour and happiness on your Majesty's most dutiful and most obedient humble servant and subject, ' Mary Delany.' I received the Queen's letter at dinner, and was obliged to answer it instantly, with my own hand, without seeing a letter I wrote. I thank God I had strength enough to obey the gracious summons on the day appointed. I arrived here about eight o'clock in the evening, and found his Majesty in the house ready to receive me. I threw myself at his feet, indeed unable to utter a word ; he raised and saluted me, and said he meant not to stay longer than to desire I would order everything that could make the house comfortable and agreeable to me, and then retired. Truly I found nothing wanting, as it is as pleasant and commodious as I could wish it to be, with a very pretty garden, which joins to that of the Queen's Lodge. The next morning her Majesty sent one of her ladies to know how I had rested, and how I was in health, and whether her coming would not be troublesome ? You may be sure I accepted the honour, and she came about two o'clock. I was lame, and could not go down, as I ought to have done, to the door ; but her Majesty came up-stairs, and I received her on my knees. Our meeting was mutually affecting ; she well knew the value of what I had lost, and it was some time after we were seated (for she always makes me sit down) before we could either of us speak. It is im- possible for me to do justice to her great con- descension and tenderness, which were almost equal to what I had lost. She repeated, in the strongest terms, her wish, and the King's, that I should be as easy and as happy as they could possibly make me ; and they waived all cere- mony, and desired to come to me like friends. The Queen delivered me a paper from the King, which contained the first quarter of £300 per annum, which his Majesty allows me out of his privy purse. Their Majesties have drank tea with me five times, and the princesses three. They generally stay two hours, or longer. In short, I have either seen or heard from them every day. I have not yet been at the Queen's Lodge, though they have expressed an impatience for me to come ; but I have still so sad a drawback upon my spirits, that I must decline the honour till I am better able to enjoy it : as they have the goodness not to press me. Their visits here are paid in the most quiet, private manner, like those of the most consoling and interested friends ; so that I may truly say, they are a royal cordial ; and I see very few people besides. They are very condescending in their notice of my niece, and ?62 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. think her a tine girl. She is delighted, as is very natural, with all the joys of the place. I have been three times at the Kind's private chapel at early prayers, eight o'clock, where the royal family constantly attend ; and they walk home to breakfast afterwards, whilst I am conveyed in a very elegant new chair home, which the King has made me a present of for that purpose. As to thy health, it is surpris- ingly good, considering the sufferings of my agitated spirits, and that I was hardly re- covered, when I came, of a putrid sore throat and fever. How thankful ought I to be to Providence for the wonderful blessings I have received ! How ungrateful must I be, not to endeavour to resign those withdrawn from me as I ought to do ! It is a cordial comfort to me to receive a good account from you of your health and prosperity, and the rest of my dear friends who have so kindly felt for me. 1 cannot dictate a word more, but believe me, unalterably and affectionately, yours, M. Delany. P.S. — I sincerely rejoice at Mr. Sackville Hamilton's 1 present situation ; indeed, I do not know any distinction that he is not worthy of, and the world agree with me. TO THE SAME. St. Allan's Street, Windsor, Nov. 9, 1785. I have not, lately, baen very well, which prevented my answering my dear friend's two kind letters sooner. I thank God, I am at present tolerably well in health, and am sur- rounded with so many comforts, and such uncommon friends, that great must be my reproach if they do not in some degree dissi- pate that gloom that at times overwhelms me. You give me such good reasons for the request you make of communicating some parts of my letters to your particular friends, that it is impossible for me to refuse what you say will give you satisfaction, and I know I can trust your discretion : the daily marks of royal favour (which, indeed, should rather be termed friendly) cannot be arranged in a sheet of paper; they are bestowed most graciously, and received most gratefully, and with such consideration as to banish that awe which otherwise would be painful to me ; and my sensations, when I am in their company, are respect, admiration, and alfection. I have been several evenings at the Queen's Lodge, with no other company but their own most lovely family. They sit round a large table, on which are book:;, work, pencils, and paper. The Queen has the goodness to make me sit down next to her ; and delights rue with her Conversation, which is informing, elegant, and 1 The Bight lion. Sackville Hamilton. pleasing beyond description, whilst the younger part of the family are drawing and working, etc. etc., the beautiful babe, Princess Amelia, bearing her part in the entertainment ; some- times in one of her sisters' laps ; sometimes playing with the King on the carpet; which, altogether, exhibits such a delightful scene as would require an Addison's pen, or a Vandyke's pencil, to do justice to. In the next room is the band of music, who play from eight o'clock till ten. The King generally directs them what pieces of music to play, chiefly Handel's. Sere I must stop, and return to my own house. Mr. Dewes, from "Wellsbourn, came here on the 25th of October; on the 28th their Majesties, five princesses, and the youngest princes came at seven o'clock in the evening to drink tea with me. All the princesses and princes had a commerce table. Miss Emily Clayton, daughter to Lady Louisa Clayton, and Miss 1'ort, did the honours of it. It gave me a pleasing opportunity of introducing Mr. Dewes to their Majesties ; the King took gracious notice of him ; and having heard that his j r oungest brother, Mr. John Dewes, wished to take the name of Granville, said to Mr. Dewes that he desired he might, from that time, be called by that name, and gave orders that his sign manual should be prepared for that purpose, which has accordingly been don?. The want of franks cuts me short : do me justice as usual to all dear friends, and believe me ever affectionately yours, M. Delany. I hear Mr. Edward Hamilton is in England. I hope, if he makes a visit to his friend Lord Harcourt, I may have a chance of seeing him. Miss Tort is very well and very happy, and I am much flattered by the approbation she meets with. TO THE SAME. Windsor, July 3, 1786. I will not make any apology for a silence that I hope has appeared too long for you as well as myself ; nor can I at this time find your last letter, to answer regularly, as I ought to do, all your kind intelligence of yourself and friends. My health in the main holds out wonderfully in the midst of many trying circumstances ; but I endeavour to look forward with hope and comfort to that place where ' the weary will be at rest,' — enjoy the many undeserved blessings still held out to me, and praying for assistance to support me under those trials Providence thinks tit to lay upon me. I must waive what has passed during the greatest part of my silence, as my memory will not serve me to recollect, or my head able to dictate, as circumstantially as formerly. Dur- ing my short stay in London in the winter, many alterations were made in my house here, THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 363 which my great benefactors thought would make it more commodious to me ; and indeed it is now a most complete, elegant, comfortable dwelling ; and I am hourly receiving marks of attention and kindness that cannot be expressed. The constant course of my living at present, from which I vary very little, is as follows : I seldom miss going to early prayers at the King's chapel, at eight o'clock, where I never fail of seeing their Majesties and all the royal family. The common way of going up to the chapel is through the great entrance into the castle, which is a large room with stone pillars, at the corner of which is a narrow winding staircase, which leads to the chapel ; but their Majesties, with their usual goodness and indulgence, have ordered that I should be admitted through the great staircase, which is a very easy ascent. "When chapel is over, all the congregation make a line in the great portico till their Majesties have passed ; for they always walk to chapel and back again, and speak to everybody of consequence as they pass ; indeed it is a delightful sight to see so much beauty, dignity, and condescension united as they are in the royal family. I come home to breakfast generally about nine o'clock ; if I and the weather are well enough, I take the air for two hours. The rest of the morning is devoted to business, and the com- pany of my particular friends. I admit no formal visitors, as I really have not time or spirits for it, and everybody here is very civil and very considerate. My afternoons I keep entirely to myself, that I may have no inter- ruption whenever my royal neighbours conde- scend to visit me : their usual time of coming is between six and seven o'clock, and generally stay till between eight and nine. They always drink tea here, and my niece has the honour of dealing it about to all the royal family, as they will not suffer me to do it (though it is my place) ; the Queen always placing me upon the sofa by her, and the King when he sits down, which is seldom, sits next the sofa. Indeed their visits are not limited to the afternoons, for their Majesties often call on me in a morn- ing, and take me as they find me, not suffering anybody to give me notice of their being come. Great as my awe is, their Majesties have such sweetness of manners that it takes off painful sensation. I went to town at the anniversary of the Abbey music ; the King gave me and Miss Port tickets to go. Though I suspected my own ability in being able to make use of them, I could not deprive Miss Port of the opportunity of going, but she was (I may say, happily) pi evented, by falling ill of the measles, which, I thank God, she has passed through as well as can be wished. I enjoyed one performance of the music, and we returned to Windsor on the loth of June. An event has taken place lately which gives me great satisfaction ; I am sure you are acquainted with the novel entitled Cecilia, much admired for its good sense, variety of character, delicacy of sentiment, etc. etc. There is nothing good, and amiable, and agreeable mentioned in the book that is not possessed by the author of it, Miss Barney : I have been acquainted with her now three years ; her extreme diffidence of herself, notwithstand- ing her great genius, and the applause she has met with, adds lustre to all her excellences, and all improve on acquaintance. In the course of this last year, she has been so good as to pass a few weeks with me at "Windsor, which gave the Queen an opportunity of seeing and talking with her, which her Majesty was so gracious to admit of. One of the principal ladies that attend the Queen's person as dresser is going to retire into her own country, being in too bad a state of health to continue her honourable and delightful employment, for such it must be near such a Queen ; and Miss Burney is to be the happy successor, chosen by the Queen without any particular recommendation from anybody. I believe she comes into waiting next week. I had the pleasure, before I came out of town, of seeing Governor Hamilton in good health and spirits. He and my young niece hold a droll correspondence ; he and I some- times quarrel about his talking of her beauty to her face. She is really pretty, and I trust wdl be good and agreeable. The way to have her so, is to keep her out of the line of vanity. I think I have got H. H. in pretty good order now. Continue your usual good offices between me and your gooel friends in Irelanel, and believe me, ever yours most affectionately, M. Delant. Mrs. Sandford and her sons are very well. I have hopes of her making me a visit for some days. TO THE SAME. London, Sept. 13, 17S7. I will not delay giving you the pleasure I know you must receive, my good friend, from hearing such an account of Mrs. Delany as I can truly give you, from having spent two hours with her this morning, anil will not put off writing even for a day, as fresh intelligence on so very interesting a subject must be most acceptable. I shall name no other, and be as particular as my time and paper will allow. I was with her at nine this morning, and heard (with no small agitation) her well-known foot hastening down to meet me. For a few minutes our meeting was silent ; as many circumstances rushed into our minels very affecting to us both. I dreaded seeing the alteration in her that was naturally to be expected from twenty years' absence, from the period in her life of from OF THE UNIVER3IT 364 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. sixty-seven to eighty-seven ; but I was soon set at ease, by seeing the same apprehension, cheer- fulness, attention, benevolence, and comfortable enjoyment of every pleasant circumstance in her situation, that you remember in her. Her inquiries, her remarks, her whole conversation, full of life and ingenuity, and that kind heart, and manner of expressing its feelings, as warm as ever. She is as upright, and walks as alertly, as when you saw her. In short, I could have had no idea of her being as I saw her in every way. She lets me know when her only spare bed is at liberty, as she insists on having her child (as she honoured me by naming me) again in her own house ; and I shall instantly obey her summons, with the pleasure you can suppose, but I could not express. Miss Port is a most pleasing girl, with the manners you may suppose Mrs. Delany's dive would have, and seems high in favour, and to be extremely attentive and proper towards her aunt. The King and Queen, and all the younger branches, increase in affection and respect to Mrs. L>. She breakfasted with them yesterday, and the King always makes her lean on his arm. Her house is cheerful, and filled with her own (manning works. No pictures have held their colours so well. I had time to look over near a volume of her flowers, which are, I think, as exact representations of nature as those you are acquainted with ; she has finished 980 sheets, and regrets that the thousand she intended wants twenty of its full number. Her inquiries and all she said of you, would have gratified you highly from her lips ; but you would think them a little too flattering from my pen. Now, my good friend, repay me for sitting up after a fatiguing day, to com- municate this pleasing intelligence to you, by telling me your schemes. . . . Farewell, and believe me, my good friend, yours very truly, M. Preston. CAPTAIN EDWARD BURT TO A FRIEND IN LONDON. 1 About a twelvemonth after I first came to this town, and had been twice to Edinburgh by the way of the hills, I received a letter from an old acquaintance, desiring me to give him an account of my first journey hither, the same to commence from the borders of Scotland. 1 From Letters from a Gentleman in the North of id hi London, first published in tun volumes in 1754. The original editor remarks that 'there is one portion of these volumes to whieh a peculiar Interest belongs ; it is that which relates 1.. the feudal manners formerly prevailing over the whole of Europe, and of which familiar accounts by eye- witnesses ;ire extremely rare. This mode of life existed in the Highlands to so late a period as the year 171;., when the rebellion was finally extin- guished; when the legislature interposed to annul I could not, you may imagine, conceive the meaning of a request so extraordinary ; but, however, I complied implicitly. Some time afterwards, by a letter of thanks, I was given to understand it was an expedient agreed upon between him and another whereby to decide a dispute. Now all this preface is only to introduce my request to you, that you will absolve me from the promise I made you last week, and in lieu of what you might demand, accept of a copy of that letter. I should not have waived my promised design but for an affair which something related to myself, and required my attention, and therefore I could not find time to tack together so many memorandums, as such letters as I intend to send you require ; for if they are not pretty long, I shall be self-condemned, since you know I used to say, by way of complaint against , that letters from one friend to another should be of a length proportioned to the distance between them. After some compliments, my letter was as follows : — ' According to your desire, I shall begin my account with the entertainment I met with after passing the Tweed at Kelso, but shall not trouble you with the exaction and in- tolerable insolence of the ferrymen, because I think you can match their impudence at our own horse-ferry : I shall only say, that I could obtain no redress, although I complained of them to the principal magistrate of the town. ' Having done with them, my horses were led to the stable, and myself conducted up one pair of stairs, where I was soon attended by a handsome genteel man, well dressed, who gave me a kindly welcome to the house. 'This induced me to ask him what I could have to eat : to which he civilly answered, The good wife will be careful nothing shall be wanting; but that he never concerned himself about anything relating to the public (as he called it) : that is, he would have me know he was a gentleman, and did not employ himself in anything so low as attendance, but left it to his wife. Thus he took his leave of me ; and soon after came up my landlady, whose dress and appearance seemed to me to be so unfit for the wife of that gentleman, that I could hardly believe she was any other than a servant ; but she soon took care, in her turn, by some airs hereditary jurisdictions, the distinctions of dress and the carrying of arms; and when that state of vassalage ami barbarism yielded to the wholesome restraints of civil law and well-regulated authority. It is on this style of life that the exquisite productions of Mr. Scott have thrown a chivalrlo splendour; and indeed it is no mean Btamp on the validity of this work, that a gentleman of his superior and extensive acquirements should have repeatedly quoted these "Carious latttrt" (to use his own words) lor tlte sake of the descriptions they contain.' THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 36: she gave herself, to let me know she was mistress of the house. 'I asked what was to be hail, and she told me potted pigeons ; and nothing, I thought, could be more agreeable, as requiring no waiting, after a fatiguing day's journey in which I had eaten nothing. ' The cloth was laid, but I was too unwilling to grease my fingers to touch it ; and presently after, the pot of pigeons was set on the table. ' When I came to examine my cates, there were two or three of the pigeons lay mangled in the pot, and behind were the furrows, in the butter, of those fingers that had raked them out of it, and the butter itself needed no close application to discover its quality. ' My disgust at this sight was so great, and being a brand-new traveller in this country, I ate a crust of bread and drank about a pint of good claret ; and although the night was approaching, I called for my horses, and marched off, thinking to meet with something better ; but I was benighted on a rough moor, and met with yet worse entertainment at a little house which was my next quarters. ' At my first entrance I perceived some things like shadows moving about before the fire, which was made with peats ; and going nearer to them, I could just discern, and that was all, two small children in motion, stark naked, and a very old man sitting by the fireside. ' I soon went out, under pretence of care for my horses, but in reality to relieve my lungs and eyes of the smoke. At my return I could perceive the old man's fingers to be in a very bad condition, and immediately I was seized with an apprehension that I should be put into his bed. 'Here I was told I might have a breast of mutton done upon the brander (or gridiron) ; but when it was brought me, it appeared to have been smoked and dried in the chimney- corner ; and it looked like the glue that hangs up in an ironmonger's shop : this, you may believe, was very disgusting to the eye ; and for the smell, it had no other, that I could per- ceive, than that of the butter wherewith it was greased in the dressing ; but, for my relief, there were some new-laid eggs, which were my regale. And now methinks I hear one of this country say, a true Englishman ! he is already talking of eating. ' "When I had been conducted to my lodging- room, I found the curtains of my bed were very foul by being handled by the dirty wenches ; and the old man's fingers being present with me, I sat down by the fire, and asked myself, for which of my sins I was sent into this country ; but I have been something reconciled to it since then, for we have here our pleasures and diversions, though not in such plenty and variety as you have in London. 'But to proceed: Being tired and sleepy, at last I came to a resolution to see how my bed looked within side, and to my joy I found exceeding good linen, white, well aired, .and hardened, and I think as good as in our best inns in England ; so I slept very comfortably. 'And here I must take notice of what I have since found almost everywhere, but chiefly in the Low-country, that is, good linen ; for the spinning descends from mother to daughter by succession, till the stock becomes considerable ; insomuch that even the ordinary people are generally much better furnished in that par- ticular than those of the same rank in England — I am speaking chiefly of sheeting and table- linen. ' There happened nothing extraordinary be- tween this place and Edinburgh, where I made no long stay. ' When I first came into the High Street of that city, I thought I had not seen anything of the kind more magnificent : the extreme height of the houses, which are, for the most part, built with stone, and well sashed ; the breadth and length of the street, and (it being dry weather) a cleanness made by the high winds. I was extremely pleased to find everything look so unlike the descriptions of that town which had been given me by some of my countrymen. ' Being a stranger, I was invited to sup at a tavern. The cook was too filthy an object to be described ; only another English gentleman whispered to me and said, he believed, if the fellow was to be thrown against the wall, he would stick to it. ' Twisting round and round his hand a greasy towel, he stood waiting to know what we would have for supper, and mentioned several things himself, among the rest, a duke, a fool, or a mecr-fool. This was nearly according to his pronunciation ; but he meant a duck, a fowl, or a moor-fowl or grouse. ' We supped very plentifully, and drank good French claret, and were very merry till the clock struck ten, the hour when everybody is at liberty, by beat of the city drum, to throw their filth out at the windows. Then the company began to light pieces of paper, and throw them upon the table to smoke the room, and, as I thought, to mix one bad smell with another. ' Being in my retreat to pass through a long narrow wynde or alley, to go to my new lodgings, a guide was assigned me, who went before me to prevent my disgrace, crying out all the way, with a loud voice, "Hud your haunde." The throwing up of a sash, or otherwise opening a window, made me tremble, while behind and before me, at some little distance, fell the terrible shower. ' Well, I escaped all the danger, and arrived, not only safe and sound, but sweet and clean, at my new quarters ; but when I was in bed I was forced to hide my head between the ;66 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. sheets ; for the smell of the filth, thrown out by the neighbours on the back side of the house, came pouring into the room to such a degree, I was almost poisoned with the stench.' I shall here add to my letter, as I am making a copy of it, a few observations. When I was last in Edinburgh I set myself to consider of this great annoyance, and, in- con- clusion, found it remediless. 'The city, it seems, was built upon that rock for protection, by the castle, in dangerous times ; but the space was too narrow to contain a sufficient number of inhabitants, otherwise than by vi ry high buildings crowded close together, insomuch that there are hardly any back yards. ' Eight, ten, and even twelve storeys have each a particular family, and perhaps a separate proprietor ; and therefore anything so expensive as a conveyance down from the uppermost floor could never be agreed on ; nor could there be made, within the building, any receiver suitable to such numbers of people. ' There is indeed between the city and the sea a large fiat space of land, with a rivulet running through it, which would be very com- modious for a city : but great part of it has been made the property of the corporation ; and the magistrates for the time being will not suffer any houses to be built on it ; for if they did, the old city would soon be deserted, which would bring a very great loss upon some, and total ruin upon others, of the proprietors in those buildings.' I have said thus much upon this uncleanly subject, only, as you may have heard some maliciously, or at best inconsiderately, say, that this evil proceeds from (what one would think nobody could believe) a love of nastiness, and not necessity. I shall only add, as it falls in my way, that the main street is cleaned by scavengers every morning early, except Sun- day, which, therefore, is the most uncleanly day. But to return : — Having occasion the next morning after my arrival to inquire for a person with whom I had some concerns, I was amazed at the length and gibberish of a direction given me where to find him. I was told that I must go down the street, and on the north side, over against such a place, turn down such a wynde ; and, on the west side of the wynde, inquire for such a launde (or building) where the gentleman stayd, at the third stair, that is, three storeys high. Tins direction in a language I hardly under- stood, and by points of the compass which I then knew nothing of, as they related to the town, put mc to a good deal of difficulty. At length 1 found out the subject of my inquiry, who was greatly diverted when I told him (with as mucli humour as I was master of) what had been my perplexity. Yet in my nanation I concealed the' nauseous incon- venience of going down the steep narrow wynde, and ascending to his lodging. I then had no knowledge of the caudys, a very useful blackguard, who attend the coffee- houses and public places to go of errands ; and though they are wretches, that in rags lie upon the stairs and in the streets at night, yet are they often considerably trusted, and, as I have been told, have seldom or never proved unfaithful. These boys know everybody in the town who is of any kind of note, so that one of them would have been a ready guide to the place I wanted to find ; and I afterwards wondered that one of them was not recommended to me by my new landlady. This corps has a kind of captain or magistrate presiding over them, whom they call the Constable of the cawdys, and in case of neglect or other misdemeanour he punishes the delin- quents, mostly by fines of ale and brandy, but sometimes corporally. They have for the most part an uncommon acuteness, are very ready at proper answers, and execute suddenly and well whatever em- ployment is assigned them. Whether it be true or not I cannot say, but I have been told by several, that one of the judges formerly abandoned two of his sons for a time to this way of life, as believing it would create in them a sharpness which might be of use to them in the future course of their lives. This is all that I knew of Edinburgh at that time, by reason of the shortness of my stay. The day following, my affairs called me to begin my journey to Glasgow. Glasgow is, to outward appearance, the prettiest and most uniform town that I ever saw; and I believe there is nothing like it in Britain. It has a spacious carrifour, where stands the cross ; and going round it, you have, by turns, the view of four streets, that in regular angles proceed from thence. The houses of these streets are faced with ashlar stone, they are well sashed, all of one model, and piazzas run through them on either side, which give a good air to the buildings. There are some other handsome streets, but the extreme parts of the town are moan and disagreeable to the eye. There was nothing remarkable in my way to Glasgow that I took notice of, being in haste, but the church at Linlithgow, a noble old Gothic building, formerly a cathedral, now much in ruins, chiefly from the usual rage that attends reformation. It is really provoking to see how the populace have 1 >n ike and defaced the statues and other ornaments, under the notion of their being relics of Popery. As this town was our baiting-place, a gentle- man (the son of a celebrated Scots bishop) who THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 367 was with me, proposed, that while dinner was getting ready we should go and view the inside of the structure ; and as we took notice that great part of the floor was broken up, and that the pews were immoderately dusty, the pre- centor, or clerk, who attended us, took occasion to Bay, he did not apprehend that cleanliness was essential to devotion ; upon which my friend turned hastily upon him, and said very angrily, ' What ! this church was never intended for your slovenly worship.' This epithet, pro- nounced with so much ardour, immediately after his censure of the Presbyterian zeal, was to me some matter of speculation. My stay at Glasgow was very short, as it had been at Edinburgh, to which last, in five days, I returned, in order to proceed to this town. Upon consulting some gentlemen which of the two ways was most eligible for me to take, i.e. whether through the Highlands or by the sea-coast, I found they were divided ; one giving a dreadful account of the roughness and danger of the mountains, another commending the shortness of the cut over the hills. One told me it was a hundred and fifty miles by the coast, another that it was but ninety miles the other way : but I decided the matter myself upon the strength of the old proverb — ' That the farthest way about is the nearest way home.' Not but that I sometimes met with roads which, at that time, I thought pretty rough ; but after passing through the Highlands, they were all smoothed, in my imagination, into bowling- greens. As the country near the coast has, here and there, little rising hills which overlook the sea, and discover towns at a considerable distance, I was well enough diverted with various prospects in my journey, and wanted nothing but trees, enclosures, and smoother roads, to make it very agreeable. The Lowlands, between the sea and the high country, to the left, are generally narrow ; and the rugged, romantic appearance of the moun- tains was to me, at that time, no bad prospect ; but since that, I have been taught to think otherwise by the sufferings I have met with among them. I had little reason to complain of my enter- tainment at the several houses where I set up, because I never wanted what was proper for the support of life, either for myself or my • horses : I mention them, because, in a journey, they are as it were a part of oneself. The worst of all was the cookery. One thing I observed of almost all the towns that I saw at a distance, which was, that they seemed to be very large, and made a handsome appearance ; but when I passed through them, there appeared a meanness which discovered the condition of the inhabitants ; and all the outskirts, which served to increase the extent of them at a distance, were nothing but the ruins of little houses, and those in pretty great numbers. Of this I asked the reason, and was told that when one of those houses was grown old and decayed, they often did not repair it, but, taking out the timber, they let the walls stand as a fit enclosure for a calci/ard, i.e. a little garden for coleworts, and that they built anew upon another spot. By this you may conclude that stone and ground-rents in those towns are not very valuable. But the little fishing-towns were generally disagreeable to pass, from the strong smell of the haddocks and whitings that were hung up to dry on lines along the sides of the houses from one end of the village to the other ; and such numbers of half-naked children, but fresh-coloured, strong, and healthy, I think are not to be met with in the inland towns. Some will have their numbers and strength to be the effects of shell-fish. I have one thing more to observe to you, which is, that still as I went northward the cattle and the carts grew less and less. The sheep likewise diminished in their size by degrees as I advanced ; and their wool grew coarser, till at length, upon a transient view, they seemed to be clothed with hair. This I think proceeds less from the quality of the soil than the excessive cold of the hills in the winter season, because the mutton is exceedingly good. Thus I have acquainted you how I came hither, and I hope it will not now be very long before I have a greater pleasure in telling you, by word of mouth, in what manner I got home ; yet must I soon return. TO THE SAME. I almost long for the time when I may expect your thoughts of my letters relating to this country, and should not at all be surprised to find you say, as they do after ten o'clock at night in the wyndes and closes of Edinburgh, ' Hud your haunde.' But if that should be the case, I can plead your injunction and the nature of the subject. Upon second thoughts, I take it, we are just even with one another ; for you cannot com- plain that these letters are not satisfactory, because I have been only doing the duty of a friend, by endeavouring to gratify your curiosity ; nor can I find any cause of blame in you, since you could not possibly conceive the consequence of the task you enjoined me. But, according to my promise, to continue my account of our Highland fair. If you would conceive rightly of it, you must imagine you see two or three hundred half- naked, half starved creatures of both sexes, without so much as a smile or any cheerfulness among them, stalking about with goods, such as I have described, up to their ancles in dirt ; 368 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. and at night numbers of them lying together in stables, or other outhouse hovels that are hardly any defence against the weather. I am speak- ing of a winter fair, for in summer the greatest part of them lie about in the open country. The gentlemen, magistrates, merchants, and shopkeepers are dressed after the English manner, and make a good appearance enough, according to their several ranks, and the work- ing tradesmen are not very ill-clothed ; and now and then, to relieve your eyes yet more from these frequent scenes of misery, you see some of their women of fashion : I say some- times, for they go seldom abroad, but when they appear, they are generally well dressed in the English mode. As I have touched upon the dress of the men, I shall give you a notable instance of precaution used by some of them against the tailor's purloining. This is to buy everything that goes to the making of a suit of clothes, even to the stay- tape and thread ; and when they are to be delivered out, they are, all together, weighed before the tailor's face. And when he brings home the suit, it is again put into the scale with the shreds of every sort, and it is expected the whole shall answer the original weight. But I was told in Edinburgh of the same kind of circumspection, but not as a common practice. The plaid is the undress of the ladies ; and to a genteel woman, who adjusts it with a good air, is a becoming veil. But as I am pretty sure you never saw one of them in England, I shall employ a few words to describe it to you. It is made of silk or fine worsted, chequered with various lively colours, two breadths wide, and three yards in length ; it is brought over the head, and may hide or discover the face, according to the wearer's fancy or occasion : it reaches to the waist behind ; one corner falls as low as the ankle on one side, and the other part, in folds, hangs down from the opposite arm. I have been told in Edinburgh that the ladies distinguish their political principles, whether Whig or Tory, by the manner of wearing their plaids ; that is, one of the parties reverses the old fashion, but which of them it is I do not remember, nor is it material. I do assure you we have here, among the better sort, a full proportion of pretty women, as indeed there is all over Scotland. But pray remember, I now anticipate the jest, 'That women grow handsomer and handsomer the longer one continues from home.' The men have more regard to the comeliness of their posterity than in those countries where a large fortune serves to soften the hardest features, and even to make the crooked straight; and indeed their definition of a tine woman seems chiefly to be directed to that purpose j for after speaking of her face, they say, ' She's a fine, healthy, straight, strong, strapping lassie.' I fancy now I hear one of our delicate ladies say, ' 'Tis just so they would describe a Flanders mare.' I am not for confounding the characters of the two sexes one with another ; but I should not care to have my son a valetudinary being, partaking of his mother's nice constitution. I was once commending, to a lady of fortune in London, the upright, firm, yet easy manner of the ladies walking in Edinburgh. And when I had done, she fluttered her fan, and with a kind of disdain, mixed with jealousy to hear them commended, she said, 'Mr. , I do not at all wonder at that, they are used to walk? My next subject is to be the servants. I know little remarkable of the men, only that they are generally great lovers of ale ; but my poor maids, if I may judge of others by what passes in my own quarters, have not had the best of chances when their lots fell to be born in this country. It is true they have not a great deal of household work to do ; but when that little is done, they are kept to spinning, by which some of their mistresses are chiefly maintained. Sometimes there are two or three of them in a house of no greater number of rooms, at the wages of three half-crowns a year each, a peck of oatmeal for a week's diet ; and happy she that can get the skimming of a pot to mix with her oatmeal for better commons. To this allowance is added a pair of shoes or two, for Sundays, when they go to kirk. These are such as are kept at board-wages. In larger families, I suppose, their standing wages is not much more, because they make no better appearance than the others. But if any one of them happens, by the encouragement of some English family, or one more reasonable than ordinary among the natives, to get clothes something better than the rest, it is ten to one but envy excites them to tell her to her face, ' she must have been , or she cou'd ne'er ha gotten sic bonny gecr.' All these generally lie in the kitchen, a very improper place one would think for a lodging, especially of such who have not wherewithal to keep themselves clean. They do several sorts of work with their feet. I have already mentioned their washing at the river. When they wash a room, which the English lodgers require to be sometimes done, they likewise do it with their feet. First, they spread a wet cloth upon part of the floor; then, with their coats tucked up, they stand upon the cloth and shuffle it back- ward and forward With their feet ; then they go to another part and do the same, till they have gone all over the room. After this, they wash the cloth, spread it again, and draw it along in all places, by turns, till the whole work is THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 369 finished. This last operation draws away all the remaining foul water. I have seen this likewise done at my lodgings within a quarter of a mile of Edinburgh. When I first saw it, I ordered a mop to be made, and the girls to be shown the use of it ; but, as it is said of the Spaniards, there was no persuading them to change their old method. I have seen women by the river's side washing parsnips, turnips, and herbs, in tubs with their feet. An English lieutenant-colonel told me that about a mile from the town he saw, at some little distance, a wench turning and twisting herself about as she stood in a little tub ; and as he could perceive, being on horse- back, that there was no water in it, he rode up close to her, and found she was grinding off the beards and hulls of barley with her naked feet, which barley, she said, was to make broth withal ; and since that, upon inquiry, I have been told it is a common thing. They hardly ever wear shoes, as I said before, but on a Sunday ; and then, being unused to them, when they go to church they walk very awkwardly, or, as we say, like a cat shod with walnut-shells. I have seen some of them come out of doors, early in a morning, with their legs covered up to the calf with dried dirt, the remains of what they contracted in the streets the day before : in short, a stranger might think there was but little occasion for strict laws against indecency. When they go abroad, they wear a blanket over their heads, as the poor women do, some- thing like the pictures you may have seen of some bare-footed order among the Romish priests. And the same blanket that serves them for a mantle by day, is made a part of their bedding at night, which is generally spread upon the floor : this I think they call a shakedown. I make no doubt you are, long before this, fully satisfied of the truth of my prediction in the first letter; for, to make you thoroughly acquainted with these remote parts, you see I have been reduced to tittle-tattle as low as that of a gossiping woman. However, as I am in for't, I must now proceed. Let those who deride the dirtiness and idleness of these poor creatures, which my countrymen are too apt to do, as I observed before, — let them, I say, consider what inclina- .tion they can have to recommend themselves. What emulation can there proceed from mere despair ? Cleanliness is too expensive for their small wages ; and what inducement can they have, in such a station, to be diligent and obliging to those who use them more like negroes than natives of Britain ? Besides, it is not anything in nature that renders them more idle and uncleanly than others, as some would inconsiderately suggest ; because many of them, when they happen to be transplanted into a richer soil, grow as good servants as any what- ever, and this I have known by experience. It is a happiness to infancy, especially here, that it cannot reflect and make comparisons of its condition ; otherwise how miserable would be the children of the poor that one sees con- tinually in the streets ! Their wretched food makes them look pot-bellied ; they are seldom washed ; and many of them have their hair clipped, all but a lock that hangs down over the forehead, like the representation of old Time in a picture : the boys have nothing but a coarse kind of vest, buttoned down the back, as if they were idiots, and that their coats were so made to prevent their often stripping them- selves quite naked. The girls have a piece of a blanket wrapped about their shoulders, and are bare-headed like the boys ; and both without stockings and shoes in the hardest of seasons. But what seems to me the worst of all is, they are over- run with the itch, which continues upon them from year to year, without any care taken to free them from that loathsome distemper. Nor indeed is it possible to keep them long from it, except all could agree, it is so universal among them. And as the children of people in better circumstances are not nice in the choice of their companions and play-fellows, they are most of them likewise infected with this disease, insomuch that upon entering a room, where there was a pretty boy or girl that I should have been pleased to have caressed and played with (besides the compliment of it to the father and mother), it has been a great disappointment to me to discover it could not be done with safety to myself. And though the children of the upper classes wear shoes and stockings in winter-time, yet nothing is more common than to see them bare-foot in the summer. I have often been a witness, that when the father or mother of the lesser children has ordered their shoes and stockings to be put on, as soon as ever they had an opportunity they have pulled them off, which I suppose was done to set their feet at liberty. From the sight of these children in the streets, I have heard some reflect, that many a gay equipage, in other countries, has sprung from a bonnet and bare feet ; but for my own part, I think, a fortune, obtained by worthy actions or honest industry, does real honour to the possessor ; yet the generality are so far misled by customary notions, as to call the founder of an honourable family an upstart ; and a very unworthy descendant is honoured with that esteem which was withheld from his ancestor. But what is yet more extraordinary is, that every successor grows more honourable with time, though it be but barely on that account ; as if it were an accepted principle, that a stream must needs run the clearer the farther it is 2A 37° THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. removed from the fountain-head. But antiquity gives a sanction to anything. I have little conversation with the inhabitants of this town, except some few, who are not comprehended in anything I have said, or will be in anything I am about to say of the gene- rality. The coldness between the magistrates and merchants and myself has arisen from a shyness in them towards me, and my disinclina- tion to any kind of intimacy with them. And therefore I think I may freely mention the narrow way they are in, without the imputation of a spy, as some of them foolishly gave out I was in my absence when last in London. If I had had any inclination to expose their proceedings in another place (for they were public enough here), I might have done it long ago, perhaps to my advantage ; but those deceitful boggy ways lie quite out of my road to profit or preferment. Upon my return, I asked some of them how such a scandalous thought could ever enter into their heads, since they knew I had little con- versation with them ; and that on the contrary, if I resided here in that infamous capacity, I should have endeavoured to insinuate myself into their confidence, and put them upon such subjects as would enable me to perform my treacherous office ; but that I never so much as heard there was any concern about them ; for they were so obscure, I did not remember ever to have heard of Inverness till it was my lot to know it so well as I did. And besides, that nothing could be more public than the reason of my continuance among them. This produced a denial of the fact from some, and in others a mortification, whether real or feigned is not much my concern. I shall here take notice, that there is hardly any circumstance or description I have given you, but what is known to some one officer or more of every regiment in Britain, as they have been quartered here by rotation. And if there were occasion, I might appeal to them for a justification (the interested excepted) that I have exaggerated nothing ; and I promise you I shall pursue the same route throughout all my progress. I wish I could say more to the integrity of our own lower order of shopkeepers than truth and justice will allow me to do ; but these, I think, are sharper (to use no worse an expres- sion) in proportion as their temptations are stronger. Having occasion for some Holland cloth, I sent to one of these merchants, who brought me two or three pieces, which I just looked upon, and told him that as I neither understood the quality npv knew the price of that sort of goods, I would make him, as we say, both seller and buyer, reserving to himself the same profit as he would take from others. At first he started at the proposal ; and having recollected himself, he said, ' I cannot deal in that manner.' I asked him why, but I could get nothing more from him but that it was not their way of dealing. Upon this, I told him it was apparently his design to have over-reached me, but that he >me probity left, which he did not seem to know of, by refusing my offer, because it carried with it a trust and confidence in his honesty, and thereupon we parted. Since that, I made the same proposal to a mercer in Edinburgh, and was fairly and honestly dealt with. But the instances some of these people give of their distrust one of another, in matters of a most trifling value, would fill any stranger with notions very disadvantageous to the credit of the generality. I sent one day to a merchant's hard by for some little thing I wanted, which being brought me by my servant, he laughed and told me, that while he was in the shop there came in the maid-servant of another merchant with a message from her master, which was to borrow an ell to measure a piece of cloth, and to signify that he had sent a napkin, that is, a handkerchief, as a pledge for its being returned : — that the maid took the ell, and was going away with it, without leaving the security ; upon which the merchant's wife called out hastily and earnestly to her for the pawn ; and then the wench pulled it out of her bosom and gave it to her, not without some seeming shame for her attempt to go away with it. Speaking of an ell measure brings to my mind a thing that passed a few weeks ago when I was present. An English gentleman sent for a wright, or carpenter, to make him an ell ; but before the workman came, he had borrowed one, and offered it as a pattern. ' No, sir,' says the man, ' it must not be made by this ; for yours, I suppose, is to be for buying, and this is to sell by.' I have not myself entirely escaped suspicions of my honesty ; for sending one day to a shop for some twopenny business, a groat was demanded for it ; the twopence was taken, the thing was sent, but my boy's cap was detained for the remaining half of that considerable sum. It is a common observation with the English, that when several of these people are in com- petition for some profitable business or bargain, each of them speaks to the disadvantage of his competitors. Some time ago there was occasion to hire ovens wherewith to bake bread for the soldiery then encamped near the town. The officer who had the care of providing those ovens thought fit, as the first step towards his agreements, to talk with several of the candidates separately, at their own houses, and to see what cou« THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 371 veniency they had wherewith to perform a contract of that nature. In the course of this inquiry, he found that every one of thcni was speaking not much to the advantage of the rest, and, in the conclusion, he cried out, 'Every one of these men tells me the others are rogues, and,' added with an oath, 'I believe them all.' But, on the other hand, if we ask of almost any one of them, who is quite disinterested, the character of some working tradesman, though the latter be not at all beholden to fame, the answer to our inquiry will be — 'There is not an honester lad in all Britain.' This is done in order to secure the profit to their own countrymen ; for the soldiers rival them in many things, especially in handicraft trades. I take this last to be upon the principle (for certainly it is one with them) that every gain they make of the English is an acquisition to their country. But I desire I may not be understood to speak of all in general, for there are several among them, whom, I believe, in spite of education, to be very worthy, honest men ;— I say against education, because I have often observed, by children of seven or eight years old, that when they have been asked a question, they have either given an indirect answer at first, or considered for a time what answer was fittest for them to make. And this was not my observation alone, but that of several others, upon trial, which made us conclude that such precaution, at such an age, could not be other than the effect of precept. P.S.—I have several times been told, by gentlemen of this country with whom I have contracted acquaintance and friendship, that others have said it would have been but just that some native had had my appointment ; and once it was hinted to me directly. This induced me to say (for I could not help it) I should readily agree to it, and cheerfully resign, and would further take upon me to answer for all my countrymen, that they should do the same, provided no Scotsman had any government employment be-south the Tweed ; and then I doubted not but there would be ample room at home for us all. This I should not have chosen to say, but it was begged, and I gave it. TO THE SAME. I am now to acquaint you that I have not at - this time sufficient provision for your usual repast. But, by the way, I cannot help accusing myself of some arrogance in using such a metaphor; because your ordinary fare has been little else beside brocluin, cede, stir- about, sowings, etc. (oatmeal varied in several Bhapes); but that you may be provided with something, I am now about to give you a haggass, which would be yet less agreeable, were it not to be a little seasoned with variety. The day before yesterday, an occasion called me to make a progress of about six or seven miles among the mountains ; but before I set out, I was told the way was dangerous to strangers, who might lose themselves in the hills if they had not a conductor. For this reason, about two miles from hence I hired a guide, and agreed with him for sixpence to attend me the whole day. This poor man went barefoot, sometimes by my horse's side, and in dangerous places leading him by the bridle, winding about from side to side among the rocks, to such gaps where the horses could raise their feet high enough to mount the stones, or stride over them. In this tedious rjassage, in order to divert myself (having an interpreter with me), I asked my guide a great many questions relating to the Highlands, all which he answered very properly. In his turn, he told me, by way of question, to hear what I would say, that he believed there would be no war; but I did not under- stand his meaning till I was told. By tvar he meant rebellion; and then, with a dismal countenance, he said he was by trade a weaver, and that in the year 1715 the sidier roy, or red soldiers, as they call them (to distinguish them from the Highland companies, whom they call sidier dou, or the black soldiers)— I say he told me, that they burnt his house and his loom, and he had never been in condition since that time to purchase materials for his work, other- wise he had not needed to be a guide ; and he thought his case very hard, because he had not been in the affair, or the scrape, as they call it all over Scotland, being cautious of using the word rebellion. But this last declaration of his I did not so much depend on. When he had finished his story, which, by interpreting, took up a good deal of time, I recounted to him the fable of the pigeon's fate that happened to be among the jackdaws, at which he laughed heartily, notwithstanding his late grief for his loss ; and doubtless the fable was to him entirely new. I then asked his reason why he thought there would not be another war (as he called it) ; and his answer was, he believed the English did not expect one, because they were fooling away their money, in removing great stones and blowing up of rocks. Here he spoke his grievance as a guide ; and, indeed, when the roads are finished according to the plan proposed, there will be but little occasion for those people, except such as can speak English, and may by some be thought necessary for interpreters in their journeys : I say they will be useless as guides alone, reckon- ing from the south of Scotland to this town the mountain way (for along the coast hither the road can hardly be mistaken), and counting again from the Lowlands to the west end of 37* THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. the opening among the mountains that run from hence quite across the island. But all the Highlands be-north this town and the said opening will remain as rugged and dangerous as ever. At length I arrived at the spot of which I was to take a view, and found it most horrible ; but in the way that I went, being the shortest cut going southward, it is not to be avoided. This is a deep, narrow hollow, between very steep mountains, whereinto huge parts of rocks have fallen. It is a terrifying sight to those who are not accustomed to such views ; and at bottom is a small but dangerous burn, running wildly among the rocks, especially in times of rain. You descend by a declivity in the face of the mountain, from whence the rocks have parted (for they have visibly their decay), and the rivulet is particularly dangerous, when the passenger is going along with the stream, and pursued by the torrent. But you have not far to go in this bottom, before you leave the current, which pursues its way, in continued windings, among the feet of the mountains ; and soon after you ascend by a steep and rocky hill, and when the height is attained, you would think the most rugged ways you could possibly conceive of to be a happy variety. "When I was returned to the hut where I took my guide, being pleased with the fellow's good-humour and frankness in answering my questions, instead of sixpence I gave him a shilling. At first he could not trust his own eyes, or thought I was mistaken ; but being told what it was, and that it was all his own, he fell on his knees and cried out, he never, in all his life before, knew anybody give him more than they bargained for. This done, he ran into his hut, and brought out four children almost naked, to show them to me, with a prayer for the English. Thus I had, for so small a price as one sixpence, the exquisite pleasure of making a poor creature happy for a time. Upon my Highlander's lamentation of his loss and present bad circumstances, I could not forbear to reflect and moralize a little, con- cluding, that ruin is ruin, as much to the poor as to those that had been rich. Here's a poor Highlandman (whose house, loom, and all his other effects were, it is likely, not worth thirty shillings) as effectually un- done, by the loss he sustained, as one that had been in the possession of thousands ; and the burning of one of their huts, which does not cost fifteen shillings in building, is much worse to them than the loss of a palace by fire is to the owner. And were it not for their fond attachment to their chiefs, and the advantage those gentlemen take of their slave-like notions of patriarchal power, I verily believe there are but few among them that would engage in an enterprise so dangerous to them as rebellion ; and as some proof of this, I have been told by several people of this town, that in the year 1715, the then Earl of Mar continued here for near two months together before he could muster two hundred Highlanders, so unwilling were these poor people to leave their little houses and their families to go a king-making. But when a number sufficient for his present purpose had been corrupted by rewards and promises, he sent them out in parties from hut to hut, threatening destruction to such as refused to join with them. But it may be necessary to let you know that these men, of whom I have been speaking, were not such as were immediately under the eye of their respective chiefs, but scattered in little dwellings about the skirts of the mountains. [Here follows the copy of a Highlander's letter, which has been lately handed about this town as a kind of curiosity.] "When I first saw it, I suspected it to be supposititious, and calculated as a lure, whereby to entice some Highlanders to the colony from whence it was supposed to be written ; but I was afterwards assured, by a very credible person, that he knew it to be genuine. Endorsed. — Letter from Donald M'Pherson, a young Highland lad, who was sent to Virginia with Captain Toline, and was born near the house of Culloden, where his father lives. Portobago in Marilante, June 2, 17—. Teer lofen kynt Fater, — Dis is te lat ye ken, dat I am in quid healt, plessed be Got for dat, houpin te here de lyk frae yu, as I am yer nane sin, I wad a bine ill leart gin I had na latten yu ken tis, be kaptin Rogirs skep (hit geangs te Innernes, per cunnan I dinna ket sika anither apertunti dis towmen agen. De Bkep dat I kam in was a lang tym o de see cumin oure heir, but plissit pi Got for a ting wi a kepit our heels unco weel, pat Shonie Magwillivray dat hat ay a sair beet. Dere was saxty o's a kame inte te quintry hel a lit an lim an nane o's a dyit pat Shonie Magwillivray an an otter Boss lad dat kam oure wi's an mai pi dem twa wad a dyit gin tey hed bitten at hame. Pi mi fait I kanna komplin for kumin te dis quintry, for mestir Xicols, Lort pliss hem, pat mi till a pra mestir, dey ca him Shone Bayne, an hi lifes in Marylant in te rifer Potomak, he infer gait mi wark ony ting pat fat I lykit mi sel : de meast o a mi wark is waterin a pra stennt hors, an pringin wyn an pread ut o de seller te mi mestir's tebil. Sin efer I kam til him I nefer wantit a pottle o petter ele nor is in a Shon Glass hous, for I ay set toun wi de pairna to demur. Mi mestir seys til mi, fan I kon speek lyk de fouk heir dat I sanna pe pidden di nating pat THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. J/J gar his plackimors wink, for de fytfouk dinna ise te wurk pat te first yeer aftir dey kum in te quintry. Tey speck a lyk de sogers in Inerness. Lofen fater, fan de servants heir he deen wi der mestirs, dey grou unco rich, an its ne wonter, for day mak a hantil o tombako ; an des sivites an apels an de sheries an de pires grou in de wuds wantin tyks apout dem. De swynes te ducks an durkies geangs en te wuds wantin inestirs. De tombako grous shust lyk de dockins en de bak o de lairts yart an de skeps dey kum fra ilka place an bys dem an gies a hantel o silder an gier for dem. Mi nane mestir kam til de quintry a sarfant, an weil I wot hi's nou wort mony a susan punt. Fait ye mey pelive mi de pirest plantir hire lifes amost as weil as de lairt o Collottin. Mai pi fan mi tim is ut I wel kom hem an sie yu pat not for de furst nor de neest yeir til I gater somting o mi nane, for fan I ha dun wi mi mestir, hi maun gi mi a plantashon te set mi up, its de quistium heir in dis quintry ; an syn I houp te gar yu trink wyn insteat o tippeni in Innerness. I wis I hat kum our heir twa or tri yeirs seener nor I dit, syn I wad ha kum de seener hame, pat Got bi tanket dat I kam sa seen as I dit. Gin yu koud sen mi owr be ony o yur Inner- ness skeps, ony ting te mi, an it war as muckle clays as mak a quelt it wad, mey pi, gar mi meister tink te mere o mi. It's trw I ket clays eneu fe him, bat ony ting fe yu wad luck weel an pony, an ant plese Got gin I life, I sal pey yu pack agen. Lofen fater, de man dat vryts dis leiter for mi is van Shams Macheyne, he lifes shust a myl fe mi, hi hes pin unko kyn te mi sin efer I kam te de quintrie. Hi wes porn en Petic an kam our a sarfant fe Klesgou an hes peen hes nane man twa yeirs, and has sax plackimors wurkin til hem alrety makin tombako ilka tay. Heil win hem, shortly an a te geir dat he hes wun heir an py a lerts kip at hem. Luck dat yu duina forket te vryt til mi ay, fan yu ket ony occashion. God Almichte pliss yu Fater an a de leve o de hous, for I hana forkoten nane o yu, nor dinna yu forket mi, for plise God I sal kum hem wi gier eneuch te di yu a an mi nane sel guid. I weit you will be veri vokie, fan you sii yur ' nane sins fesh agen, for I heive leirt a hantle hevens sin I sau yu an I am unco buick leirt. A tis is fe yur lofen an Opetient Sin, Tonal Mackaferson. Directed. — For Shames Mackaferson neir te Lairt o Collottin's hous, neir Innerness en de Nort o Skotlan. This letter is a notable instance of those extravagant hopes that often attend a new condition. Yet Donald, notwithstanding all his happiness, desires his father to send him some clothes ; not that he wants, or shall want them, but that they would look bonny, and recommend him to his master. But I shall not further anticipate that difficulty, which I know will not be unpleasing to you. If you should think poor Donald's sentiments of his change to be worth your notice, and at the same time find yourself at a loss to make out any part of his letter, your friend Sir Alexander, who is very communicative, will be pleased with the office of your interpreter. There is one thing I should have told you at first, which is, that where I have marked the single (a) thus (a), it must be j>ronounced (au) which signifies (all). TO THE SAME. But the rancour of some of those people in another case was yet more extraordinary than the instance previously given, as the objects of their malice could not seem, even to the utmost cowardice, to be in any manner of condition to annoy them. This was after the battle of Glen- shiels, in the rebellion of 1719, before mentioned. As the troops were marching from the field of action to a place of encampment, some of the men who were dangerously wounded, after their being cai-ried some little way on horse- back, complained they could no longer bear that uneasy carriage, and begged they might be left behind till some more gentle conveyance could be provided. In about three or four hours (the little army being encamped) parties were sent to them with hurdles that had been made to serve as a kind of litters ; but when they arrived, they found to their astonishment that those poor miser- able creatures had been stabbed with dirks in twenty places of their legs and arms as well as their bodies, and even those that were dead had been used in the same savage manner. This I have been assured of by several officers who were in the battle, Scots as well as English. I make no manner of doubt you will take what is to follow to be an odd transition, i.e. from the cruelty of the ordinary Highlanders to dialect and orthography, although you have met with some others not more consistent : but then you will recollect what I said in my first epistle, that I should not confine myself to method, but give you my account just as the several parts of the subject should occur from my memorandums and memory. Strange encomiums I have heard from the natives upon the language of their country, although it be but a corruption of the Irish tongue ; and if you could believe some of them, it is so expressive, that it wants only to be better known to become universal. But as for myself, who can only judge of it by the ear, it 374 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. seems to me to be very harsh in sound, like the "Welsh, and altogether as guttural, which last, you know, is a quality long since banished all the polite languages in Europe. It likewise seems to me, as if the natives affected to call it Erst, as though it were a language peculiar to their country ; but an Irish gentleman who never before was in Scot- land, and made with me a Highland tour, was perfectly understood even by the common people ; and several of the lairds took me aside to ask me who he was, for that they never heard their language spoken in such purity before. This gentleman told me that he found the dialect to vary as much in different parts of the country as in any two counties of England. In writing English they seem to have no rule of orthography, and they profess they think good spelling of no great use ; but if they read English authors, I wonder their memory docs not retain the figures or fonns of common words, especially monosyllables ; but it may, for aught I know, be affectation. I have frequently received letters from ministers and lay gentlemen, both esteemed for their learning in dead languages, that have been so ill spelt, I thought I might have expected better from an ordinary woman in England. As for one single example : for heirs (of Latin derivation), airs, repeated several times in the same letter ; and further, one word was often variously spelt in the same page. The Highland dress consists of a bonnet made of thrum without a brim, a short coat, a waist- coat longer by five or six inches, short stockings, and brogues or pumps without heels. By the way, they cut holes in their brogues, though new made, to let out the water when they have far to go and rivers to pass : this they do to preserve their feet from galling. Few besides gentlemen wear the trowze, that is, the breeches and stockings all of one piece and drawn on togather ; over this habit they wear a plaid, which is usually three yards long and two breadths wide, and the whole garb is made of chequered tartan or plaiding ; this, with the sword and pistol, is called a full dress, and to a well-proportioned man with any tolerable air, it makes an agreeable figure ; but this you have seen in London, and it is chiefly their mode of dressing when they are in the Lowlands, or when they make a neighbouring visit, or go anywhere on horseback ; but when those among them who travel on foot, and have iint attendants to cany them over the waters, they vary it into the queU (kilt), which is a manner I am about to describe. The common habit of the ordinary High- landers is far from being acceptable to the eye : with them a small part of the plaid, which is not so large as the former, is set in folds and girt round the waist to make of it a short petti- coat that reaches half-way down the thigh, and the rest is brought over the shoulders, and then fastened before, below the neck, often with a fork, and sometimes with a bodkin, or sharpened piece of stick, so that they make pretty near the appearance of the poor women in London when they bring their gowns over their heads to shelter them from the rain. In this way of wearing the plaid, they have some- times nothing else to cover them, and are often barefoot ; but some I have seen shod with a kind of pumps made out of a raw cowhide with the hair turned outward, which being ill made, the wearer's feet looked something like those of a rough-footed hen or pigeon : these are called quarrants, and are not only offensive to the sight, but intolerable to the smell of those who are near them. The stocking rises no higher than the thick of the calf, and from the middle of the thigh to the middle of the leg is a naked space, which being exposed to all weathers, becomes tanned and freckled ; and the joint being mostly infected with the country dis- temper, the whole is very disagreeable to the eye. This dress is called the quclt [kilt) ; and for the most part they wear the petticoat so very short, that in a windy day, going up a hill, or stooping, the indecency of it is plainly discovered. A Highland gentleman told me one day merrily, as we were speaking of a dangerous precipice we had passed over together, that a lady of a noble family had complained to him very seriously, that as she was going over the same place with a gilly, who was upon an upper path leading her horse with a long string, she was so terrified with the sight of the abyss, that, to avoid it, she was forced to keep her eyes fixed upon the Highlander all the way long. I have observed before, that the plaid serves the ordinaiy people for a cloak by day and bedding at night : by the latter it imbibes so much perspiration, that no one day can free it from the filthy smell ; and even some of better than ordinary appearance, when the plaid falls from the shoulder, or otherwise requires to be re-adjusted, while you are talking with them, toss it over again, as some people do the knots of their wigs, which conveys the offence in whiffs that are intolerable : of this they seem not to be sensible, for it is often done only to give themselves airs. Various reasons are given both for and against the Highland dress. It is urged against it, that it distinguishes the natives as a body of people distinct and separate from the rest of the subjects of Great Britain, and thereby is one cause of their narrow adherence among themselves to the exclusion of all the rest of the kingdom ; but the part of the habit chieliy objected to is the plaid (or mantle), which, they say, is calculated tor the encouragement of an THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 375 idle life in lying about upon the heath in the daytime, instead of following some lawful employment ; that it serves to cover them in the night when they lie in wait among the mountains to commit their robberies and de- predations, and is composed of such colours as altogether in the mass so nearly resemble the heath on which they lie, that it is hardly to be distinguished from it until one is so near them as to be within their power if they have any evil intention. That it renders them ready at a moment's warning to join in any rebellion, as they carry continually their tents about them. And lastly, it was thought necessary in Ireland to suppress that habit by Act of Parlia- ment for the above reasons, and no complaint for the want of it now remains among the mountaineers of that country. On the other hand it is alleged, the dress is most convenient to those who, with no ill design, are obliged to travel from one part to another upon their lawful occasions, viz. : That they would not be so free to skip over the rocks and bogs with breeches, as they are in the short petticoat. That it would be greatly incommodious to those who are frequently to wade through waters, to wear breeches, which must be taken off upon every such occurrence, or would not only gall the wearer, but render it very un- healthful and dangerous to their limbs to be constantly wet in that part of the body, especi- ally in winter-time, when they might be frozen. And with respect to the plaid in particular, the distance between one place of shelter and another is often too great to be reached before night comes on ; and being intercepted by sudden floods, or hindered by other impedi- ments, they are frequently obliged to lie all night in the hills, in which case they must perish were it not for the covering they carry with them. That even if they should be so fortunate as to reach some hospitable hut, they must lie upon the ground uncovered, there being nothing to be spared from the family for that purpose. And to conclude, a few shillings will buy this dress for an ordinary Highlander, who very probably might hardly ever be in condition to purchase a Lowland suit, though of the coarsest cloth or stuff, fit to keep him warm in that cold climate. I shall determine nothing in this dispute, but leave you to judge which of these two reason- ings is the most cogent. The whole people are fond and tenacious of the Highland clothing, as you may believe by what is here to follow. Being in a wet season upon one of my pere- grinations, accompanied by a Highland gentle- man, who was one of the clan through which I was passing, I observed the women to be in great anger with him about something that I did not understand : at length I asked him wherein he had offended them. Upon this question he laughed, and told me bis great-coat was the cause of their wrath ; and that their reproach was, that he could not be contented with the garb of his ancestors, but was degener- ated into a Lowlander, and condescended to follow their unmanly fashions. The wretched appearance of the poor High- land women that come to this town has been mentioned ; and here I shall step out of the way to give you a notable instance of frugality in one of a higher rank. There is a laird's lady, about a mile from one of the Highland garrisons, who is often seen from the ramparts on Sunday mornings coming barefoot to the kirk, with her maid carrying the stockings and shoes after her. She stops at the foot of a certain rock, that serves her for a seat, not far from the hovel they call a church, and there she puts them on ; and in her return to the same place, she prepares to go home barefoot as she came, thus reversing the old Mosaic precept. "What English squire was ever blessed with such a housewife ? But this instance, though true to my know- ledge, I have thought something extraordinary, because the Highlanders are shy of exposing their condition to strangers, especially the English, and more particularly to a number of officers, to whom they are generally desirous to make their best appearance. But in my jour- neys, when they did not expect to be observed by any but their own country people, I have twice surprised the laird and his lady without shoes or stockings, a good way from home, in cold weather. The kirk above mentioned brings to my memory a curiosity of the same kind. At a place in Badenoch, called Ilan Dou, as I passed by a hut of turf something larger than ordinary, but taking little notice of it, I was called upon by one of the company to stop and observe its figure, which proved to be the form of a cross : this occasioned several jokes from a libertine and a Presbyterian upon the Highland cathedral and the Non-jurors, in all which they perfectly agreed. The ordinary girls wear nothing upon their heads until they are married or have a child, except sometimes a fillet of red or blue coarse cloth, of which they are very proud ; but often their hair hangs down over the forehead like that of a wild colt. If they wear stockings, which is very rare, they lay them in plaits one above another from the ancle up to the calf, to make their legs appear as near as they can in the form of a cylinder; but I think I have seen something like this among the poor German refugee women and the Moorish men in London. By the way, these girls, if they have no pretensions 3 1 76 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. to family (as many of them have, though in rags), they are vain of the attentions of a gentleman ; and when he makes love to one of them, she will plead her excuse in saying he undervalues himself, and that she is a pom girl not worth his attention, or something to that purpose. This conduct proceeds chiefly from a kind of ambition established by opinion and custom ; for as gentility is of all things esteemed the most valuable in the notion of those people, so any mark of attention renders the | r plebeian girl, in some measure, superior to her former equals. From thenceforward she becomes proud, and they grow envious of her being singled out from among them to receive the honour of a gentleman's particular notice ; but otherwise they are generally far from being immodest ; and as modesty is the capital feminine virtue, in that they may be a reproach to some in higher circumstances who have lost that decent and endearing quality. You know I should not venture to talk in this manner at , where modesty would be decried as impolite and troublesome, and I and my slender party ridiculed and borne down by a vast majority. I shall here give you a sample of the wretchedness of some of them. In one of my northern journeys, where I travelled in a good deal of company, there was among the rest a Scots baronet, who is a captain in the army, and does not seem (at least to me) to affect concealment of his country's disadvan- tage. This gentleman, at our inn, when none but he and I were together, examined the maid- servant about her way of living ; and she told him (as he interpreted it to me) that she never was in a bed in her life, or ever took off her clothes while they would hang together ; but in this last, I think, she was too general, for I am pretty sure she was forced to pull them off now and then for her own quiet. But I must go a little farther. One half of the hut, by partition, was taken up with the field-bed of the principal person among us, and therefore the man and his wife very courteously offered to sit up and leave their bed to the baronet and me (for the rest of the company were dispersed about in barns) ; but we could not resolve to accept the favour for certain reasons, but chose rather to lie upon the benches with our saddles for pillows. Being in a high part of the country, the night was excessive cold, with some snow upon the mountains, though in August, and the next day was the hottest that I think I ever felt in my life. The violent heat of the sun among the rocks made my new companions (natives of the hovel) such voracious cannibals that I was obliged to lag behind, and set my servant to take venge- ance on them for the plentiful repast they were making at my expense, and without my consent, and by which I was told they were become as red as blood. But I should have let you know, that when the table over-night was spread with such provisions as we carried with us, our chief man would needs have the lady of the house to grace the board ; and it fell to my lot to sit next to her till I had loaded her plate, and bid her go and sup with her husband, for I foresaw the consequence of our conjunction. The young children of the ordinary High- 9 are miserable objects indeed, ami are mostly overrun with that distemper which some of the old men are hardly ever freed of from their infancy. I have often seen them come out from the huts early in a cold morning stark naked, and squat themselves down (if I might decently use the comparison) like dogs on a dunghill, upon a certain occasion after confinement. And at other times they have but little to defend them from the inclemencies of the weather in so cold a climate : nor are the children of some gentlemen in much better condition, being strangely neglected till they are six or seven years old : this one might know by a saying I have often heard, viz. ' That a gentleman's bairns are to be distinguished by their speaking English.' I was invited one day to dine with a laird, not very far within the hills ; and observing about the house an English soldier, whom I had often seen before in this town, I took an opportunity to ask him several questions. This man was a bird-catcher, and emp'oyed by the laird to provide him with small birds for the exercise of his hawks. Among other things he told me, that for three or four days after his first coming, he had observed in the kitchen (an out-house hovel) a parcel of dirty children half naked, whom he took to belong to some poor tenant, till at last he found they were a part of the family ; but although these were so little regarded, the young laird, about the age of fourteen, was going to the university; and the eldest daughter, about sixteen, sat with us at table, clean and genteelly dressed. But perhaps it may seem, that in this and other observations of the like kind, whenever I have met with one particular fact, I would make it thought to be general. I do assure you it is not so : but when I have known anything to be common, I have endeavoured to illustrate it by some particular example. Indeed, there is hardly anything of this sort that I have mentioned can be so general as to be free from all exception ; it is justification enough to me if the matter lie generally known to answer my description, or what I have related of it. But I think an apology of this nature to you is needless. It is impossible for me, from my own know- ledge, to give you an account of the ordinary THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 377 way of living of those gentlemen, because when any of us (the English) are invited to their hoxises, there is always an appearance of plenty to excess ; and it has been often said they will ransack all their tenants rather than we should think meanly of their house-keeping ; but I have heard it from many whom they have employed, and perhaps had little regard to their observations as inferior people, that although they have been attended at dinner by five or six servants, yet, with all that state, they have often dined uj3on oatmeal varied several ways, pickled herrings, or other such cheap and indifferent diet ; but though I could not personally know their ordinary bill of fare, yet I have had occasion to observe they do not live in the cleanest manner, though some of them, when in England, affect the utmost nicety in that particular. A friend of mine told me some time ago, that in his journey hither he stopped to bait at the Bull Inn at Stamford, which, I think, is one among the best in England. He soon received a message by the landlord from two gentlemen in the next room, who were going from these parts to London, proposing they might all dine together ; this he readily consented to, as being more agreeable to him than dining alone. As they sat at table waiting for dinner, one of them found fault with the table-cloth, and said it was not clean : there was, it seems, a spot or two upon it, which he told them was only the stain of claret, that could not at once be perfectly washed out ; then they wiped their knives, forks, and plates with the napkins ; and, in short, nothing was clean enough for them, and this to a gentleman who is himself ex- tremely nice in everything of that nature. At last says my friend, vexed at the impertinent farce, as he called it, 'Gentlemen, I am vastly pleased at your dislikes, as I am now upon my journey to Scotland (where I have never yet been), because I must infer I shall there find these things in better condition.' ' Troth,' says one of them, ' ye canno want it.' I am sorry for such instances, whereby a fop, conscious of the fallacy, exposes his country, and brings ridicule upon other gentlemen of modesty and good sense, to serve a momentary vanity, if not to give affronts by such gross impositions. I know very well what my friend thinks of them now, and perhaps by their means of many others who do not deserve it. There is one gasconade of the people here- abouts which is extraordinary : they are often boasting of the great hospitality of the High- landers to strangers ; for my own part, I do not remember to have received one invitation from them but when it was with an apparent view to their own interest ; on the contrary, I have several times been unasked to eat, though there was nothing to be purchased within many miles of the place. But one particular instance was most inhos- pitable. Being benighted, soon after it was dark, I made up to the house of one to whom I was well known ; and though I had five or six miles to travel over a dangerous ragged way, wherein there was no other shelter to be expected, yet, upon the trampling of my horses before the house, the lights went out in the twinkling of an eye, and deafness at once seized the whole family. The latter part of what I have writ of this letter relates chiefly to gentlemen who inhabit the hills not far from the borders of the Low- lands, or not very far from the sea, or com- munication with it by lakes, as indeed most part of the houses of the chiefs of clans are in one or other of these situations. These are sometimes built with stone and lime, and though not large, except some few, are pretty commodious, at least with compari- son to these that are built in the manner of the huts, of which, if any one has a room above, it is, by way of eminence, called a lofted house ; but in the inner part of the mountains there are no stone buildings that I know of, except the barracks ; and one may go a hundred miles on end without seeing any other buildings than the common huts of turf. I have, indeed, heard of one that was intended to be built with stone in a remote part of the Highlands, from whence the laird sent a number of Highlanders with horses to fetch a quantity of lime from the borders ; but on their way home there happened to fall a good deal of rain, and the lime began to crackle and smoke : the Highlanders not think- ing, of all things, water would occasion fire, threw it all into a shallow rivulet in order to quench it, before they proceeded farther home- ward ; and this, they say, put an end to the project. But I take this to be a Lowland sneer upon the Highlanders, though not improbable. I have mentioned above, among other situa- tions of stone-built houses, some that are near to lakes which have a communication with the sea. There are, in several parts of the Highlands, winding hollows between the foot of the moun- tains whereinto the sea flows, which hollows are navigable for ships of burthen for ten or twenty miles together inland : those the natives call lochs or lakes, although they are salt, and have a flux and reflux, and therefore, more properly, should be called arms of the sea. I could not but think this explanation neces- sary to distinguish those waters from the standing fresh-water lakes. 37S THE BRITISH LETTER IV R ITERS. TO THE SAME. "When a young couple are married, for the first night the company keep possession of the dwelling-house or hut, and Bend the bridegroom and bride to a barn or out-house, giving them straw, heath, or fern for a bed, with blankets for their covering, and then they make merry, and dance to the piper all the night long. Soon after the wedding-day, the new-married woman sets herself about spinning her winding- sheet, and a husband that should sell or pawn it is esteemed, among all men, one of the most profligate. At a young Highlander's first setting up for himself, if he be of any consideration, he goes about among his near relations and friends ; and from one he begs a cow, from another a sheep, a third gives him seed to sow his hind, and so on, till he has procured for himself a tolerable stock for a beginner. This they call thigging. After the death of any one, not in the lowest circumstances, the friends and acquaintance of the deceased assemble to keep the near relations company the first night ; and they dance, as if it were at a wedding, till the next morning, though all the time the corpse lies before them in the same room. If the deceased be a woman, the widower leads up the first dance ; if a man, the widow. But this Highland custom I knew, to my disturbance, within less than a quarter of a mile of Edinburgh, before I had been among the mountains. It was upon the death of a smith, next door to my lodgings, who was a Highlander. The upper class hire women to moan and lament at the funeral of their nearest relations. These women cover their heads with a small piece of cloth, mostly green, and every now and then break out into a hideous howl and ho-bo- bo-bo-boo, as I have often heard is done in some parts of Ireland. This part of the ceremony is called a coronoclt, and, generally speaking, is the cause of much drunkenness, attended with its concomitants, mischievous rencounters and bloody broils ; for all that have arms in their possession accoutre themselves with them upon those occasions. I have made mention of their funeral piles in a former letter ; but I had once occasion to take particular notice of a heap of stones near Che middle of a small piece of arable land. The plou li was carefully guided as near to it as possible: and the pile, being like others I had seen upon the moors, I ask< d, by an interpreter, whether there was a rock beneath it; but being answered in the negative, I further inquired the nasons why they lost so much -round, and did not remove the heap. To this I had for answer, it was a burial place, and they deemed it a kind of sacrilege to remove one single stone ; and that the children, from their infancy, were taught the same veneration for it. Thus a parcel of loose stones are more religiously preserved among them, than, with us, the costly monuments in "Westminster Abbey ; and thence I could not but conclude, that the inclination to preserve the remains and memory of the dead is greater with those people than it is among us. The Highlanders, even here in this town, cannot forego the practice of the hills, in raising heaps of stones over such as have lost their lives by some misfortune ; for in Oliver's Fort, no sooner was the body of an officer removed from the place where he fell in a duel, than they set about the raising such a heap of stones upon the spot where he had lain. So much for mountain monuments. Those who are said to have the scroti'/ deal ehiefly in deaths, and it is often said to be a gift peculiar to some families ; that is, the cheat has, with some, been handed down from father to son. Yet I must confess they seldom fail to be right when they reveal their pre- dictions ; for they take the surest method to prophetise, which is to divulge the oracle after the fact. Of this I had once an opportunity to convince a Highland gentleman, from whom I thought might have been expected more reason and less prejudice than to be gulled by such impostors. The matter was this :— A poor Highlander was drowned in wading a ford, and his body afterwards put into a small barn. Xot many days after, the laird endeavouring to pass the same water, which was hard by his own house, his horse gave way, and he was likewise drowned, and carried into the same hut. Soon after, a story began to pass for current, that such a one the second-sighted foretold, when the body of the poor man lay exposed to view, that it would not be long before a greater man than he should lie in the same place. This was all that was pretended, and that too was afterwards found to be an invention arising from the circumstance of two persons, at a little distance of time, being drowned in the same ford, and both their bodies carried to one hovel, which indeed stood singly, near the place where they were, both stopped by the rocks. Witches and goblins are likewise - common among the Highlanders, and they have several old prophecies handed down to them by tradition, among which this is one. that the time shall come when they shall measure out the cloth of London with a long pole. As the little manufacture they had was cloth, so at the time when this pretended prophecy was broached, they esteemed that the only riches, and did not know of the treasure of Lombard Stan el : like the country boy. that fed poorly and worked hard, who said, if he were a THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 379 gentleman he would eat fat bacon, and swing all day long upon Gaffer Sucb-a-one's yate. A certain laird is frequently heard to affirm, that at the instant he was born, a number of swords that hung up in the hall of the mansion- house leaped of themselves out of the scabbards, in token, I suppose, that he was to be a mighty man in arms, and this vain romance seems to be believed by the lower order of his followers ; and I believe there are many that laugh at it in secret who dare not publicly declare their disbelief. But because the miracle has hitherto only portended the command of his clan and an independent company, he has endeavoured to supply the defeat of the presage by his own epitaph, altogether as romantic, in his own kirk, which he still lives to read whenever he pleases to gratify his vanity with the sight of it. They have an odd notion relating to dead bodies that are to be transported over rivers, lakes, or arms of the sea. Before it is put on board, they appraise and ascertain the value of the boat or vessel, believing, if that be ne- glected, some accident will happen to endanger the lives of those who are embarked in it ; but upon recollection, I think some of our seamen entertain this idle fancy in some measure. For I have heard they do not care for a voyage with a corpse on board, as though it would be the occasion of tempestuous weather. And lastly (for I shall not trouble you longer with things of this kind, which are without number), the Highlanders are of opinion that it is in the power of certain enchantresses to make them childless ; but I am rather inclined to believe it was originally a male artifice among them to serve as an excuse in cases where they have no family. The marriages of the chiefs and chieftains are for the most part confined to the circuit of the Highlands, and they generally endeavour to strengthen their clan by what they call powerful alliances. But I must not be understood to include any of the prime nobility of Scotland, of whom there are some chiefs of clans. Their dignity places them quite out of the reach of anything I have said, or have to say, in relation to the heads of Highland families, who reside constantly with them, and govern them in person. As to the lower class of gentry and the ordinary people, they generally marry in the clan whereto they appertain. All this may be political enough, i.e. the chief to have regard to the Highlands in general, and his followers to their own par- ticular tribe or family, in order to preserve themselves a distinct people ; but this continues them in a narrow way of thinking with respect to the rest of mankind, and also prevents that addition to the circumstances of the whole, or a part of the Highlands, which might be made by marriages of women of fortune in the Lowlands. This in time might have a good effect, by producing a union instead of that coldness, to say no more, which subsists at present between the natives of those two parts of Scotland, as if they bore no relation one to another, considered as men and subjects of the same kingdom, and even the same part of it. Yet I must here (and by the bye) take notice of one thing, wherein they perfectly agree, which experience has taught me to know perfectly well, and that is, to grudge and envy those of the south part of the island any profitable employment among them, although they themselves are well received, and equally encouraged and employed with the natives in that part of the kingdom. And I think further, they have sometimes more than their share, if they must needs keep up such a partial and invidious distinction. But to return to the marriages of the High- landers. Perhaps, after what has been said of the country, it may be asked what Lowland woman would care to lead a life attended with so many inconveniences? Doubtless there are those who would be as fond of sharing the clannish state and power with a husband, as some others are of a name, when they sell themselves for a title ; for each of these kinds of vanity is very flattering. Besides, there are many of the Lowland women who seem to have a great liking to the Highland men, which they cannot forbear to insinuate in their ordinary conversation. But such marriages are very rare ; and I know but one instance of them, which I must confess will not much recommend the union of which I have been speaking ; but then it is but one, and cannot be the cause of any general inference. A certain chieftain took to wife the daughter of an Edinburgh goldsmith ; but this Lowland match was the cause of much discontent in the tribe, as being not only a diminution of the honour of the house, but, in their opinion, an ill precedent besides ; and nothing was more common among the people of that branch of the clan, than to ask among themselves, "Were there not smiths enough in the clan that had daughters ? How comes our chief then to have married the daughter of a Lowland smith? — making no distinction between an Edinburgh goldsmith and a Highland blacksmith. They thought it was a disgrace of which every one partook, that he should match himself with a tradesman's daughter, a Lowland woman, and no way derived from the tribe. This proved in the end to be a fatal marriage; but as it is uncertain, and therefore would be unjust for me to determine in a matter whereof I have not a perfect knowledge, I cannot conclude which of the two, the husband or the wife, was the occasion of the sad catastrophe. I shall only say what I know, viz. that an old rough Highlander, of sixty at least, was 3So THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. imprisoned at one of the barracks while I was there for accepting favours from the lady. She was to be sent to Edinburgh to answer the accusation ; and while she was preparing to go, and the messenger waiting without doors to conduct her thither, slu died. The clan whereto the above-mentioned tribe belongs, is the only one I have heard of which is without a chief; that is, being divided into families under several chieftains, without any particular patriarch of the whole name. And this is a great reproach, as may appear from an affair that fell out at my table in the Highlands between one of that name and a Cameron. The provocation given by the latter was, Name your chief. The return to it, at once, was, You are a fool. They went out the next morning ; but having early notice of it, I sent a small party of soldiers after them, which in all probability prevented some barbarous mischief that might have ensued. For the chiefless Highlander, who is himself a petty chieftain, was going to the place appointed with a small- sword and pistol ; whereas the Cameron (an old man) took with him only his broad-sword, according to agreement. When all was over, and I had at least seemingly reconciled them, I was told the words, of which I seemed to think but slightly, were to one of that clan the greatest of all provocations. In a bargain between two Highlanders, each of them wets the ball of his thumb with his mouth, and then joining them together, it is esteemed a very binding act ; but in more solemn engagements they take an oath in a manner which I shall describe in some suc- ceeding letter. "When any one of them is armed at all points, he is loaded with a target, a firelock, a heavy broad sword, a pistol-stock, and lock of iron, a dirk ; and besides all these, some of them carry a sort of knife, which they call a shccn-oclcs, from its being concealed in the sleeve near the arm -pit. This last is more peculiar to the robbers, who have done mischief with it when they were thought to have been effectually disarmed. To see a Highlander thus furnished out, might put one in mind of Merry Andrew, when he comes from behind the curtain in a warlike manner to dispute the doctor's right to his stage. He is then in his own individual person a whole company of foot, being loaded with one of every species of the arms and trophies of a regiment ; viz. a pike, halbert, firelock, sword, bayonet, colours, and drum. Sometimes, when a company of them have previously resolved and agreed to be peaceably ami friendly over their a&ky, they have drawn their dirks and stuck them all into the table be fine t In in ; as who should say, Nothing \>\^ peace at this meeting, no private stabbing to- night. But in promiscuous companies, at great assemblies, such as fairs, burials, etc. where much drunkenness prevails, there scarcely ever fails to be great riots and much mischief done among them. To shoot at a mark, they lay themselves all along behind some stone or hillock, on which they rest their piece, and are a long while taking their aim; by which means they can destroy any one unseen, on whom they would wreak their malice or revenge. When in sight of the enemy, they endeavour to possess themselves of the higher ground, as knowing they give their fire more effectually by their situation one above another, being without discipline ; and also that they afterwards descend on the enemy with greater force, having in some measure put it out of their power to recede in the first onset. After their first fire (I need not have said their first, for they rarely stand a second) they throw away their fire-arms and plaids which encumber them, and make their attack with their swords ; but if repulsed, they seldom or never rally, but return to their habitations. If they happen to engage in a plain, when they expect the enemy's fire they throw them- selves down on the ground. They had ever a dread of the cavalry, and did not care to engage them, though but few in number. I chanced to be in company one time with an old Highlander, as I passed over the plain of Killiecrankie, where the battle was fought between King William's troops commanded by General Mackay, and the rebel Highlanders under the Earl of Dundee. When we came to the great stone that is raised about the middle of the flat, upon the spot where Dundee fell, we stopped ; and there he described to me, in his manner, the order and end of the battle, of which I shall now give you the substance only, for he was long in telling his story. He told me that Mackay extended his line, which w as only two deep, the whole length of the plain, designing, as he supposed, to sur- round the Highlanders, if they should descend from the side of an opposite hill where they were posted. That after the first firing, the rebels came down six or seven deep, to attack the King's troops; and their rear pushing on their front, they by their weight charged through and through those feeble files, and having broke tin in, made with their broad-swords a most cruel carnage ; and many others who expected no quarter, in order to escape the Highland fury, threw themselves into that rapid river (the Tay), and were drowned. But he said there was an English regiment who kept them- selves entire (the only one that was there), whom the Highlanders did not care to attack ; and after the slaughter was ever and the enemy THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 3SI retired, that single corps marched from the field in good order. He further told me, there were some few horse badly mounted, who by the strength and weight of the Highland files were pushed into the river, which was close in their rear. On any sudden alarm and danger of distress to the chief, he gives notice of it throughout his own clan, and to such others as are in alliance with him. This is done by sending a signal, which they call the fiery-cross, being two sticks tied together transversely, and burnt at the ends ; with this, he sends directions in writing, to signify the place of rendezvous. And when the principal person of any place has received this token, he dismisses the messenger, and sends it forward to another, and so on, till all have received the intelligence. Upon the receipt of this signal, all that are near immediately leave their habitations, and repair to the place appointed, with their arms, and oatmeal for their provision. This they mingle with the water of the next river or burn they come to, when hunger calls for a supply ; and often, for want of a proper vessel, sup the raw mixture out of the palms of their hands. They have been used to impose a tax upon the inhabitants of the Low-country, near the borders of the Highlands, called black mail (or rent), and levy it upon them by force ; and sometimes upon the weaker clans among them- selves. But as it was made equally criminal, by several Acts of Parliament, to comply with this exaction and to extort it, the people, to avoid the penalty, came to agreement with the robbers, or some of their correspondents in the Lowlands, to protect their houses and cattle. And as long as this payment was punctually made, the depredations ceased, or otherwise the collector of this imposition was by contract obliged to make good the loss, which he seldom failed to do. These collectors gave regular receipts, as for safe-guard money ; and those who refused to pay it were sure to be plundered, except they kept a continual guard of their own well armed, which would have been a yet more expensive way of securing their property. And notwithstanding the guard of the independent Highland companies, which were raised chiefly to prevent thefts and impositions of this nature, yet I have been certainly informed that this black mail, or evasive safe- guard money, has been very lately paid in a disarmed part of the northern Highlands, and I make no doubt in other places besides, though it has not yet come to my knowledge. The gathering-in of rents is called uplifting them, and the stealing of cows they call lifting, a softening word for theft, as if it were only collecting their dues. This I have often heard ; but it has as often occurred to me, that we have the word shop-lifting in the sense of stealing, which I take to be an old English compound word. But as to the etymology of it, I leave that to those who are fond of such unprofitable disquisitions, though I think this is pretty evident. When a design is formed for this purpose, they go out in parties from ten to thirty men, and traverse large tracts of mountains, till they arrive at the place where they intend to commit their depredations, and that they choose to do as distant as they can from then- own dwellings. The principal time for this wicked practice is, the Michaelmas moon, when the cattle are in condition fit for markets held on the borders of the Lowlands. They drive the stolen cows in the night-time, and by day they lie concealed with them in by-places among the mountains, where hardly any others come ; or in woods, if any such are to be found in their way. I must here ask leave to digress a little, and take notice that I have several times used the word cows for a drove of cattle. This is according to the Highland style ; for they say, a drove of cows, when there are bulls and oxen among them, as we say, a flock of geese, though there be in it many ganders. And having just now mentioned the time of lifting, it revived in my memory a malicious saying of the Low- landers, viz. that the Highland lairds tell out their daughters' tochers by the light of the Michaelmas moon. But to return. Sometimes one band of these robbers has agreed with another to exchange the stolen cattle ; and in this case they used to commit their robberies nearer home ; and by appointing a place of rendezvous, those that lifted in the north-east (for the purpose) have exchanged with others towards the west, and each have sold them not many miles from home, which was commonly at a very great distance from the place where they were stolen. Nay further, as I have been well informed, in making this contract of exchange, they have by correspondence, long before they went out, described to each other the colour and marks of the cows destined to be stolen and ex- changed. I remember a story concerning a Highland woman, who, begging a charity of a Lowland laird's lady, was asked several questions ; and among the rest, how many husbands she had had. To which she answered, three. And being further questioned if her husbands had been kind to her, she said the two first were honest men, and very careful of their family, for they both died for the law, that is, were hanged for theft. ' Well, but as to the last ? ' ' Hout ! ' says she, ' a fulthy peast ! he died at hame, lik an auld dug, on a puckle o' strae.' Those that have lost their cattle sometimes pursue them by the track, and recover them from the thieves. Or if in the pursuit they are 382 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. fed (as they phrase it) into the bounds of I any other chief, whose followers were not con- 1 coined in the robbery, and the track is there lost, he is obliged by law to trace them out of his territory, or make them good to the owner. By the way, the heath or heather, being pressed by the foot, retains the impression, or at least some remains of it, for a long while it rises again effectually ; and besides, you know, there are other visible marks left behind by the cattle. But even a single Highlander has been found by the track of his foot when he took to hills out of the common ways for his greater safety in his flight, as i thinking he could not so well be discovered from hill to hill every now and then as he often might be in the road (as they call it) between the mountains. If the pursuers overtake the robbers, and find them inferior in number, and happen to seize any of them, they are seldom prosecuted, there being but few who are in circumstances fit to support the expense of a prosecution ; or if they were, they would be liable to have their houses burnt, their cattle hocked, and their lives put in danger from some of the clan to which the banditti belonged. But with the richer sort, the chief or chieftain generally makes a composition, when it comes to be well known the thieves belonged to his tribe, which he willingly pays to save the lives of some of his clan ; and this is repaid him by a contribution among the robbers, who never refuse to do their utmost to save those of their fraternity. But it has been said this payment has been sometimes made in cows stolen from the opposite side of the country, or paid out of the produce of them when sold at the market. It is certain some of the Highlanders think of this kind of depredation as our deer-stealers do of their park and forest enterprises ; that is, to be a small crime or none at all. And as the latter would think it a scandalous reproach to be charged with robbing a hen-roost, so the Highlander thinks it less shameful to steal a hundred cows than one single sheep ; for a sheep-stealer is infamous even among them. If I am mistaken in that part of my account of the lifting of cattle, which is beyond my own knowledge, you may lay the blame to tho»e gentlemen who gave me the information. But there is no more wonder that men of honesty and probity should disclose with abhorrence the evil practices of the vile part of their countrymen than that I should confess to them, we have among us a number of villains that cannot plead the least shadow of an excuse for their thievings and highway robberies, unless they could make a pretence of their idleness and luxury. When I lirst came into these parts, a High- land gentleman, in order to give me a notion of the ignorance of some of the ordinary High- landers, and their contempt of the Lowland laws (as they call them), gave me an account, as we were walking together, of the behaviour of a common Highlainlnian at his trial before the Lords of Justiciary in the Low-country. By the way, the ap] varance of those gentlemen upon the bench is not unlike that of our judges in England. I shall repeat the fellow's words as near as I can, by writing in the same broken accent as my Highland friend used in mimicking the criminal. Tliis man was accused of stealing, with others his accomplices, a good number of cattle. And while his indictment was in reading, setting forth that he, as a common thief, had lain in wait, etc., the Highlander lost all patience, and interrupting, cried out, ' Common tief, common tief ! steal ane cow, twa cow, dat be common tief : lift hundred cow, dat be shentilmans trovers.' After the court was again silent, and some little progress had been made in the particulars of the accusation, he again cried out, ' Ah hone ! dat such fine shen- tilmans should sit dere wid der fine cowns on te mak' a parshel o' lees on a peur, honesht mon.' But in conclusion, when he was told what was to be his fate, he roared out most out- rageously, and fiercely pointing at the judges, he cried out, ' Ah for a proad sword an a tirk, to rid de hoose o' tose foul peastes.' Personal robberies are seldom heard of among them. For my own part, I have several times, with a single servant, passed the moun- tain way from hence to Edinburgh, with four or five hundred guineas in my portmanteau, without any apprehension of robbers by the way, or danger in my lodgings by night, though in my sleep any one with ease might have thrust a sword from the outside, through the wall of the hut and my body together. I wish we could say as much of our own country, civilised as it is said to be, though one cannot be safe in going from London to Highgate. Indeed in trifling matters, as a knife, or some such thing, which they have occasion for, and think it will cause no very strict inquiry, they are, some of them, apt to pilfer ; while a silver spoon or a watch might lie in safety, because they have no means to dispose of either, and to make use of them would soon discover their theft. But I cannot approve the Lowland saying, viz. ' Show me a Highlander, and I will show you a thief.' Yet after all I cannot forbear doing justice upon a certain laird, whose lady keeps a change far in the Highlands, west of this town. This gentleman one day, opportunity tempt- ing, took a fancy to the lock of an officer's pistol ; another time he fell in love (like many other men) with a fair but deceitful outside, in taking the boss of a bridle silvered over to be all of that valuable metal. "Tis true, I never lost anything at his hut ; but the proverb made me watchful — I need not repeat it THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 383 But let this account of him be of no conse- quence ; for I do assure you I never knew any one of his rank do anything like it in all the Highlands. And for my own part, I do not remember that ever I lost anything among them, but a pair of new doe-skin gloves ; and at another time a horse-cloth made of plaiding, which was taken away while my horses were swimming across a river, and that was sent me the next day to Fort- William, to which place I was going, when it was taken from the rest of my baggage, as it lay upon the ground. I say nothing in this place of another robbery, be- cause I know the motive to it was purely revenge. I thought I had done with this part of my subject ; but there is just now come to my remembrance a passage between an ordinary Highlandman and an officer in half-pay who lives in this town, and is himself of Highland extraction. He told me a long while ago, that on a certain time, he was going on foot, and un- attended, upon a visit to a laird, about seven or eight miles among the hills ; and being clad in a new glossy summer suit (instead of his Highland dress, which he usually wore upon such occasions), there overtook him in his way an ordinary fellow, who forced himself upon him as a companion. When they had gone together about a mile his new fellow-traveller said to him, — ' Troth, ye ha getten bra clais,' of which the officer took little notice ; but some time after the fellow began to look sour, and to snort (as they do when they are angry), ' Ah ! 'tis ponny geer ; what an I shou'd tak 'em f rae ye noo ? ' Upon this, the officer drew a pistol from his breast, and said, ' What do you think of this 1 ' But at sight of the pistol the fellow fell on his knees, and squalled out, ' Ah hone ! ah hone ! she was but shokin.' It is true this dialogue passed in Irish, but this is the language in which I was told the story. But I have known several instances of common Highlanders, who, rinding themselves like to be worsted, have crouched and howled like a beaten spaniel, so suddenly has their inso- lence been turned into fawning. But you know we have both of us seen in our own country a change in higher life not less unmanly. [Captain Burt is far from complimentary in his remarks upon the Highlanders of Scotland, but we cannot say he is not telling the truth in these very matter-of-fact letters. We quote freely from them, less for their style, which is their smallest recommendation, than to show the impression made upon an Englishman by ScotJ«ffd of a past age.] [William Melmoth, son of the author of one of the most popular religious works to which the eighteenth century gave birth, was born in 1710, and about 1742 published some original letters under the name of Fitzcsbome, which are remarkable for the laboured elegance of their style, the just- ness of their sentiments, and the accuracy of their criticism. His translation of Pliny's Letters, in 1747, obtained for him the reputation of a refined and accomplished scholar. He died at a very advanced age, in 1790.— Willmott.] MELMOTH TO A FEIEND. I esteem your letters in the number of my most valuable possessions, and preserve them as so many prophetical leaves upon which the state of our distracted nation is inscribed. But in exchange for the maxims of a patriot, I can only send you the reveries of a recluse, and give you the stones of the brook for the gold of Ophir. Never, indeed, Palemon, was there a commerce more unequal than that wherein you are contented to engage with me, and I could scarce answer it to my conscience to continue a traffic where the whole benefit accrues singly to myself, did I not know that to confer, without the possibility of an advantage, is the most pleasing exercise of generosity. I will venture, then, to make use of a privilege which I have long enjoyed ; as I well know you love to mix the meditations of the philosopher with the reflections of the statesman, and can turn with equal relish from the politics of Tacitus to the morals of Seneca. I was in my garden this morning somewhat earlier than usual, when the sun, as Milton describes him, ' With wheels yet hov'ring o'er the ocean brim, Shot parallel to th' earth his dewy ray.' There is something in the opening of the dawn at this season of the year that enlivens the mind with a sort of cheerful seriousness, and fills it with a certain calm rapture in the con- sciousness of its existence. For my own part, at least, the rising of the sun has the same effect on me as it is said to have had on the celebrated statue of Memnon ; and I never observe that glorious luminary breaking out upon me, that I do not find myself harmonized for the whole day. While I was enjoying the freshness and tranquillity of this early season, and considering the many reasons I had to join in offering up that 'morning incense,' which the poet I just now mentioned represents as particularly arising at this hour 'from the earth's great altar,' I could not but esteem it as a principal blessing that I was entering 3§4 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. upon a new day with health and spirits. To awake with recruited vigour for the trans- actions of life, is a mercy so generally dispensed, that it passes, like the other ordinary bounties of Providence, without making its due im- pression. Yet, were one never to rise under these happy circumstances, without reflecting what numbers there are, who (to use the language of the most pathetic of authors) when they said, ' My bed shall comfort me, my couch shall ease my complaint,' were, like him, ' full of tossings to and fro unto the dawning of the day,' or ' scared with dreams and terrified through visions ; ' were one to consider, I say, how many pass their nights in all the horrors of a disturbed imagination, or all the wakeful- ness of real pains, one could not find oneself exempt from such uneasy slumbers, or such terrible vigils, without double satisfaction and gratitude. There is nothing, indeed, contributes more to render a man contented with that draught of life which is poured out to himself, than thus to reflect on those more bitter in- gredients which are sometimes mingled in the cup of others. In pursuing the same vein of thought, I could not but congratulate myself that I had no part in that turbulent drama which was going to be reacted upon the great stage of the world, and rejoiced that it was my fortune to stand a distant and unengaged spectator of those several characters that would shortly fill the scene. This suggested to my remembrance a passage in the Roman tragic poet, where he describes the various pursuits of the busy and ambitious world in very just and lively colours : — ' Ille superbos aditus return Durasque fores, expers somni, Colit : hie nullo fine beatus Componit opes, gazis banians, Et congesto pauper in auro est. Ilium populi favor attonitum, Fluctuque magis mobile vulgus, Aura tumidum tollit inani. Hie clamosi rabiosa fori Jurgia vendens improbus, iras Et verba locat.' And I could not forbear saying to myself, in the language of the same author : ' Me mea tellus Lare secreto tutoque tegat ! ' Yet this circumstance, which your friend con- siders so valuable a privilege, has been esteemed by ethers as the most severe of afflictions. The celebrated Count de Bussy Kabutin has written a little treatise, wherein, after having shown that the greatest of men upon the stage of the world are generally the most unhappy, he closes the account by producing himself as an instance of the truth of what he has been advancing. But can you guess, Falemon, what this terrible disaster was, which entitled him to rank in the number of these unfortunate heroes? He had composed, it seems, certain satirical pieces, which gave great offence to Louis XIV. ; for which reason that monarch banished him from the slavery and dependence of a court, to live in ease and freedom at his country house. But the world had taken too strong possession of his heart, to suffer him to leave even the worst part of it without reluctance ; and, like the patriarch's wife, he looked back with regret upon the scene from which he was kindly driven, though there was nothing in the prospect but flames. Adieu ! [Hume had been the means of securing a hospit- able asylum for Rousseau in England, and a pension ; but the latter, whose mind was morbid and full of suspicions against all his friends, returned again to France after a stay of sixteen months.] DAVID HCME TO DR. BLAIR. July 15, 17GG. Dear Doctor, — I go in a few hours to Woburn, so can only give you the outline of my history. Through many difficulties I obtained a pension for Rousseau. The appli- cation was made with his own consent and knowledge. I write him that all is happily completed, and he need only draw for the money. He answers me that I am a rogue and a rascal, and have brought him into England merely to dishonour him. I demand the reason of this strange language, and Mr. Davenport, the gentleman with whom he lives, tells him that he must necessarily satisfy me. To-day I received a letter from him, which is perfect frenzy. It would make a good eighteenpenny pamphlet, and I fancy he intends to publish it. He there tells me that D'Alembert,' Horace AValpole, and I, had from the first entered into a combination to ruin him, and had ruined him. That the first suspicion of my treachery arose in him while we lay together in the same room of an inn in Fiance. I there spoke in my sleep, and betrayed my intention of ruining him. That young Tronchin lodged in the same house with me at London ; and Annie Elliot looked very coldly at him as he went by her in the passage. That I am also in a close confederacy witli Lord Lyttelton, who, he hears, is his mortal enemy. That the English nation were very fond of him on his first arrival; but that Horace "Walpole and I had totally alienated them from him. He owns, however, that his belief of my treachery went no higher than suspicion while he was in London, but it rcse t*. certainty after he arrived in the country; fo/ that there were several publications in the THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 3S5 papers against him, which could have proceeded from nobody but me or my confederate, Horace Walpole. The rest is all of a like strain, intermixed with many lies and much malice. I own that I was very anxious about this affair, but this letter has totally relieved me. I write in a hurry, merely to satisfy your curiosity. I hope soon to see you, and am, etc. [The reader is recommended to compare with the vivid painting of Gray, the account given of these famous trials by Horace Walpole, in a letter to H. Mann, August 1, 174G. In the Gcntlcmarfs Magazine appeared an account of Lord Lovat's execution, bearing, in Mr. Croker's opinion, strong internal evidence of having been written by Johnson, to whom Mr. Mitford, without sufficient authority, has attributed the severe verses upon Lord Lovat which were published in the same number. Bos- well, indeed, had heard him repeat them with great energy. They have the anti- thesis, without the finish of his style. — Willmott.] GRAY TO WHARTON. My dear Wharton,— I am just returned hither from town, where I have passed better than a fortnight (including an excursion that I made to Hampton Court, Richmond, Greenwich, and other places), and am happily met by a letter from you, one from Tuthill, and another from Trollope. As I only run over Dr. Andrew's answers hastily in a coffee-house, all I could judge was, that they seemed very unfavourable on the whole to our cause, and threw every- thing into the hands of a visitor, for which reason I thought they might have been concealed till the Attorney-General's opinion arrived, which will perhaps raise the spirits of such as the other may have damped a little, or leave room at least to doubt whether the matter be so clear on the master's side as Andrew would have it. You can't suppose that I was in the least uneasy about Mr. Brown's fortitude, who wants nothing but a foot in height and his own -hah- to make him a little old Roman : with two dozen such I should not hesitate to face an army of heads, though they were all as tall as Dr. Adams. I only wish everybody may continue in as good a disposition as they were ; and imagine, if possible, Roger will be fool enough to keep them so. I saw Trollope for about an hour in London ; and imagining he could not be left in the dark as to your consultations, I mentioned that I had cast an eye over Andrew's papers, and that it was not so favourable as we hoped. He spoke, however, with horror of going to law ; with great passion of the master ; and with great pleasure of himself for quitting a place where he had not found a minute's ease in I know not how long : yet I perceive his thoughts run on nothing else ; he trembled while he spoke ; he writes to me here on the same subject ; and after abusing Roger, he adds, Whartoni rubra hac subscribe libcllo. My evenings have been chiefly spent at Rane lagh and Vauxhall ; several of my mornings, or rather noons, in Arlington Street ; and the rest at the trial of the lords. The first day I was not there, and only saw the Lord High Steward's parade in going ; the second and third . . . peers were all in their robes ... by their wearing bag- wigs and hats, instead of coronets. The Lord High Steward was the least part of the show, as he wore only his baron's robe, and was always asking the heralds what he should do next, and bowing or smiling about to his accpaaintance. As to his speech, you see it ; people hold it very cheap, though several in- correctnesses have been altered in the printed copy. Kilmarnock spoke in mitigation of his crime near half an hour, with a decent courage, and in a strong but pathetic voice. His figure would prejudice people in his favour, being tall and genteel ; he is upwards of forty, but to the eye not above thirty-five years of age. What he said appears to less advantage when read. Cromartie (who is about the same age, a man of lower stature, but much like a gentleman) was sinking into the earth with grief and dejection ; with eyes cast down, and a voice so ow that no one heard a syllable that did not sit close to the bar, he made a short speech to raise compassion. It is now, I see, printed, and is reckoned extremely fine. I believe you will think it touching, and well expressed : if there be any meanness in it, it is lost in that sorrow he gives us for so numerous and helpless a family. Lady Cromartie (who is said to have drawn her husband into these circumstances! was at Leicester House on Wednesday, wltn four of her children. The Princess saw her, and made no other answer than by bringing in her own children and placing them by her; which (if true) is one of the prettiest things I ever heard. She was also at the Duke's, who refused to admit her ; but she waited till he came to his coach, and threw herself at his knees, while her children hung upon him, till he promised her all his interest could do ; and before, on several occasions, he had been heard to speak very mildly of Cromartie, and very severely of Kilmarnock ; so if any be spared, it will probably be the former, though he had a pension of £000 a year from the Government, and the order for giving quarter to no English- man was found in his pocket. As to Balmerino, he never had any hopes from the beginning, 2B 385 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. He is an old, soldier-like man, of a vulgar manner and aspect, speaks the broadest Scotch, and shows an intrepidity that some ascribe to real courage, and some to brandy. You have heard, perhaps, that the first day (while the were adjourned to consider of his plea, and he left alone for an hour and a half in the bar) he diverted himself with the axe that stood by him, played with its tassels, and tried the edge with his finger ; and some lord, as he passed by him, saying he was surprised to hear him allege anything so frivolous, and that could not possibly do him the least service, he answered, 'that as there were so many ladies present, he thought it would be uncivil to give them no amusement.' The Duke of Argyle telling him how sorry and how astonished he was to see him engaged in such a cause : ' My lord ' (says he), ' for the two kings and their rights, I cared not a farthing which prevailed ; but I was starving ; and by God, if Mahomet had set up his standard in the Highlands, I had been a good Mussulman for bread, and stuck close to the party, for I must eat.' The Solicitor-General came up to speak to him too, anl he turns about to old "Williamson. ' Who is that lawyer that talks to me ? ' ' My lord, it is Mr. Murray.' 'Ha! Mr. Murray, my good friend ' (says he, and shook him by the hand), ' and how does your good mother ? oh ! she was of admirable service to us ; we should have done nothing without her in Perthshire. He recommends (he says) his Peggy ('tis uncertain . . . the favour of the Government, for she has . . . I have been diverted with an account of Lord Lovat in his confinement at Edinburgh. There was a Captain Maggett, that is obliged to lie in the room every night with him. When first he was introduced to him, lie made him come to his bedside, where he lay in a hundred flannel waistcoats, and a furred night-gown, took him in Ins arms, and gave him a long embrace, that absolutely suffocated him. He will speak nothing but French ; insists upon it that Mag- gett is a Frenchman, and calls him ' mon cher Capitaine Magot' (you know hiagot is a monkey). At his head lie two Highland women, at his feet two Highland men. He is to be impeached by the House of Commons, because not being actually in arms, it would othi rwise be necessary that the jury of Inver- ness should find a bill of indictment against him, which it is very sure tiny would not do. When the duke returned to Edinburgh, they refused to admit Kingston's Light Eorse, and talked of their privileges ; but they came in Bword in hand, and replied, that when the Pretender was at their gates they had said nothing of their privileges. The duke rested some hours there, but refused to see the magis- tracy. I believe you may think it full time that I close my budget of stories ; Mr. Walpole I have seen a good deal, and shall do a gocl deal more, I suppose, for he is looking for a house somewhere about "Windsor during the summer. All is mighty free, and even friendly, more than one could expect. You remember a paper in the Museum on Message Cards, which he told me was Fielding's, and asked my opinion about ; it was his own, and so was the Adver- tisement on Good Lreeding, that made us laugh so. Mr. Ashton I have had several conver- sations with, and do really believe he shows himself to me such as he really is : I don't tell you I like him ever the better for it ; but that may be my fault, not his. The Pelhams lie very hard at his stomach ; he is not forty y< fc, but he is thirty-one, he says, and thinks it his duty to be married. One thing of that kind is just broke off ; she had £12,000 in her own hands. This is a profound secret, but I, not conceiving that he told me it as such, happened to tell it to Stonhewer, who told it to Lyne, who told it to Ashton again, all in the space of three hours, whereby I incurred a scolding ; so pray don't let me fall under a second, and lose all my hopes of rising in the Church. The Muse, I doubt, is gone, and has left mc in far worse company ; if she returns you will hear of her. You see I have left no room for a catalogue, which is a sort of policy, for it's hardly possible my memory should supply one : I will try by next time, which will be soon, if I hear from you. If your curiosity require any more circumstances of these trials . . . will see . . . find some . . . My best compliments to the little man of the world. Adieu, my dear "Wharton. Believe me very truly yours, T. Gray Stoke, Sunday, August 13, 17-10. [Dr. "Wharton, who had intended to accompany Gray to Keswick, was seized at Bi with a violent fit of his asthma, which obliged him to return home. This was the reason that Mr. Gray undertook to writi the following journal of his tour for his friend's amusement. He sent it under different covers. I give it here in continua- tion. It may not be amiss, however, to hint to the reader, that if he expects to find elaborate and nicely-turned periods in this narration, he will be greatly disappointed. "When Mr. Gray described places, he aimed only to be exact, clear, and intelligibli . convey peculiar, not general ideas, and to paint by the eye, not the fancy. There have been many accounts of the Westmore- land and Cumberland lakes, both before and since this was written, and all of them THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 3«v better calculated to please readers who are fond of what they call fine writing : yet those who can content themselves with an elegant simplicity of narrative will, I flatter myself, find this to their taste ; they will perceive it was written with a view rather to inform than surprise ; and if they make it their companion when they take the same tour, it will enhance their opinion of its intrinsic excellence ; in this way I tried it myself before I resolved to print it. — W. Mason.] MR. GRAY TO DR. WHARTON. Aston, Oct. 18, 1769. I hope you got safe and well home after that troublesome night. I long to hear you say so. For me, I have continued well, been so favoured by the weather, that my walks have never once been hindered till yesterday (that is a fortnight and three cr four days, and a journey of more than 300 miles). I am now at Aston for two days. To-morrow I go to Cambridge. Mason is not here, but Mr. Alderson receives me. According to my promise, I send you the first sheet of my journal, to be continued with- out end. Sept. 30. — A mile and a half from Erough, where we parted, on a hill lay a great army encamped : to the left opened a fine valley with green meadows and hedge-rows, a gentleman's house peeping forth from a grove of old trees. On a nearer approach appeared myriads of cattle and horses in the road itself, and in all the fields round me a brisk stream hurrying cross the way, thousands of clean, healthy people in their best parti-coloured apparel : farmers and their families, esquires and their daughters, hastening up from the dales and down the fells from every quarter, glittering in the sun, and pressing forward to join the throng. "While the dark hills, on whose tops the mists were yet hanging, served as a con- trast to this gay and moving scene, which continued for near two miles more along the road, and the crowd (coming towards it) reached on as far as Appleby. On the ascent of the hill above Appleby the thick hanging wood, and the long reaches of the Eden, clear, rapid, and full as ever, winding below, with views of the castle and town, gave much employment to the mirror : but now the sun was wanting, and the sky overcast. Oats and barley cut everywhere, but not carried in. Passed Kirby- thore, Sir "William Dalston's house at Acorn Bank, "Whinfield Park, Harthorn Oaks, Countess Pillar, Brougham Castle, Mr. Brown's large new house ; crossed the Eden and the Eimot (pronounce Eeman) with its green vale, and dined at three o'clock with Mrs. Buchanan at Penrith, on trout and partridge. In the afternoon walked up Beacon Hill, a mile to the top, and could see Ulswater through an opening in the bosom of that cluster of broken moun- tains, which the doctor well remembers, "Whinfield and Lowther Parks, etc., and the craggy tops of a hundred nameless hills : these lie to west and south. To the north a great extent of black and dreary plains. To the east, Cross Fell, just visible through mists and vapours hovering round it. Oct. 1, 170!!. — A grey autumnal day, the air perfectly calm and mild; went to see Ulswater, five miles distant ; soon left the Keswick road, and turned to the left through shady lanes along the vale of Eeman, which runs rapidly on near the way, rippling over the stones ; to the right is Delmaine, a large fabric of pale red stone, with nine windows in front and seven on the side, built by Mr. Hassle ; behind it a fine lawn surrounded by woods, and a long rocky eminence rising over them : a clear and brisk rivulet runs by the house to join the Eeman, whose course is in sight and at a small distance. Farther on appears Hatton St. John, a castle- like old mansion of Mr. Haddleston. Approached Dunmallert, a fine pointed hill covered with wood, planted by old Mr. Hassle before mentioned, who lives always at home, and delights in planting. "Walked over a spongy meadow or two, and began to mount the hill through a broad straight green-alley among the trees, and with some toil gained the summit. From hence saw a lake opening directly at my feet, majestic in its calmness, clear and smooth as a blue mirror, with winding shores and low points of land covered with green enclosures, white farm-houses looking out among the trees, and cattle feeding. The water is almost every- where bordered with cultivated lands, gently sloping upwards from a mile to a quarter of a mile in breadth, till they reach the foot of the mountains, which rise veiy rude and awful with their broken tops on either hand. Directly in front, at better than three miles distance, Place Fell, one of the bravest among them, pushes its bold, broad breast into the midst of the lake, and forces it to alter its course, form- ing first a large bay to the left, and then bending to the light. I descended Dunmallert again by a side avenue, that was only not per- pendicular, and came to Bartonbridge over the Eeman ; then walking through a path in a wood round the botton of the hill, came forth where the Eeman issues out of the lake, and continued my way along its western shore close to the water, and generally on a level with it. Saw a cormorant flying over it and fishing. The figure of the lake nothing resembles that laid down in our maps : it is nine miles long, and at widest under a mile in breadth. After extending itself three miles and a half in a line to the south-west, it turns at the foot of 3SS Place Fell almost due west, and is here not twice the breadth of the Thames at London. It is soon again interrupted by the root of Helvellyn, a lofty and very rugged mountain, and spreading again turns off to south-east, and is lost among the deep recesses of the hills. To this second turning I purssed my way about four miles along its borders beyond a village scattered among trees, and called "Water Mallock, in a pleasant, grave day, perfectly calm and warm, but without a gleam of sun- shine ; then the sky seeming to thicken, and the valley to grow more desolate, and evening drawing on, I returned by the way I came to Penrith. Oct. 2. — I set out at ten for Keswick by the road we went in 17G7 ; saw Greystock town and castle to the right, which lie about three miles from Ulswater over the fells ; passed through Penradoch and Threlcot at the foot of Saddleback, whose furrowed sides were gilt by the noon-day sun, whilst its brow appeared of a sad purple from the shadow of the clouds as they sailed slowly by it. The broad and green valley of Gardies and Lowside, with a swift stream glittering among the cottages and meadows, lay to the left, and the much finer but narrower valley of St. John's opening into it ; Hill Top, the large though low mansion of the Gaskarths, now a farm-house, seated on an eminence among woods, under a steep fell, was what appeared the most conspicuous, and beside it a great rock, like some ancient tower nodding to its fall. Passed by the side of Skiddaw and its cub called Latter Rig ; and saw from an emin- ence, at two miles distance, the vale of Elysium in all its verdure, the sun then playing on the bosom of the lake, and lighting up all the mountains with its lustre. Dined by two o'clock at the Queen's Head, and then straggled out alone to the parsonage, where I saw the sun set in all its glory. Oct. 3. — A heavenly day ; rose at seven, and walked out under the conduct of my landlord to Borrowdale ; the grass was covered with a hoar-frost, which soon melted and exhaled in a thin bluish smoke ; crossed the meadows, obliquely catching a diversity of views among the hills over the lake and islands, and chang- ing prospect at every ten paces. Left Cock- shut (which we formerly mounted) and Castle Hill, a loftier and more rugged bill behind me, and drew near the foot of Walla Crag, whose bare and rocky brow, cut perpendicularly down above 400 feet (as I guess, though the people call it much more), awfully overlooks the way. Our path here tends to the Left, and the ground gently rising and covered with a glade of scattering trees and bushes on the very margin of the water, opens both ways the most delicious view that my eyes ever beheld : opposite are the thick woods of Lord Egremont uud Newlaud Valley, with green and smiling THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. fields embosomed in the dark cliffs ; to the left the jaws of Borrowdale, with that turbulent chaos of mountain behind mountain, rolled ir confusion ; beneath you, and stretching far away to the right, the shining purity of the lake, reflecting rocks, woods, fields, and inverted tops of hills, just ruffled by the breeze, enough to show it is alive, with the white buildings of Keswick, Crosthwaito church, and Skiddaw for a background at a distance. Behind you the magnificent heights of Walla Crag ; here the glass played its part divinely ; the place is called Carf Close Reeds ; and I choose to set down these barbarous names, that anybody may inquire on the place, and easily find the particular station that I mean. This scene continues to Borrow Gate ; and a little farther, passing a brook called Barrow Beck, we entered Borrowdale: the crags named Lawdoor Banks begin now to impend terribly over your way, and more terribly when you hear that three years since an immense mass of rock tumbled at once from the brow, and barred all access to the dale (for this is the only road) till they could work their way through it. Luckily n» one was passing at the time of this fall ; but down the side of the mountain, and far into the lake, lie dispersed the huge fragments of this ruin in all shapes and in all directions : something farther we turned aside into a coppice, ascending a little in front of Lawdoor waterfall ; the height appeared to be about 200 feet, the quantity of water not great, though (these three days excepted) it had rained daily in the hills for near two months before ; but then the stream was nobly broken, leaping from rock to rock, and foaming with fury. On one side a towering crag that spired up to equal, if not overtop, the neighbouring cliffs (this lay all in shade and darkness): on the other hand a rounder, broader projecting hill, shagged with wood, and illuminated by the sun, which glanced sideways on the upper part of the cataract. The force of the water w< a deep channel in the ground, hurries away to join the lake. We descended again, and passed the stream over a rude bridge. Soon after we came under Cowdar Crag, a hill more formidal >le to the eye and to the apprehension than that of Lawdoor ; the rocks at top deep-cloven perpendicularly by the rains, hanging loose and nodding forwards, seem just starting from their base in shivers. The whole way down, and the road on both sides, is strewed with piles of the fragments strangely thrown across each other, and of a dreadful bulk. The place reminds me of those passes in the Alps, where the guides tell you to move on with speed and say nothing, lest the agitation of the air should loosen the snows above, and bring down a mass that would overwhelm a caravan. I took then - counsel here, and hastened on iu silence. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 3S9 'Xon ragioniam di lor, ma guarda, e passa !' The hills hero are clothed all up their steep sides with oak, ash, birch, holly, etc.; some of it has been cut forty years ago, some within these eight years ; yet all is sprung again, green, flourishing, and tall for its age, in a place where no soil appears but the staring rock, and where a man could scarce stand upright : here we meet a civil young farmer overseeing his reapers (for it is now oat harvest) who con- ducted us to a neat white house in the village of Grange, which is built on a rising ground in the midst of a valley ; round it the mountains form an awful amphitheatre, and through it obliquely runs the Derwent, clear as glass, and showing under its bridge every trout that passes. Beside the village rises a round emin- ence of rock covered entirely with old trees, and over that more proudly towers Castle Crng, invested also with wood on its sides, and bearing on its naked top some traces of a fort, said to be Roman. By the side of this hill, which almost blocks up the way, the valley turns to the left, and contracts its dimensions till there is hardly any road but the rocky bed of the river. The wood of the mountains increases, and their summits grow loftier to the eye, and of more fantastic forms ; among them appear Eagle's Cliff, Dove's Nest, Whitedale Pike, etc., cele- brated names in the annals of Keswick. The dale opens about four miles higher till you come to Seawhaite (where lies the way mount- ing the hills to the right that leads to the "Wadd-mines); all farther access is here barred to prying mortals, only there is a little path winding over the fells, and for some weeks in the yearpassabletothe dalesmen; but the mountains know well that these innocent people will not reveal the mysteries of their ancient kingdom, 'the reign of Chaos and Old Night:' only I learned that this dreadful road, dividing again, leads one branch to Ravenglas, and the other to Hawkskead. For me I went no farther than the farmer's (better than four miles from Keswick) at Grange ; his mother and he brought us butter that Siserah would have jumped at, though not in a lordly dish, bowls of milk, thin oaten cakes, and ale ; and we had carried a cold tongue thither with us. Our farmer was himself the man that last year plundered the eagle's eyrie ; all the dale are up in arms on such an occasion, for they lose abundance of lambs yearly, not to mention hares, partridges, grouse, etc. He was let down from the cliff in ropes to the shelf of the rock on which the nest was built, the people above shouting and holloing to fright the old birds, which flew screaming round, but did not dare to attack him. He brought off the eaglet (for there is rarely more than one) and an addle egg. The nest was roundish, and more than a yard over, made of twigs twisted together. Seldom a year passes but they take the brood or eggs, and sometimes they shoot one, sometimes the other, parent ; but the survivor has always found a mate (probably in Ireland), and they breed near the old place. By his description, I learn that this species is the Erne, the vulture Albicilla of Linnaeus in his last edition (but in yours Fah'o Albicilla), so consult him and Pennant about it. We returned leisurely home the way we came, but saw a new landscape ; the features indeed were the same in part, but many new ones were disclosed by the mid-day sun, and the tints were entirely changed : take notice this was the best, or perhaps the only clay for going up Skiddaw, but I thought it better employed ; it was perfectly serene, and hot as midsummer. In the evening I walked alone down to the lake by the side of Crow Park after sunset, and saw the solemn colom-ing of night draw on, the last gleam of sunshine fading away on the hill- tops, the deep serene of the waters, and the long shadows of the mountains thrown across them, till they nearly touched the hithermost shore. At a distance were heard the murmurs of many waterfalls, not audible in the day- time ; I wished for the moon, but she was dark to me and silent, ' Hid in her vacant interlunar cave.' Oct. 4. — I walked to Crow Park, now a rough pasture, once a glade of ancient oaks, whose large roots still remain on the ground, but nothing had sprung from them. If one single tree had remained, this would have been an unparalleled spot ; and Smith judged right when he took his print of the lake from hence, for it is a gentle eminence, not too high, on the very margin of the water, and commanding it from end to end, looking full into the gorge of Borrowdale. I prefer it even to Cockshut Hill, which lies beside it, and to which I walked in the afternoon ; it is covered with young trees both sown and planted, oak, spruce, Scotch fir, etc., all which thrive wonderfully. There is an easy ascent to the top, and the view far prefer- able to that on Castle Hill (which you remember), because this is lower and nearer to the lake ; for I find all points that are much elevated spoil the beauty of the valley, and make its parts, which are not large, look poor and diminutive. While I was here a little shower fell, red clouds came marching up the hills from the east, and part of a bright rainbow seemed to rise along the side of Castle Hill. From hence I got to the parsonage a little before sunset, and saw in my glass a picture that if I could transmit to you, and fix it in all the softness of its living colours, would fairly sell for a thousand pounds. This is the sweetest scene I can yet discover in point of pastoral beauty ; the rest are in a sublimer style, 390 THE r.RTTISTT LETTER WRITERS. Oct. 5. — I walked through the meadows and corn-fields to the Derwent, and crossing it went uj> Howhill; it looks along Bassingthwaite Water, and sees at the same time the course of the ;iver, and a part of the upper lake, with a full view of Skiddaw ; then I took my way through Porting- kail village to the park, a hill so called, covered entirely with wood; it is all a mass of crumbling slate. Passed round ita foot between the trees and the edge of the water, and came to a peninsula that juts out into the lake, and looks along it both ways ; in front rises Walla Crag ami ( lastle Hill, the town, the road to Penrith, Skiddaw, and Saddleback. Eeturning, met a brisk and cold north-eastern blast that ruffled all the surface of the lake, and made it rise in little waves that broke at the foot of the wood. After dinner walked up the Penrith road two miles, or more, and turning into a corn-field to the right, called Castleiig, saw a Druid-circle of large stones, 108 feet in diameter, the biggest not eight feet high, but most of them still erect ; they are fifty in number. The valley of St. John's appeared in sight, and the summits of Catchidecam (called by Camden, Casticand) and Helvellyn, said to be as high as Skiddaw, and to rise from a much higher base. Oct. 6. — Went in a chaise eight miles along the east side of Bassingthwaite Water to Ouse Bridge (pronounced Ews-bridge) ; the road in some part made and very good, the rest slippery and dangerous cart-road, or narrow rugged lanes, but no precipices ; it runs directly along the foot of Skiddaw ; opposite to Widhopebrows, clothed to the top with wood, a very beautiful view op:ns down to the- lake, which is narrower and longer than that of Keswick, less broken into bays, and without islands. At the foot of it, a few paces from the brink, gently sloping upwards, stands Armathwaite in a thick grove of Scotch firs, commanding a noble view directly up the lake : at a small distance behind the house is a large extent of wood, and still behind this a ridge of cultivated hills, ou which, according to the Keswick proverb, the sun always shines. The inhabitants here, on the contrary, call the vale of Derwent Water the devil's chamber-pot, and pronounce the name of Skiddaw Fell, which terminates here, with a sort of terror and aversion. Armathwaite house is a modern fabric, not large, and built of dark- red stone, belonging to Mr. Spedding, whose grandfather was steward to old Sir James Lnwther, and bought this estate of the Himers. The sky was overcast and the wind cool ; so, after dining at a public-house, which Btands here near the bridge (that crosses the Derwent just where it issues from the lake), and saun- tering a little by the water side, 1 came home again. The turnpike i.s finished from Cocker- mouth hither, five miles, and is carrying on to Penrith ; several little showers to-day. A man came in, who said there was snow on Cross Fell this morning. Oct. 7. — I walked in the morning to Crow Park, and in the evening up Penrith road. The clouds came rolling up the mountains all round very dark, yet the moon shone at intervals. It was too damp to go towards the lake. To- morrow I mean to bid farewell to Keswick. Botany might lie studied here to great advantage at another season, because of the great variety of soils and elevations, all lying within a small compass. I observed nothing but several curious lichens and plenty of gale or Dutch myrtle perfuming the borders of the lake. This year the Wadd Mine had been opened, which is done once in five years; it is taken out in lumps sometimes as big as a man's fi.^t, and will undergo no preparation by fire, not being fusible ; when it is pure, soft, black, and close grained, it is w-orth sometimes thirty shillings a pound. There are no char ever taken in these lakes, but plenty in Buttermere Water, which lies a little way north of Borrow- dale, about Martinmas, which are potted here. They sow chiefly oats and bigg here, which are now cutting and still on the ground ; the rains have done much hurt : yet observe, the soil is so thin and light, that no day has passed in which I could not walk out with ease, and you know I am no lover of dirt. Fell mutton is now in season for about six weeks ; it grows fat on the mountains, and nearly resembles venison. Excellent pike and perch, here called bass ; trout is out of season ; partridge in great plenty. Oct. S. — I left Keswick and took the Amble- side road in a gloomy morning ; and about two miles from the town mounted an eminence called Castlerigg, and the sun breaking out, discovered the most enchanting view I have yet seen of the whole valley behind me, the two lakes, the river, the mountains, all in their glory ; so that I had almost a mind to have gone back again. The road in some few parts is not completed, yet good country road, through sound but narrow and stony lanes, very safe in broad daylight. This is thi about Causewayfoot, and among Naddlefells to Lancwaite. The vale you go in has little breadth ; the mountains are vast and rocky, the fields little and poor, and the inhabitants are now making hay, and see not the sun by- two hours in a day so long as at Keswick. Came to the foot of Helvellyn, along which runs an excellent road, looking down from a little height on Lee's Water (called also Thirl- meer, or Wiboni Water), and soon descending on its margin. The lake looks black from its depth, and from the gloom of the vast crags that scowl over it, though really char as glass : it is narrow, and about three miles long, resembling a river in its course : little shining torrents hurry down the rocks to join it, but THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 391 not a bush to overshadow them, or cover their march ; all is rock and loose stones up to the very brow, which lies so near your way that not above half the height of Hclvellyn can be seen. Next I passed by the little chapel of Wiborn, out of which the Sunday congregation were then issuing ; soon after a beck near Dunmeil Raise, when I entered "Westmoreland a second time ; and now began to see Holm Crag, distinguished from its rugged neighbours, not so much by its height as by the strange, broken outlines of its tox>, like some gigantic building demolished, and the stones that composed it flung across each other in wild confusion. Just beyond it opens one of the sweetest landscapes that art ever attempted to imitate. The bosom of the mountains spreading here into a broad basin discovers in the midst Grasmere "Water ; its margin is hollowed into small bays, with bold eminences : some of rock, some of soft turf, that half conceal and vary the figui-e of the little lake they command : from the shore, a low promontory pushes itself far into the water, and on it stands a white village with the parish church rising in the midst of it : hanging- enclosures, corn-fields, and meadows green as an emerald, with their trees and hedges, and cattle, fill up the whole space from the edge of the water ; and just ojiposite to you is a large farm-house at the bottom of a steep smooth lawn, embosomed in old woods, which climb half-way up the mountain's side, and discover above them a broken line of crags that crown the scene. Not a single red tile, no flaring gentlemen's houses, or garden walls, break in upon the repose of this little unsuspected paradise ; but all is peace, rusticity, and happy poverty in its neatest, most becoming attire. The road winds here over Grasmere Hill, whose rocks soon conceal the water from your sight ; yet it is continued along behind them, and contracting itself to the river, communi- cates with Itidale Water, another small lake, but of inferior size and beauty ; it seems shallow too, for large patches of reeds appear pretty far within it. Into this vale the road descends. On the opposite banks large and ancient woods mount up the hills ; and just to the left of our way stands Eidale Hall, the family-seat of Sir Michael Fleming, a large old fashioned fabric, surrounded with wood. Sir Michael is now on his travels, and all this timber, far and wide, belongs to him. Near the house rises a huge crag, called Itidale Head, which is said to command a full view of "Wynander Mere, and I doubt it not ; for within a mile that great lake is visible, even from the road ; as to going up the crag, one might as well go up Skiddaw. I now reached Ambleside, eighteen miles from Keswick, meaning to lie there ; but on looking into the best bed-chamber, dark and damp as a cellar, grew delicate, gave up Wynander Mere in despair, and- resolved I would go on to Kendal directly, fourteen miles farther. The road in general fine turnpike, but some parts (about three miles in all) not made, yet without danger. For this determination I was unexpectedly well rewarded : for the afternoon was fine, and the road, for the space of full five miles, ran along the side of "Wynander Mere, with delicious views across it, and almost from one end to the other. It is ten miles in length, and at most a mile over, resembling the course of some vast and magnificent river ; but no flat marshy grounds, no osier-beds or patches of scrubby plantations on its banks ; at the head two valleys open among the mountains ; one, that by which we came down ; the other Langsle- dale, in which Wrynose andHardknot, two great mountains, rise above the rest : from thence the fells visibly sink, and soften along its sides ; sometimes they run into it (hut with a gentle declivity) in their own dark and natural com- plexion ; oftener they are green and cultivated, with farms interspersed, and round eminences, on the border covered with trees : towards the south it seemed to break into larger bays, with several islands and a wider extent of cultivation. The way rises continually, till at a place called Orresthead it turns south-east, losing sight of the water. Passed by Ing's Chapel and Staveley ; but I can say no farther, for the dusk of evening coming on, I entered Kendal almost in the dark, and could distinguish only a shadow of the castle on the hill, and tenter-grounds spread far and wide round the town, which I mistook for houses. My inn promised sadly, having two wooden galleries, like Scotland, in front of it : it was indeed an old, ill-contrived house, but kept by civil, sensible people ; so I stayed two nights with them, and fared and slept very comfortably. Oct. 9. — The air mild as summer, all corn off the ground, and the sky-larks singing aloud (by the way, I saw not one at Keswick, perhaps because the place abounds in birds of prey). I went up the Castle Hill ; the town consists chiefly of three nearly parallel streets, almost a mile long ; except these, all the other houses seem as if they had been dancing a country-dance, and were out : there they stand back to back, corner to corner, some up hill, some down, without intent or meaning. Along by their side runs a fine brisk stream, over which are three stone bridges : the buildings (a few comfortable houses excepted) are mean, of stone, and covered with a bad rough-cast. Near the end of the town stands a handsome house of Col. Wilson's, and adjoining to it the church, a very large gothic fabric, with a square tower ; it has no particular ornaments but double aisles, and at the east end four chapels or choirs ; one 392 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. of the Parrs, another of the Stricklands ; the third is the proper choir of the church, and the fourth of the Bellinghams. a family now extinct. There is an altar-tomb of one of them dated ]~>77. with a flat brass, arms, and quarterings j anil in the window their arms alone, arg. a hunting-horn, sab. strung gules. In the Strick- lands' chapel several modern monuments, and another old altar-tomb, not belonging to the family ; on the side of it a fess dancetty between ten billets, Deincourt. In the Parrs' chapel is a third altar-tomb in the corner, no figure or inscription, but on the side, cut in stone, an escutcheon of Ross of Kendal (three water- budgets), quartering Parr (two bars in a bordure engrailed); secondly, an escutcheon, v aire, a fess for Marmion ; thirdly, an escutcheon, three chevronels braced, and a chief (which I take for Fitzhugh) : at the foot is an escutcheon, surrounded with the garter, bearing Poos and Parr quarterly, quartering the other two before- mentioned. I have no books to look in, there- fore cannot say whether this is the Lord Parr of Kendal, Queen Catharine's father, or her brother the Marquis of Northampton; perhaps it is a cenotaph for the latter, who was buried at Warwick in 1571. The remains of the castle are seated on a fine hill on the side of the river opposite the town ; almost the whole enclosure of the walls remains, with four towers, two square and two round, but their upper part and embattlements are demolished : it is of rough stone and cement, without any ornament or arms, round, enclosing a court of like form, and surrounded by a moat ; nor ever could it have been larger than it is, for there are no traces of outworks. There is a good view of the town and river, with a fertile open valley through which it winds. After dinner I went along the Milthrop turn- pike, four miles, to sec the falls, or force, of the river Kent ; came to Sizergh (pronounced Sizer), and turned down a lane to the left. This seat of the Stricklands, an old Catholic family, is an ancient hall house, with a very large tower embattled; the rest of the buildings added to it are of later date, but all is white, and seen to advantage on a background of old trees ; there is a small park also, well wooded. Opposite to this, turning to the left, I soon came to the river ; it works its way in a narrow and deep rocky channel overhung with trees. The calmness and brightness of the evening, the roar of the waters, and the thumping of huge hammers at an iron forge not far distant, made it a singular walk ; but as to the falls (for there arc two), they are not four feet high. I went on, down to the forge, and saw the demons at work by the light of their own fires : the iron is brought in pigs to Milthrop by sea from Scotland, etc., and is here beat into bars and plates. Two miles farther, at Leveiis, is the seat of Lord Sutfolk, where he sometimes passes the summer : it was a favourite place of his late countess : but this I did not see. Oct. 10.— I proceeded by Burton to Lan- caster, twenty-two miles; very good country, well enclosed ami wooded, with some common interspersed. Passed at the foot of Farlton- knot, a high fell four miles north of Lancaster ; on a rising ground called Boulton (pronounced Bouton) we had a full view of Cartmell Sands, with here and there a passenger riding over them (it being low water), the points of Furness shooting far into the sea, and lofty mountains, partly covered with clouds, extend- ing north of them. Lancaster also appeared very conspicuous and fine ; for its most dis- tinguished features, the castle and church, mounted on a green eminence, were all that could be seen. "Woe is me ! when I got thither, it was the second day of their fair ; the inn, in the principal street, was a great old gloomy house full of people; but I found tolerable quarters, and even slept two nights in peace. In a fine afternoon I ascended the Castle Hill ; it takes up the higher top of the eminence on which it stands, and is irregularly round, encompassed with a deep moat : in front, to- wards the town, is a magnificent gothic gateway, lofty and huge ; the overhanging battlements are supported by a triple range of corbels, the intervals pierced through, and showing the day from above. On its top rise light watch-towers of small height. It opens below with a grand pointed arch : over this is a wrought tabernacle, doubtless once containing its founder's figure ; on one side a shield of France Bemi-quartered with England ; on the other the same, with a label, ermine, for John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster. This opens to a court within, which I did not much care to enter, being the county-gaol, and full of prisoners, both criminals and debtors. From this gateway the walls continue and join it to a vast square tower of great height, the lower part at least of i emote antiquity ; for it has small round-headed lights with plain short pillars on each side of them : there is a third tower, also square and of less dimensions. This is all the castle. Near it, and but little lower, stands the church, a large and plain gothic fabric ; the high square tower at the west end has been rebuilt of late years, but nearly in the same style : there are no ornaments of arms, etc., anywhere to be seen : within, it is lightsome and spacious, but not one monument of antiquity, or piece of painted glass, is left. From the churchyard there is an extensive sea-view (for now the tide had almost Covered the sands, and tilled the river), and besides the greatest part of Furness, I could distinguish Peel Castle on the isle of Fowdivy. which lies off its southern extremity. The town is built on the slope, and at the foot of the Castle Hill, more than twice the bigness of Aukland, with many neat buildings of white THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 393 stone, but a little disorderly in their position, and ad libitum, like Kendal: many also extend below on the quays by the river-side, where a number of ships were moored, some of them three-masted vessels decked out with their colours in honour of the fair. Here is a good bridge of four arches over the Lune, that runs, when the tide is out, in two streams divided by a bed of gi - avel, which is not covered but in spring-tides ; below the town it widens to near the breadth of the Thames at London, and meets the sea at five or six miles distance to south-west. Oct. 11. — I crossed the river and walked over a peninsula, three miles, to the village of Pooton, which stands on the beach. An old fisherman mending his nets (while I inquired about the danger of passing those sands) told me, in his dialect, a moving story ; how a brother of the trade, a cockier, as he styled him, driving a little cart with two daughters (women grown) in it, and his wife on horseback following, set out one clay to pass the seven-mile sands, as they had frequently been used to do (for nobody in the village knew them better than the old man did) ; when they were about half- way over, a thick fog rose, and as they advanced they found the water much deeper than they expected : the old man was puzzled ; he stopped, and said he would go a little way to find some mark he was acquainted with ; they staid awhile for him, but in vain ; they called aloud, but no reply : at last the young women pressed their mother to think where they were and go on ; she would not leave the place ; she wandered about forlorn and amazed ; she would not quit her horse and get into the cart with them : they determined, after much time wasted, to turn back, and give themselves up to the guidance of their horses. The old woman was soon washed off, and perished ; the poor girls clung close to their cart, and the horse, some- times wading and sometimes swimming, brought them back to land alive, but senseless with terror and distress, and unable for many days to give any account of themselves. The bodies of their parents were found next ebb, that of the father a very few paces distant from the spot where he had left them. In the afternoon I wandered about the town, and by the quay, till it grew dark. Oct. 12. — I set out for Settle by a fine turn- pike-road, twenty-nine miles, through a rich . and beautiful enclosed country, diversified with frequent villages and churches, very unequal ground ; and on the left the river Lune winding in a deep valley, its hanging banks clothed with fine woods, through which you catch long reaches of the water, as the road winds about at a considerable height above it. In the most picturesque part of the way, I passed the park belonging to the Hon. Mr. Clifford, a Catholic. The grounds between him and the river are indeed charming ; the house is ordinary, and the park nothing but a rocky fell scattered over with ancient hawthorns. Next I came to Hornby, a little town on the river Wanning, over which a handsome bridge is now building ; the castle, in a lordly situation, attracted me, so I walked up the hill to it : first presents itself a large white ordinary sashed gentleman's house, and behind it rises the ancient keep, built by Edward Stanley, Lord Montcagle. He died about 1529, in King Henry the Eighth's time. It is now only a shell ; the rafters are laid within it as for flooring. I went up a winding stone staircase in one corner to the leads, and at the angle in a single hexagon watch-tower, rising some feet higher, fitted up in the taste of a modern summer-house, with sash-windows in gilt frames, a stucco cupola, and on the top a vast gilt eagle, built by Mr. Charteris, the present possessor. He is the second son of the Earl of Wemyss, brother to the Lord Elcho, and grandson to Col. Charteris, whose name he bears. From the leads of the tower there is a fine view of the country round, and much wood near the castle. Ingleborough, which I had seen before distinctly at Lancaster to north- east, was now completely wrapped in clouds, all but its summit, which might have been easily mistaken for a long black cloud too, fraught with an approaching storm. Now our road began gradually to mount towards the Apennine, the trees growing less and thinn?r of leaves, till we came to Ingleton, eighteen miles; it is a pretty village, situated very high, and yet in a valley at the foot of that huge monster of nature, Ingleborough : two torrents cross it, with great stones rolled along their beds instead of water ; and over them are flung two hand- some arches. The nipping air, though the afternoon was growing very bright, now taught us we were in Craven ; the road was all up and down, though nowhere very steep ; to the left were mountain tops, to the right a wide valley, all enclosed gi'ound, and beyond it high hills again. In approaching Settle, the crags on the left drew nearer to our way, till we descended Brunton Brow into a cheerful valley (though thin of trees) to Giggleswick, a village with a small piece of water by its side, covered over with coots ; near it a church, which belongs also to Settle ; and half a mile farther, having passed the Kibble over a bridge, I arrived there ; it is a small market-town standing directly under a rocky fell : there are not in it above half- a-dozen good-looking houses, the rest are old and low, with little wooden porticoes in front. My inn pleased me much (though small) for the neatness and civility of the good woman that kept it ; so I lay there two nights, and went — Oct. 13 — To visit Gordale Scar, which lay six miles from Settle ; but that way was directly over a fell, and as the weather was not to be depended 394 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. on. I went round in a chaise, the only way one could get near it in a carriage, which made it full thirteen miles, half of it such a road ! But I got safe over it, so there's an end, and came to Mulham (pronounced Maum), a village in the bosom of the mountains, seated in a wild and dreary valley. From thence I was to walk a mile over very rough ground, a torrent rattling along on the left hand ; on the cliffs above hung a few goats ; one of them danced and scratched an ear with its hind foot in a place where I would not have stood stock -still 'For all beneath the moon. As I advanced, the crags seemed to close in, but discovered a narrow entrance turning to the left between them : I followed my guide a few paces, and the hills opened again into no large space ; and then all farther way is barred by a stream that, at the height of about fifty feet, gushes from a hole in the rock, and spreading in large sheets over its broken front, dashes from steep to steep, and then rattles away in a torrent down the valley : the rock on the left rises perpendicular, with stubbed yew trees and shrubs staring from its side, to the height of at least 300 feet ; but these are not the thing : it is the rock to the right, under which you stand to see the fall, that forms the principal horror of the place. From its very base it begins to slope forwards over you in one block or solid mass without any crevice in its surface, and overshadows half the area below with its dreadful canopy ; when I stood at (I believe) four yards distance from its foot, the drops, which perpetually distil from its brow, fell on my head ; and in one part of its top, more exposed to the weather, there are loose stones that hang in air, and threaten visibly some idle spectator with instant destruction ; it is safer to shelter yourself close to its bottom, and trust to the mercy of that enormous mass which nothing but an earthquake can stir. The gloomy, uncomfortable day well suited the savage aspect of the place, and made it still more formidable. I stayed there, not without shuddering, a quarter of an hour, and thought my trouble richly paid ; for the impression will last for life. At the alehouse where I dined in Malham, Vivares, the landscape-painter, had 1 • ! 1 for a week or more; Smith and Bellers had also been there, and two prints of Gordale have been engraved by them. Oct. 14. — Leaving my comfortable inn, to which I had returned from Gordale, I set out for SMpton, sixteen miles. From several parts nf the road, and in many places about Settle, I saw at once the three famous hills of this country, Ingleborough, Penigent, and Pendle ; the first is esteemed the highest, and their features not to be described but by the pencil. Craven, after all, is an onpleasing country when seen from a height ; its \ alleys are chiefly wide, and either marshy or enclosed pasture, with a few trees. Numbers of black cattle are fatted here, both of the Scotch breed and a larger sort of oxen with great horns. There is little cultivated ground, except a few oats. Skipton, to which I went through Long Preston and Gargrave, is a pretty large market town, in a valley, with one very broad street gently sloping downwards from the castle, which stands at the head of it. This is one of our good countess's buildings, but on old founda- tions ; it is not very large, but of a handsome antique appearance, with round towers, a grand gateway, bridge, and moat, surrounded by many old trees. It is in good repair, and kept up as a habitation of the Earl of Thanet, though he rarely comes thither ; what with the sleet, and a foolish dispute about chaises, that delayed me, I did not see the inside of it, but went on, fifteen miles, to Otley ; first up Shode Bank, the steepest hill I ever saw a road carried over in England, for it mounts in a straight line (without any other repose for the horses than by placing stones every now and then behind the wheels) for a full mile ; then the road goes on a level along the brow of this high hill over Kumbald Moor, till it gently descends into Wharldale, — so they call the vale of the Wharr, and a beautiful vale it is, well-wooded, well- cultivated, well-inhabited, but with high crags at a distance, that border the green country on either hand ; through the midst of it, deep, clear, full to the brink, and of no inconsider- able breadth, runs in long windings the river. How it comes to pass that it should be so fine and copious a stream here, and at Tadcaster (so much lower) should have nothing but a wide stony channel without water, I cannot tell you. I passed through Long Addingham, Ilkcley (pronounced Eecly), distinguished by a lofty brow of loose rocks to the right ; Burley, a neat and pretty village, among trees ; on the opposite side of the river lay Middleton Lodge, belonging to a Catholic gentleman of that name; Weston, a venerable stone fabric, with large offices, of Mr. Vavasour, the meadows in front gently descending to the water, and behind a great and shady wood ; Farnley (Mr. Fawkes's), a place like the last, but larger and rising higher on the side of the hill. Otley is a large airy town, with clean but low rustic buildings, and a bridge over the "Wharf : I went into its spacious Gothic church, which has been new-roofed, with a Hat stucco ceiling ; in a corner of it is the monument of Thomas Lord Fairfax, anil Helen Aske, his lady, descended from the Cliffords and Larimers, as her epitaph says ; the figures, not ill-cut (particularly his in armour, but bare-headed), lie on the tomb. I take them to be the parents of the famous Sir Thomas Fairfax. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 395 ['Gilbert "Whit; was the eldest son of John "White of Selborne, Esq., and of Anne, the daughter of Thomas Holt, rector of Strath- earn, in Surrey. He was born at Selborne on July 18, 1720, and received his school education at Basingstoke, under the Rev. Thomas "Warton, vicar of that place. . . . He was admitted at Oriel College, Oxford, in December 1739, and took his degree of Bachelor of Arts in June 1743. In March 1744, he was elected fellow of his college. He became Master of Arts in October 1746, and was admitted as one of the senior proctors of the university in April 17"'2. Being of an unambitious temper, and strongly attached to the charm3 of rural scenery, he early fixed his residence in his native village, where he spent the greater part of his life in literary occupa- tions, and esjtecially in the study of nature. This he followed with a patient assiduity, and a mind ever open to the lessons of piety and benevolence, which such a study is so well calculated to afford. Though several occasions offered of settling upon a college living, he could never persuade himself to quit the beloved spot, which was indeed a peculiarly happy situation for an observer. He was much esteemed by a select society of intelligent and worthy friends, to whom he paid occasional visits. Thus his days passed tranquil and serene, with scarcely any other vicissitudes than those of the seasons, till they closed at a mature age on June 26th, 1793.' — Life, by his brother John "White. The letters which compose his Natural History, were origi- nally addressed to Thomas Pennant, the well-known naturalist and antiquary, and the Hon. Daines Barrington. "White's style is simple, accurate, and full of quiet enthusiasm ; he saw clearly, and expresses himself simply. The house in which "White lived, long occupied by Professor Thomas Bell, who issued an edition of his Natural History, changed hands at the death of the latter. Frank Buckland also edited an edition of this charming work. "White's MS. journal, letters, and poems were discovered in 1880, in the hands of the Rev. George Taylor, Pulborough, Sussex. They occupy six volumes, and have never been pub- lished.] GILBERT WHITE TO THOMAS PENNANT. The parish of Selborne lies in the extreme eastern corner of the county of Hampshire, bordering on the county of Sussex, and not far from the county of Surrey ; is about fifty miles south-west of London, in latitude fifty-one, and near mid-way between the towns of Alton and Petersfield. Being very large and extensive, it abuts on twelve parishes, two of which are in Sussex, viz. Trotton and Rogate. If you begin from the south and proceed westward, the adjacent parishes are Emshot, Newton, Valence, Farringdon, Harteley Mauduit, Great Ward le ham, Kingsley, Hadleigh, Biamshot, Trotton, Rogate, Lyffe, and Greatham. The soils of this district are almost as various and diver- sified as the views and aspects. The high part of the south-west consists of a vast hill of chalk, rising three hundred feet above the village, and is divided into a sheep-down, the high wood and a long hanging wood, called The Hanger. The covert of this eminence is altogether leech, the most lovely of all forest trees, whether we consider its smooth rind or bark, its glossy foli- age, or graceful pendulous boughs. The down, or sheepwalk, is a pleasing park-like spot, of about one mile by half that space, jutting out on the verge of the hill-country, where it begins to break down into the plains, and commanding a very engaging view, being an assemblage of hill, dale, woodlands, heath, and water. The prospect is bounded to the south-east and east by the vast range of mountains called the Sussex Downs, by Guild- down near Guildford, and by the Downs round Dorking, and Ryegate in Surrey, to the north- east, which altogether, with the countiy be- yond Alton and Farnham, form a noble and extensive outline. At the foot of this hill, one stage or step from the uplands, lies the village, which con- sists of one single straggling street, three- quarters of a mile in length, in a sheltered vale, and running parallel with The Hanger. The houses are divided from the hill by a vein of stiff clay (good wheat-land), yet stand on a rock of white stone, little in appearance re- moved from chalk ; but seems so far from being calcareous, that it endures extreme heat. Yet that the freestone still preserves somewhat that is analogous to chalk, is plain from the beeches which descend as low as those rocks extend, and no farther, and thrive as well on them, where the ground is steep, as on the chalks. The cart-way of the village divides, in a re- markable manner, two very incongruous soils. To the south-west is a rank clay, that requires the labour of years to render it mellow ; while the gardens to the north-east, and small en- closures behind, consist of a warm, forward, crumbling mould, called black malm, which seems highly saturated with vegetable and 396 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. animal manure; and these may perhaps have been the original site of the town ; while the woods and coverts might extend down to the opposite bank. At each end of the village, which runs from south-east to north-west, arises a small rivulet : that at the north-west end frequently fails ; but the other is a fine perennial spring, little influenced by drought or wet seasons, called "Well Head. This breaks out of some high grounds joining to Nore Hill, a noble chalk promontory, remarkable for sending forth two streams into two different seas. The one to the south becomes a branch of the Aran, running to Arundel, and so sailing into the British Channel : the other to the north. The Selborne stream makes one branch of the Wey : and, meeting the Blackdown stream at Hed- leigh, and the Alton and Farnham stream at Tilford Bridge, swells into a considerable river, navigable at Godalming ; from whence it passes to Guildford, and so into the Thames at Weybridge ; and thus at the Xore into the German Ocean. Our wells, at an average, run to about sixty- three feet, and when sunk to that depth seldom fail, but produce a fine limpid water, soft to the taste, and much commended by those who drink the pure clement, but which does not lather well with soap. To the north-west, north and east of the village, is a range of fair enclosures, consisting of what is called a white malm, a sort of rotten or rubble stone, which, when turned up to the frost and rain, moulders to pieces, and becomes manure to itself. Still on to the north cast, and a step lower, is a kind of white land, neither chalk nor clay, neither fit for pasture nor for the plough, yet kindly for hops, which root deep in the free- stone, and have their poles and wood for charcoal growing just at hand. The white soil produces the brightest hops. As the parish still inclines down towards "Wolmer-forest, at the juncture of the clays and sand the soil becomes a wet, sandy loam, re- markable for timber, and infamous for roads. The oaks of Temple and Blackmoor stand high in the estimation of purveyors, and have fur- nished much naval timber ; while the trees on the freestone grow large, but are what work- men call shaky, and so brittle as often to fall to pieces in sawing. Beyond the sandy loam the soil becomes a hungry lean sand, till it mingles with the forest ; and will produce little without the assistance of lime and turnips. To Tin: sami:. & Iborne, Jan. 22, 1768. Sin,— As in one of your former letters you expressed the more satisfaction from my cor- respondence on account of my living in the most southerly county, so now I may return the compliment, and expect to have my curi- osity gratified by your living much more to the north. For many years past I have observed that towards ( 'liristmas vast flocks of chaffinches have appeared in the fields, many more, I used to think, than could be hatched in any one neighbourhood. But when I came to observe them more narrowly, I was amazed to find that they seemed to me to be almost all hens. I communicated my suspicions to some intelligent neighbours, who, .after taking pains about the matter, declared that they also thought them mostly females, — at least fifty to one. This extraordinary occurrence brought to my mind the remark of Linnaeus, that ' before winter all their hen chaffinches migrate through Holland into Italy.' Now I want to know, from some curious person in the north, whether there are any large flocks of these finches with them in the winter, and of which sex they mostly consist? For from such intelligence one might be able to judge whether our female flocks migrate from the other end of the island, or whether they come over to us from the Con- tinent. We have, in the winter, vast flocks of the common linnets ; more, I think, than can be bred in any one district. These, I observe, when the spring advances, assemble on some tree in the sunshine, and join all in a gentle sort of chirping, as if they were about to break up their winter quarters and betake themselves to their proper summer homes. It is well known, at least, that the swallows and the fieldfares do congregate with a gentle twittering before they make their respective departure. You may depend on it that the bunting, Emberizn miliaria, does not leave this country in the winter. In January 1707 I saw several dozen of them, in the midst of a severe frost, among the bushes on the downs near Andover : in our woodland enclosed district it is a rare bird. Wagtails, both white and yellow, are with us all the winter. Quails crowd to our southern coast, and are often killed in numbers by people that go on purpose. Mr. Stillingflcet, in his Tracts, says that 'if the wheatear (cenanthe) does not quit England, it certainly shifts places ; for about harvest they are not to be found, where there was before great plenty of them.' This well accounts for the vast quantities that are caught abo.it that time on the south downs near Lewes, where they are esteemed a delicacy. There have been shepherds, I have been credibly informed, that have made many pounds in a season by catching them in traps. And though such multitudes are taken, I never saw (and I am well acquainted with those parts) above two or three at a time, for they are never gregarious. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 397 They may perhaps migrate in general ; and, for that purpose, draw towards the coast of Sussex in autumn ; but that they do not all withdraw I am sure, because I see a few stragglers in many counties, at all times of the year, especi- ally about warrens and stone quarries. I have no acquaintance, at present, among the gentlemen of the navy ; but have written to a friend, who was a sea chaplain in the late war, desiring him to look into his minutes, with respect to birds that settled on their rigging during their voyage up or down the Channel. What Hasselquist says on that subject is re- markable ; there were little short-winged birds frequently coming on board his ship all the way from our Channel quite up to the Levant, especially before squally weather. What you suggest with regard to Spain is highly probable. The winters of Andalusia are so mild, that, in all likelihood, the soft-billed birds that leave us at that season may find insects sufficient to support them there. Some young man, possessed of fortune, health, and leisure, should make an autumnal voyage into that kingdom ; and should spend a year there, investigating the natural history of that vast country. Mr. Willughby passed through that kingdom on such an errand ; but he seems to have skirted along in a superficial manner and an ill-humour, being much disgusted at the rude, dissolute manners of the people. I have no friend left no .v at Sunbury to apply to about the swallows roosting on the aits of the Thames ; nor can I hear any more about those birds which I suspected were Mend a; torquatce. As to the small mice, I have further to re- mark, that though they hang their nests for breeding up amidst the straws of the standing corn, above the ground, yet I find that, in the winter, they burrow deep in the earth, and make warm beds of grass : but their grand rendezvous seems to be in corn-ricks, into which they are carried at harvest. A neighbour housed an oat-rick lately, under the thatch of which were assembled nearly a hundred, most of which were taken, and some I saw. I measured them ; and found that, from nose to tail, they were just two inches and a quarter, and their tads just two inches long. Two of them, in a scale, weighed down just one copper halfpenny, which is about the third of an ounce avoirdupois : so that I suppose they are the "smallest quadrupeds in this island. A full- grown Mus niedius domesticus weighs, I find, one ounce lumping weight, which is more than six times as much as the mouse above ; and measures from nose to rump four inches and a quarter, and the same in its tail. We have had a very severe frost and deep snow this month. My thermometer was one day fourteen degrees and a half below the freezing-point within doors. The tender evergreens were injured pretty much. It was very providential that the air was still, and the ground well covered with snow, else vegetation in general must have suffered prodigiously. There is reason to be- lieve that some days were more severe than any since the year 1739-10. I am, etc. TO THE SAME. Selborne, May 29, 1769. Dear Sir, — The scarabceus fullo I know very well, having seen it in collections ; but have never been able to discover one wild in its natural state. Mr. Banks told me he thought it might be found on the sea coast. On the 13th April I went to the sheep-down, where the ring-ousels have been observed to make their appearance at spring and fall, in their way perhaps to the north or south, and was much pleased to see these birds about the usual spot. We shot a cock and a hen ; they were plump and in high condition. The hen had but very small rudiments of eggs within her, which proves they are late breeders ; whereas those species of the thrush kind that remain with us the whole year have fledged young before that time. In their crops was nothing very distinguishable, but somewhat that seemed like blades of vegetables nearly digested. In autumn they feed on haws and yew-berries, and in the spring on ivy-berries. I dressed one of these birds, and found it juicy and well-flavoured. It is remarkable that they make but a few days' stay in their spring visit, but rest near a fortnight at Michaelmas. These birds, from the observations of three springs and two autumns, are most punctual in their return ; and exhibit a new migration unnoticed by the writers, who supposed they never were to be seen in any southern countries. One of my neighbours lately brought me a new salicaria, which at first I suspected might have proved your willow-lark, but on a nicer examination it answered much better to the description of that species which you shot at Revesby, in Lincolnshire. My bird I describe thus : ' It is a size less than the grasshopper- lark ; the head, back, and coverts of the wings, of a dusky brown, without those dark spots of the grasshopper-lark ; over each eye is a milk- white stroke ; the chin and throat are white, and the under parts of a yellowish white ; the rump is tawny, and the feathers of the tail sharp-pointed ; the bill is dusky and sharp, and the legs are dusky ; the hinder claw long and crooked.' The person that shot it says that it sung so like a reed-sparrow that he took it for one ; and that it sings all night : but this account merits further inquiry. For my part, I suspect it is a second sort of locustcla, hinted at by Dr. Derham in Bay's Letters, see p. 108. He also procured me a grasehopper-lark. The question that you put with regard to 393 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. those genera of animals that are peculiar to America, viz. how they came there, and whence? is too puzzling forme to answer, and yet so obvi- ous as . Deak Sir,— On September 21st, 1741, being then on a visit, and intent on field-diversions, I rose before daybreak : when I came into the enclosures, I found the stubbles and clover- grounds matted all over with a thick coat of cobweb, in the meshes of which a copious and heavy dew hung so plentifully that the whole face of the country seemed, as it were, covered with two or three setting-nets drawn one over another. "When the dogs attempted to hunt, their eyes were so blinded and hoodwinked that they could not proceed, but were obliged to lie down ami scrape the incumbrances from their faces with their fore-feet, so that, rinding my sport interrupted, 1 returned home musing in my mind on the oddness of the occurrence. As the morning advanced the sun became bright and warm, and the day turned out one of those most lovely ones which no season but the autumn produces ; cloudless, calm, serene, and worthy of the South of France itself. About nine an appearance very unusual began to demand our attention, a shower of cobwebs falling from very elevated regions, and continu- ing, without any interruption, till the close of the day. These webs were not single filmy threads, floating in the air in all directions, but perfect flakes or rags ; some near an inch broad, and five or six long, which fell with a degree of velocity that showed they were con- siderably heavier than the atmosphere. On every side as the observer turned his eyes might he behold a continual succession of fresh flakes falling into his sight, and twinkling like stars as they turned their sides towards the sun. How far this wonderful shower extended would be difficult to say ; but we know that it reached Bradley, Selborne, and Alresford, three places which lie in a sort of a triangle, the shortest of whose sides is about eight miles in extent. At the second of those places there was a gentleman (for whose veracity and intelligent turn we have the greatest veneration) who observed it the moment he got abroad ; but concluded that, as soon as he came upon the hill above his house, where he took his morning rides, he should be higher than this met. or, which he imagined might have been blown, like thistle-down, from the common above ; but to his great astonishment, when he rode to the most elevated part of the down, three hundred feet above his fields, he found the webs in appearance still as much above him as before ; still descending into sight in a constant succes- sion, and twinkling in the sun, so as to draw the attention of the most incurious. Neither before nor after was any such fall observed; but on this day the fiakes hung in the trees and hedges so thick that a diligt at person sent out might have gathered baskets full. The remark that I shall make on these cob- web-like appearances, called gossamer, is, that, strange and superstitious as the notions about them were formerly, nobody in these days doubts but that they are the real production of small spiders, which swarm in the fields in fine weather in autumn, and have a power of shoot- ing out webs from their tails so as to render themselves buoyant, and lighter than air. But why these apterous insects should that day take such a wonderful aerial excursion, and why their webs should at once become so gross and material as to bo considerably more weighty than air, and to descend with precipitation, is a matter beyond my skill. If I might In- allowed to hazard a supposition, I should THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 405 imagine that those filmy threads, when first shot, might be entangled in the rising dew, and so drawn up, spiders and all, by a brisk evapo- ration, into the regions where clouds are formed ; and if the spiders have a power of coiling and thickening their webs in the air, as Dr. Lister says they have (see his Letters to Mr. Ray), then, when they were become heavier than the air, they must fall. Every day in fine weather, in autumn chiefly, do I see those spiders shooting out their webs and mounting aloft : they will go off from your finger if you will take them into your hand. Last summer one alighted on my book as I was reading in the parlour, and running to the top of the page, and shooting out a web, took its departure from thence. But what I most wondered at was, that it went off with consider- able velocity in a place where no air was stirring, and I am sure that I did not assist it with my breath. So that these little crawlers seem to have, while mounting, some locomotive power without the use of wings, and to move in the air faster than the air itself. TO THE SAME. Selborne, October 2, 1775. Dear Sir, — We have two gangs or hordes of gipsies which infest the south and west of England, and come round in their circuit two or three times in the year. One of these tribes calls itself by the noble name of Stanley, of which I have nothing particular to say; but the other is distinguished by an appellative somewhat remarkable. As far as their harsh gibberish can be understood, they seem to say that the name of their clan is Curleople ; now the termination of this word is apparently Grecian, and as Mezeray and the gravest historiar.s all agree that these vagrants did certainly migrate from Egypt and the East, two or three centuries ago, and so spread by degrees over Europe, may not this family name, a little corrupted, be the very name they brought with them from the Levant ? It would be matter of some curiosity, could one meet with an intelli- gent person among them, to inquire whether, in their jargon, they still retain any Greek words ; the Greek radicals will appear in hand, foot, head, water, earth, etc. It is possible that amidst their cant and corrupted dialect many mutilated remains of their native lan- guage might still be discovered. With regard to those peculiar people, the gipsies, one thing is very remarkable, and especially as they come from warmer climates ; and that is, that while other beggars lodge in barns, stables, and cow-houses, these sturdy savages seem to pride themselves in braving the severities of winter, and in living sub dio the whole year round. Last September was as wet a month as ever was known ; and yet during those deluges did a young gipsy girl lie in the midst of one of our hop-gardens, on the cold ground, with nothing over her but a piece of a blanket extended on a few hazel-rods bent hoop-fashion, and stuck into the earth at each end, in circumstances too trying for a cow in the same condition ; yet within this garden there was a large hop-kiln, into the chambers of which she might have retired, had she thought shelter an object worthy her attention. Europe itself, it seems, cannot set bounds to the rovings of these vagabonds ; for Mr. Bell, in his return from Peking, met a gang of those people on the confines of Tartary, who were endeavouring to penetrate those deserts, and try their fortune in China. Gipsies are called in French, Bohemians ; in Italian and modern Greek, Zingari. I am, etc. TO THE SAME. Selborne, Nov. 1, 1775. ' Hie . . . trcdse pingues, hie plurimus ignis Semper, et assidua postes fuligine nigri.' Dear Sir, — I shall make no apology for troubling you with the detail of a very simple piece of domestic economy, being satisfied that you think nothing beneath your attention that tends to utility ; the matter alluded to is the use of rushes instead of candles, which I am well aware prevails in many districts besides this ; but as I know there are countries also where it does not obtain, and as I have con- sidered the subject with some degree of exact- ness, I shall proceed in my humble story, and leave you to judge of the expediency. The proper species of rush for this purpose seems to be the juncus ejfusus, or common soft rush, which is to be found in most moist pastures, by the sides of streams and under hedges. These rushes are in best condition in the height of summer ; but may be gathered, so as to serve the purpose well, cpute on to autumn. It would be needless to add that the largest and longest are best. Decayed labourers, women, and children make it their business to procure and prepare them. As soon as they are cut, they must be flung into water, and kept there, for otherwise they will dry and shrink, and the peel will not run. At first a person would find it no easy matter to divest a rush of its peel or rind, so as to leave one regular, narrow, even rib from top to bottom that may support the pith ; but this, like other feats, soon becomes familiar even to children ; and we have seen an old woman, stone blind, performing this business with great despatch, and seldom failing to strip them with the nicest regularity. "When these junci are thus far prepared, they must lie out on the grass to be bhached, and take the dew for some nights, and afterwards be dried in the sun. 406 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. Some address is required in dipping these rushes in the scalding fat or grease ; but this knack also is to be attained by practice. The careful wife of an industrious Hampshire labourer obtains all her fat for nothing ; for she saves the scummings of her bacon-pot for this use ; and if the grease abounds with salt, she causes the salt to precipitate to the bottom, by setting the scummings in a warm oven. "Where hogs are not much in use, and especially by the sea-side, the coarser animal-oils will come very cheap. A pound of common grease may be procured for fourpence, and about six pounds of grease will dip a pound of rushes, and one pound of rushes may be bought for one shilling ; so that a pound of rushes, medicated and ready for use, will cost three shillings. If men that keep bees will mix a little wax with the grease, it will give it a consistency, and render it more cleanly, and make the rushes burn longer; mutton-suet would have the same effect. A good rush, which measured in length two feet four inches and a half, being minuted, burnt only three minutes short of an hour ; and a rush of still greater length has been known to burn one hour and a quarter. These rushes give a good clear light. Watch- lights (coated with tallow), it is true, shed a dismal one, ' darkness visible ; ' but then the wick of those have two ribs of the rind, or peel, to support the pith, while the wick of the dipped rush has but one. The two ribs are intended to impede the progress of ihe flame and make the candle last. In a pound of dry rushes avoirdupois, which I caused to be weighed and numbered, we found upwards of one thousand six hundred indi- viduals. Now suppose each of these burns, one with another, only half an hour, then a poor man will purchase eight hundred hours of light, a time exceeding thirty-three entire days, for three shillings. According to this account each rush, before dipping, costs ^ of a farthing, and fa afterwards. Thus a poor family will enjoy five and a half hours of comfortable light for a farthing. An experienced old housekeeper assures me that one pound and a half of rushes completely supplies his family the year round, since working people burn no candles in the long days, because they rise and go to bed by daylight. Little farmers use rushes much in the short days, both morning and evening, in the dairy and kitchen ; but the very poor, who are always the worst economists, and therefore must con- tinue very poor, buy a halfpenny candle every evening, which in their blowing open rooms, does not burn much more than two hours. Thus have they only two hours' light for their money instead of eleven, While on the subject of rural economy, it may not be improper to mention a pretty impli mi nl of housewifery that we have seen nowhere else ; that is, little neat besoms which our foresters make from the stalks of the polytricum com- mune, or great golden maiden-hair, which they call silk-wood, and find plenty in the bogs. When this moss is well combed and dressed, and divested of its outer skin, it becomes of a beautiful bright-chestnut colour ; and, being soft and pliant, is very proper for the dusting of beds, curtains, carpets, hangings, etc. If these besoms were known to the brushrnakers in town, it is probable they might come much in use for the purpose above mentioned. I am, etc. [This letter was written after Wilkes' release from the Tower on the ground of privilege as a member of Parliament. He had been imprisoned for an attack on the ministry in the North Briton, and as his papers were confiscated also, in demanding them back he had been snubbed. This is his reply to the official note which he had received.] JOHN WILKES TO LORDS EGREMOXT AND HALIFAX. Great George Street, May 29, 1763. My Lords, — Little did I expect, when I was requiring from your lordships what an English- man has a right to, — his property taken from him (and said to be in your lordships' possession), — that I should have received in answer, from persons in your high station, the expressions of 'indecent and scurrilous' applied to my legal demands. The respect I bear to his Majesty, whose ser- vants, it seems, you still are (though you stand legally convicted of having in me violated, in the highest and most offensive manner, the liberties of all the commons in England), prevents my returning you an answer in the same Billingsgate language. If I considered you only in your private capacities, I should treat you both according to your deserts ; but where is the wonder that men who have attacked the sacred liberty of the subject, and have issued an illegal warrant to seize his property, should proceed to such libellous expressions? You say, ' that such of my papers shall be restored to me as do not lead to a proof of my guilt.' I owe this to your appre- hension of an action, not to your love of just ire ; and in that light, if I can believe your lordships' assurances, the whole will be returned to me. I fear neither your prosecution nor your persecution ; and I will assert the security of THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 407 my own house, the liberty of my person, and every right of the people, not so much for my own sake, as for the sake of every one of my English fellow-subjects. I am, my lords, your humble servant, John Wilkes. [The Peace of 1763, negotiated by the Duke of Bedford, occasioned much popular dis- pleasure, which in several instances broke out into acts of open insurrection. The rumour was promulgated, and for some time credited, that the Peace had been purchased by the liberal distribution of bribes, on the part of France, among several distinguished individuals. Upon the death of Lord Egremont, Lord Bute, notwithstanding their previous disagree- ment, found it expedient to obtain the interest and support of the Duke of Bedford ; who, it is said, ' conscious of his importance, exacted not only from Lord Bute, but from the King himself, a submission to whatever terms ' he deter- mined to impose. Among his other demands, was the dismissal from office of Lord Bute's brother, Mr. Stuart Mackenzie. Impatient of this tyranny, the King applied to the Duke of Newcastle and Lord Rockingham. But the relief was only temporary. The Chatham ministry beheld the introduction into the cabinet of the Dukes of Bedford and Grafton, who remained after the resignation of their chief. In this crisis of the public affairs, Junius, who commenced his political crusade in the January of 1769, addressed his famous letter to the Duke of Bedford. — Willmott.] JUNIUS TO THE DUKE OF BEDFORD. September 19, 1769. My Lord, — You are so little accustomed to receive any remarks of respect or esteem from the public, that if, in the following lines, a compliment or expression of applause should escape me, I fear you would consider it as a mockery of your established character, and perhaps an insult to your understanding. You have nice feelings, my lord, if we may judge from your resentments. Cautious, therefore, of giving offence, where you have so little deserved it, I shall leave the illustration of your virtues to other hands. Your friends have a privilege to play upon the easiness of your temper, or possibly they are better acquainted with your good qualities than I am. You have done good by stealth. The rest is upon record. You have still left ample room for speculation, when panegyric is exhausti d. You are, indeed, a veiy considerable man. The highest rani; ; a splendid fortune ; and a name, glorious till it was yours, were sufficient to have supported you with meaner abilities than I think you possess. From the first, you derived a constitutional claim to respect ; from the second, a natural extensive authority ; the last excited a partial expectation of hereditary virtues. The use you have made of these uncommon advantages might have been more honourable to yourself, but could not be more instructive to mankind. We may trace it in the veneration of your country, the choice of your friends, and in the accomplishment of every sanguine hope, which the public might have conceived from the illustrious name of Russell. The eminence of your station gave you a commanding prospect of your duty. The road which led to honour was open to your view. You could not lose it by mistake, and j r ou had no temptation to depart from it by design. Compare the natural dignity and importance of the richest peer in England ; the noble independence which he might have maintained in parliament, and the real interest and respect which he might have acquired, not only in parliament, but through the whole kingdom ; compare these glorious distinctions with the ambition of holding a share in government, the emoluments of a place, the sale of a borough, or the purchase of a corporation ; and though 3 T ou may not regret the virtues, which create respect, you may see with anguish, how much real importance and authority you have lost. Consider the character of an independent, virtuous Duke of Bedford ; imagine what he might be in this country — then reflect for one moment upon what you are. If it be possible for me to withdraw my attention from the fact, I will tell you in theory what such a man might be. Conscious of his own weight and importance, his conduct in parliament would be directed by nothing but the constitutional duty of a peer. He would consider himself as the guardian of the laws. Willing to support the just measures of government, but determined to observe the conduct of the minister with suspicion, he would oppose the violence of faction with as much firmness as the encroachments of pre- rogative. He would be as little capable of bargaining with the minister for places for himself, or his dependents, as of descending to mix himself with the intrigues of opposition. Whenever an important question called for his opinion in parliament, he would be heard, by the most profligate minister, with deference _J 408 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. and respect. His authority would either sanctify or disgrace the measures of govern- ment. The people would look up to him as to their protector, and a virtuous prince would have one honest man in Ids dominions, in whose integrity and judgment he might safely confide. If it should be the will of Providence to afllict him with a domestic misfortune, he would submit to the shock with feeling, but not without dignity. He would consider the people as his children, and receive a generous, heart- felt consolation in the sympathizing tears and blessings of his country. Your grace may probably discover something more intelligible in the negative part of this illustrious character. The man I have de- scribed would never prostitute his dignity in parliament by an indecent violence either in opposing or defending a minister. He would not at one moment rancorously persecute, and at another basely cringe to the favourite of his sovereign. After outraging the royal dignity with peremptory conditions, little short of menace and hostility, he would never descend to the humility of soliciting an interview with the favourite, and of offering to recover, at any price, the honour of his friendship. Though deceived, perhaps, in his youth, he would not, through the course of a long life, have invariably chosen his friends from among the most profligate of mankind. His own honour would have forbidden him from mixing his private pleasures or conversation with jockeys, gamesters, blasphemers, gladiators, or buffoons. He would then have never felt, much less would he have submitted to the humiliating, dishonest necessity of engaging in the interests and intrigues of his dependents, of supplying their vices, or relieving their beggary, at the expense of his country. He would not have betrayed such ignorance, or such contempt of the constitution, as openly to avow, in a court of justice, the purchase and sale of a borough. He would not have thought it con- sistent with his rank in the State, or even with his personal importance, to be the little tyrant of a little corporation. He would never have been insulted with virtues which he had laboured to extinguish, nor Buffered the disgrace of a mortifying defeat, which has made him ridiculous and contemptible, even to the few by whom he was not detested. I reverence the afflictions of a good man ; his sorrows are sacred. But how can we take part in the distresses of a man whom we can neither love nor esteem ; or feel for a calamity of which he himself is insensible? Where was the father's heart, when he could look for or find an immediate consolation for the loss of an only son, in consultations and bargains, for a place at court, and even in the misery of balloting at the India House '.' Admitting, then, that you have mistaken or deserted those honourabl ■ principles, which ought to have directed your conduct ; admitting that you have as little claim to private affection as to public esteem, let us see with what abilities, with what degree of judgment, you have carried your own system into execution. A great man in the success, and even in the magnitude of his crimes, finds a rescue from contempt. Your grace is every way unfortunate. Yet I will not look back to those ridiculous scenes, by which, in your earlier days, you thought it an honour to be distinguished ; — the recorded stripes, the public infamy, your own sufferings, or Mr. Rigby's fortitude. These events un- doubtedly left an impression, though not upon your mind. To such a mind, it may perhaps be a pleasure to reflect, that there is hardly a corner of any of his Majesty's kingdoms, except France, in which, at one time or other, your valuable life has not been in danger. Amiable man ! — we see and acknowledge the protection of Providence, by which you have so often escaped the personal detestation of your fellow- subjects, and are still reserved for the public justice of your country. Your history begins to be important at that auspicious period at which you were deputed to represent the Earl of Bute at the Court of Versailles. It was an honourable office, and executed with the same spirit with which it was accepted. Your patrons wanted an ambassador who would submit to make concessions, without daring to insist upon any honourable condition for his sovereign. Their business required a man who had as little feeling for his own dignity as for the welfare of his country ; and they found him in the first rank of the nobility. Belleisle, Goree, G-uadaloupe, St. Lucia, Martinique, the Fishery, and the Havanna, are glorious monu- ments of your grace's talents for negotiation. My lord, we are too well acquainted with your pecuniary character to think it possible that so many public sacrifices should have been made without some private compensations. Your conduct carries with it an internal evidence, beyond all the legal proofs of a court of justice. Even the callous pride of Lord Egremont was alarmed. He saw and felt his own dishonour in corresponding with you ; and there certainly was a moment at which he meant to have resisted, had not a fatal lethargy prevailed over his faculties, and carried all sense and memory away with it. I will not pretend to specify the secret terms on which you were invited to Bupport an administration which Lord Bute pretended to have in full possession of their ministerial authority, and perfectly masters of themselves. He was not of a temper to relinquish power, though he retired from employment. Stipulations were certainly made between your grace and him, and certainly violated. Alter two years' submission, you THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 409 thought you had collected a strength sufficient to control his influence, and that it was your turn to be a tyrant, because you had been a slave. When you found yourself mistaken in your opinion of your gracious Master's firmness, disappointment got the better of all your humble discretion, and carried you to an excess of outrage to his person, as distant from true spirit as from all decency and respect. After robbing him of the rights of a king, you would not permit him to \ reserve the honour of a gentleman. It was then Lord Weymouth was nominated to Ireland, and despatched (we well remember with what indecent hurry) to plunder the treasury of the first-fruits of an employ- ment which you well knew he was never to execute. This sudden declaration of war against the favourite might have given you a momentary merit with the public, if it had either been adopted upon principle, or main- tained with resolution. Without looking back to all your former servility, we need only observe your subsequent conduct, to see upon what motives you acted. Apparently united with Lord Grenville, you waited until Lord Rockingham's feeble administration should dissolve in its own weakness. The moment their dismission was suspected — the moment you perceived that another system was adopted in the closet, you thought it no disgrace to return to your former dependence, and solicit once more the friendship of Lord Bute. You begged an interview, at which he had spirit enough to treat you with contempt. It would now be of little use to point out by what a train of weak, injudicious measures it became necessary, or was thought so, to call you back to a share in the administration. The friends, whom you did not in the last instance desert, were not of a character to add strength or credit to government ; and at that time your alliance with the Duke of Grafton was, I presume, hardly foreseen. We must look for other stipulations, to account for that sudden resolution of the closet, by which three of your dependents (whose characters, I think, cannot be less respected than they are) were advanced to offices, through which you might again control the minister, and probably engross the whole direction of affairs. The possession of the absolute power is now once more within your reach. The measures you have taken to obtain and confirm it are too gross to escape the eyes of a discerning and judicious prince. His palace is besieged ; lines of circumvallation are drawing round him ; and unless he finds a resource in his own activity, or in the attachment of the real friends of his family, the best of princes must submit to the confinement of a state prisoner, until your grace's death, or some less fortunate event shall raise the siege. For the present, you may resume that style of insult and menace, which even a private gentleman cannot submit to hear without being contemptible. Mr. Mac- kenzie's history is not yet forgotten, and you may find precedents enough of the mode in which an imperious subject may signify his pleasure to his sovereign. Where will our gracious monarch look for assistance, when the wretched Grafton could forget his obligations to his master, and desert him for a hollow alliance with such a man as the Duke of Bedford ! Let us consider you, then, as arrived at the summit of worldly greatness ; let us suppose that all your plans of avarice and ambition are accomplished, and your most sanguine wishes gratified in the fear as well as the hatred of the people : can age itself forget that you are now in the last act of life? Can grey hairs make folly venerable ? and is there no period to be reserved for meditation and retirement ? For shame ! my lord ; let it not be recorded of yoa, that the latest moments of your life were dedicated to the same unworthy pursuits, the same busy agitations in which your youth and manhood were exhausted. Consider, that although you cannot disgrace your former life, you are violating the character of age, and exposing the impotent imbecility after you have lost the vigour of the passions. Your friends will ask, perhaps— whither shall this unhappy old man retire ? Can he remain in the metropolis, where his life has been so often threatened, and his palace so often attacked? If he returns to Wooburn, scorn and mockery await him : he must create a solitude round his estate, if he would avoid the face of reproach and derision. At Plymouth, his destruction would be more than probable, at Exeter inevitable; no honest Englishman will ever forget his attachment, nor any honest Scotchman forgive his treachery, to Lord Bute. At every town he enters, he must change his liveries and his name. Whichever way he flies, the hue and cry of the country pursues him. In another kingdom, indeed, the blessings of his administration have been more sensibly felt ; his virtues better understood ; or at worst, they will not, for him alone, forget their hospitality. As well might Yerres have returned to Sicily. You have twice escaped, my lord ; beware of a third experiment. The indignation of a whole people, plundered, insulted, and oppressed, as they have been, will not always be disappointed. It is in vain, therefore, to shift the scene. You can no more fly from your enemies than from yourself. Persecuted abroad, you look into your own heart for consolation, and find nothing but reproaches and despair. But, my lord, you may quit the field of business, though not the field of danger ; and though you cannot be safe, you may cease to be ridiculous. I fear 4io THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. you have listened too long to the advice of those pernicious friends, with whose interests you have sordidly united your own ; and for whom you have sacrificed everything that ought to be dear to a man of honour. They are still base enough to encourage the follies of your age, as they once did the vices of your youth. As little acquainted with the rules of decorum as with the laws of morality, they will not suffer you to profit by experience, nor even to consult the propriety of a bad character. Even now they tell you that life is no more than a dramatic scene, in which the hero should preserve his consistency to the last, and that as you lived without virtue, you should die without repentance. JuilIUS. [Edmund Burke was born in Dublin on Jan- uary 12, 1730. His education was com- pleted at Trinity College. He went to London about 1750, and commenced miscellaneous literary work. He first projected the Annual Register, and wrote the whole of it himself for some years. His first connection with politics was his employment as private secretary to the Marquis of Rockingham in 17C5, and his first speech in the House of Commons was on the Stamp Act, which Lord Rockingham had brought in a bill to repeal. Burke's influence was fully exemplified in British politics from 17G5 to 1797. His views on domestic politics are contained in his Thoughts on the Cause of the Present Discon- tent, 1770, and from two speeches delivered at Bristol, 1774 ami 17S0. The two of his greatest speeches are those on 'American Taxation,' 1774, and on ' Conciliation with America,' 177o. Sir Samuel Romilly con- sidered his speech at Bristol previous to the election as the best piece of oratory in the language. Burke also delivered some great speeches on the government of India, of which the best known are ' Mr. Fox's East India Bill,' 1783, on the 'Nabob of Arcot's Debts,' 1785 (this latter Lord Brougham considered his greatest oration), and the several speeches in the impeach- ment of Warren nestings. His celebrated Reflections on the French Revolution were published in 1700, which occasioned the strictures that caused Burke's reply to the member of the National Assembly which we quote. Burke died in 1707, at Beaconsfield, broken-hearted at his son's death. ' The peculiar effect of Burke,' says Mr. Payne, ' is to enlarge, strengthen, liberalize, and ennoble the understanding.'] IirnKE TO ROBERTSON. I AM perfectly sensible of the very flattering distinction I received, in your thinking me worthy of so noble a present as that of your History of America. I have, however, suffered my gratitude to lie under some suspicion, by delaying my acknowledgment of so great a favour. But my delay was only to render my obligation to you more complete, and my thanks, if possible, more merited. The close of the brought a great deal of very troublesome business on me at once. I could not get through your work at one breath at that time, though I have done it since. I am now enabled to thank you not only for the honour you have done me, but for the great satisfaction and the infinite variety and compass of instruction I have received from your incomparable work. Everything has been done which was so natur- ally to be expected from the author of the History of Scotland, and of the Age of Charles the Fifth. I believe few books have done more than this towards clearing up dark points, correcting errors, and removing prejudices. You have, too, the pure secret of rekindling an interest on subjects that had so often been treated, and in which everything which could feed a vital flame appeared to have been consumed. I am sure I read many parts of your History with that fresh concern ami anxiety which attend those who are not previ- ously apprized of the event. You have, besides, thrown quite a new light on the present state of the Spanish provinces, and furnished both materials and hints for a rational theory of what may be expected from them in future. The part which I read with the greatest pleasure, is the discussion on the manners and character of the inhabitants of the New World. I have always thought with you, that we pos- sess at this time very groat advantages towards the knowle Ige of human nature. We need no longer go to history to trace it in all stages and periods. History, from its comparative youth, is but a poor instructor. When the Egyptians called the Greeks children in antiquities, we may well call them children; and so we may call all those nations which were able to trace the progress of society only within their own limits. But now the great map of mankind is unrolled at once, and there is no state or gradation of barbarism, and no mode of refine- ment, which we have not at the same moment under view : the very different civility of Europe and of China, the barbarism of Persia and of Abyssinia, the erratic manners of Tartary THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 411 and of Arabia, the savage state of North America and of New Zealand. Indeed, you have made a noble use of the advantages yon have had. You have employed philosophy to judge on manners, and from manners you have drawn new resources for philosophy. I only think that in one or two points you have hardly done justice to the savage character. There remains before you a great field. Per- iculoscc plenum opus alece tractas, et incedis per ifjnes suppositos cincri doloso. When even those ashes will be spread over the present fire, God knows. I am heartily sorry that we are now supplying you with that kind of dignity and concern which is purchased to history at the expense of mankind. I had rather by far that Dr. Kobertson's pen were only employed in delineating the humble scenes of political economy than the great events of a civil war. However, if our statesmen had read the book of human nature instead of the journals of the House of Commons, and history instead of Acts of Parliament, we should not by the latter have furnished out so ample a page for the former. For my part, I have not been, nor am I, very forward in my speculations on this subject. All that I have ventured to make, have hitherto proved fallacious. I con- fess I thought the colonies left to themselves could not have made anything like the present resistance to the whole power of this country and its allies. I did not think it could have been done without the declared interference of the house of Bourbon. But I looked on it as very probable that France and Spain would before this time have taken a decided part. In both these conjectures I have judged amiss. You will smile when I send you a trifling tem- porary production, made for the occasion of a day, and to perish with it, in return for your immortal work. But our exchange resembles the politics of the times. You send out solid wealth— the accumulation of ages ; and in return you get a few flying leaves of poor American paper. However, you have the mer- cantile comfort of finding the balance of trade infinitely in your favour ; and I console myself with the snug consideration of uninformed natural acuteness, that I have my warehouse full of goods at another's expense. Adieu, sir, continue to instruct the world ; and whilst we carry on a poor unequal conflict with the passions and prejudices of our day, perhaps with no better weapons than other passions and prejudices of our own, convey wisdom at our expense to future generations. EDMUND BUKKE TO A MEMBER OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY. On the French Revolution. Sir, — I had the honour to receive your letter of the 17th of November last, in which, with some exceptions, you are pleased to consider favourably the letter I have written on the affairs of France. I shall ever accept any mark of approbation attended with instruction, with more pleasure than general and unqualified praises. The latter can serve only to flatter our vanity ; the former, whilst it encourages us to proceed, may help to improve us in our progress. Some of the errors you point out to me in my printed letter are really such. One only I find to be material. It is corrected in the edition which I take the liberty of sending to you. As to the cavils which may be made on some part of my remarks, with regard to the gradations in your new constitution, you observe justly, that they do not affect the substance of my objections. "Whether there be a round more or less in the ladder of representation, by which your workmen ascend from their parochial tyranny to their federal anarchy, when the whole scale is false, appears to me of little or no importance. I published my thoughts on that constitution that my countrymen might be enabled to estimate the wisdom of the plans which were held out to their imitation. I conceived that the true character of those plans would be best collected from the committee appointed to prepare them. I thought that the scheme of their building would be better comprehended in the design of the architects than in the execu- tion of the masons. It was not worth my reader's while to occupy himself with the altera- tions by which bungling practice corrects absurd theory. Such an investigation would be endless, because every day's past experience of imprac- ticability has driven, and every day's futui-e experience will drive, those men to new devices as exceptionable as the old ; and which are no otherwise worthy of observation than as they give a daily proof of the delusion of their promises, and the falsehood of their professions. Had I followed all these changes, my letter would have been only a gazette of their wander- ings ; a journal of their march from error to error, through a dry, dreary desert, unguided by the lights of heaven, or by the contrivance which wisdom has invented to supply their place. I am unalterably persuaded that the attempt to oppress, degrade, impoverish, confiscate, and extinguish the original gentlemen and landed property of an old nation, cannot be justified under any form it may assume. I am satisfied beyond a doubt that the project of turning a great empire into a vestry, or into a collection 412 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. of vestries, and of governing it in the spirit of a parochial administration, is senseless and absurd in any mole, or with any qualifications. I can never be convinced that the scheme of placing tlu' highest powers of the state in churchwardens and constables, and other such officers, guided by the prudence of litigious attorneys and Jew brokers, and set in action by shameless women of the lowest condition, by keepers of hotels, taverns, and brothels, by pert apprentices, by clerks, shop-boys, hairdressers, tiddlers, and dancers on tlw stage (who, in such a common- wealth as yours, will in future overbear, as already they have overborne, the sober in- capacity of dull, uninstrueted men, of useful but laborious occupations), can ever be put into any shape that must not be both disgraceful and destructive. The whole of this project, even if it were what it pretends to be, and was not in reality the dominion, through that dis- graceful medium, of half-a-dozen, or perhaps fewer, intriguing politicians, is so mean, so low- minded, so stupid a contrivance in point of wisdom, as well as so perfectly detestable for its wickedness, that I must always consider the correctives which might make it in any degree practicable, to be so many new objections to it. In that wretched state of things some are afraid that the authors of your miseries may be led to precipitate their further designs by the hints they may receive from the very arguments used to expose the absurdity of their system, to mark the incongruity of its parts, and its inconsistency with their own principles ; and that your masters may be led to render their schemes more consistent by rendering them more mischievous. Excuse the liberty which your indulgence authorizes me to take when I observe to you that such apprehensions as these would prevent all exertion of our faculties in this great cause of mankind. A rash recourse to force is not to be justified in a state of real weakness. Such attempts bring on disgrace ; and, in their failure, dis- countenance and discourage more rational endeavours. 15ut reason is to be hazarded, though it may be perverted by craft and sophistry ; for reason can suffer no loss nor shame, nor can it impede any useful plan of future policy. In the unavoidable uncertainty as to the eli'ect which attends on every measure of human prudence, nothing seems a surer antidote to the poison of fraud than its detec- tion. It is true the fraud may he swallowed after this discovery, and perhaps even swallowed the more greedily t'"i being a detected fraud. Men sometimes make a point of honour not to ibused, and they had rather fall into an hundred errors than confess one. But after all, — when neither our principles nor our dispositions, nor perhaps our talents, enable us to encounter delusion with delusion, we must use our best reason to those that ought to be reasonable creatures, and take our chance for the event. We cannot act on these anom- alies in the minds of men. I do not conceive that the jjersons who have contrived these things can be made much the better or the worse for anything which can be said to them. They an reason proof. Here and there, some men who were at first carried away by wild good intentions, may be led, when their first fervours are abated, to join in a sober survey of the schemes into which they have been deluded. To those only (and I am sorry to say they are not likely to make a large descrip- tion) we apply with any hope. I may speak it upon an assurance almost approaching to absolute knowledge, that nothing has been done that has not been contrived from the beginning, even before the states had assembled. Nulla nova mihi res inopinate surgit. 1 They are the same men and the same designs that they were from the first, though varied in their appearance. It was the very same animal that at first crawled about in the shape of a caterpillar that you now see rise into the air and expand its wings to the sun. Proceeding, therefore, as we are obliged to proceed, that is upon an hypothesis that we address rational men, can false political prin- ciples be more effectually exposed than by demonstrating that they lead to consequences directly inconsistent with and subversive of the arrangements grounded upon them? If this kind of demonstration is not permitted, the process of reasoning called deductio ad absurdum, which even the severity of geometry does not reject, could not be employed at all in legislative discussions. One of our strongest weapons against folly acting with authority would be lost. You know, sir, that even the virtuous efforts of you patriots to prevent the ruin of your country have had this very turn given to them. It has been said here, and in France too, that the reigning usurpers would not have carried their tyranny to such destructive lengths if they had not been stimulated and provoked to it by the acrimony of your opposition. There is a dilemma to which every opposition to successful iniquity must, in the nature of things, he liable. If you lie still, you are coiisidi red as an accomplice in the measures in which you silently acquiesce. If you nMst, you are accused of provoking irritable power to new excesses. The conduct of a losing party never appears right; at least it never can possess the only infallible criterion of wisdom to vulgar judgments — success. The indulgence of a sort of undefined hope, an obscure confidence, that some lurking i 'No new tiling rises upon me unexpectedly. 1 — Cioebo, 1 lik. iii. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 413 remains of virtue, some degree of shame, might exist in the breasts of the oppressors of France, has been among the causes which have helped to bring on the common ruin of king and people. There is no safety for honest men, but by believing all possible evil of evil men, and by acting with promptitude, decision, and steadiness on that belief. I well remember, at every epocha of this wonder- ful history, in every scene of this tragic busi- ness, that when your sophistic usurpers were laying down mischievous principles, and even applying them in direct resolutions, it was the fashion to say that they never intended to execute those declarations in their rigour. This made men cautious in their opposition, and remiss in early precaution. By holding out this fallacious hope the impostors deluded sometimes one description of men and some- times another, so that no means of resistance were provided against them when they came to execute in cruelty what they had planned in fraud. There are cases in which a man would be ashamed not to have been imposed on. There is a confidence necessary to human intercourse, and without which men are often more injured by their own suspicions than they could be by the perfidy of others. But when men whom we know to be wicked impose upon us, we are something worse than dupes. When we know them, their fair pretences become new motives for distrust. There is one case, indeed, in which it would be madness not to give the fullest credit to the most deceitful of men, that is, when they make declarations of hostility against us. I find that some persons entertain other hopes, which I confess appear more specious than those by which at first so many were deluded and disarmed. They flatter themselves that the extreme misery brought upon the people by their folly will at last open the eyes of the multitude, if not of their leaders. Much the contrary, I fear. As to the leaders in this system of imposture, you know that cheats and deceivers never can repent. The fraudulent have no resource but in fraud. They have no other goods in their magazine. They have no virtue or wisdom in their minds to which, in a disappointment concerning the profitable effects of fraud and cunning, they can retreat. The wearing out of an old, serves only to put them upon the invention of a new, delusion. Un- luckily, too, the credulity of dupes is as inexhaustible as the invention of knaves. They never give people possession ; but they always keep them in hope. Your state doctors do not so much is pretend that any good whatsoever has hitherto been derived from their operations, or that the public has prospered in any one instance under their management. The nation is sick, very sick, by then; medicines. But the charlatan tells them that what is passed cannot be helped ; they have taken the draught, and they must wait its operation with patience ; that the first effects, indeed, are unpleasant, but that the very sickness is a proof that the dose is of no sluggish operation ; that sickness is inevitable in all constitutional revolutions ; that the body must pass through pain to ease ; that the prescriber is not an empiric who proceeds by vulgar experience, but one who grounds his practice on the sure rules of art, which cannot possibly fail. You have read, sir, the last Manifesto, or Mountebank's Bill, of the National Assembly. You see their presumption in their promises is not lessened by all their failures in the performance. Com- pare this last address of the Assembly, and the present state of your affairs, with the early engagements of that body— engagements which, not content with declaring, they solemnly deposed upon oath, swearing lustily that if they were supported they would make their country glorious and happy ; and then judge whether those who can write such things, or those who can bear to read them, are of them- selves to be brought to any reasonable course of thought or action. As to the people at large, when once these miserable sheep have broken the fold, and have got themselves loose, not from the restraint, but from the protection of all the principles of natural authority and legitimate subordina- tion, they become the natural prey of impostors. When they have once tasted of the flattery of knaves, they can no longer endure reason, which appears to them only in the form of censure and reproach. Great distress has never hitherto taught, and whilst the world lasts it never will teach, wise lessons to any part of mankind. Men are as much blinded by the extremes of misery as by the extremes of prosperity. Desperate situations produce des- perate counsels and desperate measures. The people of France, almost generally, have been taught to look for other resources than those which can be derived from order, frugality, and industry. They are generally armed, and they are made to expect much from the use of arms. Nihil non arrogant armis. 1 Besides this, the retrograde order of society has something flattering to the dispositions of mankind. The life of adventurers, gamesters, gipsies, beggars, and robbers is not unpleasant. It requires restraint to keep men from falling into that habit. The shifting tides of fear and hope, the flight and pursuit, the peril and escape, the alternate famine and feast of the savage and the thief, after a time, render all course of slow, steady, progressive, unvaried occupation, and the prospect only of a limited i Horace, Ars Poet. 1. 122.— 'There is nothing they do not rashly ascribe to arms.' 414 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. mediocrity at the end of long labour, to the last degree tame, languid, and insipid. Those who have been once intoxicated with power, and have derived any kind of emolument from it, even though but for one year, never can willingly abandon it. They may be distressed in the midst of all their power, but they will ae\ r look to anything but power for their relief. When did distress ever oblige a prince to abdicate his authority? And what effect will it have upon those who are made to believe themselves a people of princes? The more active and stirring part of the lower orders having got government, and the distribution of plunder, into their hands, they will use its resources in each municipality to form a body of adherents. These rulers, and their adherents, will be strong enough to overpower the discontents of those who have not been able to assert their share of the spoil. The unfortunate adventurers in the cheating lottery of plunder will probably be the least sagacious or the most inactive and irresolute of the gang. If, on disappointment, they should dare to stir, they will soon be suppressed as rebels and mutineers by their brother rebels. Scantily fed for awhile with the offal of plunder, they will drop off by degrees ; they will be driven out of the fight, and out of thought ; and they will be left to perish obscurely, like rats, in boles and corners. From the forced repentance of invalid mutineers and disbanded thieves, you can hope for no resource. Government itself, which ought to coustrain the more bold and dexterous of these robbers, is their accomplice. Its arms, its treasures, its all, are in their hands. Judicature, which above all things should awe them, is their creature and their instrument. Nothing seems to me to render your internal situation more desperate than this one circumstance of the state of your judicature. Many days are not passed since we have seen a set of men brought forth by your rulers for a most critical function. Your rulers brought forth a set of men, steaming from the sweat and drudgery, and all black with the smoke and soot of the forge of con- fiscation and robbery — ardentis massce fuligine ; ' a set of men brought forth from the trade of hammering arms of proof, offensive and defensive, in aid of the enterprises, and for the subsequent protection of housebreakers, murderers, traitors, malefactors; men who had their minds seasoned with theories per- fectly conformable to their practice, and who had always laughed at possession and prescrip- tion, and defied all the fundamental maxims of jurisprudence. To the horror and stupefaction of all the honest part of this nation, and, 1 Juvenal, x. 130.—' Half blind with the smoko of tin' burning mass.' indeed, of all nations who are spectators, we have seen, on the credit of those very practices and principles, and to carry them further into effect, these very men placed on the sacred seat of justice in the capital city of your Lite kingdom. We see that in future you are to be destroyed with more form and regularity. This is not peace ; it is only the introduction of a sort of discipline in their hostility. Their tyranny is complete in their justice ; and their lantern is not half so dreadful as their court. One would think that out of common decency they would have given you men who had not been in the habit of trampling upon law and justice in the Assembly; neutral men, or men apparently neutral, for judges, who are to dispose of your lives and fortunes. Cromwell, when he attempted to legalize Ins power, and to settle his conquered country in a state of order, did not look for his dispensers of justice in the instruments of his usurpation. Quite the contrary. He sought out with great solicitude and selection, and even from the party most opposite to bis designs, men of weight and decorum of character ; men un- stained with the violence of the times, and with hands not fouled with confiscation and sacrilege ; for he chose an Hales for his chief justice, though he absolutely refused to take his civic oaths, or to make any acknowledgment whatsoever of the legality of his government. Cromwell told this great lawyer that, since he did not approve his title, all he required of him was to administer, in a manner agreeable to his pure sentiments and unspotted character, that justice without which human society cannot subsist ; that it was not his particular government, but civil order itself, which as a judge he wished him to support. Cromwell knew how to separate the institutions expedient to his usurpation from the administration of the public justice of his country. For Cromwell was a man in whom ambition had not wholly suppressed, but only suspended, the sentiments of religion, and the love (as far as could consist with his designs) of fair and honourable reputa- tion. Accordingly, we are indebted to this act of his for the preservation of our laws, which some senseless assertors of the rights of men were then on the point of entirely erasing as relics of feudality and barbarism. Besides, he gave in the appointment of that man to that age, and to all posterity, the most brilliant example of sincere and fervent piety, exact justice, and profound jurisprudence. But these are not the things in which your philo- sophic usurpers choose to follow Cromwell. One would think that after an honest and necessary revolution (if they had a mind that theirs should pass for such), your masters would have imitated the virtuous policy of those who have been at the head of revolutions of that THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 415 glorious character. Burnet tells us that nothing tended to reconcile the English nation to the government of King William so much as the care he took to fill the vacant bishoprics with men who had. attracted the public esteem by their learning, eloquence, and piety, and above all, by their known moderation in the State. With you, in your purifying Revolution, whom have you chosen to regulate the Church ? Mr. Mirabeau is a fine speaker — and a fine writer —and a fine— a very fine man ; — but really nothing gave more surprise to everybody here than to find him the supreme head of your ecclesiastical affairs. The rest is of course. Your Assembly addresses a manifesto to France in which they tell the people, with an insulting irony, that they have brought the Church to its primitive condition. In one respect their declaration is undoubtedly true, for they have brought it to a state of poverty and persecution. What can be hoped for after this ? Have not men (if they deserve the name), under this new hope and head of the Church, been made bishops for no other merit than having acted as instru- ments of atheists ; for no other merit than having thrown the children's bread to dogs ; and in order to gorge the whole gang of usurers, pedlars, and itinerant Jew discounters at the corners of streets, starved the poor of their Christian flocks, and their own brother pastors? Have not such men been made bishops to administer in temples in which (if the patriotic donations have not already stripped them of their vessels) the churchwardens ought to take seciuity for the altar plate, and not so much as to trust the chalice in their sacrilegious hands, so long as Jews have assignats on ecclesiastic plunder to exchange for the silver stolen from churches ? I am told that the very sons of such Jew- jobbers have been made bishops ; persons not to be suspected of any sort of Christian supersti- tion, fit colleagues to the holy prelate of Autun, and bred at the feet of that Gamaliel. We know who it was that drove the money-changers I out of the temple. We see, too, who it is that brings them in again. We have in London very respectable persons of the Jewish nation whom we will keep ; but we have of the same tribe others of a very different description — house- breakers, and receivers of stolen goods, and forgers of paper currency, more than we can conveniently hang. These we can spare to France to fill the new episcopal thrones ; men well versed in swearing, and who will scruple no oath which the fertile genius of any of your reformers can devise. In matters so ridiculous it is hard to be grave. On a view of their consequences it is almost inhuman to treat them lightly. To what a state of savage, stupid, servile insensibility must your people be reduced who can endure such proceedings in their Church, their State, and their judicature, even for a moment. But the deluded people of France are like other madmen, who, to a miracle, bear hunger, and thirst, and cold, and confinement, and the chains and lash of their keeper, whilst all the while they support themselves by the imagina- tion that they are generals of armies, prophets, kings, and emperors. As to a change of mind in these men, who consider infamy as honour, degradation as preferment, bondage to low tyrants as liberty, and the practical scorn and contumely of their upstart masters as marks of respect and homage, I look upon it as absolutely impracticable. These madmen, to be cured, must first, like other madmen, be subdued. The sound part of the community, which I believe to be large, but by no means the largest part, has been taken by surprise, and is dis- jointed, terrified, and disarmed. That sound part of the community must first be put into a better condition before it can do anything in the way of deliberation or persuasion. This must be an act of power as well as of wisdom ; of power, in the hands of firm, determined patriots who can distinguish the misled from traitors, who will regulate the State (if such should be their fortune) with a discriminating, manly, and provident mercy ; men who are purged of the surfeit and indigestion of systems, if ever they have been admitted into the habit of their minds ; men who will lay the founda- tion of a real reform in effacing every vestige of that philosophy which pretends to have made discoveries in the terra australis of morality ; men who will fix the State upon these bases of morals and politics, which are our old, and immemorial, and, I hope, will be our eternal possession. This power to such men must come from without. It may be given to you in pity, for surely no nation ever called so pathetically on the compassion of all its neighbours. It may be given by those neighbours on motives of safety to themselves. Never shall I think any country in Europe to be secure, whilst there is established in the very centre of it a State (if so it may be called) founded on principles of anarchy, and which is in reality a college of armed fanatics for the propagation of the principles of assassination, robbery, rebellion, fraud, faction, oppression, and impiety. Ma- homet, hid, as for a time he was, in the bottom of the sands of Arabia, had his spirit and character been discovered, would have been an object of precaution to provident minds. What if he had erected his fanatic standard for the destruction of the Christian religion in luce Asia:, 1 in the midst of the noon-day splendour of the then civilised world? The princes of Europe in the beginning of this century did well i'In the light of Asia.'— Cicero to his brother Quinctus, Ep. 1. 416 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. not to suffer the monarchy of France to swallow up the others. They ought not now, in my opinion, to suffer all the monarchies and commonwealths to be swallowed up in the gulf of this polluted anarchy. They may ho tolerably safe at present because the comparative power of France for the present is little. But times and occasions make dangers. Intestine troubles may arise in other countries. There is a power always on the watch, qualified and disposed to profit of every conjuncture, to establish its own principles and modes of mischief, wherever it can hope for success. "What mercy would these usurpers have on other sovereigns and on other nations when they treat their own king with such unparalleled indignities, and so cruelly oppress their own countrymen ? The King of Prussia, in concurrence with us, nobly interfered to save Holland from con- fusion. The same power, joined with the rescued Holland and with Great Britain, has put the Emperor in the possession of the Netherlands, and secured under that prince, from all arbitrary innovation, the ancient hereditary constitution of those provinces. The Chamber of Wetzlar has restored the Bishop of Liege, unjustly dispossessed by the rebellion of his subjects. The King of Prussia was bound by no treaty nor alliance of blood, nor had any particular reasons for thinking the Emperor's government would be more mischievous or more oppressive to human nature than that of the Turk ; yet on mere motives of policy that prince has interposed with the threat of all his force to snatch even the Turk from the pounces of the imperial eagle. If this is done in favour of a barbarous nation with a barbarous neglect of police fatal to the human race ; in favour of a nation by principle in eternal enmity with the Christian name : a nation which will not so much as give the salutation of peace (Salem) to any of us, nor make any pact with any Christian nation beyond a truce ; — if this be done in favour of the Turk, shall it be thought either impolitic, or unjust, or un- charitable to employ the same power to rescue from captivity a virtuous monarch (by the courtesy' of Europe considered as Most Christian) who, after an intermission of 17"> years, had called together the states of his kingdom to reform abuses, to establish a free government, and to strengthen his throne ; a monarch who, at the very outset, without force, even without solicitation, had given to his people each a Magna ( lharta of privileges as never was given by any king to any subjects ? — Is it to be tamely borne by kings who love their subjects, or by subjects who love their kings, that this monarch, in the midst of these gracious acts, was insolently and cruelly torn from his palace by a gang of traitors and assassins, and kept in close prison to this very hour, whilst his royal name and sacred character were used for the total ruin of those whom the laws had appointed him to protect ? The only offence of this unhappy monarch towards his people was his attempt under a monarchy to give them a free constitution. For this, by an example hitherto unheard of in the world, he has been deposed. It might well disgrace sovereigns to take part with a deposed tyrant. It would suppose in them a vicious sympathy. But not to make a common cause with a just prince, dethroned by traitors and rebels, who proscribe, plunder, confiscate, and in every way cruelly oppress their fellow- citizens, in my opinion is to forget what is due to the honour and to the rights of all virtuous and legal government. I think the King of France to be as much an object both of policy and compassion as the Grand Seignor or his states. I do not conceive that the total annihilation of France (if that could be effected) is a desirable thing to Europe or even to this its rival nation. Provident patriots did not think it good for Eome that even Carthage should be quite destroyed ; and he was a wise Greek, wise for the general Grecian interests, as well as a brave Lacedemonian enemy and generous conqueror, who did not wish, by the destruction of Athens, to pluck oat the other eye of Greece. However, sir, what I have here said of the interference of foreign princes is only the opinion of a private individual, who is neither the representative of any state nor the organ of any party, but who thinks himself bound to express his own sentiments with freedom and energy in a crisis of such imi>ortance to the whole human race. I am not apprehensive that in speaking freely on the subject of the king and queen of France I shall accelerate (as you fear) the execution of traitorous designs against them. You are of opinion, sir, that the usurpers may, and that they will, gladly lay hold of any pretext to throw off the very name of a king ; — assuredly I do not wish ill to your king ; — but better for him not to live (he does not reign), than to live the passive instrument of tyranny and usurpa- tion. I certainly meant to show, to the best of my power, that the existence of such an executive officer in such a system of republic as theirs, is absurd in the highest degree. But in demon- strating this, to them, at least, I can have made no discovery. They only held out the royal name to catch those Frenchmen to whom i 1m- name of king is still venerable. They calculate the duration of that sentiment : and when they find it nearly expiring, they will not trouble themselves with excuses for extinguish* ing the name, as they have the thing. They used it as a sort of navel-string to nourish their unnatural off spring from the bowels of royalty itself. Now that the monster can purvey for THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 417 its own subsistence, it will only carry the mark about it as a token of its having torn the womb it came from. Tyrants seldom want pretexts. Fraud is the ready minister of injustice ; and whilst the currency of false pretence and sophistic reasoning was expedient to their designs, they were under no necessity of drawing upon me to furnish them with that coin. But pretexts and sophisms have had their day, and have done their work. The usurpation no longer seeks plausibility. It trusts to power. Nothing that I can say, or that you can say, will hasten them by a single hour in the execution of a design which they have long since entertained. In spite of their solemn declarations, their soothing addresses, and the multiplied oaths which they have taken, and forced others to take, they will assassinate the king when his name will no longer be necessary to their designs ; but not a moment sooner. They will probably first assassinate the queen, whenever the renewed menace of such an assassination loses its effect upon the anxious mind of an affectionate husband. At present, the advantage which they derive from the daily threats against her life is her only security for preserving it. They keep their sovereign alive for the purpose of exhibiting him, like some wild beast at a fair ; as if they had a Bajazet in a cage. They choose to make monarchy contemptible by exposing it to derision in the person of the most benevolent of their kings. In my opinion, their insolence appears more odious even than their crimes. The horrors of the 5th and 6th of October were less detestable than the festival of the 14th of July. There are situations (God forbid I should think that of the 5th and 6th of October one of them ! ) in which the best men may be confounded with the worst ; and in the darkness and confusion, in the press and medley of such extremities, it may not be so easy to discriminate the one from the other. The necessities created, even by ill designs, have their excuse. They may be forgotten by others when the guilty themselves do not choose to cherish their recollection, and by ruminating their offences, nourish themselves through the example of their past to the perpetration of future crimes. It is in the relaxation of security, it is in the expansion of prosperity, it is in the hour of dilatation of the heart, and of its softening into festivity and pleasure, that the real character of men is discerned. If there is any good in them, it appears then or never. Even wolves and tigers, when gorged with their prey, are safe and gentle. It is at such times that noble minds give all the reins to their good-nature. They indulge their genius even to intemperance, in kindness to the afflicted, in generosity to the conquered ; forbearing insults, forgiving injuries, overpaying benefits. Full of dignity themselves, they respect dignity in all, but they feel it sacred in the unhappy. But it is then, and basking in the sunshine of unmerited fortune, that low, sordid, ungenerous, and reptile souls swell with their hoarded poisons ; it is then that they display their odious splendour, and shine out in the full lustre of their native villainy and baseness. It is in that season that no man of sense or honour can be mistaken for one of them. It was in such a season — for them of political ease and security, though their people were but just emerged from actual famine, and were ready to be plunged into a gulf of penury and beggary — that your philosophic lords chose, with an ostentatious pomp and luxury, to feast an incredible number of idle and thoughtless people, collected with art and pains from all quarters of the world. They constructed a vast amphitheatre in which they raised a species of pillory. On this pillory they set their lawful king and queen, with an insulting figure over their heads. There they exposed these objects of pity and respect to all good minds, to the derision of an unthinking and unprincipled multitude, degenerated even from the versatile tenderness which marks the irregular and cap ricious feelings of the populace. That their cruel insult might have nothing wanting to complete it, they chose the anniversary of that day in which they exposed the life of their prince to the most imminent dangers, and the vilest indignities, just following the instant when the assassins, whom they had hired with- out owning, first openly took up arms against their king, corrupted his guards, surprised his castle, butchered some of the poor invalids of his garrison, murdered his governor, and, like wild beasts, tore to pieces the chief magistrate of his capital city, on account of his fidelity to his service. Till the justice of the world is awakened, such as these will go on, without admonition and without provocation, to every extremity. Those who have made the exhibition of the 14th of July are capable of every evil. They do not commit crimes for their designs, but they form designs that they may commit crimes. It is not their necessity but their nature that impels them. They are modern philosophers, which when you say of them, you express everything that is ignoble, savage, and hard-hearted. Besides the sure tokens which are given by the spirit of their particular arrangements, there are some characteristic lineaments in the general policy of your tumultuous despotism, which, in my opinion, indicate beyond a doubt that no revolution whatsoever in their disposi- tion is to be expected. I mean their scheme of educating the rising generation, the principles which they intend to instil, and the sympathies which they wish to form in the mind, at the season in which it is the most susceptible. 2D 4iS THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. Instead of forming their young minds to that docility, to that modesty, which are the grace and charm of youth, to an admiration of famous examples, and to an avcrseness to anything ■which approaches to pride, petulance, and self- conceit (distempers to which that time of life is of itself sufficiently liable), they artificially foment these evil dispositions, and even form them into springs of action. Nothing ought to be more weighed than the nature of books recommended by public authority. So recom- mended, they soon form the character of the age. Uncertain, indeed, is the efficacy ; limited, indeed, is the extent of a virtuous institution. But if education takes in rice as any part of its system, there is no doubt but that it will operate with abundant energy, and to an extent indefinite. The magistrate who, in favour of freedom, thinks himself obliged to suffer all sorts of publications, is under a stricter duty than any other, well to consider what sort of writers he shall authorize, and shall recommend by the strongest of all sanctions — that is, by public honours and rewards. He ought to be cautious how lie recommends authors of mixed or ambiguous morality. He ought to be fearful of putting into the hands of youth writers indulgent to the peculiarities of their own com- plexion, lest they should teach the humours of the professor rather than the principles of the science. He ought, above all, to be cautious in recommending any writer who has carried marks of a deranged understanding ; for where there is no sound reason, there can be no real virtue ; and madness is ever vicious and malignant. The National Assembly proceeds on maxims the very reverse of these. The Assembly recommends to its youth a study of the bold experimenters in morality. Everybody knows that there is a great dispute amongst their leaders, which of them is the best resemblance to Rousseau. In truth, they all resemble him. His blood they transfuse into their minds and into their manners. Him they study, him they meditate, him they turn over in all the time they can spare from the laborious mischief of the day, or the debauches cf the night. Rousseau is their canon of holy writ ; in his life he is their canon of Polychtus; he is their standard figure of perfection. To this man and this writer, as a pattern to authors and to Frenchmen, the foundries of Paris are now running for statues, with the kettles of their poor and the bells of their churches. If an author bad written like a great genius on geometry, though his practical and speculative moi l were vicious in the extreme, it might appear that in voting the statue, they hon only the geometrician. But Rousseau is a moralist or he is nothing. It is impossible, therefore, putting the circumstances together, to mistake their desire in choosing the author. with whom they have begun to recommend a course of studies. Their great problem is to find a substitute for all the principles which hitherto have been employed to regulate the human will and action. They find dispositions in the mind of such force and quality as may fit men, far better than the old morality, for the purposes of such a state as theirs, and may go much farther in supporting their power and destroying their enemies. They have, therefore, chosen a selfish, flattering, seductive, ostentatious vice in the place of plain duty. True humility, the basis of the Christian system, is the low, but deep and firm, foundation of all real virtue. But this, as very painful in the practice and little imposing in the appearance, they have totally discarded. Their object is to merge all natural and all social sentiment in inordinate vanity. In a small degree, and conversant in little things, vanity is of little moment. "When full grown it is the worst of vices, and the occasional mimic of them all. It makes the whole man false. It leaves nothing sincere or trustworthy about him. His best realities are poisoned and perverted by it, and operate exactly as the worst. "When your lords had many writers as immoral as the object of their statue (such as Voltaire and others) they chose Rousseau ; because in him that peculiar vice which they wished to erect into a ruling virtue was by far the most conspicuous. We have had the great professor and founder of the fihilosophy of vanity in England. As I had good opportunities of knowing his pro- ceedings almost from day to day, he left no doubt in my mind that he entertained no principle either to influence his heart, or to guide his understanding, but vanity. With this vice he was possessed to a degree little short of madness. It is from the same deranged eccentric vanity, that this, the insane Socrates of the National Assembly, was impelled to publish a mad confession of his mad faults, and to attempt a new sort of glory, from bringing hardily to light the obscure and vulgar vices which we know may sometimes be blended with eminent talents. He has not observed on the nature of vanity, who does not know that it is omnivorous ; that" it has no choice in its food ; that it is fond to talk even of its own faults and vices, as what will excite surprise and draw attention, and what will pass at worst for openness and candour. It was this abuse and perversion which vanity makes even of hypocrisy which has driven Rousseau to record a life not so much as chequered, or i here and then' with virtues, or even distinguished by a single good action. It is such a life he chooses to offer to the attention of mankind, It is such a life that with a wild defiance he flings in the face of his Creator, whom he acknowledges onl) to brave. Your THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 419 Assembly, knowing how much more powerful example is found than precept, has chosen this man (by his own account without a single virtue) for a model. To him they erect their first statue. From him they commence their series of honours and distinctions. It is that new-invented virtue which your masters canonize that led their moral hero constantly to exhaust the stores of his powerful rhetoric in the expression of universal bene- volence ; whilst his heart was incapable of harbouring one spark of common parental affection. Benevolence to the whole species, and want of feeling for every individual with whom the professors come in contact, form the character of the new philosophy. Setting up for an unsocial independence, this their hero of vanity refuses the just price of common labour, as well as the tribute which opulence owes to genius, and which, when paid, honours the giver and the receiver ; and then he pleads his beggary as an excuse for his crimes. He melts with tenderness for those only who touch him by the remotest relation, and then, without one natural pang, casts away, as a sort of offal and excrement, the spawn of his disgustful amours, and sends his children to the hospital of foundlings. The bear loves, licks, and forms her young, but bears are not philosophers. Vanity, however, finds its account in reversing the train of our natural feelings. Thousands admire the sentimental writer ; the affectionate father is hardly known in his parish. Under this philosophic instructor in the ethics of vanity they have attempted in France a regeneration of the moral constitution of man. Statesmen, like your present rulers, exist by everything which is spurious, fictitious, and false ; by everything which takes the man from his house and sets him on a stage, which makes him up an artificial creature, with painted theatric sentiments, fit to be seen by the glare of candle-light, and formed to be contemplated at a due distance. Vanity is too apt to prevail in all of us and in all countries. To the im- provement of Frenchmen it seems not absolutely necessary that it should be taught upon system. But it is plain that the present rebellion was its legitimate offspring, and it is piously fed by that rebellion with a daily dole. ■ If the system of institution, recommended by the Assembly, is false and theatric, it is because their system of government is of the same character. To that, and to that alone, it is strictly conformable. To understand either we must connect the morals with the politics of the legislators. Your practical philosophers, systematic in everything, have wisely begun at the source. As the relation between parents and children is the first among the elements of vulgar, natural morality, they erect statues to a wild, ferocious, low-minded, hard-hearted father, of fine general feelings; a lover of his kind, but a hater of his kindred. Your masters reject the duties of this vulgar relation as contrary to liberty ; as not founded in the social compact ; and not binding according to the rights of men ; because the relation is not, of course, the result of free election; never so on the side of the children, not always on the part of the parents. The next relation which they regenerate by their statues to Rousseau, is that which is next in sanctity to that of a father. They differ from those old-fashioned thinkers, who con- sidered pedagogues as sober and venerable characters, and allied to the parental. The moralists of the dark times, preceptorem sancti voluere parentis esse loco. 1 In this age of light they teach the people that preceptors ought to be in the place of gallants. They systematically corrupt a very corruptible race (for some time a growing nuisance amongst you), a set of pert, petulant literators, to whom, instead of their proper but severe unostentatious duties, they assign the brilliant part of men of wit and pleasure, of gay young military sparks, and danglers at toilets. They call on the rising generation in France to take a sympathy in the adventures and fortunes, and they endea- vour to engage then- sensibility on the side of pedagogues who betray the most awful family trusts, and vitiate their female pupils. They teach the people that the debauchers of virgins, almost in the arms of their parents, may be safe inmates in their house, and even fit guardians of the honour of those husbands who succeed legally to the office which the young literators had preoccupied, without asking leave of law or conscience. Thus they dispose of all the family relations of parents and children, husbands and wives. Through this same instructor, by whom they corrupt the morals, they corrupt the taste. Taste and elegance, though they are reckoned only among the smaller and secondary morals, yet are of no mean importance in the regulation of life. A moral taste is not of force to turn vice into virtue ; but it recommends virtue with something like the blandishments of pleasure ; and it infinitely abates the evils of vice. Kousseau, a writer of great force and vivacity, is totally destitute of taste in any sense of the word. Your masters, who are his scholars, conceive that all refinement has an aristocratic character. The last age had ex- hausted all its powers in giving a grace and nobleness to our natural appetites, and in raising them into higher class and order than seemed justly to belong to them. Through Rousseau your masters are resolved to destroy these aristocratic prejudices. The passion called love has so general and powerful an 1 ' Wished the teacher to be in the place of the sacred parent.'— Juvenal, vii. 209. 420 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. influence, it makes so much of the entertain- ment, and indeed so much the occupation, of that part of life which decides the character for ever, that the mode and the principles on which it engages the sympathy, and strikes the imagination, become of the utmost import- ance to the morals and manners of every society. Your rulers were well aware of this, and in their system of changing your manners to accommodate them to their politics they found nothing so convenient as Rousseau. Through him they teach men to love after the fashion of philosophers ; that is, they teach to men, to Frenchmen, a love without gallantry — a love without anything of that fine flower of youthfulness and gentility which places it, if not among the virtues, among the ornaments of life. Instead of this passion, naturally allied to grace and manners, they infuse into their youth an unfashioned, indelicate, sour, gloomy, ferocious medley of pedantry and lewdness, of metaphysical speculations blended with the coarsest sensuality. Such is the general morality of the passions to be found in their famous philosopher, in his famous work of philosophic gallantry, the Nouvellc Eloise. When the fence from the gallantry of pre- ceptors is broken down, and your families are no longer protected by decent pride and salutary domestic prejudice, there is but one step to a frightful corruption. The rulers in the National Assembly are in good hopes that the females of the first families in France may become an easy prey to dancing-masters, fiddlers, pattern- drawers, friseurs, and valets de chambre, and other active citizens of that description, who, having the entry into your houses, and being half-domesticated by their situation, may be blended with you by regular and irregular relations. By a law they have made these people your equals. By adopting the senti- ments of Rousseau they have made them your rivals. In this manner these great legislators complete their plan of levelling, and establish their rights of men on a sure foundation. I am certain that the writings of Rousseau lead directly to this kind of shameful evil. I have often wondered how lie comes to be so much more admired and followed on the Con- tinent than he is here. Perhaps a secret charm in the language may have its share in this extraordinary difference. We certainly per- ceive, and to a degree we feel, in this writer, a style glowing, animated, enthusiastic, at the same ti;;.'' that we find it lax, diffuse, and not in lie- 1 if composition; all the members of the pii re being pretty equally laboured and expanded, without any due selec- tion or subordination of parts, lie is generally too much on the stretch, ami his manner has little variety. We cannot rest upon any of ids works, though they contain observations which occasionally discover u considerable insight into human nature. But his doctrines, on the whole, are so inapplicable to real life and manners, that we never dream of drawing from them any rule for laws or conduct, or for fortifying or illustrating anything by a reference to his opinions. They have with us the fate of older paradoxes, ' Cam venture ad verum est sensus moresque repugnant, Atque ipsa utilitas, justi prope mater et asqui.' 1 Perhaps bold speculations are more acceptable, because more new to you than to us, who have been long since satiated with them. "We con- tinue, as in the two last ages, to read more generally, than I believe is now done on the Continent, the authors of sound antiquity. These occupy our minds. They give us another taste and turn, and will not suffer us to be more than transiently amused with paradoxical morality. It is not that I consider this writer as wholly destitute of just notions. Amongst his irregularities it must be reckoned that he is sometimes moral, and moral in a very sublime strain. But the general spirit and tendency of his works is mischievous, and the more mis- chievous for this mixture : For perfect depravity of sentiment is not reconcilable with eloquence ; and the mind (though corruptible, not com- plexionally vicious) would reject and throw off with disgust a lesson of pure and unmixed evil. These writers make even virtue a pander to vice. However, I less consider the author than the system of the Assembly in perverting morality through his means. This I confess makes me despair of any attempt upon the minds of their followers through reason, honour, or conse The great object of your tyrants is to destroy the gentlemen of France ; and for that purpose they destroy, to the best of their power, all the effect of those relations which may render considerable men powerful or even safe. To destroy that order, they vitiate the whole community. That no means may exist of confederating against their tyranny, by the false sympathies of this NouveUe Eloise, they endeavour to subvert those principles of domes- tic trust and fidelity which form the discipline of social life. They propagate principles by which every servant may think it, if not his duty, at least his privilege, to betray his master. By those principles every considerable father of a family loses the sanctuary of his house. Debet sua cuiquc domtu eS8i littissiiiiiim,- says the law, which your legislators have taken so much pains first to decry, then to repeal. They destroy all the tranquillity and security of domestic life, turning the asylum 1 HORAOl I ni. '.17, 88. In Creech's transla- tion : — ■ When leaving Sophistry, they come to th' Test, This Fancy as given at the sole expense of the subscribers. In 1791-2 the fashion changed, and the concert became the most crowded place of amusement. The barbarous custom of saving the ladies (as it was called), after St. Cecilia's concert, by gentlemen drinking immoderately to save a favourite lady, as his toast, has been for some years given up. Indeed they got no thanks for their absurdity. In 1763 the question respecting the moi-ality of stage-plays was much agitated. A clergy- man, a few years before, had been brought before the General Assembly of the Church, and suspended from his office, for having written a tragedy, unquestionably one of the most chaste and interesting in the English language. 1 By those who attended the theatre, even without scruple, Saturday night was thought the most improper in the week for going to the play. Any clergyman who had been known to have gone to the playhouse would have incurred church censure. In 1783 the morality of stage-plays, or their 1 The tragedy of Douglas, by Mr. Home, then 9 clergyman. 442 THE FRIT IS H LETTER WRITERS. effects on society, were not thought of. The most crowded houses were always on Saturday night. The boxes for the Saturday night's play were generally taken for the season, so that strangers often on that night could not get a place. The custom of taking a box for the Saturday night through the season was much practised by boarding mistresses, so that there could be no choice of the play, but the young ladies could only take what was set before them by the manager. Impudent buffoons took liberties with authors, and with the audience, in their acting, that would not have been suffered formerly. The galleries never failed to applaud what they formerly would have hissed as improper in sentiment or decorum. In 1763 there was one dancing assembly room, the profits of which went to the support of the Charity Workhouse. Minuets were danced by each set previous to the country-dances. Strict regularity with respect to dress and decorum, and great dignity of manners, were observed. In 17S6 the old Assembly Eoom was used for the accommodation of the City Guard. There were three new elegant assembly rooms at Edinburgh, besides one at Lcith ; but the Charity "Workhouse was unprovided for to the extent of its necessities. Minuets were given up, and country -dances only used, which had often a nearer resemblance to a game of romps than to elegant and graceful dancing. Dress, particularly by the men, was much neglected ; and many of them reeled from the tavern, flustered with wine, to an assembly of as elegant and beautifid women as any in Europe. In 1763 the company at the public assemblies met at five o'clock in the afternoon, and the dancing began at six, and ended at eleven, by public orders of the manager, which were never transgressed. In 17S3 the public assemblies met at eight and nine o'clock, and the lady directress sometimes did not make her appearance till ten. 1 The young masters and misses, who would have been mortified not to have seen out the ball, thus returned home at three or four in the morning, and yawned and gaped and com- plained of headaches all the next day. In 17'.t0 and 1791 the public assemblies were little frequented. Private balls were much in fashion, -with elegant suppers after them, and the companies seldom parted till three, four, or five in the morning. In 1783 the funds of the Charity Workhouse were insufficient to maintain the poor of the community entitled by law to public charity. The courts of law, however, and all who call themselves members of those courts, pay no J A new institution, thai of a master of ceremonies or the city assemblies, took i>lace in 17S7. poor's money, nor lamp or guard money, although the most opulent part of the com- munity ; whilst they send, at the same time, a very great proportion of managers to dispose of funds to winch they do not contribute, and crowd the house with their poor, to whose support they do not pay. This privilege is pleaded on old Acts of Parliament, at a period when the courts were ambulatory. But now that they have been stationary for near two centuries, it is full time it were given up. There is no such privilege existing anywhere else in Britain. The courts of law in London claim no such exemption ; nor would it be allowed if they did. The regulations and customs of Henry VIII. would ill accord with the present state of England. Many of the facts, with which I have now furnished you, are curious. They point out the gradual progress of com- merce and luxury, and the corresponding effect upon manners, and show by what imperceptible degrees society may advance to refinement, and in some points to corruption, whilst matters of real utility may be neglected. Observations similar to the preceding may perhaps be made in every capital town or city in Great Britain ; and, if the example I have now given is followed, much useful information may be gained respecting trade, manners, and police. This is the more to be wished for, as the prosperity and happiness of every nation must depend upon its virtue, and on the wisdom and due execution of its laws. The information I have given is only an out- line. It would have required a volume to have gone minutely into particulars. Your zeal and public spirit have stimulated a research which never was equalled in any country, and it may prove highly beneficial to mankind in general. Every good citizen of the state is bound to wish well to the undertaking, and, according to his opportunities, to promote its success. My best exertions, on every occasion of such a nature, you may always depend on. — I remain, with much esteem, sir, your most obedient, humble servant, William Creech. Edinburgh, Dec. 1792. [Bums alludes here to his racy poetical epistle to Creech, written at the time and place mentioned, and of which two verses are quoted.] ROBERT BURNS TO WILLIAM CREECH, EDINBURGH. Selkirk, May 13, 1787. My honoured Friend, — The enclosed I have just wrote, nearly extempore, in a solitary inn in Selkirk, after a miserable wet day's riding. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 443 I have been over most of East Lothian, Berwick, Koxburgh, and Selkirk shires ; ami next week I begin a tour through the north of England. Yesterday I dined with Lady Harriet, sister to my noble patron, 1 Quern, Deus conservct! I would write till I would tire you as much with dull prose as I daresay by this time you are with wretched verse, but I am jaded to death ; so, with a grateful farewell, I have the honour to be, good sir, yours sincerely, R. B. Auld chuckie-Reekie's " sair distrest, Down droops her ance weel buniish'd crest ; Nae joy her bonnie buskit nest Can yield ava ; Her darling bird that she lo'es best — Willie's awa. Nae mair we see his levee door Philosophers and poets pour, An' toothy critics by the score, In bloody raw ! The adjutant o' a' the core — Willie's awa. [The name of this authoress, Anna Seward, is now comparatively forgotten. She was the daughter of the Rev. Thomas Seward, born at Eyam, Derbyshire, 1747, and early showed considerable poetical taste. She published Louisa, a poetical romance, and A Life of Dr. Danvin. An edition of her works was introduced to the public by Scott with a biographical preface, and her letters, of which we present specimens, when collected and published filled six volumes.] MISS SEWARD TO SCOTT. Lichfield, April 29, 1802. Accept my warmest thanks for the so far overpaying bounty of your literary present. In speaking of its contents, I shall demonstrate that my sincerity may be trusted, whatever cause I may give you to distrust my judgment. In saying that you dare not hope your works will entertain me, you evince the existence of a deep preconceived distrust of the latter faculty in my mind. That distrust is not, I flatter ■ myself, entirely founded, at least if I may so gather from the delight with which I peruse all that is yours, whether prose or verse, in these volumes. Your dissertations place us in Scotland in the midst of the feudal period. They throw the strongest light on a part of history indis- tinctly sketched, and partially mentioned by the English historians, and which, till now, has not been sufficiently elucidated, and rescued 1 James Earl of Glencairn. 2 Edinburgh. liy those of your country from the imputed guilt of unprovoked depredation on the part of the Scots. The old Border ballads of your first volume are so far interesting, as they corroborate your historic essays ; so far valuable, as that they form the basis of them. Poetically considered, little surely is their worth ; and I must think it more to the credit of Mrs. Brown's memory than of her taste, that she could take pains to commit to remembrance, and to retain there, such a quantity of uncouth rhymes, almost totally destitute of all which gives metre a right to the name of poetry. Poetry is like personal beauty ; the homeliest and roughest language cannot conceal the first, any more than can coarse and mean apparel the second. But grovelling, colloquial phrase, in numbers inharmonious, — verse that gives no picture to the reader's eye, no light to his understanding, no magnet to his affections, — is, as composition, no more deserving his praise than coarse forms and features in a beggar's raiment are worth his attention. Yet are there critics who seem to mistake the squalid dress of language for poetic excellence, provided the verse and its mean garb bo ancient. Of that number seems Mr. Pinkerton, in some of his notes to those old Scottish ballads which he published in 1781 ; and the late Mr. Headly more than so seems in that collection of ancient English ballads, which he soon after gave to the press. We find there an idiot- preference of the rude and, in itself, valueless foundation on which Prior raised one of the loveliest poetic edifices in our language, the Henry and Emma. With equal insolence and stupidity, Mr. Headly terms it ' Matt's Ver- sification Piece,' extolling the imputed superi- ority of the worthless model. It is preferring a barber's block to the head of Antinous. Mr. Pinkerton, in his note to the eldest 'Flowers of the Forest,' calls it very justly an exquisite poetic dirge ; but, unfortunately for his decisions in praise of ancient above modern Scottish verse, he adds : ' The inimitable beauty of the original induced a variety of versifiers to mingle stanzas of their own com- position ; but it is the painful, though necessary duty of an editor, by the touchstone of truth, to discriminate such dross from the gold of antiquity ; ' and, in the note to that pathetic and truly beautiful elegy, 'Lady Bothwell's Lament,' he says the four stanzas he has given appear to be all that are genuine. It has since, as you observe, been proved that both the Flodden dirges, even as he has given them, are modern. Their beauty was a touchstone, as he expresses it, which might have shown their younger birth to any critic, whose taste had not received the broad impression of that torpedo, antiquarianism. You, with all your strength, originality, anJ 444 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. richness of imagination, had a slight touch of that torpedo when you observed that the manner of the ancient minstrels is so happily imitated in the first 'Flowers of the Forest,' that it required the strongest positive evidence to convince you that the song was of modern date. The phraseology, indeed, is of their texture, but comparing it with the Border ballads in your first volume, I should have pronounced it modern, from its so much more touching regrets, so much more lively pictures. Permit me too to confess, that I can discover very little of all which constitutes poetry in the first old tale, which you call beautiful, excepting the second stanza, which gives the unicorns at the gate, and the portraits, ■ with holly aboon their brie.' To give them, no great reach of fancy was requisite ; but still they are picture, and as such, poetry. ' Lord Maxwell's Good Night' is but a sort of inventory in rhyme of his property, interspersed with some portion of tenderness for his wife, and some expressions of regard for his friends ; but the first has no picture, and the latter little pathos. That ballad induced me, by what appeared its deficiencies, to attempt a somewhat more poetic leave-taking of house, land, and live-stock. My ballad does not attempt the pathetic, and you will smile at my glossary Scotch. Mr. Erskine's supplemental stanzas to the poem, asserted to have been written by Collins on the Highland superstitions, have great merit, and no inferiority to those whose manner they assume. In the Border ballads, the first strong rays from the Delphic orb illuminate ' Jellom Grame ' in the 4th, 16th, 17th, 18th, and 20th stanzas. There is a good corpse-picture in ' Clerk Saunders,' the rude original, as you observe, of a ballad in Percy, which I have thought furnished Burger with the hint for his Leonore. How little delicate touches have improved this verse in Percy's imitation ! ' Oh ! if I come within thy bower, I am n<> mortal man ! Ami if I kiss thy rosy lip, Thy days will not be long.' And now, in these Border ballads, the dawn of poesy, which broke over 'Jellom Grame,' strengthens on its progress. ' Lord Thomas and Fair Annie' has more beauty than Percy's ballad of that title. It seems injudiciously altered from this in your collection ; buttlie 'Binnorie,' of endless repetition, lias nothing truly pathetic ; and the ludicrous use made of the drowned sister's body, by the harper making a harp of it, to which lie sung her dirge in her father's hall, is contemptible. Your dissertation preceding 'Tarn Lane,' in the second volume, is a little mine of inytho- logic information and ingenious conjecture, however melancholy the proofs it gives of dark and cruel superstition. Always partial to the fairies, I am charmed to learn that Shakespeare civilised the elfins, and, so doing, endeared their memory on English ground. It is curious to find the Grecian Orpheus metamorphosed into a king of Winchelsea. The terrible graces look through a couple of stanzas in the first part of Thomas the Rhymer. ' Oh they rade on,' etc., also, ' It was mirk, mirk night ;' and potent are the poetic charms of the second part of this oracular ballad, which you confess to have been modernized ; yet more potent in the third. Both of them exhibit tender touches of sentiment, vivid pictures, landscapes from nature, not from books, and all of them worthy the author of 'Glenfinlas.' ' Oh tell me how to woo thee' is a pretty ballad of those times, in which it was the fashion for lovers to worship their mistresses, and when ballads, as you beautifully observe, reflected the setting rays of chivalry. Mr. Leyden's ' Cout Keelder' pleases me much. The first is a sublime stanza, and sweet are the landscape touches in the 3d, 10th, and 11th, and striking the winter simile in the 9th. The picture of the fern is new in poetry, and to the eye, thus : ' The next blast that young Keelder blew, The wind grew deadly still ; Yet the sleek fern, with fingcry leaves, Waved wildly o'er the hill.' The ' wee Demon' is admirably imagined. And now the poetic day, which had gradually risen into beauty and strength through this second volume, sets nobly amidst the sombre, yet often-illuminated grandeur of 'Glenfinlas.' Permit me to add one observation to this already long epistle. The battle of Flodden- field, so disastrous to Scotland, has been, by two poetic females, beautifully mourned ; but your boasted James the Fourth deserved his fate, from the ungenerous advantage he sought to take of Henry the Eighth, by breaking the peace, without provocation, when that monarch was engaged in a war with France. So deserve all the rulers of nations, who, unstimulated by recent injuries, thus unclasp ' the purple testament of bleeding war.' Perhaps this voluminous intrusion on your time will be thought merciless ; but it seemed to me that barren thanks, and indiscriminate praise, was an unworthy acknowledgment of the honour conferred upon me by the gift of these highly curious and ingenious books. A bright luminary in this neighbourhood recently shot from its sphere, with awful and deplored suddenness. Dr. Darwin, on whose philosophical talents and dissertations, so ingeniously conjeetural, the adepts in that science looked with admiring, if not always acquiescent respect; in whose creative, gay, Luxuriant, and polished imagination, and har- monious numbers, the votaries of poetry basked delighted ; and on whose discernment into THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 445 the cause of diseases, and skill in curing them, his own and the neighbouring counties reposed. He was born to confute, by his example, a frequent assertion, that the poetic fancy loses its fine efflorescence after middle life. The Botanic Garden, one of the most highly-imaginative poems in our language, was begun after its author had passed his forty- sixth year. I have the honour to remain, sir, etc. TO THE SAME. A THOUSAND thanks for the third volume of the Border Minstrelsy, and for your letter which succeeded in a few days. I am charmed with the extract this packet contains from your yet unpublished poem, now on the anvil. The first sixteen lines of that extract glow with your softest tints of portrait and of landscape. The questions in the next eight lines have a fine effect ; the fourth reminds me of this noble passage in Paradise Lost : ' So Satan stood, and like a comet burned, That fires the length of Ophiucus huge In the arctic sky, and from his horrid hair Shakes pestilence and war.' The different nature of the objects considered, your passage has no inferiority ; the epithet wavering has the most marked appropriation to the beacon's light. You are the first poet who, here and in your Eve of St. John, has done ample justice to the melancholy and ominous flame. Nor less do I admire the ensuing passage ; it finely contrasts the quiet graces of that part of this extract. The disorder of the armour, which the lady sees from the castle- turret, so hastily brought into the area below, on the discovery of the distant beacon ; the simile for the shaken spears, — 'like reeds beside a frozen brook,'— all is in the first rank of poetic writing. A protest of mine against the frequent and licentious change of measure, which Southey adopts in his Thalaba, and systematically defends, is printed at the close of the first volume of the Poetical Register, which came out in 1802. Its effect did not please me in Thalaba ; and I think the practice opens a door to much revel-rout and confusion in poetry, blending its various orders till all distinction amongst them is lost. Yet I feel that the sudden introduction of irregular measure, succeeding to the gentler trochaic couplets in this extract, produces great picturesque effect. The numerous fires, successively, yet almost instantaneously, kindling on all the hills, rival, in poetic effect, your preceding picture of the first solitary and warning beacon. You possess the rare art, belonging only to great and original poets, that of being able so to present an impressive object, that, though you may have repeatedly described it, still it shall be new ; and that, from varied situation, varied accompaniments, and varied epithets, climatic in their strength. It is well, for it is needful, that you are preparing in Edinburgh to present to our mighty and incensed foes the stoutest front of defensive battle. It is now fruitless to reproach that miserable nine years' system of British politics, which brought upon this country the perils of this hour. Of those indirect and crooked paths, which involved our violated faith to Ireland, see the consequence so inevitably resulting ! If honour, if justice, if the sacred faith of treaties were considered as nothing, self-pre- servation might have operated to restrain their violation. Was the dangerous epoch of the republic's growing power a season in which to crush the national pride of Ireland, and to wrench away the self -legislation which we had so solemnly pledged to her? The rebellious spirit which has again broken out, and which there is so much reason to fear will be universal in the island, was the sure consequence of that infatuated innovation. It is a hydra-headed monster, whose efforts, I fear, will not cease till the yoke of England becomes exchanged for that of France— a heavier probably ; but the burning sense of perfidy willingly hazards incurring increased evils for gratified revenge. This is nature ; and what wise man dreams that he can control her operations ! You must not consider my little work as a life of Darwin ; it neither assumes or merits a title so responsible. I have not science, I have not sufficient knowledge of his philosophical correspondence, to make any such pretension ; and of his literary life, since he left this city in 1781, I know nothing, except through the medium of his publications. To present a faithful portrait of his disposition, his manners, his heart ; to draw aside the domestic curtain; to delineate the connubial and parental conduct of his youth ; the Petrarchan attachment of his middle life ; its resemblance to that of the bard of Vaucluse, but its better fate ; to analyze his poetic claims ; and to present singular instances of philosophical love in the eventful history of one of his distinguished friends ; — these, and these only, must you expect from my feminine Darwiniana. Johnson has had the manuscript on a high price purchase these three months. Why he delays to produce it I know not. He is a very laconic personage, and has upon him the penphobia. And now for the treasures of this third volume of the Border Minstrelsy. There, as in its two predecessors, you hang elegant prose raiments upon its old wooden posts of verse. There is but one gleam of poetry in the first ancient ballad, ' Auld Maitland,' thus : ' They rade their horse, they ran their horse, They hovered o'er the lea. 446 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. That is to the eye, and consequently it is poetry. The story of ' Sir Hugh Eland' resembles that of Lucretia, only that the Scotch lady was wiser than the Human matron, by making other blood rather than her own the test of her chastity ; but Lucrece had a patriotic view in her suicide. After your prose prelude, Sir Hugh anil his lady lose interest and beauty by the rhymes, as David does by those of Stern- hold and Hopkins. This ballad is entirely in the mirk and muddy morning of Caledonian verse, ere its long bright day ai-ose. Your prelude to the ' Lament of the Border Widow' delights me. Description from your pen is the ring of Fortunatus, and instantly places us in the midst of the scene it so vividly delineates. In the old ditty itself there is, rare to say, poetry, though quaint and uncouth. The last stanza but one is pathetic, yes, extremely. It should have been final, since that which is final has a quaint conceit, weak- ening the strong impression its mournful predecessor had made. Without one gleam of genius, 'Christie's Will' is a humorous, amusing ballad. After wading through so many bald and tuneless rhymes, what an effect does their contrast obtain for the lovely lines of Langhorne, which precede your next interesting prose tract, prefixed to the rude ' March of Lesley ' ! That morsel of genuine poesy appears to us, after the old poems, as a bust of Roubilliac would do when we had been looking at a barber's block. How strongly does all the modem poetry of these volumes demonstrate the stupid infat- uation concerning the decline of poetic genius in this period ! but it has been the cant of the critics in all ages. Genius ever has, and ever must have, to contend with the dulness of pedantry, and with the envy of inferior rhymists. I confess myself right glad to leave the sterile hiiul nf rude, unornamented, traditionary verse, for the fair, fertile regions of genuine poetry. First steps forward the Ovid of your frater- nity, the melodious, the fanciful Leyden. Ovid, however, has nothing which, through the medium of translation, has half the charms for me as Leyden's ' Mermaid.' The former vol- umes of Border Minstrelsy contain delightful effluences from the same clear fountain ; but the ' Mermaid ' is the brightest of its streams. It opens with a new poetic notice, that of the murmuring sea-shell, amongst the sounds con- genial to the thoughts of parting lovers, thus : 'On Jura's shore how sweetly swell The murmurs of the mountain bee ! How Noilly mourns the wreathed shell Of Jura's shore, its parent sea !' The alliteration of the above stanza has a very picturesque effect. The lavish recurrence of the letter s finely imitates the hushy sound (if I may be allowed to coin that epithet) ot iha sea-shore, and the hissing effect is softened away by the number of intermixed vowels, and by the frequency of the sonorous consonant m. These are little circumstances to which no poet should be inattentive who wishes to unite the graces of picture and of melody. Nor less happy in this poem is the deprecation concerning the sea-snake, and its ensuing description, and the oceanic scenery, page 309. The portrait of the sea-nymph ; the helpless sinking of the hero into the deep within her grasp ; its simile to the lead-like dropping of a corpse into the water; the well-imagined description of the coral cave ; the second portrait of the mermaid in that cave ; the reassumption of her monster form, — all are fresh from the plastic hand of true genius. Your prelude to this poem, with the fabulous legends you cite there, is very amusing. How rich is Scotland at this period in poets ! Mr. Sharp is a fine one ; witness his ' Tower of Repentance.' The 2d and the 3d stanzas are admirable, so is the whole of the ensuing poem, 'The Murder of Caerlaveroc.' It contains an original poetic picture of the extremest beauty — a lady asleep : ' Unclosed her mouth of rosy hue. Whence issued fragrant air, That gentle, in soft motion, blew Stray ringlets of her hair.' Then how natural is the ensuing dream (when wet, as she slumbers, by the blood of her bride- groom) that the waters of the Forth flowed over her ! The musical locality of the last stanza but one is striking. Your epic ballad, ' Cadzow Castle,' is all over excellence, nothing but excellence, and every species of excellence, harmonic, picturesque, characteristic. It satisfies to luxury the whole soul of my imagination. The gay festivity of modern life, with which it opens, and the quiet graces of a cultivated landscape, in the blessedness of national peace, which forms the close, have the finest possible effect, as preceding and succeeding the spirited and sublime story of Regent Moray's assassina- tion. The lifted pall of oblivion discloses that scene in all the interesting customs and manners of the feudal times. Then the interspersed landscapes ! You Salvator ! you Claude !— what anight scene ! — what an animated descrip- tion of the onset of the morning chase ! Your bull !— what a sublime creature ! — and oh ! the soft, sweet picture of Margaret — 2>a!e, yet beauteous, convalescent from her maternal throes ! It rivals the Alcmena of Pindar in his first Nemean ode. The Homeric pages have nothing grander than your Eotliwellhaugh returning to the chase from the deed of revenge he had com- mitted on the Regent. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 447 ' But who o'er bush, o'er stream, and rock, Rides headlong with resistless speed? Whose bloody poinard's frantic stroke Drives to the leap his jaded steed? ' Whose cheek is pale, whose eye-balls glare, As one some horrid sight that saw? Whose hands are bloody, loose his hair ?— Tis he ! 'tis he ! 'tis Bothwellhaugh ! 'From gory selle, and reeling steed, Sprung the fierce horseman with a bound, And reeking from the recent deed He dash'd his carbine on the ground.' I read this poem last week to a young soldier of genius, Captain Oliver, nephew to the Duchess of Ancaster. His kindling countenance always, and often his exclaiming voice, marked every beauty as I proceeded. Above all was he im- pressed with the picture of the Regent and his train, and every striking feature there given of a crowded march. To observe the first effect of noble poetry upon a mind alive to its graces, has ever been to me a gratification on which my whole soul luxuriates. Adieu ! MISS SEWARD TO WM. HAYLET. My dear Sir,- — You have sent me an estimable and very costly present, in addition to a number of past and similar obligations. I thank you with a deep and almost painful sense of gratitude. This duty had been earlier paid, if I could have obtained leisure for that attentive perusal of this interesting biography, which I determined should precede my acknowledg- ments, that I might not intrude two letters upon your attention. Partial as you seem to your unhappy friend, these volumes induce me to believe him much more kind-hearted and amiable than the gener- ally severe, and, in some instances, illiberal spirit which appears in his so infinitely best work, the Task, had led me to imagine. Cowper's letters, of which those volumes so largely consist, have finally left this impression -on my mind, that he had naturally a mild, compassionate, pious, charitable, and, respecting pecuniary considerations, liberal and inde- pendent spirit. Whether from the narrow and miserable principles of Calvinism, with which he was so deadly tinctured, and which led either to presumptuous trust of acceptance, or to terrors of divine power, utterly unworthy of its mercy ; or whether from a native taint of insanity, I know not, but I see him, with all his inherent good properties, a vapourish egotist. However, after emerging from the mystical and dull jargon of his letters to Mrs. Cowper, he amusingly describes the peculiarities which shut him up within himself. For absorbed in himself, he appears to have been ignobly inattentive to the works of poetic genius which have adorned his country from Milton's time to the present. A note in the first edition of his Homer, the only one I have seen, apologizes for his supposed coinage of the word purpurea!, though Akenside says in his Pleasures of Imagination, ' Amid purpureal Tempe's pleasant scene ; and though from the time of that publication the word has been in poetic use. This proves that Cowper had not read, or read without attention, a justly celebrated work, which stands, at least, on as high poetic ground as his own best work, though, together with the still greater Paradise Lost, it is, for obvious reasons, less popular than the Task. That Cowper also had paid no attention to Chatterton's writings, ' of which all Britain rang from side to side,' appears from his assertion that Burns, whose beautiful compositions seem to have been forced upon his notice, was the only poet since Prior's time whose compositions stand in no need of allowance from the recollected obscurity of birth and education. He must have heard of Chatterton ; and if he wanted all generous curiosity to look into his verse, he had no right to make such an assertion, disgraceful to himself, and unjust to the greatest genius, his early extinction considered, which perhaps the world ever produced. For you he expresses much personal affection, but it seems to have been because you sought and so highly gratified his self-love, without any mixed consideration of your distinguished talents. Not once does he address you as a poet of eminence, who had diffused the lustre of his genius over the late and present period of English literature. He often mentions you affectionately in his letters to Lady Hesketh ; but no person, who did not otherwise know it, would ever dream from them that you had so brilliantly preceded him in the race of fame, or indeed had published anything besides the Life of Milton. Upon that subject he could not avoid speaking to you, since it was connected with his own design, to which you generously offered to relinquish it, though on so advanced a progress. Now you forgive Cowper for this negative injustice to yourself and others. I own I can- not ; and that, as a literary character, it costs him my esteem. His own works are his eternal and nearly exclusive subject. He confesses his earnest desire of public praise, yet satirizes, in the Task, its administration to others, even to the memory of Shakespeare and Handel. Well might that unworthy grudging awaken the disdain of the poetic lady to whom you allude ! Certainly Cowper's letters are those of a 448 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. mind not ordinarily gifted ; yet if I coukl forget that they proceeded from a pen which had produced one great original work, they would by no means show me an understanding responsible for such a production. For the impartially ingenious surely they do not possess the literary usefulness of Pope's letters ; the wit and imagination of Gray's ; the strength and humour of Dr. Johnson's ; or the brilliance, the grace, the play of fancy, which, in former years, rendered your letters to me equal to the best of Madame Sevignes, whose domestic beauties seem to me to throw those of Cowper into shade. I mean the generality of his epistles. Some few of them are very interesting egotism, for all is egotism ; such of them as describe his home, his daily haunts, and the habits of his life. Neither can a feeling heart contemplate undelighted the effusions of his personal tenderness for his friends, inconsistent as they were with the apathy and neglect towards his poetic contemporaries. You seem in your preface to confine the excellence of letters to one style, whose style may surely be various as that of conversation, which accomplished people do not limit to mere tea-table talk. The epistolary and collo- quial excellences must resuH from the style being adapted to the subject, and thus becoming in turn grave and gay, eloquent and inves- tigating. Allow me to express my surprise, that you slightly and obscurely mention Cowper's love attachment, which you seem to think the primal source of his long and fatally increasing discon- tent. General curiosity must be excited on the subject, and will think it has a claim upon his biographer for gratification. Then the well- known circumstance of his purposed suicide, and the accidental one which induced him to forego that design, are material traits in his character and destiny ; and their suppression has a tendency to weaken public confidence in the fidelity of representation. Since the juvenile attachment is only hinted, and the resolve of despair wholly omitted, I wonder those deplorable letters to Mrs. Cowper, of which the world would have known nothing, were not also withheld. They weaken our deference for the understanding of Cowper, and cannot promote rational piety, since events prove that his religion was not that whose ways are pleasantness and whose paths are peace. The Bishop of Peterborough spoke to me of his extreme attachment to Mrs. Unwin as the strangest thing imaginable; and that from the utter absence of everything attractive in her person and manners, and of all intellectual fitness for a companion to Cowper in retirement. If I remember right, ho said Lady Hesketh's opinion of hex was similar to his own. I once heard Mr. Newton preach a violently Mcthodistical, and consequently absurd and dangerous sermon. Miss H. More and her sisters had requested for him the pulpit of the late pious and excellent Mr. Inman, their neighbour : Mr. and Mrs. "Whalley were his parishioners, and I was then their guest in L79L When church was over Mr. Inman expressed deep regret for having, however reluctantly, granted Miss More's request. Now, said he, has this man, in one hour perhaps, rendered fruit- less my labour of many years to keep my parishioners free from those wild, deceiving principles which have turned the heads of half the poor people in this county. The result to poor Cowper of making Newton his comfortless conscience-keeper, ought to warn people of strong imagination how they listen to religious fanatics, presumptuously calling themselves evangelical preachers. No wonder of mine is excited by the reviewer who, on the testimony of all Cowper's publica- tions prior to the Task, denied him a claim to true poetic genius. If a man exhibits only Scotch pebbles to sale, no person is bound to know that he has diamonds. Cowper's poems in rhyme do not place him above the level of our minor poets. Strong sense may be found in them, but they want the poetic constituents, imagery, landscape, invention, and harmonious numbers. They have a stiffness and hitch in their metre. He was in the habit of rhyming with mean words, as, so, go, here, there, and the whole tribe of insignificants ; yet does not seem to have been led into those inharmonious and nerveless terminations by any unlucky prejudice against the use of what are termed imperfect rhymes, with which Milton, Dryden, Pope, Mason, and Gray occasionally relieved the ear of the reader from the luscious sameness of complete chime, and inspirited their verse. In one of the best rhyme compositions I ever saw of Cowper's, on the twelfth page of your first volume, the opening rhymes are waste, past, most, lost; and further on, done, unknown, flow, brow; and all these in a copy of verses con- taining only twenty-two lines. To my ear, however, far from injuring the harmony, they increase it by variety of sound. The Task, however desultory, however totally planless, is a noble poem, and has, as you well observe, an imperishable constitution. It is more pleasing, of much more general interest, than the Night Thoughts, because its themes are various ; because the piety is but occasional, though frequent, and has therefore more impressive power when it occurs, than where, as in the Night Thoughts, it forms the chief and exclusive subject ; yet surely we must deeply feel that the genius of Dr. Young was of a higher order than that of Cowper ; the sublime passages are of much greater strength, of much more frequent occurrence. The. Night Thoughts must be forgotten when Cowper is held up as the leading instance ol THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 449 Christian devotion, united, with fine effect, to the poetic effervescence of the human mind ; and surely Mr. Hayley lost sight of all the great English poets, with Shakespeare and Milton at the head of them, when he calls the Muse of Cowper pre-eminent, incomparable, transcendent, unrivalled, unequalled— epithets which are profusely lavished upon her through the course of these volumes — epithets which can only be applied with truth to three men of genius in the known world — to Shakespeare, as a dramatic poet ; Newton, as a philosopher ; and Handel, as a musician ; not to Homer, not to Milton, because they stand abreast with each other and divide the epic palm. Let not applause of distinguished talents be stinted, but let it not be unjust to superior, or even to equal powers, by assertion that the subject of its descant lias approachless excellence. The universal popularity of the Task is accountable from other causes than its imaginary pre-eminence overall other contemporary poetry. Its beauties are unquestionably sufficient to give it considerable rank in the estimation of those who look with ardent yet impartial eyes on the respective claims of the bards, past and j>resent ; while it possesses the power to please and instruct the whole race of common readers, who cannot perhaps comprehend, in any degree which can render them charming, the Paradise Lost, or Comus ; Akenside's compositions, or Gray's, except the ' Churchyard ;' very little of Mason's, or of yours, except the commondife parts of the exquisite Triumphs of Temper ; nor yet of the sublimely fanciful Botanic Garden. Then the Task, besides it being level to the most ordinary capacity, gratifies two of the most prevailing dispositions of the general mind ; its religious zeal, which exists in countless hearts whose practice it does not govern, and also its strange delight to see human nature represented in the darkest point of view ; in whatever expresses disdain of it on earth, and menaces it with punishment and misery hereafter. I am glad to learn, from your volumes, that Cowper's first edition of Homer has undergone, from his own hand, that corrective discipline of which it stood so much in need. In that first edition I have read it in close comparison with Pope's. When I had the happiness of being your guest at Eartham, in 1782, I remember main- taining, against your opinion, the possibility, charming as Pope's Homer is, that we might see a still superior translation in blank verse, if ever a man of eminent genius should under- take the work ; since rhyme does not, from the nature of the Iliad, seem the best mode of rendering it into English, notwithstanding the assertion of three of my former learned and poetic friends, that Pope's translation makes a finer poem than the original, when the superior harmony of the Greek language is put out of the question ; that it contains more poetic matter ; that the beauty of the Homeric pictures and the grandeur of the sentiments are heightened, while a rich veil is thrown over- all the coarseness of the old bard. I did not believe them at the time, but the avowed fidelity of Cowper's translation has established my present faith in their opinion. Waiving that imputed superiority, Cowper's measures and expression, so free and generally graceful in the Task, are, in his Homer, stiff and inharmonious ; his style loaded with Grecisms, which our language will not bear, and with low and vulgar terms, from which good taste recoils; with strange epithets, which add neither force, nor grace, nor character to the name, as Priamean Hector, crest-tossing Hector, huge Hector ; and with the awkward double negative in perpetual recurrence, as ' He spake ; nor white-armed Juno not complied.' ' He spake ; nor Agamemnon not complied.' ' She spake ; nor did Minerva not comply.' ' Nor Juno him not understood.' There is also a disgusting frequency of what ought never to be found in verse, either blank or rhyme, viz. lines closing with an adjective, whose substantive begins the next line, thus disjoining what the Muses decree should, in no instance, be put asunder ; instances : ' As when the Spring's fair daughter, rosy-palmed Aurora ' ' The brazen wheels, and joined them to the smooth Steel axle ' ' Achilles, after loss of the bright-hai:el Briseis ' Seldom looking into reviews, I never have read one of their strictures on Cowper's Homer. Some noble passages met my eye on its pages — passages upon which not even yourself can set a higher value. I am fully sensible of their superiority to their parallels in Pope. The most striking of these instances is the picture of Achilles' horse in the close of the 19th book, just before he speaks to his master. Poetry has nothing finer. Neither Pindar's nor Gray's Eagle excel it ; but instances of Cowper's tran- scending Pope are rare ; the reverse instances are countless and incessant. It appears to me that the lady who purloined your friend's song, 'The Rose,' had as little good taste as honesty. A quaint affection of ideas, and unscholarlike awkwardness of expression, disgrace it : ' A rose had been washed, just washed by a shower, Which Mary to Anna conveyed.' According to grammar construction the word tvhich belongs to the shower, and not to the rose. Mr. Cary, Saville, and myself used to laugh at it as a disagreeable quiz of a ballad when we believed it a lady's composition. Since Cary has known it to be Cowper's, he told me he had persuaded himself to like it. Such is prejudice. Another proof how little your friend knew 45o THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. of the poetic literature of England as it rose and bloomed around him ; he says he was the first poet who publicly stigmatized our slave trade. Mr. Day's admirable poem, The D>/i»r/ JSTegro, wliich, in the strongest colours, paints the guilt and misery of that traffic, appeared in the year 1770, years before Cowper published at all, and it was generally read and admired. Conscious as Cowper must have been how little he knew of the writings of his contemporaries, he should have avoided making such claims for himself, even in a private letter. The avowed estimation in which he held Hervey's Meditations, and the compositions of Hurdis, gives me little confidence in his power to appreciate genius. It proves, at least, that fanaticism and partiality warped his decisions. The literary world has long pronounced Ilervey, as he was, a pompous enthusiast, dressing up trite ideas in the flowery nothingness of ex- ternal exclamation. Detach a few good passages from Hurdis's writings, and he remains a servile imitator of Cowper. Gisborne, too, imitates Cowper, but with better effect. The Village Curate is a disagreeable poem, the Forest Walks a very pleasing work. One of the most disgusting compositions I ever read is a poem of Hurdis on the death of his sister. My work on Darwin is likely to displease, for a period, numbers, perhaps, for one that will approve it. The world of letters seem divided in two wide extremes, — one half considering him as infinitely the first genius of his age, both as to poetic system and execution ; the other half affecting to hold similar opinions of his writings with those so injuriously avowed in the pursuits of literature. I accidentally took up a Critical Review last winter, which says of some writer, in derision— ' he professes to like Gibbon's prose and Darwin's poetry.' All who implicitly enlist themselves in either of these divisions will dislike my work, and perhaps publicly abuse it. The same extremes of opinion prevail amongst his acquaintance respecting his moral charac- ter, — either exalt him as having been almost superior to human frailty, and exclaim with Sir Brooke Boothby — ' Darwin was one of the best men I have ever known ;' or stigmatize him as an empiric in medicine, a Jacobin in politics, deceitful to those who trusted him, covetous of gain, and an alien to his God. What can I hope for, who spoke of him as he was ? And now, my dear bard, can you persuade yourself to forgive this merciless intrusion on your time? I hope you will read my letter as I wrote it, at matches <>f leisure, and take at least a fortnight to ils perusal. 1 do not ask you to pardon my ingenuousness, since, pre- suming to speak to you of your work, I could not deserve your esteem had] nol spoken honestly. I am sure you will be glad to learn that your affectionate admirer, Saville, is in existence and in better health this than in the preceding winter, which was nearly fatal to him. He desires his cordial and grateful remembrances. Yourself and the world have lost poor Rom- ney, that soul of genius, honesty, generosity, and petulance— and you, yes, you have left Eartham ! your once darling Eartham ! but my imagination obstinately refuses to separate your image from that dear lovely scene. Adieu! Adieu ! [Every Harrovian points with pride to the name of Sheridan, cut in the old hall of that venerable school. Nor is he undeserv- ing of the distinction. Byron said that whatever he did (or chose to do) was always the best of its kind : he wrote the best comedy, the School for Scandal ; the best opera, the Duenna; the best farce, the Critic ; and delivered the most famous oration of modern times. No history ever contained a more touching moral than the narrative of the actions and the misfortunes of Sheridan. With talents that might have dignified the highest station, he nevertheless sank into the most harassing difficulties ; and with a disposition naturally generous and affectionate, he was continu- ally outraging every principle of justice and of truth. He livedin the blaze of society, and died in the solitude of neglect. — Willmott.] DR. PARR TO JIOORE. The Boyhood of Sheridan. Hatton, Aug. 3, 1818. Dear Sir, — With the aid of a scribe, I sit down to fulfil my promise about Mr. Sheridan. There was little in his boyhood worth com- municating. He was inferior to many of his schoolfellows in the ordinary business of a school ; and I do not remember any one instance in which he distinguished himself by Latin or English composition, in prose or verse. Nathaniel Halhed, one of his schoolfellows, wrote well in Latin and Greek. Richard Archdall, another schoolfellow, excelled in English verse. Richard Sheridan aspired to no rivalry with either of them. Ho was at the uppermost part of the fifth form, but he never reached the sixth, and, if I mistake not, hi ; DO opportunity of attending the most difficult and the most honourable part of school business, when the Greek plays were taught,— and it was the custom at Harrow to teach these at least every year. He went through his lessons in THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 451 Horace, and Virgil, and Homer well enough for a time. But, in the absence of the upper master, Dr. Sumner, it once fell in my way to instruct the two upper forms, and upon calling up Dick Sheridan, I found him not only slovenly in construing, but unusually defective in his Greek grammar. Knowing him to be a clever fellow, I did not fail to probe and tease him. I stated his case with great good-humour to the upper master, who was one of the best-tempered men in the world ; and it was agreed between us that Richard should be called oftener, and worked more severely. The varlet was not suffered to stand up in his place, but was summoned to take his station near the master's table, where the voice of no prompter could reach him ; and in this defenceless condition he was so harassed, that he at last gathered up some grammatical rules, and prepared himself for his lessons. While this tormenting process was inflicted upon him, I now and then up- braided him. But you will take notice, that he did not incur any corporal punishment for his idleness ; his industry was just sufficient to protect him from disgrace ; all the while Sumner and I saw in him vestiges of superior intellect. His eye, his countenance, his general manner, were striking. His answers to any common question were prompt and acute. We knew the esteem, and even admiration, which, somehow or other, all his schoolfellows felt for him. He was mischievous enough, but his pranks were accompanied by a sort of vivacity and cheerfulness which delighted Sumner and myself ; I had much talk with him about his apple-loft, for the supply of which all the gardens in the neighbourhood were taxed, and some of the lower boys were employed to furnish it. I threatened, but without asperity, to trace the depredators, through his associates, up to their leader. He, with perfect good humour, set me at defiance, and I never could bring the charge home to him. All boys and all masters were pleased with him. I often praised him as a lad of great talents, — often exhorted him to use them well; but my ex- hortations were fruitless. I take for granted that his taste was silently improved, and that he knew well the little which he did know. He was removed from school too soon by his father, who was the intimate friend of Sumner, and whom I often met at his house. Sumner had a fine voice, fine ear, fine taste, and therefore pronunciation was frequently the favourite subject between him and Tom Sheridan. I was present at many of their discussions and disputes, and sometimes took a very active part in them, but Richard was not present. The father, you know, was a wrong-headed, whim- sical man, and perhaps his scanty circumstances were one of the reasons which prevented him from sending Richard to the University. He must have been aware, as Sumner and I were, that Richard's mind was not cast in any ordinary mould. I ought to have told you that Richard, when a boy, was a great reader of English poetry ; but his exercises afforded no proof of his proficiency. In truth, he, as a boy, was quite careless about literary fame. I should suppose that his father, without any regular system, polished his taste, and supplied his memory with anecdotes about our best writers in our Augustan age. The grandfather, you know, lived familiarly with Swift. I have heard of him as an excellent scholar. His boys in Ireland once performed a Greek play, and when Sir William Jones and I were talking over this event, I determined to make the experiment in England. I selected some of my best boys, and they performed the Oedipus Tyrannus and the Trachinians of Sophocles. I wrote some Greek Iambics to vindicate myself from the imputation of singularity, and grieved I am that I did not keep a copy of them. Milton, you may re- member, recommends what I attempted. I saw much of Sheridan's father after the death of Sumner, and after my own removal from Harrow to Stanmore. I respected him — he really liked me, and did me some important services, but I never met him and Richard together. I often inquired about Richard, and from the father's answers found they were not upon good terms; but neither he nor I ever spoke of his son's talents but in terms of the highest praise. [It is unnecessary to give an account of this eminent printer and politician ; his name is in all the Biographical Dictionaries ; and those who are versed in Boswell's Johnson, and the other memoirs of the politics and literature of the last century, will know more of the man himself than the Biogra- phical Dictionaries can teach them. The most valuable part of his letters is that which forms a sort of occasional political journal. To the historical critic it will be useful, as confirming or contradicting the previous authorities on the subject. Most ordinary readers are acquainted with the common sources of information on the pro- ceedings of Parliament during the period embraced by Strahan's letters ; and these materials, to which, however, the publi- cation of Walpole's Memoirs of George III. has made a considerable addition, will be found very fully embodied in the sixteenth and seventeenth volumes of the Parliamentary History. — John Hill Burton.] 452 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. WILLIAM STKAHAN TO DAVID HUME. London, July 10, 17G4. Dear Sir, — I received yours of April 18th, and, since that, all Madame Iliccoboni's book, which is now almost translated and printed. It is not easy to say how many presses there are in London ; but as near as I can guess they are from one hundred and fifty to two hundred. One hundred and fifty is pretty near the truth : I mean such as are constantly employed. The medicines for the Dutch anibas.su. lor, I hope, came safe to hand. Any other commands you may have in this place shall be punctually executed. I am very glad the accounts I sent you were so agreeable to you. You may depend upon their accuracy as far as they went; for I was. myself, an ear-witness of what I relate, and you may rely on hearing from me again when- ever anything material occurs. At present, and, indeed, ever since Wilkes' affair was finished, we have been in a state of profound tranquillity. The names of Pitt and Wilkes, and liberty and privilege, we hear no more. During the recess of Parliament, you know, no business of consequence is agitated. The dis- mission of General Conway made a little noise some time ago ; but as he acted the part of a leader in the Opposition (I write with the utmost freedom to you of everything, as I suppose you would choose I should), it was equally thought the King could not avoid dis- charging him from his service. He had a hint, I am credibly informed, to quit his pdace at court ; and, in that case, might have held his regiment. But as he did not choose to take it, he was deprived of both. Lord Bute still holds his usual influence at court, and is very likely to do so long ; for the King (if I may use the expression) doats upon him. Certain it is, he does nothing without his advice and approba- tion. It was said, a while ago, that he was to take the place of Lord Chamberlain, which is the lowest office he can hold to be a cabinet councillor; and it was said, by his friends, that he was desirous of filling this place, that he might have an opportunity, upon every proper occasion, to avow, publicly, any counsel he might give tlio King. But there is now no more talk of this. Meanwhile the Opposition is apparently upon the decline; nor is there the least likelihood of their making any figure next winter, unless, perhaps, Lord Bute should opt tUy take 1 the lead in the administration. In that ease it is hard to say what national pre- judice, fomented by a disappointed faction, may effectuate. My opinion of that nobleman is the same it ever was. I believe him sincere and honest, and that his views regarding this country are altogethei honourable; bul then he is too timid and irresolute, and knows little or nothing of men. Had he kept the high station in the State he once assumed, nothing could have hurt him ; but his resignation indicated a deficiency in point of courage, of which his enemies (that is, the Opposition for the time being) will never fail to avail themselves, and will for ever prevent him from rendering that service to his country which, I am firmly persuaded, his honest and generous heart inclines to perform. You would see in the papers, lately, that Mr. Pitt was at court. This was no other than a visit of form, having been prevented, by the gout, from paying his court on the birthday. The King spoke a little to him ; but he had no conference with him, or with Lord Bute, as was reported. I was told, indeed, by a person of some consequence, on whose information I have some dependence, that he then advised falling upon the Spaniards without loss of time, on account of their late behaviour to our logwood cutters in the Bay of Campeachy; but I can hardly believe it. The truth is, these logwood cutters are a set of sad rascals, upon whose information alone it would be absurd to con- clude anything. There is certainly some mistake in the matter, for the Spaniards cannot possibly mean to break with us yet. They are no way • d for it. Besides, what is very remark- able, lid what I believe has not hitherto been much attended to, the possession of Florida gives us the absolute command of that very passage which formerly rendered the Savannah of so much importance to them ; so that when- ever they are at war with us they lie at our mercy, and can get no treasure home without our permission. This is one of the many advantages the late peace has procured us, which I am humbly of opinion will appear every day more and more a very seasonable and great blessing to this nation. Our national debt is, indeed, become a very serious matter, and must become much more so in the event of another war. This I look upon as the great mill-stone which hangs about the neck of this country, and is likely to sink it at last. But even in this we are on a par with our neighbours. In all other respects we are in a most respectable situation. 'Tis time. The state of our domestic politics, from the nature of our constitution, can never be very per- manent ; but, as the one-half of our great men are happily a check to the ambition and sinister views of the other half, it necessarily follows that, as we are not likely to continue in the right way for any length of time, so neither tan we persist long in a wrong direction. Upon the whole, therefore, I am inclined to think we have little to fear at present. We have and virtuous prince upon the throne; the nature of our government Leaves every indi- vidual as fur as his own happiness and security will admit of ; our dominions ate rich and extensive ; our commerce great and increasing ; THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 453 and we want nothing but a little strong and active virtue in those at the helm, to render all those blessings as permanent as the nature of human affairs will admit of. Lord Clive is lately embarked for the East Indies, invested with full and ample (I wish they may not prove dangerous) powers to settle all our important concerns in that quarter of the world. He carries with him a greater force of Europeans than that country ever saw before : enough, indeed (but that we have taught the natives the art of war), to make an entire conquest of the Mogul's empire. There were great divisions, you might perceive, among the East India proprietors upon this occasion ; but I could not find that anything but power was aimed at by either side. Sullivan had long taken the lead in that company ; Sullivan was in an opposite interest to Clive ; the struggle was hard ; but Clive at length prevailed, and goes out on his own terms. Dr. Robertson brings up his pupil, Lord Grenville, in August or September ; and I hear his History of diaries V. is finished ; but this I have not from himself. What pity it is that you will not think of continuing your History. I do not pretend to have any influence with you in the matter, otherwise I would most certainly exert it all. And yet I sometimes imagine, if you knew how universally esteemed it is by the very best judges, and, indeed, by all those whose approbation is real fame ; and were you witness to the just praises I often hear bestowed upon it, you would be strongly excited to finish that noble work, which, I will venture to say, will remain a monument of the author's candour and ability to the latest posterity. — I am, dear sir, your most obedient, humble servant, William Strahan. [William Bowyer, the eminent printer (1699- 1777), printed the first edition of Warbur- ton's Doctrine of Grace. The work sold rapidly ; but Mr. Bowyer not having been entrusted with the care of a new edition, he thought it necessary to vindicate himself from reflections that might arise on this apparent change in his patron's sentiments. ' On this subject, however,' says Mr. Nichols, 'it is not necessary to enlarge, as I can assert, on the authority of another right reverend prelate, that notwithstanding any little altercations which had happened, Bishop Warburton always continued to retain a sincere regard for Mr. Bowyer.' The sincerity of such regard might have been questionable, if, contrary to what Mr. Nichols also informs us, this, and other two letters of Mr. Bowyer upon the same sub- ject, had ever been sent to the Bishop.] MR. W. BOWYER TO DR. WARBDRTON. My Lord, — When I understood that you had appointed Mr. to print the second edition of your book on Grace, I was tempted to cry out with your lordship, ' In what light must you stand with HONEST and CANDID men, if, when I had gone through the trouble of the first edition, the second is ordered away to another printer, even against the recommendation of your book- seller?' But as the honest and candid will little trouble themselves with any difference between your lordship and me, I will appeal to the judge within your own breast : ' Pulsa dignoscere cautus Quid solidum crepet, et pictae tectoria lingua;.' Your lordship will say, you removed your book to another printer because I had printed the first edition of it very incorrectly. I answer, my lord, that you saw every proof-sheet your- self, and ought to share with me at least in the imputation of incorrectness. You said, indeed, at first setting out, that you would not be my corrector ; but then, my lord, you should not be your own. When sheets are hurried away to an impatient author late at night by the post, the printer is precluded from reviewing them with that accuracy he otherwise should bestow upon them. In the cancelled leaves which your lordship complains of, there were no less than six faults in one page, viz. p. 151 ; only one of which, upon the return of the sheet, was cor- rected by your lordship, the others being left for me to discover ; and when I had done so, I naturally cried, How does this man seek an occasion of quarrel against me I Prophetic I was : for, instead of receiving thanks from you for my care, I am condemned for passing over two others, jointly with your lordship, in the follow- ing terms : ' Show him what an admirable corrector he is, and in a reprinted page too. He has suffered opposite, against all sense, to go for apposite ; and in the note, obscuram, against all grammar, for obscuriorem.' Under favour, my lord, not against sense or grammar ; for I had reduced obscurem to both, by making it obscuram, which was as far as a sudden con- jecture without the copy could go. Theo- logiam inxenit — ipsis Pythagoricis numeris et Heracliti nobis obscuram. As for opposite com- parison, I will not defend it ; but a reader, not wholly inattentive, might be misled to reflect, that comparisons which are odious (and such, my lord, you and I could make) must needs be opposite too. I would further observe, my lord, that this error might be the more easily par- doned, because the very same word has unluckily (or luckily, shall I say?) escaped your lordship 454 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. in a work of your younger years, if the world is right in ascribing it to you. In p. 95, I Gnd this passage : ' Bat I chose this instance of our author's knowledge of nature, not so much for itness, as for its OProsiTENESS to our subject.' — Critical and Philosophical Enquiry into the Causes of Prodigies and Miracles. Lond. 1717. In short, my lord, you have prescribed a law to me, by which no other printer will ever be bound, viz. that I should suffer for every error of the press which you leave uncorrected. I am singled out from the flock for madding the stream below, which your lordship drinks of at the fountain-head. But, my lord, vanity or partiality leads me to think some other motive, besides incorrectness, has carried you over to another printer. For why, of all men, to Mr. , who, in the last book he had printed for you, viz. the second part of the Divine Legation, A.D. 1758, so incensed your lordship, that you declared he never should print for you another sheet ? If solicitation, or the prevailing fashion of the times, have changed your mind, I blame you not. Every one is to follow his pleasure or interest, as his inclination leads him. I only beg that we may be dropjied with decency, and that contumely may not give an edge to our disgrace. As your lordship has been pleased to go from me to Mr. , from Mr. to me, and to Mr. again, I might hope another successful wind would blow you back again. My lord, if I cannot, like a courtier, have the credit of resigning my place, I will be still greater, and hereby promise not to accept it again. And to keep up the cha- racter of an old fallen minister, I will make bold to lay before you what I have suffered, and what I have done, in your lordship's service ; and then we will draw to the tables, and balance the obligations, which your lordship has greatly lessened by upbraiding me with them, at a very unbecoming juncture, as will hereafter appear. The liberty I take you will impute to that period of life to which I am arrived, — the grand climacteric, which, as it levels all honours, so it mitigates all disgraces. You must not wonder if I take courage the nearer I approach my home, even that home which is a refuge against all complaints, and where the brambled turf over my grave shall preach as effectually as the lettered marble over your lordship's. "With this contemplation I take my leave for the present; and am, my lord, your lordship's most obedient, humble servant, W. B. [The following letter is interesting as recording Cowper's opinion of the style best adapted to a translation of Homer.] WILLIAM COWPER TO LADY HESKETH. TJie Lodge, March 22, 1790. I rejoice, my dearest cousin, that my MSS. have roamed the earth so successfully, and have met with no disaster. The single book excepted, that went to the bottom of the Thames, and rose again, they have been fortunate without exception. I am not superstitious, but have nevertheless as good a right to believe that adventure an omen, and a favourable one, as Swift had to interpret as he did the loss of a fine fish, which he had no sooner laid on the bank than it flounced into the water again. This, he tells us himself, he always considered as a type of his future disappointments ; and why may not I as well consider the marvellous recovery of my lost book from the bottom of the Thames as typical of its future prosperity ? To say the truth, I have no fears now about the success of my translation, though in time past I have had many. I knew there was a style somewhere, could I but find it, in which Homer ought to be rendered, and which alone would suit him. Long time I blundered about it, ere I could attain to any decided judgment on the matter ; at first, I was betrayed by a desire of accommodating my language to the simplicity of his into much of the quaiutness that belonged to our writers of the fifteenth century. In the course of many revisals I have delivered myself from this evil, I believe, entirely ; but I have done it slowly, and as a man separates himself from his mistress when he is going to marry. I had so strong a predilection in fa- vour of this style at first, that I was crazed to find that others were not as much enamoured with it as myself. At every passage of that sort which I obliterated, I groaned bitterly, and said to myself, I am spoiling my work to please those who have no taste for the simple graces of antiquity. But, in measure as I adopted a more modern phraseology, I became a convert to their opinion, and, in the last revised, which I am now making, am not sensible of having spared a single expression of the obsolete kind. I see my work so much improved by this alteration, that I am tilled with wonder at my own backwardness to assent to the necessity of it, and the more when I consider that Milton, with whose manner I account myself intimately acquainted, is never quaint, never twangs through the nose, but is every- where grand and elegant, without resorting to musty antiquity for his beauties. On the contrary, he took a long stride forward, left the language of his own day far behind him, and anticipated the expressions of a century yet to come. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 455 I Lave now, as I said, no longer any doubt of the event, but I will give thee a shilling if thou wilt tell me what I shall say in my Preface. It is an affair of much delicacy, and I have as many opinions about it as there are whims in a weathercock. Send my MSS. and thine when thou wilt. In a day or two I shall enter on the last Iliad ; when I have finished it I shall give the Odym y one more reading, and shall therefore shortly have occasion for the copy in thy possession, but you see that there is no need to hurry. I leave the little space for Mrs. Unwin's use, who means, I believe, to occupy it, And am evermore thine most truly, William Cowper. Postscript, in the hand of Mrs. Univin. You cannot imagine how much your ladyship would oblige your unworthy servant, if you would be so good to let me know in what point I differ from you. All that at present I can say is, that I will readily sacrifice my own opinion, unless I can give you a substantial reason for adhering to it. TO JOHN JOHNSTON. Weston, March 23, 1790. Your MSS. arrived safe in New Norfolk Street, and I am much obliged to you for your labours. Were you now at Weston, I could furnish you with employment for some weeks, and shall perhaps be equally able to do it in summer, for I have lost my best amanuensis in this place, Mr. G. Throckmorton, who is gone to Bath. You are a man to be envied, who have never read the Odyssey, which is one of the most amusing story-books in the world. There is also much of the finest poetry in the world to be found in it, notwithstanding all that Longinus has insinuated to the contrary. His compari- son of the Iliad and Odyssey to the meridian and to the declining sun is pretty, but, I am persuaded, not just. The prettiness of it seduced him ; he was otherwise too judicious a reader of Homer to have made it. I can find in the latter no symptoms of impaired ability, none - of the effects of age ; on the contrary, it seems to me a certainty, that Homer, had he written the Odyssey in his youth, could not have written it better ; and if the Iliad in his old age, that he would have written it just as well. A critic would tell me that, instead of written, I should have said composed. Very likely — but I am not writing to one of that snarling generation. My boy, I long to see thee again. It has happened some way or other, that Mrs. Unwin and I have conceived a great affection for thee. That I should is the less to be wondered at (because thou art a shred of my own mother) ; neither is the wonder great that she should fall into the same predicament, for she loves every- thing that I love. You will observe that your own personal right to be beloved makes no part of the consideration. There is nothing that I touch with so much tenderness as the vanity of a young man ; because, I know how extremely susceptible he is of impressions that might hurt him in that particular part of his composition. If you should ever prove a coxcomb, from which character you stand just now at a greater distance than any young man I know, it shall never be said that I have made you one ; no, you will gain nothing by me but the honour of being much valued by a poor poet, who can do you no good while he lives, and has nothing to leave you when he dies. If you can be con- tented to be dear to me on these conditions, so you shall ; but other terms more advantageous than these, or more inviting, none have I to propose. Farewell. Puzzle not yourself about a sub- ject when you write to either of us : every- thing is subject enough from those we love. W. C. TO THE REV. WILLIAM UNWIN. Olncy, Nov. 18, 1782. My dear William, — On the part of the poor, and on our part, be pleased to make acknowledgments, such as the occasion calls for, to our beneficent friend, Mr. •. I call him ours, because, having experienced his kind- ness to myself in a former instance, and in the present his disinterested readiness to succour the distressed, my ambition will be satisfied with nothing less. He may depend upon the strictest secrecy ; no creature shall hear him mentioned, either now or hereafter, as the person from whom we have received this bounty. But when I speak of him, or hear him spoken of by others, which sometimes happens, I shall not forget what is due to so rare a character. I wish, and your mother wishes too, that he could sometimes take us in his way to : he will find us happy to receive a person whom we must needs account it an honour to know. We shall exercise our best discretion in the disposal of the money ; but in this town, where the gospel has been preached so many years, where the people have been favoured so long with laborious and conscientious ministers, it is not an easy thing to find those who make no profession of religion at all, and are yet proper objects of charity. The profane are so profane, so drunken, dis- solute, and in every respect worthless, that to make them partakers of his bounty would be to abuse it. We promise, however, that none shall touch it but such as are miserably poor, 456 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. yet at the same time industrious and honest, two characters frequently united here, where the most watchful and unremitting labour will hardly procure them bread. We make none but the cheapest laces, and the price of them is fallen almost to nothing. Thanks are due to yourself likewise, and are hereby accordingly rendered, for waiving your claim in behalf of your own parishioners. You are always with them, and they are always, at least some of them, the better for your residence among them. Olney is a populous place, inhabited chiefly by the half-starved and the ragged of the earth, and it is not possible for our small party and small ability to extend their opera- tions so far as to be much felt among such numbers. Accept, therefore, your share of their gratitude, and be convinced that, when they pray for a blessing upon those who re- lieved their wants, He that answers that prayer, and when He answers it, will remember His servant at Stock. I little thought when I was writing the his- tory of John Gilpin, that he would appear in print. I intended to laugh, and to make two or three others laugh, of whom you were one ; but now all the world laugh, at least if they have the same relish for a tale ridiculous in itself, and quaintly told, as we have. Well, they do not always laugh so innocently, and at so small an expense ; for, in a world like this, abounding with subjects for satire, and with satirical wits to mark them, a laugh that hurts nobody has at least the grace of novelty to re- commend it. Swift's darling motto was, Vive la bagatelle! a good wish for a philosopher of his complexion, the greater part of whose wis- dom, whencesoever it came, most certainly came not from above. La bagatelle has no enemy in me, though it has neither so warm a friend nor so able a one as it had in him. If I trifle, and merely trifle, it is because I am reduced to it by necessity — a melancholy that nothing else so effectually disperses engages me sometimes in the arduous task of being merry by force. And, strange as it may seem, the most ludicrous lines I ever wrote have been written in the saddest mood, and but for that saddest mood, perhaps, had never been written at alL I hear from Mrs. Newton that some great persons have spoken with great approbation of a certain book ; who they are, and what they have said, I am to be told in a future letter. The Monthly Beviewers, in the meantime, have satisfied me well enough.— Yours, my dear William, W. C. TO THE SAME. Olney, May 2G, 1779. I AM obliged to you for the poets, and, though I little thought that I was translating so much money out of your pocket into the bookseller's, when I turned Prior's poem into Latin, yet I must needs say that, if you think it worth while to purchase the English Classics at all, you cannot possess yourself of them upon better terms. I have looked into some of the volumes, but, not having yet finished the register, have merely looked into them. A few things I have met with, which, if they had been burned the moment they were written, it would have been better for the author, and at least as well for his readers. There is not much of this, but a little is too much. I think it a pity the editor admitted any ; the English muse would have lost no credit by the omission of such trash. Some of them, again, seem to me to have but a very disputable right to a place among the Classics, and I am quite at a loss, when I see them in such company, to con- jecture what is Dr. Johnson's idea or definition of classical merit. But, if he inserts the poems of some who can hardly be said to deserve such an honour, the purchaser may comfort himself with the hope that he will exclude none that do. W. C. [Nelson here refers to the wounds received and the loss of an eye at the siege of Calvi.] HORATIO NELSON TO MRS. NELSON. Off Leghorn, August 13, 1794. I LEFT Calvi on the loth, and hope never to be in it again. I was yesterday in St. Fiorenzo, and to-day shall be safe moored, I expect, in Leghorn ; since the ship has been commissioned, this will be the first resting time we have had. As it is all past, I may now tell you, that on the 10th of July a shot having hit our battery, the splinters ami stones from it struck me with great violence in the face and breast. Although the blow was so severe as to occasion a great flow of blood from my head, yet I, most fortu- nately, escaped, having only my right eye nearly deprived of its sight ; it was cut down, but it is so far recovered as for me to be able to distinguish light from darkness. As to all the purposes of use, it is gone ; however, the blemish is nothing, not to be perceived, unless told. The pupil is nearly the size of the blue part, I don't know the name. At Bastia, I got a sharp cut in the back. You must not think that my hurts confined me ; no, nothing but the loss of a limb would have kept me from my duty, and I believe my exertions conduced to preserve me in this general mortality. I am fearful that Mrs. Mont ray's son, who was on shore with us, will fall a sacrifice to the climate ; he is a lieutenant of the Victory, a very fine young man, for whom I have a great regard. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 457 Lord Hood is quite distressed about him. Poor little Hoste is also extremely ill, and I have great fears about him. One hundred and fifty of my people are in their beds ; of two thousand men I am the most healthy. Josiah is very well, and a clever, smart young man, for so I must call him, his sense demands it. — Yours, etc. Hokatio Nelson. TO LADY NELSON. [Nelson lost an arm in the unsuccessful attack on Santa Cruz, Teneriffe, July 24, 1797 ; but he made no mention of his own wound in the official despatches. Honours enough awaited him in England, however ; the freedom of the cities of Bristol and London was conferred upon him, he was invested with the Order of the Bath, and received a pension of £1000 a year.] BEAR -ADMIRAL SIR HORATIO NELSON, K.B., 1 TO ADMIRAL SIR JOHN JERVIS, K.B. ' Theseus,'' July 27, 1797. My dear Sir, — I am become a burthen to my friends, and useless to my country ; but by my letter wrote the 24th, you will perceive my anxiety for the promotion of my son-in-law, Josiah Nisbet. When I leave your command, I become dead to the world ; I go hence and am no more seen. If from poor Bowen's loss, you think it proper to oblige me, I rest con- fident you will do it; the boy is under obligations to me, but he repaid me by bringing me from the mole of Santa Cruz. I hope you will be able to give me a frigate to convey the remains of my carcase to England. God bless you, my dear sir, and believe me, your most obliged and faithful Horatio Nelson. You will excuse my scrawl, considering it is my first attempt. to the same. ' Theseus,' August 16, 1797. My dear Sir, — I rejoice once more in sight of your flag, and with your permission will come on board the Ville de Paris, and pay you my respects. If the Emerald has joined, you know my wishes. A left-handed admiral will never again be considered as useful, therefore the sooner I get to a very humble cottage the better, and make room for a better man to serve the State ; but whatever be my lot, be- lieve me, with the most sincere affection, ever your most faithful HORATIO NELSON. ' Theseus,' August 1797. My dearest Fanny, — I am so confident of your affection, that I feel the pleasure you will receive will be equal, whether my letter is wrote by my right hand or left. It was the chance of war, and I have great reason to be thankful ; and I know that it will add much to your pleasure in finding that Josiah, under God's providence, was principally instrumental in saving my life. As to my health, it never was better ; and now I hope soon to return to you ; and my country, I trust, will not allow me any longer to linger in want of that pecuniary assistance which I have been fighting the whole war to preserve to her. But I shall not be surprised to be neglected and forgot, as probably I shall no longer be considered as useful. However, I shall feel rich if I continue to enjoy your affection. The cottage is now more necessary than ever. You will see by the papers, Lieutenant Weatherhead is gone. Poor fellow ! he lived four days after he was shot. I shall not close this letter till I join the fleet, which seems distant, for it's been calm these three days past. I am fortunate in having a good surgeon on board ; in short, I am much more recovered than I could have expected. I beg neither you or my father will think much of this mishap ; my mind has long been made up to such an event. God bless you, and believe me your most affectionate husband, Horatio Nelson. 1 Nelson appointed a Knight of the Bath, March 1797. [Long before the publication of the letters from Italy, many gleams of exquisite description derived from them had delighted the reader in the pages of one or two living poets. They were written, as the author observes, in the bloom and heyday of youthful spirits and youthful confidence, and contain some of the most beautiful pictures of scenery, and some of the liveliest traits of character, to be found in our literature. Lord Byron's remark upon Moore's Eastern poetry, ' that he had lived in the rainbow, and caught its hues,' may be applied to the description of the author of Vathek. "Whether he lets in the ruby light through the stained windows upon the white garments of a monk ; or opens the latticed casement of his apartment upon a boundless vineyard in all the luxuriance of foliage ; or displays before us the wondrous kitchen of the monastery of Alcobaca, — he is at all times equally vivacious, equally graceful, and equally original. — Willmott.\ 45S THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. BECKFOBU TO . October 19, 1787. Mr health improves every day. The clear exhilarating weather we now enjoy, calls forth the liveliest sense of existence. I ride, walk, and climb as long as I please, without fatiguing myself. The valley of Collares affords me a source of perpetual amusement. I have dis- covered a variety of paths which lea 1 through chestnut copses and orchards to irregular green spots, where self-sown bays and citron bushes hang wild over the rocky margin of a little river, and drop their fruit and blossoms into the stream. You may ride for miles along the banks of this delightful water, catching endless perspectives of flowery thickets between the stems of poplar and walnut. The scenery is truly Elysian, and exactly such as poets assign for the resort of happy spirits. The mossy fragments of rocks, grotesque pollards, and rustic bridges, you meet with at every step, recall Savoy and Switzerland to the imagination ; but the exotic cast of the vegetation, the vivid green of the citron, the golden fruitage of the orange, the blossoming myrtle, and the rich fragrance of a turf embroidered with the brightest-coloured and most aromatic flowers, allow me, without a violent stretch of fancy, to believe myself in the garden of the Hesperides, and to expect the dragon under every tree. I by no means like the thought of abandoning these smiling regions, and have been twenty times on the point, this very day, of revoking the orders I have given for my journey. "What- ever objections I may have had to Portugal, seem to vanish since I have determined to leave it ; for such is the perversity of human nature, that objects appear the most estimable precisely at the moment when we are going to lose them. There was this morning a mild radiance in the sunbeams, and a balsamic serenity in the air, which infused that voluptuous listlessncss — that desire of remaining imparadised in one delightful spot, which, in classical fictions, was supposed to render those who had tasted of the lotus forgetful of country, of friends, and of every tie. My feelings were not dissimilar ; I loathed the idea of moving away. Though I had entered these beautiful orchards soon after sunrise, the clocks of some distant conventual churches had chimed hour after hour, before I could prevail upon myself to quit the spreading odoriferouB hay trees under which I had 1 II lying. If shades so cool and fragrant invited to repose, I must observe, that never were paths better calculated to tempt the laziest of beings to a walk, than those that opened on all sides, and are formed of a smooth dry sand, bound firmly together, composing a surface as hard as gravel. These level paths wind about amongst a labyrinth of light and elegant fruit- trees — almond, plum, and cherry, something like the gro\'es of Tonga-taboo, as represented in Cook's voyages ; and to increase the re- semblance, neat cane fences and low open sheds, thatched with reeds, appear at intervals, break- ing the horizontal line of the perspective. I had now lingered and loitered away pretty nearly the whole morning, and though, as far as scenery could authorize, and climate inspire, I might fancy myself an inhabitant of Elysium, I could not pretend to be sufficiently ethereal to exist without nourishment. In plain English, I was extremely hungry. The pears, quinces, and oranges, which dangled above my head, although fair to the eye, were neither so juicy nor gratifying to the palate as might have been expected from their promising appearance. Being considerably ' More than a mile immersed within the wood,' and not recollecting by which clue of a path I could get out of it, I remained at least half an hour deliberating which way to turn myself. The sheds and enclosures I have mentioned were put together with care, and even nicety, it is true, but seemed to have no other in- habitants than flocks of bantams, strutting about, and destroying the eggs and hopes of many an insect family. These glistening fowls, like their brethren described in Anson's voyages as animating the profound solitudes of the island of Tinian, appeared to have no master. At length, just as I was beginning to wish my- self very heartily in a less romantic region, I heard the loud, though not unmusical, tones of a powerful female voice, echoing through the arched green avenues : presently a stout, ruddy young peasant, very picturesquely attired in brown and scarlet, came hoydening along, driving a mule before her, laden with two enormous panniers of grapes. To ask for a share of this luxuriant load, and to compliment the fair driver, was instantaneous on my part, but to no purpose. I was answered by a sly wink, 'We all belong to Senhor Jose Dias, whose corral or farm -yard is half a league distant. There, senhor, if you follow that road, and don't puzzle yourself by straying to the right or left, you will soon reach it, and the bailiff, I dare say, will be proud to give you as many grapes as you please. Good morning, happy days to you ! I must mind my business.' Seating herself between the tantalizing pan- niers, she was gone in an instant, and I had the good luck to arrive at the wicket of a rude dry wall, winding up several bushy slopes in a wild, irregular manner, If the outside of this enclosure was rough and unpromising, the interior presented a most, cheerful scene of rural opulence. Droves of cows and goats milking ; ovens, out of which huge cakes of savoury bread had just been taken ; ranges of bee-hives, and THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 459 long pillared sheds, entirely tapestried with purple and yellow muscadine grapes, half candied, which were hung up to dry. A very good-natured, classical-looking magistcr pccorum, followed by two well-disciplined, though savage- eyed, dogs, whom the least glance of their master prevented from barking, gave me a hearty welcome, and with genuine hospitality not only allowed me the free range of his domain, but set whatever it produced in the greatest perfection before me. A contest took place between two or three curly-haired, chubby- faced children, who should be first to bring me walnuts fresh from the shell, bowls of milk, and cream-cheeses, made after the best of fashions, that of the province of Alemtejo. I found myself so abstracted from the world in this retirement, so perfectly transported back into primitive patriarchal times, that I don't recollect having ever enjoyed a few hours of more delightful calm. 'Here,' did I say to myself, ' am I out of the way of courts, and ceremonies, and commonplace visitations, or salutations, or gossip.' But, alas ! how vain is all one thinks or says to oneself nineteen times out of twenty. "Whilst I was blessing my stars for this truce to the irksome bustle of the life I had led since her Majesty's arrival at Cintra, a loud hallooing, the cracking of whips, and the trampling of horses made me start up from the snug corner in which I had soothed myself, and dispelled all my delightful visions. Luis de Miranda, the colonel of the Cascais regiment, an intimate confidant and favourite of the Prince of Brazil, broke in upon me with a thousand (as he thought) obliging reproaches, for having deserted Bamalhao the very morning he had come on purpose to dine with me, and to propose a ride after dinner to a particular point of the Cintra mountains, which com- mands, he assured me, such a prospect as I had tot yet been blessed with in Portugal. ' It is not, even now,' said he, 'too late. I have brought your horses along with me, whom I found fretting and stamping under a great tree at the entrance of these foolish lanes. Come, get into your stirrups for God's sake, and I will answer for your thinking yourself well repaid by the scene I shall disclose to you.' As I was doomed to be distuibed and talked out of the elysium in which I had been wrapped for these last seven or eight hours, it was no matter in what position, whether on foot or on horseback ; I therefore complied, and away we galloped. The horses were remarkably sure- footed, or else, I think, we must have rolled down the precipices ; for our road, ' If road it could be called, where road was none,' led us by zigzags and short cuts, over steeps and acclivities, about three or four leagues, till reaching a heathy desert, where a solitary cross, starting out of a few weather-beaten bushes, marked the highest point of this wild eminence, one of the most expansive prospects of sea, and plain, and distant mountains I ever beheld, burst suddenly upon me, — rendered still more vast, aerial, and indefinite, by the visionary, magic vapour of the evening sun. After enjoying a moment or two the general effect, I began tracing out the principal objects in the view, as far, that is to say, as they could be traced through the medium of the intense, glowing haze. I followed the course of the Tagus, from its entrance till it was lost in the low estuaries beyond Lisbon. Cascais appeared, with its long reaches of wall and bomb-proof casements, like a Moorish town ; and by the help of a glass, I distinguished a tall palm lifting itself up above a cluster of white buildings. ' Well,' said I to my conductor, ' this prospect has certainly charms worth seeing ; but not sufficient to make me forget that it is high time to get home and refresh ourselves. ' ' Not so fast,' was the answer, 'we have still a great deal more to see.' Having acquired, I can hardly tell why or wherefore, a sheep-like habit of following wher- ever he led, I spurred after him down a rough declivity, thick strewn with rolling stones and pebbles. At the bottom of this descent, a dreary sunburnt plain extended itself far and wide. "Whilst we dismounted and halted a few minutes to give our horses breath, I could not help observing that the view we were contem- plating but ill rewarded the risk of breaking our necks in riding down such rapid declivities. He smiled, and asked me whether I saw nothing at all interesting in the prospect. 'Yes,' said I, 'a sort of caravan I perceive about a quarter of a mile off is by no means uninteresting ; that confused group of people in scarlet, with gleaming arms, and sumpter-mules, and those striped awnings stretched from ruined walls, present exactly that kind of scenery I should expect to meet with in the neighbourhood of Grand Cairo.' 'Come, then,' said he, 'it is time to clear up this mystery, and tell you for what purpose we have taken such a long and fatiguing ride. The caravan which strikes you as being so very picturesque, is composed of the attendants of the Prince of Brazil, who has been passing the whole day upon a shooting party, and is just at this moment taking a little repose beneath yonder awnings. It was by his desire I brought you here, for I have his com- mands to express his wishes of having half an hour's conversation with you, unobserved, and in perfect incognito. "Walk on, as if you were collecting plants, or taking sketches ; I will apprize his Eoyal Highness, and you will meet, as it were, by chance, and without any form.' 460 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. [When Sir James Mackintosh said that pos- terity would place the name of Hall by the side of Paley, he scarcely assigned to him his proper situation in theological literature. Hall, indeed, possessed many of the most valuable qualities of Paley ; but Talcy wanted the vivacious and illuminating fancy of Hall. In his correspondence, how- ever, we find no other characteristics of his mind than simplicity and truth.— Willmott.] R. HALL TO MR. H. FYSII. Shelford, March 11, 1S04. My pear Friexd, — I deeply sympathize with you in the great loss you have sustained by the decease of your most excellent wife. It is a stroke which will be long felt by all her surviving friends : how much more by a person with whom she was so long and so happily united ! There are many considerations, how- ever, which must occur to your mind in allevia- tion of your distress. The clear deceased had long been rendered incapable, by the severity of her affliction, of enjoying life ; and a further extension of it would have been but a prolonga- tion of woe. Much as her friends must regret her loss, to have been eagerly solicitous for her continuance here would have been a refined selfishness rather than true friendship. She was spared for the kindest purposes, to exem- plify the power of religion in producing a cheer- ful resignation to the will of God, through a long series of suffering, to a degree which I never saw equalled in any other instance. There was the faith and patience of the saints. Her graces were most severely tried, and surely never did any shine brighter. The most active and zealous services in religion could not have yielded more glory to God than the dignified composure, the unruffled tranquillity, and the unaltered sweetness she maintained amidst her trials. Oh, my dear friend, let the image of her virtues be ever impressed on your heart, and ever improved as an incentive to that close walk with God which laid the foundation of all her excellence. To have had an opportunity of contemplating the influence of genuine religion so intimately, and under so interesting a form, is a privilege which falls to the lot of few, and is surely one of the most inestimable advantages we can possess. That she was spared to you so long ; that her patience continued unexhausted amidst so severe a pressure; and, above all, that you have so well-grounded an assurance of her happiness, must fill you with a grateful sense of the divine goodness. This state is designed to be a mingled scene, in which joy and sorrow, and serenity and storms, take their turns. A perpetuity of either would be unsuit- able to us ; an uninterrupted series of prosperity would fill us with worldly passions ; an un- broken continuity of adversity would unfit us for exertion. The spirit would fail before Him, and the BOtds which He hath made. Pain and pleasure, scenes of satisfaction and sorrow, are admirably attempered with each other, so as to give us constant room for thankfulness, and yet to remind us that this is not our rest. Our dear and invaluable friend has entered into the world of perfect spirits, to which she made so near an approach during her continuance here. To a mind so refined, and exercised in the school of affliction, so resigned to the divine will, and so replete with devotion and benevo- lence, how easy and delightful was the transi- tion ! To her to live was Oftrist, but to die was gain. Let us improve this dispensation of Providence, by imitating her example : let us cherish her memory with reverential tenderness ; and consider it as an additional call to all we have received before, to seek the things that are above. I confess, the thought of so dear a friend having left this world makes an abatement of its value in my estimation, as I doubt not it will still more in yours. The thought of my journey to London gives me little or no pleasure ; for I shall hear the accents of that sweet voice which so naturally expressed the animation of benevolence— I shall behold that countenance which displayed so many amiable sentiments — no more. But can we wish her back? Can we wish to recall her from that blissful society which she has joined, and where she is singing a new song ? No, my dear friend ! you will not be so selfish. You will, I trust, aspire with greater ardour than ever after the heavenly world, and be daily imploring fresh supplies of that grace which will tit you for an everlasting union with our deceased friend. I hope her amiable nieces will profit by this expressive event. And as they have (blessed be God for it) begun to seek after Sion with their faces thitherward, that they will walk forward with additional firmness and alacrity. I shall make little or no stay in London on my first journey ; but, as I long to see you, will spend the 11th instant (that is, the evening preceding my engagement to preach) at your house, if agreeable. I shall be glad to see Mr. Dove, but pray do not ask strangers. — I am your sympathizing friend, Kobert Hall. [Colonel Wellesley landed in India in the February of 1797, and was soon engaged in the war with the famous Tippoo Sultaun, and at the assault and capture of Seringa- patam, May 4, 1709, he commanded the reserve in the trenches. Iu 1800, the nun- THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 461 quillity of Mysore was disturbed by the reappearance, at the head of a numerous army, of a Marhatta freebooter, named Dhoondiah Waugh. Colonel "VVellesley, who knew him, though a despicable, to be a very formidable enemy, proceeded against him in person, 'with detachments of the army of Mysore.' Dhoondiah had pre- viously eluded the pursuit of two officers who had endeavoured to intercept him in his flight into the Marhatta country. ' Dhoondiah,' says Colonel Gurwood, 'had formerly committed various depredations on the territories of Tippoo Sultaun, who, having secured his person, compelled him to conform to the Mahometan faith, and afterwards employed him in military ser- vice ; ' subsequently, however, he confined him in irons in Seringapatam. Having been released after the capture of that fortress by the English troops, he fled to Bednore, and 'laid that rich country under severe contributions, which he exacted with un- relenting cruelty, perpetrating throughout the province the most atrocious acts of rapine and murder.' — Willmott.] THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO LIEUTENANT- COLONEL CLOSE. Camp, right of the Malpoorba, opposite Manowly, July 31, 1800. Dear Colonel, — I have the pleasure to in- form you that I have struck a blow against Dhoondiah, which he will feel severely. After the fall of Dummul and Gudduck, I heard that Dhoondiah was encamped near Soondootty, west of the Pursghur hill, and that his object was to cover the passage of his baggage over the Malpoorba at Manowly. I then determined upon a plan to attack both him and his baggage at the same time, in co-operation with Bowser, whose detachment, however, did not arrive at Dummul till the 28th, and was two marches in my rear ; but I thought it most important that I should approach Dhoondiah's army at all events, and take advantage of any movement which he might make. I accordingly moved on, and arrived on the 29th at Allagawaddy, which is fifteen miles from Soondootty, and twenty-six from this place. I intended to halt at Allagawaddy till the 31st, on which day I expected Colonel Bowser at Nurgoond ; but Dhoondiah broke up from Soondootty as soon as he heard of my arrival at Allagawaddy, sent part of his army to Peedwaur, part towards Jellahaul, and part with the baggage to this place. I then marched on the morning of the 30th to Hoogurgoor, which is east of the Pursghur Hill, where I learned that Dhoondiah was here with his baggage. I determined to move on and attack him. I surprised his camp at three o'clock in the evening with the cavalry ; and we drove into the river or destroyed every- body that was in it, took an elephant, several camels, bullocks, horses, and innumerable families, women, and children. The guns were gone over, and we made an attempt to dismount them by a fire from this side ; but it was getting dark, and my infantry was fatigued by the length of the march ; we lost a man or two, and I saw plainly that we should not succeed ; I therefore withdrew my guns to my camp. I do not know whether Dhoondiah was with this part of the army, but I rather believe not. Bubber Jung was in the camp, put on his armour to fight, mounted his horse, and rode him into the river, where he was drowned. Numbers met with the same fate. One tandah of brinjarries, in this neighbourhood, has sent to me for cowle, and I have got the family of a head brinjarry among those of several others. I have detained them ; but have sent cowle to the brinjarry. I hear that everybody is desert- ing Dhoondiah ; and I believe it, as my Mar- hattas are going out this night to attack one of his parties gone towards Darwar. They were before very partial to my camp. I have a plan for crossing some Europeans over the river to destroy the guns, which I am afraid I cannot bring off, and then I think I shall have done this business completely. I am not quite certain of success, however, as the river is broad and rapid. — Believe me, etc. Arthur Welleslet. [No circumstance in the despatches of the Duke of Wellington awakens a livelier feeling of pleasure and surprise in the mind of the reader, than the simple, natural, yet touch- ing and consolatory manner in which that illustrious commander communicates the death or the sufferings of his officers to their relatives and friends. Avoiding all the common topics of condolence, he places before the bereaved mother or father every consideration likely to reconcile them to the loss they have experienced in the cause of their country. To these letters the Epitaph of Collins might have been affixed for a motto. — Willmott.] TO LADY SARAH NAPIER. Gall egos, January 29, 1812. My DEAR Madam, — I am sorry to tell you that your son George was again wounded iu the 462 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. right arm so badly last night, in the storm of Ciudad Rodrigo, that it was necessary to ampu- tate it above the elbow. He, however, bore the operation remarkably well, and I have seen him this morning free from pain and fever, and enjoying highly his success before he had re- ceived his wound. "When he did receive it, he only desired that I might be informed that he had led his men to the top of the breach before he had fallen. Having such sons, I am aware that you expect to bear of those misfortunes, which I have more than once had to communicate to you ; and notwithstanding your affection for them, you have so just a notion of the value of the dis- tinction they are daily acquiring for themselves, by their gallantry and good conduct, that theii misfortunes do not make so great an impression upon you. Under such circumstances, I perform the task which I have taken upon myself with less reluctance, hoping at the same time that this will be the last occasion on which I shall have to address you upon such a subject, and that your brave sons will be spared to you. Although the last was the most serious, it was not the only wound which George received during the siege of Ciudad Rodrigo ; he was hit by the splinter of a shell in the shoulder on the 16th. — Believe me, etc. TO LORD SOMERS. Villa- Tor 0, October 11, 1812. My Lord, — As I have before had the honour of writing to you respecting your son, I cannot allow my despatch to go to England, with the melancholy account of the loss which you have sustained, without addressing a few lines to you. Your son fell as he had lived, in the zealous and gallant discharge of his duty. He had already distingnished himself in the course of the operations of the attack on the Castle of Burgos to such a degree as to induce me to recommend him for promotion ; and I assure your lordship, that if Providence had spared him to you, he possessed acquirements and was endowed with qualities to become one of the greatest ornaments of his profession, and to continue an honour to his family and an advan- tage to his country. I have no hope that what I have above stated to your lordship will at all tend to alleviate your affliction on this melancholy occasion; but I could not denj myself the satisfaction of assuring you, that I was highly sensible of the merits of your son, and that I most sincerely lament his loss. — I have the honour to be, etc. [Among the political opponents who had de- preciated, with all the virulence of party, the early campaigns of "Wellington, Mr. Whitbread had distinguished himself by the vehemence of his hostility. But he was a generous, though a prejudiced an- tagonist, and having been convinced of the injustice of his censures, not only acknow- ledged his error in Parliament, but addressed a letter to Lord "Wellington in the same pacific spirit. — Wilimott.] TO SAMUEL WHITBREAD, r?Q. Elvas, May 23, 1811. My DEAR Sir,— I am most highly gratified by your letter of the 29th April, which I received List night ; and I beg leave to return my thanks for the mode in which you have taken the trouble of informing me of the favourable change of your opinion respecting affairs in this country. I acknowledge that I was much con- cerned to find that persons, for whom I enter- tained the highest respect, and whose opinions were likely to have great weight in England, and throughout Europe, had delivered erroneous opinions, as I thought, respecting affairs in this country ; and I prized their judgments so highly, at the same time that I was certain of the error of the opinion which they had delivered, that I was induced to attribute their conduct to the excess of the spirit of party. I assure you that, highly as I am gratified and flattered by the approbation of and yourself and others, that which gives me most pleasure in the account which I received last night from England, is to be convinced that such men could not be unjust towards an officer in the service of the country abroad ; and that the opinions which they had delivered, however unfavourable to him, were the real dictates of their judgments, upon a fair view of all the circumstances which had come to their knowledge. To the gratification arising from this conviction, to one who appears destined to pass his life in the harness, you have added that which I have received from your obliging letter, and I assure you that I am very sensible of the kindness towards me which induced you to write to me. TO A CORRESPONDENT. Parit, August 17, 1815. My dear Sir,— I have received your letter of the 11th, ami ragrel much 1 have not been able to prevail upon you to relinquish your plan. You may depend upon it you will never make it a satisfactory work. I will get you a list of the French army, generals, etc. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 463 Just to show you how little reliance can be placed even on what are supposed the best accounts of a battle, I mention that there are some circumstances mentioned in General 's account, which did not occur as he relates them. He was not on the field during the whole battle, particularly not during the latter part of it. The battle began, I believe, at eleven o'clock. It is impossible to say when each important occurrence took place, nor in what order. "We were attacked first with in- fantry only, then with cavalry only ; lastly and principally, with cavalry and infantry mixed. No houses were possessed by the enemy in Mont St. Jean, excepting the farm in front of the left of our centre, on the road to Gemappe, can be called one. This they got, I think, at about two o'clock, and got it from a circumstance which is to be attributed to the neglect of the officer commanding on the spot. The French cavalry were on the plateau in the centre, between the two high roads, for nearly three-quarters of an hour, riding about among our squares of infantry, all firing having ceased on both sides. I moved our squares forward to the guns ; and our cavalry, which had been detached by Lord Uxbridge to the flanks, was brought back to the centre. The French cavalry were then driven off. After that circumstance, repeated attacks were made along the whole front of the centre of the position, by cavalry and infantry, till seven at night ; how many I cannot tell. When the enemy attacked Sir Thomas Picton, I was there, and they got as far as the hedge on the cross- road, behind which the cavalry had been formed. The latter had run away, and our troops were on our side of the hedge. The French were driven off with immense loss. This was the first principal attack. At about two o'clock in the afternoon, as I have above said, they got possession of the farm-house on the high road, which defended this part of the position ; and they then took possession of a small mound on the left of the bigh road going from Bruxelles, immediately opposite the gate of the farm ; and they were never removed from thence till I commenced the attack in the evening ; but they never advanced farther on that side. These are answers to all your queries ; but, remember, I recommend to you to leave the battle of Waterloo as it is. Wellington. TO LORD BERESFORD. Gonesse, July 2, 1815. My dear Beresford, — I have received your letter of the 9th of June. You should recom- mend for the Spanish medal for Albuera, according to the rules laid down by the King of Spain for the grant of it. I should think it should be given only to those who were there and actually engaged. I am, as soon as I shall have a little time, going to recommend officers for the Order of San Fernando, and will apply to you for a Portuguese list. You will have heard of our battle of the 18th. Never did I see such a pounding match : both were what the boxers call gluttons. Napoleon did not manoeuvre at all ; he just moved forward in the old style, in columns, and was driven off in the old style ; the only difference was, that he mixed cavalry with his infantry, and supported both with an enormous quantity of artillery. I had the infantry for some time in squares, and we had the French cavalry walking about us as if they had been our own. I never saw the British infantry behave so well. Boney is now off, I believe, to Bochefort, to go to America ; the army, about forty thousand or fifty thousand, are in Paris ; Blucher on the left of the Seine, and I with my right in front of St. Denis, and the left upon the Bois de Bondy. They have fortified St. Denis and Montmartre very strongly. The canal De l'Ourcq is filled with water, and they have a parapet and batteries on the bank, so that I do not believe we can attack this line ; however, I will see. — Believe me, etc. Wellington. [No person who has heard Mr. Wordsworth dilate upon the classical school of English poetry, from Pope to Campbell, will expect to receive from his pen any enthusiastic eulogy of Dryden. The author of Mac Flecnoe could not have found a severer critic than the author of the Excursion. The works of that illustrious poet, whom Gray told Beattie not only to admire, but to be blind to all his faults, have been for some time passing into the study of the scholar. No republication of any standard English writer, addressed to the general reader, obtains so moderate a circulation. Even his fables have ceased to be a fireside book. Mr. Wordsworth thinks the trans- lations from Boccaccio the most poetical of Dryden's productions ; but the adaptation of the Flower and the Leaf, from Chaucer, possesses the most copious vein of fancy, the most picturesque combination of cir- cumstances, and the most easy music of narration. A writer, not remarkable for poetical enthusiasm, has expressed an opinion that, ' regarded merely as an exhibi- tion of a soothing and delicious luxuriance 464 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. of imagination, this poem deserves to be classed with the greatest efforts of human genius.' Neither these nor the following remarks are made in any presumptuous opposition to the opinion of the greatest poet of the present age, whose works have diffused a purer strain of philosophy than ever flowed from the lips of Dryden. — Will mutt.'] WORDSWORTH TO SCOTT. Patterdale, Nov. 7, 1805. My dear Scott, — I was much pleased to hear of your engagement with Dryden, not that he is, as a poet, any great favourite of mine. I admire his talents and genius highly ; but his is not a poetical genius. The only qualities I can find in Dryden that are essentially poetical, are a certain ardour and impetuosity of mind, with an excellent ear. It may seem strange that I do not add to this, great command of language : that he certainly has, and of such language, too, as it is most desirable that a poet should possess, or rather that he should not be without. But it is not language that is, in the highest sense of the word, poetical, being neither of the imagination nor of the passions ; I mean the amiable, the ennobling, or the in- tense passions. I do not mean to say that there is nothing of this in Dryden, but as little, I think, as is possible, considering how much he has written. You will easily understand my meaning when I refer to his versification of Palamon and Arcite, as contrasted with the language of Chaucer. Dryden had neither a tender heart, nor a lofty sense of moral dignity. Whenever his language is poetically impassioned, it is mostly upon unpleasing subjects, such as the follies, vices, and crimes of classes of men or of individuals. That his cannot be the language of imagination, must have necessarily followed from this — that there is not a single image from nature in the whole body of his works; and in his translation from Virgil, whenever Virgil can be fairly said to have had his eye upon his object, Dryden always spoils the passage. But too much of this ; I am glad that you are to be his editor. His political and satirical pieces maybe greatly benefited by illustration, and even absolutely require it. A correct text is the first object of an editor ; then such notes as explain difficult and obscure passages; and lastly, which is much less important, notes pointing out authors to whom the poet has been indebted, and not in the fiddling way of here and phrase there (which is detest- able as a general practice), but where he lias ential obligations, either as to matter or manner, if 1 can be of any use to you, do not fail to apply tome. One thing I may take the liberty to suggest ; when you come to the Fables, might it not be advisable to print the whole of the Talcs of Boccace in a smaller type in the original language? If this should look too much like swelling a book, I should certainly make such extracts as would show where Dryden has most strikingly improved upon, or fallen below, his original. I think his translations from Boccace are the best, at least the most poetical, of his poems. It is many years since I read Boccace, but I remember that Sigismunda is not married by him to Guiscard (the names are different in Boccace, in both tales, I believe, certainly in Theodore, etc.). I think Dryden has much injured the story of the marriage, and degraded Sigismunda's character by it. He has also, to the best of my remembrance, degraded her still more by making her love absolute sensuality. Dryden had no other notion of the passion. With all these defects, and they are very gross ones, it is a noble poem. Guiscard's answer, when first reproached by Tancred, is noble in Boccace : nothing but this : Amor pud molto pul, che ne vol ne io possiamo. This Dryden has spoiled. He says first very well, ' The faults of love by love are justified ; ' and then come four lines of miserable rant, quite a la Maximin. Farewell, and believe me ever your affectionate friend, William Wordsworth. [James Ballantyne, in his Memorandum, after mentioning his ready acceptance of Scott's proposal to print the Minstrelsy, adds — 'I do not believe that, even at this time, he seriously contemplated giving himself much to literature.' I confess, however, that a letter of his, addressed to Ballantyne in the spring of 1800, inclines me to question the accuracy of this impression. After alluding to an intention which he had entertained, in consequence of the delay of Lewis's collection, to publish an edition of the ballads contained in his own little volume, entitled Apology for Tales of Terror, he goes on to detail plans for the future direction of his printer's career, which were, no doubt, primarily suggested by the friendly interest he took in Ballantyne's fortunes ; but there are some hints which, considering what afterwards did take place, Lead me to suspect that even thus early the writer contemplated the possibility at hast of being himself very intimately connected with the result of these air-drawn schemes. — EiOOEHABT'S /-resent information goes, the amount was doubled. ' — Scotsman. ] SCOTT TO SIR SAMUEL TOLLER. (Private and Confidential .) Edinburyh, December 9, 1818. Sir, — The assurances of my kind and much respected friend the Lord Chief Commissioner for the Court of Jury Trial in Scotland, induce me to break through all the usual forms, and charge you at once with a delicate, and perhaps a troublesome, piece of business on the part of a perfect stranger. If, however, to be known to the Strange family, — to be very intimate with Lord Melville, — to be acquainted with the Marquis of Hastings, and some other persons immediately connected with India, — could pro- pitiate yon in my favour, I could have easily obtained their Banotion for my present applica- tion. But those who know our kind and mutual friend the Lord Chief Commissioner, will scarce think any recommendation, however respectable, will add weight to his. His letter will explain why I have had the boldness to send you a power of attorney to act as your judgment may dictate on behalf of four young persons, my children, who, under the will of their uncle by the mother's side, Charles Carpenter, Esq., late Commercial Resident at Salem, are heirs to his fortune in Britain and in India, after the death of his widow, to whom he has (most properly) bequeathed the life-rent of his property. It becomes necessary, sir, that I should write to a gentleman I have never seen with the full confidence of an old and proved friend ; and without hesitation I proceed to do so. My wife is her brother's only surviving rela- tion : they parted in early youth, never to meet again. Their intercourse was, however, regular and most affectionate on both parts. I never saw my brother-in-law, but I have no reason to suppose my alliance was disagreeable to him, but much the contrary. I am a stranger to the family into which he married, only I know they are highly respectable. I enclose a copy of Mr. Carpenter's Mill, naming his widow life-rentrix and sole executrix, and settling his property on my children in default of his own : he died childless. 1 I enclose an extract of a letter from Mr. Josiah Marshal Heath, who is married to a sister of Mrs. Carpenter, and acts as her attorney in thsse matters. I only say upon this subject that his idea of the funds here is exaggerated. By the report of Mrs. Carpenter's confidential agent, Mr. Stephen Xicolson Barber, the property now amounts to £24,844, 14s. 4d. 3 per cent. Consols, remitted by Mr. Carpenter upon his marriage, and purchased for about 54 per cent. ; £13,8S1 4 per cent., arising chiefly from dividends invested from time to time, interest being added to principal— worth both together about £30,000 as the funds are. Mr. Carpenter does not appear to have made any considerable addition to these European funds by remittances from India, but on this point my present information is general. Mr. Heath writes me that the Indian funds (all debts paid) may net £0000 or £7000 ; about three weeks later he writes to Mr. Barber there may be a balance of £S000 or £10,000 in favour of the estate. I am aware my brother-in law- practised hospitality in a great extent, and that his family was vury expensive. But I know he wrote to me long since inquiring how £3000 a year would answer in this country ; and I think it Btrange that lie should have toiled so verj long in a situation supposed to be lucrative, without making more than from £7000 to £10,000 in seven or eight years. He wrote to his sister a letter received about two months i First printed in the Scotsman, April 11, 1S8-J. This letter throws additional light on Scott's marriage arrangements. See letters of Scott to Miss Carpenter p. 219. ;ty S*u — THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 479 sincj, mentioning his positive intention of arranging his affairs and returning to Britain for life. I am at a loss to think how he could have proposed this on £2000 a year. I must add that the report of gentlemen writing home from India to their friends here, estimate his fortune at about £70,000, and I have reason to think that gentlemen in the Civil Service in India can form, with considerable accuracy, something like a general guess at the fortunes of each other. These circumstances, sir, I state frankly, as they weigh on my own mind. They are not, however, such as ought to infer anything like an unhandsome prejudice against my sister-in- law or Mr. Heath ; and if either the letter to me or that of a much later date to Mr. Barber had given anything like a general view of the funds in India, you would have been spared this trouble. For I am aware that property in this state is exaggerated by report, and that the other circumstances I have mentioned may be all capable of the most perfect explanation. Mr. Carpenter, in speaking of £3000 a year, may have announced his hopes rather than his certainties. A man who lives expensively cannot save much ; and one who winds up his own extensive commerce may reasonably hope to make more of it than a stranger. It is possible, also, that as Mr. Heath's estimate has risen from £G000 to £10,000, it may ascend higher as he becomes more completely ac- quainted with my brother's transactions. Still it is my duty, as acting for my children, to obtain the opinion of some impartial person on a subject so important — it will free me to my own mind, and ought to be (as doubtless it will be) pleasant for Mr. Heath himself. I am sure I should think so in his case. And apart from all those circumstances, Mrs. Carpenter's health is stated to be very delicate, which makes it of itself advisable that my children should have an attorney in India, with full powers in case of the executrix's inability to act, or her demise before the affairs are wound up. I must, however, add that I have not the least wish to hurt Mrs. Carpenter's feelings or embarrass her management by any unnecessary ' interference. I have written to Mr. Heath in answer to a passage, in which he presumes it will be unnecessary to precipitate the disposal of the house, etc. while Mrs. Carpenter remains in India ; that far from wishing this, my children (who are, in point of feeling, old enough to think for themselves, and I hope have, from nature and education, the disposi- tion to think rightly) earnestly wish Mrs. Carpenter's wishes and convenience to be consulted as the primary object in all these matters. It is not their wish, or, God knows, mine, to make the utmost penny of this large succession, at the expense of what is better worth than the whole of it is— I mean fair and liberal principle. As their uncle has made them in place of his children, they owe Mrs. Carpenter all the deference and respectful attention that is due to a mother. I said on their part that I hoped she would retain without scruple such person- alities as plate, books, and so forth, only begging for my wife a seal or ring of her brother's, and for myself his arms, if he had any, or any skins or Indian curiosities which she might not incline to keep, or give away to his friends. I clogg'd my renunciation with these trifling re- quests, only to show it was quite sincere, and this commission with which you are like to be burthened has no regard to such small objects. In regard to the management, I am aware it is impossible to interfere very effectually with- out having recourse to measures which I cannot suppose necessary. But the opportunity of inspection, and perhaps of advice, will not, I am sure, be denied to a gentleman of your high situation and character acting on the part of minors. I have only to add that, any part of the trouble which can be efficiently devolved upon any official person I entreat you will commit to the charge of whomsoever you may approve, and act in the whole matter as your experience and delicacy shall suggest. It is little to say that every attendant expense will be cheerfully satisfied. I wish I covdd add that anything was in my power that could mark my feeling of the favour upon which I am very boldly reckoning ; but I will eagerly embrace any opportunity that may occur to make manifest at least my sense of the obliga- tion. I shall send a duplicate, perhaps even a triplicate, of the power of attorney, with copies of this letter, and that of the Lord Chief Com- missioner, as well as of Mr. Heath's letters to myself and Mr. Barber, and of Mr. Carpenter's will ; for if this precaution is at all necessary, the certainty of the power reaching you as early as possible is a point to be insured. But I ex- pect to hear, what will give me the most sincere pleasure, that your inspection of these affairs is no otherwise necessary than to obtain the satisfactory testimony and sanction of an ex- perienced and impartial person to the mode of management adopted by Mr. Heath, under authority of the executrix. In a trifling con- cern it would not occur to me to take such precautions ; but here the stake is very serious, and the persons concerned those whose interest ought to be dearer than my own, and who cannot act for themselves. I have written to Mr. Heath mentioning the step I have taken with as much delicacy as possible ; but as he may not receive it, I hope, so soon as the power of attorney reaches you, you will have the kindness to act upon it aa your own prudence and delicacy will suggest. 480 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. — I have the honour to subscribe myself, sir, your most obedient, humble servant, Walter Scott. I am happy to say that the health of our mutual friend, the Lord Commissioner, which was indifferent during the summer, is now greatly restored. [It appears that Nigel was published on the 30th of May 1822 ; and next day Constable writes as follows from his temporary resi- dence near London : — ] A. CONSTABLE TO SCOTT. Casthbeare Park, May 31, 1822. Dear Sir Walter,- I have received the highest gratification from the perusal of a certain new work. I may indeed say new work, for it is entirely so, and will, if that be possible, eclipse in popularity all that has gone before it. The author will be blamed for one thing, however unreasonably, and that is, for con- cluding the story without giving his readers a little more of it. We are a set of ungrateful mortals. For one thing at least I trust I am never to be found so, for I must ever most duly appreciate the kind things intended to be applied to me in the Introductory Epistle to this work. I learn with astonishment, but not less delight, that the press is at work again ; the title, which has been handed to me, is quite excellent. I am now so well as to find it compatible to pay my respects to some of my old haunts in the metropolis, where I go occasionally. I was in town yesterday, and so keenly were the people devouring my friend Jingling Geordie, that I actually saw them reading it in the streets as they passed along. I assure you there is no exaggeration in this. A new novel from the author of Wavcvlcy puts aside, in other words, puts down for the time, every other literary performance. The smack Ocean, by which the new work was shipped, arrived at the wharf on Sunday ; the bales were got out by one on Monday morning, and before half-past ten o'clock 7000 copies had been dis- persed from 00 Chcapsiilc. 1 I sent my secretary on purpose to witness the activity with which such things are conducted, and to bring me the account, gratifying certainly, which I now give you. I went yesterday to the shop of a curious person Mr. Bwaby, in Warden Street— to look at an old portrait which my son, when lately 'Con table' i ioi Ion a ents, Messrs. Hurst* Robin- son, and Co., hud then their premises iii Cbeapslde. here, mentioned to me. It is, I think, a portrait of James the Fourth, and if not an original, is doubtless a picture as early as his reign. Our friend Mr. Thomson has seen it aud is of the same opinion ; but I purpose that you should be called upon to decide this nice point, and I have ordered it to be forwarded to you, trusting that ere long I may see it in the armoury at Abbotsford. I found at the same place two large elbow chairs, elaborately carved, in boxwood, with figures, foliage, etc. perfectly entire. Mr. Swaby, from whom I purchased them, assured me that they came from the Borghese Palace at Rome ; lie possessed originally ten such chairs, and had sold six of them to the Duke of Rutland, for Belvoir Castle, where they will be appropriate furniture ; the two which I have obtained would, I think, not be less so in the library of Abbotsford. I have been so fortunate as to secure a still more curious article : a slab of mosaic pave- ment, quite entire and large enough to make an outer hearthstone, which I also destined for Abbotsford. It occurred to me that these three articles might prove suitable to your taste, and under that impression I am now induced to take the liberty of requesting you to accept them as a small but sincere pledge of grateful feeling. Our literary connection is too import- ant to make it necessary for your publishers to trouble you about the pounds, shillings, and pence of such things ; and I therefore trust you will receive them on the footing I have thus taken the liberty to name. I have been on the outlook for antique carvings, and if I knew the purposes for which you would want such, I might probably be able to send you some. I was truly happy to hear of Halidon Hill, and of the satisfactory arrangements made for its publication. I wish I had the power of prevailing with you to give us a similar pro- duction every three months ; and that our ancient enemies on this side the Border might not have too much their own way, perhaps your next dramatic sketch might be Bannock- bum. 1 It would be presumptuous in me to point out subjects, but you know my craving to be great, and I cannot resist mentioning here that I should like to see a Battle of Hastings, a Cressy, a Bosworth Field, and many more. Sir Thomas Lawrence was so kind as to invito me to see his pictures,— what an admirable portrait ho has commenced of you ! — he has altogether hit a happy and interesting expres- sion. I do not know whether you have heard that there is an exhibition at Leeds this year. I had an application for the use of Raeburn's picture, which is now there ; and it stands i llnd Mr. Constable quite forgotten the Lord oj tlic Ides ! THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 481 No. 1 in the catalogue, of which I enclose you a copy. You will receive with this a copy of the Poetry, Original and Selected. I have, I fear, overshot the mark by including the poetry of The Pirate, a liberty for which I must hope to be forgiven. The publication of the volume will be delayed ten days, in case you should do me the favour to suggest any alteration in the advertisement, or other change. — I have the honour to be, dear Sir Walter, your faithful, humble servant, Archibald Constable. [On the eve of the King's (George IV.) depart- ure from Scotland he received the following communication : — ] SIR R. PEEL TO SCOTT. Edinburgh, August 28, 1822. My DEAR Sir, — The King has commanded me to acquaint you that he cannot bid adieu to Scotland without conveying to you individu- ally his warm personal acknowledgments for the deep interest you have taken in every ceremony and arrangement connected with his Majesty's visit, and for your ample contributions to their complete success. His Majesty well knows how many difficulties have been smoothed, and how much has been effected by your unremitting activity, by your knowledge of your countrymen, and by the just estimation in which they hold you. The King wishes to make you the channel of conveying to the Highland chiefs and their followers, who have given to the varied scene which we have witnessed so peculiar and romantic a character, his particular thanks for their attendance, and his warm approbation of their uniform deportment. He does justice to the ardent spirit of loyalty by which they are animated, and is convinced that he could offer no recompense for their services so gratifying to them as the assurance, which I now convey, of the esteem and approbation of their Sovereign. I have the honour to be, my dear sir, with great truth, most truly and faithfully yours, Robert Peel. [The letters of Peter Plymley, by Sydney Smith, were the contributions of that witty divine on the vexed subject of greater concessions to the Roman Catholics ; but although they helped forward the object in view, it is generally allowed that ho offends here and there by overmuch free- dom of language.] PETER PLTMLEY's LETTERS ON THE SUBJECT OP THE CATHOLICS. Dear Abraham, — A worthier and better man than yourself does not exist ; but I have always told you, from the time of our boyhood, that you were a bit of a goose. Your parochial affairs are governed with exemplary order and regu- larity ; you are as powerful in the vestry as Mr. Perceval is in the House of Commons, — and, I must say, with much more reason ; nor do I know any church where the faces and smock- frocks of the congregation are so clean, or their eyes so uniformly directed to the preacher. There is another point upon which I will do you ample justice, and that is, that the eyes so directed towards you are wide open ; for the rustic has, in general, good principles, though he cannot control his animal habits ; and how- ever loud he may snore, his face is perpetually turned towards the fountain of orthodoxy. Having done you this act of justice, I shall proceed, according to our ancient intimacy and familiarity, to explain to you my opinions about the Catholics, and to reply to yours. In the first place, my sweet Abraham, the Pope is not landed, nor are there any curates sent out after him, nor has he been hid at St. Alban's by the Dowager Lady Spencer, nor dined privately at Holland House, nor been seen near Dropmore. If these fears exist (which I do not believe), they exist only in the mind of the Chancellor of the Exchequer ; they emanate from his zeal for the Protestant interest; and though they reflect the highest honour upon the delicate irritability of his faith, must certainly be considered as more ambiguous proofs of the sanity and vigour of his under- standing. By this time, however, the best- informed clergy in the neighbourhood of the metropolis are convinced that the rumour is without foundation ; and though the Pope is probably hovering about our coast in a fishing smack, it is most likely he will fall a prey to the vigilance of our cruisers ; and it is certain he has not yet polluted the Protestantism of our soil. Exactly in the same manner, the story of the wooden gods seized at Charing Cross, by an order from the Foreign Office, turns out to be without the shadow of a foundation : instead of the angels and archangels mentioned by the informer, nothing was discovered but a wooden image of Lord Mulgrave, going down to Chatham as a headpiece for the Spanker gun-vessel : it was an exact resemblance of his lordship in his military uniform, and therefore as little like a god as can well be imagined. Having set your fears at rest as to the extent of the conspiracy formed against the Protestant religion, I will now come to the argument itself. You say these men interpret the Scriptures in an unorthodox manner, and that they eat 2 II 482 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. their god. Very likely. All this may seem very important to you, who live fourteen miles from a market-town, and, from long residence upon your living, are become a kind of holy vege- table ; and, in a theological sense, it is highly important. But I want soldiers and sailors for the state ; I want to make a greater use than I now can do of a poor country full of men ; I want to render the military service popular among the Irish ; to check the power of France; to make every possible exertion for the safety of Europe, which in twenty years' time will be nothing but a mass of French slaves, and then you, and ten thousand other such boobies as you, call out— 'For God's sake, do not think of raising cavalry and infantry in Ireland ! . . . They interpret the Epistle to Timothy in a different manner from what we do ! . . . They eat a bit of wafer every Sunday, which they call their God !' . . . I wish to my soul they would eat you, and such reasoners as you are. What when Turk, Jew, heretic, infidel, Catholic, Protestant, are all combined against this country ; when men of every religious per- suasion and no religious persuasion ; when the population of half the globe is up in arms against us,— are we to stand examining our generals and armies as a bishop examines a candidate for holy orders ? and to suffer no one to bleed for England who does not agree with you about the 2d of Timothy ? You talk about the Catholics ! If you and your brotherhood have been able to persuade the country into a continuation of this grossest of all absurdities, you have ten times the power which the Catholic clergy ever had in their best days. Louis XIV., when he revoked the Edict of Nantes, never thought of preventing the Protestants from fighting his battles, and gained accordingly some of his most splendid victories by the talents of his Protestant generals. No power in Europe but yourselves has ever thought, for these hundred years past, of asking whether a bayonet is Catholic, or Presbyterian, or Lutheran, but whether it is sharp and well-tempered. A bigot delights in public ridicule, for he begins to think he is a martyr. I can promise you the full enjoyment of this pleasure from one extremity of Europe to the other. I am as disgusted with the nonsense of the Roman Catholic religion as you can be ; and no man who talks such nonsense shall ever tithe the product of the earth, nor meddle with the ecclesiastical establishment in any shape ; but what have I to do with the speculative nonsense of his theology, when the object is to elect the mayor of a county town, or to appoint a colonel of a marching regiment! Will a man discharge the solemn impertinences of the one office with less zeal, or shrink from the bloody boldness of the other with greater timidity, because the blockhead believes in all the Catholic nonsense of the Ileal Presence. I am sorry there should be such impious folly in the world, but I should be ten times a greater fool than he is, if ] refused, in consequence of his folly, to lead him out against the enemies of the State. Your whole argument is wrong ; the State has nothing whatever to do with theological errors which do not violate the common rules of morality, and militate against the fair power of the ruler : it leaves all these errors to you, and to such as you. You have every tenth porker in your parish for refuting them ; and take care that you are vigilant and logical in the task. I love the Church as well as you do ; but you totally mistake the nature of an establishment, when you contend that it ought to be connected with the military and civil career of every indi- vidual in the State. It is quite right that there should be one clergyman to every parish interpreting the Scriptures after a particular manner, ruled by a regular hierarchy, and paid with a rich proportion of haycocks and wheat- sheafs. When I have laid this foundation for a national religion in the State, — when I have placed ten thousand well - educated men in different parts of the kingdom to preach it up, and compelled everybody to pay them, whether they hear them or not, — I have taken such measures as I know must always procure an immense majority in favour of the Established Church ; but I can go no farther. I cannot set up a civil inquisition, and say to one, you shall not be a butcher because you are not orthodox ; and prohibit another from brewing, and a third from administering the law, and a fourth from defending the country. If common justuie did not prohibit me from such a conduct, common sense would. The advantage to be gained by quitting the heresy would make it shameful to abandon it ; and men who had once left the Church would continue in such a state of alien- ation from a point of honour, and transmit that spirit to the latest posterity. This is just the effect your disqualifying laws have produced. They have fed Dr. Eees and Dr. Kippifl ; crowded the congregation of the Old Jewry to suffocation ; and enabled every sublapsarian, and superlapsarian, and semi pelagian clergy- man, to build himself a neat brick chapel, and live with some distant resemblance to the state of a gentleman. You say the King's coronation oath will not allow him to consent to any relaxation of the Catholic laws. Why not relax the Catholic laws as well as the laws against Protestant dissenters ? If one is contrary to his oath, the other must be so too ; for the spirit of the oath is, to defend the Church establishment, which the Quaker and tl.< Presbyterian differ fr much or more than the Catholic ; and yet his Majesty has repealed the Corporation and Test Act in Inland, and don< more for the Catholics of both kingdoms than had been done for them since the Reformation. In 177S, the ministers THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 4S3 said nothing about the royal conscience ; in 17 ( J3 no conscience ; in 1804 no conscience ; the com- mon feelings of humanity and justice then seem to have had their fullest influence upon the advisers of the Crown ; but in 1807— a year, I suppose, eminently fruitful in moral and religious scruples (as some years are fruitful in apples, some in hops) — it is contended by the well-paid John Bowles, and by Mr. Perceval (who tried to be well paid), that that is now perjury which we had hitherto called policy and benevolence ! Religious liberty has never made such a stride as under the reign of his present Majesty ; nor is there any instance in the annals of our history where so many infamous and damnable laws have been repealed as those against the Catholics which had been put an end to by him ; and then, at the close of his useful policy, his advisers discover that the very measures of concession and indulgence, or (to use my own language) the measures of justice, which he has been pursuing through the whole of his reign, are contrary to the oath he takes at its commencement ! That oath binds his Majesty not to consent to any measure contrary to the interest of the Established Church ; but who is to judge of the tendency of each particular measure ? Not the King alone ; it can never be the intention of this law that the King, who listens to the advice of his Parliament upon a road bill, should reject it upon the most import- ant of all measures. "Whatever be his own private judgment of the tendency of any eccle- siastical bill, he complies most strictly with his oath, if he is guided in that particular point by the advice of his Parliament, who may be pre- sumed to understand its tendency better than the King or any other individual. You say, if Parliament had been unanimous in their opinion of the absolute necessity for Lord Howick's bill, and the King had thought it pernicious, he would have been perjured if he had not rejected it. I say, on the contrary, his Majesty would have acted in the most conscientious manner, and have complied most scrupulously with his oath, if he had sacrificed his own opinion to the opinion of the great council of the nation, be- cause the probability was that such opinion was better than his own ; and upon the same prin- ciple, in common life, you give up your opinion to your physician, your lawyer, and your builder. You admit this bill did not compel the King to elect Catholic officers, but only gave him the option of doing so if he pleased ; but you add that the King was right in not trusting such dangerous power to himself or his successors. Now you are either to suppose that the King for the time being has a zeal for the Catholic establishment, or that he has not. If he has not, where is the danger of giving such an option ? If you suppose that he may be influ- enced by such an admiration of the Catholic religion, why did his present Majesty, in the year 1801, consent to that bill which em- powered the Crown to station ten thousand Catholic soldiers in any part of the kindgom, and placed them absolutely at the disposal of the Crown ? If the King of England for the time being is a good Protestant, there can be no danger in making the Catholic eligible to anything ; if he is not, no power can possibly be so dangerous as that conveyed by the bill last quoted, to which, in point of peril, Lord Howick's bill is a mere joke. But the real fact is, one bill opened a door to his Majesty's advisers for trick, jobbing, and in- trigue ; the other did not. Besides, what folly to talk to me of an oath, which, under all possible circumstances, is to prevent the relaxation of the Catholi laws ! for such a solemn appeal to God seta all condi- tions and contingencies at defiance. Suppose Buonaparte was to retrieve the only very great blunder he has made, and were to succeed, after repeated trials, in making an impression upon Ireland, do you think we should hear any- thing of the impediment of a coronation oath ? or would the spirit of this country tolerate for an hour such ministers, and such unheard-of nonsense, if the most distant prospect existed of conciliating the Catholics by every species even of the most abject concession? And yet, if your argument is good for anything, the coronation oath ought to reject, at such a moment, every tendency to conciliation, and to bind Ireland for ever to the crown of France. I found in your letter the usual remarks about fire, fagot, and bloody Mary. Are you aware, my dear priest, that there were as many persons put to death for religious opinions under the mild Elizabeth as under the bloody Mary? The reign of the former was, to be sure, ten times as long ; but I only mention the fact, merely to show you that something de- pends upon the age in which men live as well as on their religious opinions. Three hundred years ago men burnt and hanged each other for these opinions. Time has softened Catholic as well as Protestant : they both required it, though each perceives only his own improve- ment, and is blind to that of the other. "We are all the creatures of circumstances. I know not a kinder and better man than yourself; but you (if you had lived in those times) would certainly have roasted your Catholic ; and I promise you, if the first exciter of this religious mob had been as powerful then as he is now, you would soon have been elevated to the mitre. I do not go the length of saying that the world has suffered as much from Protestant as from CathoMc persecution, far from it ; but you should remember the Catholics had all the power, when the idea first started up in the world that there could be two modes of faith ; and that it was much more natural they 4 8 4 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. should attempt to crush this diversity of opinion by great and cruel efforts, than that the Protestants should rage against those who differed from them, when the veiy basis of fcheii system was complete freedom in all spiritual matters. I cannot extend my letter any farther at present, but you shall soon hear from me again. You tell me I am a party man. I hope I shall always be so when I see my country in the hands of a pert London joker and a second-rate lawyer. Of the first, no other good is known than that he makes pretty Latin verses ; the second seems to me to have the head of a country parson, and the tongue of an Old Bailey lawyer. If I could see good measures pursued, I care not a farthing who is in power ; but I have a passionate love for common justice and for common sense, and I abhor and despise every man who builds up his political fortune upon their ruin. God bless you, Eeverend Abraham, and de- fend you from the Pope, and all of us from that administration who seek power by oppos- ing a measure which Burke, Pitt, and Fox all considered as absolutely necessary to the exist- ence of the country. TO THE SAME. Dear Abraham, — The Catholic not respect an oath ! why not ? What upon earth has kept him out of Parliament, or excluded him from all the offices whence he is excluded, but his respect for oaths ? There is no law which prohibits a Catholic to sit in Parliament. There could be no such law, because it is impossible to find out what passes in the interior of any man's mind. Suppose it were in contemplation to exclude all men from certain offices who contended for the legality of taking tithes : the only mode of discovering that fervid love of decimation which I know you to possess would be to tender you an oath ' against that damnable doctrine, that it is lawful for a spiritual man to take, abstract, appropriate, subduct, or lead away the tenth calf, sheep, lamb, ox, pigeon, duck,' etc. etc. etc., and every other animal that ever existed, which of course the lawyers would take care to enumerate. Now this oath I am sure you would rather die than take ; and so tin Catholic is excluded from Parliament be- cause lie will not swear that lie disbelieves the leading doctrines of his religion ! The Catholic asks you to abolish some oaths which oppress him ; youx answer is, that he does not respect oaths. Then why Bubjeot him to the test of oaths? The oaths keep him out of Parlia- ment ; why, then, lie respects them. Turn which way you will, either your laws are nugatory, or the Catholic is bound by religious obligations as you are ; but no eel in the well- sanded fist of a cook-maid, upon the eve of being skinned, ever twisted and writhed as an orthodox parson does when he is compelled by the grip of reason to admit anything in favour of a dissenter. I will not dispute with you whether the Tope be or be not the Scarlet Lady of Babylon. I hope it is not so ; because I am afraid it will induce his Majesty's Chancellor of the Ex- chequer to introduce several severe bills against Popery if that is the case ; and though he will have the decency to appoint a previous com- mittee of inquiry as to the fact, the committee will be garbled, and the report inflammatory. Leaving this to be settled as he pleases to settle it, I wish to inform you that, previously to the bill last passed in favour of the Catholics, at the suggestion of Mr. Pitt, and for his satis- faction, the opinions of six of the most cele- brated of the foreign Catholic universities were taken as to the right of the Pope to interfere in the temporal concerns of any country. The answer cannot possibly leave the shadow of a doubt even in the mind of Baron Mascres ; and Dr. Penned would be compelled to admit it, if three bishops lay dead at the very moment the question were put to him. To this answer might be added also the solemn declaration and signature of all the Catholics in Great Britain. I should perfectly agree with you, if the Catholics admitted such a dangerous dispensing power in the hands of the Pope ; but they all deny it, and laugh at it, and are ready to abjure it in the most decided manner you can devise. They obey the Pope as the spiritual head of their Church ; but are you really so foolish as to be imposed upon by mere names ? What matters it the seven-thousandth part of a farthing who is the spiritual head of any Church? Is not Mr. 'Wilberforce at the head of the church of Clapham ? Is not Dr. Letsom at the head of the Quaker Church? Is not the General Assembly at the head of the Church of Scotland? How is the Government disturbed by these many-headed Churches ? or in what way is the power of the Crown augmented by this almost nominal dignity ? The King appoints a fast-day once a year, and he makes the bishops ; and if the Govern- ment would take half the pains to keep the Catholics out of the arms of France that it does to widen Temple Bar, or improve Snow Hill, the King would get into his hands the appoint- ments of the titular Bishops of Ireland. Both Mr. C 's sisters enjoy pensions more than sufficient to place the two greatest dignitaries of the Irish Catholic Church entirely at the disposal of the Crown. Everybody who knows Ireland knows perfectly well that nothing would be easier, with the expenditure of a little money, than to preserve enough of the ostensible appointment in the hands of the THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 485 Pope to satisfy the scruples of the Catholics, while the real nomination remained with the Crown. But, as I have before said, the moment the very name of Ireland is men- tioned, the English seem to bid adieu to com- mon feeling, common prudence, and to common sense, and to act with the barbarity of tyrants and the fatuity of idiots. "Whatever your opinion may be of the follies of the Roman Catholic religion, remember they are the follies of four millions of human beings, increasing rapidly in numbers, wealth, and in- telligence, who, if firmly united with this country, would set at defiance the power of France, and if once wrested from their alliance with England, would in three years render its existence as an independent nation absolutely impossible. You speak of danger to the Estab- lishment : I request to know when the Estab- lishment was ever so much in danger as when Hoche was in Bantry Bay, and whether all the books of Bossuet, or the arts of the Jesuits, were half so terrible ? Mr. Perceval and his parsons forget all this, in their horror lest twelve or fourteen old women may be con- verted to holy water and Catholic nonsense. They never see that, while they are saving these venerable ladies from perdition, Ireland may be lost, England broken down, and the Protestant Church, with all its deans, preben- daries, Percevals and Kennels, be swept into the vortex of oblivion. Do not, I beseech you, ever mention to me again the name of Dr. Duigenan. I have been in every corner of Ireland, and have studied its present strength and condition with no common labour. Be assured Ireland does not contain at this moment less than five millions of people. There were returned in the year 1791 to the hearth tax 701,000 houses, and there is no kind of question that there were about 50,000 houses omitted in that return. Taking, however, only the number returned for the tax, and allowing the average of six to a house (a very small average for a potato-fed people), this brings the population to 4,200,000 people in the year 1791 ; and it can be shown from the clearest evidence (and Mr. Newenham in his book shows it), that Ireland for the last fifty years has increased in its population at the rate of 50,000 or (30,000 per annum ; which leaves the present population of Ireland at about five millions, after every possible deduction for existing circumstances, just and necessary wars, monstrous and un- natural rebellions, and all other sources of human destruction. Of this population, two out of ten are Protestants ; and the half of the Protestant population are Dissenters, and as inimical to the Church as to the Catholics them- selves. In this state of things, thumb-screws and whipping— admirable engines of policy as they must be considered to be — will not ulti- mately avail. The Catholics will hang over you ; they will watch for the moment ; and compel you hereafter to give them ten times as much, against your will, as they would now be contented with if it was voluntarily surrendered. Remember what happened in the American war, when Ireland compelled you to give her everything she asked, and to renounce, in the most explicit manner, your claim of sovereignty over her. God Almighty grant the folly of these present men may not bring on such another crisis of public affairs ! What are your dangers which threaten the Establishment ? Reduce this declamation to a point, and let us understand what you mean. The most ample allowance does not calculate that there would be more than twenty members who were Roman Catholics in one house, and ten in the other, if the Catholic emancipation were carried into effect. Do you mean that these thirty members would bring in a bill to take away the tithes from the Protestant, and to pay them to the Catholic clergy? Do you mean that a Catholic general would march his army into the House of Commons and purge it of Mr. Perceval and Mr. Duigenan? or that the theological writers would become all of a sudden more acute and more learned, if the present civil incapacities were removed? Do you fear for your tithes, or your doctrines, or your person, or the English Constitution? Every fear, taken separately, is so glaringly absurd, that no man has the folly or the bold- ness to state it. Every one conceals his ignor- ance, or his baseness, in a stupid general panic, which, when called on, he is utterly incapable of explaining. Whatever you think of the Catholics, there they are— you cannot get rid of them ; your alternative is, to give them a lawful place for stating their grievances, or an unlawful one : if you do not admit them to the House of Commons, they will bold their parlia- ment in Potato Place, Dublin, and be ten times as violent and inflammatory as they would be in Westminster. Nothing would give me such an idea of security, as to see twenty or thirty Catholic gentlemen in Parliament, looked upon by all the Catholics as the fair and proper organ of their party. I should have thought it the height of good fortune that such a wish existed on their part, and the very essence of madness and ignorance to reject it. Can you murder the Catholics? Can you neglect them ? They are too numerous for both these expedients. What remains to be done is obvious to every human being but to that man who, instead of being a Methodist preacher, is, for the curse of us and our children, and for the ruin of Troy, and the misery of good old Priam and his sons, become a legislator and a politician. A distinction, I perceive, is taken by one of the most feeble noblemen in Great Britain, between persecution and the deprivation of 486 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. political power, whereas there is no more dis- tinction between these two things than there is between him who makes the distinction and a booby. If I strip off the relic-covered jacket of a Catholic and give him twenty stripes, ... I persecute ; if I say everybody in the town where you live shall be a candidate for lucrative and honourable offices but you who are a Catholic, ... I do not persecute ! What bar- barous nonsense is this ! as if degradation wae not as great an evil as bodily pain or as severe poverty ; as if I could not be as great a tyrant by saying, You shall not enjoy, as by saying, You shall suffer. The English, I believe, are as truly religious as any nation in Europe. I know no greater blessing ; but it carries with it this evil in its train, that any villain who will bawl out, ' The Church is in danger/' may get a place and a good pension ; and that any administration who will do the same thing may bring a set of men into power, who, at a moment of stationary and passive piety, would be hooted by the very boys in the streets. But it is not all religion ; it is, in great part, that narrow and exclusive spirit which delights to keep the common blessings of sun and air and freedom from other human beings. 'Your religion has always been degraded ; you are in the dust, and I will take care you never rise again. I should enjoy less the possession of an earthly good by every additional person to whom it was extended.' You may not be aware of it yourself, Most Reverend Abraham, but you deny their freedom to the Catholics upon the same principle that Sarah your wife refuses to give the receipt for a ham or a goose- berry dumpling ; she values her receipts, not because they secure to her a certain flavour, but because they remind her that her neighbours want it, — a feeling laughable in a priestess, shameful in a priest ; venial when it withholds the blessings of a ham, tyrannical and execrable when it narrows the boon of religious freedom. You spend a great deal of ink about the character of the present prime minister. Grant you all that you write ; I say I fear he will ruin Ireland, and pursue a line of policy destructive to the true interest of his country ; and then you tell me, he is faithful to Mrs. Perceval, and kind to the Master Percevals ! These are, undoubtedly, the first qualifications to be looked to in a time of the most serious public danger; but somehow or another (if public and private virtues must always be incompatible) I should prefer that he destroyed the domestic happiness of Wood or Cockell, owed for the veal of the preceding year, whipped his boys, and saved his country. The late administration did not do right ; they did not build their measures upon the solid basil of facts. They should have caused several Catholics to have been dissected after death by surgeons of either religion ; and the report to have been published with accom- panying plates. If the viscera, and other organs of life, had been found to be the same as in Protestant bodies ; if the provisions of nerves, arteries, cerebrum, and cerebellum, had been the same as we are provided with, or as the dissenters are now known to possess, — then, indeed, they might have met Mr. Perceval upon a proud eminence, and convinced the country at large of the strong probability that the Catholics are really human creatures, endowed with the feelings of men, and entitled to all their rights. But instead of this wise and prudent measure, Lord Howick, with his usual precipitation, brings forward a bill in their favour, without offering the slightest proof to the country that they were anything more than horses and oxen. The person who shows the llama at the corner of Piccadilly has the precaution to write up — Allowed by Sir Joseph Banks to be a real quadruped : so his lordship might have said — Allowed by the Bmch of Bishops to be real human creatures. ... I could write you twenty letters upon this subject, but I am tired, and so I suppose are you. Our friendship is now of forty years' standing ; you know me to be a truly religious man ; but I shudder to see religion treated as a cockade, or a pint of beer, and made the instrument of a party. I love the King, but I love the people as well as the King ; and if I am sorry to see his old age molested, I am much more sorry to see four millions of Catholics baffled in their just expectations. If I love Lord Grenville and Lord Howick, it is because they love their country ; if I abhor ... it is because I know there is but one man among them who is not laughing at the enormous folly and credulity of the country, and that he is an ignorant and mischievous bigot. As for the light and frivolous jester, of whom it is your misfortune to think so highly, learn, my dear Abraham, that t'uis political Killigrew, just before thebreaking-upof the last administration, was in actual treaty with them for a place ; and if the}' had survived twenty-four hours longer, he would have been now declaiming against the cry of No Popery ! instead of inflaming it. With this practical comment on the baseness of human nature, I bid you adieu 1 TO THK SAME. All that I have so often told you, Mr. Abraham Plymley, is now come to pass. The Scythians, in whom you and the neighbouring country gentlemen placed such confidence, are smitten hip and thigh ; their Benningsen put (o open shame ; their magazines of train oil interoi pted ; and we are waking from our dis- graceful drunkenness to all the horrors of Mr. Perceval and Mr. Canning. . . . We shall now see if a nation is to be saved by school- THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. I 487 boy jokes and doggerel rhymes, by affronting petulance, and by the tones and gesticu- lations of Mr. Pitt. But these are not all the auxiliaries on which we have to depend; to these his colleague will add the strictest atten- tion to the smaller parts of ecclesiastical govern- ment, to hassocks, to psalters, and to sur- plices ; in the last agonies of England, he will bring in a bill to regulate Easter-offerings; and he will adjust the stipends of curates when the flag of France is unfurled on the hills of Kent. Whatever can be done by very mistaken notions of the piety of a Christian, and by very wretched imitation of the eloquence of Mr. Pitt, will be done by these two gentlemen. After all, if they both really were what they both either wish to be or wish to be thought ; if the one were an enlightened Christian, who drew from the gospel the toleration, the charity, and the sweetness which it contains ; and if the other really possessed any portion of the great understanding of his Nisus who guarded him from the weapons of the Whigs, I should still doubt if they could save us. But I am sure we are not to be saved by religious hatred and by religious trifling; by any psalmody, however sweet ; or by any persecution, however sharp. I am certain the sounds of Mr. Titt's voice, and the measure of his tones, and the movement of his arms, will do nothing for us, when these tones, and movements, and voice bring us always declamation without sense or knowledge, and ridicule without good-humour or concilia- tion. Oh, Mr. Plymley, Mr. Plymley, this never will do. Mrs. Abraham Plymley, my sister, will be led away captive by an amorous Gaul ; and Joel Plymley, your first-born, will be a French drummer. Out of sight out of mind seems to be a proverb which applies to enemies as well as friends. Because the French army was no longer seen from the cliffs of Dover; because the sound of cannon was no longer beard by the debauched London bathers on the Sussex coast ; because the Morning Post no longer fixed the invasion sometimes for Monday, sometimes for Tuesday, sometimes (positively for the last time of invading) on Saturday ; because all these causes of terror were suspended, you conceived the power of Buonaparte to be at an end, and were setting off for Paris with Lord Hawkes- bury the conqueror. This is precisely the method in which the English have acted during the whole of the revolutionary war. If Austria or Prussia armed, doctors of divinity immedi- ately printed those passages out of Habakkuk in which the destruction of the Usurper by General Mack and the Duke of Brunswick are so clearly predicted. If Buonaparte halted, there was a mutiny or a dysentery. If any one of his generals were eaten up by the light troops of Russia, and picked (as their manner is) to the bone, the sanguine spirit of this country dis- played itself in all its glory. What scenes of infamy did the Society for the Suppression of Vice lay open to our astonished eyes— trades- men's daughters dancing ; pots of beer carried out between the first and second lesson ; and dark and distant rumours of indecent prints ! Clouds of Mr. Canning's cousins arrived by the waggon ; all the contractors left their cards with Mr. Rose; and every plunderer of the public crawled out of his hole, like slugs and grubs and worms after a shower of rain. If my voice could have been heard at the late changes, I should have said, ' Gently ; patience ; stop a little ; the time is not yet come ; the mud of Poland will harden, and the bowels of the French grenadiers will recover their tone. When honesty, good sense, and liberality have extricated you out of your present embarrass- ment, then dismiss them as a matter of course ; but you cannot spare them just now ; don't be in too great a hurry, or there will be no monarch to flatter, and no country to pillage ; only sub- mit for a little time to be respected abroad ; overlook the painful absence of the tax-gatherer for a few years ; bear up nobly under the increase of freedom and of liberal policy for a little time, and I promise you, at the expiration of that period, you shall be plundered, insulted, disgraced, and restrained to your heart's con- tent. Do not imagine I have any intention of putting servility and canting hypocrisy per- manently out of place, or of filling up with courage and sense those offices which naturally devolve upon decorous imbecility and flexible cunning ; give us only a little time to keep off the hussars of France, and then the jobbers and jesters shall return to their birthright, and public virtue be called by its old name of fanaticism.' Such is the advice I would have offered to my infatuated countrymen ; but it rained very hard in November, Brother Abraham, and the bowels of our enemies were loosened, and we put our trust in white fluxes and wet mud ; and there is nothing now to oppose to the conqueror of the world but a small table wit, and the sallow Surveyor of the Meltings. You ask me if I think it possible for this country to survive the recent misfortunes of Europe? I answer you, without the slightest degree of hesitation, that if Buonaparte lives, and a great deal is not immediately done for the conciliation of the Catholics, it does seem to me absolutely impossible but that we must perish ; and take this with you, that we shall perish without exciting the slightest feeling of present or future compassion, but fall amidst the hootings and revilings of Europe, as a nation of blockheads, Methodists, and old women. If there were any great scenery, any heroic feelings, any blaze of ancient virtue, any exalted death, any termination of England that would be ever remembered, ever honoured in 4SS THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. that western world, where liberty is now retiring, conquest would be more tolerable, and ruin more sweet ; but it is doubly miserable to become slaves abroad, because we would be tyrants at home ; to persecute, when we are contending against persecution; and to perish because we have raised up worse enemies within, from our own bigotry, than we are exposed to wi 1 1 1 - out from the unprincipled ambition of France. It is, indeed, a most silly and afflicting spectacle to rage at such a moment against our own kindred and our own blood ; to tell them they cannot be honourable in war because they are conscientious in religion ; to stipulate (at the very moment when we should buy their hearts and swords at any price) that they must hold up the right hand in prayer, and not the left ; and adore one common God by turning to the east rather than to the west. "What is it the Catholics ask of you? Do not exclude us from the honours and emolu- ments of the state, because we worship God in one way and you worship Him in another. In a period of the deepest peace, and the fattest prosperity, this would be a fair request ; it should be granted, if Lord Hawkesbury had reached Paris, if Mr. Banning's interpreter had threatened the Senate in an opening speech, or Mr. Perceval explained to them the improve- ments he meant to introduce into the Catholic religion ; but to deny the Irish this justice now, in the present state of Europe, and in the summer months, just as the season for destroy- ing kingdoms is comingou, is (beloved Abraham), whatever you may think of it, little short of positive insanity. Here is a frigate attacked by a corsair of immense strength and size, rigging cut, masts in danger of coming by the board, four feet water in the hold, men dropping off very fast ; in this dreadful situation how do you think the captain acts (whose name shall be Perceval)? He calls all hands upon deck ; talks to them of king, country, glory, sweethearts, gin, French prison, wooden shoes, Old England, and hearts of oak : they give three cheers, rush to their guns, and, after a tremendous conflict, succeed in beating off the enemy. Not a syllable of all this : this is not the manner in which the honourable commander goes to work : the first thing he docs is to secure twenty or thirty of his prime sailors who happen to be Catholics, to clap them in irons, and set over them a guard of as many Protestants ; having taken this admirable method of defending himself against his infidel opponents, he goes upon deck, reminds the sailors, in a very bitter harangue, that they are of different religions ; exhorts the Episcopal gunner not to trust to the Presbyterian (jnartermaster ; issues positive orders that the Catholics should be fired at upon tin- first appearance of discontent ; rushes through blood and brains, examining his nan in the Catechism and 39 Articles, and positively forbids every one to spunge or ram who has not taken the sacrament according to the Church of England. Was it right to take out a captain made of excellent British stuff, and to put in such a man as this? Is not he more like a parson, or a talking lawyer, than a thorough- bred seaman ? And built as she is of heart of oak, and admirably manned, is it possible with such a captain to save this ship from going to the bottom ? You have an argument, I perceive, in common with many others, against the Catholics, that their demands complied with would only lead to further exactions, and that it is better to resist them now, before anything is conceded, than hereafter, when it is found that all con- cessions are in vain. I wish the Chancellor of the Exchequer, whousesthisreasoningto exclude others from their just rights, had tried its efiicacy, not by his understanding, but by (what are full of much better things) his pockets. Suppose the person to whom he applied for the Meltings had withstood every plea of wife and fourteen children, no business, and good character, and refused him this paltry little office, because he might hereafter attempt to get hold of the revenues of the Duchy of Lancaster for life ; would not Mr. Perceval have contended eagerly against the injustice of refusing moderate requests, because immode- rate ones may hereafter be made ? "Would he not have said (and said truly), leave such exorbitant attempts as these to the general indignation of the Commons, who will take care to defeat them when they do occur ; but do not refuse me the Irons and the Meltings now, because I may totally lose sight of all moderation hereafter ? Leave hereafter to the spirit and the wisdom of hereafter ; and do not be niggardly now, from the apprehension that men as wise as you should be profuse in times to come. You forget, Brother Abraham, that it is a vast art (where quarrels cannot be avoided) to turn the public opinion in your favour and to the prejudice of your enemy; a vast privilege to feel that you are in the right, and to make him feel that he is in the wrong— a privilege which makes you more than a man, and your anta- gonist less ; and often secures victory, by convincing him who contends, that he must submit to injustice if he submits to defeat. Open every rank in the army and navy to the Catholic; let him purchase at the same price as the Protestant (if either Catholic or Protestant can purchase such refined pleasures) the privilege of hearing Lord Castlereagh speak for three hours ; keep his clergy from starving ; soften some of the most odious powers of the tithing-man, and you will for ever lay this formidable question to rest. But if I am wrong, and you must quarrel at hist, quarrel THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 489 upon just rather than unjust grounds ; divide the Catholic and unite the Protestant ; be just, and your own exertions will be more formidable and their exertions less formidable ; be just, and you will take away from their party all the best and wisest understandings of both persuasions, and knit them firmly to your own cause. 'Thrice is he armed who has his quarrel just ; ' and ten times as much may he be taxed. In the beginning of any war, however destitute of common sense, every mob will roar, and every Lord of the Bedchamber address ; but if you are engaged in a war that is to last for years, and to require important sacrifices, take care to make the justice of your case so clear and so obvious, that it cannot be mistaken by the most illiterate country gentle- man who rides the earth. Nothing, in fact, can be so grossly absurd as the argument which says, I will deny justice to you now because I suspect future injustice from you. At this rate, you may lock a man up in your stable, and refuse to let him out because you suspect that he has an intention, at some future period, of robbing your hen-roost. You may horsewhip him at Lady-day, because you believe he will affront you at Midsummer. You may commit a greater evil, to guard against a less, which is merely contingent, and may never happen. You may do what you have done a century ago in Ireland, made the Catholics worse than Helots, because you suspected that they might hereafter aspire to be more than fellow- citizens ; rendering their sufferings certain from your jealousy, while yours were only doubtful from their ambition — an ambition sure to be excited by the very measures which are taken to prevent it. The physical strength of the Catholics will not be greater because you give them a share of political power. You may by these means turn rebels into friends ; but I do not see how you make rebels more formidable. If they taste of the honey of lawful power, they will love the hive from whence they procure it; if they will struggle with us like men in the same state for civil influence, we are safe. All that I dread is, the physical strength of four millions of men combined with an invading French army. If you are to quarrel at last with this enormous population, still put it off as long as you can ; you must gain, and cannot lose, by the delay. The state of Europe cannot be worse ; the conviction which the Catholics entertain of your tyranny and injustice cannot be more alarming, nor the opinions of your own people more divided. Time, which produces such effect upon brass and marble, may inspire one minister with modesty, and another with compassion ; every circumstance may be better ; some certainly will be so, none can be worse ; and, after all, the evil may never happen. You have got hold, I perceive, of all the vulgar English stories respecting the hereditary transmission of forfeited property, and seriously believe that every Catholic beggar wears the terriers of his father's land next his skin, and is only waiting for better times to cut the throat of the Protestant possessor, and get drunk in the hall of his ancestors. There is one irresistible answer to this mistake, and that is, that the forfeited lands are purchased indiscriminately by Catholic and Protestant, and that the Catholic purchaser never objects to such a title. Now the land (so purchased by a Catholic) is either his own family estate, or it is not. If it is, you suppose him so desirous of coming into possession, that he resorts to the double method of rebellion and purchase ; if it is not his own family estate of which he becomes the purchaser, you suppose him first to purchase, then to rebel, in order to defeat the purchase. These things may happen in Ireland ; but it is totally impossible they can happen anywhere else. In fact, what land can any man of any sect purchase in Ireland but forfeited property? In all other oppressed countries which I have ever heard of, the rapacity of the conquerer was bounded by the territorial limits in which the objects of his avarice were contained ; but Ireland has been actually confiscated twice over, as a cat is twice killed by a wicked parish-boy, I admit there is a vast luxury in selecting a particular set of Christians, and in worrying them as a boy worries a puppy dog ; it is an amusement in which all the young English are brought up from their earliest days. I like the idea of saying to men who use a different hassock from me, that, till they change their hassock, they shall never be colonels, aldermen, or parliament-men. While I am gratifying my personal insolence respecting religious forms, I fondle myself into an idea that I am religious, and that I am doing my duty in the most exemplary (as I certainly am in the most easy) way. But then, my good Abraham, this sport, admirable as it is, is become, with respect to the Catholics, a little dangerous ; and if we are not extremely careful in taking the amusement, we shall tumble into the holy water and be drowned. As it seems necessary to your idea of an established church to have somebody to worry and torment, suppose we were to elect for this purpose "William Wilberforce, Esq., and the patent Christians of Clapham. We shall by this expedient enjoy the same oppor- tunity for cruelty and injustice without being exposed to the same risks ; we will compel them to abjure vital clergymen by a public test, to deny that the said William Wilberforce has any power of working miracles, touching for barrenness or any other infirmity, or that he is endowed with any preternatural gift whatever. We will swear them to the doctrine of good works, compel them to preach common sense, 490 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. and to hear it ; to frequent bishops, deans, and other High Churchmen ; and to appear (once in the quarter at the least) at some mehdr.i-ue, opera, pantomime, or other light sccnical representation ; in short, we will gratify the love of insolence and power : we will enjoy the old orthodox sport of witnessing the impotent anger of men compelled to submit to civil degradation, or to sacrifice their notions of truth to ours. And all this we may do without the slightest risk, because their numbers are (as yet) not very considerable. Cruelty and injustice must, of course, exist ; but why connect them with danger? "Why torture a bull-dog, when you can get a frog or a rabbit ? I am sure my proposal will meet with the most universal approbation. Do not be apprehensive of any opposition from ministers. If it is a case of hatred, we are sure that one man will defend it by the gospel ; if it abridges human freedom, we know that another will find precedents for it in the Revolution. In the name of heaven, what are we to gain by suffering Ireland to be rode by that faction which now predominates over it ? "Why are we to endanger our own Church and State, not for 500,000 Episcopalians, but for ten or twelve great Orange families, who have been sucking the blood of that country for these hundred years last past ? And the folly of the Orangemen 'in playing this game themselves is almost as absurd as ours in playing it for them. They ought to have the sense to see that their busi- ness now is to keep quietly the lands and beeves of which the fathers of the Catholics were robbed in days of yore ; they must give to their descendants the sop of political power ; by contending with them for names, they will lose realities, and be compelled to beg their potatoes in a foreign land, abhorred equally by the English, who have witnessed their oppres- sion, and by the Catholic Irish, who have smarted under them. TO THE SAME. Then comes Mr. Isaac Hawkins Brown (the gentleman who danced so badly at the Court of Naples), and asks if it is not an anomaly to educate men in another religion than your own ? It certainly is our duty to get rid of error, and above all of religious error ; but this is not to be done per saltum, or the measure will miscarry, like the Queen. It may be very easy to dance away the royal embryo of a great kingdom ; but Mr. Hawkins Brown must look before he leaps win n his object is to crush an opposite sect in religion ; false steps aid the one effect as much as they are fatal to the other : it will require not only the lapse of Mr. Hawkins Brown, but the lap.se of centuries, before the absurditii s of the Cathulic religion arc laughed at as nnu-h as they deserve to be ; but surely, in the mean- time, the Catholic religion is better than none ; four millions of Catholics are better than four millions of wild beasts ; two hundred priests educated by our own Government are better than the same number educated by the man who means to destroy us. The whole sum now appropriated by Govern- ment to the religious education of four millions of Christians is £13,000 — a sum about one hundred times as large being appropriated in the same country to about one-eighth part of this number of Protestants. When it was proposed to raise this grant from £8000 to £13,000, its present amount, this sum was objected to by that most indulgent of Chris- tians, Mr. Spencer Perceval, as enormous, he himself having secured for his own eating and drinking, and the eating and drinking of the Master and Miss Percevals, the reversionary sum of £21,000 a year of the public money, and having just failed in a desperate and rapacious attempt to secure to himself for life the revenues of the Duchy of Lancaster ; and the best of it is, that this minister, after abusing his predecessors for their impious bounty to the Catholics, has found himself compelled, from the apprehension of immediate danger, to grant the sum in question ; thus dissolving his pearl in vinegar, and destroying all the value of the gift by the virulence and reluctance with which it was granted. I hear from some persons in Parliament, and from others in the sixpenny societies for debate, a great deal about unalterable laws passed at the Revolution. "When I hear any man talk of an unalterable law, the only effect it produces upon me is to convince me that he is an unalter- able fool. A law passed when there was Germany, Spain, Russia, Sweden, Holland, Portugal, and Turkey ; when there was a disputed succession ; when four or five hundred acres were won and lost after ten years' hard fighting ; when armies were commanded by the sons of kings, and campaigns passed in an inter- change of civil letters and ripe fruit ; and for these laws, when the whole state of the world is completely changed, we are now, according to my Lord Hawkesbury, to hold ourselves ready to perish. It is no mean misfortune, in times like these, to be forced to say anything about such men as Lord Hawkesbury, and to be reminded that we are governed by them ; but as I am driven to it, I must take the liberty of observing, that the wisdom and liberality of my Lord Hawkesbury are of that complexion which always shrinks from the present exercise of these virtues, by praising the splendid examples of them in ages past. If he had lived at sueh periods, he would have opposed the Revolution by praising the Reformation, and the Reformation by speaking handsomely of the Crusades. He gratifies his natural antipathy to great and courageous measures, by THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 491 playing off the wisdom and courage which have ceased to influence human affairs against that wisdom and courage which living men would employ for present happiness. Besides, it happens unfortunately for the Warden of the Cinque Ports, that to the principal incapacities under which the Irish suffer, they were sub- jected after that great and glorious Hevolution, to which we are indebted for so many blessings, and his lordship for the termination of so many periods. The Catholics were not excluded from the Irish House of Commons, or military commands, before the 3d and 4th of William and Mary, and the 1st and 2d of Queen Anne. If the great mass of the people, environed as they are on every side with Jenkinsons, Percevals, Melvilles, and other perils, were to pray for divine illumination and aid, what more could Providence in its mercy do than send them the example of Scotland ? For what a length of years was it attempted to compel the Scotch to change their religion ; horse, foot, artillery, and armed prebendaries were sent out after the Presbyterian parsons and their congregations. The Percevals of those days called for blood : this call is never made in vain, and blood was shed ; but, to the astonish- ment and horror of the Percevals of those days, they could not introduce the Book of Common Prayer, nor prevent that metaphysical people from going to heaven their true way, instead of our true way. With a little oatmeal for food, and a little sulphur for friction, allaying cutaneous irritation with the one hand, and holding his Calvinistical creed in the other, Sawney ran away to his flinty hills, sung his psalm out of tune his own way, and listened to his sermon of two hours long amid the rough and imposing melancholy of the tallest thistles. But Sawney brought up his unbreeched off- spring in a cordial hatred of his oppressors ; and Scotland was as much a part of the weakness of England then as Ireland is at this moment. The true and the only remedy was applied ; the Scotch were suffered to worship God after their own tiresome manner, without pain, penalty, and privation. No lightnings descended from heaven ; the country was not ruined ; the world is not yet come to an end ; the dignitaries who foretold all these con- sequences are utterly forgotten ; and Scotland has ever since been an increasing source of strength to Great Britain. In the six hun- dredth year of our empire over Ireland, we are making laws to transport a man if he is found out of his house after eight o'clock at night. That this is necessary, I know too well ; but tell me why it is necessary? It is not necessary in Greece, where the Turks are masters. Are you aware that there is at this moment a universal clamour throughout the whole of Ireland against the Union ? It is now one month since I returned from that country: I have never seen so extraordinary, so alarming, and so rapid a change in the sentiments of any people. Those who disliked the Union before are quite furious against it now ; those who doubted doubt no more ; those who were friendly to it have exchanged that friendship for the most rooted aversion. In the midst of all this (which is by far the most alarming symptom), there is the strongest disposition on the part of the northern dissenters to unite with the Catholics, irritated by the faithless injustice with which they have been treated. If this combination does take place (mark what I say to you), you will have meetings all over Ireland for the cry of No Union ; that cry will spread like wild-fire, and blaze over every opposition ; and if this is the case, there is no use in mincing the matter, Ireland is gone, and the death-blow of England is struck ; and this event may happen instantly, before Mr. Canning and Mr. Hookham Frere have turned Lord Howick's last speech into doggerel rhyme ; before 'the near and dear relations' have received another quarter of their pension, or Mr. Perceval conducted the Curates' Salary Bill safely to a third reading. If the mind of the English people, cursed as they now are with that madness of religious dissension which has been breathed into them for the purposes of private ambition, can be alarmed by any remembrances, and warned by any events, they should never forget how nearly Ireland was lost to this country during the American war ; that it was saved merely by the jealousy of the Protestant Irish towards the Catholics, then a much more insignificant and powerless body than they now are. The Catholic and the dissenter have since combined together against you. Last war, the winds, those ancient and unsubsidized allies of England — the winds, upon which English ministers depend as much for saving kingdoms as washerwomen do for drying clothes — the winds stood your friends : the French could only get into Ireland in small numbers, and the rebels were defeated. Since then, all the remaining kingdoms of Europe have been destroyed ; and the Irish see that their national independence is gone, without having received any single one of those advantages which tbey were taught to expect from the sacrifice. All good things were to flow from the Union ; they have none of them gained anything. Every man's pride is wounded by it ; no man's interest is promoted. In the seventh year of that Union, four million Catholics, lured by all kinds of promises to yield up the separate dignity and sovereignty of their country, are forced to squabble with such a man as Mr. Spencer Perceval for five thousand pounds with which to educate their children in their own mode of worship ; he, the same Mi - . Spencer, having secured to hi3 own Protestant self a reversionary portion of 492 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. the public money amounting to four times that sum. A senior Proctor of the University of Oxford, the head of a house, or the examin- ing chaplain to a bishop, may believe these things can last ; but every man of the world, whose understanding has been exercised in tbe business of life, must see (and see with a breaking heart) that they will soon come to a fearful termination. Our conduct to Ireland during the whole of this war has been that of a man who subscribes to hospitals, weeps at charity sermons, carries out broth and blankets to beggars, and then comes home and beats his wife and children. We had compassion for the victims of all other oppression and injustice except our own. If Switzerland was threatened, away went a Treasury Clerk with a hundred thousand pounds for Switzerland ; large bags of money were kept constantly under sailing orders ; upon the slightest demonstration towards Naples, down went Sir "William Hamilton upon his knees, and begged for the love of St. Januarius they would help us off with a little money ; all the arts of Machiavel were resorted to, to persuade Europe to borrow ; troops were sent off in all directions to save the Catholic and Protestant world ; the Pope himself was guarded by a regiment of English dragoons ; if the Grand Lama had been at hand, he would have had another ; every Catholic clergyman, who had the good fortune to be neither English nor Irish, was immediately provided with lodging, soup, crucifix, missal, chapel-beads, relics, and holy water ; if Turks had landed, Turks would have received an order from the Treasury for coffee, opium, Korans, and seraglios. In the midst of all this fury of saving and defending, this crusade for con- science and Christianity, there was a universal agreement among all descriptions of people to continue every species of internal persecution ; to deny at home every just right that had been denied before ; to pummel poor Dr. Abraham Rees and his dissenters ; and to treat the unhappy Catholics of Ireland as if their tongues were mute, their heels cloven, their nature brutal, and designedly subjected by Providence to their Orange masters. How would my admirable brother, the Rev. Abraham Plymley, like to be marched to a Catholic chapel, to be sprinkled with the sanctified contents of a pump, to hear a number of false quantities in the Latin tongue, and to see a number of persons occupied in making right angles upon the breast and forehead? And if all this would give you so much pain, what right have you to inarch Catholic soldiers to a place of worship where there is no asper- sion, no rectangular gestures, and where they understand ewi y word they hear, having first, in order to get him to enlist, made a solemn promise to the contrary '! Can you wonder, after this, that the Catholic priest stops the recruiting in Ireland as he is now doing to a most alarming degree? The late question concerning military rank did not individually affect the lowest persons of the Catholic persuasion ; but do you imagine they do not sympathize with the honour and disgrace of their superiors ? Do you think that satisfaction and dissatisfaction do not travel down from Lord Fingal to the most potatoless Catholic in Ireland, and that the glory or shame of the sect is not felt by many more than these conditions personally and corporeally affect? Do you suppose that the detection of Sir H. M. and the disappointment of Mr. Perceval in the matter of the Duchy of Lancaster did not affect every dabbler in public property? Depend upon it these things were felt through all the gradations of small plunderers, down to him who filches a pound of tobacco from the King's warehouses ; while, on the contrary, the acquittal of any noble and official thief would not fail to diffuse the most heartfelt satisfaction over the larcenous and burglarious world. Observe, I do not say because the lower Catholics are affected by what concerns their superiors that they are not affected by what concerns themselves. There is no disguising the horrid truth ; there must be some relaxation with respect to tithe : this is the cruel and heart- rending price which must be paid for national preservation. I feel how little existence will be worth having, if any alteration, however slight, is made in the property of Irish rectors ; I am conscious how much such changes must affect the daily and hourly comforts of every Englishman ; I shall feel too happy if they leave Europe untouched, and are not ultimately fatal to the destinies of America ; but I am madly bent upon keeping foreign enemies out of the British empire, and my limited understand- ing presents me with no other means of effecting my object. You talk of waiting till another reign before any alteration is made — a proposal full of good sense and good nature, if the measure in ques- tion were to pull down St. James's Palace, or tc alter Kew Gardens. "Will Buonaparte agree to put off his intrigues, and his invasion of Ire- land? If so, I will overlook the question of justice, and, finding the danger suspended, agree to the delay. I sincerely hope this reign may last many years, yet the delay of a single session of Parliament may lie fatal; but if an- other year elapses without some serious conces- sion made to the Catholics, I believe, before God, that all future pledges and concessions will be made in vain. I do not think that peace will do you any good under such circumstances. If Buonaparte gives you a respite, it will only be to get ready the galloWBOD which be means to hang you. The Catholic and the dissenter can unite in peace as well as war. If they do, the gallows THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 493 is ready ; and your executioner, in spite of the most solemn promises, will turn you off the next hour. With every disposition to please (where to please within fair and rational limits is a high duty), it is impossible for public men to be long silent about the Catholics ; pressing evils are not got rid of because they are not talked of. A man may command his family to say nothing more about the stone, and surgical operations ; but the ponderous malice still lies upon the nerve, and gets so big that the patient breaks his own law of silence, clamours for the knife, and expires under its late operation. Believe me you talk folly when you talk of suppressing the Catholic question. I wish to God the case admitted of such a remedy ; bad as it is, it does not admit of it. If the wants of the Catholics are not heard in the manly tones of Lord Gren- ville, or the servile drawl of Lord Castlereagh, they will be heard ere long in the madness of mobs and the conflicts of armed men. I observe, it is now universally the fashion to speak of the first personage in the State as the great obstacle to the measure. In the first place, I am not bound to believe such rumours because I hear them ; and in the next place, I object to such language as unconstitutional. Whoever retains his situation in the ministry, while the incapacities of the Catholics remain, is the advocate for those incapacities; and to him, and to him only, am I to look for respon- sibility. But waive this question of the Catho- lics, and put a general case. How is a minister of this country to act when the conscientious scruples of his sovereign prevent the execution of a measure deemed by him absolutely neces- sary to the safety of the country ? His conduct is quite clear — he should resign. But what is his successor to do ? Kesign. But is the King to be left without ministers, and is he in this manner to be compelled to act against his own conscience ? Before I answer this, pray tell me m my turn, what better defence is there against the machinations of a wicked, or the errors of a weak, monarch than the impossibility of finding a minister who will lend himself to vice and folly ? Every English monarch, in such a pre- dicament, would sacrifice his opinions and views to such a clear expression of the public will ; and it is one method in which the constitution aims at bringing about such a sacrifice. You may say, if you please, the ruler of a state is forced to give up his object when the natural love of place and power will tempt no one to assist him in its attainment. This may be force ; but it is force without injury, and there- fore without blame. I am not to be beat out of these obvious reasonings and ancient constitu- tional provisions by the term conscience. There is no fantasy, however wild, that a man may not persuade himself that he cherishes from motives of conscience ; eternal war against impious France, or rebellious America, or Catholic Spain, may in times to come be scruples of conscience. One English monarch may, from scruples of conscience, wish to abolish every trait of religious persecution ; another monarch may deem it his absolute and indis- pensable duty to make a slight provision for dissenters out of the revenues of the Church of England. So that you see, Brother Abraham, there are cases where it would be the duty of the best and most loyal subjects to oppose the conscientious scruples of their sovereign, still taking care that their actions were constitu- tional, and their modes respectful. Then you come upon me with personal questions, and say that no such dangers are to be apprehended now under our present gracious sovereign, of whose good qualities we must be all so well convinced. All these sort of discussions I beg leave to decline ; what I have said upon constitutional topics, I mean, of course, for general, not for particular application. I agree with you in all the good you have said of the powers that be, and I avail myself of the opportunity of pointing out general dangers to the Constitution, at a moment when we are so completely exempted from their present influence. I cannot finish this letter without expressing my surprise and pleasure at your abuse of the servile addresses poured in upon the Throne ; nor can I conceive a greater disgust to a monarch with a true English heart, than to see such a question as that of Catholic emancipation argued, not with a reference to its justice or its importance, but universally considered to be of no further conse- quence than as it affects his own private feel- ings. That these sentiments should be mine is not wonderful ; but how they came to be yours, does, I confess, fill me with surprise. Are you moved by the arrival of the Irish Brigade at Antwerp, and the amorous violence which awaits Mrs. Plymley ? [Samuel Taylor Coleridge, the youngest of a numerous family, was born at Ottery St. Mary, in Devonshire, on the 21st October 1772. He received his early education at Christ's Hospital, where Charles Lamb was one of his schoolfellows. His early love of poetry was nursed and inspired by a perusal of the sonnets of W. L. Bowles. When nineteen years of age, on obtaining his presentation from Christ's Hospital, he entered Jesus College, Cambridge, gaining in classics a gold medal for a Greek ode. About 1794 his acquaintance began with Southey. Coleridge and Southey were afterwards married on the same day to 494 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. sisters, and settled at Nether Stowey, in Somersetshire, where they also joined Wordsworth, Some of Coleridge's finest pieces were written there, such as the 'Ancient Mariner,' the 'Ode on the Depart- ing Year,' and the first part of 'Christabel.' Coleridge afterwards visited Germany through the liberality of the Messrs. Wedg- wood, the Staffordshire potters, and on returning in 1S00 went to reside with Southey at Keswick. Wordsworth was then residing at Crasmere. In 1804 he went to Malta, as secretary to the governor, but soon returned to England. In the latter part of his life he resided with his friend and medical adviser, Mr. Gillman, at High- gate, delighting a large circle by his splendid conversational powers. Here be died on the 20th of July 1834, in the sixty-second year of bis age. The letters we quote are from James Gillman's Memoir of the Poet; only the first volume of his book has, however, been published. Thomas De Quincey, who first saw Cole- ridge in 1807, wrote of him in 1834 as the illustrious man who possessed the ' largest and most spacious intellect, the subtlest and most comprehensive, in my judgment, that has yet existed amongst men.' Carlyle, on the other hand, does not admit this. Un- fortunately these great qualities were asso- ciated with an infirm body and a weak will, which prevented him ever doing justice to his splendid powers. 'In the year 1807, he (Coleridge) wrote those weekly Essays of the Friend, which were published about this time, and thus gave to the world some of his rich intellectual stores. The follow- ing letter, which he addressed to Mr. Cottle, will show the progress of his mind from Socinian to Trinitarian belief at that period of his life ' (Gillman's Life of Cole- ridge, voL I).] SAMUEL TAYI.OK COLERIDGE TO JOSEPH COTTLE. Bristol, 1807. Dear Cottle, — To pursue our last conversa- tion, Christians expect no outward or sensible let from prayer. Its effects and its fruitions are spiritual, and accompanied, says that true divine, Archbishop Leighton, 'not by reasons and arguments, but by an inexpressible kind i if evidence, which they only know who have it.' To this I would add, that even those who, like me, I fear, have not attained it, may yet presume it. First, because reason itself, or rather mere human nature, in any dispassionate moment, feels the necessity of rebgion ; but if this be not true there is no religion, no religa- tion or binding over again, nothing added to reason ; and therefore Socinianism (misnamed I'liitarianism) is not only not Christianity, it is not even religion, it does not religate, does not bind anew. The first outward and sensible result of prayer is a penitent resolution, joined with a consciousness of weakness in effecting it, yea, even a dread, too well grounded, lest by breaking and falsifying it the soul should add guilt to guilt, by the very means it has taken to escape from guilt ; so pitiable is the state of unregenerate man. Are you familiar with Leighton's "Works ? He resigned his archbishopric, and retired to voluntary poverty, on account of the persecu- tion of the Presbyterians, saying, ' I should not dare to introduce Christianity itself with such cruelties, bow much less for a surplice and the name of a bishop ! ' If there could be an intermediate space between inspired and unin- spired writings, that space would be occupied by Leighton. No show of learning, no appear- ance or ostentatious display of eloquence, and yet both may be shown in him conspicuously and holily. There is in him something that must be felt, even as the Scriptures must be felt. You ask me my views of the Trinity. I accept the doctrine, not as deduced from human reason, in its grovelling capacity for compre- hending spiritual things, but as the clear reve- lation of Scripture. But perhaps it may be said the Socinians do not admit this doctrine as being taught in the Bible. I know enough of their shifts and quibbles, with their dexterity at explaining away all they dislike (and that is not a little) ; but though beguiled once by them, I happily, for my own peace of mind, escaped from their sophistries, and now hesitate not to affirm that Socinians would lose all character for honesty if they were to explain their neigh- bour's will with the same latitude of interpre- tation which they do the Scriptures. I have in my head some floating ideas on the Logos, which I hope hereafter to mould into a consistent form ; but it is a gross perversion of the truth in Socinians to declare that we believe in Three ti'mls, and they know it to be false. They might with equal justice affirm that we believe in three sum. The meanest : who has acquired the first rudiments of Christianity would shrink back from a thought so monstrous. Still the Trinity has its diffi- culties. It would be strange if otherwise. A Revelation that revealed nothing, not within the grasp of human reason !— no religation, no landing over again, as before said: but these difficulties are shadows, contrasted with the THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 495 substantive and insurmountable obstacles with which they contend who admit the Divine authority of Scripture, with the superlative excellence of Christ, and yet undertake to prove that these Scriptures teach, and that Christ taught, His own pure humanity I If Jesus Christ was merely a man,— if He was not God as well as man,— be it considered, He could not have been even a good man. There is no medium. The Saviodr in that case was absolutely a deceiver! one transcendently un- righteous I in advancing pretensions to miracles, by the 'finger of God,' which He never per- formed ; and by asserting claims (as a man) in the most aggravated sense blasphemous ! These consequences Socinians, to be consistent, must allow, and which impious arrogation of divinity in Christ (according to their faith), as well as His false assumption of a community of 'glory' with the Father 'before the world was,' even they will be necessitated to admit, completely exonerated the Jews, according to their law, in crucifying one who, ' being a man,' 'made himself God!' But in the Christian, rather than in the Socinian or Pharisaic view, all these objections vanish, and harmony suc- ceeds to inexplicable confusion. If Socinians hesitate in ascribing unrighteousness to Christ, the inevitable result of their principles, they tremble, as well they might, at their avowed creed, and virtually renounce what they profess to uphold. The Trinity, as Bishop Leighton has well remarked, is ' a doctrine of faith, not of demon- stration,' except in a moral sense. If the New Testament declare it, not in an insulated passage, but through the whole breadth of its pages, rendering, with any other admission, the Book, which is the Christian's anchor-hold of hope, dark and contradictory, then it is not to be rejected, but on a penalty that reduces to an atom all the sufferings this earth can inflict. Let the grand question be determined, Is or is not the Bible inspired ? No one book has ever been subjected to so rigid an investigation as the Bible, by minds the most capacious, and, in the result, which has so triumphantly repelled all the assaults of infidels. In the extensive intercourse which I have had with this class of men, I have seen their prejudice surpassed only by their ignorance. This I found conspicuously the ease in Dr. D. (vol. i. p. 167), the prince of their fraternity. Without, therefore, stopping to contend on what all dispassionate men must deem undebateable ground, I may assume in- spiration as admitted ; and, equally so, that it would be an insult to man's understanding to suppose any other revelation from God than the Christian Scriptures. If these Scriptures, impregnable in their strength, sustained in their pretensions by undeniable prophecies and mira- cles, and by the experience of the inner man, in all ages, as well as by a concatenation of argu- ments all bearing upon one point, and extending, with miraculous consistency, through a series of fifteen hundred years, — if all this combined proof does not establish their validity, nothing can be proved under the sun ; but the world and man must be abandoned, with all its conse- quences, to one universal scepticism ! Under such sanctions, therefore, if these Scriptures, as a fundamental truth, do inculcate the doctrine of the Trinity, however surpassing human comprehension, then I say we are bound to admit it on the strength of moral demonstration. The supreme Governor of the world, and the Father of our spirits, has seen fit to disclose to us much of His will and the whole of His natural and moral perfections. In some instances He has given His zoord only, and demanded our faith; while on other momentous subjects, instead of bestowing a full revelation, like the Via Lactea, He has furnished a glimpse only, through either the medium of inspiration or by the exercise of those rational faculties with which He has endowed us. I consider the Trinity as substantially resting on the first pro- position, yet deriving support from the last. I recollect when I stood on the summit of Etna, and darted my gaze down the crater ; the immediate vicinity was discernible, till, lower down, obscurity gradually terminated in total darkness. Such figures exemplify many truths revealed in the Bible. We pursue them until, from the imperfection of our faculties, we are lost in impenetrable night. All truths, however, that are essential to faith, honestly interpreted, all that are important to human conduct, under every diversity of circumstance, are manifest as a blazing star. The promises also of felicity to the righteous in the future world, though the precise nature of that felicity may not be defined, are illustrated by every image that can swell the imagination; while the misery of the lost, in its unutterable inten- sity, though the language that describes it is all necessarily figurative, is there exhibited as resulting chiefly, if not wholly, from the with- drawment of the light of God's countenance, and a banishment from His presence /—best compre- hended in this world by reflecting on the deso- lations which would instantly follow the loss of the sun's vivifying and universally-diffused warmth. You, or rather all, should remember that some truths, from their nature, surpass the scope of man's limited powers, and stand as the criteria of faith, determining, by their rejection or admission, who among the sons of men can confide in the veracity of Heaven. Those more ethereal truths, of which the Trinity is conspi- cuously the chief, without being circumstantially explained, may be faintly illustrated by material objects. The eye of man cannot discern the satellites of Jupiter, nor become sensible of the I multitudinous stars, the rays of which have 495 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. never reached our planet, and consequently garnish not the canopy of night ; yet are they the less real because their existence lies beyond man's unassisted gaze ? The tube of the philo- sopher, and the celestial telescope — the unclouded visions of heaven — will confirm the one class of truths and irradiate the other. The Trinity is a subject on which analogical reasoning may advantageously be admitted as furnishing at least a glimpse of light, and with this, for the present, we must be satisfied. In- finite Wisdom deemed clearer manifestations inexpedient ; and is man to dictate to his Maker? I may further remark, that where we cannot behold a desirable object distinctly, we must take the best view we can ; and I think you, and every candid and inquiring mind, may derive assistance from such reflections as the following : — Notwithstanding the arguments of Spinoza and Descartes, and other advocates of the Ma- terial system (or, in more appropriate language, the Atheistical system!), it is admitted by all men not prejudiced, not biassed by sceptical prepossessions, that mind is distinct from matter. The mind of man, however, is involved in in- scrutable darkness (as the profoundest meta- physicians well know), and is to be estimated (if at all) alone by an inductive process, that is, by its effects. "Without entering on the question whether an extremely circumscribed portion of the mental process, surpassing instinct, may or may not be extended to quadrupeds, it is universally acknowledged that the mind of man alone regulates all the voluntary actions of his corporeal frame. Mind, therefore, may be regarded as a distinct genus in the scale ascending above brutes, and including the whole of intellectual existences ; advancing from thought (that mysterious thing !) in its lowest form, through all the gradations of sentient and rational beings, till it arrives at a Bacon, a Newton, and then, when unencumbered by matter, extending its illimitable sway through sera] ih and archangel, till we are lost in the Great Infinite ! Is it not deserving of notice, as an especial subject of meditation, that our limbs, in all they do or can accomplish, implicitly obey the dicta- tion of the mind? that this operating power, whatever its name, under certain limitations, exercises a sovereign dominion, not only over our limbs, but over all our intellectual pursuits ? The mind of every man is evidently the moving force which alike regulates all his limbs and actions, and in which example we find a strong illustration of the subordinate nature of mere matter. That alone which gives direction to the organic parts of our nature is wholly mind ; and one mind, if placed over a thousand limbs, could with undiminished ease control and regu- late the whole. This idea is advanced on the supposition that one mind could command an unlimited direc- tion over any given number of limbs, pro- vided they were all connected by joint and sinew. But suppose, through some occult and inconceivable means, these limbs were disas- sociated as to all material connection ; suppose, for instance, one mind, with unlimited autho- rity, governed the operations of two separate persons, would not this, substantially, be only one person, seeing the directing principle was one ? If the truth here contended for be ad- mitted, that two persons, governed by one mind, is incontestably one person, the same conclusion would be arrived at, and the proposition equally be justified, which affirmed that three, or otherwise four, persons, owning also necessary and essential subjection to one mind, would only be so many diversities or modifications of that one mind, and therefore the component parts virtually collapsing into one xvhole, the person would be one. Let any man ask himself, whose understanding can both reason and become the depository of truth, whether, if one mind thus regulated, with absolute authority, three, or otherwise four, persons, with all their con- geries of material parts, would not these parts, inert in themselves, when subjected to one predominant mind, be, in the most logical sense, one person ? Are ligament and exterior com- bination indispensable pre-requisites to the sovereign influence of mind over mind, or mind over matter? But perhaps it may be said we have no instance of one mind governing more than one body. This may be, but the argument remains the same. With a proud spirit, that forgets its own contracted range of thought and circum- scribed knowledge, who is to limit the sway of Omnipotence? or presumptuously to deny the possibility of that Being who called light out of darkness, so to exalt the dominion of one mind as to give it absolute sway over other dependent minds, or (indifferently) over detached or com- bined portions of organized matter? But if this superinduced quality be conferable on any order of created beings, it is blasphemy to limit the power of God, and to deny His capacity to transfuse His own Spirit when and to whom He will. This reasoning may now be applied in illus- tration of the Trinity. We are too much in the habit of viewing our Saviour Jesus Christ through the medium of His body. 'A body was prepared for Him,' but this body was mere matter, as insensible in itself as every human frame when deserted by the souL If, therefore, the Spirit that was in Christ was the Spirit of the Father; if no thought, no vibration, no spiritual connminication or miraculous display existed in, or proceeded from Christ, not im- mediately and consubstantially identified with Jehovah, the great first cause ; — if all these operating principles were thus derived, in con- THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 497 Bistency alone with the conjoint divine attri- butes ; if this Spirit of the Father ruled and reigned in Christ as His own manifestation, then, in the strictest sense, Christ exhibited 1 the Godhead bodily,' and was undeniably ' one with the Father ;' confirmatory of the Saviour's words, 'Of myself (my body) ' I can do nothing, the Father that dwelleth in me, He doeth the works. ' But though I speak of the body as inert in itself, and necessarily allied to matter, yet this declaration must not be understood as militat- ing against the Christian doctrine of the resur- rection of the body. In its grosser form the thought is not to be admitted, for 'flesh and blood cannot inherit the kingdom of God ; ' but that the body, without losing its consciousness and individuality, may be subjected, by the illimitable power of Omnipotence, to a subli- mating process, so as to be rendered compatible with spiritual association, is not opposed to reason in its severe abstract exercises, while in attestation of this exhilarating belief there are many remote analogies in nature exemplifying the same truth, while it is in the strictest accordance with that final dispensation which must, as Christians, regulate all our specula- tions. I proceed now to say, that If the postulate be thus admitted, that one mind influencing two bodies would only involve a diversity of operations, but in reality be one in essence ; or otherwise (as an hypothetical argument illustrative of truth), if one pre- eminent mind or spiritual subsistence, uncon- nected with matter, possessed an undivided and sovereign dominion over two or more disem- bodied minds, so as to become the exclusive source of all their subtlest volitions and exer- cises, the unity, however complex the modus of its manifestation, would be fully established ; and this principle extends to Deity itself, and shows the true sense, as I conceive, in which Christ and the Father are one. In continuation of this reasoning, if God who is light, the Sun of the moral world, should in His union of infinite wisdom, power, and good- ness, and from all eternity, have ordained that an emanation from Himself (for aught we know an essential emanation, as light is inseparable from the luminary of day) should not only have existed in His Son, in the fulness of time to be united to a mortal body, but that a like emanation from Himself (also perhaps essential) should have constituted the Holy Spirit, who, without losing His ubiquity, was more especially sent to this lower earth by the Son, at the im- pulse of the Father, then, in the most compre- hensive sense, God, and His Son Jesus Christ, and the Holy Ghost, are ONE—' Three Persons in One God,' and thus form the true Trinity in Unity. To suppose that more than one independent jiower or governing mind exists in the whole universe, is absolute polytheism, against which the denunciations of all the Jewish and Chris- tian canonical books were directed. And if there be but ONE directing Mind, that Mind is God ! — operating, however, in Three Persons, according to the direct and uniform declarations of that inspiration which 'brought life and immortality to light.' Yet this divine doctrine of the Trinity is to be received, not because it is or can be clear to finite apprehension, but (in reiteration of the argument) because the Scriptures, in their unsophisticated interpreta- tion, expressly state it. The Trinity, therefore, from its important aspects and biblical pro- minence, is the grand article of faith, and the foundation of the whole Christian system. Who can say, as Christ and the Holy Ghost proceeded from, and are still one with, the Father, and as all the disciples of Christ derive their fulness from Him, and in spirit are inviolately united to Him, as a branch is to the vine, — who can say but that, in one view, what was once mysteriously separated may as mys- teriously be recombined, and (without interfering with the everlasting Trinity and the individu- ality of the spiritual and seraphic orders) the Son, at the consummation of all things, deliver up His mediatorial kingdom to the Father, and God, in some peculiar and infinitely sublime sense, become All in All ! God love you. S. T. Coleridge. [I had seen the writer of this letter, says Gillman, but twice, and had no intention of receiving an inmate into my house. I determined on seeing Dr. Adams, for whether the person referred to had taken opium from choice or necessity, to me he was equally an object of commiseration and interest. Dr. Adams informed me that the patient had been warned of the danger of discontinuing opium by several eminent medical men, who, at the same time, re- presented the frightful consequences that would most probably ensue. I had heard of the failure of Mr. "VVilberforce's case, under an eminent physician at Bath, in addition to which the doctor gave me an account of several others within his own knowledge. After some further conver- sation it was agreed that Dr. Adams should drive Coleridge to Highgate the following evening. On the following evening came Coleridge himself and alone. An old gentleman, of more than ordinary acquire- ments, was sitting by the fireside when he entered. We met, indeed, for the first 21 49$ THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. time, but as friends long since parted and who had now the happiness to see each other again. Coleridge took his seat. His manner, his appearance, and, above all, his conversation were captivating. "We listened with delight ; and upon the first pause, when courtesy permitted, my visitor withdrew, saying in a low voice, ' I see by your manners an old friend has arrived, and I shall therefore retire.' Coleridge proposed to come the following evening, but he first informed me of the painful opinion which he had received concerning his case, especially from one medical man of celebr'.ty. The '.ale was sad, and the opinion given unprofessional and cruel — sufficient to have deterred most men so afflicted from making the attempt Coleridge was contemplating, and in which his whole soul was so deeply and so earnestly engaged. In the course of our conver- sation, he repeated some exquisite but desponding lines of his own. It was an evening of painful and pleasurable feeling which I can never forget. "We parted with each other, understanding in a few minutes what perhaps, under different circum- stances, would have cost many hours to arrange ; and I looked with impatience for the morrow, still wondering at the apparent chance that had brought him under my roof. I felt indeed almost spell-bound, without the desire of release. My situation was new, and there was something affecting in the thought that one of such amiable manners, and at the same time so highly gifted, should seek comfort and medical aid in our quiet home. Deeply interested, I Logan to reflect seriously on the duties imposed upon me, and with anxiety to expect the approaching day. It brought me the following letter : — ] COLERIDGE TO JAMES GILLMAN. 12 Norfolk Street, Strand, Saturday, noon, Aprtl 13, 1816. My dear Sin,-- The first half-hour I was with you convinced me that I should owe my bion into your family exclusively to motives not less flattering to me than honour- able to yourself. I trust we shall over in matters of intellect be reciprocally serviceable t ' acb other. Mm of sense generally come to the same conclusions; but they are likely to contribute to each other's enlargement of view in proportion to the distance or even opposition of the points from which they set out. Travel and the strange variety of situations and employments on which chance has thrown me, in the course of my life, might have made me a mere man of observation, if pain and sorrow and self-mis-complacence had not forced my mind in on itself, and so formed habits of meditation. It is now as much my -.lature to evolve the fact from the law, as that of a practical man to deduce the law from the fact. With respect to pecuniary remuneration, allow me to say, I must not at least be suffered to make any addition to your family expenses, though I cannot offer anything that would be in any way adequate to my sense of the service ; for that indeed there could not be a compensation, as it must be returned in kind, by esteem and grateful affection. And now of myself. My ever wakeful reason, and the heenness of my moral feelings, will secure you fjom all unpleasant circumstances connected with me _:ave only one, viz. the evasion of a specific madness. Ycv> will never fiear anything but truth from me : prior habits render it out of my power to tell an untruth, but unless carefully observed. I d-i3 not promise that I should not, with regard to this detested poison, be capable of acting one. No sixty hours have yet passed without itij having taken laudanum, though for the last week comparatively trifling doses. I have full belief that your anxiety need not be extended beyond the first week, and for the first week I shall not, I must not, be permitted to leave your house, unless with you. Delicately or indeli- cately, this must be done, and both the servants and the assistant must receive absolute commands from you. The stimulus of conver- sation suspends the terror that haunts my mind ; but when I am alone, the horrors I have suffered from laudanum, the degradation, the blighted utility, almost overwhelm me. If (as I feel for the. first time a soothing confidence it will prove) I should leave you restored to my moral and bodily health, it is not myself only that will love and honour you ; every friend I have (and, thank God, in spite of this wretcl • I vice I have many and warm ones, who were friends of my youth, and have never deserted me) will thank you with reverence. I have taken no notice of your kind apologies. If I could not be comfortable in your house, and with your family, I should deserve to be miser- able. If you could make it convenient, I should wish to be with you by Monday evening, as it would prevent the necessity of taking fresh lodgings in town. With respectful compliments to Mrs. (iillman and her sister, I remain, dear sir, your much obliged, S. T. Coleridge. THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 499 [Coleridge not only expressed his belief that Davy might have been the first poet of our time, if he had not been the first chemist, but coupled him with Wordsworth, as the two great men of the age ; and when Southey went to Portugal, he entrusted to Davy the correction of Thalaba. His biographer says that, like Pope, he lisped in numbers, and that his best exercises were translations from classical into English verse. A poetical fancy colours all his writings, and he seems to have wanted nothing but the poet's art to obtain the poet's reputation. The following lines, written at Bavenna, during the closing days of his existence, will illustrate the letter : — ' Oil ! could'st thou be with me, daughter of heaven, Urania ! I have now no other love ; For time has withered all the beauteous flowers That once adorned my youthful coronet. With thee I still may live a little space, And hope for better intellectual light ; Y> T ith thee I may e'en still, in venial times, Look upon Nature with a poet's eye, Nursing those lofty thoughts that in the mind Spontaneous rise, blending their sacred powers With images from fountain and from flood : From chestnut groves, amid the broken rocks, Where the blue Lina pours to meet the wave Of foaming Serchio ; or 'midst the odorous heath And cistus flowers, that clothe the stream-worn sides Of the green hills, whence in their purity The virgin streams arise of Mountain Tiber.— • Or rest might find on that cloud-covered hill, Whose noble rocks are clothed with brightest green, Where thousand flowers of unknown hues and names Scent the cool air, rarely by man inhaled, But which the wild bee knows, and ever haunts, And whence descends the balmy influence Of those high waters, tepid from the air 01 ancient Apennines, whose sacred source Hygeia loves ; there my weary limbs I might repose beneath the grateful shade Of chestnuts, whose worn trunks proclaim the birth Of other centuries.' Davy believed himself to be endowed with the faculty divine. ' From a conversation I once had with Sir H. Davy at Al thorp,' says Dr. Dibdin in his Reminiscences, 'in consequence of a passage in Ovid's Mda- mwphoses, I felt quite persuaded that he considered himself to be a poet as well as s, philosopher.' — Willmott.] DAVY TO POOLE. Ravenna, March 14, 1827. My dear Poole, — I should have answered your letter immediately had it been possible ; but I was at the time I received it very ill, in the crisis of the complaint under which I have long suffered, and which turned out to be a determination of blood to the brain ; and at last producing the most alarming nervous symptoms, and threatening the loss of power and of life. Had I been in England, I should gladly have promoted the election of your friend at the Athenaeum ; your certificate of character would always be enough for me ; for, like our angling, evangelical Isaac Walton, I know you choose for your friends only good men. I am, thank God, better, but still very weak, and wholly unfit for any kind of business and study. I have, however, considerably recovered the use of all the limbs that were affected ; and as my amendment has been slow and gradual, I hope in time it may be complete ; but I am leading the life of an anchorite, obliged to abstain from flesh, wine, business, study, experiments, and all things that I love ; but this discipline is salutary, and for the sake of being able to do something more for science, and I hope for humanity, I submit to it, believing that the great Source of Intellectual Being so wills it for good. I am here lodged in the Apostolical Palace, by the kindness of the Vice-Legate of Eavenna, a most amiable and enlightened prelate, who has done everything for me that he could have done for a brother. I have chosen this spot of the declining empire of Eome as one of solitude and repose, as out of the way of travellers, and in a good climate ; and its monuments and recollections are not without interest. Here Dante composed his divine works. Here Byron wrote some of his best and moral (if such a name can be applied) poems ; and here the Eornan power that began among the mountains with Eomulus, and migrated to the sea, found- ing Asia and Europe under Constantine, made its last stand, in the marshes formed by the Eridanus, under Theodoric, whose tomb is amongst the wonders of the place. After a month's travel in the most severe weather I ever experienced, I arrived here on the 20th of February. The weather has since been fine. My brother and friend, who is likewise my physician, accompanied me ; but he is so satisfied with my improvement, as to be able to leave me for Corfu ; but he is within a week's call. I have no society here, except that of the amiable Vice-Legate, who is the Governor of the province ; but this is enough for me, for as yet I can bear but little conversation. I ride in the pine forest, which is the most magnificent in Europe, and which I wish you could see. You know the trees by Claude Lorraine's land- 5oo THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. scapes ; imagine a circle of twenty miles of these great fan-shaped pines, green sunny lawns, and little knolls of underwood, with large junipers of the Adriatic in front, and the Apen- nines still covered with snow behind. The pine-wood partly covers the spot where the Roman fleet once rode ; — such is the change of time ! It is my intention to stay here till the be- ginning of April, and then go to the Alps, for I must avoid the extremes of heat and cold. God bless you, my dear Toole, I am always your old and sincere friend, H. Davy. [Anne M 'Vicar was born in Glasgow in 1755 ; her early years were spent in America, where her father held a commission in the British army. Her father returned to this country and became barrack-master at Fort-Augustus. In 1778 she was married to Rev. James Grant, chaplain to the Fort, and afterwards of Laggan, Inverness. About twenty years afterwards she was left a widow with a large family dependent upon her. A volume of poems which she issued, was so well received that it was followed by her well-known Letters from the Mountains and other works. The latter years of her life were spent in Edinburgh. She died in 1838. Money was required for the outfit of one of her sons, when she thought of collecting and publishing her scattered letters. Mrs. Grant hesitated at first, but she was at length prevailed upon to overcome her scruples and prepare her letters with a view to publication, and she thus tells the story of the success of the venture : ' I was at the utmost loss, knowing no bookseller, how to dispose of my defective and ill-arranged manuscripts. Happily I met with a Scotch friend, who knew something of Messrs. Longman & Rees, and promised to introduce me. I went to them with no enviable feelings, being fully as much ashamed of my shabby manuscript as Falstaff was of his ragged recruits. Mr. Longman, however, took it graciously, submitted it to his invisible critic, and in a few days I heard the glad sound that it would do very well for publication. I was told that it would be set about immediately, and would be ready in three or four months, it being arranged that I should receive half of the profits, the booksellers bearing the risk of printing. This was in spring 1805. Summer and autumn passed, winter came, spring returned, still not a word of my book. I thought my papers had been lost or thrown aside as useless, and, occupied with a thousand other cares, I had almost for- gotten them, when I received at Woodend a letter informing me that my book was printed, and nothing was wanted but the preface, which, it seems, was the last thing required. Certainly never was preface more expeditiously written. In half an hour after the letter was received, the preface was away to Stirling to overtake the evening post. I had declined to give my name to the public as the author of the letters, and therefore could not be much affected, further than a pecuniary disap- pointment, by their being overlooked. Yet I have been seldom so much surprised, as when my kind neighbour, Lady Stewart, casually mentioned her hearing from London that a book, called Letters from the Mountains, divided with some other new publications the attention of readers that summer. No person, I believe, was so astonished at their success as myself. My booksellers dealt liberally with me, and many persons of distinguished worth interested themselves in me, and sought my acquaintance in consequence of perusing those letters.' The following is the hurried yet effective apology prefixed to the first edition of Letters from the Mountains :— ' Lest any of my readers should indulge the expectation of meeting, in the ensuing pages, either ingenious fiction or amusing narrative, it is but candid to undeceive them. The simple and careless letters here offered to the public carry in themselves the evidences of originality. They are genuine but broken and interrupted sketches of a life spent in the most remote obscurity. Of the little interest such sketches might possess, much is lost by the necessity of withholding those parts which contained most of narrative and anecdote. "Why letters should be published at all, comprehending so little to excite interest or gratify curiosity, is a question that naturally suggests itself. It cannot be truly said that the gratification of the reader could form an adequate motive for THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 501 their publication ; and, from the nature of them, it is obvious that the unknown author could have no purpose of vanity to answer by it. Yet may not a picture, seldom drawn, peculiar in its shades and scenery, true to nature, and chastely coloured,— may not such a picture amuse, for a while, the leisure of the idle and contemplative ? And it is hoped that the images here offered of untutored sentiment, of the tastes, the feelings, and habits of those who, in the secret shades of privacy, cultivate the simple duties and kindly affections of domestic life, may not be without utility. The soul that rises above its condition, and feels undefined and painful aspirations after unattainable elegance and refinement, may here find an inducement to remain in safe obscurity, contented with the love of truth, of nature, and the "Humanizing Muse ;" while those distinguished beings, who are at once the favourites of nature and of fortune, may learn to look with compla- cency on their fellow-minds in the vale of life, and to know that they too have their enjoyments. The hope of such a result might, in some degree, console the writer of Letters from the Mountains for the painful circumstance that has elicited their publication.'] LETTERS FROM THE MOUNTAINS 1 BY MRS. GRANT OF LAGGAN. TO MISS HARRIET REID, OF GLASGOW. Inveraray, April 28, 1773. My DEAREST H.,— I have been seriously thinking all the way to Luss, how little we know ourselves, and what odd beings we are. We left Balclutha 2 so mournful, ' thin darkness covered our beauty, and we looked forth from • our hill like half-seen stars through the rainy clouds of night. The sigh of the manly youths awaited our departure, and we went away, very sad indeed.' I am sure if St. Mungo's spire were capable of gratitude, it owes me some for the many sad looks I cast back at it. I shall ever love my dear native Balclutha, not 1 Letters from the Mountains, being the Real Correspondence of a Lady between the years 1773 and 1807. Second Edition. 1807. A new edition, with additions and numerous notes by J. P. Grant, was issued in 1845. 2 GliiSgOW. only for what I enjoyed, but for what I suffered in it. What I have suffered was the common lot of humanity ; what I have enjoyed was much more, for who ever had such friends as mine? But now to our recollections. Who would have supposed, when we were at Dumbarton, that ever we should have dried our eyes ? Yet when we met in the great room, when the sea-born swains from Greenock joined us, when ' the flame rose from the burning oak,' we rose to serene, thence to cheerful, and had we not been forced to part so soon, we might have got up to hilarity. Then, when the great struggle came, and we did really part, I thought my heart would break ; and your last words sounded in my ears like a knell ; and I thought I should not smile this whole summer. I read the folded paper James Hall gave me to amuse me when I stept into the carriage, about which you were so curious ; it related to real events, and was ' So sad, so tender, and so true. 'Twas from a young man of merit and parts, who, by a love marriage, had, alas ! condemned himself to perpetual poverty. He had gone to scramble among the wealth of England for a subsistence. Why should I tell of his sorrows and disappointments? Finally, my sister, he wrote this letter to a friend (probably James Hall himself) under those impressions which approaching death inspired. That princely knight errant, Francis the First, wrote to his mother from the field of a lost battle : ' Madam, all is lost but honour ; ' good, but this is better still. ' The result is, all is lost but a sure confidence in the Divine mercy.' And what else can a poor finite creature hold to, when the world, and all that is dear and lovely in it, fades from his sight? It was a most affecting letter : ' I wept abundant, and I wept aloud.' Yet, alas ! I fear they were not such generous tears as you might suppose. If I bad not been so very sorry myself, I should not have been so easily melted. Well, now I was very sure I would not smile this summer, nor yet read any book but the Bible and the Night Thoughts ; even the Odyssey was to be rejected. And thus I travelled on, so serious and so sad. I was got far beyond moralizing ; and then came on such small, soft, melancholy rain, and Ben Lomond's great head was wrapt in such a veil of thick clouds, that the nearer we drew the less we saw of it. And as to my three friends, they showed as much sense and feeling as Job's did at first, whose silence, on an occasion which common minds would have seized to say common things, I always admired. In short, the whole party seemed lost in medi- tation, till the sight of Loch Lomond roused us. What a happy faculty is an active imagination to combat the evils of sickly sensibility ! I passed over all the beautiful groves and corn 502 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. fields that adorn the lower side, for I had seen such things before, and they brought images of happiness and tranquillity which my mind could not relish in its depressed state. But the solemn and melancholy grandeur of the lofty dark mountains and abrupt rocks, tufted with heath and juniper, that rose on the other side of the lake, and seemed to close its upper end, arrested my attention at once. I peopled their narrow and gloomy glens with those vindictive clans that used to make such fatal incursions of old. I thought I saw Bruce and his faithful few ascending them in his forced flight from Bute. A train of departed heroes seemed to pass on their clouds in long review, and do but guess who closed the procession ; no other than the notorious Rob Roy riding up the loch -side with the lady he forced away, and the ' twenty men in order,' who make such a figure in the ballad. My mother knew the family, and tells the whole history of the transaction. The Lady, it would appear, was too delicate a subject for such a rough adventure, for she died of grief very soon after. I saw M. M.'s dwelling beneath romantic cliffs, and by a roaring stream, but I was not near enough to trace her stately steps. I made a happy transition from Rob Roy, to think of her and her good books, and her cheerful piety ; such an example to us all. Pray tell her I will never forget her. All this brought us to Luss, which I am too lazy to describe twice, so must refer you to Bell. But I will tell you how I took a pensive walk to admire Inchmarron and the setting sun while dinner was preparing. There ' I chewed the food of sweet and bitter fancy,' and felt some of those painful twitches, or spasms (are they not ?) in my breast, that remind one how much the soul is superior to the frame that is thus influenced by it. Dinner brought us together ; conversation grew insensibly cheerful ; our Greenock friend amused us with amphibious humour, such as all the west coast abounds in ; and before tea, your friend, who was not to relax a muscle this year, more than half smiled, and by supper time laughed outright. But truly might I say, that ' in the midst of laughter the heart is sad.' Give me credit for my honesty, imitate my sincerity, and tell me when you laughed first. In the meantime I will tell you something to laugh at. My ' three friends ' being engaged in a long discourse, replete with Argyleshire genealogy, I w;;s for a while quite abstracted ; my Ossianie mania returned with double force, where every blast seemed to touch a viewless harp, and every passing cloud, brightened with the beams of the moon, appeared to my mind's eye a vehicle for the shades of the lovely and the brave, that live in the songs of other times. How softly sweet, how sadly plaintive, were the strains that now arrested my attention I From the dark caverns of the kitdien they proceeded, and, through the loose disjointed floor of our apartment, they 'Rose like a stream of rich-distilled perfumes.' This music was both vocal and instrumental ; but no such voice, no such instrument, had I ever heard. Could I sit still when curiosity was so powerfully excited ? Believe I did not, but, stealing down on tiptoe, beheld a great dark-browed Highlaiuler, sitting double over the fire, and playing ' Macgiegor na Ruara' on two trumps at once, while a nymph, half hidden amongst her heavy locks, was pacing backwards, turning a great wheel, and keeping time with voice and steps to his mournful tones. I retired, not a little disconcerted, and dreamt all night of you and Malvina by turns. Spring appears here but in early infancy. Yet how can I tell you how mildly beautiful the sun arose over the distant hdls of Morven ; or with what secret veneration I traced the footsteps of my fathers along their blue gleaming lakes, or through their narrow vales ! I saw, in the course of this morning's ride, Glenfalach, in a secret nook at the end of Loch Loney, I think it is called, a name signifying the hidden vale, and hidden it certainly is. One would think it a sad exile to live in one of these recesses ; yet, by what I can gather from the conversation of our friends, people somehow contrive to be both gay and busy here. We drew near Lochawe, and caught a glimpse of Barabreack, familiar to me as the often- described abode of my ancestors. Here we had a long detail of their simple manner of life, their humble virtues, and the affectionate confidence that subsisted between them and their copartners in the same possession. My father delighted to show us the stream where he first caught a trout, and the little island which had been the object of his first excursion in search of nuts and raspberries : and I listened with delight to talcs of other times, told with so much animation. I felt as proud of the genuine worth and unstained probity of my ancestors as if they had been all that the world admires and envies, and only wished that I might not prove unworthy of them. I have already forgotten the name of the place we breakfasted at ; but there our fellow- traveller, or attendant rather, forsook us ; and there we picked up an original of quite another kind. The carriage was detained while one of the horses was shod, and I took that oppor- tunity of gathering some of the freshest primroses I had ever seen from the roots of a weeping birch, that actually ' wept odorous dews' upon me as I sheltered under its drooping branches. How do I love these artless bowers, and how much I wish to have you with me here, to tell you things that no other mortal would understand or care for ! My walk was stopped by streams, whose descent THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 503 into the lake was covered by thick shades of alder and hazel, that reminded me of the creek where Ulysses went on shore in Phseacia, and then I wished I had my Odyssey out of the chaise. But, alas ! no Odyssey was to be had. Then I was called to breakfast in an upper room, the floor of which was much worse than that at Luss, and indeed pervious to every sound. We had taken possession of the only tolerable room, and a newly-arrived traveller was heard growling for his breakfast below. He did not swear, but was so fretful and querulous, so displeased with everything that was given or said to him, and his manner of growling too was so amusing, — he showed so much ingenuity in discovering faults in every- thing, — that I burst out a-laughing, and said we were certainly haunted by the ghost of Smelfungus, of whom Sterne gives such an amusing account. By the bye, we had just that morning passed, ' xcith reverence due,' the monument of the original Smelfungus, which rises near his native spot, beside his favourite lake, which he delights to describe in Humphrey Clinker. Tea was prepared, but still thunder muttered hoarse below. My father, inquiring about the stranger, and finding he was a gentleman's son of the country, very good-naturedly sent him an invitation to breakfast ; for he concluded the house (a very poor one) could not furnish two breakfasts with their apparatus (of equal elegance), and that this occasioned the ill-humour by which we were incommoded. He was a student, travel- ling home from college ; he left all his irritability below, and came up with an air so manly, well- bred, and accommodating, that, had we not received some previous intelligence of his character through the floor, we should have thought highly of him ; yet, through the strong lines of a marked and sensible countenance the scowl of discontent was but too obvious. I, who for my part detest every mode of selfish luxury, could not endure to see a native Highlander make his good-humour dependent on a good breakfast, and was moreover disgusted by certain learned strictures on new-laid eggs, which I am sure made no part of his college acquisitions. Then his appearance was so manly that this puppyism was doubly provoking. However, he sweetened by degrees into an agreeable and intelligent fellow- traveller. But oh ! not a single spark of enthusiasm. Ossian himself was never blinder than he is to the soul-moving beauties of that bard. "Why, after tiring you and myself with such a detail, should I tell you of the horrors of Glencoe, through which we travelled in a dismal rainy day ! In one particular, I dare say, I agreed with the stranger, for I really thought dinner the most interesting event of this day's journey, not merely as a repast, but the manner of it was so novel. There was a little inn, thatched, and humbler than any of the former ; we came very cold to it ; we found a well-swept chiy floor, and an enlivening blaze of peats and brushwood, two windows looking out upon the loch we were to cross, and a primitive old couple, whose fresh complexion made you wonder at their silver hairs. All the apparatus of fishing and hunting were sus- pended in the roof ; I thought myself in Ithaca, though Homer does not speak of peats or trout, and far less of grouse. The people showed an alacrity in welcoming us, and a concern about our being wet and cold, that could not have been assumed. I never took such a sudden liking to people so far out of my own way. I suppose we are charmed with cheerfulness and sensibility in old people, because we don't expect it, and with unservile courtesy in the lower class for the same reason. ' How populous, how vital is the grave ! ' says your favourite Young ; ' how populous, how vital are the glens ! ' I should be tempted to say here ; but after the ' stupendous solitude ' through which we had just passed, the blazing hearth and kindly host had peculiar attractions. Shall I tell you of our dinner ? Never before did I blot paper with such a detail ; but it is instructive to know how cheaply we may bo pleased. On a clean table of two fir deals we had as clean a cloth, trout new from the lake, eggs fresh as our student's heart could wish, kippered salmon, fine new-made butter and barley-cakes, which we preferred to the loaf we had brought with us. Smelfungus began to mutter about the cookery of our trouts ; I pro- nounced them very well dressed, out of pure spite ; for by this time I could not endure him, from the pains he took to mortify the good people and to show us he had been used to lodge and dine better. I feasted, and was quite entranced, thinking how you would enjoy all that I enjoyed. Dear Harriet, how my heart longs for you when I think how yours is made to share all my wild pleasures ! The boat was crossing with other passengers over the ferry, which is very wide. We were forced to wait its arrival two hours, to me very short ones ; one of them I have given to you, for I could never tell you all this when the warm feeling of the minute had worn off. I have kept my promise of being minute most religiously : there is merit in it. For you I have forsaken Smelfungus, who is yonder walking on the loch-side in all the surly dignity of displeasure. I am going to tea, and will put him in good -humour with questions about his college. What a pleasant tea-drinking ! The old man knew all my father's uncles, and the good woman was so pleased with my interest in her household economy ! It produced a venison ham, sacred to favourites, and every other good thing she had ; every -J 504 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. one was pleased, and Smelfungus himself became 'As mild and patient as the female dove, When first her golden couplets are disclosed.' And here I conclude this long letter to begin another at Inveraray. Innocent, beloved, and amiable, what more can I wish you, that will not risk a share of your happiness? Adieu, beloved ! TO MISS EWING, GLASGOW. Blair-in-Athol, Tuesday morn, May 1777. My dearest Bell Ewing, — Having written to Jenny this morning about my setting out, I must refer you to that letter for the motives of my journey. I found an honest man, whom I knew very well, from our place, driving an empty carriage north. My Kobin is driver in ordinary to the Fort, and as wise and careful as a patriarch. I have passed a most agreeable day of solitary enjoyment. I travelled in silent state, without meeting a creature to interrupt my musings. I did not even read, but amused myself with my knitting, in up-hill roads. I did not speak a sentence till I had some necessary communing with my landladies, except getting the history of the famous battle as I came through the pass of Killicrankie. My Kobin was very intelligent and distinct about the antiquities of the road. The singular beauty of the morning when I set out, and the satisfaction of getting my mind free from many doubts and fears that had hung upon me, with the hourly change of charming scenes, raised my late dejected spirts to a sweet serenity. I looked forward with pleasure towards home, the dear centre of all social and rational happiness. The beloved friends I had left behind rose in my mind, not with the pensive parting look they usually wear to my imagi- nation, but all cheerful and benignant, warm with the hopes of that reunion in which I have placed so much of my earthly happiness. The day arose with increased beauty, the scenery was enchanting, and all nature smiled around me. My mind had over-wrought itself before, and overllowed with pleasing reflections ; gratitude to my friends, ami gratitude for such friends, inspiring a sublimei aspiration towards the great original source of pure affections and intellectual joys. I shall not go into a minute description of places you have heard so much of, but content myself with saying that this day's ride afforded more noble and pleasing objects than ever I met with in the same space of time ; for you must remember that I came southward through Bveadalbane, so all this is quite new to me. The rich and variegated country you pass through on leaving Perth, forms a fine contrast with that gloomy barrenness, and those frown- ing heights, that mark the entrance to the Highlands, far more savage than the interior, win re the green wooded vales, which open towards Dunkeld, relieve the eye, and the ear is soothed with the deep distant sound of streams, that 'wander not unseen' through these dark retreats. Dunkeld has a singular air of romantic grandeur, derived from its wild situation, the remains of antiquity round it, and the soothing gloom of its fine woods, which abound in weeping birch, drooping its pensile branches, and sighing to every wind. These are contrasted by large solemn firs, that stand unmoved, in sullen dignity, amidst the fury of contending elements. You will think me very fanciful, investing plants with sentiment, but you may trust me, when I assure you I don't borrow from Harvey. The reverence I have for his character and intentions has made me often try to like his flowery style, but I never could succeed. I hope your efforts too, like mine, being, I am sure, equally sincere, may prove more successful. From Dunkeld you enter a wild, but not dreary country, in which the sun, looking upon Fascally ' with farewell sweets,' called my attention to ' vales more soft than Arcady of old.' The sweet winding stream of Argentine brought poor Struan to my recollection, with all his wanderings and hidings. If he were not such a sot, I should not think his life at all so unhappy as other people do. Poets have skill to complain, and, no doubt, feel acutely. But if their own imprudence, and the cruelty of the world, did not drive them into corners sometimes, they would neither muse nor warble, nor taste the sweets of nature, so peculiarly their own. And, in the bustle of the world, they would run all the risks other people do, without the common defences of caution and suspicion. Now this furnishes an excellent apology to the rich and powerful, for permitting the ingenious and highly-gifted children of nature to languish in obscurity ; and accounts for their letting them starve in corners, while they themselves choose their associates among those whom delicacy and sensibility shrink from — the dull, the callous, and the servile. I am growing ill-natured, and should have been better employed in telling you what a fine twilight scene this other princely seat of the Atliol family forms, at this moment, opposite my window, — 'But now the fairy valleys fade, Dun night lias veiled the solemn view ; Vet once again, dear parted maid, Meek Nature's child, again adieu 1' THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. 505 TO MISS DUNBAR, BOATH. Laggan, May — , 1803. My dear Helen, — Very sick and very busy as I am, I am so charmed with your goodness, ill being so mindful of me under such a pressure, that I lose no time in thanking you, and in congratulating you on the recovery of a mother, a friend, and an exemplary model of every social and domestic virtue. Do me the justice to believe, though urgently advised to take the measure you mention when I was in England, pressed for money in a land of strangers, that I not only rejected the proposal, but the rejec- tion cost me so little effort that I never once thought of telling you I had refused it. I should consider it as a stain to the memory of the most delicate and disinterested of human beings, if I, walking so long in the pure light of his spotless mind, should be induced to do anything that could bear the construction of disingenuity to benefit his family. By the divine blessing, there is little danger of their wanting what is necessary, and it is my duty to endeavour to limit their wishes within narrow bounds. I know you now perfectly, in the simplicity and very similitude of A. O.'s description. Your patience in illness raises you not a little with me. I can't bear the tribe of croakers ; they are indeed ' Like the black raven hovering o'er, my peace,' no less a bird of omen than of prey ; for they really prey on my comfort. I do not believe these dismalites feel half what I do ; if they did, they would be glad to seize a respite when they could. I believe you very deserving, yet if these clouds did not intervene, you would have more than your share of those showers of manna allotted to support us in our travels through the wilderness. I do think you gather more than a Homer, when I take brothers, and music, and literature into the account. I have my share too, though I am doomed to eat it, like the paschal lamb, with bitter herbs. I hope there will be no war, and that your brother will take root and flourish in his native soil. "What a feast must rural and domestic life be to an uncorrupted mind, after tossing about in a profession where the mode of life is so unnatural. I will give my opinion, such as it will be after a hasty perusal, of the poem you had the goodness to send me ; but you in return must give me yours of Dr. Cowper's Malachi. I did not tell you how very ill I have been of the Cowper-mania. I do not now mean the Doctor, but the delightful author of the Task. Read his letters and his life by Hayley, as I did, and you will find them 1 Of power to take the captive soul, And lap it in Elysium.' Your young cousin's 'Poem to Science' is a wonderful proof of premature abilities. It shows genius under the direction of wisdom, and does equal honour to his judgment and his poetical faculties. No wonder those to whom the culture of so fair a flower has devolved should carefully attend to its unfolding. But if it were mine, I would not have it reared in England. Who will care for Scotland, after being bred in so fine a country ? I would have a son of the Muses be a patriot and a true-blue Scot. John Bull is not so much alive, either to the tender or ludicrous, as we are. And why? he has too much ease, and too many conveniences, which he cultivates to a degree injurious to social life and social love, and which will produce the same effect on us whenever we attain them. It is partly to this apathy that irreligion, the source so fruitful of every evil, is owing. "We struggle by the light that kindles darkness into day, through hunger, poverty, and hardship ; our blest enthusiasm lights up the dreariest prospects with rays that stream from heaven. Earth- born views are so bounded, that the soul soon sickens with the reiteration of unvaried comforts, and languishes amidst all its enjoy- ments. There are, doubtless, very many pious people in England among the more enlightened middle classes, but our 'virtuous populace' is our peculiar and invaluable blessing. I am now speaking of devotion merely as an earthly comfort. Did I tell you I read Campbell's Pleasures of Hope at the Wells, and was charmed and elevated beyond measure? Our final day is the 11th June. Did I tell you of the Marquis's visit? Was it not very con- siderate and good? Farewell. lam tired out of measure, and will not bestow another word on you or him, as well as I like you both. Good-night. [Sir Stamford Raffles has been compared with Bishop Heber ; not, indeed, in brilliancy of classical acquirement, for Raffles was of lowly parentage ; nor in beauty and fresh- ness of fancy, for Raffles had no poetic feelings, except those which are common to every amiable and cultivated mind : the resemblance is to be traced in the moral, not in the intellectual features ; in love of home ; in fidelity of friendship ; in purity of life and conversation. In all the love- liest graces that adorn and sanctify the human character, we discover a relationship between the Christian statesman and the Christian prelate ; and we may turn from the Journal of Heber to the Correspondence of Raffles, without interrupting the serenity 506 THE BRITISH LETTER WRITERS. of mind which that beautiful work always produces. Among the precious collections — the fruit of so many years of diligent labour and inquiry — which were lost in the homeward passage by the burning of the vessel, were copious memoirs for a history of the island of Sumatra. — Willmott.] RAFFLES TO SOMERSET. Off Sumatra, Feb. 12, 1820. You will perhaps have condemned me for so long a silence, yet, when you know the cause, I am satisfied you will cease to think unkindly. I have been ill, very ill, so much so that for the last month of my stay in Calcutta I was confined to my bed, and forbidden to write or even to think. I was removed from my room to the ship with very little strength, but I am happy to say that I am already nearly recovered ; the sight of Sumatra, and the health-inspiring breezes of the Malayan Islands, have effected a wonderful change ; and though I still feel weak, and am as thin as a scarecrow, I may fairly say that I am in good health and spirits. I am beginning to turn my thoughts homeward, and shall ask your advice on a thousand pursuits. I have just left Tappanooly, situated in the very beast of the Batta country, abounding in camphor and benjamin, and full of interest for the naturalist and the philosopher. If you have occasionally looked into Mr. Marsden's History of Sumatra, you will recollect that the Battas are cannibals. Now do not be surprised at what I shall tell you regarding them, for I tell the truth and nothing but the truth. To prepare you a little, I must premise that the Battas are an extensive and populous nation of Sumatra, occupying the whole of that part of the island lying betwei n Acheen and Menangkabu, reaching to both the shores. The coast is but thinly inhabited, but in the interior the people are said to be 'as thick as the leaves of the forest ; ' perhaps the whole nation may amount to between one and two millions of souls. They have a regular government, deliberate assemblies, and are great orators ; nearly the whole of them write, and they possess a language and written cha- racter peculiar to themselves. In their language and terms, as well as in some of their laws and usages, the influence of Hinduism may be traced; but they have also a religion peculiar t" themselves; they acknowledge the one and only great Qod, under the title of Dibata Assi rid they have a trinity of great gods, sd t