'o-xmm '/ . *y O u- ■ >> v i? 1 i r^ ft ^ 1 i r - " ft Gr 18 Cojb.l PREFACE This Essay obtained the "Hare Prize" at Cambridge in 1886, the subject chosen by the Examiners being "The Social Life of Rome in the 1st Century, A.D." It is now published with a few alterations and corrections, but nearly in its original form. IV. R. I. Jan., 1888. TABLE OF CONTENTS* INTRODUCTORY. Scope of the Essay List of Modern Authorities used PACK. . ix • zii CHAPTER L RELIGION. Political Character of Roman Religion Legal Formulism in Religion Belief in a Future Life Foreign Elements Type of Character fostered Causes of Decline • Its Extent estimated . Attitude of Society towards Divination, Sea, Faith in the Supernatural still strong Superstitions .... Reaction iu favour of Positive and Emotional Religion Growing Influence of Oriental Type of Faith Summary 1 2 3 5 7 8 10 12 ir> id. 18 19 20 IV CONTENTS. CHAPTER IL PHILOSOPHY. Social Importance of Moral Philosophy at Rome Neo- Stoicism at Rome in the First Century Its Influence for Good .... Its Defects Seneca Causes of Unpopularity of Philosophy Social Position of Philosophers . • PAGE. 22 23 24 26 28 29 81 CHAPTER III. MORALITY. Divisions of the Subject : Integrity . • • • • 33 Dishonesty and Love of Money ...... 35 " Capiat™ " id. General Dishonesty and Corruption 38 Humanity. Nature of Roman Cruelty . . . .39 Awakening Sentiment of Humanity 41 Treatment of Slaves in First Century id. Punishment of Criminals ....*•• 45 Street Bullies 46 Relief of the Poor and Unfortunate 48 Kindness to Animals .51 The Gladiatorial Shows 53 Purity. Corruption of the Age . , . . . .61 Exceptions .63 Improved Conception of Morality visible . . . .64 Murder and Homicide 67 Destruction of Infant Life 69 Suicide ......70 Conclusion .,»....« ° . 73 CONTENTS. CHAPTER IV. THE GOVERNMENT AND SOCIETY. PAGE. Connection between Politics and Social Life ... 75 The Government in general not intrusive . . . .77 Exceptions 78 Worship of the Emperors . 79 Liberty of Speech and Pasquinade 82 Unreality a Consequence of Despotism .... 84 Feeling of Society towards the Empire. Conquest . . 85 Republican Modesty of the Emperors 86 Idea of Subjection familiar id. Unity of Civilised World a Gift of the Empire ... 88 The Provinces gained by it 89 Municipal Patriotism 90 The Empire satisfied the Wants of the Majority ... 91 CHAPTER V. LITERATURE AND ART. Cramping Effect of Despotism on Literature ... 93 System of Education : Its Results 95 Straining after Effect 96 Characteristics of different Periods : The Julian Era . . id. The Flavian Era 99 Literary Habits ]03 Reaction in favour of ante-Augustan Writers . . 104 Art not indigenous at Rome 105 Dilettantism in Art 107 Sculpture , , 109 Painting ..... 114 Music 116 VI CONTENTS. CHAPTER VI. GRADES OF SOCIETY. PAGBJ The Imperial Household . . . . , , .119 The Senate 122 The Equites 127 Professions : The Bar . . , . . . . .129 Teaching 133 Literature 137 The Army 139 Farming 140 -^ Medicine ........... id. Trades 144 Clients 147 Recipients of the State Dole 150 Beggars 151 Aliens. Italians. Provincials .152 Freedmen . .155 Orientals 157 Slaves 159 How were Slaves supplied ? ,162 Kidnapping 163 Prices of Slaves 166 Treatment of Slaves 168 CHAPTER VII. EDUCATION, MARRIAGE, &c. Patria Potestas ..... . 172 Education • • • • • • . 173 Marriage • ••••• . 178 Women . • ••••• . 180 Celibacy •••••• . 182 Funeral Ceremonies .... . 183 CONTEXTS. vu CHAPTER VIII. DAILY LIFE. f f PAGE. Necessity of describing only the Upper Classes . ■ .190 Injustice thus done to the Romans . . ( , 192 Early Morning. The Salutations , , 194 The Morning Hours . • • , 195 The Dinner , 196 Conversation, &c « , 199 Drinking , 202 Life in the Country . . , , 203 Habits of Spurinna and the Elder Plin y i ► i i i , id. CHAPTER IX. AMUSEMENTS. Political necessity of Public Amusements . . . . 206 Frequency and importance of Spectacles .... 208 -i Gladiatorial Games .209 A How the Combatants were procured . . . . .211 x Training of the Gladiators 212 p Scene in the Amphitheatre 215 jL The Circus 216 Factions of the Circus 219 Popularity of the Jockeys 220 jf The Theatre 222 The Farce and the Mime 223 Political Allusions • • 225 The Pantomime ....«•••• 228 a viii CONTENTS. PAGE. Social Position of Actors . • • • • • • 229 ■* Athletic Contests . . . . • - • . . .231 A Public Baths ••••••••• 232 " Watering Places •••• 235 > Games at Ball .*••••••• 236 ^Field-Sports 237 Games of Chance •••••••• 238 CHAPTER X. LUXURY. *• The First Century of the Empire the most Luxurious . 240 Nature of Roman Civilisation • . . . . .241 i. Magnificence of Buildings . 243 Private Houses ..••*•*•• 245 Furniture .....*•«•■ 254 Dress ......<•«•• 258 Luxury of the Table 262 Considerations on this Subject •••••• 266 R&3umd snakes, besides the more ordinary Animals. f This curious law was common to most of the nations of antiquity. We find it at Athens, in Phrygia, and in other places. X Quint. Instit. 5. 9. § History of European Morals, vol. II. p. 165. KINDNESS TO ANIMALS. 53 the transmigration of souls. Stories arising from ignorance of natural history may also, as Mr. Lecky suggests, have aided to cause the convic- tion that the natures of men and animals are identical. We can only be surprised that no opposition was made to the cruelties of the amphitheatre. We have deferred till now the subject which is generally the first to come into our minds when we think of Roman precept or practice in the matter of humanity. The very important part which the " games " of the amphitheatre played in the social life of Rome has been recognized by most writers on the subject. There is, probably, no feature in ancient life that appears to the modern mind more startling than that throughout the period of its highest civilisation and culture one of the main amusements of the Roman people should have been the spectacle of human bloodshed. We find it difficult to believe that men who could take pleasure in such a spectacle could have any feelings of humanity at all. We seem to be contemplating the lowest abyss to which human depravity can sink, the most hideous perver- sion of all the kindly sentiments of our nature. 54 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. To contemplate suffering which brings no ad- vantage to the beholder, and to gloat over it for its own sake, may seem not an attribute of men, but of fiends. The possibility of such a moral disease has been indignantly denied by many writers on ethics, from Hobbes down- wards. Selfishness, they say, may dry up the milk of human kindness, or revenge turn it to gall, but the mere sight of suffering, in the absence of such motives, can never be otherwise than painful. We believe this view to be altogether mistaken. In the happy security of our peaceful civilisation there may exist latent elements in our nature which never reveal themselves to our self-con- sciousness. The truth seems to be, as Professor Bain says, that this feeling is a mode of sen- suous and sensual gratification, which, in the ab- sence of countervailing sympathies, may amount to a very keen sensation of pleasure, and by habitual indulgence may produce a morbid craving of the most potent kind. In boys this ten- dency often shews itself; in savages it is almost universal, and produces the most hideous results ; in civilised men it is generally undeveloped and scarcely felt to exist unless called out by ex- TIIE " GA MES" OF THE A MPHITHE, I TRE. 58 ceptional circumstances. At Rome the gladia- torial shows afforded it the most abundant food. Even the holocausts of victims slaughtered on the sacrificial stone of the Aztec war-god must have been less demoralising to the spectators than the Roman games. The continual succession of these barbarous spectacles, the intense enthusiasm they excited, and the absence of other matters of in- terest which might divert the attention, kept the imagination constantly fixed on these scenes of torture and death.* The measure of the evil wrought by the games may be taken by the neglect of the higher intel- lectual amusements which we observe at this period. The drama seemed tasteless and insipid to those who habitually watched the enactment of the direct tragedies in real life. The eyes that had gloated over the last contortions of human agony, the ears that had feasted themselves on the shouts and groans of mortal conflict, could never again feel much interest in the sight of blind OEdipus, or the narration of Polyxena's sacrifice.! Even comedy had lost its charms, and could only * Even the children played at gladiators. Epictetus M. 29. 3. •j- See Tac. Dial. Or. 29, where he laments that gladiators and race-horses had left no room for noble culture. 56 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME attract when it pandered to the pruriency which shared with thirst for blood the polluted minds of the populace. The gorgeous processions which had been so popular in the republican days were now regarded with impatience.* At last even the games themselves were not sufficient to satisfy the morbid craving, unless they were varied by constant novelties in slaughter, often consisting of more wholesale bloodshed, or more horrid forms of death.t In spite of legislative restrictions, to be referred to in another chapter, the number of victims in- creased, till in the reign of Trajan we read of 10,000 gladiators being exposed to fight. The combat of armed men was varied by every kind of fantastic device, appealing to the love of novelty in the spectators, which always craved for some new excitement. The combatants were armed as Thracians, as Mirmillones, as Essedarii, or as Retiarii, and especial interest was excited by a * Seneca closes one of his imaginary harangues by saying, " Sed jam non sustineo vos rnorari. Scio quam odiosa sit circensibua pompa." Sen. Controv. 1 prtef. ad fin. f Among the most atrocious slaughters in the arena during this century may be mentioned that of the British prisoners at Rome under Claudius (Dion. 60. 30), and that of 2,500 Jews at Caesarea in A.D. 70. BARBARITY OF THE SPECTATORS. 57 struggle between two different sorts of equipment. Even the sense of the ludicrous was appealed to by combats of blind-folded men,* of dwarfs and deformed persons,! while 'there are several in- stances on record of women descending into the arena. This last atrocity seems to have disgusted even the depraved taste of the populace, and it was eventually forbidden. The deserts of Africa and Asia were ransacked for every kind of wild beast that could be made to fight in the arena. The excitement of the spectators during the combats was intense, and shewed itself in savage shouts, such as " Habet ! " "Accipe ferrum ! " "Occide, ure, verbera ! " "Quare tam timide incurrit in ferrum ? " " Quare parum libenter moritur ? " X By a cruel innovation the life of the vanquished gladiator was made to depend on the suffrages of the crowd, and attempts were even made to introduce games " sine missione," where no quarter was to be given. These were, however, forbidden by Augustus. § The general practice was for the spectators to express their wishes as to the fate of the prostrate combatant by a motion of the thumb, which was * Andabatoe Cic. ad Fam. 7. 10. f Stat. Silv. 1. 57-64. I Sen. Ep. 7. 4. § Suut. Aug. 45. 58 80CIAL LIFE IN ROME. turned to the breast to indicate the death thrust, or moved downwards to signify the dropping of the weapon.* We have no right to wonder that this pernicious institution was more popular than even the bull- fights of modern Spain, and that the attraction was so strong that even Christians in the ardour of their newly-accepted faith often failed to tear themselves away from the amphitheatre. f We must admit that no element of excitement and interest was wanting. The vast assemblage of human beings, all intent on a common object, was enough in itself to blunt the susceptibilities and rouse the ardour of each individual spectator ; the magnificence and variety of the entertainment dazzled the eye and kept the attention con- stantly riveted ; the splendid courage with which the combatants always faced wounds and death took away most of the hideousness which usually attends the violent extinction of human life ; and the spirit of partisanship, which is necessary to identify the spectator with the scenes he wit- * These mute gestures were often accompanied by loud shouts, "dissono clainore," Tac. A. 1. 32. Cf. also Suet. Cal. 30; Mart Bpect. 21). 3 ; Fronto ad M. Caes. 2. 4. 4. f Cf. A ugustine, Confess. 6. 8. POPULARITY OF THE INSTITUTION. 59 nesses, was excited both by the person of the gladiator and by the method of his equipment and fighting.* When we add to these attractions the unhappy psychological phenomenon which we discussed above, we have an ample explanation of the strength of this institution, which nothing but Christianity could eradicate. We are, however, disappointed by the tone of the cultivated classes with regard to the games. We find very few traces of the disgust which we should have expected them to arouse in a refined mind. Such as there are belong to the Empire, not to the Republic, which bears out the theory we are endeavouring to maintain, that a great awakening of humanity dates from the first cen- tury. Cicero, indeed, says that "some consider the games cruel, and possibly they are as now conducted," f and in another place declares that he feels no pleasure in seeing a feeble man torn by a powerful beast, or a noble animal transfixed by a spear.} This we should expect in a man of Cicero's character, but his aversion is one of * The rivalry between the supporters of the large and small shii-M was very keen in the latter half of our tentury. f Tusc. 2. 17. % lip. ad Uiv. 7. 1. 60 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. taste and not of principle.* After the Augustan age a slightly better tone seems to prevail. Drusus the son of Tiberius,! and Claudius,! are blamed for shewing too keen a pleasure in the sight of bloodshed. Private writers no longer put forward the official justification — that the sight of strife and death promotes a military spirit in the citizens. Literature supplies no instance of a dis- position to gloat over the horrors of the arena ; and Seneca condemns the games altogether, with great eloquence and vigour,§ on the true prin- ciples of humanity. But though other indications of awakening conscience might be quoted, the record during the first century is on the whole disappointing, and shews that morality had as yet made little progress on this field. We may now leave this painful but interesting subject, the importance of which seemed to justify a somewhat lengthy discussion. * See e.g., Tusc. 2. 20, where he defends the games as conducive to courage and contempt of death. f Tac. Ann. 1. 76. % Suet. Claud. § Nothing could be more finely expressed than his answer to the common plea that the sufferers were criminals. " They de- serve to die, I know ; but what crime have you committed to deserve to be a spectator of their punishment 1 " SEXUAL MORALITY. 61 ^ ■■■■ ■ ■ - M —_ , ■ -■■--■■■ The third branch of morality which we have to discuss is that connected with the relations be- tween the sexes. The points to be considered are : first, the extent and causes of the degradation of public morals in this particular, and, secondly, the movement of public opinion on the subject during the first century. The Romans of the early re- public justly prided themselves on the purity of their domestic life, which enabled them to allow great freedom to their women, and made divorce an unknown thing. Though the legal position of the wife, as of the son, was low, women enjoyed great respect and influence, and the organism of domestic life was sound and healthy. This pleasing state of things was changed by the ex- tension of the empire. A wave of corruption swept over Rome with the influx of Oriental wealth and Oriental slaves, the slaves especially being a fruitful source of vice, as they always are where the institution exists. The civil war, which ended with the battle of Actium, completed the dissolution of morals, and opened a period perhaps unparallelled in history for unblushing debauchery and shameless wickedness. The plague fed on its own contamination. Literature spread corruption G2 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. through all classes by the audacity of its coarse- ness. The theatre owed its chief attraction to the manner in which it pandered to the vilest tastes. Art lent itself to depict shameless and suggestive scenes. Even religion became the ready minister of vice ; and the temples of Isis were constantly used for the vilest purposes.* The women, as is usually the case when society is thoroughly corrupt, were even more depraved than the men. Abnormal forms of vice were as common in Rome as ever in Greece. The court often set the example of the most hideous profligacy. It is unnecessary to heighten the colours of the dreadful picture by references to Juvenal, Martial, or Suetonius. It is needful to keep in mind this melancholy feature of Roman life, but no excuse is wanted for not allowing it its due proportion of space in an essay of this kind. (Without further details, then, let us state that the Empire found the whole of society pervaded with the grossest immorality, that mar- riage was avoided to an extent which threatened the extinction of the Roman stock, that divorce was practised with a scandalous levity and fre- * Cf. the story of Deems Mundus, in the reign of Tiberius. The strong expressions of Minucius Felix, quoted by Friedlander, shew that the evil still existed in the third century. DEPRA YITY OF THE A GE. C3 quenc}'', that even military discipline and the frugality of a country life had ceased to exercise their wholesome influence on society, that religion was either silent or enlisted in the service of vice, and that belief in purity seemed to have almost vanished from the earth. It will be a more plea- sing task to consider what deductions can be made from this gloomy indictment, and what hopes for the future were discernible in the darkness of Pagan wickedness. ) In the first place the whole empire was not nearly so corrupt as the capital. The valley of the Po still contained a free agricultural and industrial population, whose business or sim- plicity preserved their virtue from contamination. The great towns of the East, such as Antioch and Alexandria, were the imitators or instructors of Rome in the worst excesses; but we would gladly believe that the western provinces, and the rural districts of the empire generally, were stran- gers to the worst fruits of luxury. Again, we are pleased to find that as the barbarities of the slave- owner did not quench the spirit of loyalty and fidelity in the slaves, so the laxity of morals in both sexes did not banish from society the do- 64 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. mestic virtues of conjugal devotion. It was remarked by Velleius Paterculus* that the evil period of the civil wars was brightened by signal examples of devotion of slaves to their masters, and still more of wives to their husbands, while the bonds of filial duty seemed to have been altogether broken. And the early empire can furnish as signal examples of fidelity as the end of the re- public. The courage of Porcia, the wife of Brutus, is not more admirable than the devotion of the two Arrias, mother and daughter, to their hus- bands. f The epitaphs of the period shew that the old ideal of womanhood was not yet extinct. Many Roman matrons, if we may trust the inscrip- tions on their sepulchres, still followed the simple rule of old times, " domi mansit, lanam fecit," and many were able to take the still prized title of " Univira." There is another consideration which has not been urged by other writers on the subject, but which may well make us pause before accept- ing too readily the picturss drawn by satirists like Juvenal, profligates like Martial, pessimists like * Veil. 2. 67. f Fannia, tne daughter of the younger Arrias, and wife of Helvidius Priscus, shewed herself worthy of her mother and grandmother. Plin. Ep. 7. 19, EVID EXCE FROM L ITER. 1 TUBE. 65 Tacitus, and scandal-mongers like Suetonius. We mean the purity and delicacy of some of the pro- minent writers of the age. To go back a little, as we may, Cicero, though often foul-mouthed in irrvective, was evidently a moral man; Virgil is conspicuous among the writers of all ages for his purity ; Pliny the Younger shews all the reticence and delicacy of the modern gentleman ; Seneca, Epictetus, and Plutarch urge strongly the obliga- tion of chastity in the husband as well as the wife ; and many other instances might be quoted to shew that the corruption was not by any means universal. These are the chief arguments we can find to oppose to the fearful array of evidence against the morality of Imperial Rome. It must be confessed that they make but a poor show. We may hope that civiliza- tion will never again sink into so deep a degra- dation. It remains to consider whether in this as in other branches of morality, the first century kindled the life-giving spark which was to burn so brightly afterwards. We have just mentioned the noble teaching of Seneca and Plutarch on the duty of chastity. Still more Christian in E 66 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. tone are the precepts of Musonius Rufus, who condemned all illicit intercourse either in or out of wedlock, and taught that " the virtues of men and women are the same." This, which had never been inculcated by the older Stoics, seems a forecast of the ascetic notion of purity which was developed by Christianity. We find many instances of it in the next century out- side the pale of Christianity, but scarcely any other indications of it in our period.* We do, however, trace some desire for moral reform in this as in other respects towards the close of the century. It never reached boiling point, but "sim- mered gently on the surface of society,"! and did something to check the extravagance and osten- tation of vice which is so painful a feature of the age. We purpose to conclude this chapter by a few remarks on what we have learnt to call the sanctity of human life, as understood at Rome. * Epictetus, however, regards celibacy as a higher state than marriage. This view, which was held by nearly all early Christian writers, is quite contrary to the ordinary ideas of antiquity, and can only be due to the ascetic notion of the relations between the sexes. f Herivale. HOMICIDE. 61 The attitude of society towards murder, infanti- cide, and homicide generally, and the kindred question of suicide, presents some points of interest which should not be passed over. To take first the question of murder of adult free persons. There is much evidence to prove that domestic crime was extremely common in this century. Parricide, perhaps the most unnatural crime of all, is noticed as increasing in frequency. In earlier times there had been no legislation on the subject, the crime being regarded as too horrible to be committed. Poisoning of husbands and wives was apparently carried on to a frightful extent. We need only refer to the awful revela- tion of wickedness in Cicero's speech pro Cluentio, and to Martial's half- humorous denunciations, e.g., Ep. 9, 15 : " Inscripsit tumulis septem scelerata virorum 1 Se fecisse ' Chloe ; quid pote sirnplicius 1 " the literal truth of which may be doubted, but this does not affect their value as evidence. Profes- sional poisoners, such as Locusta, found plenty of occupation at court and among the upper classes. The chief motives of these crimes were love of money and adulterous passion, especially the E 2 68 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. ■ - ■ ■ — -■ ■ .... . ... ■ . — _ i ■ ■ ^ former. We have before mentioned the baneful result of combined luxury and idleness on the morals of the aristocracy. A ruined man of fashion, or a member of a fallen family, had no means of repairing his fortunes except by legacy-hunting or marrying an heiress, and the temptation to crime in the frantic pursuit of wealth was often irresistible. Murders by the criminal classes, in housebreaking or highway robbery, are sometimes mentioned. Assassination, such as was common in Italy in the 15th century, was never a Roman crime. The duel, that strangest product of Chris- tian civilization, was absolutely unknown. It was characteristic of the Roman temperament to dis- courage personal violence in redressing private wrongs, and to employ legal remedies to settle even " affairs of honour." At Rome, as in England, slander was confuted and punished not at the sword's point, but by the verdict of a court of jus- tice. The ordinary course of a quarrel in high life at Rome was dignified and temperate. Ger- manicus sends Piso a cartel — not of challenge to mortal combat, but to inform him that their acquaintance and friendship must cease.* Tiberius * Tac. Ann. 2. 70, and 3. 12. INFANTICIDE. 6& sends a similar message to Labeo.* Even a wager at law was employed in cases of this kind. The case of slaves has already been dealt with. To take next the cases of abortion and infanti- cide. The former it appears was not discouraged by law, and was very extensively practised. The art was a regular part of the physician's practice, and was apparently well understood. t We find praises of women for not resorting to it. The destruction of a new-born infant was according to some authorities forbidden by law, but it was cer- tainly common.} Parents whose sense of pity prevented them from killing an infant, often exposed it, in which case it either died of neglect or was reared as a slave or prostitute by persons who made a trade of the practice. The habit of " limiting the number of children," as Tacitus euphemistically calls it, was condemned on political grounds as tending to diminish population at a time when the human harvest was bad ; but we do * Tac. Ann. 6. 29. Tbe emperor, however, speaks of " reviving an old custom," so perhaps the formality was nearly obsolete in our period. f See, however, Ovid. "Saspe suos utero quae necat ipsa perit." \ See Sen. de Ira. 1. 15. 2. " I.iberos quoque, si debilee mon- 8tro-.ique editi sunt, mergimut." SOCIAL LIFE IN HOME. not find the moral condemnation which modern society passes on the practice, a judgment which is due to a new conception of the guilt of homi- cide, introduced by Christianity. The practice of infanticide was certainly highly mischievous at Rome in this period, and contributed not a little to the gradual extinction of the Roman race. The kindred subject of suicide holds an extremely prominent place in Roman social history, especially in our period. At no other time probably has deliberate withdrawal from life been so common as under the early empire at Rome. Men committed suicide to escape the pains of mortal disease, or to anticipate condemnation for crime ; many resolved to end their life when they felt old age coming upon them ; some even determined to accompany a beloved person to the tomb. The resolution was carried out with a calm deliberation which distin- guishes Roman suicides from the rash and sudden acts of self-destruction with which we are familiar. We read of men calmly waiting the verdict of their physicians on their chances of recovery from sick- ness, before deciding whether to live or die; of others fixing a day to end their lives, and notifying it to their relations ; of others choosing a lingering SUICIDE. 71 form of death, apparently with the object of dying in the presence of their friends. Some noble men put an end to their lives in despair of their country, under the vile tyranny of some of the emperors ; one man, on the other hand, postponed his death till after the assassination of Domitian, that he might die free. Public opinion was generally favourable to suicide. Many philosophers, it is true, condemned it as a desertion of one's post, but the general feeling was, that it was an open door through which man might escape at any time from the woes of life, and that he had a perfect right to avail themselves of it. The best indication of the Roman view of the subject is that given by Pliny,* when he says, " There are some things that even God cannot do; for he cannot seek death if he wishes it — that best of gifts which he has given to men amid all the miseries of life." Seneca, in a burst of brilliant eloquence, enumerates the suffer- ings from which death makes us free, and con- gratulates the human race on the liberty which is thus within their reach, f Many distinguished Romans, Musonius Rufus, Silius Italicus, Petronius, * Plin. II. N. 2. 5. f Sen. Cons, nd Marciam, 20. 72 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. Otho the Emperor * among them, put into practice the precepts of philosophers. The death of Cato became a commonplace of panegyric. Regular epidemics of suicides appeared in various places. A law had to be made preventing accused persons saving their property for their families by antici- pating their sentence. The idea of life being sacred in itself was quite foreign to the Roman mind. Moralists condemned suicide, when they did so, as desertion or cowardice, but not as murder. The legislature did not interfere in the matter, and philosophers were left to discuss the subject calmly and impartially. As we have seen, they were divided on the question, but the hardness of the Roman temperament predisposed men to regard life very lightly, and the arguments from patriotism and personal dignity did not appeal to the many. Where a materialistic view of life prevails, suicide is naturally looked upon as reasonable in certain cases, and is likely to be common, especially among the educated, who are more influenced by general ideas. Christianity has certainly increased the seriousness with which death is regarded, and this * Other suicides in the first century were Cocceius Nerva, under Tiberius, Sextius Severus, Albucius Silus, Corellius Kufus, and Titius Aristo. DANGER OF EXAGGERATION. 73 fact makes it rather difficult for us to enter into the feelings of the ancients on the subject. We have now concluded our brief survey of the state of pagan morality at Rome during the first century. It is in most respects a dark picture, though some writers have painted it in yet blacker colours. But the dictates alike of feeling and of reason forbid us to believe the worst accounts that have reached us. It is no disparagement of the work wrought by Christianity to hesitate before accepting evidence which would argue a radical change in human nature. We should rather rest assured that .in the worst times virtue has never left the earth, and that in its broad features human nature is the same for good and evil as it was 2,000 years ago. The testimony of an age against itself is always overdrawn. Let us correct the fierce in- vective of Juvenal by the wise warning of Seneca.* " We must guard against letting blame fall on our own age. This has always been the complaint of our ancestors, that manners have been corrupted, that vice reigns, that human life is deterioratiiv and falling into every kind of wickedness. We lament in the same strain, and our descendants * De Ben. 1. 10. 74 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. will do the same after us. In reality, however, those things do not change, but only fluctuate slightly at times like the ebb and flow of the sea ; now one vice prevails most, now another, but bad men have always existed, and (alas!) always will." " Morality, like everything else," says Tacitus, " moves round in a circle."* We in the nineteenth century have accustomed ourselves to look for and expect some progress, but we must at least try to avoid the temptation to blacken our ancestors that we may make our own improvement seem the greater. • Tac. Ann. S. 5ft. ( 75 ) CHAPTER IV. THE GOVERNMENT AND SOCIETY, It is not possible to draw a sharp dividing line between political and social history. It is true that the ordinary current of daily life seems to flow on almost independent of political changes. Here and there the career of individuals or even the position of classes may be altered, but after all the greater part of our lives is free from the influence of government, whether it be republican or des- potic. Still there are ways in which the form of government materially affects social life, and in which a violent change in the constitution may be expected to modify the character of a country's civilization. It is a matter of great importance whether speech is free or not, whether a man may in word and with the pen " speak the thing he will " : whether he is unfettered in the exercise of his religion and the prosecution of his speculations : and whether in the education of his children he 76 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. may use his own discretion as to the subjects taught and the maxims inculcated. Again, it is a matter of importance whether each individual feels him- self a sharer in the government, or whether he regards himself merely as a subject, with no voice in the making of the laws which he has to obey. It is important whether the laws are equal to all classes, and whether the citizen has an open career before him if his abilities enable him to rise. All these matters do affect the social life of a nation, though they belong in themselves to politics ; and for this reason a short chapter on the social aspect of Roman Imperialism seems to be called for. The Homeric attribute of kings was " shepherds of the people." The expression sounds genial and pleasant, but the converse is less satisfactory. A nation of civilized men should not be comparable to sheep in a sheepfold. A sheepfold may be a model of order and good government, but its members being without responsibility may be with- out intelligence. A community organized on this principle is rightly regarded as a low type of state. To a great extent this misfortune had befallen Rome in the loss of her freedom. The emperor was now the visible embodiment of the consti- INCREASING CENTRALIZATION. 77 tution, and the fountain of all public movement of every kind. The tendency to centralization be- came so strong that nothing could be done without communicating with Rome. The machinery of the State seemed complete without the interference of private persons : there was now no place for the citizen soldier or for the independent republican magistrate. As a consequence, the feeling of citizen- ship was largely impaired. The Roman felt him- self no longer a citizen but a subject, a difference by no means unimportant. The despotism of the Caesars was not intrusive, partly because it was so strong. The military force on which it chiefly depended was generally kept away at the frontiers, and Rome was not annoyed by the presence of a repressive police. We do not hear of contiones being forbidden or dispersed, and the collegia or clubs, though not held in much favour, maintained their existence and increased in number and influence. Thought and speech were generally free, though with exceptions. To take first the matter of education. We are surprised to find the absolute freedom of subjects which was allowed to teachers. The praises of tyrannicide were a common stock-subject 78 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. for declamation, and the burning questions of past history were handled with equal freedom. The only occasions, so far as we know, on which this liberty was violated, were the banishment of Carrinas Secundus by Caligula for declaiming against tyrants, the execution of Curiatius Maternus by Domitian for the same offence, and that of Musonius and Virginius by Nero. Literature was more checked.* Good emperors, of course, allowed more freedom than tyrants, but taking the century as a whole, the fear of offending the government, or the desire of conciliating it, has an evil influence on both poetry and prose. Instances of punishments inflicted on writers are not rare; the fate of Lutorius Priscus, under Tiberius, and of Arulenus Rusticus and Herennius Senecio, under Domitian, are cases in point. With regard to religion, the government was very tolerant. No compulsion was exercised to make men con- form to the State religion ; the utmost latitude of thought and practice prevailed without hindrance. The only exceptions were in the case of those religions which were aggressively hostile to poly- theism, and represented a national and disloyal * We shall speak of this more fully in another chapter. TOLERATION AND ITS LIMITS. 79 spirit, like that of the Jews, or those which were regarded as immoral or grossly superstitious, like some imported from Asia Minor and the far East. There was, however, one important point connected with this subject in which the empire allowed no heterodoxy. The worship of the genius of the emperor is one of the most curious features of the century. It is most difficult for us to put ourselves in the frame of mind in which such a worship seems possible. We must not, however, regard it as merely a political device or an extravagance of tyranny, for it was clearly much more. No doubt fear and sycophancy played an important part in the divine honours paid to the emperors, but there was a substratum of genuine feeling among many of the worshippers. That this was the case cannot be doubted by any who have observed the numerous notices of the subject in the literature of the time. What then was the feeling which prompted so extraordinary a manifestation ? Was it akin to the honours paid to the heroes and demi- gods of mythology ? In part perhaps it was : but we must remember that these heroes were sanc- tified by antiquity, and exalted by venerable tradition, while the imperial "gods" actually owed 80 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. their apotheosis to a vote of the senate, or the filial piety of their successors. It appears certain that some emperors never were deified, and that their images could accordingly be profaned without sacrilege or treason. Deification was thus, at best, the favourable verdict of a prince's successor and subjects on his character. It was not custo- mary to worship an emperor exactly as a god during his lifetime, at least at Rome. Courtiers generally spoke of the emperor as " our god," " Namque erit ille mihi semper deus," " praesens divus liabebitur Augustus," which does not quite put him on a level with Jupiter and Apollo. The decent limitation was, however, less and less observed as the century wore on. In the pro- vinces temples were erected to living emperors by the score, and every token of divine homage was rendered to them. At last Domitian threw off all disguise, and encouraged his courtiers to give him the title of " lord and god." We must remember that these extravagances were not new. The poor oppressed provincials of the east had long been accustomed to propitiate their governors by quasi- divine honours, and we can easily understand how under the empire the degrading practice of servility U DIVUS CJESAR." 81 extended itself even to Rome. But other reasons probably aided the growth of the custom. The man who ruled with absolute power the whole of the known civilised world must have seemed almost superhuman ; it was almost pardonable to regard him with the awe inspired by a divine being. And not only was his person exalted above the rest of mankind, and his power terrible in its extent and strength, but he stood forth as the representative of that mighty empire, the like of which the world had never seen, and which was now for the first time concentrated under the sceptre of a single man. The senate was no longer an assembly of kings, the Roman people was no longer an army of generals, but the empire was there, more imposing than ever in its wide extent and its new tranquillity, and the emperor was the living embodiment of its strength and its genius. The worship of Rome had really been the foundation of the Roman's faith from the first ; and to some extent the emperor inherited what was left of the pious devotion. But whatever was the origin of the worship, it was enforced with atrocious jealousy by the legislation of the time. •Men were never safe against accusations brought F 82 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. by professional informers of having insulted the image of an emperor. Even coins bearing the deified features were to be regarded as sacred ; and slaves could find an asylum from the lash of an infuriated master by taking refuge in the vicinity of an imperial statue. To the ordinary citizen this part of the law of majestas must have been the most galling part of the yoke imposed by the despotism. Private conversation on politics was made un- safe by the machinations of the informers. It was considered best to avoid hazardous subjects in social gatherings, and specially when wine might throw the guests off their guard. This, of course, differed at different periods in the century. Some emperors discouraged the delatores, and allowed their subjects to speak on any subject with free- dom, while others had spies in every house, and noted every word with jealous tyranny. It is more remarkable that in certain particulars the Roman populace were able to maintain unimpaired their right of free speech. We shall mention here- after the "license" of the amphitheatre and the circus, where the people were wont to clamour for anything they wanted, including the punishment FREEDOM OF SPEECH. 83 of unpopular ministers ; and the telling allusions so frequent in the theatre, which were caught up readily by the audience. Another characteristic privilege was that of pasquinade, a truly Roman invention. Even Nero tolerated the most offensive and cutting epigrams against his crimes. After he had murdered his mother, the streets of Rome were placarded with the following witty couplet : " Quis neget iEneas clara de stirpe Neronem ? Sustulit hie matrem, sustulit ille patrem ;" and Tiberius had to endure the transformation of his name into " Biberius Caldius Mero." The most abominable accusations were freely made against any unpopular ruler, and many of them have found their way into the scurrilous work of Suetonius. Romans still valued their " simplicity " and " ur- banity" of speech, words which were often euphemisms for hideous grossness and brutal jesting. The license thus allowed them seems, however, to deserve mention as a characteristic feature of the time. We see, then, that the despotism of the Caesars, though in some respects mild and liberal in its character, was in others sufficiently galling and intrusive to exercise a malign influence on society. F 2 84 SOCIAL LIFE IN HOME. This influence is perceptible in the unreality which seems to pervade the life of the period. Both in daily habits and in literature men seem to be con- stantly straining after effect, and thinking anxiously how they appear to others. Rome seems to be a kind of stage, on which the citizens perform their part, as they wish others to see them ; but it is all acting, not genuine living. Affectation and hypo- crisy reign supreme. Everyone tries to hide his own nature, and appear something else. The noblest spirits are a prey to vanity, and angle for compliments from their friends. Added to this, a general feeling of insecurity and distrust pervades the intercourse of 'society and checks the free de- velopment both of friendship and of genius. This paralysis of true healthy life was the price paid by Rome for the loss of her freedom, a loss which to the superficial observer seemed more than com- pensated by the termination of anarchy and the establishment of settled order. It will not be digressing much to consider how Roman society came to acquiesce in the loss of liberty consequent on the change of constitution, how it probably regarded its position, and what compensations it could enjoy. PASSION FOR FOREIGN CONQUEST. 85 In the first place,* the restoration of peace and order must have been felt as an immense boon. Rome was no longer torn by intestine strife, to the delight of Parthians and Germans. Once more she could turn her attention to foreign conquest, still the passion of all patriots. "The accursed civil wars had arrested the progress of the legions, which might ere now have subdued Bactria, and carried the fasces beyond the Indus. Now the victorious eagles will penetrate to Thule and Cale- - donia, and palm-bearing Idume. There still remain new lands to conquer. Babylon does not yet pay tribute ; the Arabs and Seres are not yet our sup- pliants ; the Indian laurel has yet to be placed in the lap of Jove." Such is the language of Silius and Statius. From this point of view even patriots might regard the empire as a blessing : it certainly for the time increased the aggressive power of Rome, though a wise policy restrained conquest within narrow limits. In fact, security was much more important than glory, as Augustus felt. His passionate distress at the defeat of Varus was caused by his consciousness that the justification of the empire really rested in its power to ward * See Tac. Ann. 1, 2, on this subject. 86 SOCIAL LIFE TN ROME. off foreign attack, and preserve security at home. The "Pax Romana" was the great gift of Csesarism to the world. We should also notice the republican avoidance of titles and court etiquette which signalised the early despotism. The person of the emperor was always accessible : he mixed in ordinary society at banquets and entertainments : he corresponded with his officials in a tone of easy familiarity, as we see in the letters between Pliny and Trajan : and he never claimed either from subjects or aliens the insignia of royalty. When the king of Parthia began a despatch, " Arsaces, king of kings, to Fla- vius Vespasianus, greeting," that emperor replied in the same form, disdaining to notice the arro- gance of the Oriental sultan. But the idea of subjection to a master could not really shock the minds of Romans at this period. They were too much used to a society organised on this principle. The existence of the slave world was a standing contradiction of the rights of man, and furnished examples and lessons in servility which the masters were not slow to learn. The idea of domination and subjection as the natural order of things had really penetrated the spirit of SERVILE SPIRIT OE THE AGE. 87 the age, and choked all remaining aspirations after liberty. With what satisfaction Statius enunciates his theory of universal servitude ! *' Quid enim terrisque poloque Parendi sine lege manot .' Vice cuncta reguntur, Alternisque regunt : propriis sub regibus omnia Terra ; premit felix regum diadcmata Roma : Hanc ducibus f renare datum : mox crescit in illos Imperium supeiis." We seem not far from Claudian's " magnorum suboles regum" addressed to an empress. The malign influence of slavery was felt by the Romans themselves. " You are indignant," says Seneca to his countrymen, " if your slave or freedman or client dares to answer you again ; and then you complain that the liberty which you have destroyed at home has been taken from the Republic."* A remarkable passage, which indicates with true dis- crimination the source of the diseases of the body politic. In reality the inhabitants of the Roman empire were fitting themselves rapidly for their destiny as subjects of an autocrat. We need not expatiate on the disintegration of nationalities and the cosmo- politan feelings which were growing throughout * Sou. de Ira 3. 3.";. 88 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. the century. The old narrow patriotism, which was the safeguard of political freedom, was fast disappearing, and men began to pride themselves on being citizens of the world, which in all times has been a pretext for selfish individualism. The opening out of the world to trade and travel, was, however, a quite legitimate ground of satisfaction. It was a real benefit conferred by the empire, and one that was highly appreciated. The loss of liberty, and of the feelings which liberty fosters, was a mis- fortune for which nothing could make up ; but the enlargement of sympathies, and opening of the mind consequent on the fusion of nationalities, were no small compensation. Never before in the history of the world (shall we add, never since ?) had the nations of the civilised world been brought so near each other. Commerce was secured, and flourished under a widely extended system of free trade ; brigandage and piracy were suppressed, for the first time since men began to float ships in the Mediterranean ; order and prosperity seemed to be established over the whole empire. Never till the present century has travel been so easy or so frequent ; every one who had money and leisure might visit securely the historical scenes of an< COMMERCE AND TRAVEL 89 tiquity, the masterpieces of nature's handiwork, or the last conquests of civilization; one language, one system of coinage, carried the traveller over lands where now all is local and different, and all these blessings were the gift of the Eternal City, which seemed no longer the mistress but the mother of the world. " Haec est, in gremium victos qu?e sola recepit, Huinanumque genus communi nomine fovit Matris non dominse ritu ; civesque vocavit Quos domuit, nexuque pio longinqua revinxit : Hujus pacifieis debemus moribus omnes Quod veluti patriis regionibus utitur hospes ; Quod sedem mutare licet ; quod cernere Thulen Lusus, et horrendos qiiondam penetrare recessus ; Quod bibimus passim Rhodanum, potamus Oronten, Quod cuncti gens una sumus."* The provincials gained also in better adminis- tration. This was, in great measure, the conse- quence of the more liberal feelings which, as we said, were growing up under the empire. It was natural that as the exclusiveness of nationality diminished, a more generous treatment of subjects and aliens was promoted. Some have denied that * Claudian de Cons. Stilich. 3. 150-159. 90 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. this was the case;* but the evidence for the im- provement is very strong. Even such men as Petronius and Vitellius were clean-handed as governors of provinces, and the testimony of con- temporary writers, Philo, Josephus, Strabo, Plutarch, and others, is all in favour of the belief that ex- tortion and oppression were rarer than under the republic. Even the frequency of trials for mal- administration is, if rightly considered, a proof of the vigilance of the central government in the interest of the provinces. Another pleasing feature in this connection is the encouragement and practice of what we may call municipal patriotism. It is a side of Roman life which fairly belongs to our subject. We hear fre- quently of grants from the treasury to aid sufferers from accidents. Thus six millions of sesterces were given to Lugdunum after a fire in the year 65 ;f ten millions in 53 to Bononia.J Augustus and Ves- pasian both practised the same munificence on * On this side may be mentioned the picture drawn by Juvenal 8. 87-139 ; the cases of Valerius Messalla in Asia, under Augustus, of Silius in Germany, of Piso in Spain, and of Felix and Pontius Pilate in Judsea. The evidence on the other side is, however, much stronger. f Tac. Ann. 16. 13. % Tac. Ann. 12. 58. MUNICIPAL PATRIOTISM. 91 several occasions. The early emperors did not build much in provincial towns except by way of indemnity for accident, but they encouraged private citizens to erect public buildings in their native towns, and the practice became very common. We recognise, with pleasure, some remains of the old patriotism surviving in this shape. Rich men took a pride in embellishing their own towns with baths, libraries, temples, and other public buildings. En- dowments for education, or the relief of the desti- tute, became common, and even small country towns often enjoyed these advantages through the liberality of their citizens. Such acts of munificence must have been a poor substitute for genuine patriotism, but it may be doubted whether many felt the deprivation. For the generality of Rome's subjects and citizens in the first century the empire must have seemed a desirable institution, which enabled them to satisfy most of their wants, and live in comparative com- fort and security. Material prosperity is always the main thing with the mass of mankind; and those nobler sentiments which sometimes lead men to rise above it were, as we have said, scarcely possible in the first century. The intellectual P2 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. voluptuary who represented the upper class at Rome found himself quite in his element ; and those who had to work for their living, so far as their position was altered, found more security and better chances of profit and success than in the disordered times of the Republic. Regrets and discontent were chiefly confined to the philoso- phers, a class, morally important, but numerically insignificant, whose exalted theories raised them above content in ease and indolence, and revealed to them the true significance of the empire of the Caesars. ( 93 ) CHAPTER V. LITERATURE AND ART, The victory of Augustus was probably a misfor- tune for Roman literature, though few would have predicted a decline while that brilliant company of poets and historians flourished under the Imperial patronage of the second Caesar. But though the immediate results of the Empire were splendid, the cramping and paralysing influence of despotism was not long in making itself felt. It acted in three ways. First, it obliged writers to spoil their work and do violence to their conscience by direct flattery to the reigning emperor. This was carried to a monstrous extent, and was practised even by the most honourable men. Next the loss of free speech corrupted the intellectual honesty and manly straightforwardness of the community. Men ceased to be their real selves, and to speak their real senti- ments, even when no danger threatened them. The literature of our period is pervaded by affecta- 94 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. tion, hollow rhetoric, and a constant straining after effect. Words, not things, were the first object with poet and prose writer alike : men cared less to say what was true and of sterling worth than to gain a transitory reputation by following the shallow taste of the day. Again, despotism in- fluenced the proportion of the kinds of composition. Poetry gained at the expense of prose; history, which was a very congenial pursuit to the Romans of the Republic, became very dangerous, and we have suffered by the discouragement thus given to historians, as well as by the trammels which fettered those who did venture to write. In the reign of Tiberius, Titus Labienus, while reading his history to his friends, turned over several pages, with the remark " These will be read after my death." His caution, however, did not save him, for his book was confiscated and burnt. A stronger instance is that of Cremutius Cordus, who was actually accused and driven to suicide for calling Cassius "the last of the Romans." His book was also burnt, but copies of it were hidden and afterwards published. We can only be surprised that such tyranny did not ruin literature altogether. Happily the better em- perors allowed much more freedom, and the worst FFECT OF DESPOTISM ON L1TF.11A 77 7?/:. 05 tyrants were not suffered to reign till the natural end of their lives. Still, the mischief done to his- tory was great, as Tacitus himself confesses. Facts were suppressed or falsified during an emperor's lifetime, and exaggerated through hatred after his death. Another cause of the unreality of Roman litera- ture at this epoch is to be found in the system of education. Declamation and poetry formed the staple subjects, and poetry was chiefly taught as an aid to declamation. The pupil was instructed in composing themes on given subjects, sometimes delivering a harangue to an imaginary jury, some- times writing an essay to prove a given proposi- tion, sometimes arguing with another pupil in the presence of the instructor, as used to be done at Cambridge. Questions of casuistry were often chosen, the pupil, of course, taking the side assigned him by the teacher. This system was only too well calculated to develope the tendency of the age to affectation, unreality, and empty declamation. We see the fruits of it as well in Lucan as in Seneca,. in Statius as in Velleius. We may also notice the evil effect of the " caco- cthes scribendi" which had come upon the Roman 96 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. people. We find various artifices obviously em- ployed to catch the popular ear, which else might have failed to notice tire work in the multitudinous buzz of poetasters and rhetoricians. The means employed are those with which we are so painfully familiar in the nineteenth century. One writer tries to let off a perpetual fire of squibs or epi- grams : another daubs on his colours to be seen a mile off: another plays bold tricks with syntax and construction : a fourth enwraps himself in mystifying obscurity. All endeavour to be striking in one way or another, and, of course, all fail to retain the grace and dignity of true genius. It is time, however, to specify more accurately the literary movements of the century. The ordinary division into the Julian and Flavian eras is no arbitrary one, but a real coincidence. The accession of Vespasian, so important a landmark in other branches of our subject, is equally so as the beginning of a reaction in literature against the fashions of the last half century. It is to this earlier division that our remarks above mainly apply. The reign of Tiberius exemplifies the deadening weight with which tyranny can oppress literature. As the brilliant names of the Augustan POST- A UG USTA N LITER A TUBE. 97 era disappear, a dull blank succeeds. All seems under a cloud. Perhaps the shadow of the great names had a depressing effect as well as the jealousy of the Emperor. Then under Claudius the copious stream of silver age literature bursts forth with all its transient vivacity. The charac- teristics of the age are a feverish extravagance and unrestrained violence of expression. It is the saturnalia of the declaimer. History is repre- sented by two works published before the death of Tiberius, the servile and affected book of Vellcius, and the feeble and rhetorical anecdotes of Valerius Maximus. Seneca, the noblest figure of the age, extorts our admiration by his steady per- ception of objective or abstract morality, and by his philanthropic desire to improve his fellow men, in both of which points he marks a real advance in the moral theory of his age. He has not, how- ever, escaped the vicious style of his contem- poraries. He is declamatory, epigrammatic, jerky, sometimes unreal in tone. We cannot deny the truth of Quintilian's criticism that he sacrificed true excellence of style to gain the applause of the vulgar. In Lucan, the representative of the age in poetry, the same faults appear most clearly. His G 98 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. epic is a string of declamations, the intervening narrative (often really the most important) is hurried over whenever it does not lend itself to his rhetoric ; and so the proportion and even the in- telligibility of the poem is seriously impaired. The violent exaggeration of the descriptions offends our taste as much as the affectation of learning ; and the poet shews an evident relish for detailed scenes of torture and bloodshed, which suggests that he or his patrons were deeply corrupted in their taste by . the horrors of the amphitheatre. His flattery of Nero, though nauseous enough, is perhaps excu- sable. These writers, though vastly inferior to their predecessors of the time of Augustus, have yet to some extent the merit of originality. They were not conscious of their defects, and therefore disdained to borrow their style or their matter from those who had gone before them. Lucan seldom imitates Virgil ; Seneca owes little to Cicero. Petronius may even claim the merit of attaining excellence in an almost new branch of literature. For a few years Rome was satisfied with the new development ; but its faults were too apparent to escape detection for long ; and with the death of Nero the inevitable reaction set in. THE FL A VIA X E RA . 99 " Scripsit majore cura quam ingenio " is Pliny's criticism on Silius Italicus, and this, as Merivale says, may be taken as the motto of the Flavian era. A strong reaction now set in against the school of Lucan and Seneca, and men began to turn with pleasure to the nobler works of the Augustan age. The affectation and unreality which had been growing during the last fifty years had now become really intolerable ; there was no remedy except in conscious imitation of better models. Accordingly the poets of this period, Statius and Silius, are close, though not servile, imitators of Virgil ; they lack the vigour of Lucan, but avoid his worst faults. It cannot be said, how- ever, that they impress us with their reality. Statius gives us a constant succession of pretty word-paintings, composed rather with a view to the recitation-hall than to satisfy the student of the " Thebaid" as a whole. It is " ars," not " in- geiiium," throughout ; he is never dull, but never inspiring or inspired. This elaboration of parts at the expense of the whole is characteristic of the autumn of a literature ; the influence of recitations is peculiar to Rome, but not characteristic of this era. On the contrary, most of the Flavian litera- G 2 100 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. ture was obviously meant to be read, not recited. In fact, the eternal recitations had become such a nuisance that the public began to strike against them. Martial describes the poet with his manu- script as more formidable than a tigress robbed of her whelps. The cheapness of books made the system really useless,* and only the laziness of the public, and, perhaps, the crabbed writing of the manuscripts, had allowed recitation to flourish as long as it did. Silius is an agreeable but not a very powerful writer. His epic is tolerably well arranged, and contains few faults of taste. Both he and Statius are sobriety itself compared v/ith Lucan. There are indications that the material condition of the poet had not changed for the better since the Julian era. Some poets (e.g. Silius) were rich men, and free from anxiety of this kind ; but Martial is perpetually begging for money from the emperor and from his friends, and he does not seem to have got anything from Domitian, in spite of his servility. Martial shews us other annoy- ances of the poet's life : the unscrupulous pla- * We should notice also the increase of public libraries about this time. Eventually Rome contained uo less than 28 of thesa institutions. MARTIAL. 101 'giarism of bad writers, and their equally dishonest habit of fathering their own productions upon a great name. Again, the jealousy of literary men shews itself disagreeably. Martial seems to have had a chronic quarrel with Statius. On the other hand, Pliny the Younger seems to have been on the pleasantest terms with his literary contem- poraries. Martial is the most brilliant representative of the Flavian era. His epigrams are absolutely perfect of their kind, and have never been surpassed or even rivalled. The obscenity which disfigures them is an evil sign of the times, but it was consi- dered a necessary adjunct of that kind of poetry. Even the virtuous and refined Pliny composed some very improper epigrams, which have come down to us. Martial, however, carried it to excess, in his thirst for popularity and patronage. His servility is hardly less offensive than his inde- cency. In this, however, he was rivalled by Statius, who did not grudge his incense to the freedmen Etruscus aud Abascantus. Juvenal in some respects belongs to the age before him. His ideas are old-fashioned, reflecting the hardness and exclusivenes of the ancient 102 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. Roman character, which was now so fast disap- pearing. His invectives against the Greeks, his hatred of parvenus, his coarse ferocity in dealing with the female sex, are all part of this retro- spective tendency. He left no successor and no imitator in the second century. To turn to the prose of the Flavian era. The leader and mouthpiece of the reaction is Quintilian. He metes out much less than justice to Seneca and his school, and is never tired of setting up Cicero as the canon of good taste and good style. His own work is admirable, of its kind ; clear, thoughtful, and temperate. His criticisms are all worthy of attention, and are delivered without affectation or bombast. The graver tone of the age was reflected in its histories. The old conception of the historian, as an artist in prose, whose pictures were founded, indeed, on real events, but were avowedly embel- lished for the pleasure of his readers, was no longer deemed sufficient. In Tacitus we have a historian of the modern kind,; a man with a mission and a purpose, who is terribly in earnest with his facts and theories. In spite of the crippling influence of tyranny, which no doubt thinned the ranks of TACITUS AND THE PLINIES. Iu3 historians, we welcome one name, at least, of the highest genius in this difficult time. The industry of the aristocratic student is well typified in the elder Pliny, whose habits we have already described. His work is an undigested congeries of facts, the sweepings of a hundred note books, which do not derive any of their value from the medium through which they have been trans- mitted to posterity. His nephew is a more in- teresting character. His letters have been well described as giving us our best picture of the Roman gentleman. The expression aptly denotes the character of the man as he has drawn it for us him- self. No other work of Roman literature gives us so high an idea of the real civilisation of the age as Pliny's letters. They show a refinement of ideas and true culture which are not apparent in his con- temporaries, and they are thus a valuable corrective of the common tendency to brand Roman civilisa- tion as only material and external. In most ways Pliny is nearer the nineteenth century than any writer of the middle ages. His tastes, sympathies, and even modes of expression, are strangely modern. Now he describes the beauties of nature with a fine appreciation ; now he interests himself in founding 104 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. a school and free library at his native town ; now he writes a letter of condolence or of recommenda- tion; now he shews graceful consideration for his dependents. All is amazingly modern — rather French than English in its vanity and want of reserve, but nearer to us than the English writings of the time of Elizabeth. It remains to notice the reaction in favour of the ante-Augustan poets which took place in the early empire. Even the great Augustan poets themselves were attacked for disparaging criticism of Lucilius and Ennius. But the new style at first carried all before it. The archaic school comes into prominence in the last half of the century, and grows in strength till it culminates about the time of the Antonines. In our period it had not yet gained its victory. Horace and Virgil were not yet displaced by Naevius and Ennius ; Cicero still held the field against Caius Gracchus and Cato. But the tendency to neglect the moderns was increasing all the time. It was a sign that the nation was losing its taste, and felt that it was losing it. The rugged efforts of the founders of Latin poetry were admired not for themselves, but as being free from the false accretions of later TASTE FOR A ECU A IC L ITER A TURE. 105 times. Men could not even venture to set up the Augustans as models, for fear of imbibing the first beginnings of decadence. The only safe course seemed to be to go back as far as possible, and worry the minds of schoolboys with the uncouth and obsolete phrases of the third and second cen- turies, B.C., which, at least, no one could accuse of meretricious ornament or emasculate smoothness. We notice even in the mature writings of the silver age the reappearance of several words which had passed out of use for a hundred years, doubtless the result of this fashion in education. In the fine arts, sculpture, painting, and music, Rome fully acknowledged her inferiority to Greece, and proudly disdained to compete with her. The well-known lines of Virgil — " Excudent alii spirantia mollius sera Credo equidem, et vivos ducent de marmore vultus ; Tu revere imperio populos, Komane, memento," are a faithful expression of Roman feeling on the subject. Art was beneath the dignity of the con- querors of the world. The most ardent patriotism need not blush to confess inferiority in the use of the chisel or the paint-brush. But in truth it was not only pride but conscious inability that pre- 10(5 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. vented Italy from entering the field in art-compe- tition with Greece. For many generations Rome had been full of the masterpieces of Phidias, Poly- cletus, Apelles, and Mentor, but no Roman school of sculpture or painting was brought into being by the presence of these works of genius. No books on art from a Roman pen called the attention of citizens to the special beauties of each artist ; no real appreciation of art is shewn even by the culti- vated poets of the first century. The raptures of Statius over a grand collection or an imposing building are not those of the artist ; the Augustan poets scarcely mention the "nation of statues" that adorned the streets and temples of the capi- tal. In republican times devotion to art was dis- couraged and despised. Marcellus, who captured Syracuse, was severely blamed for introducing the taste for Greek art into Rome, and thus diverting the attention of the citizens from more useful pursuits. Cicero in the trial of Verres explains to the jury that the Greeks attach a quite unaccount- able importance to the works of certain sculptors, of which Verres had deprived them. Even in our period, when the fire under Nero destroyed an innumerable quantity of precious masterpieces, his- WANT OF ARTISTIC TASTE. 1C7 torians content themselves with mentioning the bare fact, without regret or comment. There was, however, growing up a sentiment of admiration for art, which never, indeed, developed into an intelli- gent appreciation, but shewed itself in a wide- spread dilettantism and passion for collecting, and a great deal of pretence of knowledge. It was common for these amateurs to profess that they were able to distinguish the works of one great master from another, and to discover at a glance a spurious imitation. Antique bronzes could be tested, so they averred, by the smell. Trimalchio tells his guests that he would give up anything rather than his faculty as an art critic — a talent which he proceeds to illustrate by the most absurd blunders in explaining the mythological subjects in his collection. It was, indeed, inevitable that the Romans, in patronising an art which they did not understand and seldom tried to practise, should appear in the light of parvenus who fill their houses with masterpieces which they cannot appre- ciate, or with imitations which they cannot detect. The chief exceptions to this insensibility seem to be Pliny the Younger and Lucian, especially the latter. Pliny took a genuine pleasure in the Corin- 108 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. thian statuettes and other works of art with which he adorned his houses ; and Lucian, when he men- tions the subject, shows a fine discrimination, more Greek than Roman. The causes of this defect in Roman cultivation seem to be three. First, the natural incapacity of the Roman mind to under- stand and appreciate artistic genius : next, the low position occupied by most sculptors and painters, who were generally either slaves or freedmen : and, thirdly, the want of life and originality in the artistic world itself, which prevented it from ex- citing public interest or claiming public admiration. This last reason may be, perhaps, demurred to. We do not find it easy to associate the notion of decline with the age which produced, e.g., the Laocoon group*, or the majestic portrait-statue of Nerva. But we have now unfortunately lost most of the splendid Greek originals which gave a model to all sculptors of the Roman age — works of genius which completely threw into the shade the feebler efforts of »y lov\n 'EXXa-s. The most skilful imita- tions (and some of them are works of great talent) could not arouse the same enthusiasm as new crea- tions from the hand of a real genius ; and the con. * The latest authorities on archseolog)' now ascribe this statue to an earlier date. SCULPTURE. 109 sciousness of this deterioration may have had much to do with the flagging interest which the public took in the painter's or sculptor's studio. Virgil was right in naming sculpture as the art in which " others " most excelled his countrymen. Very few men of Italian birth attempted sculpture. It was then and for ever the birthright of the Greeks, and no Roman attempted to dispute that supremacy. The modern writer is tempted to linger with mixed wonder and regret over this most exquisite product of the old civilisation. When we visit London, and come suddenly upon one of the grotesque statues with which our metropolis is disfigured, we cannot help marvel- ling how an art once so perfect should have been so completely lost. What must have been the beauty of a city of the ancient world, where every street, every temple, every open space, was en- nobled by those exquisite forms of marble and bronze, the mutilated remnants of which are the greatest feast for modern eyes ? These triumphs of human genius, which had formerly been the pride of every Greek city, from Massilia to Asia Minor, were now for the most part transferred to Rome and other Italian towns. The discovery of 110 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. Herculaneum and Pompeii first revealed to us how widely diffused was the possession of statuary, and how rich even second-class towns were in this species of embellishment. As to Rome itself, it was crowded with statues. Every open space in the city was occupied by monumental figures of eminent citizens, and the Thermae, temples, and other public buildings were decorated by the spoils of many a Greek city. These statues may be divided into three classes — those which were dedicated to religion, those which were erected as monuments to particular persons, and those which were merely ornamental. With regard to the first, the numerous temples were adorned with a large number of statues repre- senting deities, which were very often votive offerings ; and family worship also had its images, generally of a humbler kind. Nero, for example, like Louis XIV., was superstitiously devoted to certain images, and carried about ' with him an " icuncula puellaris " as a charm. Such images were much used by travellers to protect them against shipwreck. The second class of statues, those which were put up as monu- ments, were still more numerous and important. STATUES OF TIIE EMPERORS. Ill The custom of erecting statues to distinguished men had existed at Rome for a long time, as well as that of filling the atrium with wax masks representing ancestors. But the Empire deve- loped the usage to an extent unheard of before. The statues and busts of the emperors alone were visible in every street, and almost every house. They were protected by the most tyrannical legislation, so that to mutilate or destroy one of them was a crime punished by death, and even to strip or beat a slave in sight of a bust of the emperor might be made a capital offence. Hence, slaves were accustomed to fly for refuge to these statues, and the tyranny of the Caesars may indirectly have saved many slaves from the fury of their masters. Not only was it treason to shew disrespect to the image of the reigning emperor, but those of his prede- cessors who had obtained divine honours were protected with the same severity. A few of the worst tyrants, however, received different treat- ment. The statues and busts of Nero and Domitian were broken and hurled down by the exulting populace immediately after their deaths, so that very lew representations of them 112 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME remained. The same posthumous vengeance was shewn to the statues of Sejanus, who had filled Rome with portrait-images of himself. In a few hours after the death of the detested minister, the face, which had lately been the second in the whole world, was made into " pitchers and pans and kettles and pots."* A more economical but less usual plan was to decapitate the statues of the deceased emperor, and place the head of his successor on the shoulders. This, however, was deemed disrespectful, and was only resorted to in rare instances, e.g., the Colossus of Nero, which bore several heads before Commodus transformed it into a Hercules, after his own likeness. Statues of private persons, both living and dead, were extremely numerous. In republican days this had been a distinction ; now every one might have a statue, and if he had no friends or clients to give him one he might put it up himself. Even circus jockeys had their statues, with their horses and chariots. The Forum became so full that on one occasion at least it had to be cleared. Absurd as this custom was, it must have added very much to the beauty of a town, provided that the statues were good, as they generally were. * Juv. 10. oG, &c. ORNAMENTAL SCULPTURE. 113 Statues of a purely ornamental or artistic kind were also very numerous. It was this kind of sculpture which was taken in such quantities from the Greek cities. Some of the emperors, especi- ally Nero, plundered the eastern provinces of their works of art to a shameful extent, the statues being used partly in the decoration of the palace and partly in that of baths, theatres, &c. Private persons were equally assiduous in collect- ing, and no wealthy family was without its gallery of sculpture. Of the character of the decorative statues we can judge from those which have been discovered ; some, perhaps the largest number, represented gods or mythological scenes, thus combining religion with art, as in modern times ; others were studies of some favourite subject, such as a boy wrestling with a goose, or an athlete preparing for a contest ; the majority were copies or imitations of some Greek original. The wide diffusion of this branch of art is quite unparallelled in later times ; it gave all classes of the community the advantages which are now confined to a few, and enabled the citizen to have images of grace and beauty constantly before his eyes. The art of painting was less exclusively con- 11 114 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. fined to the Greeks than that of sculpture. From Fabius Pictor, the historian, downwards, several Romans painted, and lessons in drawing and painting were given in high -class schools. Unfortunately very little of ancient pictorial art has been preserved to us. We have enough to make us deeply regret that we have no more, but not enough to give us a clear idea of the charac- teristic features of classical painting. We know, however, that it was as widely diffused as the sister art, and that Rome was full of pictures, both de- corative and monumental. Just as statues were erected to commemorate persons and events, so pictures were publicly exhibited for the same pur- pose. In triumphs and public celebrations pictures always formed part of the show. It is charac- teristic of the Romans that pictorial representations were often made to take the place of placard's, advertisements, and votive tablets. Even in the law court one of the parties would sometimes pre- sent the jury with a series of pictures to illustrate the disreputable habits of his opponent- Beggars carried large boards painted with the history of their misfortunes — the fire or the shipwreck which had deprived them of their worldly goods. The PAIXT1XG. 115 temples of the gods were full of votive pictures, so that Isis, who saved men from shipwreck, was the best patroness of painters. Private houses were always decorated with graceful wall-paintings re- presenting scenes, figures, fruit and flowers, or mere patterns. For the most part Roman wall- decoration seems to have been for superior to ours, and to have frequently reached a high degree of artistic beauty. Many admirable pictures were painted on house-walls, or worked in mosaic on the floor. Another use of painting was in the illustration of books, which often contained a portrait of the author or a representation of his subject on the title-page. Portrait painting was very common, but we have no means of knowing whether it was well done or not. It appears that painters often gratified the vanity of their sitters by improving their features in the portrait. We see then that painting, both decorative and other- wise, was as universal in the first century as it is now. The extent of the art is the more remark- able, when we remember that the Romans had none of those mechanical aids — printing of wall- papers, engraving, photography, &c. — which have so largely increased the number of artistic designs H 2 116 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. in every place in Europe. It is improbable that the early empire surpassed modern Europe in the diffusion of painting, since these aids to multipli- cation have been discovered; but the vast quantity which evidently existed speaks highly for the artistic energy of the old civilisation. Of the third of the fine arts, music, we do not propose to say much. Although our music is, to a great extent, derived, by continuous tradition, from that of the ancients, there is a wide difference between them. Music, among the Greeks and Romans, was far simpler and plainer, and, so to speak, less ambitious. A piece of lyric poetry set to music, as all lyric poetry was meant to be, was not disguised, but elucidated by the tune. The air merely brought out the sense, and was sub- servient to it : the words were the first thing, the music the second. In longer pieces, such as Ovid's Elegiacs, which were sung and danced to at the theatres, the music must have been a mere re- citative. We have, of course, no examples of ancient music to judge by, but to all appearance the Italians were then, as now, noted for their fine ear and critical appreciation of music. The chief instruments used were the lyre and the flute, each MUSIC. 11? of which was modified in several different forms. The chief places where music was performed were the theatres, where it was an indispensable part of the entertainment, and private houses, where trained choirs of slaves were employed to sing and play to the guests at dinner, or for the delectation of their master alone. In our century complaints, no doubt well founded, were made that the art of music was being corrupted by popular innovations in style, and still more by the sensual character of the new compositions, which pandered to the worst tastes of the populace. Singers and players from Spain and from the eastern provinces did much to spread this evil. But the most charac- teristic feature of our period is not the degradation of music, but the abatement of the national pre- judice against it. In republican days a Roman would have been ashamed to own himself a skilled musician, and a matron would have considered such an accomplishment highly derogatory to her dignity. Now both sexes gave themselves to a study of music with an eagerness which did not, indeed, pass unrebuked, but was not in any way checked by the upholders of ancient prejudices. Great, indeed, was the change from the time when 118 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. Scipio iEmilianus delivered a scathing invective in the senate against schools of music and dancing, at one of which he had even seen the son of a Roman magistrate ! Now music, at least, was part of a liberal education, and probably most boys of good position attended lessons in singing and harp- playing. Nero was, of course, the greatest patron of the art. He, in fact, was so completely eman- cipated from the traditions and prejudices of his countrymen, that he loved best to pose as a pro- fessional artist, and exhibited his skill in public, like any Greek citharccdus. This, it is true, gave the greatest offence, but the enthusiasm of the emperor for music gave a stimulus to the practice of the art, among other ways by leading to the foundation of a musical contest held at Rome. Women of good family also studied music, and even composed their own melodies. So far had the old order changed under the influence of Greek manners and new luxury 1 ( no ) CHAPTER VI. GRADES OF SOCIETY. We propose in this chapter to give a sketch of the component parts of Roman society, from the palace to the hovel. The gradations of rank were always rather strongly marked at Rome, and the taste for external decorations was kept up under the Empire as much as under the Republic. Hence, in spite of the democratic basis of the Empire, there were still lines of demarcation between the senator and the knight, and between the citizen and the pro- vincial, as well as the broad difference between the free-born and the slave. Between the magistrate at Rome and his porter were many intermediate grades, sharply defined in theory, though often overstepped in practice. It will be well to take these in order, noticing on the way whatever seems interesting or characteristic in the various occupa- tions of the community. The Caesars had, properly speaking, no court. 120 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. Their households resembled those of ordinary Roman nobles. Such system of etiquette as there was was only designed to keep out intruders from the palace, not to make the monarchy more im- posing. Hence there were none of those court officials who now surround every palace — men of noble birth who feel honoured by holding some post in the royal household. No Caesar employed senators or their wives to perform menial offices for him : such attendants as he required were chosen from the class of slaves or freedmen. Even honourable and responsible posts, such as that of secretary, were filled by freedmen. This was ex- clusively the case under the earlier emperors, but Tacitus* says that Vitellius in his short reign intro- duced the innovation of employing knights for these posts instead of freedmen. Vespasian and Titus may have followed his example, but Domitian appears to have reverted to the old plan, and Spar- tianusf says that Hadrian was the first to employ a knight as secretary. We must, then, remember that the permanent posts about the palace were held by men of low extraction, who had generally once been slaves. These freedmen had generally * Tac. H. 1. 58. t Spartian. Hadr. 58. CAESAR'S HOUSEHOLD. 121 gained their advancement by their own qualities. Under good emperors they were often able and trustworthy men ; under the worst, they were often the vilest of their sex. In either case a pre- carious but very great power was in their hands, and they often amassed fortunes unheard of before, and hardly equalled anywhere until the present century. Pallas had three hundred millions of sesterces, Narcissus four hundred millions ; and others became nearly as rich. The chief offices at court which we hear of are the control of the accounts (a rationibus), that of petitions (a libellis), and the post of private secretary (ab epistulis). Important administrative offices were usually given to men of higher rank, particularly to the knights. The freedmen who attained high posts were generally Greeks, rarely Syrians, Egyp- tians, or Gauls. The court ceremonial was, as we have said, very slight. It chiefly consisted in the morning visit of the emperor's friends, a custom which was by no means confined to the court, but was prac- tised habitually by the friends and clients of wealthy nobles. The only difference was that owing to the crowds of persons who wished to 122 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. pay their respects to the emperor it was necessary to have guards round the gates, and to search visitors who might be suspected of meditating treason. Even these precautions were not always adopted. Generally speaking those only might call in this way who were included in the list of the emperor's " friends," a term which came to have a very definite signification. The " friends " of the emperor were divided into three classes, of which the first consisted of senators and other magnates, the second chiefly of knights and others of a less exalted station than the first class, while the third contained persons who had won favour with the emperor by their own gifts — poets, rhetoricians, philosophers, and such like. Sometimes a token was given to these privileged persons, by which they might gain admittance. This institution of " friends " was also a develop- ment of a republican custom. Both in these morning visits, and when dining with the em- peror, the toga was always worn. Leaving the palace, we come next to the Senate, that once august assembly which might boast the proudest traditions of any aristocratic body in the world. The old families, whose names appeared THE SENATE. 123 so often in the consular Fasti, had most of them died out before the end of our period. Civil war, proscriptions, and celibacy, had made sad havoc of their ranks before the beginning of the century, and the decay went on even in the peaceful reigns which followed. Their places were filled by new men of various classes. Some were knights of good parentage, promoted according to custom to the superior rank ; others were obscure citizens whom fortune or merit had advanced ; others were Italians and even provincials. Julius Caesar bore the reproach of being the first to introduce trousered Gauls into the Senate, but his example was followed by his successors, and the " right of senatorship" became a coveted privilege in pro- vincial towns. Even sons of freedmen had become senators before the reign of Nero, who tried in vain to stop the abuse. Before the end of the century many senatorial families were of senile descent. The means by which these parvenus made their way into the senate were, of course, very various. Military reputation was, perhaps, the rarest and most honourable. Per- sonal services to the emperor, among which the most common was the infamous trade of informer, 124 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. were an easier and more usual road to rank and dignity. The influx of these new men did not at all diminish the respect with which society- regarded such of the old families as still survived. Indeed, the tendency was to pay an exaggerated deference to noble birth, and to excuse in an ^Emilius or Silanus faults which would have been fatal to the reputation of an ordinary man. Juvenal in one of his best known satires, bears testimony to the absurd respect paid to old families, whose halls were full of the battered and blackened effigies of republican heroes, and adorned with pedigrees reaching even to Olympus. His vigorous assertions " miserum est aliorum incumbere famas," " nobilitas sola est atque unica virtus," only shew how far the contrary opinion prevailed in the vulgar mind. Additional testi- mony to the interest taken in genealogies is furnished by the records of books on the subject. Varro wrote a treatise on those families which claimed Trojan descent. Atticus had explored the antiquities of noble families. Messala, under Augustus, wrote on the same subject. Nor did the taste wane in the next generation. We hear of fictitious genealogies being manufactured for THE SENA TE. 125 no uvea ux riches ; and Vespasian on his accession found flatterers anxious to make him a pedigree. Senators of old family, who had become so era- poverished as no longer to possess the " senatorial census" of 1,200,000 sesterces, were often sub- sidized from the Imperial exchequer to save them from losing their rank. The sons of men of " senatorial family " became senators as matter of of course, and the old custom of allowing them as children to attend the debates with their fathers was revived. By degrees the Senate became a kind of hereditary peerage, instead of the selected body of former days.* -The dignity of the senator was kept up by several external privileges. He was distinguished by the broad purple border of his toga, and by his black sandals adorned by a silver crescent ; special seats were reserved for his order at the public games, and he might dine in the Capitol at the public expense. But much of his consideration doubtless rested on the wealth which he usually possessed. The limit of 1,200,000 sesterces was intended to exclude poor men from the order, but in most cases senators * This change was, of course, not consummated till long after the first century. 126 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. possessed many times that modest sum. Many of them were owners of immense estates or mines in the provinces. In Nero's reign half the pro- vince of Africa belonged to six great landlords. On the other hand, they were forbidden to increase their capital by trade or commerce of any kind, so that it was not easy for them to recover from any pecuniary loss. This gave some excuse for the assistance given them in such cases by the emperor, which was sometimes supplemented by the generosity of their own order. The calls upon their purse were also very heavy. House- rent in the fashionable quarters of Rome was very high, and a considerable amount of state had to be kept up, including generally an army of clients and poor dependants, who stuck like leeches to their rich patron. Public life was also very burdensome with its shows and games and other expenses for the benefit of the people ; so that we are not surprised to find that senatorial families were often in difficulties. Before going on to the knights, the second order in the state, we should mention the high honours paid to the consuls and other great magistrates. Although shorn of all real power, these republican THE CONSULS. 127 dignities were as much prized as when Rome was a free state. Even the custom of appointing several consuls in one year did not materially lessen the estimation in which the honour was held. The magistrate during his year of office was looked up to and revered as much as if he were still the holder of real authority, and on his part he was expected to do nothing which could compromise the dignity of his office. We are sur- prised at the energy with which Juvenal declaims against the consul who drove his chariot himself " in the night indeed, but under the accusing eyes of the stars." The higher priesthoods were re- garded with as much ambition as the civil magis- tracies, with which they were often conjoined. The knights were less successful in preserving the dignity of their order than the senators. On account of their numbers, which were not limited like that of the senate, it was not difficult for persons to assume the insignia of a knight with- out proper title, and the emperors helped towards the degradation of the order by allowing even slaves on manumission to wear the gold ring.* * See an interesting collection of passages bearing on this sul> jecl in Mayor's Juvenal, note on Satire 7. 16. 128 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. In fact the ordo equester was becoming merged in the main body of citizens, though the fusion did not take place till after our period. Except at Rome, the knights were of course the highest rank, and the law which limited the dignity to persons pos- sessed of more than 400,000 sesterces seems to have been generally observed. Many families, both at Rome and in the principal towns, were hereditary knights, and these were accustomed to look down upon those who had obtained the dig- nity by military adventure or the gift of fortune. The knights still monopolised the lucrative financial posts which had belonged to them under the Republic, and many of them exercised those com- mercial professions from which the senators were by law debarred. Hence some knights preferred to remain in the second order when they might have entered the senate, and this choice, which was dictated sometimes by economy, and sometimes by love of ease and want of ambition, was praised as moderation. Maecenas is the best known instance of a distinguished man who refused senatorial rank, but he appears to have had many imitators. These knights with senatorial census were formed into a distinct class, and were called equites insignes, splen- THE LEARNED PROFESSIONS. 129 didi, or il lust res. It does not appear that all knights with the higher census were equites illustres, but only those on whom the honour was conferred by the emperor. They were even to be allowed to wear the latus clavus like senators. This tended still further to lower the main body of the knights, who possessed only the property qualification. We now come to the professional class in the Roman community. The doctors, schoolmasters, lecturers, and professors of the capital were gene- rally Greeks, who, in fact, monopolised to a great extent all the learned professions with the excep- tion of the bar. Some of these Greeks were of servile extraction ; others had come over to Rome for the sake of profit and fame. Some were even actually slaves, whose fees and payments belonged de jure to their master, though they were often allowed to retain part of them as peculium. This, to some extent, lowered the estimation of the learned professions, and deterred citizens of good family from entering them — one of the unhappy consequences of slavery. The bar was, as we have said, the chief exception. The profession of advocate was one of ths chief roads to success open to the aspiring young Roman. His educa- ] 130 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. tion had been largely directed to the art of rhetoric, and the fame of the orator was the most common object of ambition in his class. As a rule he did not trouble himself much with the intrica- cies of the law, but gave his whole attention to public speaking. It often happened that an advo- cate had no special knowledge of the legal ques- tion at issue, but trusted entirely to his eloquence to win him his case. We shall be less surprised at this when we remember the great latitude allowed to pleaders in ancient times, and the prominence in all the extant speeches of invective and declamation as compared with legal argument and evidence. It was customary, however, for the orator to retain the services of a pragmaticus, a lawyer of lower grade in estimation, who was prepared to give advice on legal questions. The best days of Roman oratory were passed when Augustus made himself master of the Em- pire. Rome never produced a second Cicero, or even a second Hortensius. This falling off was partly due to the loss of liberty that attended the end of the republic, but partly, also, to the in- creased difficulty with which a poor and unknown man could make his way to the front. Juvenal" * {Satire 7. THE BAIL 131 declares indignantly that in his day even Cicero would not earn two pounds at the bar unless he wore a large and conspicuous gold ring. The man who wishes to succeed, he says, must be seen in the streets, borne in a litter by a number of young Medes, making purchases of plate and "murra" vases and beautiful slaves ; he must wear a brilliant robe of purple, and live in a splendid house with an equestrian statue of himself in the vestibule. Such a man may demand the highest price allowed by law for his pleading ; but eloquence is rarely found, he says, with a thread- bare coat. While an iEmilius, with his noble name and his wealth, can ask 10,000 sesterces for a single pleading, the poor and obscure orator can only get one aureus for four, and even that is re- duced by the attorney's fees. A jockey at the circus could make more than a hundred pleaders. We can hardly be surprised if some of these ill-paid barristers were led to take up questionable cases and to endeavour to make a name by quackery. It does not appear that the first ever caused much scruple to a Roman lawyer, nor should we con- demn, in the circumstances, the deception of wearing a hired ring to give the appearance of I 2 132 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. wealth, nor the custom of employing claqueurs to applaud the good points of a speech. If success as a pleader was once achieved the orator's pros- pects were very brilliant. Some of the most prominent " new men," both in our century and in that which preceded it, owed their elevation to this cause. The name of the famous advocate was on everyone's lips ; his house was besieged by friends and clients, and he might make a large fortune by his practice.* In fact the legal profession was generally looked upon as a lucrative one. Martial is advised by a friend to plead instead of writing poetry, in order to make his fortune.f The poet gives the same advice to Valerius Flaccus.J These statements are not at all incompatible with the lugubrious account of Juvenal. The successful pleaders were few, the "briefless barristers" were many. For these last it might be the best chance to follow the poet's advice, and leaving the ungrateful capital to seek an opening in Gaul or Africa, or even among * Some interesting facts on this head are given by Tacitus, Dial, de Orat. f Mart. 1. 17, " Et dicit mihi sa?pe, Magna res est." See also 2. 30, " Dives eris, si causas egeris, inquit." % Mart. 1. 76. 13, "Illic" (in the Forum) "aera sonant:" &c. POSITION OF ADVOCATES. 133 the Britons, who were learning eloquence from the ready-tongued Gauls.* The other alternative was to stay at home and eke out the profits of pleading by giving lectures. Those who were less successful as pleaders sometimes made a reputa- tion as teachers of rhetoric, and we hear of dis- tinguished advocates giving instruction in oratory after ceasing to practise. We shall probably come to the conclusion that except for the greater im- portance attached at Rome to the study of eloquence, the conditions of the legal profession bore a close resemblance to the state of things at the present day. If we turn to the profession of teaching, we shall find that it ranked rather lower at Rome than in most civilised societies. It was the same at Athens. Demosthenes, when he is drawing contrasts to his own advantage between iEschines and himself, makes it his climax, " You were teaching grammar, while / was a schoolboy." " What an unworthy thing to do ! " exclaims Annius Florus, " how patiently you endure sitting in school and teaching boys ! " The causes of this disparagement of the profession were probably the * Juv. 15. 112; 7. 148. 134 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME, servile associations of the pce'dagogi, the small pay* and the generally small acquirements of the schoolmasters at Rome. The social position of the schoolmaster began to improve at the end of the republic. Plotius was the first Roman teacher of rhetoric, in Cicero's boyhood.* Seneca men- tions Blandus, a Roman knight, as the teacher of Fabianus, adding, however, that " before him this most noble profession had been left to freedmen, and there was a strange idea that it was disgraceful to teach what it was honourable to learn." By the time of Juvenal it had become one of the re- cognised careers for a Roman of the middle class. With regard to the profits of the profession, it was a subject of complaint in Ovid's time — " Nee vos turba deam censu framlata magistri Spernite." and matters do not seem to have improved much for teachers in the first century, A.D. Juvenal says that the yearly fee (not "income" surely, as Mayor ad loc.) of a grammarian was only that which a jockey received for a single race. This was one " aureus," a sum which is very small of * Gellius (15. 11) quotes a most characteristic censorial edict against Latin " rhetors," published in 92 B.C. TRO UBLES OF SCHOOL MA S TERS. 1 35 course, but which would mean a competence if the class was large. The picture which he draws of the life of a teacher is certainly unpleasant enough. Besides the monotony of teaching the same things again and again, and the anxiety of the moral supervision of a number of boys, it appears that parents often tried to evade payment of the fee on pretence that the boy had learned nothing. " Rara tamen merces quce cognitione tribuni Non egeat." " Mercedem appellas ? Quid enim scio ? " &c. The grammarian was also liable to be pestered by questions intended to test his knowledge. He could not walk to the baths without meeting parents and others who accosted him with such questions as " Who was Hecuba's mother ? " " What was the name of the nurse of Anchises ?" "What was the tune that the Sirens used to sing ? " Ignorance of these important facts might lose him a pupil or give the parent an excuse for withholding his fee. He had also, it appears, to put up with insults from his class, who gave him nicknames, and even struck him.* It was the custom to begin work very early in the morning, even before it was light, so that idle citizens were disturbed in their repose * Juv. 7. 217. 13(5 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. by the sounds of the class — the "verba et verbera " with which knowledge was driven into the head of the "Arcadian youth."* But these trials were not always without their compensations. In par- ticular, the teacher of rhetoric, who ranked gene- rally higher than the mere grammarian, sometimes made a good income from his profession. Good fortune, like that of Verrius Flaccus, who was em- ployed by Augustus to teach his grandchildren at a salary of 26,000 sesterces, was, of course, rare ; but we have instances of masters who made a much larger income. Quintilian, for example, had several parksf ; Remmius Palasmon drew from his school no less than 400,000 sesterces a year,;}: and other instances of successful teachers might be quoted. § On the whole, however, the profession of teaching was a good deal less remunerative than that of the law. Of the literary profession, which shares with the law and the school the Seventh Satire of Juvenal, we do not intend to say much here. The restric- * Juv. 7. 225. 160. Mart. 9. 30. 12. 57. 9. 68. f Juv. 7. 1S9. % Suet. Gr. 111. 23. § Teachers of arithmetic and book-keeping generally had larger classes than grammarians. Mart. 10. 62. 4 ; Hor. A. P. 323, &c. THE LITERARY PROFESSION. 137 tions and dangers which surrounded the poet and historian belong to the subject of politics; the character of their productions will be more fitly treated under the head of culture. Juvenal of course treats the matter from the pecuniary point of view, which is the subject of his satire. He complains of the want of patronage extended to authors by the rich and great, and contrasts the unhappy condition of the poet in his time with the honours and wealth lavished upon Virgil. There was probably some reason in the complaint, though the greatest authors have generally shewn them- selves indifferent about profit. Martial speaks quite in the same strain of the stinginess of his patrons. This hunting for gifts and pensions sounds rather sordid to us ; but we must remember that a writer could hardly earn a competence by the mere sale of his books. The relations between author and publisher at Rome are somewhat obscure, but it does not appear that the author often got a good bargain. In fact we do not know of any case in which payment for copyright is mentioned. Pliny was surprised to hear that copies of his works were being sold at Lugdunum.* Martial, on * Ep. 9. 11. 138 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. the other hand, urges a stingy friend to buy, rather than to borrow, his Epigrams.* The price of books was so small that neither author nor publisher could have made much profit. We hear of a volume of Martial being offered for about four- pence, while a handsomely bound copy could be had for five denarii. f In most cases the author did not attempt to make a profit by selling copies of his works, but looked to his patrons and friends, and especially to the emperor, for remuneration. This unsatisfactory arrangement is responsible for much of the syco- phancy and adulation which disgraces Roman literature. In our period, even this expedient was seldom successful, and the author who had only his pen to depend upon was usually in great poverty. It is very noteworthy that no one was too proud to accept direct pecuniary assistance. Pliny not only sent Martial " viaticum " for his last journey to Spain, but gave a present of between three and four hundred pounds to Ouintilian, who was not at all a poor man. In spite, however, of the smallness of the profit, authors were naturally proud of their profession, and not inclined to ex- * Mart. 1. 117. t Mart - *• 118 - THE AUMY. 139 change it for the more lucrative occupations of the advocate or the vine grower.* The army sometimes opened a career for young men of good family. The knights in particular often entered a profession where their rank ensured them favour and promotion.^ They were appointed to the command of a cohort, or even of a legion, without much merit or exertion on their part.J Men of the third order seldom rose higher than the post of centurion or military tribune. The army had, however, other attractions besides the chances of high promotion. It still enjoyed a good deal of social consideration, and the immense power which it now possessed collectively gave a good deal of prestige and influence to its individual members. The immunity enjoyed by the soldier for deeds of violence is a frequent subject of com- plaint. Soldiers frequently insulted, assaulted, and robbed peaceable citizens with impunity. " It is easier," says a contemporary writer, " to get a false verdict against a civilian than a true one against a soldier." The officers, too, might obtain lucrative posts. Besides the most dignified, and probably * Mart. 1. 17. t Juv - !• 58 > " Cui fas curam sperare cohorlis." % Cf. Hor., "Quod mibi parerct legio Romana tribune" This, however, was more characteristic of the civil wars than of the Km [tire. 140 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. richest offices, such as Prefect of public safety, Superintendent of the corn distribution, Governor of Egypt, and Prefect of the Praetorian camp, there were minor financial posts which it was now customary to give to officers. These prizes of the profession were, of course, almost mono- polised by the knights. Farming was rather an occupation than a pro- fession for the better class. In spite of the old honourable traditions of the citizen-farmer, agri- culture did not hold out sufficient inducements either socially or pecuniarily to tempt many to give up the amusements and society of the capital. It is true that Martial, in one place, says " Res magna est Tite, quam facit colonus," but elsewhere he laughs at farmers who have to buy even their garden produce at Rome."* The profession of medicine, though often very lucrative, did not rank so high socially as in modern times. Its practice was almost confined * We do not forget the maxim of Cato, that the most lucrative profession is " bene pascere ; " the next, " to be a tolerable gra- zier ; " and the third, "to be a mediocre grazier : " but in our period sheep-farms were managed without the personal superin- tendence of their owner, and thus could not be said to make him a profession. Cato's remark is also directed against corn* farming. MEDICINE. 141 to foreigners,* and was to a large extent in the hands of freedmen, and even of slaves. The oriental provinces of the empire supplied the greatest number of physicians and surgeons. Most of the celebrated practitioners whose names have come down to us have Greek names ; but we hear Egyptians and Syrians spoken of as skilful doctors, and not a few, such as Antonius Musa under Augustus, and Vettius Valens under Claudius, were either freedmen with Italian names or actually Romans of pure blood. The old practice had been for wealthy families to keep slaves skilled in the medical art, who prescribed for themselves and their households, and brought additional profit to their owners by practising for pay in other houses. In the time of the empire, though many able physicians and surgeons belonged to this class, the majority had a more independent position. We hear frequently of "family doctors," who were paid a fixed sum annually for their attendance and advice, and of distinguished physicians who combined teaching with their practice, and paid their visits attended * Cf. Plin. N. H. 29. 11, "Solam hanc Graecarum artium non- dum exercet Romana gravitas." 142 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. by a troop of students. These successful doctors often made large fortunes, larger probably than even a brilliant advocate. The elder Pliny* men- tions by name five who in his day made 250,000 sesterces (about .£2,000) a year. He also tells us that| Stertinius made a favour of accepting the post of court physician to Claudius at a salary of 500,000 sesterces, since he might have made 600,000 by private practice. This distinguished practitioner and his brother left behind them conjointly the sum of 30 millions of sesterces, though they had made large donations in their lifetime to the city of Naples. A little further on he tells us of another, Crinas of Mar- seilles, who after an open-handed life left ten millions, while a less fortunate surgeon was mulcted in that sum by the Emperor Claudius. A few instances of exorbitant fees have come down to us. Pliny mentions 200,000 sesterces being paid by an ex-praetor afflicted with leprosy ; but he does not say how long the treatment was continued. There is no direct evidence as to the ordinary amount of a doctor's fee. It does not appear that any precautions were taken by law to * l'lin. H. N. 29. 5. f W. 8, 9. FORTUNES MADE BY PHYSICIANS. 143 prevent incompetent and disreputable persons from offering their services as physicians or surgeons. The profession was often entered without any further qualification than an agree- able manner and a supply of effrontery. Men left other professions to take up medicine without any special preparation for the science, and suc- ceeded or failed according to the popular verdict on their powers. It is not to be wondered at, that in these circumstances a great deal of quackery and not a little crime was found in the ranks of the profession. Doctors were fre- quently accused of gross incompetence, of im- proper familiarity with their female patients, and even of poisoning fc* their own sakes or for money. The famous Hippocratic oath, which so nobly sets forth the duty of a high-minded votary of ^Esculapius, was hardly in accordance with the practice of the majority of Roman doctors. Pliny complains that surgeons try experiments on their patients, and that a doctor is the only man who may kill people with impunity. It may be doubted whether medical science advanced much in this period. Ancient surgeons seem always to have been prone to the use of 144 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. the knife and cautery. Archagathus, one of the first Greek physicians who came to Rome, was especially notorious for his cruelty. Some of the prescriptions which have come down to us sound as absurd as those of the middle ages. Modern physicians would probably shake their heads at the cold water cure of Antonius Musa, which is said to have saved Augustus' life, and probably destroyed that of Marcellus : a mixture of salt and vinegar is ordered for quinsy, and gout is treated with an application of goat's feet to the chest, and a diet of frogs cooked in oil. Specialism, however, was earned to a great extent. We hear of doctors for both sexes, of dentists, oculists, ear-doctors, &c. Various schools of medicine are also mentioned, among which we may mention the "Wine-givers," who were doubtless popular. A copious draught of wine, followed by a bath, was a favourite prescription of this school. The law, the army, education, literature, more rarely farming and medicine, were the chief occupations which Roman society regarded as worthy of a gentleman. Descending a step lower in the social scale, we come to trades of various kinds, one of the most lucrative of which was VARIOUS TRADES. 145 that of the prceco or crier and auctioneer, a fact which seems to indicate that property changed hands very rapidly at Rome. Another prominent trade was that of the fullers, who whitened and mended dirty and torn togas. The purple trade is also characteristic. The barbers shops were much frequented for the sake of gossip ; and barbers often made large fortunes. Juvenal speaks of a tonsor owning an innumerable number of villas, and Martial of another whom his mis- tress had raised to the rank of eques by a large present of money. Architects, sculptors, and painters generally belonged to the tradesman class. So did the important maritime merchants, who carried on the foreign trade of Italy, and conveyed luxuries to Rome from every quarter of the known world. Trades-guilds, not unlike those of the middle ages, existed at Rome from the very earliest period, their origin being ascribed to Numa. They were nine in number originally, but others were added later. They each had a meeting- house of their own, and rules of their society, and religious ceremonies which were performed at public gatherings of the guild. K. 146 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. Another important trade was that of the caupones, or inn-keepers, who seem to have been generally Orientals, often Syrians. The keeper of 2l popina was despised, and his trade regarded as disreputable, not only on account of the dishonesty of which he was accused, but because the inns and eating-houses were often used for debauchery and vicious purposes. Drunkenness seems to have been common at some of these low haunts, which were frequented not merely by slaves and vagabonds, but by dissipated members of the upper classes. The last trade we shall mention here is that of bookselling. This was a very nourishing business, as large libraries were frequent at Rome, both pub- lic ones — of which there were at last no less than twenty-eight — and private collections, several of which contained upwards of twenty or thirty thousand volumes. The multiplication of copies was effected entirely by slaves, who copied so fast and cheaply that the cost of books was even less than at the present day.* * Sir G. Lewis (Credibility of Eornan History, 1. 197) says, "It may be doubted whether there were ever a hundred copies of Virgil or Horace in existence at any time before the invention of printing." I believe this statement to be entirely erroneous. RECIPIENTS OF CHARITY. 147 The unfortunate contempt for trade, which had been bred at Rome by warlike habits, had survived the state of things which produced it. The Roman citizen was still debarred by an unreasonable pride from those humble pursuits which in healthy com- munities give occupation to and provide a main- tenance for the majority of the population. There was in consequence a large number of persons who had no regular means of livelihood, and who were obliged to depend on others for their support. The poorest class, very numerous in the capital, was provided with a daily dole of bread by the state. That above them, comprising a large part of the third order or middle class, was to a great extent dependent on that peculiar Roman institu- tion, the clientela. Like almost everything else, it was not an invention of the empire, but a modification of an old custom. Under the re- public the clients rendered real services to their patrons, and the relations between them were not unlike those between lord and vassal in the Wealthier time of feudalism. In such relations there was no loss of dignity on either side. The Among other evidence for the abundance of books, wo may notice that Augustus confiscated 2.100 copies of the pseudo-Sibylline books in Rome alon< K 2 [48 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. patron gave his client his powerful protection and assistance in case of need, and the client repaid the obligation by faithful and honourable service to the patron. Under the empire this institution had ceased to have any real value. The patron no longer needed the adherence of his client except for purposes of ostentation, and the client stood in small need of protection from his patron, except in the form of pecuniary assistance. Hence the relations between patron and client became degraded on both sides. On the one side pride and insolence, on the other servility and avarice, became the characteristics of the two parties. The duties of the client were, in the first place, to call upon his patron early in the morning, a sufficiently troublesome obligation considering the unpleasant and even dangerous condition of the streets, and the necessity of wearing the uncom- fortable toga. Then he had to hold himself con- stantly in readiness to accompany his patron on a walk or journey, and to perform any little services that he might require. Lastly, he had to observe a strict and even humiliating deference, never omitting to address his patron by the word 11 Domine," and paying him every kind of flattery THE "SPORTULA." 149 and attention. As a recompense for these irksome duties, the client received a small payment in money, called sportula, the origin of which is a matter of dispute, but it was probably at first an allowance of food instead of a meal at the patron's house. The client might also expect occasional invitations to dine with his patron — a doubtful boon, since it was not uncommon for the host to remind his guest of his inferior position by humiliating treatment, providing him with inferior food and wine, and allowing his domestics to neglect and insult him. This behaviour was doubtless confined to the vulgar noitveaux riches, but we can hardly be surprised at small con- sideration being shewn to a class of men who willingly placed themselves in so servile a position. It appears that towards the end of the century patrons had begun to feel the remuneration of their clients a burden, and to stint their sportula. Domitian even abolished the money payment for a time, and complaints are made that the good days for clients are over. The increased number of these dependants doubtless made the maintenance of the system difficult. The sportula was now demanded not only by poor and humble hangers- 150 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. on of the great houses, but by persons of good position, so that Juvenal can even represent a consul adding up at the end of the year the income derived from his patron's presents. The satirist speaks with great truth and force of the demoralising effect of this universal parasitism. A man who is not ashamed to submit to the indignities which a client has to bear, does not deserve, he says, to be believed on oath in a court of justice. His patron is right to insult him: if a man will put up with anything he ought to be made to do so ; it is only a step further for the parasite to submit to a flogging like a slave. Better far to beg for bread on the mendicant's station than to be dependent on the liberality of some wealthy parvenu. Such, however, was not the opinion of very many people at Rome who thought it the highest boon of fortune to live at another's expense, and though ashamed to work, did not blush to live on charity. The class below the majority of the clients was partly supported by humble occupations, partly dependent on the state-distribution of corn. This pernicious institution did more than anything else to undermine the health of the Roman community, BEGGARS 151 So far as we can learn, a very large number of persons resided in the capital simply in order to eat the bread of idleness, practising no trade, and addicted to all the vices which want of work never fails to encourage. These were the mob who frequented the public games and public baths, spending their whole day in a round of demo- ralising amusement, and preying upon the treasury, which in its turn could only supply the demand by exactions from the impoverished provinces. We have now reached the lowest rung of the ladder, the class of beggars by profession. These were very numerous, a fact which perhaps testifies, as Mr. Lecky believes, to the generosity of the city in relieving distress. It appears, however, that in spite of the corn-distribution, a good deal of abject poverty existed at Rome, so that the beggars may have adopted their trade from necessity and not from choice. Some failed to secure their share of the dole, and food and everything else was dear at Rome. We are not surprised to hear of numbers of mendicants waiting about the bridges, the Servian Agger, and other places of public resort, making themselves regular stations there, sleeping on mats in the place where, in the day-time, they asked 152 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. for alms. Martial advises a destitute man to be- come a beggar rather than starve in honest indi- gence; so, perhaps, some Roman mendicants ob- tained something more than bare subsistence. Besides the broad division of the community into three orders, and the subdivisions of the third order according to the nature of their professions or trades, social inequalities were largely fostered by prejudices about race. Not only was the citizen preferred to the non-citizen, the Italian to the foreigner, but even the natives of other towns in Italy were judged inferior to those who came of Roman parentage, Augustus was reproached by Marcus Antonius because his mother was a native of Aricia. Livia Augusta was considered not to be of unblemished descent, because her mater- nal grandfather was a town councillor of Fundi. Livia the younger, the wife of Drusus, son of Tiberius, was seduced by Sejanus, upon which Tacitus remarks, " So this woman, who was the daughter-in-law of Tiberius and the niece of Augustus, disgraced herself, her ancestors, and her posterity by adultery with a municipal." Fried- lander justly quotes this as one of the strongest expressions of narrow Roman prejudice. And if RACE-PREJUDICE. 153 even the towns of Italy were despised by the haughty natives of the capital, how much greater was their scorn of provincials and foreigners ! We have already mentioned the disgust caused by the Gaulish senators introduced by Julius Caesar. Cicero declares that the most distinguished Gaul is not to be compared with the meanest Roman citizen. Even the polished Greek was regarded with hardly less disdain, a feeling in his case often mingled with hatred at the superior adroitness which enabled him to outstrip the slower or more honest Roman. Umbricius* leaves Rome in disgust and betakes himself to quiet Cumae, because he cannot bear to see Greeks put before him. " Shall that man," he asks, " take precedence of me, who came to Rome with a cargo of plums and figs ? Is it of no account that my infancy drew the breath of the Aventine, and was nurtured on the Sabine olive-berry ? " How strange is the state of feeling displayed by the invectives of the Augustan poets against Antonius and Cleopatra ! " Nefas, zEgyptia conjux," " Dedecus ^Egypti," " Fatale monstrum," " mulicr ausa Jovi nostro latrantem opponere Anubim." Such are a few of the expressions ap- * Juv. Sat. 3. 154 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. plied to the Greek Queen of Egypt, the descendant of a long and glorious line. One might fancy Cleopatra was a savage ^Ethiopian woman, who had fascinated the representative of a princely house. The fall of the Julian dynasty did some- thing to modify this intense national pride. First Italians, then provincials, gained the imperial purple: the sovereignty of the Roman stock was already at an end, and the counterfeit which still survived was less powerful and less exclusive. The empire was gradually fusing all the different nationalities, and breaking down the social distinctions which the pride of a conquering race had so carefully erected. The process was, however, very gradual, for the " new men " were almost as tenacious of their privileges and superiority as the old families, and even the brilliant development of genius in Spain during our period, and the splendour, rival- ling Rome, of Antioch and Alexandria, failed to compel the capital to recognise the provinces as her equals. There was, however, one exception to this rigid exclusiveness, and that in a quarter where it might have been least expected. The nobility of Rome refused to treat the distinguished Spaniard or PROVINCIALS AND FREEDMEN. 15* Greek on a footing of equality, but they were often ready to court the wealthy freedman. Nothing in Roman history is more remarkable than the ease with which a manumitted slave passed into the privileged order, and obtained for his children and . grandchildren, if not for himself, the same rights as genuine Romans, compared with the difficulties and restrictions thrown in the way of the free pro- vincial who desired the same advantages. It may even be stated that a slave in a wealthy house at Rome had a better career open for his ambition than the ablest citizen of Antioch or Gades. Even in the matter of marriage, where aristocratic exclusiveness is generally strongest, the same curious phenomenon is displayed. The union of Antonius with the daughter of the Ptolemies was deemed a hideous disgrace : but Augustus found it necessary to make a law forbidding ladies of sena- torial family to contract marriages with freedmen, and his successors at least often granted exemp- tions from it on the supplication of friends. The wife of Claudius Etruscus, a native of Smyrna, and slave of Tiberius, whose fortune it had been " Semper Caesareum coluisse latus," was the sister of a consul.* Antonius Felix, who, * Stat. Silv. :s. 3. 156 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. in the words of Tacitus, " exercised the power of a king in the spirit of a slave," married Drusilla, the granddaughter of Antonius the triumvir. Such instances seem to have been common. In society such freedmen were not excluded from good circles, though their arrogance and bad manners often made them objects of hatred and disgust. The enonnous wealth which they often possessed, of which we gave instances earlier in the chapter, was a sure passport to social success at Rome, where " everything had its price." A Zoilus, if he happened to be childless, was certain of plenty of deference and attention, even from the best families. His vices and vulgarities were more than compensated by his palaces and villas. The vast majority of freedmen were, however, in a much more humble station. We find them in fact in every rank of life ; in the learned professions, in trade, in commerce, in domestic offices, and in the lowest grades of poverty. From their numbers and position they gradually gave their type to the Roman community, which assumed more and more that de-nationalized and cosmopolitan character which ended in final disintegration. We have yet to speak more in particular of some TEE JEWS AND THEIR INFLUENCE. 157 of the foreign elements which had entered into Roman society, and we shall begin with the Jews, who, from their numbers and marked individuality, were a prominent feature in Roman society. So large was the number of Jews and Syrians in Rome that Juvenal complains that the Orontes has flowed into the Tiber. Josephus mentions 8,000 Jews established in the capital in his tine. Seneca, in a fragment quoted by Augustine, declares that " the customs of that cursed race have prevailed so far that they are accepted over the whole world : the vanquished have given laws to their conquerors." Tiberius expelled 4,000 persons from Rome, and banished them to Sardinia, as infected with Jewish and Egyptian superstitions. Despised and hated as they were, they made many proselytes. From the establishment of the empire they began to push themselves into every class of society, and to exercise a powerful influence in the state. Caius probably learned his ideas of absolute monarchy from Herod : Titus was captivated by Berenice ; and the number of converts to the Jewish faith cannot be counted. TlTe Sabbath was a joke in Horace's time : in Juvenal's it was to many a reality. Outbreaks of persecution were sometimes 168 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. £ sanctioned by the emperor : e.g. Tiberius expelled 4,000, as above-mentioned, and Domitian attacked the Jewish religion with a ferocity as great as that afterwards directed against the Christians. It is possible, as Merivale thinks, that the insurrection under Vespasian, and the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus, gave a death-blow to Jewish influence at Rome, but if so, it was not long before the progress of Christianity again made Jewish ideas an impor- tant factor in society. Of other Oriental nations we may mention the Egyptians, who were celebrated for their skill in surgery, as well as for their licentious character, and the Syrians, who were much devoted to the study of astrology and kindred sciences. As for the Greeks, they pervaded the whole city and every class of society, so that Rome, in the words of the satirist, had become " a Greek city." The versatile Greek could turn his hand to every trade, from rhetoric to fortune-telling, and seldom allowed scruples to stand in the way of profit. It is not necessary here to enter further into the wide subject of Greek influence at Rome. The northern and western nations were very slightly represented among the free population, TIIE SLA VE POr ULA TION. 159 * and their presence does not call for any special remark. It still remains to speak of slavery, that most important of Roman institutions, and of the mass of human beings, probably exceeding in numbers all the rest of the population, whose legal position was simply that of chattels of the Roman people. In the chapter on morality we Lave already dealt with some aspects of the question, tracing the improvement in the condition of the slave which took place in our period, and the movement of public opinion with regard to humanity towards slaves. Here we must consider the slaves as one class in the community, and endeavour to present a complete though only outlined sketch of their life in that capacity. Slaves were divided into two classes, the familia urbana and the familia rustica. The former consisted of domestic slaves, who performed all the duties of the household, the latter of the field-labourers on their master's country estates. Let us take first the domestic slaves, who were generally better treated and in a better position than the country slaves. The simple old custom by which a few slaves only were attached to the lfiO SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. ■ ' -■ .-■■■ ■ ■ . , i --- — ■'' — ■ ■ ' .^^— =^ house, and ate at the same table with their master, had given place to immense crowds of domestic slaves, and a corresponding sub-division of labour. Wealthy Romans seem actually to have exercised their ingenuity in finding work for the largest possible number of slaves. It would be tedious to enumerate even a quarter of the offices which are mentioned in various Latin writers ; among the most curious are the folder of clothes (vestiplicus), the custodian of the Corinthian vases (a Corinthiis), and the sandal-boy (calceator), whose duty it was to put on his master's shoes. The management of this unwieldy and, perhaps, idle household, was committed to a head-slave, who held the post of atriensis. He was responsible for the good behaviour and industry of his subordinates, and allotted them their tasks. A large number were generally employed about the atrium, a large number in the kitchen, and a third detachment had its duties out of doors, to run errands, or attend their master abroad. Among these last we may notice as characteristic of Roman society the nomenclator, whose business it was to warn his master of the approach of any acquaintance and whisper to him the name, which he might other- if UL TIPLICA TION OF SLA VES. 1G1 wise have forgotten. Litter-carriers and simple attendants (pedisequi) were also in this class. In the house were the educated slaves, secretaries, librarians, readers, &c, and also the pages who waited at dinner, the dwarf, and the performers of various menial offices. We can find no parallel to the extraordinary multiplication of domestic slaves in the house of the rich Roman, unless it be in the effeminate luxury of an Oriental court. Parve- nues were of course the worst offenders, men of the type of Zoilus, whose habits Martial describes in disgusting detail.* A gentleman and a man of self-respect would doubtless dispense with many of these ministers of self-indulgence and idleness. T\iq familia rastica consisted of all the "hands" necessary to work the land and farm, ploughmen, keepers of horses oxen sheep mules pigs and asses, diggers, sowers, reapers, vine-dressers, gardeners, bee-keepers, gamekeepers, &c, &c, the whole number being usually under the super- intendence of a villicus or bailiff, who appointed them their tasks, and distributed their rations. This class of slaves generally had a harder lot than the domestic slaves. They often worked in * Mart. 3. 82. L 162 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. chains, to prevent them from escaping, and at night they were frequently huddled together in an ergastulum, or barrack, half underground, which must have caused great misery. It seems, from Pliny and other writers, that in his time a more merciful system was coming in. How then was this immense demand for human beings supplied ? In the first place, by the natural birth of children in the slave-class. The maxim of the modern slave-dealer that it is cheaper to buy than to breed, was not part of the Roman system of economy. All writers on the subject recom- mend that slaves should be encouraged to have children, though they speak as if some owners acted on a different principle. Columella even recommends a "jus trium liberorum" to be granted to "ancillae," three sons conferring a claim to " vacatio " or immunity from hand-labour, and a greater number being rewarded by manumission.* In general the "vernse, ditis examen domus" were undoubtedly regarded as a source of revenue. They were not, however, the best servants, as they were often forward and impertinent, and cunning in evading their work. We have no means of * Col. 1. 8. 19. SL A YE-DEA LING. 1 G3 judging what proportion the vernce bore to the whole body of slaves, but in all probability the birth-rate in the slave-class was low, and in- fant mortality very prevalent. Another source of supply was opened by successful wars. It is pro- bable that at one period of Roman history this was the most fruitful recruiting ground of the slave population. Whole nations were sold after a victory, sub hasta or sub corona, according to Roman phrase, this being the recognised treatment of prisoners taken in war. But the empire was less fertile in conquest, and other means had to be resorted to. It appears that kidnapping was cairied on to a frightful extent. We even hear of eastern provinces complaining that they can no longer furnish their contingent of troops, the population having been drained off by the slave- dealers. A fearful picture is here opened before us, and we regret that so little information is to be obtained as to the extent of this iniquity and the means by which it was carried on. We gather that in out-of-the-way places, where the hand of the law could not make itself felt, men were stolen and carried off and sold as slaves, or shut up in ergastula without a shadow of right. We are L 2 1G4 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. astonished to find that this was the case even in Italy, where Seneca declares that ergasticla ingenuorum existed, in which travellers and other defenceless persons were immured. In Cicero's speech pro Cluentio, a work in which nearly all the blackest features of Roman life are collected, we have an instance of a free man being kidnapped and sold into slavery through the treachery of his relations, who wished to get him out of the way. This crime was probably not uncommon in an age which invented the science of legacy-hunting ; and even without collusion on the part of the relations it must have been extremely difficult for the victim to escape or make the place of his detention known to his friends. And if even Italians were subject to this fate, what must have been the case with the unhappy provincials, for whom no one cared, when the greedy and unscru- pulous mangones were ever on the watch to seize some handsome boy or maiden for the Roman market ? If force was not possible, what could be easier than to make a bargain with the tax-col- lector to distrain upon a poor family, and in default of payment hand them over to the dealers ? When we hear of the vast slave-marts at Delos KIDNAPPING. 165 and other places, we cannot account for the num- bers daily sold there, except on the supposition that immense numbers of free persons were ille- gally kidnapped and enslaved throughout the Empire. The existence of the Lex Fabia de plagiariis testifies to the prevalence of the crime ; but it is to be feared that where the pecuniary interests of the wealthy mango and the powerful purchaser were set against the claims of one who was at least de facto a slave, the chances of redress must have been slight indeed. The slaves who passed through the hands of the dealers were not all kidnapped. We hear of parents selling their children into slavery, and of poor persons voluntarily selling themselves. From what we said above on the subject of freedmen it may be imagined that in some cases an oppressed pro- vincial might gain by entering the service of a Roman noble. Legal degradation to slavery was ordained in certain cases, the commonest probably being that of provincials who could not meet the demands of the tax-collector. Great cruelty and injustice probably resulted from this harsh usage. The traffic in slaves was of course an important feature in Roman commerce. When a slave was 166 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. to be sold, he was usually exposed on a platform (catasta), with chalked feet,* and a label round his neck setting forth his character, &c, and any faults he might have. If the vendor could give no warrant for him, a cap was placed on his head. The purchaser might bring an action for conceal- ment of personal or moral defects. Sometimes, however, valuable slaves were sold privately, or in the back-rooms of shops, to avoid the curiosity of the vulgar, who could not purchase them. The prices of slaves of course varied widely. As luxury increased, the relative value of different sorts of slaves altered. A cook, who had formerly been the cheapest, was now (in our period) one of the dearest, of slaves. Ordinary field labourers were cheap — from £$ to £10 seems to have been an ordinary price for such. Skilled labour, of course, commanded a higher price, and servi literati some- times fetched 100,000 sesterces, or even more. Instruments of vice and luxury were bought at extraordinary prices. We hear of 100,000, and even 200,000 sesterces being given for a puer delicatus, and 100,000 for a girl. Eunuchs fetched * This was a sign that the slave had been brought from beyond ecas. PRTCES OF SLAVES. 107 immense sums, up to 500,000, and dwarfs, buffoons, and abortions of nature or art were much sought after. A trusted steward, atriensis, or villicus, would also command a high price. Of the nation- alities, Greeks were naturally the most expensive, Sardinians and (probably) Syrians among the cheapest. Great attention was given to the education of slaves for the place they were to occupy in the household. Those who were to exercise any handicraft were put to a careful apprenticeship ; those who were to amuse their master by jests and saucy repartees were given lessons in this art ; sometimes little vernce, just emerging from infancy, were petted like dogs or kittens, wearing no clothes except coloured ribbons and gold and silver orna- ments ; those who promised to be idiots were trained to improve their faculty for the amusement of their master, while those who shewed literary taste were trained as readers or secretaries ; classes generally consisting of ten were formed to facilitate the teaching of a large number, and houses called pcEdagogia were kept for those who were to serve as pages and cupbearers. The treatment of slaves of course varied with 1G3 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. the character of the master. There are several indications that their position was not altogether so intolerable as some modern writers would have us believe. The good old custom by which the familia dined at the same table with their master had, it is true, ceased, as much from necessity as from growing pride ; for the numbers were now far too great for it to be maintained. We hear, how- ever, that good masters always invited their slaves to their triclinium during the Saturnalia, and on feast days, and the system of rations had this advantage for the slave, that he was able by self- denial to save out of the allowance made to him, and thus accumulate a sum with which he could eventually hope to buy his freedom. The fact that this was possible shews that the slaves were not seriously stinted in the matter of food. The peculium was indeed now universally recognised, even in the familia rustica, and it was considered a mark of recklessness and folly in a slave not to have saved anything. Another pleasing feature is the care taken not to divide families.* In this respect Roman slavery compares favourably * This subject has been spoken of already under the head of " Morality." The repetition seemed unavoidable TRE. 1 TMENT OF SLA VES. 1 09 with that of America in the present century, according to the best known accounts. The Digest rules that a legacy of a slave is to be taken to in- clude his wife and children, " for it is not to be believed that he (the testator) meant to enjoin a cruel separation." Perhaps, however, we have no right to quote the Digest as evidence for the first century ; and it may be reasonably doubted whether the obligation was recognised under the Twelve Caesars. Some care seems, however, to have been taken about the marriage of slaves, if the term may be used where the law only recognized contubernium. Varro recommends that the slave and his wife shall be chosen to suit each other, though only apparently to make them work more contentedly. The punishments of slaves will be dealt with in another place,* where we shall try to shew that a real though tardy improvement in humanity is perceptible through the period. We wish we could say the same of another subject, the most painful part of servile degradation. When Seneca says u Impudicitia in ingenuo crimen, in servo neces- * We have, however, omitted the details of punishment and torture, which are not pleasant reading. Evidence is collected bj Wallon, Becker, Marquardt, and others. 170 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. sitas, in liberto officium/' we recognize how deep was the infamy to which slaves were often compelled to submit.* It is true that a magis- trate already existed in Seneca's time whose duty it was to protect slaves from " ssevitia et libido, " but we fear the wrongs of the victims seldom reached his ears. The most envied members of the servile class were naturally the official slaves of Caesar's house- hold, and those who held similar positions in the public offices. A dispensator of 'this class was quite a great man. An epitaph of a slave who held the office of dispensator of the imperial trea- sury in Gallia Lugdunensis, under Tiberius, has been found on the Appian-road. It mentions sixteen vicarii or slaves of his own who formed his escort at the time of his death. These gradations in rank were doubtless a great security to the masters, who could trust their upper slaves to keep the rest in order. The feeling with which slaves were regarded was still very unsatisfactory. Stoic philosophers and men of refinement and humanity did their best to * Lecky and Mcrivale both take too favourable a view of Roinao. morality on this head, but it is not necessary to say more about it here. FEELING ADO UT SLA VES. 1 7 1 inculcate the natural equality of man ; but a more faithful indication of the popular opinion is given by such cool classifications as that of Varro in the preceding generation. "Agricultural implements are divided into three classes — vocal, as slaves, semi-vocal, as oxen, and dumb, as carts." The " custom of our ancestors," always a potent force at Rome, favoured this conception of the slave- class, and it took some time for the more liberal theory of the Stoa to win acceptance in the house- hold and io the statute-book. ( 172 ) CHAPTER VII. EDUCATION, MABRIAGE, &C. In our last chapter we gave a short sketch of the component parts of Roman society. We shall now go through the life of the individual in the same way, considering in their order the chief points connected with childhood, education, mar- riage, and death. In this case also we shall have to be content with a brief summary of a very wide subject. From the moment when he first saw the light, the Roman child was absolutely under the power of his father. As the family, with its sacred rites and continuous existence, was the unit of society, so the pater famil'ias was the despotic head of the group he represented. As he had called his child into being, so it rested with him whether that being should be continued or not. A sickly or deformed child was generally drowned at once,* * Sen. de Ira. 1. 15. 2. "P ATRIA POT EST AS." 173 and no obligation was felt to rear even a healthy infant. If the question was decided in its favour, the child was given one of the few prccnomhia in use at Rome ; the sacred ceremony of lustration ad- mitted him into the family circle ; the golden token, the sign of free-birth, was hung round his neck ; his birth was entered in the acta diarna, and formal notice of the same given to the Prefect of the Treasury. Still the father by no means lost his authority over the person of the child. He might punish him to any extent he liked, sell him as a slave, or put him to death. The Romans of our period recognised the anomaly of the patria potestas, and noticed that it was peculiar to their own code ; but they were very slow to modify it. The customs of their ancestors were the foun- dation of their greatness : " Moribus antiquis stat res Romana virisque," as old Ennius said, and it is not till Hadrian's time that we find a man banished for putting his son to death. Education was begun at an early age. A boy was first sent to a lilterator — generally a slave or freedman, who gave him a general instruction in the elements of reading, writing, arithmetic, and Greek. The next stage was the school of the 174 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. " grammarian," where the boy began to read standard authors in both languages, such as (in our period) Homer, Terence, Virgil, and Horace. Passages from these works were read aloud with the appropriate emphasis and intonation, and then learnt by heart. Questions were set on criticism, geography, mythology, and other subjects. Special attention was given to preparing the mind of the pupil for the next stage of his education, the lecture-room of the rhetorician.- Suetonius tells us that at one time the grammarian used to teach rhetoric himself, but in our period he generally left that subject to professed rhetors, who received the boy after he had completed his school course. The discipline of the grammarians was severe, corporal punishment being freely applied to the idle and unruly. Holidays were long and frequent. Besides four months' vacation in the year, every feast-day and every market-day seems to have been a holiday, a system which approaches closely that of some of our public schools. The physical side of education was not neglected. Games, as ball and other athletic exercises, were encouraged, the most approved being the old 'V.hioned martial practice in the Campus. The EA RL Y ED EC A TION. 1 75 Greek palccstra had long since taken root in Rome, but it remained under the disapproval of those v> ho preserved the old Roman feeling. The unpractical nature of the Greek training, the object of which was to develope beauty rather than to turn out good soldiers, was contrary to Roman theory; and the moral dangers to which the young were exposed in the palcestra gave a still stronger reason for the prejudice. Music and dancing were also distrusted by men of the old school, as derogatory to Roman gravitas ; but both were taught to a large extent, and even girls learnt to dance. The sweeping assertion of Cicero, " Nemo saltat sobrius nisi forte insanit," will be familiar to most as an illus- tration of Roman feeling on this point. On the moral training of the young we have very conflicting evidence. On the one hand we have such sentiments as Juvenal's often quoted " Maxima debetur pueris reverentia," and instances of careful enquiry as to the character of a tutor in Pliny the Younger and Ouintilian; while on the other we have bitter complaints that these duties were not observed; that children were allowed to witness the vices of their parents, and that no care was taken as to the morals of their teachers, who 176 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. were sometimes guilty of shameful abuse of their trust. The toga prsetexta, or robe of childhood, was laid aside for the ordinary dress of the adult citizen at about the age of fifteen. No definite age was fixed by law or custom, but the theory was, that the change should be made at the age of puberty. In fact it varied between twelve and eighteen. The transfer of the boy from the grammarian to the rhetorician commonly took place before the assumption of the toga virilis, about the 14th year. It was in this third stage that the pupil was to pre- pare himself for the duties of active life. This was the aim of Roman education, practical here as in everything. Public speaking was the chief, almost the only, road to success in life for a citizen of the better class, and this was the subject to which he was now to devote his energies. Forensic oratory was not only the chief test of a man's accomplish- ments ; it was of the utmost practical importance to every man of position at Rome.* Accordingly, the art was taught with a systematic seriousness unknown at the present day. The pupils were * Cf. Tac. Dial. Or. 37. when he says, speaking of republican times, that no one could attain power without the help of elo- quence. TEACHING OF RHETORIC. 177 instructed to study the best models, and to declaim against one another on given subjects, the master criticising and correcting the while. Rules of ex- pression were formulated, and figures of speech carefully analysed and classified, so that oratory, instead of being left to the light of nature, as it now is, was raised into an exact science. Not that the pupil's whole time was occupied in learning the theory of rhetoric. A wide range of collateral subjects were studied for the sake of illustration, or simply to expand his mind. In particular, he generally attended the lectures of a philosopher, whose duty it was to teach him the springs of morality, and mould his char- acter into a noble shape. It was hoped that the pupil would thus be led to think for himself, while his rhetorical studies would enable him to give just expression to the fruits of his medi- tations. But the tendency in our period was un- doubtedly to give too exclusive an attention to rhetoric, the more practical side of education. Ouin- tilian complains that " no sooner had the tongue become an instrument of profit than the study of morals was neglected, or left to weaker intellects ;"* * Quint. Fnst. Orat. 1. 1. M 178 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME, and the same regrets are made by other writers. Too much declamation might doubtless be inju- rious; but if the due proportion was kept, the Roman system of education seems well conceived, and cal- culated to produce good men and useful citizens. It was very common for young men to travel after completing their course of education at Rome. Athens, especially, was very often visited, and the lectures of philosophers and rhetoricians there were numerously attended. Among distinguished men who went to Athens in this way we may mention Cicero, Atticus, Horace, and Ovid. The next event in the Roman's life which we have to consider is marriage. The ancient and venerable forms of confarreatio and coemptio had almost died out in our time ; and most marriages were now mere civil contracts, dissoluble at plea- sure. From the woman's point of view this loose form of alliance had considerable advantages. She did not pass into the manus of her husband, and retained the control over her property. Marriages were often contracted at a very early age. We hear of bridegrooms of sixteen, and of brides of twelve or thirteen. The ordinary age was from about 13 to iS for girls, and from 20 to 30 for men. The MA EMI AGE. 179 bride had little or no choice in the matter. The bridegroom arranged the matter with the girl's father in a formal contract by the words "Spondesne?" "Spondeo." Friedlander points out that the Latin language contains no word for to ask in marriage. It is a little curious to find this refusal of liberty of choice co-existing with the freedom allowed to girls in other respects. They were brought up in much the same way as boys, learning, besides their own tasks of the distaff and the loom, to read and write and study standard authors under the eye of the grammarians. The husband was, however, not much better off in this respect. In most cases he knew nothing of his wife's character till after marriage; often he had hardly seen her till the contract was completed. This unfortunate system, which has always been characteristic of southern Europe, caused very many ill-assorted unions and subsequent separa- tions. It was not at all uncommon to betroth mere children, even infants, to each other; the imperial family affords several instances of this. The day of marriage was celebrated at Rome, as in almost all societies, by feasting and merriment. The bride was arrayed in the marriage -veil and M 2 180 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. girdled tunica, and her hair was arranged in six ringlets. The gods were consulted by sacrifice and the inspection of entrails ; and the simple nuptial ceremony was performed, after which a banquet was held in the house of the bride's father. Then followed the escorting of the bride to her new home, where she was lifted over the threshold to avoid the possibility of an ill-omened stumble, and the ceremonies ended with the rude " Thalassio " song outside the bridal chamber. Marriage for the Roman woman meant a tran- sition from rigid seclusion to almost unbounded liberty. It is true that we hear of unmarried girls attending the theatre and public spectacles, and being present at banquets ; but these appear to be exceptions due to the license of the age, and the weight of evidence shows that great care was taken to seclude the maiden from all that might injure her innocence. In republican days a censor had even punished a citizen of rank for kissing his wife in the presence of his daughter. After marriage, on the other hand, the greatest liberty was allowed to the wife. She appeared, as a matter of course, at her husband's table, whether he had company or not ; she could go where she liked, either to the FREEDOM OF MARRIED WOMEN. 181 temples of Isis and Serapis or to the circus and amphitheatre; she had her own troop of slaves, over whom she ruled without interference; she could frequent the public baths; in short, no restraint was put upon her except such as her own modesty might dictate. In our period this liberty was often disgracefully abused. It has been pointed out by more than one moralist, that in times of national corruption the women are generally more vicious even than the men. It was so at Rome. Not to mention the painful evidence furnished by Martial and Juve- nal, the mere fact that we find such expressions as " cuius castitas pro exemplo habita est," speaks volumes for the corruption of society. But on this subject we need not here dwell. It is only neces- sary to mention it in order to explain that strange phenomenon of Roman life, the unexampled fre- quency of divorce. We are assured by Seneca that there were women in Rome who counted their age not by the consuls, but by their husbands, and by Juvenal that one had married eight hus- bands in five years. Divorce was resolved upon on the slightest pretext. Cicero put away Terentia apparently because he had a rich ward whose for- 182 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. tune he coveted ; many separated merely from love of change, disdaining to give any reason, like ^Emilius Paullus, who told his friends that " he knew best where his shoes pinched him." Pas- sion and avarice were of course the most common motives. Rich wives were not much sought after by wise men. Their complete emancipation made them difficult to manage, and many a henpecked husband acknowledged the truth of Martial's epigram — " Uxorem quare locupletem ducere nolim Queeritis 1 Uxori nubcre nolo meae," and exclaimed with Juvenal — " Intolerabilius nihil est quam femina dives." Accordingly, since rich and poor wives were both objectionable, the large majority of men never married at all. So strong was the aversion from matrimony that neither taxes on bachelors nor rewards to fathers had any effect. In repub- lican days a Metellus had expressed the common opinion when he said, " If, Romans, we could exist without a wife, we should all avoid the infliction, but since nature has ordained that we .1 VERSION FROM MA RRIA GE. 183 can neither be happy with a wife nor exist at all without one, let us sacrifice our own comfort to the good of our country." In the first century, A.D., men were less patriotic, but not a whit more disposed to married life. Single or married, sooner or later death called away the Roman from his labours or enjoyments. Too often the last scene was hastened by over- indulgence. The reckless life which most men of fashion led was not conducive to longevity, and additional dangers beset the favourites of fortune in the avarice of a bad emperor or the impatience of greedy relations. But be the cause what it might, the end was to all the same : the eyes were closed by the nearest relation ; the cry (concla- matio) was raised to indicate that life had departed ; and the now lifeless corpse was laid out in the atrium of the house, arrayed in the toga, and often decked with costly ornaments. This was the care of the hired undertaker {libitinarius) and his assistant (ftollinctor), whose duty it was to anoint the corpse and lay it out in the manner described. Every citizen* was clad in the toga * Surely not "every free man," as Decker. The passage lie quotes refers to voluntary disuse of the toga in their lifetime by citizen*. 184 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. after death : the senator of course displayed his broad stripe, and the triumphator probably his toga picta or pahnata. A chaplet of flowers was sometimes placed on the brow of the deceased. Nor did the Romans omit the dismal mockery of hired mourners. At the foot of the bed, wherever the body lay, sat two waiting women {prceficce) and a flute-player ; by the side stood three other mutes with dishevelled hair, beating their breasts in token of grief. These persons, the slaves of the undertaker, kept watch by the corpse during the greater part of the time which elapsed between the death and the burial. This time was com- monly about three days.* During the interval, a branch of cypress was hung over the door or laid in front of it,f to indicate a house of mourning, lest any priest should incur defilement by entering it. At the end of this period the funeral ceremony took place. If the deceased was a distinguished man, a crier was sent, according to primitive custom, through the streets, with the words " This * Another authority (Servius ad JEn. 5. 64) says seven days, •which is unlikely. Perhaps, as with us, there was no hxed interval. f Cf. Serv. ad ^n. 2. 714. Becker's translator says, "A cypress was planted near the house," which is absurd. FUNERAL CEREMONIES. 185 citizen is dead. If any one can come to the funeral, it is now time. He is being borne forth from his house." Meanwhile, the bier was care- fully carried out of the door, feet foremost, and the strange procession set out on its way. First came a band of flute-players, whose piping made a funeral one of the noisiest things in Rome ; then the female mourners already mentioned ; next came — strange to say — a company of mimes and dancers, the leader of whom was dressed up to imitate the deceased. We cannot suppose that this class of persons was chosen merely as being likely to personate the deceased cleverly : there must have been an odd taste for the incongruity of comic actors taking part in a funeral profession. In fact, they were not expected to simulate grief, but often amused the spectators quite in the man- ner of their profession. The best story about them is given by Suetonius, when he is describing the splendid funeral of Vespasian, who had been notorious for his parsimony. During the proceed- ings the managers of the treasury were asked how much the funeral cost. They answered, " A hun- dred thousand pounds." " Give me a thousand only," cried the pseudo-Vespasian, and throw my 186 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. body into the Tiber 1 " Behind the mimes fol« lowed the procession of ancestors. The wax masks, representing those of the deceased's family who had filled any curule office, were taken down from the niches in the hall where they usually stood, and assumed by suitable persons, who also put on the official robes of the magistrate whom each represented ; and thus attired — " the trium- phator in his gold-embroidered, the censor in his purple, and the consul in his purple-broidered robe, with their lictors and the other insignia of office — all in chariots, gave the final escort to the dead."* The ceremony must have been half grotesque, half imposing, the one feeling or the other predo- minating according to the respect felt for the deceased, and the management of the proces- sion. Behind the ancestors came the corpse itself, laid upon an elevated couch, richly adorned with gold and purple. Pictures and effigies were often carried after the corpse. Round the bier, in their newly-donned caps of liberty, walked the slaves whom the dead man had emanci- pated by his will. These or the nearest rela- tions of the deceased, often acted as bearers. * Mommsen Hist, of Rome, 2. 395. FUNERAL CEREMONIES. 187 A crowd of friends and spectators followed the bier. Thus the procession slowly proceeded to the Forum, where the bearers of the masks took their seats in the curule chairs, and the couch bearing the body was laid down. Then a friend or relation of the dead man pronounced the funeral oration, celebrating all the glories of his ancestors, and all the virtues for which he had been distinguished. The eulogy being ended, the procession resumed its course to the place of burial, which, by a law not always observed, was without the city-walls. There a pile of faggots and other combustible ma- terials awaited them, on which the corpse was reverently laid. Then, while the waiting women set up a doleful noise, and the friends of the dead man threw offerings upon the pile, the nearest relation applied the torch, and the flame soon spread over the whole structure. During the burning it was not unusual for rich families to celebrate fights of gladiators. When the pile was burnt, the bones were carefully collected, sprinkled with wine and milk, then dried, and placed in an urn, with perfumes and unguents. The urn was then placed in the family sepulchre, which was 188 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. generally by the side of one of the great roads just outside the walls. Formal words of parting were addressed to the deceased, and the company dis- persed. This is, of course, a description of the most splendid kind of funeral. It has been given at some length, as being perhaps the most characteristic picture of Roman life. We should add that the barbarous custom of supplying the dead man with the implements he used in life — ornaments, wea- pons, money, &c. — was largely observed, so that the interior of a family sepulchre sometimes re- sembled an ordinary dwelling-house. The poorer classes were content with much simpler obsequies. They often made use of " dove-cots," {columbaria), in which a niche received each urn. Burial clubs, which were very common, possessed these colum- baria, and assigned places in them to their mem- bers. The lowest class of all — abject slaves and friendless outcasts— were, it is to be feared, often left unburied, or lightly covered with earth in the most hasty manner. Burial, as opposed to cremation, was not by any means unknown at Rome. Some families, e. g., the patrician gens Cornelia, always practised it. THE Fi WEIL 1 L BA M> E T. \ 89 The funeral banquet consisted of two parts : first, the silicernium, which was held near the grave, and then the cena novcndialis, which took place at the house of the dead man. Sacrifices and games were often held in his honour at the same time. ( 190 ) CHAPTER VIII. DAILY LIFE. It is an unfortunate necessity for any one who tries to write about the habits and manners of the Romans that he must confine himself almost exclusively to the upper classes. Copious as are the materials for the subject, they all bear on one section of society. We can form a very clear idea of most of the occupations and amusements of the senator, the knight, and the millionaire ; but we know next to nothing about the humble trades- man and poor client. The obscurity of low life is scarcely illumined by a ray of light, either from literature or monuments. It is a poor consolation to say that this silence is itself highly characteristic ; that the structure of Pagan civilisation was really based on a foundation of crushed and forgotten humanity ; we still wish to know how the despised masses lived, the " leaches of the treasury," who received their dailv dole of bread from Govern- RICH AND POOR. 191 ment, and carried their scanty earnings to the hos- pitable popina, with its savoury fumes of tripe and garlic. But our curiosity must remain unsatisfied. Rome has given us no Dickens to paint the trials and the humours of her slums for our instruction ; the empire did not even produce a second Plautus. Perhaps after all we have got what is most impor- tant. The life of the toiler cannot differ very much from one age to another. The dull routine of hard mechanical labour, the struggle for bare existence, the sordid amusements, were the lot of the inhabitants of the crowded Suburra, as of the East End of London. What we more miss is some account of the manners of the middle class, the respectable but not too successful tradesmen, the struggling professional men, and the small men of business. These classes have before now pre- served a country from the fate which a corrupt aristocracy was bringing upon it ; and we should like to know whether they lived an honest and healthy life at Rome, amid the flood of vice and degradation around them. But the rich are in most respects the best representatives of a civilisa tion ; they have the opportunity of putting into practice the floating aspirations of the community, 192 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. and of employing for their own benefit the inge- nuity and industry of the less-favoured classes. Their habits are thus the best gauge of the attain- ments of their country in civilisation, and of the character which that civilisation has assumed. Only we may be sure that a picture drawn from the manners of the aristocracy is not better, but worse, than the truth as regards the whole nation. We in England should readily admit this. A short time ago there appeared in a monthly periodical an article entitled, " How the Rich live." The description there given of the day of an idle and wealthy English family bears a fairly close resemblance to the records of the day of a Roman noble, as collected from contemporary authors. If anything, the first century seems to have the advantage over the nineteenth, inasmuch as the Roman professed to give some part of the morn- ing to serious occupation, while the Englishman, according to the writer in question, devotes the short interval between breakfast and lunch to sport or idleness. In gluttony the two seem about on a par, the main part of the day in both cases being given up to the pleasures of the table. We feel how unjust and misleading such a descrip- ENGLISH AND ROMAN LUXURY. 193 tion would be if exhibited as a picture of English civilisation as a whole. It is possible that gluttony may be a national temptation with us, but we should justly object to see it brought forward as our chief characteristic. Still more should we feel the injustice of leaving out of sight all our national virtues — our industry and integrity, and whatever else we love to credit ourselves with. Yet this is what we are obliged to do in the case of the Romans. The " daily life of the Romans" means the daily life of Atticus and Pliny, or of Apicius and Trimalchio. We can say nothing, because we know nothing, of the common-place but useful and industrious lives of humbler citizens. We shall do the Romans injustice, and imbibe false ideas ourselves, unless we remember that we are describing a small section of society, not the whole. Let us keep in mind the wide differences of habits which exist in our own community, and we shall then be less likely to join in the hasty and sweeping denunciations which have been poured upon Roman civilisation. An exclusive study of the manners of the aristocracy would, we admit, give a very false and unfavourable impres- sion of the character of English society. Let us N 194 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. remember that our knowledge of Roman life confines us to a one-sided description of this kind, and that it is no more true to say that the Roman working-day was over by mid-day than that the English day begins with a ten o'clock breakfast. With this preparatory warning we will begin to describe, as best we may, the course of the Roman day. An undisturbed night's rest was almost one of the privileges of the rich at Rome. The owner of a large mansion could place his bed-chamber out of hearing of the streets. The rest of the citizens had hardly composed themselves to rest after the last diner-out and serenader had ceased to make sleep impossible by their drunken songs and doleful ditties, when the coin-stamper began to hammer on his anvil, the schoolmaster to fulmi- nate at his noisy class, and the hapless throng of clients to hurry through the streets to pay their respects to their patron. Those who had not to perform this troublesome duty might consult their own tastes as to the hour of rising. The elder Pliny was usually at work by seven or eight, if not earlier, but others might prefer to sleep off the fumes of last night's Falemian till a much later THE MORNING HOURS. 195 hour. Persius gives a not very pleasant picture of a young gentleman of this kind whom his friend finds still in bed near mid-day. It was the good old custom for the household to meet at an early hour for " family prayer," as we may call it. The paterfamilias offered a sacrifice at the household altar with his wife, children, and slaves standing round. His clients and friends came in at this time to pay their morning call, and the patron was often willing to discuss their affairs with them, and give them advice and assistance. This is the pleasant side of the picture ; in many cases the " officia antelucana " were equally degrading to patron and client. At about nine the salutations were over, and men who had any business to do began their work. A large number found their way to the Forum, either as pleaders, judges, or spectators in the numerous law-suits : many went to attend a marriage, funeral, sacrifice, or birth-day feast, at a friend's house ;* others set themselves to kill time till dinner by dancing, dice-playing, drinking, or other frivolous amusements; many betook * For the engrossiug character of these socuil duties, ef. I'lin. Ep. 1. 9. N 2 196 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. themselves straight to one of the great public baths, or to the more manly exercises of the Campus Martius. Before setting out to any of these occupations it was usual to take a light meal called jentaculum, consisting generally of wine, dates, olives, cheese, &c, but sometimes also of meat. The next event in the day was the prandium or mid-day meal, also called ?nerenda, which was more like a substantial lunch than a breakfast, at least in rich households. It was followed by the siesta, which the climate of Italy made almost necessary. This generally lasted about an hour, after which most people took a bath.* This might take up the time till about three o'clock, when it was already not too early to think about the great event of the day, the cena. We shall reserve some of the points connected with this meal for the chapter on luxury, for nowhere else did extravagance and self-indulgence shew themselves in so rampant a form. The cena was actually the last event of the day, beginning about three o'clock, and lasting till late evening, if not past midnight. Three hours was * The baths are described in the chapter on Amusements. THE " CENA." 197 apparently the shortest time that a rich man took over his dinner. But we must here remember what we said at the beginning of the chapter. The working man's dinner must have been a very different affair. We do not know whether he took it at the same time; if he did, we may be sure that his business called him back long before six o'clock. But the rich, as we said, remained at the table all the afternoon and evening. Hospi- tality was well kept up, so that it seems probable that it was the exception to dine alone. The ordinary number at a dinner party was nine. This was probably determined by the size of the tables and couches, three reclining on each of three sides, but the number has always been found a pleasant one for conversation. If a larger number were invited, more tables were prepared. The place of honour at table was " imus in medio" the right-hand corner of the middle couch, while the host occupied the adjoining place "summits in imo." This gradation of places was part of the etiquette of the dinner table, which was carried to a great and indeed tiresome extent, so that a man unused to society found himself embarrassed and ridiculed for his ignorance of the rules of behaviour. 198 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. The absence of knives and forks made it difficult to eat gracefully, and the boor was recognized by the way in which he smeared his face and hands with the viands. A spoon was the only imple- ment used by the guests, though the carver — a slave, of course — used a knife. Each guest brought a napkin to wipe his hands. The custom of re- clining, with the left elbow resting on a cushion, was now universal for men ; women and children sat, the position being considered more proper. This, however, like most customs founded on modesty, was often transgressed ,in our period. Round tables, called sigmata, were sometimes used in imperial times, the couches being then curved so as to fit them. These accommodated from five to eight persons. The invitations to dinner were sent by means of a slave called vocator, but the guests were often permitted to bring friends of their own, who were called umbrce. These inferior persons were usually relegated to the imus lectus. The guests came dressed in a festive attire called synthesis, the shape of which is not known. It was often of brilliant colours, scarlet, green, or purple, and ostentatious people some- times changed it several times during an evening. TABLE-TALK. 199 Of the materials of the banquet we hope to speak in another place ; it consisted of three parts, the promulsis or gustatio, intended to whet the appetite and aid the digestion; the ccna proper, which might consist of any number of courses from one to eight or more, and the dessert. The conversation during the meal commonly turned on the public spectacles, the comparative skill of famous gladiators, or jockeys, and the prospects of the different colours at the coming races. These topics were the more popular, as offering no handle to the treachery of the delator, who might take advantage of the festivity of the evening, and report an unguarded utterance as treason to the emperor.* Small talk might, however, flag during so long a meal; and accordingly it was usual to have music between or during the courses. Slaves were educated especially with the view to entertain guests in this way, and those who had * Horace mentions, as a sample of small talk, "Thrax est galliua Syro par .' " See also .Mart. 1. 48. " De prasino conviva meus venetoque loquatur, Nee facimil quemquam pocula nostra renin." Paley takes this couplet in the opposite sense, as if the circrm re the mosl dangerous topic of conversation; a view which Beerns very improbable. 200 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. none, hired musicians for the occasion. Martial, however, like Socrates, preferred a dinner without music. Dancing, rope-dancing, juggling, and jest- ing were also introduced for the amusement of the company, and not unfrequently the host took the opportunity of reading or reciting his own com- positions to his guests, who felt that they were earning their dinner when they applauded each point in the tragedy or epic, written on both sides of the parchment, and even then not finished. Sometimes standard authors, or the last new popular poem, were read or recited, and this was probably the chief acquaintance with literature that the man of society obtained. The conver- sation, when it reached more serious topics than sport, was probably clever, ready, and sparkling. The constant intercourse of society and the method of education were both likely to produce wit and conversational power. The Romans had no newspapers, except the Acta Diurna, which was under government supervision, and they relied to a great extent on the talk of the dinner table to keep them supplied with the news of the day, the state of foreign politics, the newest domestic scandal, and the latest literary sensation. Con- NEWS AND GOSSIP. 201 versation thus took the place of the daily press, the society journal, and the literary review. It was also made to do duty as a novel, and the " raconteurs," tellers of anecdotes, amusing " Mile- sian stories," and witty epigrams, were much sought after in society. The capital prided itself greatly on its sprightly humour, and the word urbanitas expresses the ready wit in which it excelled. Domitius Marsus wrote a book " de Urlanitate" which was probably a collection of good repartees, and rules for bringing them out. Other persons, who were not so gifted, might make it their business to collect the latest in- telligence, and when occasion offered pour forth information from every province in the empire, like the telegram-column in our daily newspapers. These walking bulletins were not always much more appreciated than the meddlesome busybodies nicknamed " Ardeliones," who were among the pests of Roman society. It is to be feared that the retailers of scandal were more readily listened to, and that the talk of the dinner table was a dreaded danger to all who had a character to lose. License of speech and freedom from restraint were encouraged by the deep potations which accom- 202 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. paniecl the feast from the beginning to the end. It was usual to drink in the Greek fashion, i.e., according to fixed rule, one of the party being chosen (generally by dice) the master of the revels, to settle how much wine was to be drunk, and in what proportion it was to be mixed with water. The wine was handed round by pages generally selected for their beauty. It was prized according to its kind and age. Setinian and Cascuban were accounted the best, then Falernian. Some wine was preserved as long as a hundred years or more, the date being attested by the label on the bottle. Contests in drinking were not uncommon, and a strong head was considered a thing to be proud of.* Drinking of healths was much practised, the guests generally pledging their absent mistresses ; these potations were sometimes continued even till the morning light, and the * Excessive drinking was a common vice at Rome, though the wine of the ancients seems not to have produced such degrading effects as beer and spirits. Pliny the Elder tells us a good deal about the devices which were adopted to excite thirst : some, he says, drank hemljck, that they might be obliged to drink wine to save their lives \ others took pumice-stone powdered up, or other doses. Tiberius went to see a man of Mcdiolanum, who could swallow 17 pints at a draught. The emperor himself was no mean proficient in the art, and his son Drusus inherited his gifts. / LIFE IN THE COUNTRY-HOUSE. 203 peaceable citizen often had his slumbers broken by a reveller returning home. So ended the day of the rich idler at Rome. In the country a simpler and more healthy way of life prevailed, but the same general plan was adhered to. Hospitality was not neglected in the country-houses, and birthdays, anniversaries, or religious festivals gave frequent excuses for enter- tainments. In the country a man had more opportunity for indulging his private tastes, and was less bound by the trammels of society. We have two interesting descriptions of the habits of men of rank and wealth but of high character, who were able thus to map out their day accord- ing to their own ideas. Pliny the Younger describes the life of Spurinna, an old man who had retired from active life. It was his custom to rise at seven, and walk three miles, the time being occupied by talking or reading aloud as he walked. Then after a short rest, with a book or conversation, he drove with his wife or a friend about seven miles. Next he walked again about a mile, then spent the time till two or three in writing. The hour for the bath was three in winter,, two in summer. He prepared himself for 204 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. it by walking naked in the sun, and by active exercise at ball. After the bath he rested and listened to light reading till dinner was announced (later, be it observed, than the ordinary hour at Rome), and this as usual occupied the rest of the day. By these habits, says Pliny, he had pre- served his health and vigour till the age of seventy- seven. The other description we also owe to Pliny. It is that of the life of his uncle, the author of the " Natural History." Like Spurinna, Pliny was a very early riser, and when at Rome often visited Vespasian in the small hours, for he, too, used to work at night. Then he read and wrote till the time for the siesta, spending part of the time lying in the sun and taking notes from a book which was read to him. He bathed before the siesta, not at the usual time, and after it worked again till dinner time. During dinner a book was read, and the insatiable student even made notes between his mouthfuls. He rose early (i.e. before nightfall) from dinner, and apparently worked again. This extraordinary mode of life was carried on not only in the country but at Rome. Its results were seen in a perfect library of books on every subject, from PLINY'S DAY. 205 physical science to rhetoric, from history to cavalry drill. We must be cautious of generalizing from such an exceptional character, but intellectual industry was a real feature of Roman civilisation, and many who never produced anything original took a superficial interest in literature, and devoted some hours every day to hearing books read aloud or attempting to write themselves. ( 206 ) J CHAPTER IX. AMUSEMENTS, The Roman populace, according to Juvenal, cared for only two things — Bread and the public shows. Without the former they could not exist ; without the latter they would have felt their lives not worth living. The circus and the amphitheatre were indeed an absolute necessity, both to the people and to the government. To the people they furnished the means of passing idle days in pleasure and excitement; to the emperor they gave the opportunity of diverting the minds of his subjects from political affairs, and of supplying them with less dangerous food for rivalry and discussion. "Allow them,, Caesar," said Pylades, " to excite themselves about us, for then they do not think about politics."* It has been justly remarked that the spectacles under the Empire * Macrob. 2. 7. Kal ixapiarth, (3a]f it. Varro li. It. 1. 2. § 11. 218 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. when we reflect on the length of the course, which was ordinarily seven times round the circus, we are forced to the conclusion that not less than twelve hours of the day must sometimes have been taken up by the actual races, without making any allowance for intervals.* It was, however, usual to allow four intervals, the principal at mid- day, during which the spectators might retire for refreshment or short exercise. I am not aware that we hear of any arrangement corresponding to our " keeping places," though we know that the struggle for good seats was very keen, and that the crowds were wont to assemble many hours before the races began : but we hear of locarii being paid to take seats beforehand for those who could not come early, and possibly spectators employed their slaves to prevent others from occupying their places during their absence. The interest of the races was not confined to trials of speed among * Friedlander calculates the length of the course at 1\ Ml., and the time occupied by each race at, at least, half-an-hour. I am disposed to regard this last estimate as rather too high, for we hear, as he tells us himself, of 48 courses being run in a single day on an exceptional occasion, a feat scarcely compatible with thia estimate of time, even if we adopt his supposition that the length of the courses was shortened on this occasion. Guhl and Konel estimate 25 minutes as the duration of a race FACTIONS OF TEE CIRCUS. 219 the horses. Skill and chance both played an im- portant part, and the danger which attended every race added zest to the enjoyment of the spectators. The reliefs, and other representations of races which have come down to us, nearly all represent chariots overturned and men and horses struggling in wild confusion on the ground. Such accidents must have been very frequent in rounding the sharp turn at the end of the spina, and we are not sur- prised to hear of dangerous and even fatal acci- dents suffered by the drivers. But the main ex- citement was due to the existence of factions pledged to favour one of the four parties into which the competitors were divided. These parties were named after four colours, red, white, blue, and green, and every charioteer was attached to one of these parties, and wore its colours on the day of the race. Two of the colours, the red and the white, were eclipsed during our period by the other two, so that the chief rivalry was between the blues and the greens. These two colours divided, one may say, the whole population of Rome, and pro- duced as keen a rivalry and party spirit as had ever been evoked by the constitutional struggles of better davs. This monstrous absurdity was 220 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. growing rapidly during the whole of the first cen- tury, but it did not reach its height till long after. It was reserved for the new Rome of Constantine to see its streets deluged with the blood of its citizens slain in tumults excited by these coloured rags.* In our period the evil, though great enough, did not reach gigantic proportions. The Romans of the early Empire were generally content to shew their interest in their party by lavish expenditure on training, by extravagant rewards to drivers who had led their colours to victory, and by exalting Scopus and Incitatus and Andraemon to a celebrity which the most popular poets could not hope to rival. The drivers could make, Juvenal says, as much money as a hundred advocates, and if they escaped being crushed or dashed to pieces on the racecourse, might look forward to a comfortable retirement after a few years of danger, excitement, and notoriety. Their social position, though higher than that of the gladiator, was still a low one. Most of them were either slaves, or of the rank just above slavery; and it was considered highly dis- reputable for a Roman citizen of rank to exhibit * The Nika sedition, in which 30,000 persons are said to have perished, is described with great power by Gibbon, ch. 40. NOTORIETY OF TIIE JOCKEYS. 221 himself in the costume of a jockey. So great, how- ever, was the enthusiasm evoked by the racecourse that even senators and knights could not be re- strained from appearing in the circus. When we remember the manner in which Juvenal speaks of a consul who drove his own carriage on the high road, we can form some idea of the scandal which this practice caused, and the mischief which the degradation of the upper classes in the racecourse, as in the arena, inflicted on society in general. When a Roman lost his sense of dignity and self- respect he lost that which produced the best features of his character, and probably nothing did more to break the ties of nationality in the city than the shameless participation of some of the nobility in these spectacles. Except for this, we cannot regard the circus as an altogether per- nicious institution, considering the condition of the population of Rome. It did harm, no doubt, in fostering the idleness to which they were prone, but it may be questioned whether, if the races had not existed to act as a safety valve for the popular factiousness, graver political dangers might not have arisen. At all events, in so far as they out- bid in popularity the far more horrible and de- 222 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. grading shows of the amphitheatre, we may admit that they did some service. It might be supposed that the enthusiasm which the gladiatorial games and the races of the circus excited among the people left them no time for other amusements. But though the theatre never quite rivalled either of these in popularity, the Romans of the first century were very far from indifferent to this form of entertainment. On the contrary, they found time amid their other diver- sions to take a very strong interest in dramatic exhibitions, and even to extend to favourite actors some of the partisan spirit which they shewed to distinguished jockeys and gladiators. The theatre always remained a highly important feature in Roman life. There is, perhaps, no better indication of the character of a nation than its stage. In our own history, the drama of the Elizabethan era, of the Restoration, and of the present day, all present a faithful image of the current taste of the time to which they belong. The same may be said of the modern French drama. We shall therefore ap- proach the subject of the Roman stage with great interest, as one of the most important portions of THE STA GE. 223 our subject. The taste of the people in dramatic exhibitions will enable us to lay our finger on more than one of the salient features of their social life. Suetonius speaks of three theatres in Rome.* They were called after Pompey, Balbus, and Mar- cellus, and probably held from 50,000 to 80,000 spectators. They were arranged in the form of a semicircle, with rows of seats rising to a great height, so as to accommodate the greatest possible number of spectators. The size of the theatre must, however, have made hearing difficult, and placed genuine drama at a disadvantage. Perhaps the popularity of the mimes, of which we shall speak presently, was partly due to this. Gesticu- lation may be seen and appreciated where dialogue can be only imperfectly heard. The old Atellan farce still maintained its popu- larity among the lower classes. The well-known characters — Maccus, the amorous old scoundrel; Dossennus the swindling soothsayer; Bucco, the babbling fool, still exhibited their familiar charac- teristics in new and old combinations. These pro- totypes of the Italian comedy of the middle ages,, • Suet. Aug. 44. 224 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. and of our modern pantomime, were always popular with the masses at Rome, whose tastes were further consulted by a large admixture of grossness and ribaldry in the performance. The mime, properly so called, seems to have differed only slightly from the Atellan farce. It admitted, however, a somewhat wider field of subjects, and thus enabled the playwright to spice his drama with profanity as well as indecency, or to horrify his audience by skilful imitations of scenes of torture. The accounts we possess of these repre- sentations seem to indicate an extremely low and degraded taste on the part of the populace. Such intellectual pleasure as was sought was derived chiefly from audacious sallies against the first prin- ciples of morality, or from jests directed against the gods ; while the plot generally turned, as in French fiction of the present day, on the successful violation of the marriage tie and the discomfiture of the injured husband. But the main attraction of the mime was even a lower one than this. That shameless freedom of speech, which Martial, him- self one of the greatest offenders against decency, praises as " Romana simplicitas," was here exer- cised to its fullest extent, and even the eyes were POLITICAL ALLUSIONS. 225 gratified by the most disgraceful exhibitions under pretext of the license of the Floralia.* It is necessary to say thus much on the subject, because a profane and immoral stage is, as we have said, a sure sign of an irreligious and corrupt society, and it is impossible to omit so important a feature in the life of the epoch. There was, however, another use to which the mimes were put. We have already mentioned the license taken by the assembled people in the circus and amphitheatre of expressing their wishes in the presence of the emperor if they wanted any law repealed or unpopular minister punished. We said then that disrespectful cries directed against the emperor himself were almost unknown in the first century, though common afterwards. But the Roman people needed some means of satirising their rulers, and, as even the " licentia circi" had its limits, some other and less direct way had to be found for expressing what could not be said openly. This was found in the mimes and farces. An allusion, however guarded, to the emperor's * Ovid, Tri tia 2. 497-620, pleads vigorously and not un- reasonah he inconsistency which condemned so severely hia own erotic poetry, while it tolerated the more mischievous grossness of the stage. P 226 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. personal habits or conduct was at once caught up and loudly applauded by the audience. So custo- mary was this species of innuendo that the most innocent-sounding lines might be taken as covert allusions to scandals, which it would have been treason to speak of, and the author might thus shelter himself under the plain meaning of his words. This kind of ingenuity was especially suited to the Italian mind, and was exercised not only in the theatre, but in the court of justice. For instance, Cicero tells us that on ore occasion the court seized on the number 53, which a witness gave as the distance in miles of his farm from Rome, shouting " Ipsa sunt," remembering, he says, that this was the amount of money he had taken as a bribe. These allusions were intro- duced into the Atellan farce as well as into the mimes. They were not without danger to the author and actor. A luckless poet was burnt alive by Caligula for a line which seemed to contain a covert jest on himself, and an actor was banished from Italy by Nero for a like offence. Helvidius Priscus, the younger, was executed by Domitian for a play which seemed to allude to the emperor's recent divorce. EDICTS A GAINST PL A YEA'S. 227 The popularity of these indecent exhibitions, which had formerly been patronized only by the vulgar, was the subject of constant complaints by the praetors.* Tiberius, in one of those ebullitions of high-handed morality with which we are familiar in ancient and especially in Roman history, issued an edict expelling all players from Italy. This, however, probably belonged to that class of prohi- bitory edicts, which, as Tacitus says, were always being issued and never really enforced. It was impossible to deprive the people of so popular an amusement. The law seems to have been repealed by Caligula, and reissued at least once before the end of the century. The subject of these dramas, if they deserve the name, was often mythological, seldom historical, generally amatory. It was common to take some legend which contained materials for erotic scenes, and to elaborate them to suit the popular taste. The writers of the plays were generally men of small literary capacity ; but sometimes good poets, such as Lucan and Statius, did not disdain to turn their hand to this species of composition. We also hear of adaptations from existing works. For • lac. Aim. 4. 11. P 2 228 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. instance, scenes from Ovid, veiy likely from the Metamorphoses, were introduced in the mime. A large part of the art of the pantomime con- sisted in dancing. The dance was, however, as much the work of the arms and of the whole body as of the feet. It was accompanied by gesticula- tion, which was brought to such perfection that in the pantomime proper the help of words and even of music 'was dispensed with, and the whole scene enacted in dumb show. It this surprises us, we must remember that the Italians have always been celebrated for their use of gestures. At Naples, at the present day, every emotion has its appropriate sign, and the inhabitants can convey the expres- sion of their admiration, defiance, or any other feeling, by the use of the hand only. The same custom prevailed at Rome, as is shewn, amongst other things, by the interesting description in Plautus (Miles Gloriosus, Act 2, Scene 2) of a man engaged in deliberation with himself. The panto- mimes further elaborated this system of signs, so that a clever actor had no difficulty in carrying his audience with him. The system had this advan- tage that the language of signs is common to all nations, while the actor was generally a Greek or THE PAXTOMIME. 229 Egyptian, and his audience, perhaps, a motley crowd from all nations of the empire. The chief requisites for success in a pantomime were a hand- some and well-formed person, grace of movement, and power of adapting himself to any part, including those of women. The most celebrated dancers, Pylades and Bathyllus, possessed these attributes to perfection, and succeeding artists were accustomed to take their names as an assumption of championship in the profession. It was usual for an actor to take more than one part, sometimes without changing his mask ; but this was probably exceptional, and merely an exhibi- tion of versatility. The social position of the actor or dancer resembled somewhat that of the circus driver. Roman tradition was very strong against allowing actors any social status at all. They long re- garded all such professions with the same con- tempt that Englishmen until lately felt for them.* The law was called in to impose ignominious penalties on an actor who intruded in any way * See an amusing pa In one of Lord Chesterfield's letters : "If i .ill of music it is well: get a Frenchman or an Italian to twang and whistle to yon ; but never let me see you with a pipe in your mouth, or ;i fiddle under your chiu." 230 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. into the classes above him. Corporal punishment was freely employed upon his person. He was ranked with slaves and barbarians. Any Roman citizen who appeared on the stage, except in an A.tellan farce, was liable to be adjudged in f amis. As a natural consequence he generally was a slave or freedman, or a native of some country where his profession was more esteemed, such as the Greek colonies and the East generally. His notoriety did not do much towards raising his legal status, though in some cases a brilliant actor won for himself a distinguished position in actual life, and accumulated a large fortune. He might rise to high favour at Court, and hope for large presents in money from the emperor. In many cases he would attach himself to the imperial troupe, which was generally the best in Rome. In this way even political power was not out of his reach, and socially he might hold a brilliant position, and be courted by senators and magis- trates. In spite of this, however, his profession always remained under a ban ; and should his popularity cease he might find himself reduced to a position little better than that of an ordinary slave. COMEDIES AND TRAGEDIES. 231 The mime and the Atellan farce were so much the most important kinds of dramatic exhibition that we need not detain ourselves long with the higher kinds of entertainment. The palliatas or Greek comedies lingered on without much suc- cess ; tragedy was moribund, and only resuscitated by the help of brilliant scenery and imposing names, in the style of modern Shakespeare revivals. Tragedies were, indeed, written by hundreds ; but they were not intended for the stage, and the personal friends of the author were usually his reluctant auditors. Among the minor spectacles the most important were the athletic contests, commonly exhibited, as we said above, in stadia prepared for the pur- pose, but sometimes in the circus. It was a long time before these Greek amusements naturalized themselves on Roman soil, and in our period they excited a comparatively languid interest, though some emperors encouraged them. The contests were arranged in Quinquertia, in imitation of the Greek Pentathlon, and consisted of running, leap- ing, wrestling or boxing, throwing the quoit, and the javelin. We may also mention here the fetes and illuminations, generally accompanied by pre- 232 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. sents to be scrambled for by the crowd, which served to amuse the populace in the intervals of more serious spectacles.* The transition from public exhibitions to the bath is not so great as may at first appear. The public bath ought certainly to be classed among the amusements of the Roman populace. It occupied a very large amount of time in the life of every citizen, and perhaps the greater number indulged in it every day. This luxury was a late product of Roman civilisation. The primitive Romans only took a bath on market-days, t con- tenting themselves with more partial ablutions in the meantime. At the end of the republic more luxurious manners had come in. It was already the custom to bathe for pleasure rather than for cleanliness, and a bath-room was already a necessary adjunct of every large house. Public baths on a humble scale were already numerous. These were probably private speculations, and the price of admission was a quadrans. Agrippa * These spnrsiones formed a regular part of the circenses. A refinement was to throw, not the presents themselves, but num- bered tickets, which entitled the possessor to a prize, sometimes oi considerable value. t Sen. Ep. 86. THE PUBLIC BA THS. 233 was the first to introduce one of those splendid structures which afterwards occupied no small part of the city of Rome. These thermae were provided not only with air and water baths of every kind, but included gymnasia, exedrce, or lecture rooms for poets and rhetoricians, walks and plantations, fountains and statues, ball-courts, vestibules, porticoes, and probably libraries — everything in fact that the bathers could want to amuse them after the bath or prepare them for it. It is perhaps worth noticing that the example of Agrippa was not followed for a whole generation, the next thermae, being those of Nero. Merivale suggests that the greater publicity of the thermae offended the dignity of the Roman, who was still ashamed to strip in public except for the actual bath. If this feeling still existed under Augustus, it certainly disappeared very quickly, and before the end of the century the thermaa became a most important and popular institution at Rome. Of the magnificence of these buildings it is impossible to speak too highly. The 86th letter of Seneca gives a glowing description of the plebeian's bath. The walls blazed, he tells us, with precious marbles, the chambers were adorned 234 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. on every side with gorgeous mosaics, the water was discharged from silver taps into marble basins — in fact, he adds with rhetorical hyperbole, our feet disdain to tread except on precious stones. It is well to try to form a mental conception of such a building, surpassing, probably, in magnifi- cence anything that Europe has now to show, and then to remember that there were several of these establishments in the capital, and all of them open to the meanest citizen on payment of the smallest coin in the currency, or in many cases, absolutely gratis.* The Romans were not slow to avail themselves of the advantages thus thrown open to them. We hear of persons bathing as many as seven times a day,f and a daily bath was, as we have said, the rule. The afternoon was the usual time of the day ; and Hadrian even forbade any except invalids to bathe before two o'clock.^ The courts of the * It was a common act of liberality to throw open a bath free for one day, or longer. This was sometimes provided by will, e.g., Agrippa, Dion. 54. 29. f Becker is hardly justified in his stricture on Gell for this statement. Besides Commodus, Gordian and Gallienus are said to have bathed seven times a day, and no doubt they had imitators iD a humble position. Remmius Palcemon, in our period bathed "scepius in die." Suet, de Gr. 23. X Spart. Iladr. 22. ABUSE OF THE CUSTOM. 235 tJicrmce were filled with loungers, and the excdrce with ambitious declaimers and poets, who victimised the indolent bathers by reciting to them their compositions. The moral effects of this excess were, of course, highly pernicious. Besides the enervating effect of the bath itself, the decent rules which forbade the young to bathe with the mature, and those which prevented the two sexes from bathing together, were relaxed; till in the latter half of the century, it was quite common for men and women to make appointments to meet each other in the bath. It stands to reason that this was not done by respectable women, but the frequent mention of legislation on the subject shews how diffi- cult the practice was to eradicate. In most cases the women either had separate rooms, or were ad- mitted at different times to the men. Some bathing dress was worn by the women, but not by the men. Besides the baths at Rome, the use of mineral springs and health resorts was known to the Romans. Very few of the places which are now frequented by invalids within the limits of the empire escaped their notice. In Italy itself several places were visited for the sake of their baths. The chief seem to have been Puteoli, Sinuessa, 238 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. Linternum, and above all, Baias.* Baise became a centre of fashionable life and amusement, which was frequented both by healthy and sick, and in the absence of the restraints which were still felt in the capital, every kind of indulgence was freely practised there, so that Seneca calls it "diver- sorium vitiorum." The bath was a very favourite prescription with ancient physicians. We will conclude this chapter by a short account of the games and other amusements popular in this period. The chief time at which these took place was just before the bath. We have men- tioned the ball -courts and galleries which sur- rounded the great thermae. These were filled with players, anxious to take exercise before their bath. The nature of the games played in the spJmristeria has never been quite decided, but it appears to have been rather puerile. Three kinds of balls were used, which were called respectively follis, paganica, and pila trigonalis, the first being the largest. The commonest game was called datatim ludere, in which the players stood in a circle and threw the ball to one another to catch, * Ischia, the modern substitute for Baize, seems to have been little visited by the ancieute. GAMES AT BALL. 237 changing the direction unexpectedly, in order to take the receiver unawares. Plautus, however, mentions da to res and /adores as the two parties in a ball-game. This would suggest some game more like cricket or rounders, but we cannot follow up the clue. Another game was called harpasta, which seems to have been a rough scramble for the ball. The phrase expulsim ludere probably refers to the datatim game. Another favourite ex- ercise preparatory to the bath was to fence with a blunt sword against a post. Dumb-bells were used for the same purpose of exercise before bathing. Field-sports were popular among some classes at Rome. Coursing was the most common, the hare being followed on foot, but often snared in nets. The wild boar was also hunted with dogs. Fishing was a favourite amusement, both with bait and fly. The latter invention has been denied to the Romans by some writers, but it is proved by Martial.* A more quiet amusement was the game oimorra, still played in Italy. One person held up one or more fingers for a moment, and the other had to ^uess how many he had held up. Hence the pro- * Ep. 5. 18, 6. 238 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. verb for an honest man, "One with whom you could play morra in the dark." Games of chance were extremely popular. The chief was played with the ordinary dice (tessera?) and dicebox (fritillus), and was generally a vehicle for gambling. When the game was TrXeto-- TopoXivSa, in the Greek phrase, sixes was the best throw ; the more common mode of reckoning gave the first place to the "Venus" where all the dice , were different, and the worst to the " Cams " (four aces). Besides the dice, games were played with knuckle-bones (tali), which were only marked on four sides. The words (i Venus " and " C/rais " be- long chiefly to these, which were more r ;>-ed than dice at banquets, in order to decide who should be the arbiter bibendi. Dice were forbidd« n by law, but, like other enactments of the same kind, the prohibition was disregarded. Two or three games are mentioned resembling our draughts or chess. One was called "latrun- culi," in which the object was to take the enemy's pieces, and check-mate him (ad incitas redigere). There appears to be some doubt whether th; game was decided like chess, or whether tba player who had most pieces left at the end was the DICE-PL A 7. 239 winner.* Another game of the same kind was the " duodccim scripta" which appears to have closely resembled backgammon. It was played with white and black pebbles {calculi), and com- bined chance and skill. Men who could not use their advantages were likened to lucky but un- skilful dice-players, who made good throws, but could not play their pieces properly. The game of "noughts and crosses" was also played, "in qua vicisse est continuasse suos." We need not delay over children's games, which are much the same in every age and country. Hoops, tops, nuts,f and dolls were all familiar to the Roman child, and were sometimes held out as inducements to learning by the more gentle type of schoolmaster. We also hear of hide and seek (KpvTrrivda Tcai&iv), forfeits, " kiss-in-the-ring," and " French and English." * The most probable explanation of the game is that given by a writer in the "Cornhill Magazine," vol. 20. "Pieces v. taken," he says, " not by being exposed to attack, bul by bi enclosed between two of the adver pieces, so thai fchey could not be moved out ot check. When no piece could be moved, tbe player was said, ' ad incitas redigi,' and If this explanation is correct, the game must often have resulted in ;i " stale-mate," and. in this case perhaps the playerwho had most pieces left won the game. Bed planation is substantially the same. | Nuts were used instead <>f marbles. ( 240 ) CHAPTER X. LUXURY. No feature in the life of Rome at this epoch is more persistently brought before us than the inor- dinate development of luxury. It was the feature which most impressed the Romans themselves, as we see by the writings of every author whose works have come down to us. Juvenal, Seneca, and the elder Pliny, the two latter especially, are vehement in their denunciations of the unheard-of extravagance which had arisen in their age. Other writers, whose principles did not lead them to de- plore the change, were fully alive to it. It was recognized by all as the main characteristic of the time, as a social change, hardly less important than the political change which accompanied it. The observations of contemporaries are to a great extent borne out by the facts as far as we know them. There is no doubt that the century which followed the battle of Actium, comprising the GOETHE ON ROMAN LUXURY. 241 reigns of the Caesarean family, did witness the highest point which luxury reached in the Roman Empire. The subject of Roman luxury in general thus belongs particularly to the period which we are considering, and deserves to be dealt with in a separate chapter. It is a very interesting subject, for the luxury of a nation is the measure of its material civilisation, as its literature is of its in- tellectual. The life of the wealthiest class supplies us with most of the materials which we want for comparing one civilisation with another, and we commonly even estimate the prosperity of a nation by the amount of money which is consumed in unproductive expenditure. The opinion of Goethe on Roman civilisation is well known. In more than one place he says that the Romans always remained parvenus, who did not know how to spend their wealth, and that their luxury was nothing but tasteless extrava- gance and vulgar ostentation. It will be the chief object of this chapter to examine this view in the light of facts, and thus to arrive at a just estimate of both the extent and character of Roman luxury. Before entering into detail, one or two general < » 242 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. remarks must be made. It has become a common- place to contrast the extravagance and ostenta- tion of Roman civilisation with its ignorance of some of the simplest means of comfort. It would be a hasty view which should condemn that civilisation as vulgar on this account. Our civili- sation is industrial; that of Rome was (to use Herbert Spencer's distinction) militant. An in- dustrial people both values comfort more, and is more apt to devise means to secure it. We in England should also remember that southern na- tions have always cared less than ourselves for those minor luxuries which make up what we call com- fort ; and that our own ideas of what constitutes comfort have undergone a rapid change during the last century. The discovery of America, and the opening of the whole world to trade, have con- tributed, with other causes, to raise our standard of the necessaries of civilised life higher than was possible to the Romans. We must then be fully prepared to find a great inferiority in these respects in ancient Rome, and to ascribe the defi- ciency not to the want of proportion and "savoir faire" which marks vulgar prosperity, but to the causes above mentioned, which made it impossible MAGNIFICENT UI'ILDIXGS. 243 for civilisation to advance much further on this side. The most imposing feature of Roman luxury is certainly the magnificence of the buildings. Here, if anywhere, Rome may challenge modern Europe to rival her splendour. The world will probably never see another Colosseum, perhaps never a second Hadrian's villa. It would, indeed, be a childish error to measure the triumphs of architec- ture by size alone, a criterion which would set the makers of the pyramids at Cairo and Uxmal, and of the Great Wall of China, above the men who built St. Peter's and Cologne Cathedral ; but though the edifices of the Roman Empire never equalled those of Egypt in size, nor Gothic cathe- drals in design, nor the works of modern engi- neers in practical utility, they probably exhibit, taken as a whole, a more perfect combination of these three qualities than the world has seen at any other time. The public buildings in Rome itself hold the first place. The ruins of the Colosseum and of the Baths of Caracalla, both buildings raised for luxury, perhaps impress the modern inquirer more than any descriptions of sumptuous banquets or gorgeous dress. They are 244 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. on a scale quite beyond any similar buildings now existing. They imply a command of labour and material beyond the resources of the richest sovereign or corporation. As the visitor tries to restore in his mind's eye the marble pillars, the statues, the profuse decorations in gold, silver, and costly stones, the fountains, arcades, pictures, and libraries, of the thermae, or the magnificence of the amphitheatre in its original state, even the majesty of St. Peter's seems to sink into insignificance before these pleasure-grounds of Caesar's subjects. And all this beauty and magnificence was open to the poorest citizen, either absolutely gratis, or for the smallest nominal sum. It is characteristic of Rome that its noblest public buildings should be places of amusement rather than religious edifices ; these latter cannot compare with the triumphs of mediaeval architecture, though many will still prefer the simple grandeur of the Pantheon, shorn as it is of its gilded roof and marble statues, to the tawdrier decoration of later churches. The won- derful roads and aqueducts which justly excite our admiration for the people who produced them, do not come under the head of luxury ; but a reference to them here cannot be omitted, be- MAXSIOXS OF THE NOBLI 245 fore we leave the subject of Roman public buildings. The private houses of the wealthy nobles were on a scale corresponding to the public buildings. Like them, they date chiefly from the establish- ment of the empire. The palace of Lucullus, which, when it was built, was the finest house in Rome, was in a few years surpassed by not lees than a hundred new mansions, which vied with each other in size and splendour. Here again it is probable that modern times have failed to equal the first century of our era. The town house of the English or Continental nobleman is not now comparable to a "small city," however splendid its interior may be. There is not the need to accommodate an army of slaves under the great man's roof, nor does Western civilisation affect the spacious reception rooms and ante-rooms which the Roman nobles, like some Oriental grandees, always provided for their numerous clients and humble friends. On the other hand, the private apartments of the Roman were usually on a humble scale. The bedrooms and private sitting rooms seem to have been usually small and simply furnished. The splendour and ostentation was 24G SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. chiefly reserved for the atria and peristyles, which were adorned with marble columns, wall-paintings, and statues, and must have presented a very im- posing appearance. There is something Oriental about the whole arrangement of the Roman house, with its open courts, its spacious halls, its prodi- gality of space, combined with very imperfect arrangements for privacy and comfort. If we attempt to make for ourselves a plan of one of these mansions from the very imperfect and con- tradictory records which have come to us, we shall probably end by echoing Martial's criticism of one of them. " Atria longa patent ; sed nee cenantibus umquam Nee somno locus est ; quam bene non habitas."* The dining-room was, however, not usually for- gotten. In great houses there was commonly more than one triclinium of convenient size for entertainment, and these were of course decorated with great prodigality. Besides sleeping apart- ments, traces have been found at Pompeii of ante-rooms joining the bedrooms, which might serve either as dressing rooms or private sitting rooms.f In exceptional cases luxury invaded * Mart. xii. 50. ■j- Mentioned also by Pliny (Ep, 2. 17). PARKS IN ROME. 247 these chambers also, and the rich man provided himself with different bedrooms for different seasons, sumptuously fitted up with reference to varying temperature. But this form of luxury was, as we have said, uncommon. The bed-chamber was generally small and simple, and the " fireside " comforts neglected, as they always are where the climate permits and invites an outdoor life. We have mentioned the wide area covered by these domus. The space was not always entirely occupied by the series of courts and extensive offices which formed the ordinary ground-plan of the Roman house. The rich man of the early em- pire was sometimes not content unless he was the possessor of a perfect rus in urbe,* and could sur- round his town-house not only with trees, gardens, and shaded walks, but even with woods, and vine- yards, shutting out all the sounds, and even the sight of the streets. These parks in the city were, of course, few in number, and chiefly in the suburbs, or just outside the town. Many of the best houses, which werebuilt on the Seven Hills themselves, must have had little or no gardens except within the spacious courts which the mansion itself inclosed. ♦ Mart, 12. 57. 21. 248 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. It is not the least of the difficulties which sur« # round the Roman topographer to reconcile the wide area occupied by these great houses with the comparatively small extent of the whole city.* The palaces of some of the emperors of course far surpassed the grandest private houses in size and magnificence. To pass over the more modest buildings of the first princes, the " Golden House " of Nero seems to have been in design, if not in completion, the most stupendous dwelling-place ever built for a mortal man. Even if we regard the ancient descriptions of the size of this palace as greatly exaggerated, — and some of them are without doubt intentionally so, — it remains one of the largest royal houses ever built, and the internal decorations seem to have been incomparably mag- nificent. It was surrounded by parks, woods, and pools of great size, which seem to have been * The statement of Becker (Gallus, p. 280, English ed.) as to the great lowness of the Koman palace seems to require some modification. Cf. Mart. 12. 57. 20, " Cui plana summos despioit domus montes," and i. 64. 10, " Celsse culmina villas," &c. If a second and third storey were usual, the difficulty of accounting for the space required is diminished. Friedliinder, however, i« convinced that it never had a second storey in the middle, and sometimes not even in the wings. PALACES OF THE EMPERORS. 249 entirely within the walls. The colonnades of the house itself extended a Roman mile in length, and crossed some of the chief thoroughfares of the city. The cities of the East were ransacked for masterpieces of Greek art for the interior. The walls shone with gold and pearls, and the roof rested on marble columns of enormous size and beauty. If we put any faith in the . accounts which have reached us, we must admit that the world then saw the crowning monument of the luxury of rulers and the servility of their sub- jects. The palace of Domitian was the next in splen- dour to the Golden House. It was so profusely adorned with the precious metal, that a beholder might fancy the emperor possessed of the magic touch, which converts everything to gold. Plu- tarch and Statius give us glowing accounts of a magnificence very similar to that we have de- scribed in Nero's palace. The country houses of the wealthy Romans were not less magnificent than the town palaces which we have just described. Every part of Italy was covered by their parks and villas. The beautiful coast of Campania, the Sabine Hills, the lakes of 250 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. the north, and every other attractive district in the peninsula, were full of these seats. Most rich men were not content with one villa, but bought several in various parts of the country, which they visited at different seasons of the year. Immense sums were spent on the purchase of estates, and still greater on laying them out. Statius gives us an extravagant account of the extent to which hills were levelled and reservoirs excavated to please the fancy of the owner. Even the sea was encroached upon by moles and earthworks, so that in the rather absurd phrase of Horace, the fish are cramped for room by the diminution of the ocean. This particular fancy was chiefly indulged in the Bay of Naples, where the fashionable world carried on many of its amusements on the water. The ground about the house was laid out in an elaborate and rather too artificial manner, the trees being frequently cut into fantastic shapes, and planted in straight rows or patterns, while the flowers were also arranged with great care. We need not doubt, however, that the Romans shewed good taste in the arrangement of their gardens as well as in their choice of situations. The descrip- tions of Pliny and Statius, who are our chief CO UXTR Y HO USES. 25 1 authorities, shew that these writers had a keen appreciation of the simple beauties of nature. Pliny has given us a description of two of his villas, the Tuscan and the Laurentine, the account of the latter being admirably clear. The discoveiy of a suburban villa at Pompeii has thrown much light on his remarks and on certain obscure points in the construction of the villas. These and other minor sources of information are open to us, but no one has yet succeeded in drawing a satisfactory plan of one these immense houses, which must have resembled a small village or a public institution rather than a single residence. We hear of rooms for every part of the day and each season of the year, of long corridors and verandahs connecting the detached portions of the house, of baths and tennis-courts, besides all the necessary out-houses and offices, very extensive in an establishment of slaves. Symmetry and compactness appear not to have been studied by the Roman architect, and the descriptions we have mentioned, though giving us a clear idea of each part, baffle our attempts at arrangement. With regard to internal decoration, it is interesting to contrast the comparative sim- plicity of Pliny's villa with the luxury and OSten- 252 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. tation displayed in that of Manlius Vopiscus, the subject of Statius' Eulogy.* The former was adorned only with the cheaper kinds of marble, and com- mon pictures and statuary ; the latter blazed with gilded beams supported by pillars of African marble, and contained statues in silver and in bronze from the hand of Myron. Ivory and jewels were mingled with the precious metals in many a curiously wrought ornament, and streams of pure water coursed through every room, diffusing a grateful murmur and pleasant coolness. Apparently as much care was taken in the decoration of a favourite villa as in that of a house at Rome. The comparative simplicity of Pliny's was owing to his limited fortune. We may suppose, however, that when a rich man possessed five or six villas, as was often the case, he confined himself to decorating one or two only in the splendid manner above described. Very likely works of art and orna- ments were carried by the owner from one house to another. An interesting comparison has been made be- * Stat. Silv. 1. 3. Cf. also 2. 2, where lie describes the Surren- tine villa of Pollius Felix. The same magnificence of internal decoration is described, and the baths, temples, and porticoes close to the Bay are praised with great beauty. A COMPARISON WITH ENGLAND. 253 tween the villas of the early Roman empire and the country houses of the nobility in this country. The conclusion come to is that the Romans far surpassed us in the profusion of costly materials used in internal decoration, while in size the Roman villa probably sometimes exceeded the largest of English castles. On the former of these points .there can be no doubt. Never, perhaps, except in the palaces of the Incas, has gold been so freely used in the decoration of walls and ceilings as at Rome; never, certainly, have marbles and ivory been so lavishly employed. On the other hand, the parks and gardens of the Romans seem never to have equalled those of modern England. Partly from want of appreciation of open park-land, partly from paucity of shrubs and flowers, neither park ncr garden was in keeping with the splendour within. The flowers were of simple kinds, and lacked variety, but they were grown in large quantities, for the graceful custom of wearing garlands, and even the rites of religion, made a constant and plentiful supply necessary. Roses, lilies, and violets, were the only flowers cultivated on a large scale. Greenhouses and hothouses for flowers and fruit were first introduced in our period, 254 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. and of course were soon very common. Winter grapes and melons were grown under glass, and we hear of forced* roses and lilies. Fruit trees were planted sometimes among the other trees, some- times in orchards. The Romans were well supplied with fruit. They had several kinds of apples, no less than thirty sorts of pears ; plums, peaches, pome- granates, cherries, figs, quinces, nuts, chestnuts, medlars, mulberries, almonds, and strawberries. Their ornamental trees were few in number, and this doubtless led to the artificial shaping before alluded to, which was carried to absurd lengths at the close of the first century. The garden was always intersected by a path which could be used for riding, walking, or taking the air in a litter. Porticoes for lounging in the open air, and elaborate baths, were comforts not likely to be forgotten in Italy. We naturally pass from the architecture and de- coration of the Roman house to its furniture. It is necessary here to repeat the warning given before against too hasty generalisation from a few in- stances of great extravagance. Fancy prices are a feature of every advanced civilisation. At Rome * " Festinatse," Mart. 13. 127. See also on this subject, Mart. 8. 14; 4.21.5. COSTLY FURNITURE. 255 they never reached such a pitch as in modern England, where three thousand pounds have been given for a scarce old volume, but they were quite out of proportion to the ordinary scale of value. The chief crazes were for ornaments in silver plate executed by famous artists, for tables of the African wood called citrus, and for vases and other vessels of murra, which has been identified with porcelain, but is probably fluor spar. Corinthian bronzes were also bought at im- mense prices. As instances of the sums given for these articles, we hear that Nero paid a million sesterces for a cup of murra, and even Cicero the same sum for a citrus table. It was common to make large collections of these favourite orna- ments, especially of citrus tables, which were ad- mired for their beautiful grain, resembling a tiger's or panther's skin, or a peacock's tail. Seneca pos- sessed no fewer than 500 of these tables ! Men who did not care to be in the fashion might o.f course furnish their houses luxuriously at far lower prices than the examples just given might seem to imply. Imitations of all kinds, such as common tables veneered with citrus, and silver vessels falsely fathered on some old master, were 256 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. as common as similar work in modern times ; and even genuine ornaments which did not happen to be in fashion were much less expensive. Still I think Friedlander goes too far when he says that a million sesterces was " enough to furnish luxu- riously a house, perhaps a palace." He bases the statement entirely on a passage in Martial (3. 62), where this sum is given as the cost of the furniture of an extravagant man, who boasted that he had the best of everything. Martial, however, says nothing about a large house, and tells us expressly that the amount of furniture was small (?i on spatiosa- supellex). It seems a mistake therefore to infer from this that ordinary furniture was "very moderate" in price at Rome. As an instance to the contrary, Pliny (Nat. Hist. 36. 24) says that when the house of Scaurus was burnt down by his slaves, he lost in the fire no less than a hundred million sesterces. Scaurus was a millionaire and excessively prodigal; still, so large a sum could hardly have been spent on a house unless materials and workmanship were dear. Some of these costly articles of luxury were exceedingly beautiful ; others were certainly in bad taste. The Corinthian bronzes and the silver work ART DECORATION. 257 by Greek masters were of exquisite workmanship, superior without doubt in design and execution to anything now produced. The same superiority has been claimed for the work in glass and crystal, the colouring of which was an art thoroughly understood by the Romans. The remains of their glass-ware that have been dug up, faded and broken as they mostly are, testify to a very high degree of excellence. On the other hand, gilt and silver legs to the beds, and purple coverlets embroidered with pictures, seem to our taste rather barbaric. Pillows covered with silk, and mattresses stuffed with eider-down, reveal the effeminacy of the age. These luxuries were of course confined to a few. V\ r ealth was probably more diffused in the middle of the first century than at the close of the re- public, but owing to its unproductive expenditure it failed at all times to calk into being a well-to-do middle class. Plate was owned by a fairly large number of persons, and seems to have been valued as a mark of respectability, but the other extrava- gances we have mentionecl were only to be found in the palaces and villas of the rich, who formed a very small fraction of the population, even at R 258 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. Rome, and were rarely to be found at all in any provincial town. Next to the dwelling and its furniture, the chief instrument of human vanity is dress. In this respect the Romans compare favourably with modern Europe. The simplicity of primitive cos- tume was never displaced by the growth of luxury ; and in spite of the costliness of some of the materials, it was almost impossible for a Roman to ruin himself, as many have done in modern times, in this most foolish form of extravagance. The original national dress of the Romans was the toga, a woollen garment of circular shape, which was folded round the body in a peculiar manner. At first the toga was the. only garment worn by either sex, but long before the end of the republic it had ceased to be worn by respectable women, and men wore the tunica underneath it. It remained always the distinctive dress of the Roman citizen, and its use was forbidden even to exiles and persons who had lost their civic rights. Its awkward shape, however, made it unsuitable either for work or amusement, and the custom of discarding it, except on certain occasions, was generally adopted. In the house the tunic was l D11ESS OF THE MEN. 259 generally worn alone ; out of doors it was supple- mented with a pcenula or lacerna, the former of which was often worn over the toga, for warmth. Augustus tried to restore the use of the toga, but the love of comfort was too strong for him, and except at public games or ceremonies, and at court, it was not much worn. The tunic was a white woollen shirt, with purple stripes, these latter being by law a badge of rank, but frequently worn with a slight difference by others. Long sleeves and a long skirt to the tunic were considered effeminate and disreputable. Bright colours were popular at Rome, and laccnice of scarlet or purple were com- monly thrown over the shoulder in the streets, more for show than warmth. The toga was also sometimes dyed, but the coveted Tyrian purple was reserved for the emperor. It was the use of this dye that constituted a large part of Roman luxury in dress. There were several qualities in use, the best being exceedingly costly. A mantle dyed with true Tyrian purple cost, it seems, about 10,000 sesterces. The inferior kinds of purple, and other colours, such as scarlet, blue, or green, were cheaper, but the cost of dyeing seems to have been always considerable. The material, however, sd- t 2G0 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. dom cost much, for the use of wool for the ordi- nary garments was universal. Linen and cotton were manufactured, and pages were sometimes dressed in linen tunics, but it was not till the later empire that linen became a regular material of dress. The introduction of silk was a new luxury in our period. It was brought from India, China, and other Eastern countries, and was worth its weight in gold. Garments woven of this material were almost transparent, and were therefore justly reprobated as indecent and unbecoming. Their use by men was forbidden by law. In our period stuff of pure silk was unknown, linen and cotton being mixed with it. Gold or silver tissue, though known, was little used. The dress of the wealthy Roman was therefore simple in form, and homely in material. Only in colour does luxury assert itself. Some extrava- gance was shewn in frequent changes of clothes, especially of the dinner suit, called synthesis. A vulgar rich man sometimes changed this several times in the course of a banquet, nominally for the sake of coolness, but really for ostentation. But this form of extravagance was not carried nearly so far as in the middle ages and modern DKESS OF THE WOMEN. 2G1 times. Nor do we find, as we might expect, trousers introduced at Rome. Delicate or effemi- nate persons wrapped their legs in bandages for warmth, but braccce were scouted as the most dis- tinctive mark of barbarism, just as their absence is among ourselves. Felt hats of the simplest kind were the only coverings for the head, unless the wearer preferred to hide his face under a hood. Hitherto we have spoken only of the men's dress. The women wore a tunic like that of the men, over which was a long robe reaching to the feet, with a flounce sewn on beneath. The same simple material was used throughout, but bright colours were usually worn in our period, perhaps almost displacing the old white stola. Purple seems to have been worn, but not of "the imperial hue, and we hear of several other colours, such as green, light blue, cherry-colour, and violet. Pat- terns in colours were introduced about this time, and greatly admired. The process of " watering " fabrics seems to be alluded to by Pliny (Hist. Nat. 8. 48. 74.) In gold and jewellery more extrava- gance was displayed. These ornaments were of the usual kind, earrings, necklaces, rings, arm- lets, &c, and were often executed with great S 962 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. taste. A beautiful necklace was found at Pompeii, consisting of a gold twine supporting seventy-one pendants, and set with rubies at the clasp. Pearls were much valued, and very costly. One which Julius Caesar gave to Servilia cost him six millions of sesterces. Diamonds were rare. The chief one we know of is mentioned by Juvenal as the property of Berenice, sister of Herod of Judaea. This was worn on a ring ; but Juvenal says in another place that it was fashionable to use the best jewels in drinking cups, a custom which caused the owner some anxiety at dinner if he could not trust his guests. We have already mentioned the strange and rather barbaric use of pearls and pre- cious stones in adorning the walls and ceiling of rooms. In Nero's palace there were private chambers almost covered with pearls. We hear also of jewels being worn on the shoes, and in the hair, probably attached to pins. \/ It remains to speak of the lowest form in which luxury shows itself — the pleasures of the table. We have learnt to associate ideas of excessive gluttony with the early empire, and to regard that period as the acme of this brutish vice. A candid investigation will reduce this censure within juster LUXURY IN FOOD. 2G3 limits. It may seem a poor fonn of apology to compare Roman greediness with the excesses of modern society, and cap the cena of Trimalchio with the menu of a Lord Mayor's banquet ; it will be mere to the purpose to shew that such enormities were confined to a small class during a short period, and that while the majority always fared simply, even the world of fashion was capable of repentance and self-reform. The Romans of the republic — before the great conquests had corrupted ancient simplicity — lived with an almost ascetic frugality. The national dish was a mess of porridge (puis), and the generic name of pulmentarium served for anything that was added to it as a relish. When a cook was employed, he was the cheapest and most worth- less of slaves. Drunkenness was rare, and wine, when drunk, was diluted with water. These simple habits began to be superseded after the Asiatic conquests which followed the second Punic war. A vigorous stand was made by moralists and patriots of the old school against the growth of this extravagance, but neither precept nor legis- lation availed to check the advancing tide. Italy, which had formerly easily supported its thijfty S 2 2G4 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. population, became the importer of delicacies from every quarter of the known world. Each new conquest added fresh luxuries to the gourmand's table, and gastronomy soon began to take rank as a science. It would be tedious and unnecessary to trace, in detail, the progress of the culinary art. It reached its acme in the first century of the empire, and declined after the accession of Ves- pasian. The period between the battle of Actium and the death of Nero witnessed the greatest excesses which it produced, some of which, from their unequalled displays of gluttony, have led historians to exaggerate the extent of the vice in general. We should do the Romans great in- justice if we were to regard the orgies of Vitellius as characteristic of his countrymen. They were the excesses of a miserable debauchee unex- pectedly thrust into supreme power, and are never recorded by Roman writers except with horror and disgust. It was not the custom of Roman officials to employ the legionaries in hunting for rare animals and birds for the table, though the gourmand seldom failed to profit by each new acquisition of territory. The stories told of Vitellius are not merely unusual but unparallelled, THE DIXNER. 205 unless it be in the life of his imitator, Heliogabalus. Putting these aside, therefore, and taking the ordi- nary habits of the upper class as our standard, let 'us consider whether we are justified in regarding gluttony as a vice peculiarly characteristic ot Roman civilisation. The question will be best answered by a brief survey of the meals which formed part of the ordinary day among the wealthy. Soon after rising, a light breakfast, called jenta- culum, consisting of bread, grapes, &c, was taken. Then followed a late dejeuner, or early lunch, at which meat, fish, eggs, &c.' were placed on the table. The dinner (cena) began as early as three o'clock in the afternoon, and consisted of several courses. Eggs, shellfish of various kinds, fish, birds and vegetables, wild-boar and other joints, hare, capons, and fancy dishes of many kinds, were com- monly served up.* The meal was protracted for several hours. Pliny the Elder, a man noted for abstemious and laborious habits, rose from dinner " before dark in summer, and soon after nightfall in winter." This left at least three hours for the meal, * See Macrob. 2. 9, for the menu of a pontifical banqr et. The feasts given by the priestly colleges seem to have bi.cn very Bplendid, sometimes forming epochs in the study of gastronomy. 26U SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. — ■- " ■ i - , ., — , — . ... - , _ _ .1 —i n ^ if it began at the usual time, and men of fashion gave much more time to it. Sometimes a banquet was protracted even till the morning light, although it had begun before the usual hour. It is obvious that we have here the habits of a thoroughly idle as well as wealthy and luxurious aristocracy. Business was over so early in the day that the whole afternoon and evening could be given up to amusement. An invitation to dinner was supposed to include the whole day from three or thereabouts till late at night. And this inor- dinate space of time seems really to have been spent, if not in actual eating and drinking, yet generally in inclining at table. When we remember that a fairly substantial meal, the prandium, had shortly preceded the dinner, we must admit that the amount of food consumed seems to be excessive. And this is confirmed by Seneca and other writers. Seneca in a striking passage (Cons, ad Helv. 9), declaims against the gluttony that collects from Parthia and the Phasis delicacies which it disdains to digest — " Edunt ut vomant, vomunt ut edant. The coarse practice here referred to cannot be ex- cused as a common hygienic precaution ; for though it doubtless averted to some extent the consequences EX TRA VA GAXCE AND OSTEXTA T10N. 267 of excess, it could never have been recommended or practised after a moderate repast. If, as seems cer- tain, the Romans employed it habitually, we can only conclude that they habitually ate more than was necessary or wholesome. To turn from the quantity to the quality of the food consumed, we are less struck by the variety and costliness of the viands than by the vulgar ostentation which shewed itself in providing them. Dishes had a fictitious value through their rarity. Thus a mullet which when of the ordinary size was cheap, commanded sometimes as much as 6,000 sesterces when it attained an unusual weight. Wild boars were served up whole. Peacocks, though not of very good flavour, were placed on the table with their tails spread. Dishes com- posed of the livers or brains alone of some bird or animal, were much prized, chiefly on account of their extravagant costliness. A banquet was not a success unless it was the talk of the town. The greater the waste, the more absurd the extravagance of the feast, the more certain was the giver to win the notoriety he coveted. Expense was so far from being avoided, that it was an object in itself. Hence some of the wildest stories of exti avagance 268 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. must be set down, not to gluttony, but to the slightly less degraded passion for ostentation. This vulgar craze was shown not less in the acces- sories of the banquet. Tricks and surprises, devised by the ingenuity of the cook, had the same object. Pantomimes, rope dancers, even gladiators were introduced between the courses. Flowers and ornaments of all kinds were employed with great profusion. The attendants and cupbearers were slaves chosen for their beauty, and bought at immense prices. In a word, nothing was omitted which could gain for the host a name for reckless prodigality. It would be easy to collect instances from modern Europe of gluttony and extravagance seemingly greater than we hear of at Rome. The variety of dishes at a modern banquet is much greater, the cost may be more, than in the early empire. But it is a mistake to argue from such instances that the luxury of the table is really greater now than then. Such a theory will not bear examination. Modern banquets, however much they may pass the limits of justifiable indul- gence, do not occupy half the entire day, and the triumphs of the kitchen are not an approved sub« EXTENT OF TIIE EVIL. 269 ject of conversation in ordinary society. If we have gone further in ordinary discoveries, the Roman gourmand was inferior only through cir- cumstances, not from taste or moderation. So far as we can see, after making all deductions for exaggeration and peculiar cases, the wealthiest class at Rome must bear the reproach of excessive addiction to the pleasures of the table, and of coarse vulgarity in the pursuit of them. The extenuating circumstances must be sought elsewhere. In the first place, the number of persons able to give first-rate banquets was neces- sarily very small ; and outside this narrow circle it appears that the old frugal habits had not entirely disappeared. In the provincial towns, and among the middle and lower classes in the capital, men were content with the modest fare v liich is most suited to the climate of Italy. Meat was eaten sparingly, and the staple diet consisted of grain, fruit, and eggs. The second vindication of the Roman character on this head is to be found in the fact that it was still capable of self-reform. The example and precepts of a frugal emperor only brought to light a change in public opinion which was ready to shew itself. Many causes had com 270 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. bined to produce a feeling of satiety and disgust at the manner of life which society had been leading. Men were anxious to rise above the coarse animalism ot the last fifty years, and a sumptuary reform seemed the first - and most obvious step. Another cause was at work in the diminution of wealth, which was now perceptible. The policy of the empire had closed some of the avenues of fortune, and the privileged class, which had so long lived and rioted on the capital of the world, began to find that their mine was not inexhaustible. Accordingly a decided, though gradual, movement in the direction of simplicity began after the accession of Vespasian. Extrava- gance ceased to be fashionable. Many curtailed the expenses of their table from principle, after the manner of the Stoic philosophy ; others sought to please their guests rather by the good taste and appropriateness of the repast than by its profusion or expense. Counter reactions indeed took place before the end of the century, but never produced so much excess as had been witnessed in its earlier part. We have now considered Roman luxury in its most important aspects, as they appeared in the first SUMMARY. 271 century of our era, The most important omission is that of slaven r , which was of course the greatest instrument of luxury, and gave a character to all the rest. The subject has, however, been treated of in a former chapter, and it must be sufficient here to refer to what was there said of the use of slaves for purposes of luxury. We should now be able to form some generalisations from the facts stated in this chapter, and to estimate the char- acter and extent of Roman luxury at this period. From the material point of view we have said that in magnificent buildings, both public and private, later centuries have failed to outstrip the earlier empire. In internal decoration we mentioned the extraordinary profusion of rare marbles and pre- cious metals, and the passion for certain favourite articles of furniture or ornament. We drew atten- tion to the semi-Oriental character of the house arrangement, and the sacrifice of comfort to osten- tation which seems to characterise it. Passing to dress, we admired the comparative simplicity of attire which we find at Rome, and noticed especially the universal use of the commonest materials. Lastly, we deplored the coarse luxury of the table, and on comparing the first century with die 272 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. nineteenth, decided that though the apparatus oi gluttony was less, the tendency to excess and over-indulgence was greater than it has ever been since. From the social point of view, we have said that luxury, in most of its forms, was con- fined to a small class in the capital. This is true, but, notwithstanding, there is a decidedly demo- cratic side to Roman luxury. Its most splendid monuments, the baths and amphitheatre, were built for the delectation of the masses. Its grandest public works, its roads and aqueducts, were works of universal utility. If, in one sense, it was re- stricted to a smaller number than in modern societies, in another it was more accessible to every one than has often been the case since. We must not lose sight of this good side of the subject, for it is both significant in itself, and a use- ful corrective of the indiscriminate censure which has sometimes been heaped upon pagan civilisa- tion. Self-indulgence and extravagance shewed a more unblushing front before the rise of Christianity; but it is doubtful whether religion is any real check to the luxury of our great capitals. The main features are the same as those of Roman civilisation, the chief difference being in the indus* CHARACTER OF ROMAN LUXURY. 273 trial type stamped upon our society as opposed to the semi-Oriental character of the Roman. Our luxury is the product of national labour, the spending of wealth created from year to year by the industry of the people ; that of Rome was the luxury of a dominant caste, which found itself almost suddenly in command of the resources of three continents, resources which it used unscrupulously for its own benefit, without attempting to restore the waste. It is true that a luxurious class is alway unproductive, but the complete severance of that class at Rome from the producers had a strong influence on its character, and caused those vulgarisms of extravagance which give colour to Goethe's criticism quoted above. On the whole, however, we think that the German poet's censure goes too far, and that we are not justified in passing a sweeping condemnation on the luxury of the first century of our era, on the ground either of excess or of bad taste. 274 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. CONCLUSION. We have now completed our sketch of Roman society in the first century. The magnitude of the subject has compelled us to treat each part of it in a cursory manner, but it is hoped that no im- portant or characteristic feature has been omitted. We ought now to be able to stand back, as it were, from the picture, and form some kind of general impression from it. Shall we agree with Gibbon, who considered that under good emperors, such as the series beginning with Nerva at the close of our period, " the human race " was more happy and prosperous than at any other epoch in the world's history ? The idea will hardly meet with a defender at the present day. For who are " the human race " whose condition was so enviable ? f The small coterie of millionaires, who wallowed in self-indulgence, and drained the life blood of the empire ? Or the mass of poor Italians, of heavily taxed provincials, of miserable slaves, who do not indeed fill a large space on the page of history, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 275 but who still had the right to be reckoned among human beings ? Was their lot so happy or so prosperous ? And can even the intellectual volup- tuary, such as Gibbon doubtless had in his mind, excite our envy, surrounded as he was by crowds of slaves and dependants, and by every means of gratifying alike the highest and lowest pleasures ? Surely not. We may grant, probably we should grant, that the Roman understood the art of living better than we understand it ; that he knew better than we how to make the most of all the pleasures under the sun, from the noblest art to the vilest indulgences : we still feel that our civilisation is the higher of the two, and that we would not, if we could, exchange our restless moral consciousness, our troubled political activity, our busy competitive industry, for the unabashed hedonism, the selfish indifference, the wasteful indolence of the Roman of the early empire. With all its brilliancy, that civilisation lacked the vital spark ; it was soulless, faithless, and essen- tially unprogressive. Rome had outlived her ideals ; her patriotism and her religion had alike become obsolete, and the renovating principle was not to be found within her own pale. It is only 276 SOCIAL LIFE IN ROME. "indistinctly that we can trace, in the first century, the growing influence of that contact between the religious consciousness of the East and the intel- lectual activity of the West, which was destined to determine the character of mediaeval and modern civilisation. THE END. HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY. THE DAWN OF HISTORY. An Introduction to Pre-Histcrio, Study. New and revised edition. Edited by C. F. KEARY. 12mo, S1.25. This work treats successively of the earliest traces of man in the remains discovered in caves or elsewhere in different parts of Europe ; of language, its growth, and the story it tells of the pre-historic users of it ; of the races of mankind, early social life, the religions, mythol- ogies, and folk-tales of mankind, and of the history of writing. The present edition contains more than a hundred pages of new matter, in which are embodied the results of the latest researches. BOSTON SAT. EVE. GAZETTE.— "A fascinating manual, without a vestige of the dullness usually charged against scientific works. In its way, the work is a model of what a popular scientific work should be." THE ORIGIN OF NATIONS. By Professor GEORGE RAWLIN- SON, M.A. 12mo, with maps, S1.00. The first part of this book, Early Civilizations, discusses the an- tiquity of civilization in Egypt and the other early nations of the Easb. The second part. Ethnic Affinities in the Ancient World, is an examin- ation of the ethnology of Genesis, showing its accordance with the latest results of modern ethnographical science. CONGREGATIONALIST.— "A work of genuine scholarly excellence, and a useful offset to a great deal of the superficial current literature ou such subjects." MANUAL OF MYTHOLOGY. For the Use of Schools, Art Stu- dents, and General Readers. Founded on the Works of Petiscus, Preller, and Welcker. By ALEXANDER S. MUR- RAY, Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities, British Museum. With 45 Plates on tinted paper, representing more than 90 Mythological Subjects. Reprinted from the Second Revised London Edition. Crown 8vo, S1.75. THE CLEVELAND HERALD.— "It has been acknowledged the best work on the subject to be found in a concise form, and as it embodies the results of the latest researches and discoveries in ancient mythologies, it is superior for school mid general purposes as a ban i bunk to auy of the so-called standard works." ■the eoston journal. "Whether a- b manual tor reference, a texi bcolr tor school use, or for the general reader, the book will be found very vtuuable ami 'tntcrebtinjj." STANDARD TEXT BOOKS. THE REFORMATION. By Prof. GEORGE P. FISHER, D.D., Professor of Ecclesiastical History in Yale College. Crown 8vo, S2.50. THE CHRISTIAN UNION.— "The book is a remarkable instance of that power of lucid condensation which its author possesses in a high degree. * * * The quality of condensedness renders it worthy to be studied, not merely read ; and it would be excellent as a text book in college." PROF. CHARLES A. AIKEN, D.D., Princeton Theological Seminary.— "Yvo- fessor Fisher's History of the Reformation presents the results of prolonged, extended, and exact study, with those excellent qualities of style which are so characteristic of him— clearness, smoothness, judicial fairness, vividness, felicity in arranging material, as well as in grouping and delineating characters." THE ANCIENT EMPIRES OF THE EAST. By Prof. A. H. SAYCE, of Oxford. 12mo, $1.50. THE S. S. TIMES.—" Prof. Sayce's history is the best popular book inits field. It is abreast of modern research ; its point of view is broad and comprehensive, and its style is such as to commend it to the wide public to which it is addressed." THE JOURNAL OF EDUCATION.— "Mr. Sayce is recognized as the leading Assyriologist of our day, and has given in this valuable book the latest results of the latest researches into the mysterious antiquity of the ancient Orien- tal civilizations. He gives us information not to be found elsewhere, and much which lies dispersed in periodicals of ODly limited circulation. It is indispensable for every student of history." THE UNITED STATES : Its History and Constitution. By ALEX- ANDER JOHNSTON, late Professor in Princeton College. 12mo, S1.00. Professor Johnston's work is unique in that it presents in a single volume of about three hundred pages, a lucid, scholarly, well-ordered narrative of the history of the United States, from the earliest discoveries down to the present time. As a compact manual for class use it will be found invaluable. SCHOOL JOURNAL.— "A masterly statement of the constitutional and political history of the country. It is comprehensive and adequate, yet wonder- fully clear and compact. Its value is equally great for general reading, or for reference." HISTORICAL OUTLINE OF THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION FOR BEGINNERS. By D. W. RANNIE, 12mo, $1.00. THE N. Y. SUN.— "As a compendium of the cardinal events and accepted principles of constitutional history it may be cordially recommended to those who are beginning the study of a political system." THE BOSTON COURIER.— "The book is a very valuable manual for young people. The manner is clear and simple, and the outlines are clear and accurate.' CHARLES SCRIBNE1VS SONS' EPOCHS OF HISTORY- charles Kendall ADAMS, President of Cornell University.—" A Series of concise and carefully prepared volumes on special eras of history. Each it devoted to a group of events of such Importance as to entitle it to be regarded aa i:\ epoch. Each Is also complete in itself, and has no especial connect! .1 with the other members of the series. The works are all written by authors selected by the editor on account of some especial qualifications for a portrayal of the period they respectively describe. The volumes form an excellent collection, especially adapted to the wants of a general reader." NOAH PORTER, President of rale College.— "The * Epochs of History ' seem to me to have been prepared with knowledge and artistic skill to meet the wants Of a large number of readers. To the youug they furnish an outline or compen- dium which may serve as an introduction to more extended study. To those who are older they present a convenient sketch of the heads of the knowledge which they have already acquired. The outlines are by no means destitute of spirit, and may be used with great profit for family reading, and in select classes or reading clubs." BISHOP JOHN F. HURST, Ex-President of Drew Theological Seminary.— - It appears to me that the idea of Morris in his Epochs is strictly in harmony with the philosophy of history— namely, that great movements should be treat ed not according to narrow geographical and national limits and distinction, but universally, according to their place in the general life of the world. The histor- ical Maps and the copious Indices are welcome additions to the volumes." THE NATION.—" The volumes contain the ripe results of the studies of men who are authorities in their respective fields." EPOCHS OF ANCIENT HISTORY. A serres of books narrating the History of Greece and Rome, and of their relations to other countries at successive epochs. Edited by Rev. C. Wi COX, and CHARLES SANKEY, M.A. Eleven volumes, 16mo, with 41 Maps and Plans. Sold separately. Price per vol., $1.00. The set, Roxburgh style, gilt top, in box, $11.00. TROY-ITS LEGEND, HISTORY, AND LITERATURE. By S. G. W. Benjamin. THE GREEKS AND Til!: PERSIANS. By G. W. Cox. THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE. By G. W. Cox. THE SPARTAN AND THEBAN SUPREMACIES. ByCHAiu.Ks h an key. THE MACEDONIAN EMPIRE. By A. M. Curteis. EARLY ROME. By W. Iiink. ROME AND CARTHAQE. The Punic Wars. By U. r.n.-woinii smith. THE GRACCHI, MARJ LLA. By A. II. Beesley. THE ROMAN TRIUWn ER LTES I!, CH UtLl 9 Mirivai.e. Tin: EARLY EMPIRE. By W. Wolfe Capes. VTJE AGE OF Till: ANTONINES. By W. WOLFE Cafbb. STANDARD TEXT BOOKS. EPOCHS OF MODERN HISTORY. A series of books narrating the History of England and Europe at successive epochs subsequent to the Christian era. Edited by EDWARD E, MORRIS. Eighteen volumes, 16mo, with 77 Maps, Plans 5 and Tables. Sold separately. Price per vol., SI. 00. The set, Roxburgh style, gilt top, in box, $18.00. THE BEGINNING OP THE MIDDLE AGE?. By R. W. CmmcH. THE NORMANS LN EUROPE. By A. H. Johnson. THE CRUSADES. By G. W. Cox, M.A. THE EARLY PLANTAGENETS. By Wm. Stubbs. EDWARD ni. By W. Warbukton. THE HOUSES OF LANCASTER AND YORK. By James Gairdner. THE ERA OP THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION. By Frederic Sekbohm With Notes on Books in English relating to the Reformation. By Proi George P. Fisher, D.D. THE EARLY TUDORS. Henry Vn.; Henry VIII. By C. E. Moberly. THE AGE OF ELIZABETH. By M. Creighton. THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR, 1618-1648. By Samuel Rawson Gardiner. THE PURITAN REVOLUTION. By Samuel Rawson Gardiner. THE FALL OF THE STUARTS. By Edward Hale. THE AGE OF ANNE. By Edward E. Morris. THE EARLY HANOVERIANS. By Edward E. Morris. FREDERICK THE GREAT. By F. W. Longman. THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AND FIRST EMPIRE. By William O'Connor Morris. With Appendix by Andrew D. White, LL.D. THE EPOCH OF REFORM, 1830-1850. By Justin McCarthy. THE ENGLISH RESTORATION AND LOUIS XIV. By Osmund Airy, M.A. THE HISTORY OF ROME, from the Earliest Time to the Period of Its Decline. By Dr. THEODOR MOMMSEN. Translated, with the author's sanction and additions, by W. P. Dickson, D.D., LL.D. With an Introduction by Dr. Leonhard Schmitz. Reprinted from the Revised London Edition. Four volumes crown 8vo, gilt top. Price per set, S8.00. LONDON TIMES. — "A work of the very highest merit; its learning is exact; and profound ; its narrative full of genius and skill ; its descriptions of men are ftumirably vivid. We wish to place on record our opinion that Dr. Mommsen's is by far the best history of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Commonwealth." DR. SCHMITZ.— "Since the days of Niebuhr, no work on Roman History has appeared that combines so much to attract, instruct, and charm the reader. Its Btyle— a rare quality in a German author— is vigorous, spirited, and animated professor Mommsep'a wort ca»_ stajH a comparison with the noblest productions If modern history." CUAHIES SGRIBNER'S SONS* AX ADDITIOX TO THEODOR U0MMSS2TS JII^TORT OF ROMS. THE PROVINCES OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. From Caesar t< Diocletian. By THEODOR MOMMSEN. Translated wit/ the author's sanction and additions, by William P. Dickson, D.D., LL.D. With ten maps, by Professor Kiepert. 2 vols., 8vo, S6.00. Contents: The Northern Frontier of Italy— Spain— The Gallio Provinces — Roman Germany and the Free Germans — Britain — The Danubian Lands and the Wars on the Danube — Greek Europe — Asia Minor— The Euphrates Frontier and the Parthians— Syria and the Land of the Nabatasans — Judea and the Jews — Egypt — The African Provinces. N. Y. SUN. — "Professor Mommsen's work goes further jthan any other ex- tant, or now looked for, to provide us with a key to the mediaeval history of tho Mediterranean world." PROF. W. A. PACKARD, in Presbyterian Review. — "The author draws the wonderfully rich and varied picture of the conquest and administration of that great circle of peoples and land3 which formed the empire of Rome outside of Italy, their agriculture, trade, and manufactures, their artistic and scientific life, through all degrees of civilization, with such detail and completeness as could have come from no other hand than that of this great master of historical research Jii all its departments, guided by that gift of historical imagination, for which he is equally eminent" THE HISTORY OF GREECE. By Prof. Dr. ERNST CURTIUS. Translated by Adolphus William Ward, M. A., Fellow of St. Peter's College, Cambridge, Prof, of History in Owen's Col' lege, Manchester. Uniform with Mommsen's History of Rome. Five volumes, crown 8vo, gilt top. Price per set, $10.00. LONDON ATHEN/EUM.— "Professor Cnrtius' eminent scholarship i3 a suffi- cient guarantee for the trustworthiness of his history, while tho skill with which \e groups his facts, and his effective mode of narrating them, combine to render it no less readable than sound. Prof. Curtius everywhere maintains the true tignity and impartiality of history, and it is evident his sympathies are on the £de of justice, humanity, and progress." LONDON SPECTATOR.— "We cannot express our opinion of Dr. Curtius' book better than by saying that it may be fitly ranked with Theodor Mommsen's freat work." N. Y. DAILY TRIBUNE.— "As an introduction to the study of Grecian history, to previous v.urk la comparable to the present for vlvacltj and picturesqafl beauty, while In sound learning and accuracy of statement it Is not inferior tM Jie elai>oratfc productions which enrich the literature of the age." TRANSLATIONS OF PLATO. THE DIALOGUES OF PLATO. Translated into English, with Analysis and Introductions. By B. JOWETT, M.A., Master of Balliol College, Oxford, and Regius Professor of Greek. A new and cheaper edition. Four vols., crown 8vo, per set, S8.00. THE NEW YORK TRIBUNE.— "The present work of Professor Jowett will be welcomed with, profound interest, as the only adequate endeavor to transport the most precious monument oi Grecian thought among the familiar treasures of English literature. The noble reputation of Professor Jowett, both cs a thinker and a scholar, it may be premised, however, is a valid guaranty for the excellence Of his performance. He is known as one of the most hard-working students of the English universities,- in the departments of philology and criticism, whose exemplary diligence is f ully equalled by his singular acuteness of penetration, his clear and temperate judgment, and his rare and absolute fidelity to the inter- ests of truth." THE NEW YORK evening POST.— " One of the most splendid and valuable gifts to literature that has for a long time been offered. The work has all the freedom and strength of an original, and the grace of language is only equalled by the profound scholarship displayed in the translation." THE CLEVELAND HERALD.— "Prof. Jowett's knowledge of Greek language and literature and of the spirit of the ancient Greek life and philosophy is pro- found. The rendering 13 accurate, the style easy and natural, and the very full explanatory and critical introductions to each section are of invaluable assistance. In the reproduction of this masterly translation the publishers have performed 3 valuable service to American letters." PLATO'S BEST THOUGHTS. As compiled from Professor Jowett's Translation of the Dialogues of Plato. By Rev. C. H. A. BULKLEY. A new edition, crown 8vo, $1.50. FROM THE PREFACE.— "The present volume presents In the most accessible form the wide range of subjects upon which Plato dwells, and exhibits him in all his varied aspects of philosopher, moralist, socialist, logician, rhetorician, scientist, and critic. The extracts here given have been carefully collected, so as to be unique and integral in thought. While those who are desirous to peruse the complete translation of Prof. Jowett will doubtless do this, yet there are many others to whom this volume will be welcome as giving the finest wheat of Plato in a ready, readable form. Even the reader of the fuller work may be glad to have a compendium of Platonic thought &o available for cursory perusal and casual quo- tatioc." THE EVANGELIST— "This volume makes the best things in Plato accessible and available, and its index gives it the character of a dictionary." STAXVARD TEXT BOORS. SOCRATES. A Translation of the Apology, Crito and parts of the Phaedo of Plato, containing the Defence of Socrates at his Trid, his Conversation in Prison, with his Thoughts on the Future Life, and an Account of his Death. With an In- troduction by Professor W. W. Goodwin, of Harvard Col- lege. 12mo, cloth, SI. 00; paper, 50 cents. TALKS WITH SOCRATES ABOUT LIFE. Translations from the Corgias and the Republic of Plato. 12mo, cloth, SI. 00; paper, 50 cents. A DAY IN ATHENS WITH SOCRATES. Translations from the Protagoras and the Republic of Plato. Being conversations between Socrates and other Greeks on Virtue and Justice. 12mo cloth, S1. 00 ; paper, 50 cents. The first of these volumes sketches the personal character and moral position of Socrates, together with Plato's own speculations ; the second volume presents in forcible and elegant English the practical philosophy and pure morality of the Gorgias and Republic, accom- panied by an able introduction and explanatory notes ; while the last volume has for its object to give a vivid picture not so much of Plato's Philosophy as of the age in which he lived, and to enable the reader to enter into the every-day scenes of Athenian life, and to become, as it were, an actual participator in the action. PROFESSOR GOODWIN.— "I have advised the translator to publish theso versions of Plato, in the belief that they will be welcomed by many to whom boili Plato and Socrates have hitherto been merely venerated names ; especially by those whose Interest In knowing what Plato and Socrates really taught h:is been doubly checked by ignorance of Greek and by the formidable aspect of Plato's complete works, even In an English translation." W. D. HOWELLS, In Harper's Monthly.— •• That 'Day in Athens with Socra- tes,' those 'Talks with Socrates about Life,' and that first volume containing the Apology, and the Phrcdo, all strike a note so familiar, deal with questions so liv- ing, that they seem of present concern and modern fact. Eminent Scholars, men of much Latin and more Greek, attest the skill and truth with which the versions are made ; we can confidently speak of their English grace and clearness. They seem a 'model of style,' because they arc without manner and perfectly simple." THE NEW YORK EVENING POST.— "We do not remember any translation of a Greek author which is a better specimen oi Idiomatic English than this, or a more faithful rendering of the real spirit of the original into ESni ii j ii as good and as simple as the Greet. Such a translation renders the reading of the original well Wtfb. superUuoua." A HISTORY OF ROMAN LITERATURE, From the Earliest Period to the Death of Marcus Aurelius. By CHARLES THOMAS CRUTTWELL, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of Merton College, Oxford. One Vohf crown 8vo 9 ivith Chronological Tables, et?., Cloth, $S„SO. "Mr, Cruttwell has done a real service to all students of the Latin language and literature. . . . Full o-f good scholarship and good criticism,' s — London Allienmum. " Nothing at all equal to it has hitherto been published in England." — British Quarterly Review. " Mr. Cruttwell has produced that rare thing — a manual which con- tains all necessary facts and references to all indispensable authorities, and which, far from being repulsively dry, is rather attractive, and apt to make the student go on reading longer than he originally intended." —London Saturday Review. "Cruttwell's History of Roman Literature is a book to delight in, a book to take up and read with the same zest with which we read a thoroughly good essay upon a modern author ; only it is at least very rarely that any one person treats a considerable number of modern authors with the skill with which Cruttwell has treated every prominent author that Rome produced.''' — Literary World. " Mr. Cruttwell has given us a genuine history of Roman literature, not merely a descriptive list of authors and their productions, but a well elaborated portrayal of the successive stages in the intellectual develop- ment of the Romans, and the various forms of expression which these took in literature." — Nation. "The whole work has those solid qualities of scholarship which will commend it to students."— Hartford Conrant. " No student's library is complete without this handy volume. — N. E. journal of Education. "A volume of sterling value for the student or for the mature man of letters. — Phila. Bulletin. "The volume is a rich mine for the student of Latin history or literature. "—Boston Transcript. *** The above book for sale by all booksellers, or will be sent, prepaid, upon receipt of price, by CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, Publishers, 743 and 745 Broadway, New York. -< vVlfyAN : liW> i nc a iirci i •^aOJIlv IF-HWIVFRy "Wr mj "%HAINIH\ ^ r<> CO so JFORNIA-LOS ANQELES III I II II II III II I IN 111 II II Hill V 007 711 158 1 V£> C3 ft UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY mi mil mi mil iiiii mi iiiii 1 1 1 1 ii AA 000 682 760 4 n i — J o m ^.OF-CALIFOft^ ^ojnv; MIVERS/a % vw/njn\n. I C- 551 J^ i