(^ i ' •* k HORATIUS RESTITUTUS. I^ONDON: IVinted by A. .SpornswoonF, Nc'w.Strec't-S( juare. HORATIUS RESTITUTUS: OR THE BOOKS OF HORACE AERAJ^GED IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER ACCORDING TO THE SCHEJklE OF DR. BENTLEY, FKOM THE TEXT OF GESNEB, CORRECTED AND IMPROVED. WITH A PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION, VERY MUCH ENLARGED, ON THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE WORKS, ON THE LOCALITIES, AND ON THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF THAT POET. BY JAMES TATE, M.A. SECOKD EDITION. TO WHICH IS NOW ADDED, AN ORIGINAL TREATISE ON TBE AIETRES OF HORACE. LONDON: " PRINTED FOR LONGMAN, BROWN, GREEN, AND LONGMANS, PATERNOSTER-ROW. 1837. ^Entered at Stationers' Hall. ] • ^ * *, 1 i> •', . TO THE EIGHT HONOURABLE EARL GREY, WHOSE UNWEARIED SERVICES, AS AN ENLIGHTENED AND PATRIOTIC STATESMAN, AND AT LENGTH UNEXAMPLED SUCCESS, UNDER THE AUSPICES OF AN APPROVING SOVEREIGN, AS A WISE AND TEMPERATE REFORMER, WILL FIND AN IMPERISHABLE RECORD IN THE MEMORY OF HIS GRATEFUL COUNTRYMEN, THIS EDITION OF HORATIUS RESTITUTUS IS MOST RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED, TO COMMEMORATE ONE OF THE NOBLEST AND KINDEST ACTS OF PATRONAGE EVER CONFERRED, AND TO TESTIFY AT ONCE THE PRIVATE GRATITUDE, AND ON PUBLIC GROUNDS THE SINCERE VENERATION, OF HIS lordship's MOST OBLIGED AND DEVOTED SERVANT, JAMES TATE. Residentiary House, St. Paul's, August 1, 1837. 898447 f*7 PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. In the Dissertation here prefixed to this Book of Horatiua Rest it ft Iks, I am duly sensible, that the idea may arise of something irregular and desultory in the composition of it. Let me candidly own, that I should have been veiy happy to meet the expectation of my readers with a performance more regular and systematic, if the peculiarity of the sub- ject had more readily allowed me so to do. According to my own impressions, first of all, that sub- ject itself was so extensive at once and full of variety, that with a little elegant diffusion, (which in its occasional use I am far from disparaging,) the materials of this Dissertation might be expanded easily into a separate volume : and in the second place, from the very nature of some of the dis- quisitions, necessarily dry, however to the purpose essential, certam breaks of a pleasanter kind seemed desirable, to re- lieve the formality of argument, if that might be done with- out the discursive itself becoming tedious. The straightforward plainness, however, of the great points to be proved, may serve, amidst so much detail, to excuse the want of methodical regularity in the process. That Horace published his collected writings from time to time in such an order of succession and in no other, and that his principal residences, after he became a professed Poet, were three determinate places of abode, neither more, nor less; these surely are questions, which (when aided by the Chronological Table here subjoined) will hardly alarm the mind of an intelligent reader with any apprehension of per- plexity. A VI mu:face In the case of Horace, indeed, most remarkably so, "tlie Poet is always identified with the man," ut oninis Votiva patent veluti desciipta tabella Vita seiiis. 2 S. i. 32, 3, 4. even just as he tells us it was in the person of Lucilius^^ whom he avowedly followed {fieqiwr Jiuuc) in his lucubrations as a Satirist. And in ti>c very same degree, after the attention is fairly awakened to trace the incidents of his life and the stages of his locality, the personal history of the man adds perspicuity at once and interest to many passages in the Poet, which might otherwise remain neither interesting nor intelligible. Now therefore that his works arc recovered from their long state of disjointed existence, now that the disjccti mcmhra PoiitcB once more compose a figure of fair propor- tions, and Horace — ad un miles from Venosa, on the site named Palazzo.'''' Let the right or the wrong of all this repose with Capmartinde Cliaupy. Habeat secuni, servetque sepulchre. INTRODUCTION TO THE PRESENT EDITION. On a new edition of Horat'ms RestitutKs appcariiif^, sonic account may naturally be expected of what has been done, in the way of addition and improvement, to constitute an increased claim for its kind reception with the lovers of lloman literature. In the first place, the Pre/iminary Dissertation remaias in the arrangement of its principal parts the same as be- fore ; and though with great enlargement in the materials of new and interesting observation, yet not so far, it is hoped, as to render any one topic disproportionate or tedious. To preserve as much as possible something like unity in the composition, such new subjects as from their imjK)rtance seemed to justify a larger discussion, it has been thought advisable to form into separate articles of Jppc7tdid\ with the best arrangement which the diversity of nature in many of them would permit. Amongst other additions, the Chronological Table now so much extended in its ])lan, pp. 90 — OJ', niay fairly be reckoned. I am indebted to Lord Holhuurs kindness, who has taken a most friendly interest in Horatius Restitutu.s, for the very just suggestion, that greater particularity and fulness of detail would give increased value to the Chrono- logy, which beyond a doubt was too brief before. And Mr. H. Fynes Clinton, whose judgment I solicited on tlie iMS. in its altered state, honoured me with tlie following reply : Xll INTRODUCTION. that after a careful examination he thought it very much improved by the addition made of testimonies from the worlis of Horace in the fourth column, and that he perfectly understood the design in this Chronology, not to illustrate history from Horace, but rather Horace from history. " This design," he adds, " you have fulfilled in a very complete and satisfactory manner ; and your tables, as now enlarged, will render great assistance to the future students of Horace." It cannot be impertinent here, in allusion to P. D. 81, 2, to announce ; that a Memoir of the Life and Times of Ho- race — with a regular parallel in the events of Roman history and in the biography of contemporary poets— has been sketched with great exactness by Mr. Charles Wordsworth, of Winchester, in a sheet privately printed and for limited circulation only. Professedly formed, as it is, on the basis of the Preliminary Dissertation and of the Fasti Hellenici, and already carried down to the publication of the third book of Odes, it has deserved and received my very hearty approbation. And I record with much pleasure Mr. Clin- ton^s opinion, which on such a subject is quite decisive : " it will be a valuable guide and eminently useful to young men engaged in academical studies." In the additional space which this volume has demanded, the largest share is claimed by the Dissertation on the Metuks of Horack ; which in its prefatory pages (159 — 161) sufficiently enumerates the different authors to whom my obligations are due. Let me, however, in particular re- ference to Dr. Herbert, take this opportunity to premise that as far as he has clearly shown the way, in that curious line of the IcaduH) accents essential to the right constitu- tion of verse, 1 have freely availed myself of his guidance ; and that wliere I have felt less assurance on any points in INTIIODUCTION. Xlll his doctrine, I have stated the facts without comment, and left the farther application for other scholars to demonstrate. Nor may the gratification be denied to me of stating, that in the month of January, 1836, the Dissertation itself was drawn up as it now stands, chiefly on existing materials, with the aid of my son and successor in the School of Richmond, Mr. James Tate, a sound and elegant scholar, as well as a ftiithful and diligent preceptor. And here, if the overflowing matter may be excused for seeking admission into a place not properly its own, let the two following Addenda be accepted towards completing or extending the separate articles to which- they belong. I. In the Familiar 2>rt?/ of Horace, Appendix, pp. (100), (101), (102), I have shown in what style and on what condi- tions he professed to entertain his friends, and have exhibited another variety of good fellowship, which was partly managed at the common expense of the parties. Now a reader who is not sufficiently aware of the difference betwixt that age and our own, may naturally ask : " Had the gentlemen of Rome then no other plan for enjoying the social hour but those which you have here described ? " None, that I am aware of, is apparent in the pages of Horace. For the scenes which you may perhaps imagine adapted to that pur- pose, were in our poet's time evidently unknown in any such use. With him, the caiipona occurs only as an inn for the entertainment of travellers, 1 S. v. 51 ; 1 E. xi. 12; xvii. 8 ; the popina, as an eating-house (with its frequenter popino) dirty and discreditable, 2 S. iv. 62 ; vii, 39; 1 E. XIV. 21 ; and, finally, the taher?ia (in the only pertinent acceptation of the word) as nothing more or less than a mere wine-shop, and one to which very low persons re- borted, 1 E. xv. 21. In short, any thing like our tavern, or XIV IXTllODUCTION'. Other place of reception for a party to dine, seems to liavc been unknown at Rome in tlic a^c of Aus-ustus. In the well-known invitation to Torquatus, 1 E. v. 2. that olus 07)2726 of a dinner may well excite our wonder ; and if strictly so understood, can hardly expect to be cre- dited. Let any person, however, who entertains such a doubt, betake himself to Tully's Epistles, Fatn. vii. 26, and there he will read, among the practical effects of the Le.v sum- iuaria rigidly enforced during the usurpation of Ca?sar, that Cicero from eating vegetables only, but very highly dressed, in cocna Aiigiirali apud Lentuhim, incurred a dysentery which had nearly been the death of him. If such was the habitual frugality of Horace's meal, we may be the less surprised at his unquestionable nicety with regard to its concomitant, good water. With him, indeed, this was a necessary of the first importance : and it is cu- rious to trace his own repeated mention of it from 1 S. v. 7, 8. where he could eat no dinner because the water was bad, through his wish, 2 S. vi. 2. for the jugis aqucB fans, and his pride in possessing, 3 C. xvi. 29- Pivnc riviis aqucE. — down to the inquiry at a late period, 1 E. xv. 15, 16. what kind of water the inhabitants of Velia and Sa- Icrnum enjoyed. Collectosne bibant imbres, puteosne perennes Jugis aquae. II. Horace, when recounting the many annoyances from which his comparative poverty and his humble rank ex- empted him, includes this also : • ducendus et unus Et comes alter, uti ne solus rusve peregreve Exirem. 1 S. vi. 101, 2, 3. The necessity then to maintain those comites would have formed in his estimate one of the miseries of wealth and IXTRODUCTIOX. XV liigli birtli. From whence, it may be asked, did this ad- junct of nobility and opulence arise, which so marked civil society in the age of Augustus? Clearly enough, its origin was military, in the custom for young men of family to go out as contuhernales to commanders in chief and governors of provinces, and under their eye to learn all the virtutes imperatorias whether of provincial policy or of the art of war. The authority of Cicero for the military practice in his day is very explicit. Take two instances as presented by Ernesti in his valuable Indev Latinitatis. Pro Cn. Plancio, § 11. and Pro M. Coelio, § 30. it is stated as a fact highly honourable to their characters, that the one en- joyed the co7ituhernii necessitudo with Aulus Torquatus, and that the other went into Africa to be Q. Pompeio Pro- consuli co7ituhernalis. For a period not much later, the words of Horace may be considered sufficiently clear, as when at 1 S. vii. 25. he mentions the comites of Brutus, and at 1 E. viii. 2. he writes to Celsus Albinovanus, comiti scriboeque Neronis, with the cohors also of that young prince (v. 14) alluded to. In a brief sketch like this, one more example, but that of a splendid name, may suffice. The young Agricola, as we are told by Tacitus, § 5. Prima castrorum rudimenta Suetonio Paullino diligenti ac moderato duci approbavit, electus, quern contuheryiio aestimaret. Now, by what process the transition took place from the contuhemaUs of the Prastorium abroad to the coines of the mansion or the villa at home, it may be a difficult office to develope. But the two Epistles, xvii. and xviii. to Scaeva and to Lollius, (of which the latter supplies the term comi- tern, v. 30. in sequence to dives amicus, v. 24. as the cor- relative, followed by potentis amiri, v. 44. in the same meaning,) abundantly demonstrate, that the relation of such a ml)ior to such a major amicus prevailed much in the highest Roman jjoeicty, at the time when Horace wrote XVI INTltODUCTlOX. those two Letters of advice with such masterly skill and such beautiful execution. Before concluding, it is incumbent on me to acknowledge, with many thanks, the valuable assistance which I received in the summer of last year, when at Richmond, from the fine taste and talent of IVIr. William King, in very carefully drawing up the principal articles of Appendix. Mr. King is already known, I trust, from the just compliments paid to him as my coadjutor in editing the Analecta Ma- jora Poetica of Professor Dalzel in 1827 ; and he well de- serves to be known from his labour so judiciously bestowed on the last edition of Mitford's History of Greece. Nor may the valuable services of Mr. Robert Baldwin be allowed here to pass unacknowledged. Without his friendly assistance and judicious advice, these sheets could never have been carried through the press; under the peculiar difficulty of so many MS. additions and correc- tions to be incorporated with the old text, and the diffi- culty itself aggravated by that text being so singular a compound of original matter blended with quotation. TABLE OF CONTENTS OP PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION, &e. CHRONOLOGY OF THE WORKS. Pnge De Temporibus Horatii, according to Bentley . . 3 Faber, Dacier, Masson, and Mitscherlich . . . G M. Sanadon's errors exposed . . . . S (The term Ejjodc explained . . . .10 And Carmen) . . . . . ] i Absurdity involved in the common order of the books of Horace, and congruity arising from Bentley's arrangement, as to internal evidence and historical truth . . . . . 1 .'> Advantage of that arrangement in placing the fourth book of Odes after the Jirst book of Epistles, particularly shown . .17 LOCALITIES. Horace's three places of residence, Rome, — Sabine Valley, — Tivoli . . . ■ . . . . 20 First great source of error in Suetonius . . . 21 Second source, opposite to that, in the discoveries of Domenico de Satictis and De Chmipy . . . . .22 Correction of the latter error • ... 23 Confirmed by Cobral, &c. . . . . .24 XVIU TABLK or (OSTEXTS. N. Hardingc's important emendation. 3 C. xxix. G. Ut semper- udum, &c. ....... Proofs of Horace's frequent residence at Tivoli And of his there first becoming a Lyric poet His occasional resort also to Prsenestc and Baiog Essential distinctions betwixt his mode of life in the Sabine Valley and that cither at Rome or at Tivoli .... The Ode to Phidyle (3 C. xxiii. CacIo supinas. . .) placed in its true light ...... The invitation to Q. Hirpinus (2 C. xi. Quid bellicosus. . .) dated from Tivoli, and not from the Sabine Valley Singular errors as to the wishes of Horace, and as to the actual qualities of his Sabine estate ..... 24 2b 27 28 2r> 30 32 34 LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HORACE. His father, a Coactor .... Condition of the Libcrtiui . Horace born at Venusia .... His adventure when a child (With allusion to his escape from other dangers) Carried to Rome for his education . (P»,eminisccnces afterwards of his native place) The liberal character of his appearance at Rome His moral training under his father's eye After the death of his fatlier, Horace goes to Athens His studies, his attainments in Grecian literature, and his Saddles there ...... (Examples of Horace tracked in his own snow) Places which he appears to have visited (Epistle (xi.) to Bullatius ; peculiarity of his style) As military tribune, under Brutus, at Philippi I^e returns to Rome and becomes a clerk in the treasury His mode of life at this period, and afterwards He is introduced to Maecenas by Virgil and Varins The journey to Bruudusium. (1 S. v.) His personal and literary friends 07 ih. 38 40 ib. 41 42 44 45 47 48 50 5-1 ib. 53 54 5G 58 5!> ib. TAlil.F. OF rONTF.XTS. XIX Page Prohahlc origin of the Satire, (1 S, viii.) Proscripfi licgix . Gl Oil the succession of the pieces in his books ; the separation of some, the conjunction of others . . . .62 Canidia traced through all the pieces respecting her . . 64 The new stage of Horace's history, when just possessed of the Sabine estate. 2 S. vi. Hoc erat in votis . . . ib. (Lays the foundation of his Epodes) . . .66 His happiness and kind reception among his Sabine neighbours . 67 The historical bearing of his Epodes considered . . 69 Progress from the Epodes to the Odes, from the Odes to the Epistles . . . . . . . ib. Publication of the fourth book of Odes . . .72 Preceded by the Carmen Sasculare . . . .73 And marked by peculiar circumstances ... 74 In that book no direct address to Maecenas, and why . - ib. Maecenas Horace's only patron ... .76 Horace's temper and disposition, that of contentedness and gratitude . . . . . . .77 By no means without a sense of religion . . 78 Maecenas's visit to Horace at Tivoli . . . .79 Chronological table, in its several particulars, explained . 80 Dates regarding Virgil, Quintilius Varus, and Lucilius, considered 83 In historical facts no real objection to Bentley's chronology . 85 Tlie localities of Horace, as here stated, not affected by the suj)- poscd discovery of the Fons Bandusinus near Venusia . 87 Brief Chronology of the Life and Writings of Horace . 90 APPENDIX. I. Horace's familiar day, and Roman customs connected witli it ....... 95 II. On the Sabine Valley and the second Epode . . 107 III. On Maecenas and the first Ode of the first book . .111 IV. On Augustus Caesar and the second Ode, Jam satis terris 121 V. De Personis Horatianis ..... 128 VI. On Horace's obligations to the Greek poets . . 139 VII. On Kirchner's Qu^estiones Horatian^ , . .140 XX TABI.F OF CONTF.KTS. Page VIIT. Some account of the text of this edition, and of the read- ings different from that of Gesner adopted for its im- provement . . ... . . 149 Treatise on the Metres of Horace . . . .159 INTRODUCTION. The terms Caupona — Popina — Taherna, explained . .. xiii No places of reception for a party to dine . . . xiv Horace's olus omne illustrated .... «V>. His peculiar nicety as to good water .... ik- On the Comites of Horace's day, and the military origin of that character ....•••'"• DISSERTATION ON THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE WORKS, AND ON THE LOCALITIES AND LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HORACE. Havixg now, for more than one third of a century, been engaged in reading the works of Horace with my Pupils, and having long witnessed in his commentators the con- fusion very often attending their neglect of his chronology, (let me add of his localities also,) I have been strongly in- clined for some time past to undertake the illustration of Horace, in that department alone. By the light of Bent- ley's discoveries in his celebrated Prcefatio^ the question De temporihus librorum Horatii (though the result only of his investigations without any part of the regular process is given) I ventured to consider after all as in the main de- cisively settled. And therefore if on the strength of Bent- ley ""s name I had proceeded to publish a new edition of the works, without any other recommendation than that of their being printed in the very order in which they were origi- nally published in successive books by the author himself; b (2) PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. it struck my mind very forcibly, that such an edition would be hailed by Scholars as an era in Horatian literature. That design, however, still hung in suspense, and might yet have been indefinitely delayed. But in the course of last year, (1831,) I was led to expect the appearance of a Second Part of the Fasti Hellenici, &c., by Mr. H. Fynes Clinton, brought down to the death of Augustus : and that expecta- tion inspired me with a strong anxiety to learn what the Master Chronologist had done, under the head of Roivmi Authors, towards fixing or correcting the calculations of Bentley. My satisfaction of course was very great to find, that all the principal points which had been laid down one himdi-ed and twenty years ago for the foundation of that arrangement, may now be received as determined once for all by the very highest authority. Mr. Clinton himself on being informed of my intention gives me the kindest encouragement to persevere : he ap- proves of my undertaking so useful a work as an edition of the books of Horace, arranged in chronological order : and he assigns as a reason for his approbation, that the neglect of that order has produced much perplexity to the student not of Horace only, but of many other authors of the Augustan aaje. Under all these circumstances, I now am emboldened to proceed in the task ; and as the design in the first instance is submitted to the judgement of scholars, which it candidly invites, I shall at once lay before them as preliminary to all other disquisition the following extract from Bentley ^s Prce- fatia. The title is copied from the formula adopted by Gesner, who in his edition of Horace gives all this extract except what stands as the first section of it : and the divi- sion here made of the whole into parts commodious for re- ference, will on that account be readily allowed. CHUOXOLOfiY OF WORKS. (3) DE TEftlPORIBUS LIBRORUi^I H O II A T 1 1 ET POE3fATUM ADEO RICH. BENTLEII SENTENTIA. ^1. Jam vero et illud monendum est, editioncs principes et receiUioris a^tatis codices alio ac nunc solemus ordine Artem Poeticam collocare, post carmen nempe Sasculare ante Sermones et Epistolas : vetustiores vero omnes Mem- branas post Carminum libros Artem Epodis praeponere. Si quacris, quisnam ex his ordo recte se habeat, seriemque temporum, quibus singula ab auctore edita sunt, rite conser- vet, vetustusne ille an medius an hodiernus ; nuUus pro- fecto omnium. ^ 2. Magno quidem studio et acerrima contentione post TmiaquilU Fahri operam Clarissimi viri Dacerius Mas- sonusque in banc arenam descenderunt ; quorum equidem acumen et eruditionem in partibus laudo ; in operis vero summa totoque constituendo rem eos infeliciter admodum gessisse censeo. Horum enim rationibus, et Carminibus et Epodis et Sermonibus Epistolisque scribendis vmo ac eodem tempore vacavisse Nostrum necesse est ; et singula quaeque poematia separatim in vulgus edidisse : quorum utrumque a vero alienum esse mihi pro comperto est. ^ 3. Quippe omnibus, qui ejusmodi Poematia scripserunt, id in more erat, ut non sparsas Eclogas, sed integros Li- bellos semel simulque in lucem ederent. Ita Catullus fecit, ut ex Epigrammate i. constat, Cui dono lepidum novum LiBELLUM : ita TibuUus, quem vide Elegia i. libri tertii, v. 7- et J 7- ita Propertius Eleg. i. librorum ii. in, et iv. ut et Libri ii. Elegia x, v. 25. et xix, v. 39; ita Virgiliun b2 (4) I'UELIMINARY DISSERTATION. Bucolica dedit, uti patet ex ultimo illo, Eoctremum himc, Arethitsa, rniki concede lahoreni: ita Naso Amorum et Tristium et Ponticorum libros, ipso teste : ita Statius Sil- vas suas : ita Martialis Epigrammata, ut Praefationes eorum fidem faciunt : ita Persius Satiras ; Phcedrus et Avienus fabulas ; Aitsonius, Prudentitis, Sidonius, Ve- nantiusque sua Carmina ; quod ex eorum Prologis abunde patet. ^ 4. Quid quaeris ? Ipse quoque Horatius Libellos suos junctim editos aperte indicat ; primum Carminum librum ex Prologo ; secundum tertiumque ex Epilogis ; Epodos ex illo xiv. Inceptos oUm promissum carmen lamhos Ad umbilicum adducere ; Sermonum priorem librum ex versu ultimo, / puer atqae meo citus hcBc subscribe libello ; posteriorem ex Prologo ; priorem vero Epistolarum et ex Prologo et ex Epilogo. Quartum vero Carminum, et Epistolarum secundum longo post cetera intervallo emis- sos esse, plenissimum est Siietonii testimonium ; quod qui aut refellere aut eludere conantur, inanem operam insu- munt. ^ 5. His jam positis ; primum Horatii opus statuo Sermo- num librum j)rimum, quem triennio perfecit intra annos setatis xxvi, xxvii, xxviii ; postea Secundum triennio iti- dem, annis xxxi, xxxii, xxxiii ; deinde Epodos biennio, XXXIV et xxxv ; turn Carminum librum primum triennio, XXXVI, xxxvii, xxxviiT ; Secundum biennio, xl, xli; Tertiumque pariter biennio, xlii, xliii : inde Epis- tolai'um primum biennio, xlvi, xlvii ; turn Carminum lib. quartum et ScEculare triennio, xlix, l, li. Postremo Artem Poeticam et Ejiistolarum, librum alterum, annis incertis. Intra bos cancellos omnium pocmatiwn natales esse poncndos, et ex argumentis singulorum et ex Annalium fide constabit. ^ 6. Inde est, quod in Sermonibus et Epodis et Carminum primo, C((',snr s«;mpcr, nuntjuam Augustus dicitur ; quippe CHRONOLOGY OF WORKS, (5) qui id nomen consecutus est, anno clemum Flacci xxxix ; in sequentibus vero passim Augustus appcllatur. Inde est, quod in Sermonibus et Epodis Juvenem se ubique indicat ; et quod sola Satirarum laude inclaruisse se dicit, ut Buco- licorum turn Vlrgilium (Serm. i, 10. v. 46.) nulla Lyricorum mentione facta. ^ 7' I'l ceteris autem singulis procedentis aetatis gradus planissimis signis indicat: idque tibi ex hac seriejam a me demonstvata jucundum erit animadvertere ; cum opcribus Juvenilibus multa obscaena et flagitiosa insint ; quanto an- nis provectior erat, tanto eum et poiitica virtute et argumen- torum dignitate gravitateque meliorem castioremque semper evasisse. ^ 8. Ceterum ubicumque viri doctissimi extra limites hie positos in adsignandis temporibus evagantur, toties illi in errores prolabuntur. Facile quidem mihi foret id in singulis ostendere ; verum unum modo alterumve hie attingam, ce- tera tuae industviae relinquens. Libri i. Carmen 21, Dianam tenercB dicite Virglnes, perperam Sieculare vocant, et ad Horatii annum xlix. referunt ; ringente Suetonio, qui tres Carminum libros lo7igo intervallo eum annum prascessisse testatur. Atqui nihil quicquam hie de ScBCularibus ludis proditur ; sed aut ad Dianas aut Apollinis festum spcctat, quorum illud mense Augusto, hoc Julio singulis annis cele- brabatur. Eodem pertinet Catulli carmen xxxv, Diance su- mus in jide ; quod Sceculare etiam a viris doctis pessime inscribitur ; cum nihil ibi de ScEculo habeatur, isque diu diem obierit ante Ludos Augusti Saeculares. ^9. Tum et ii, I7, Ad Alcecenatem cegrotum^ immani parachronisrao ad Horatii annum lv. ultra libri quarti tem- pora ablegant ; idque levi et futili argumento, quod eo anno continua insomnia vexari coeperit Maecenas triennio ante diem fatalem. Quasi vero non plus semel in tarn longa vita jegrotaverit, quem Plinius major vii, 51. perpetua febre ab adolescentia laborasse tradidit. (6) PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 10. Illud vero in Sermone vi, libri 2, Quid, militibiis promissa Triquetra, Prcedia Ccesar, an est Itala teUure daturus ? non, ut volunt, ad pugnam Actiacam annumque Flacci XXXV. referendum erat, nee ad Philippensem an- numve xxiv : quippe de agrorum divisione hie agitur, quae post Siculam de Pompeio victoriam et Lepidi deditionem in Campania alibique facta est, anno Flacci xxxi, ut disertis verbis narrat Die p. 456, 457- Plutarchus Antonio p. 941, Paterculus ii, 81 ; et Appianus p. 11 76. Alia omnia pari facilitate refutari possent ; sed his fruere et vale. In all this extract, confessedly, we have little more than the residt of Bentley's investigations : the regular process throughout, by which facts and arguments were drawn up into a chronological system, we do not possess. Much less can we venture to say how far the internal evidence on which he so acutely proceeded in demonstrating the dates, turned entirely on facts of a public, or partly on those of a private, nature also. Still, however, one thing to me seems quite undeniable : the system of Bentley remains to this day unshaken from .any quarter by legitimate confutation, un- assailed indeed by any regular and systematical attempt to confute it. Whatever in the course of much reading I have hitherto seen, whether totally adverse or in part only contrary, I have found to involve such gross neglect of un- questionable truth, such absurdity springing up in imme- diate consequences; that seldom has more than one effort of thought been necessary to penetrate and discard it. To the several labours however learned and plausible of Faber, of Dacier, and of Masson, after the decisive judge- ment o^ Bentley so declared (^ 2.), it will not be expected, that any particular attention should be devoted by me. And yet, just as if Massoti's accuracy in the Vita Ho- ratii (17^*0 ^^'<^^ never been disjmted, (though he was lield CHllONOLOGY OF WORKS. {75 by Dacier in great contempt,) that work has been quoted with much deference by later editors ; and more or less formed on the basis of Massori's Vita or of the Chronologia per Consules of Dacier have been those compilations under the title of Q. Horatii Flacci Vita per annos digesta, which have even recently appeared. Amongst the very latest of those who have merely gone in the old path so long trod before them, let not Mitscher- lich, the German editor of the Odes, be overlooked. He wholly rejects the scheme of Bentley, and in his Preface, p. xxi. after daring to pronounce... wi^rwm omnino Bentleii temporum ratio... he brings forward an objection founded on an allusion to the Caw^aftr/. 3 C viii. 21. Whoever will turn to the Fasti of Mr. Clinton, b. c. 23. p. 237, ^^y see how the objection is answered and the credit of Bentley maintained by a touch of the pen from that unrivalled chronologist. I embrace the occasion here offered, to acknowledge the great faithfulness and talent so conspicuous in the recent biography of Bentley ; and on the general question before us, I adopt with much gratification the judgment (perfectly coincident with my own) which the biographer so strongly and comprehensively delivei-s. " Bentley's scheme of the Tempora Horatiana is con- demned by Mitscherlich, the Leipsic editor : but he is a person of little or no authority ; and in this case he appeals to the life of Horace, by Jani, an abridgement of Masson's, one of those productions to correct the errors of which, Bentley's theory was composed." — Dr. ]\lonk's Life of Bentley, p. 245, 8vo. But whatever exciise I may thus plead for leaving the now obsolete merits of Messrs. Faher, Dacier and Musaoii under "the balance and the rod" in Bentley's liands ; (8) PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. some distinct notice is unquestionably due to the subsequent name of Monsieur Sanadoti, from its being so eminent in the criticism of Horace for right or for wrong. In the year 1728, from the press of Claude Robustel, a Paris, there came forth in two handsome quarto volumes prima specie a very splendid work : Les Poesies d'Horace disposees suivant Fordre chronologique et traduites en Fran- 9ois : avec des Remarques et des Dissertations critiques. Par le R. P. Sanadon, de la Compagnie de Jesus. The object of Mr. Sanadon avowedly embraces a very bold and radical change. He does not restore (according to the plan in this volume proposed) the Opera Horatiana to that order of books in which it is highly probable at least that they were first published by the poet himself. He revolutionises every thing ; and exults in the magnificent mischief. " De toutes les pieces d'Horace je n'en laisse que trois dans leur ancienne situation." p. vi. Now I am duly aware that the celebrated U'Orville (in the year 1750) left on record the severest condemnation of this barbarous concern. " Sanadon," he says, " qui nuper Horatium temerario ausu Absyrti instar concidit trunca- vitque, et triviali commentario obruit." D'Orville ad Cha- riton, p. 239. ed. Beck. Klotzius too, in his Lectiones VennsincE (177^), speaks of Sanadon's conceitedness at once and servile plagiarism in a strong tone of bitterness. Take the following examples : " Sanadonius interpretatur mire, et explicat defenditque. ver- sionem perperam, ut fere semper, quoties aliorum animad-t versiones non compilavit." p. 321. — " Sanadonio, servilis ingenii homine, cuique nihil magis succedit, quam si Bent- leium aliosque compilat."" p. 406. To these severe expressions most probably Dr. Parr refers in the very clever and very playful Letter to Mr. Henry Homer on his projected variorum Edition of Horace. After calling him "a great coxcomb" in one part of it, he CHRONOLOGY OF WOKKS. (9) finally says : " Beware of that rascal Sanadon : and be sure to quote what Klotzius says of him, and I say too." — Dr. Johnstone's Life and Works of Dr. Parr, Vol. i. p. 412. Let me not be understood, however, as wishing to shelter myself under authorities like these from the responsibility of delivering an opinion of my own. From me, the first person who has ventured to print the books of Horace in the order of their original publication, something more in the direct way of reply may naturally be expected; especially as against Sanadon, who proceeding de novo in utter defiance to all and every arrangement of the books as such, has dis- located and dismembered the whole body of the Poet. The compilers of Horace's life, indeed, in allotting such a poem to such a year of it, had very freely violated all respect in any way due to the consideration of collective books suc- cessively published : but no editor before Sanadon had ever on system j^^'i^nted the works of Horace in any other than the common series, or disturbed the common arrangement at all. The two volumes of Sanadon now before me contain 1400 pages, exclusive of the Indices to the Work. To peruse carefully such an extent of translated and critical matter, with a view to examine, detect and refute, would be an Her- culean toil. If according to Bentley (Pref. to Phalar. p. cxi.) a man " may commit more mistakes in five weeks' time and in five sheets of paper, than can thoroughly be confuted in fifty sheets and a whole year ;" the complete examination of Sanadon's pages might form the labour of a very long life. A much shorter operation must serve the present purpose. To disable his judgment, in the phrase of Shakspeare, may of itself be sufficient. And to that end let the follow- ing specimens of particular but very gross errors be accepted, instead of a more general and extensive reply. (1 .) With Sanadon, the Epodes (of which he discards the name entirely) are considered as 2^ fifth book of Odes ,• (10) PllKLIMlNARY DISSEHTATION. and they are variously scattered through the mass and mixt multitude of the real Carmina. He thus makes up five books of Odes altogether ; and, as with an I^pilogos to the whole, concludes the fifth of them with the last ode of our third book, Exegi monumenlnm mre perennlus. Now it is most true that the great Muretus in the year 1551 remarks thus on the book EPODON. " Cur Ejxxios liber hie vocetur, non equidem satis intelligo: ac vidi veterem librum, in quo hie quintus Odarum liber inscribebatur." In his Var. Lect. too, L. iii. C. xix, he entitles it expressly thus: " Horatii versus e quinto Odarum illustrati." But at that day, the critical knowledge of Horace was yet in its infancy : and Sanadon stands without excuse for not attend- ing to the Grammatical signification of Epodi, when in all the editions by Cruquins from the year 1578 downwards, the old commentaries on Horace had been regularly pub- lished with the commentator's clear and ex])licit delinition of (a) TTf OOJ Jo;, and of (p) £57-0)^0?. K. Ibis Liburnis inter alta navium, /3. Amice, propugnacula. That Archilochian metre which from its predominance (and that of others similar) gave in an early century its own ap- pellation to the whole book of Epodes, is not at this day much better understood from Gaisford's HephcBstio, (1810,) ]>p. 129. 368. or from Hermann's Elementa Doctrince MetriccB^ (18 1 G,) L. iii. c. xv. than it might have been known for any practical pvn*pose in the year 1578. Of all this, however, Sanadon has shown, if not a profound ignorance, yet a most offensive contempt. His comment on the very first Epode, Ibis Liburnis, &c., he thus introduces, *' Cctte Ode est ])roprement une lettre en vers liriqucs ■''■' No wonder, that an Editor who found lyric Odes in what CHUONOl-OGY OF WOIIKS. (11) Horace himself denominated (Ep. xiv. 7* cf. 1 E. xix. 23-25.) Inceptos, olim promissum carmen, lambos, should become enamoured of his own inventions and create a chaos accordingly. It is true indeed, that among his lyric odes, Horace has not scrupled to insert some pieces in a metre not strictly lyric: as, 1 C. iv, vii, viii, xxviii ; 2 C. xviii ; 3 C. XII ; 4 C. VII. But then among the Epodes there is nothing lyrical whatsoever ; of itself, surely, a decisive fact, that to the odes, a higher class of poetry, he did not devote his mind at all till a later period. And here it may be observed, that the word carmen, though specifically applied to It/iic odes, as 2 E. ii, 59. Carmine tu gaudes : hie deleetatur himhis. — yet is appli- cable, as in the line above quoted, even to Iambic verse, that in the Epodes ; and that in the Epistle to Augustus, V. 85, media inter carmina, means that the drama was interrupted. Let no conclusion therefore be drawn from the use of that word, independently of circumstances in the context to determine its character. (2.) In the whole personal history of Horace, if one spot be marked with brighter joy than another, it must be the auspicious day of his migration into the Sabine Valley: that day formed an era in the happiness, in the moral as well as literary character of his life. Henceforth, of course, we find him much less resident at Rome ; and when occasionally there, annoyed with matters of business, invisa negotia^ 1 E. xiv. 17, and, aliena, 2 S. VI, 33, on the Esquiline, to a much greater degree than before ; or at any rate he likes so to represent it. All that new delight of his in the rtts and villula among the Sabines, in the scenery which adorned his estate, and in the shrewd and virtuous people into whose society it threw him, Horace exquisitely describes in the vith Satire of the 2d book, (12) PRELIMINAllY DISSERTATION. Hoc erat in votis, S[C. The more so from its contrast with the plagues and vex- ations of the great city ; which he touches with such play- ful impatience, 2 S. vi. 20-23. Matutine pater.. Romae sponsorem, &c., or still later in life, 2 E. ii. Q5, 6. me Romsene poemata censes Scribere posse, inter tot curas totque labores ? The whole passage to v. 75, is full of characteristic matter, not only as to those annoyances peculiar to Horace, but as to the general distraction and bustle in the streets of the metropolis. And yet the good natured, kind hearted man, when he had only his house at Rome, with a small establishment, not very rich, but cheerful enough and content, delighted too with the humility of his condition, made a maximum of his comforts there ; before he even dreamed apparently of any higher pleasures, better suited to his genius and taste, to be enjoyed in a different locality, and under very different cir- cumstances. The vith Satire of the 1st book. Non quia Mcecenas, 8fc., which describes his familiar day at Rome, is not less exquisite in its way, not less fraught with characteristic and entertaining narration, than the vith of the 2d book. Will it be believed, except on ocular inspection, that Sanadon has committed the monstrous vcttz^ov tt^ote^ov of placing Hoc erat in votis before Non quia, McBcetias, making the latter 1. 2. Sat. 8. and the former 1. L Sat. 7- in his Nouvelle distrihiition ! (3.) The six Odes i, ii, iii, iv, v, vi, of the third book of Horace, written in one common metre and wonderfully agreeing in a well sustained high didactic tone of moral, re- ligious, patriotic sentiment, with that striking prelude to the whole, Odi profanum vn/gus, 8fc., must impress on every CHRONOLOGY OK WOllKS. (13) sensible mind a deep feeling of solemn grandeur, varied by amenity, and pathos, and fine imagination. If therefore any juxta-position of Odes preserved in all MSS. and editions, might command reverence from an editor of Horace ; Odes like these six could not possibly suffer violation by being torn asunder. Sanadon disjoins these six Alcaic Odes from one another entirely, and has not left even any two of them in any connection or contiguity whatsoever ! (4.) On minute examination it has been ascertained, (vid. Treatise on Metres, No. xix.), that in the third line of the Alcaic Stanza, 2 Specimens of this structure, Hunc Lesbio | sacrare plectro. with 3 of this , Regumque matres | barbarorum. and 8 of this , Pronos relabi | posse j rivos. are contained in the^r*^ and second books of Odes ; while in the third and fourth books, as they commonly stand, not one instance is now to be seen of a verse so constructed in any of those ways. Surely no argument can be more striking, than this plain fact is, to demonstrate, that Horace after publishing the 1st and 2d books of Odes, was by some cause or suggestion led to consult his ear with acuter delicacy than before ; so that he vigilantly ever after guarded the third line, the key -stone of the Alcaic stanza, against modes of structure, which his improved sense of harmony condemned. Briefly to place the matter in the strongest light, no other hypothesis will accovmt for the phenomena. In this nice predicament, what part does Sanadon play ? The truth is, that such exactness of metrical observation was unknown in his time : and we must acquit him on the charge of neglecting distinctions, not then brought into notice. But for all that excuse, the main ground of conviction re- mains the same. Sanadon, in his Noumlle distribution, (14) PnKLIMINARY DISSERTATION. acts ignorantly on this behalf, but be acts grossly wrong also : for those Odes marked with the faulty structure he has scattered promiscuously over the later books in his arrangement and over the earlier, very much alike. No difference is known ; no discrimination is preserved. Need one say more ? And here with these proofs of his judg- ment disabled, let us take our leave of Mr. Sanadon for the present. The strange and accumulated mistakes in which the personal history of Horace has been long involved, it would be an irksome task to discuss one by one in detail. The most important of them, however, shall be duly noticed in the course of these pages ; and the whole mass will be put into a way for ultimate clearance. It may be too much to assert that the publication of the books of Horace in the original series of succession will at once set all other things right : yet there can be no doubt, but the wrong, unnatural, confused order, in which his works have hitherto been ex- hibited, has given rise to a great portion of all the errors (existing at this day. And so long as the common arrange- ment shall continue to influence the train of thought by the order of perusal, it will be difficult if not impossible to over- come that proneness to false combinations, which the work- ing on a distorted view must of necessity create. But when once that disorder is banished and the natural succession restored, then the mind, instead of being misguided by the mechanical progress of the hand and the eye, will be by that progress directed and sustained all along in tracing the personal and poetical history of Horace. All the stages of his career will then develope themselves in beautiful transition : especially, the Parian Iambics of the Sabine Poet will precede as they ought, the Sapphic and Alcaic stanzas of the Lyrist of Tivoli. CHnONOl.OGY OF WORKS. ([!)) Let us now proceed to exemplify by a few striking in- stances what absurdity is involved in the common order of the books of Horace being taken for the true one, and what immediate congruity on the other hand arises from observing the arrangement of Bentley. (1.) Horace in the ivth Satire of his 1st book, vv. 39 — 55. shows a gi'cat anxiety to disclaim all pretence to the higher character of a poet : and well he might, without any mock modesty, disavow it. At that early period of his life and writings, he had noticing to ground the claim upon, ex- cept the limited publication of a few satires, and the farther promise of talent in that particular vein. But hear what M. Dacier says, as reported by Dr. Francis. " 54. Urgo \ yon satis est iniris versum perscrihere verbis. M. Dacier thinks, that Horace would not have been so modest with regard to his Satires, and so fearful of prosti- tuting the name of poet, if he had not secured his own right to it by his Odes." Hear next M. Sanadon. (V^ol. ii. p. 169.) " 39. Primum ego me illorum, dederim quihus esse poetis, Excerpam numero.. Horace s'etoit deja assure par ses odes le nom de Poete, ainsi il ne risque rien a, se degrader pour ses satires. Sa modestie n'en est que plus grande, et cette vertu ne sauroit etre petite dans un poete, pourvti qu'elle soit bieii sincere." No exposure can make blunders like these more ridiculous: they cannot be aggravated by any comment. Pere Hardouin, on the contrary, (Vid. Klotzii Lectiones Venusinae, pp. 15, 39, 40. I770,) who amongst many paradoxes maintained this, Horatii Poetce nihil superesse gemiinum, jJ^cefer Ejnstolas et Sermojies, draws a very- different conclusion out of the verses before us. (16) PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. • neque enim concludere versum Dixeris esse satis : neque, si quis soribat, uti nos, Sermoni propiora, putes hunc esse poetam. From this passage, Hardouin very ingeniously and justly concludes, Horatium se nullas odas scripsisse prqfiteri : nothing in itself more true at that time. But the good Father too hastily assumed, that the Odes if written by Horace at all, had been written as their collocation to him indicated, at some period prior to that of the Satires. Hardouin would have been disarmed of at least one argu- ment, perhaps in his opinion a very strong one ; if he had ever viewed the books of Horace in the order of their original publication. (2.) If there be any truth in Bentley's calculations, the 2d book of these Satires was collectively published not later than the year b. c. 32. If there be any faith in the Fasti Hellenici, the restoration of the Roman Eagles from Parthia did not take place earlier than the year b. c. 20. Horace (2 S. 1. 10 — 15) when thus urged by his learned friend Trebatius, Aut si tantus amor scribendi te rapit, aude Caesai'is invicti res dicere, mu ta laborum Prsemia laturus. declines the task with much elegance and address, on the ground of inability to describe the scenes of heroic warfare. cupidum, pater optime, vires Deficiunt ; neque enim quivis horrentia pilis Agmina, nee fracta pereuntes cuspide Gallos, Aut labentis equo describat vulnera Parthi. The Parthians and Gauls, from having been the principal objects of dread to the Roman armies, are the nations selected to furnish, each of them, a very tremendous image of battle ; with a tacit reference perhaps to the exploits of IVIarius at a distant period and of Ventidius on a later occasion, b. c. 39- CHRONOLOGY OF WORKS. (17) What is the remark of Baxter on this passage ? " 15. Bene labentis equo : nam Parthorum pugna fere erat equestris. Apposuit autem ista, quo gratificaretur Augusto, ob recepta signa Marco Crasso adempta." Anachronism and confusion like this might be expected from Baxter. One may wonder that the cautious and accurate Gesner should interpose no correction of it. But neither is he found always faithful to his qualified declaration of agreement with Bentley. Hoc certe confirmare possum, me, dum recenseo singulas Eclogas, diligenter attendisse, si quid esset Bentleianis tem- porum rationibus adversum, nee deprehendisse quidquam, quod momentum aliquod ad eam evertendam haberet ; licet quibusdam Eclogis non improbabili ratione forte tempus etiam aliud, recentius prajsertim, possit adscribi. The clearness of view which arises from placing the Satires before the Epodes, and the Epodes before the Odes, cannot be denied. The advantage to be derived from Bentley's arrangement in placing the 4th book of Odes after the 1st book of Epistles, may not perhaps be quite so evident. One example or two will serve to show the im- portance of that distribution. There is an intellectual as well as a linear perspective. And some space for time and thought must be allowed to intervene : or in the case of great moral and political changes taking place, without the aid of that interval, very often all the probabilities of expectation will be shocked. Thus, if seven or eight years are considered to elapse betwixt the average date of the 3d book of Odes and the publication of the 4th ; even in the omens of moral improvement displayed in the latter we shall see nothing extravagant, in those of political alteration we shall see the highest credibility. e (18) PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. In the vith Ode of the 3d book, Horace traces the vice and immorality which he there laments, to the pre- dominance of luxury and corruption, which no Censorian regulations could control : and in the xxivth Ode, impressed ■with the very same feeling (vv. 35, 6.) he exclaims, Quid leges sine moribus Vanae proficiunt ? But in the vth Ode of the 4th book (addressed to Augustus) he piously exults in the blessings of a new era ; and by the very phrase (v. 22.) adopted there, he recalls in contrast that vicious state of social life which now seemed to be past or to be passing away. Mos et lex maculosum edorauit nefas. Then again, in the xvth Ode of the same book, with what energy does he hail the revival of the virtues under the reign of a reforming Prince I Tua, Caesar setas— et ordinem Rectum evaganti fraena licentise Injecit, emovitque culpas, Et veteres revocavit artes. In the year b. c. 24, Augustus came home from the Cantabrian war: Horace, catching a happy allusion to the heroic wanderings of Hercules, congratulates the com- monalty of Rome on the victorious return of their sovereign. Herculis ritu raodo dictus, O Plebs, Morte venalem petiisse laurum Caesar, Hispana repetit penates Victor ab ora. 3 C. xiv. Here Sanadon (at times so acute and intelligent) condemns at once the opening line of this Ode ; and betrays exactly what Dr. Parr would call the coxcomb, in the following remark. O Plebs.l On ne pent disconvenir que ce vers n'est pas le meilleur de la piece. Cette chute est assommante, et je ne pardonnc point a notre Poete d'avoir si mal debute. The fact is, that Sanadon saw nothing here beyond the C.HRONOLOCiY OF WORKS. (19) sui'face. Augustus, trihwms plebls, be it remembered, and plehi gratior quani optimatihus^ had been very dangerously ill in Spain : ille rumor (of course) plebem ma.vime terruit, Klotz. p. 317- the commons were trembling for the loss of their protector : the nobility caught at the chance of regain- ing their old ascendancy in the state. Or take it from the Argumentum of the Ode, as it stands in Gesner''s edition. Bello Cantabrico maximus erat novo- rum tumultuum a partibus Optimatium metus, ob diutur- nam Augiisti Tarracone decumbentis valetudmem. Illo igitur jam domum reverso, publicas ferias Palatio universae- que Plebi Horatius indicit. Several conspiracies ^ formed against the life of that Prince are recounted by Suetonius in D. Oct. Cses. Au- gusto, § XIX. But the most affecting story of the kind is that related by Seneca, of Cinna's desperate design... wow occidere, sed immolare : nam sacrificantem placuerat adoriri. The recorded exclamation of Augustus carries a point with it, which renders all comment unnecessary. Ego sum NOBiLiBus adolescentihus expositum caput, in quod mucrones aciiant ! Seneca de Clementia, i. 9. Turn now to the 4th book of Odes : imagine the lapse of a few eventful years, say from b.c. 24 to the year 15, when Augustus yet remained in Gaul ; and then, in the absence of all alarm, mark the lofty tone of pride and security, and the oblivion of all political distinctions. ii. 50. Non semel dicemus, lo triumphe ! | Civilas omnis, V. 1 — 8. Divis orte bonis, optime llomulse Custos gentis, abes jam nimium diu : JMaturum reditum pollicitus Patrnm Saiicto concilio, redi. Lucem redde tuse, dux bone, patriae : Instar veris enim vultns \ibi tuus * For " the conspiracy and death of Mwena," &c., &c., vide Fast. Helloii B.C. 22. c 2 (20) PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION'. Adfulsit poptdo ; gratior it dies, Et soles melius nitent. xiv. 1 — 5. Quae Gura Pafrnm, quseve Quiritinm^ Plenis honorum muneribus tuas, Auguste, virtutes in asvum Per titulos memoresque fasten jEtemet ? O qua Sol &c. PART II. LOCALITIES. To understand the writings of Horace with complete satisfaction in those parts which at all involve his personal history, the knowledge of his actual residences will be found similarly useful, if not equally necessary, as the correct distribution of his books in their original order. His localities, indeed, when rightly ascertained, are so directly connected with the Chronology and just arrange- ment of his works ; that even Bentley's masterly calcula- tion may derive support from a careful development of the scenes of his residence, hitherto partially or erroneously stated. For the sake of clearness in what follows, though it be in part anticipating, let the principal places in which I believe Horace to have resided after his return from Philippi, be here at once laid before the reader. At an early period, then, he had beyond all dispute a house in Roine, (on the higher ground of that city, Fuge quo descendere yestis. 1 E. xx, 5.) which during his life time he appears to have kept : by the liberality of Maecenas LOCALITIES. (21) not long after, he was possessed of a rus and villula in the Sabine valley : and charmed with the scenery of Tibur, which on his way from Rome into the Sabine country he often halted to admire, he finally became master of a cottage with a garden to it in the precincts of Tibur or as it is now called Tivoli. It was on this latter spot, if I may be allowed to antici- pate, that he dedicated the pine-tree to Diana, (3 C. xxii. Montium custos...) in an ode remarkable also for its conti- guity in position to that beautiful ode to Phidyle, Cwlo sii- pinas . . . which will be found to bear such decisive evidence to the very same locality. May we not also with some probabihty suppose, that of the two passages in which a fondness for building is imputed to Horace, the first, 2 S. Ill, 308. JEcliJicas, &c., must be referred to the new erection or repairs required for his comfort in the Sabine valley ; while the second, 1 E. i,100. Diruit, ccdijicat^ &c., written at a latter period, naturally carries our thoughts to improve- ments at Tivoli, in which he might then be engaged. And here at setting out, let me avow that I feel no scruple in imputing the first great source of confusion and error to that unlucky expression in the Life attributed to Sueto- nius. "Vixit plurimum in secessu ruris sui Sahini aut 77- bartini: domusque ejus ostenditur circa Tiburni luculum."" And the phrase itself, Sabini aut Tiburtini, had its origin, there can be no doubt, in the Iambic Scazons of Catullus Ad Fundum. xl. O Funde noster, seu Sabine, seu Tiburs, Nam te esse Tiburtem autumant, quibus non est Cordi CatuUum laedere ; at quibus cordi est, Quovis Sahinum pignore esse contendunt. The author, whoever he was, of that Life, apparently quite ignorant of the Sabine valley, never seems to have sup- posed, that Horace had any rural residence except at Tivoli, (22) PEELIMINARY DISSKUTATION. or any property and estate except in that place or just across the Sabme border. Mr. GifFord, indeed, in his preface to Persius, considers the lives under the name of Suetonius as compilations from different Scholia of unequal value. But allowing Suetonius himself to have been the author, yet even he lived and wrote a full century after the death of Horace. And to a spot in Horace's own time evidently so little known and frequented as the vale o? Digentia, (now called Licenza,) unless Sueto- nius had gone from curiosity and on purpose, it was very improbable in the common course of things that he should ever pay a visit at all ; situated as that spot was in the mountains, fifteen miles above Tivoli, and four miles out of the line of the Via Valeria. In the course too of a hundred years or more, the inhabitants of a place circumstanced like Tivoli, might very easily lose all account of the Poefs estate and habitation lying so far out of their way; of his residence on their own spot the tradition, if founded in truth, was little likely for a very long time to be forgotten. The words therefore, domusque ejus ostenditicr circa Tihurni luculum, whenever written, show expressly that the people of Tivoli continued to claim the honour of having had Horace as a sojourner, and to point out with pride the very house in which he lived. It is true, that the site of the Poet's dwelling cannot now be determined with anything more than probable conjecture: but what, has that difficulty at this day to do with the distinct tradition of the second or third century ? Ages upon ages of change and revolution since then have made sad havock with the palaces as with the cottages of Tivoli. The SECOND great source of dispute and difficulty is of a more recent date and rises in a contraiy direction to the former. The Life imputed to Suetonius seemed to fix the Rus with the donms of Horace at Tivoli or in its immediate neighbourhood. When therefore the Avvocaio D.Donienico LOCALITIES. (23) lie Sanctis * first, and after him the Abbe Capmartin de Chaupy^, had succeeded in demonstrating once for all that the Rus and the villa lay in the Sabine vale of Licenza ; our obligation to the rival discoverers would have been com- plete, and all would have ended delightfully well, if they had been content to stop there. But led astray by their favourite conceit of uniciti/. Satis beatus unicis Sabinis. 2 C. xviii. 14. (which in the Poefs meaning carried only unicity of uus or Estate^) they proceeded to demolish every vestige of pro- perty, or of habitation involving property, any where else ; of course therefore house and garden at Tivoli entirely disappear. But without such a residence granted to the Poet, there will soon be occasion to show, that we shall be constantly at fault in the localities of his poetry; from the ist Ode of the 1st book, -ftle gelidum nemus. Nympharuraque leves cum Satyris chori, Secernunt populo. to the iiid Ode of the 4th, Sed quae Tibur aquce fertile praefluunt, Et spissfe nemorum comae, Fingent iEolio carmine nobilem. In the meanwhile, as it is far more gratifying to the inge- nuous enquirer, to acknowledge himself anticipated, than to wrangle for prior title or to assert originality, in ascertain- ing the truth ; I bring forward with pride a third authority * Dissertaz'tone ddla Villa di Orazio Flacco, in Ravenna, 1784, is perhaps the latest edition. It first appeared at Rome in 1761, and a second time in 1768. '' Decouverte de la Maison de Campayne d' Horace, 3 Vol. a Rome 1767, 1769. (24) PRELIM I NAKY DISSEUTATION. on this Tivoline question, decisively in agi-eement with every previous judgment and notion of my own. The learned Signori Abhati Cabral, e del Re^, in their Ricerche delle Ville, &c. del la Cittd e del Territorio di Tivoli. Roma. 1779* Cap. iii. par. i. § 5. and in their Nuove Ricerche, pag. 94. maintain the existence there of a Villa of Horace, but consisting only in im tenue rural soggiorno in tin Casino entro nn Orio. A modest rural abode, a Cottage wit kin a garden, there, is precisely, after his house at Rome and his Axilla in the Sabine country, the one place needful to complete the Poet's list of accommodations; equally needful, let me add, to render his writings, especially the Odes, intelligible and consistent to an inquisitive reader. My own mind unqviestionably was first set a thinking on the subject of his Tivoline residence by that noble emenda« tion of Nicholas Hardinge ; which comes down to us recom- mended by Markland, approved by Bentley, and applauded by Parr. Ei-ipe te mora; ; Ut semper-udum Tibur et ^sulse Declive contempleris arvum et Telegoni juga parricidae. 3 C. xxix. 5—8. That emendation itself I first saw in Markland's Explica- iiones veterum cdiquot auctorum (p. 258 — 267) subjoined to his edition of the Supplices Mulieres : but having since read the suggested change in a Letter from Nicholas Hardinge to a friend of his then making the tour of Italy I prefer to record it here in the very words of that Vir ca- pitalis ingenii, as he is justly styled by Markland in the passage referred to. " Ne semper udum, &c., I suspect to be a false reading in all the Editions and MSS." " Vid. Domenico de Sanctis, u. s. p. 33. and in Risposta all' Appendice dei Signori Abb. Cabral, e del Hi, p. 3. LOCALITIES. (25) *' For as Horace invites Mfecenas from Rome to his Tibur, it seems inconceivable that he should press him to make haste, lest he should be always taking a view o^ Tibur. How much properer would it have been to recommend his de- partuie from Rome that he might enjoy the scenes of Tibur! I therefore change NE to UT. N. H:' To a great variety of disquisitions, more or less intelligent and entertaining on this text and on the topics naturally connected with it, the references below given ^ will direct the reader; if any of the books happen to be within his reach. But here it may be as well to add, however, that the combin- ation of semper with udum, so essential to the establish- ment of the new reading, is happily defended not only in general by his own expression, (1. E. xviii, 98,) Nee te semper-inops agitet vexetque cupido ; but by the specific authority of Ovid where he describes his natalia rura. — Fasti IV, 686. Parva sed assiduis uvida semper aquis. Having thus secured the compliment due to an Etonian and King's man for starting the question so vitally important to the Lyric bard of Tivoli, I shall not however proceed on credit taken for his emendation being true : I shall rather appeal for corroboration of its truth to the internal evidence which the 1st, 2d, and 3d books of Odes, the 1st book of Epistles, and the 4th book of Odes in that order, all con- tribute to yield, not only of Horace's often visiting Tivoli, but of his residing in that quiet town very much and often during a great part of his latter days. I. me gelidum nemus, Nympharumque leves cum Satyris chori Secernunt populo. 1 C. i. 30 — 32. " Nichols's Illustrations of the Literary History of the xviiTth century, Vol. I. p. 651. pp. 720—736 Poems, Latin, Greek and English by N. Hardiiige, pp. 222— 236.— Classical Journal. No. xxxii. pp. 383—387. J. T.— Gentleman's 3Iagazine, April, 1818. pp. 291, 2. J. T. (26) PRELIMINARY UISSERTATIOK. II. Me nee tam patiens Laced aemon, Nee tam Larissae percussit campus opimae, Quam domus Albuneae resonantis, Et prceceps Anio, ac Tiburni lucus, et uda Mobilibus pomariari^w. 1 C. vii. 10 — 14. III. Tibur Argeo positum colono Sit meae sedes utinani senectae ; Sit modus lasso maris et viarum Militiaeque. 2C. vi. 5— 8. IV. Vester, Camoense, vester in arduos Toiler Sabinos ; seu mihi frigidum Pi-jeneste, sevi Tibur supinum, Seu liquidae placuere Baise. 3 C. iv. 21 — 24. V. Parvum parva decent : mihi jam non regia Roma, Sed vacuum Tibur placet ; aut imbelle Tarentum. lE.vii. 44, 5. VI. Romae Tibur amem ventosus, Tibure Romam. 1 E. VIII. 12. (just as at an earlier period of life, he accused himself of oscillating betwixt his Rus and Rome. Romce rus optas, absentem rtisticus urbem ToUis ad astra levis. 2 S. vii. 28, 9.) tn. ego apis Matinae More modoque Grata carpentis thyma per laborem Plurimum, circa nemus uvidiqne Tiburis ripas, operosa parvus Carmina fingo. 4 C. ii. 27 — 32. vili. Sed quae Tibur c^'m^e fertile praefluunt, Et spisscB nemorum comcB, Fingent jEolio carmine nobilem. 4 C. iii. 10 — 12. Surely, an accumulation of proofs like these, leaves no ground for any reasonable doubt. The woods and the waters, the cool groves of Tivoli, fashioned and inspired the soul of the Poet; while the amenity of its scenes with the retired quietness of the town, attached his heart to the place. He had a hortus there and a domus within it (4 C. xi. 2. 6.), LOCALITIES. (27) and his mundcc coenat, parto s^ib lare (3 C. xxix. 14 — 16.), were calculated to smooth the brow of the statesman Mae- cenas. And to his ramblings, when first a resident at Tivoli, with such delight amid that romantic scenery — ( per lucos, amcenae Quos et aquae subeunt et aurae. 3 C. iv. 7, 8. we are clearly indebted for Horace's assuming a poetical character entirely new, in the translation to the Romance Jidicen lyrte (4 C. iii. 23.) from the writer of Satires and Epodes only. In one word, then, on his own express authority, on that spot, and at that time, his lyric writings had their actual commencement. Two out of the eight passages, here adduced, on which I rely for the establishment of Horace as a sojourner at Tivoli, may in that view justify a more particular notice. His invitation (No. iii.) to Septimius has been well illus- trated by the late Mr. George Hardinge. (Nichols. Lite- rary History, u. s. p. 7^2.) " Horace begins by telling him that he knows his friend would accompany him to the remotest and wildest part of the world : Septimi, Gades aditure mecum, et Cantabrum iudoctum juga ferre nostra, et Barbaras Syrtes, ubi Maura semper TEstuat unda. " Of course he should be equally desirous to accompany his friend : but he means to decline it, and he is to give the reason for it, which is, that he wishes for no Tarentum, unless DRIVEN from Tibur. The Ode in any other sense would be unintelligible, and the wish for Tibur absurd, especially with a reference to his old age, which had not then arrived," &c. &c. That Alcaic Stanza (No. iv.) forms quite a locus clas- sicus in the personal history of Horace. (28) PKELIMINARY DISSKRTATION. Vaster Camoenae, vester in arduos Tollor Sabinos ; seu vmhi frigidum PrcBneste, seu Tilur supinum, Seu Uquidce placuere Baice. For such were his four peculiar places out of Rome, of usual residence or occasional resort. The Jli'st was his Sabine villa and estate in the vale of Licenza ; after Chaupy and Domenico de Sanctis, described and verified (as it should have been sooner told) by ]Mr. Bradstreet, in the " Sabine Farm," 1810. The second spot refreshed him by its coolness in the dog days, sometimes : in one summer, it bequeathed to our instruction that delightful Epistle (1 E. II.), Trojani belli scriptorem, maxime Lolli, <|-c. To the foil till, his resort on the Campanian shore, he betook himself, often perhaps, for its fine mild air in winter. Quod si bruma nives Albanis illinet agris, Ad mare descendet vates tuus, et sibi parcel. 1 E. VII. 10, 11. The third scene, long and early admired, from being fre- quently visited, became at last one of his two favourite and regular places of residence out of Rome. For there is not the shadow of evidence, to rank on the same level with Tivoli as an habitation, either Prceneste, the mere (Bstivce deliciiB of our Poet, or Baice resorted to for its warm climate and its baths ; least of all the distant Tarentum, deeply beloved, much talked of, but very seldom visited. Tarentum, indeed, if he were to change from Tivoli, wc have just seen he would prefer to all places for his resi- dence. And yet, of any actual visit to that spot, though so well known, with its peculiar charm ; ver ubi longiwi tepidasquc praebet | Jupiter hriimas. 2 C. vi. I7, 18. he has bequeathed no memorandum whatever. None of his writings exhibit the slightest indications of having been written there ; nor any where on the coast in winter does he LOCAT.TTIKS. (29) seem to liave used liis pen at all : Contract usque leget, are liis own words, IE. vii. 12, when meditating to go down to the sea, most probably to Baiae. Let me not be considered as dwelling too long on this investigation of the Poet's principal localities. Or should it be asked, in what way those points when determined, can give aid towards the illustration of Horace, the following examples with the deductions arising out of them may serve at present for a reply. (1.) For the entire separation of Horace's residence in the Sabine valley, not only from his house at Rome, but from his humble mansion at Tivoli, we are very much in- debted to the information conveyed in his xivth Epistle. As the picture of country life in all its simplicity and in- nocence which the 2d Epode (Beatus ille, %c.) presents, was in its general character drawn from Horace's personal know- ledge and observation in the vale of Licenza ; so we may with the greater zest enjoy the moral repose in those of his writings which bear the stamp of that valley, as the subject at once and the scene of composition. Now that Epistle (the xivth) to his VilUcus, besides much that it tells us not otherwise known of Horace in RuRE suo and of his employments there, most fortunately tells us also, from what pests or pleasures that abode of Sabine virtue was free. rv. 21 — 2(5. fornix tibi et uncta popina Incutiunt Urbis desiderium, video ; et quod Angulus iste feret piper et tus ocius Mvk ; Nee vicina subest vinum prsebere taberna Quae possit tibi ; nee meretrix tibicina, cujus Ad strepitum salias terrse gravis, &c. In consequence of this discovery, for in its application I believe it so to be, we are enabled directly to mark the scene of several of his writings as limited either to Rome or to (30) PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. Tivoli ; and thus we distinguish, very often with little difficulty, what the great city allowed him to write from what the vacuum Tihur suggested or inspired. Look at the light and elegant Ode to Phyllis. 4 C. xi. vv. 2, 3. Est in horto, | Phylli, nectendis apium coronis, &c. But he had no hortus at Rome; as the same Epistle testifies, vv. 41, 2. invidet usum Lignorum et pecoris tibi calo argiitus et horti : therefore this Ode was not written in that city. Horace goes on thus : vv. 34, 5. condisce modos, amanda | Voce quos reddas. But here is the meretrix tihicina, or a lady hardly of purer quality : therefore it was not written in the valley. Of course Tivoli was the scene of this gay celebration of Maecenas's birth-day. (2.) Let us proceed to place in the true light that beautiful Ode with its rational piety, Calo supinas, 8fc. 3 C. XXIII. The Rustica Phidyle, there addressed, is considered as having been haud duhie Villica in fundo Horatii Sabino ; and even the grave and cautious Gesner says, Lepida certe Dacerii et Sanadoni suspicio, Hora- tium astute dissimulatd Epicurei persona sic voluisse impedire, ne in villa sua nimii sumtus Jierent in sacri- Jicia. Now it certainly does appear from Cato De re rustica^ in sacrificing that the Villica in his time was bound to offer no sacrifice without order from her master or mistress. Scito dominum, he adds, pro totd familid rem divinam facere ; and Columella, who after the lapse of two centuries, has to lament the progress of refinement as deteriorating the character of the rural domini, (Lib. xii. Prasfat. pp. 551,2. Ed. Schneider,) inserts amongst the qualifications of a good Villica, that she be a superstifionihvs remofissima. LOCALITIES. (31) All this might so far very well agree with the idea of Horace''s astuteness, in checking the religious expensiveness of such a servant at the Sabine farm ; either if any vestige of his having had a Villica on that small establishment were extant in his writings, which it is not, but rather the con- trary ; or if we found that Horace himself appeared to neglect the proper sacrifices which rustic devotion required : on this latter point we may rather presume that his feelings and his practice went in unaffected conformity with those of the good people, amongst whom, so delighted with their simplicity and probity, he was accustomed to dwell : and in confirmation of that view, the following references, as ob- liquely or directly bearing on the question before us, may be consulted with advantage. Ep. II. 59. 1 C. IV. 11, 12. 3 C. XIII. 3. xviii. o. xxii. ?• But lastly, what shall we say, if after all neither the scene nor the subject of that ode could belong to the vale of Lucretilis ? Now if the reader will but look to v. 5, he will discern among the blessings which Phidyle might expect : Nee pesttlentem sentiet Africum Fcecunda vitis. Let him turn next to the Epistle (xiv.) ad Villicum suum, (his bailiff,) and there he will read at v. 23, Angulus iste feret piper et tus ociiis uva. The Sabine valley then produced no grapes at that time. And as to the Sirocco, elsewhere called the plumbeus Auster of Autumn (2 S. vi. 16 — 19-), so far from being annoyed with it there, Horace fled thither in mantes et in arcem ex iirhe on purpose to avoid it : very often for two months together apparently, or more : Sextilem totum (1 E. VII. 2.) Septemhrihus horis (xvi. 16.). He could however endure and even enjoy the city, (this we find from V^32) PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. his epistle to Torquatus, 1 Ep. v.,) even so late as Julius Caesar's birth-day, the 10th of July. In one word, then, what is the plain inference from all this ? Phidyle (whether a real person or in part imaginary) must be considered as a yeoman's wife in the neighbourhood of Tivoli. Such a person we may well suppose to have been the ptidica muUer (Ep. ii. 39.) elsewhere described; and, innocence of character being therefore presumed, we have only to take immiinis at the beginning of that fine stanza, Immunis aram mica, in its natural sense o? costless, uith little or no cost; which Casaubon (Persian. Imit. Horat. ad S. ii. 75.) and Bentley (in loc.) agree in maintaining against the vulgar interpre- tation oi^ innocent, as unauthorized as it is unnecessary. But we have not yet done with this Ode. From Tivoli or the high grounds near it, Phidyle might probably see Algidum ox Alha iyx.^—W). In the Sabine valley, the Villica of Horace (if such a person there was) most assuredly could see nothing of the kind ; and was far too remote to hear anything of places like those. There would have been a violation of all nature and probability in addressing such an Ode, even nomine teniis, to a person so circum- stanced. Then too, (v. 16,) from whence was the myrtle to come ? from the same genial soil which yielded the rose, the ivy, the apiiim, and the vine; from the mite solum Tihuris (1 C. xviii. 2.), to be sure. (3.) On similar internal evidence to that contained in the two Odes, (already considered,) 4 C. xi, and 3 C. xxiii. I should date in Tivoli the invitation to Quinctius Hir- pimis, 2 C. XI. Quid bellicosus Cantaber, 8^c. Examine if you please the following particulars : 21, 22. Qnis devivm scorlum eliciet domo Lytlpn ? ehurna die age cum /yrn, &c. LOCALITIES. (33) 18 — 20. Quis piier ociu» Kestinguet ardeiitis Falerni Pocula praetereunte lympha ? 1.3, 14. Cur lion sub alta vel platano vel hac Pimi jacentes sic temere, &c. and let the hdc pinu be especially remarked, for the same scene, apparently, as chat m the beautiful stanza, 2 C. iii. 9 — 12. Qua pinus, &c., rivo. On the authority of Mr. Hobhouse (in his note 71 to Canto IV. of Childe Harold) and from his own lively report we learn, that the Pine is now as it was in the days of Virgil, a garden tree [pinus in hortis. Buc. vii. Q5.^ ; and that there is not" at present, " a Pine in the whole valley" of Licenza. I venture to add, that not one verse of Horace decisively records a single Pine in that valley ; and it is barely possible, that in the course of the few years which elapsed betwixt the 2d book of Satires and the 2d or 3d book of Odes, any Pine tree of Horace's own planting there should have been imminens rillcE (3 C. xxii. 5.) or as in the Ode before us, like YirgiPs plane tree^ (Geo. iv. 146.) ministrans potantibus umbras. As for Qitincfiits Hirpinns in particular, it is quite clear, that he had never visited (what friend of Horace, does it appear, ever did visit .?) the vale of Licenza : or we should not have now possessed that Epistle (the xvith) with the Poet's description of his delifjht (hse latebraj dulces) in the Sabine valley, and of the romantic beauty {amcence) which adorned it. He did not rest his attachment to that seques- tered spot, on tlie ground of a partiality merely resulting from habitual residence, " cum locis etiam ipsis montuosis delectemur et sylvestribus, (tliese are Cicero's words,) in quibus diutius commorati .sumus." Laelius. s. 19. For such scenery of the picturesque kind he avows at once his taste and admiration, in a way that we should hardly expect, writing thus to his Villicvs, 1 E. xiv. 19, 20. on the con- trast of their respective likings, d (34) PRELIMlNAnV DISSERTATION. quae deserta et inliospita tesqua Credis, amoena vocat, mecum qui sentit (4.) Horace had a way of his own, an oblique way of mentioning sources of anxiety or objects of ambitious desire in other men, from which he considered himself fortunately free. Thus in a passage of the 1st Epode, to Maecenas, Ibis Liburnis inter alta navimn, Sfc. in which he so tenderly begs as his companion to share the dangers of the ensuing war (called Actian from its issue) ; he declares his heart to be influenced by honest affection alone, by no speculation of splendid reward. vv. 23 — 30. Libenter hoc et omne militabitur Bellum ill tuae spem gratiae ; Non ut juvencis illigata plnribus Aratra nitantiir meis, Pecusve Calabris ante sidiis fervidum Lucana mutet pascua ; Nee ut supemi villa candens Tusculi Circaea tangat moenia. It will hardly be believed, that instead of seeing in these lines a disavowal of any wish for wealth and splendor, some critics have found in the two last the fancied enlarge- ment of a magnificent villa at Tusculum which Horace already ])ossessed there ! Chmqnj, Vol. ii. pp. 262, 3. with great acuteness sets this matter in its true light. Let us take another instance. Horace in a moody and wayward humour, real or affected, 1 E. VIII. Celso gaudere, &c. instructs the Muse thus to answer if Celsus Albinovanus should inquire about him : die, multa et pulclira minantem, Vivere nee recte nee suaviter; baud quia grando Contuderit vites, oleamve niomorderit aestus, Nee quia longinquis armentum aegrotet in agris ; Sed quia mente minus validus, &c. &c. LOCALITIES. (35) That is, denying olive i/anls and vineyards to be tlie cause of his frctfuhiess, he in fact disclaims the ownership of either : and he disclaims also any possession of what even in the privileged hour of dedication he had declined to ask from Apollo Palatinus Non sestuosa; grata Calabricn Armenia. 1 V. xxxt. 5, (5. The vale of Licen^a., let it be remarked, appears at that time to have grown neither vines nor olives. Even now, though the difference of culture, as Mr. Bradsfreef assures us (pp. 25, 27.) has introduced a great number of olives, &c. the grapes do not succeed so kindly, as the hardier fruit trees, and still produce but a rough kind of wine. After this indirect determination of the extent of Horace's wealth, it may not be amiss to render the state- ment in some measure complete by noticing the lines, am- biguous certainly, which commence the Epistle (xvi) to Quinctius Hirpivus. Ne perconteris, fundus mens, optiine Quiiiti, ^rro pascat herum, an baccis opulentet oHvcb, Pomisne, an pratis, an amicta vitibus ulmo ; Scribetur tibi forma loquaciter et situs agri. Contimd monies ; nisi dissocientur opacd Valle : sed ut veniens dextrum latus aspiciat Sol, Laevum decedens curru fugiente vaporet. Temperiem laudes : quid, si rubicunda benigne Corna vepres et prima ferunt ? si quercus et ilex '^Inltk fruge pecus, multa dominum juvat umbra ? Dicas adductum jtroi^ms frondere Tarentum. From this passage, M. Chaiipy, (Vol. i. p. 335,) in defi- ance of Sanadon and the common interpreters, avowedly so, maintains that Horace's estate was richly productive of olives, grapes, and other Jine fruits also. Now, in good truth, if from these lines (liable enough, perhaps, if taken alone, to be misunderstood) we had to gain our only intelli- gence on the subject, the contiuui monies with the opacd d2 (36) PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. valle in that high elevation might indeed be pleaded against the probable culture of the vine: and still it could not palpably be made out, that the cornjield^ the meadow, and the wood with its ivild fruits^ really constituted the whole income of our Poet''s estate. But from the definite object on which the great pains were taken, the improvement and extension of his arable land, 1 E. XIV. 3, 4. Certemus, spinas animone ego fortius, an tu Evellas agro : &c. 39. Rident vicini glebas et saxa moventem. 26-28. et tamen urgues Jampi'idem non tacta liffonibus arva, bovemque D'lsjunctum curas, et striciis frond ibus exples. And here may we not remark, that the ilcv of 1 E. xvi. 9. and the hovem diy'uncfum of 1 E. xiv. 27, 8, both clearly in tlie Sabine valley, and answering to the fessis romere tauris and ilicem of the ode toBandusia, 3 C. xiii. 11, 14. incidentally corroborate the truth of the locality assigned in these pages to that fountain ? From a detail of facts like these, we may well conclude, that the Poet's answer to Quintius might have briefly stood thus. Akv o pascit henim. For though it is true, that the meadow would on all accounts possess its natural value, 29, 30. Addit opus pigro ricus, si deciUit imber, ]\Iulta mole docendus aprico parcere prato. unquestionably, however, the ground in tillaye formed the most profitable source cf revenue and nearly the whole of it. 3 C. XVI. 29- 32. Pur &;c. Of so much as is quoted of that Oration by the acute and diligent Ernesti, in his Claris Ciceroniana, under the word Scriba, the following extract may suffice. Scribce, qui digni sunt illo ordine, patres familias, viri boni atque honesti — ad eos me revoca. Noli hos colligere, qui iiummulis corrogatis de nepotum donis, ac de scenico- rum corollariis, cum decuriam emerunt, ex primo ordine ex- plosorum, in scciindion ordinem civltatis se venisse dicunt. Mirabimur turpes aliquos ibi esse, quo cuivis licet prctio pcrvenire ? The whole passage in the original is singularly curious, especially under the head of coUybus and cerarium ; as showing the extent of knavery which then could be prac- tised in the provincial governments of Rome. But in the apparent wreck of all his fortunes, it may be asked, how was Horace enabled to buy this Munus Scrihae, this decuriam ? nummulis corrogatis, it may be answered : but from whence the corroyatio? Perhaps, from good- natured friends still at Rome, even in those days of confu- sion : perhaps, it has sometimes struck my mind, from per- sons in the neighbourhood of Venusia, where on old ac- counts in his long absence unsettled, money might yet be due to him for arrears of rent. At all events, however, one can hardly resist the conclu. sion, that Horace did buy a kind of patent place as clerk in the Treasury. The words of Suetonius, scriptum quxBS- lorium comparavil, arc quite express and distinct. The (56) PUKLIJIIXAUV DISSERTATION. allusion in the well known passage, where his presence was required, as customary, at a general meeting, 2 S. VI. 36, 7- De re communi scribm magna atque nova te Orabant hodie meminisses, Quinte, reverti : is inexplicable on any other hypothesis : the old commenta- tor in Cruquius asserts it without scruple. And if one may suppose, that the duties of the place could be performed by deputy with occasional attendance of the principal, nothing can be more natural than so, in part, to interpret two lines in the Epistle (xiv) to his Villicus, vv. 16, 17- Me constare mihi scis, et discedere tristem, Quandocunque trahiint invisa negotia Roniam. Nor is it impertinent to remark, that if the profits of the situation bore any proportion to the increase of the public revenue after the year b. c. 41. Horace must have found his original purchase a very lucky one, in the twenty years or more, during which he seems to have retained it. Whatever were Horace's means of living during the pe- riod which elapsed before he was enriched by Maecenas with the Sabine estate ; from his own description of the style in which he lived at Rome, 1 S. VI. 114 — 118. inde domum me Ad porri et ciceris refero laganiqiie catinum. Ccena ministratur piieris trilms ; et lapis all'us Pocula cum cyatho duo sustinet ; adstat echinus Vilis, cum patera guttus, Campana supellex : we may well believe, that a very narrow income was adequate to so frugal an expenditure with so humble an establishment. His usual diet, indeed, was little altered by his increase of fortune, itself not very large in those times. When he had got the Sabine estate, the value of which we are partly enabled to estiraatQ by the eight slaves upon it, implied in the threat to Davus ; l.II'K AXD CHARACTER. (57) 2 S. VII, 117, 118- ocius liinc te Ni rapis, accedes opera agro noria Sabiuo. he is tlius addressed on his style of living by that clever rogue, (during the Saturnalia, and at Rome, be it remem- bered,) ibid, 29, 30. si nusqiiam es forte vocatus Ad coenam, laudas securum olus. The very dinner which Lucilius shared with Laelius and the younger Scipio ; 2 S. I. 71 — 74. Quin ubi se a vulgo et scena in secreta remorant Virtus Scipiadae et mitis sapientia Lseli ; Nugari cum illo, et discincti ludere, donee Decoqiieretur olns, soliti .... And such also in Horace's day was the ordinary fare ; 2 E. II. 167, 8. Emtor Aricini quondam Veientis et arvi Emtum coenat olus ...... Some fifteen years afterwards, in the Epistle to Torquatus, 1 E. V. 1, 2. his invitation very candidly promises the plainest entertainment ; Si potes Archiacis conviva recumbere lectis, Nee modica coenare times olus omne patella, &c. though, as we are told at the conclusion, there would be a small party to meet him, with room for a few friends (locus est et pluribus umbris) if he chose to bring them. Nor did he hold other language at any period between that of the Satire here first adduced, 1 S. vi. 115. and that of the Epistle just quoted. Of the homely fare on which from choice he actually lived, 1 C. XXXI. 16, 7- me pascunt olivae, Me cichorea levesque malvae. be only prays to have the enjoyment continued : " Frui paratis,"" with the superadded blessing of health and the use of his faculties durinir the remainder of life, (58) PRKLIMiXARY UISSERTATIOX. et valido niihi, Latoe, dones, et, precor, Integra Cum mente, nee turpem senectam Degere, nee cithara carentem. Morally speaking, Horace could hardly ever want the means to maintain a style of living like this. With his own Ofel- lus, he could truly say, 2 S. II. 126, 7- Saeviat, atque novos moveat Fortuna tumultus, Quantum hinc imrainuet ? So that even if the storm of adversity were once more to befall him, he feels certain that his light boat will weather the gale; while the heavy-laden ship with its votaries of wealth might go to wreck. 3 C. XXIX. 62. Tunc me biremis prsesidio scaphie Tutum per yEgneos tumultus Aura feret, geminusque Pollux. The^r.s/ introduction of Horace to the acquaintance and favour of Mjecenas, that most memorable of all events in his life, may be placed in b. c. 41. 1 S. VI. .'34, 5. optimus olim VirgUius, post hunc Varius, dixere, quid essem. and perhaps rather late in that year . for some time must be allowed to elapse after his return from Philippi, before Viro-il and Varius could well acquire a sufficient knowledge of his genius and his worth, to which they were strangers before. But for his second visit to Mtecenas, with the latitude of a round number (v. 61. revocas nono post mense) we may assign an earlier date to it in b. c. 40. than a strict compu- tation would admit. From the year b. c. 10. wlicn Horace could lor the /irst LI IK AND CHARACTEK. (59) time retort on those who had envied his rise, the proud fact itself with the moral praise implied in it, 1 S. VI. 47. Nunc quia sum tibi, Blaecenas, coiivictor : &c. doWn to the year in which his patron gave him that estate in the Sabine hills ; the personal history of Horace must be traced in the first book of Satires. The composition of that book evidently belongs to the years fixed by Bentley, and probably enough to a year or two lower down. Two Satires alone (the vth and viith) in the number of those ten seem to require any particular notice, from politi- cal connection with the times to which, by the subjects of them, the reader's mind is naturally carried. The journey to Brundusium (Sat. v.) when detei-mined to the right year in the spring^ of b. c. 38. will receive the only farther illustration which it can admit or require, from the history of the Commonwealth, to which it belongs, or from Mr. Cramer''s Description of Ancient Italy. The most beautiful passage in that poem shows how rapid and deep the growth of affection had been betwixt Horace and his two friends, Virgil and Varius : of Plotius we know little but by name. vv. 39—44. Postera lux oritur multo gratissima : namque J'lolius et Varius Sinuessae, VirgUiusqne Occurrunt ; animae, quales neque candidiores Terra tulit, neque quis me sit devinctior alter. O qui complexus, et gaudia quanta fuerunt ! Nil ego contulerim jucundo sanus amico. A subsequent enumeration of the distinguished authors of that period embraces in fact so many of his personal friends ; * " I incline with Wesseling and Heyne to refer the journey of Horace to the intended conference at Brundusium described by Appian, Civ. v. 78. And you will observe that this date, the spring of u. c. 71C) b. c. 38, for the poet's journey, will bring that vth Satire of the 1st Book within the dates of Bentlev." H. F. Clinton. MS. communication. (60) I'KKLIMINAKY DISSERTATION. 1 S. X. 40—45. Arguta meretrice potes, Davoque Chremeta Eludente senem, comis garrire libellos Unus vivorum, Fundani : PoUio regum Facta canit, pede ter percusso : forte epos acer^ Ut nemo, Varius ducit : molle atque facetum Virgilio annuenint gaudentes rure Camoenje. The comic author Fundaniiis we meet again, (2 S. viii. 19,) as the pleasant narrator of what happened at Nasidienus''s dinner. Varius, whose fine tragedy of Thyestes is so highly praised by Quintilian, appears already to have been cele- brated for that epic talent alluded to in 1 C. vi., Scriberis Vario fortis et hostium Victor, Maeonio carminis aliti ; &c. and Pollio had acquired eminence in the tragic drama, which we find him still maintaining when afterwards engaged in the history of the civil wars ; 2 C. 1. 9 — 12. Paulum severae Musa Tragcedioe Desit theatris ; mox, ubi publicas Res ordinaris, grande miinus Cecropio repetes cothurno. while in regard to Virgil the clear information is gained, that he was then only known as the writer of Bucolics, but in the delicacy and high finish of his style, {molle atque facetmn,) even then indicating the consummate poet that was soon to arise. And here from the same satire not unaptly may be intro- duced the proud list of all Horace's friends at that early day. vv. 81 — 88. Plotius, et Varius, Maecenas, Virgiliusque, Valgius, et probet hsec Octavius optimus, atque Fuscus ; et haec utinam Viscorum laudet uterque : Ambitione relegata, te dicere possum, Pollio, te, Messala, tuo cum fratre ; simulque Vos, Bibule et Servi ; simul his te, candide Furni : Complures alios, doctos ego quos et amicos Prudens praetereo, &c. &c. Well then might Horace, when allowing in other respects LIFE AND CIIAll-VCTER. (()!) the su}3criority of Lucilius, justly assert tliat he too had shared the friendship of the great ; 2 S. I. 74 78. Quicquid sum Cgo, quamvis Infra Lucili censum ingetiiunique, tamen me Cum magnis vixisse invita fatebitur usque Invidia, et fragili qnaerens illidere dentem, Oifendet solido. Let us now proceed to the viith Satire, Proscripti Regis Rupili, &c., which might be supposed (and not without some plausibility) to have been Horace's earliest attempt in Satiric writing, having the scene of its story at Clazomena?, and in the presence of the great Brutus. In that view M. Sanadon speciously enough assigns for its date a few months before the battle of Philippi, and even discovers, in its juve- nile carelessness of composition, an argument to favour that date. The old Scholiast, however, quoted by Baxter, appears to give a different, and, as I understand it, a very satisftictory account of the matter. Publius Rupilius cognomine Rex, Praenestinus, commilito fuit Horatii in castris Bruti. Hie segre ferens quod Hora- tius Tribunus esset, saepe ignobilitatem generis illi obji- ciebat : idcirco nunc eum ex persona alterius lacerat. This idea derives additional support and developement from two remarks of the judicious Gesner. Forte haec demum post victoriam Caesarianorum scripta, cum partes Bruti objiceret Horatio recepto, receptus ipse Rupilius: ut Tubero olim Ligario. — Rem non plane re- centem commendari versibus, ipsum exordium declarat. And on Gesner's supposition that Rupilius had thus given offence to Horace at Rome, after they both returned, the viith Satire, viewed as a retaliation, will be found not un- happily subjoined as a kind of appendix to the vith, Xon quia Macenas, &c., which resents (vv. 6 — 45.) the ill- {(y2) rUKLIMIN^MlY DISSiniTATlOW tiatuved imputation, Uherthio patre natmn, cast upon him by certain envious detractors. Assuming tins origin of the Satire to be correct, we may accept as literally true, Horace''s own account of his begin- ning to write verse ; that he was first driven to it by neces- sity after the confiscation of his paternal estate ; 2 E. II. 51. paupertas impulit audax Ut versus facerem. In all the books of Horace, indeed, those of Satires, of Epodes, of Odes, and of Epistles, as the constituent parts now stand arranged in each, I am strongly of opinion, that after a due allowance for much caprice and casualty perhaps, there may still be discovered great ingenuity shown by Horace himself in the close succession by which some pieces are brought together, and not less of skill, judgment, and delicacy in the intentional disjunction of others. The peculiar consideration here suggested from internal evidence, will support the whole hypothesis of Bentley by a train of argument not perhaps suspected before. To exem- plify the nature of that reasoning, let a few clear instances suffice for the present. Thus the similarity of attachment which Horace bore to both his friends, Septimius and Pompeius, may fairly ac- count for the neighbourly collocation which those two beau- tiful Odes (2 C. VI, VII.) now occupy. And thus the general similitude of subject in the two Epistles, XVII. to Scasva, and xviii. to Lollius, (younger brother to him addressed, Maxime LollL IE. ii. 1,) though addressed to two characters totally dissimUm^ doubtless led to their juxtaposition when published. Strangoly enough, with all the obvious difference between the characters, even Gesner (ad 1 E. xvni. 1.) is inclined to think that the two persons might be identically the same, and that of the two Epistles as they now stand, the latter LIFE AND CHAUAC'TFIR. (().'i) was either a continuation of tlie fovmcv, or arose as a reply out of Scaeva's supposed answer to it. Now is it not clear, on a close comparison, that Lollius, being a young man of rank, the son of a vir co/isiilaris, hot and high-spirited, was liable to offend by want of due com- plaisance ? With his natural hrimjnerie and his fits of con- tradictory or unaccommodating humour, he was the most unlikely man in Rome {scnrraulis speciem prcebere) to be mistaken for a sycophant. Scoeva, on the other hand, timid apparently and somewhat necessitous himself, with relatives perhaps ill provided for, while he required encouragement to undertake the office of living with the great, might stand no less in need of delicate caution, how to improve his for- tunes as the comes (v. 52) to a rc.r (v, 4.3) without meanness and without importunity. This view of the matter I am happy to find confirmed by Wieland as quoted with approbation by IVIorgenstern, in a Dissertation to be noticed more particularly by and by. After remarking the skill of Horace in similihus argumentin tractancUs, he refers for illustration of it to these very Epis- tles ; Sic Epistolce ad Sccevam et Lollium eandem docenf. cum principibus virendi artem : at qiiam callide diverso Ktriusque ingenio et condiiioni attemperantur pr(Rcepia! p. 61. The vth Epode on Canidia, is by several others separated from the xviith on the same Beldame : evidently to keep the pathetic and the horrible apart in reading from the in- vective and ironical. And to take another example from the same family : The two Odes (1 C. xvi, xvii.) O matre pulchrd, &c. and Velox amosnum, &c. are now generally considered as ad- dressed to one person, the daughter of Canidia, (or Grati- dia,) under the Greek name of Tyndaris. Assuming as a fact what is most highly probable, then, in the position of the apology first and of the invitation immediately afterwards. (64) PRELIMINARY DISSKKTAT ION'. we instantly see the fine address of the Poet. Once disjoin the two odes in arrangement : by what attraction should they find their way back again ? M. Sanadon, instead of recognising the criminosi lamhi (vv, 2, 3.) in the extant Epodes v and xvii, imagines those libellous verses to be lost; and as well in disjoining as in conjoining — on a plan of his own — the different pieces here alluded to, surpasses even his usual reach of extravagance ; whereas in the natural succession which is now given to those pieces, 1 S. viii. Olim truncus eram . ..., (and 2 S. i. 48. Canidia Albuci, quihus est inimica, venemim.) Ep. v. At O Deorum . . . ; and xvii. Jam jam efficaci . . . ; 1 C. xvi. O matre pulchra . . . . ; and xvii. Velox amosninn . . .; the history of all the parties concerned may be read straight- forward with every advantage of interest and perspicuity. It is time to proceed to the iid Book of Satires. As far however as the personal history of Horace is in- volved in settling the question of his chronology and locali- ties, I have already anticipated in those pages the principal remarks which belong to this part of the Dissertation. Nor will the reader be displeased, after so extended and discursive a range, to be told that we are now approaching towards the conclusion so far of my original design. A few points only remain to bring matters down to the closing date of the Epodes. And then, the writings of Horace either in the Odes or in the Epistles, when those works are once set in chronological order, may well be allowed to tell the story of his life, which in fact his writings then constitute ; illus- trated only by a few references to the public annals of Rome. Let us now, therefore, take up the second book of Satires. At this stage of Horace's history, when he was jiist possessed LIFE AND CHAKACTER. {65) of the Siibine estate, we find him forming grand resolutions as a kind of censor and moralist. 2 S. III. 9. Atqui vultus erat multa et prasclara minantis. He had this year retired on the Saturnalia (v. 5) into the country for leisure and for warmth. V. 10. Si vacuum tepido cepisset villula tecto. The latter charm we know the country possessed. 1 E. X. 15. Est ubi plus tepeant ht/emes? If it be asked what were the causes of that advantage, the Cato Major § xvi. may be consulted for explanation: Ubi enim potest ilia aetas aut calescere vel apricatione melius vel igni, aut vicissim umbris aquisve refrigerari salubrius ? — the command of a sunny position on the one hand, and the plentii of fuel on the other. And it may be remembered that in that famous Epistle (xiv.) on the Sabine farm, Horace tells his VUlicus that the Calo in the city envied him amongst other things (vv. 41, 2.) the ready supply of logs; which at Rome they had not. invidet usum Lignorum et pecoris tibi calo argutus et horti. Horace (who reports himself [1 E. xx. 24] solibus aptum) when more advanced in years, loved to pass his winters on the sea-coast. Thus in that fine Epistle to Maecenas, 1 E. vri. 10 — 13. Quod si bruma nives Albanis illinet agris, Ad mare descendet vates tuus, et sibi parcet, Contractusque leget ; te, dulcis amice, reviset Cum Zephyris, si concedes, et hirundine prima. Incidentally we gather from another Epistle, that to Scaeva, (xvii. 52, 3,) that Brundusium and Surrentum also were scenes of resort in winter ; Brundisium comes aut Surrentum ductus amoenum, Qui queritur salebras et acerbum frigus et imbres, &c. f (66) PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. and in that (xvth.) to Numonius Vala, Qupo sit hyems Veliae, quod coelum, Vala, Salerni, Sec. when he thought of going to the cold-baths of the one place or the othei', after he has stated (vv. 2, 3.) Antonius Musa^s judgment on his case, Mihi Baias supervacuas • . . Horace proceeds to tell his friend, that he will have to ride his horse past the hitherto well known houses of call, on the way to Cum as or Baiae ; Mutandus locus est, et diversoria nota Praeteragendus equus : Quo tendis ? non mihi Cumas Est iter ant Baias, &c. To return to the iiid Satire ; on the literary design then alluded to, in ])acking up his books to carry with him from Rome, he did not forget (v. 12)'Jirchtloc/ius : and when we come to the Epodes, we shall discover in the assaults on Mcena (iv), on Cassius Severus (vi), on McBvius (x), and on other unlucky objects of his wrath, that in studying under that great master of Iambic bitterness he had learned his trade well ; as the man said when he stole the Mercury. This fact too, in its way, is demonstrative of the Epodes being absurdly collocated in the old order before the Satires: the fruit pro- duced, and then the tree planted ! Of the vith Satire {Hoc erat in voHs, &c.) good use has been made in the former part of this Dissertation, as bearing on the great object, to illustrate the life and localities of Horace : one only remark shall be drawn from it now. In the golden treatise De Senectute (§ xiv.) old Cato describes in general his convivial enjoyments : Me vero et mayisteria delectant^ &c. (he proceeds to transfer the scene into the country :) quae quidem in Sabinis etiam persequi soleo ; conviviumque vicinorum quotidie compleo, quod ad multam noctem, quam maxime possumus, vario sermone pro- ducimus. t.IFE AND CHAHACTEKr (67) Yet even Cato's party, in his hour of enthusiasm j (3 C. XXI. 11, 12. Narratur et prisci Catonis Saepe mero caluisse virtus.) could hardly have enjoyed with higher zest " The feast of reason and the flow of soul ;" than Horace gave and received in that delightful society, which at his own villa (Sabine also) he so cordially enter-^ tained. 2 S. VI. 65—75. O noctes coenseque Deiim i- — - prout cuique libido est, Siccat inaequales calices conviva, solutus Legibus insanis : seu quis capit acria fortis Pocula ; seu modicis uvescit laetius : ergo Sermo oritur, non de villis domibusve alienis, Nee male necne Lepos saltet : sed quod magis ad nos Pertinet, et nescire malum est, agitamus ; utrumne Divitiis homines, an sint virtute beati : Quidve ad amicitias, usus rectumne, trahat nos : Et quae sit natura boni, summumque quid ejus. Cervius haec inter, &c. &c. With those neighbours of his, to whose cheerful instruction he contributed while yet a novus incola among them, he appears to have been a great favourite from his earliest resi- dence. And many years after he first occupied that estate, 1 E. XIV. 2, 3. [olim] habitatum quinque focis, et Quinque bonos solitum Variam diraittere Patres, we find not only every sign of their being reconciled to his superiority, for such it must have been, but the best proofs possible of good sense and good humour on his part and theirs. He amused himself with rustic labour, for which' his figure (pinguis, 1 E. iv. 15. and Corporis exigui^ xx. 24.) did not exactly adapt him and they as naturally laughed at his awkwardness. f 2 (68) PRELIMINARY DISSERT ATIOX. vv. 37 — 39. Non istic obliquo oculo mea commoda quisquam Limat, non odio obscuro morsuque venenat : Rident vicini glebas et saxa moventem. In passing to the Epodes, very little appears for remark to my purpose which is not already forestalled. We have seen Horace carry the Poems of Archilochua with him for study and imitation into the Sabine valley. And as we know the severe model of correctness in writing which he laid down for himself and enforced upon others, the conclu- sion is fair, that he had taken most faithful pains with the task, when he afterwards expresses such pride in the execu- tion. 1 E. XIX. 21 — 25. Libera per vacuum posui vestigia princeps, Non aliena meo pressi pede r qui sibi fidit. Dux regit examen. Parios ego primus Jambos Ostendi Latio ; numeros animosque secutus Archilochi, non res et agentia verba Lycamben. By the bye, Horace has paid himself a compliment here which truth does not warrant. Canidia alone might testify, that when in the Parian vein, Horace wanted neither talent nor bitterness to drive a Lycambes mad. On the historical bearing of the book of Epodes, nothing can be more satisfactory and singularly distinct than the paragraph quoted in the Chronological Table from Mr. Clinton's Fasti Hellenici, under the year b. c. 31. It ought however to be remarked, that in the Epodes also Horace by no means intended to arrange the several pieces according to the exact order of time. Thus Epode VII. Quo, quo scelesti. . . . contemplates the impending war betwixt Caesar and Antony as yet distant, and with horror and dismay deprecates such an event. The date of it, there- fore, must be carried back as far as other considerations will LIFE AND CHARACTER. (69) allow ; and the same remarlc may be extended to the xvitli Epode, Altera jam teritur .... which from similarity of subject might be expected to stand in conjunction with the viith, were it not (as we have seen in other cases) for the sake of variety, perhaps, kept separate. Both those Epodes, in any thing like allusion to the leaders of the great political parties, are obscure now, from the Poet's studied delicacy at the time: as long as any hope remained of heahng the breach, Horace was not the man to aggravate the discord. 13ut when matters had come to an open rupture, in that Epode, 1. Ibis Liburnis ... he tes- tifies at once his personal devotedness to Maecenas, and his earnest desire to accompany his Patron to the scene of ap- proaching conflict: and in the ixth Epode, Qiiando re- post urn ... on the first news of Caesar's victory at Actium, Horace naturally addresses Maecenas in a strain of the most delighted gratulation, yet even then (v. 29) not naming Antony, though he clearly alludes to him ; while the disgraceful phenomenon of (Cleopatra's) gauze-curtain, in a scene like that, is represented as moving the indignation even of foreigners to forsake such a leader ; Ep. IX. 15 — 18. Interque signa turpe militaria Sol aspicit conopiiim. Ad hoc frementes verterunt bis mille equos Galli canentes Caesarem. It was about a year (b. c.30) after that memorable engage- ment, when the affair at Alexandria had left Caesar without a rival, that Horace broke out in his final effusion of joy, 1 C. xxxvii. A^nnc est hiboidnm . . . , connected with that eventful epoch. Now that we are advancing from tJie Epodes to the Odes, it is lucky that Horace in his Epistle, Prisco si credis . . . to IVIaecenas, (xix.) de suis et Poetaslrorum suisccculi scrip- tis, has himself afforded a delicate clue for the transition. After asserting (vv. 21 — 25, recently adduced) his claim (70) prp:liminary dissertation', to originality in having first adopted Parian Iambics as a Latin poet, he proceeds to defend himself for borrowing an old metre instead of attempting to devise a new one. " Well: and had not Sappho blended her song with the measure of Archilochus ? Had not Alcaeus likewise partly availed him- self of that Poet's metre?" — Alceeus, whom it was Horace's greatest pride to acknowledge as his Master in Lyric verse. In that department also (vv. 32 — 34) he represents himself as the first adventurer, but content to have his original pro- ductions (immemorata, elsewhere, 4 C. ix. 3, 7ion ante vulgatas per artes,) privately read by the intelligent few : he was too shy or too proud for public recitation and the com- mon modes of courting popularity. Ac, ne me foliis ideo brevioribus ornes, » Quod timui mutare modos et carminis artem : Temperat Archilochi musam pede mascula Sappho ; Temperat Alcaeus ; Hunc ego, non alio dictum prius ore, Latinus Vulgavi iidicen t juvat immemorata ferentem Ingenuis oculisque legi manibusque teneri. In our next transition, that from the Odes to the Epistles, is it at all surprising, that Horace, when, satisfied with his laurels, he had expressly taken leave of the Lyric Muse at the close of the third book, should adopt the Epistolary form of writing, if any temptation afterwards arose to resume his pen.^ Now, on the occasions which would frequently arise for com- municating with his friends by letter, nothing could be more congenial to the habits of a Poet, than to prefer verse (and that the commonest) as the vehicle : and with Horace in particular, his Odes on various subjects addressed to indivi- duals whom he loved and esteemed, naturally preluded to the more serious and discursive style of argument which marks the Epistles to his friends. yndcr these circumstances, and especially considering the LIFK AND CHAUACTER. (71) great change of age and character, which the Author had undergone in that interval betwixt the last date of his Satires and the first of his Epistles, the wonder is that any idea should have occurred to a Scholar like Morgenstern of writing a formal treatise De SatircB atque EpistolcB Hora- tiancB discrimine (Lipsise, 1801.) ; when perhaps, unless from the Epistles immediately following the Satires as hitherto published, even he, aware as he was of Bentley''s arrangement, would hardly have thought either of contrast or of comparison between them. Unquestionably, however, Morgenstern has rendered one great service to the cause advocated in these pages : no reader of his elegant and ge- nerally judicious Essay will ever again be misled by the juxta- position of the Satires and Epistles to consider the latter as a continuation merely of the former. That source of error and confusion is now finally closed. To go on with the real succession of Horace''s works here recommended to the Scholar's notice; not only, as it has been well observed, " is the writer of the Epistles" — from the " moral turn " of the composition generally — " discerned in the Odes:" but more particularly we may discover also somewhat of the same dexterity with which his Odes are often concluded, in the abrupt but happy conclusion of many of his Epistles. In both classes of writing Horace seldom seeks or regards any plan of regular termination. After saying what he principally thought of saying when he set out, whenever he finds himself arrived at some point which supplies a piquant or pleasant mode of dropping the subject, there he suddenly slips away from his reader ; leaving him on the one hand to recall in quick review the train of images which had just been passing before his mind, or on the other, to wind up the argument in its practical inference for him- self, with the less of offence given to his vanity and self-love. To exemplify all this by adducing the passages at full, would be a work of labour. The Odes abound with endings (72) PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. where the great felicity of art is shown in leaving the reader con la hocca dolce : and for Epistles which end hastily with some passing simile or some quaint turn of thought, or with such apparent abruptness as to elicit the comment — deest conclusion — it may be sufficient to refer to the following, 1 E. i, vi, vii, xvii; 2 E. ii ; and that to the Pisos. The Odes and Epistles, it has been truly said, when once placed in the just order of time, may be fairly left to themselves for illustration, as constituting the poetical at once and personal history of Horace. But then the localities of the bard are presumed to be already ascertained and fixed : without that essential proviso, even the chronological arrangement of his books would fail to exhibit many pro- prieties and delicacies, entwined in the local circumstances of the party addressing or the party addressed. Is it then too much to arrogate, that the labour now for the first time bestowed on distinguishing the three several residences of Horace, has laid the ground-work at least for a clearer un- derstanding of many of his writings, than ever engaged the speculation of any commentator before ? In this restitution of Horace, at first sight, the greatest revulsion is likely to arise on seeing the third iind fourth books of Odes here separated by the first book of Epistles. But then the lapse of several years between the third book of Odes and the fourth has been demonstrated as necessary to reconcile the moral and political phenomena, in the mean while produced, to anything like the probable course of human events. Fortunately, too, the publication of the fourth book of Odes, from many striking points in it, seems to have excited a very early attention. The tradition of Suetonius, for instance, that Augustus felt a strong desire for that high IJFE AND CHARACTER. (73) tribute of fame which a Poet of such talent might confer, carries with it every reasonable evidence of truth, as to the origin of the Poems alluded to. Scripta quidem ejus usque adeo probavit, mansuraque perpetuo opiuatus est, ut non modo Saeculare carmen com- ponendum injunxerit, sed et Vindelicam victoriam Tiberii Drusique privignorum suorum ; eumque coegerit propter hoc, tribus Carminum Libris ex loif(/o intervaUo quartum addere. Other considerations too may here deserve our regard. The very mixture of articles, in matter certainly baser, if not in execution, compared with so much magnificence in the principal Odes of the ivth book, is enough to indicate something extraordinary. In the few words of Gesner in- deed prefixed to that book of Odes, the whole secret is thus briefly told. Mihi sic videbatur : cum semel placuisset novum librum edere, in eum conjectum esse quidquid ad manus erat. But it may be asked : on what ground is the Carmen Smculare in this arrangement entitled to precede the fourth book of Odes ? Since Bentley {u. s. 1[ 5) himself mentions them in a different order, and what is more, ad Car, Saec. v. 16, distinctly calls the sixth Ode of that book. Dive, quern /7ro^e.?. ..., ''quasi pra?ftitio (and very truly) et commen- datio " to the Secular Ode itself. I answer thus. From the very nature and object of that great occasional poem, it must have been separately published in the year (b. c. 17) assigned to the celebration of the Ludi Soiculares ; whereas of the fourth book of Odes, from the peculiarity of its con- stituent parts, there could be no collective publication till some two or three years after that date. Need I here bestow a moment's notice on the pomp and conceit with which, out of various lyric pieces of the Poet, Sanadon, and after him Anchersen, have arbitrarily con- structed a drama quoddam saeculare of their own. Justly, yet mildly enough, is their audacious absurdity, in thus (74) PllKLIMINARY DISSERTATION. raking together materials in character as in date hetero- geneous, rebuked by Gesner in his introduction to the C. S. " Mirum sane, si carmina unius argumenti, eodem tempore scripta, ita spargi per libros plures potuere !" Arising from the fourth book, a stronger line of remark, it appears to me, yet remains to be traced. No Prologos or Epiloffos attends this collection of Odes, such as we have read in the former books, or like the formal conclusion (Vertmnnum Janumque. .) attached to the first book of Epistles. Gesner, one of the most judicious of critics on Horace, in the few lines of comment prefixed to the Ode : 3 C. XXX. Exegi monumentum tere perennius, ^c. very calmly but very acutely observes, on a declaration so proud and so final ; Videtur Horatius hac Ode finire omnino voluisse libros carminum. Hinc vetus Scriptor vitae ait coactum ab Au- gust© tribus carminum libris ex longo intervallo quartum addere. But how comes it to pass, it may be asked, that in the fourth book of Odes the name of Maecenas is no where by direct address recorded ? Diminution of kindness in the generous patron, or abate- ment of gratitude in the honest-hearted client, cannot for a moment be imagined. My solution of the difficulty, for such it may seem, shall be stated very briefly. After the manner in which Horace had celebrated the noble qualities of Maecenas in his Satires, Epodes and Odes to the 3d book inclusive, could any addition of compliment be expected from the most grateful of men and the most felicitous of writers ? And yet, if the first book of Epistles be justly placed after the third book of Odes, as in our chronology it follows next a great accession of honourable testimony was yet to LIKE AND CHARACTER. (75) come, in the 1st, 7th and 19th Epistles of that most curious and vakiable book. As estabhshing the character of Horace on the basis of sincerity and independence even under the deepest sense of obligation, that one Epistle (vii.) Quinque dies tibi polliciius, 8fc., which apologizes for his protracted absence in the country during the hot season, remains a lasting and beautiful monument. Nor in the evidence which it bears to the sterling good sense and high-minded gene- rosity of Maecenas, is it to be regarded as reflecting less honour, but if possible more, on that (with all his foibles) most excellent man. We are morally sure, that the viith Epistle was published by Horace himself in the life time of both. What then, in any age, should be the estimation of the Poet who could address, and of the Patron who could receive — publicly too, let it be added — the frank and affec- tionate boldness of language like this ? vv. 33. 39. JVIacra cavum repetes arctum, quern macra subisti. Hac ego si compellor imagine, cuncta resigno : Nee somnum plebis laudo satur altilium, nee Otia divitiis Arabum Uberrima muto. Ssepe verecundum laudasti : Rexque Paterque Audisti coram, nee verbo parcius absens : Inspice, si possum donata reponere laetus. But to return to the question : how comes it, that in the fourth book of Odes, the name of Ma^cenas occurs once only (xi. 19) and then by oblique introduction ? Whoever has perused with any care the various addresses to Maecenas in every style of writing down to that splendid Ode: 3 C. XXIX. Tyrrhena regum progenies, &c will hardly fail, in the grand and impressive exordium : 1 E. 1. Prim^ dicte mihi, summ& dicende Camoena, &c. to recognise at once the settled purpose of Horace : it was the intended farewell (and meant for the long futurity of (76) PRELlMINAllY DlSSERTA'llOX. fame elsewhere predicted) of the Poet to his Pati'on. We know, that Qui Jit, Mcecenas, Sfc. (1 S. i.) stood the first of Horace"'s edited works ; we are here told, that Maecenas was worthy of all celebration in the last. This last then of the collected Epistles, last not in collocation, but in time, carries with it many strong indications, especially in v. 10, Nunc itaque et versus et csetera ludicra pono : of its having been devoted by Horace as the ultimate offer- ing of Ins muse. And in that respect, so far as regarded the Patron, the Poet never altered his purpose. Whatever he afterwards wrote, is left to stand separately on its own inscription and title, insulated as it were, and posthumous to the great body of his works : which he certainly had medi- tated to complete in the two books of Satires, the one of Epodes, the three of Odes, and the one of Epistles. Maecenas was Horace''s only patron : and the Poet has succeeded in leaving that recorded indelibly. Even in regard of Augustus, it may sound somewhat ex- traordinary, and yet it is perfectly true, that in the common meaning of that term he never was the patron of Horace. Except in those words imputed to Suetonius, tinaque et altera Uheralitate locupletavit, there exists no evidence of Horace having owed anything to the ])atronage of the Em- peror. Virgil and Varius, beyond a doubt, were deeply in- debted to that Prince's generosity. And Horace, who felt a service done to a friend as a kindness conferred on himself, has in that beautiful address to Augustus in favorem std temporis Poetarum, made the acknowledgement, to tlie honour of all parties concerned. 2 E. I. 245 — 7- At neque dedecorant tua de se judicia, atque Munera, quse niulta dantis cum laude tulerunt, Dilecti tibi Virgilius Variusque poetx : &c. Can it be believed, that if Horace had himself owed any 1,I1-K AND CHAKACTER. (//) substanti.al obligation to so munificent a Prince, he would have left no vestige of thankful expression behind him ? No such vestige exists in his writings. Horace's temper, in truth, was that of the most happy contentedness and gratitude. In the Satire, 1 S. vi. Hoc erat in votis. . . . when the man of letters, (being one, as he calls himself, 2 C. xvu. 29, Mercurialhnn virorum,) puts up his prayer to Mercury, v. 5, Maid nate.. ..as to his patron God, V. 15. utque soles, custos mihi maximus adsis ; he invokes the patronage on this one condition, V. 13. Si quod adest, gratum juvat,. . that for his present blessings he is truly grateful. And in a passage also of a much later date, otherwise remarkable for ita moral beauty, that point is distinctly put forward. 2 E. II. 210, 11. Natales grate numeras9 ignoscis amicis ? Lenior et melior fis accedente senecta ? At an early period the bounty of Maecenas had made him abundantly rich, with an understood readiness at any time to give more, if more should be needed. Ep. I. 31, 2. Satis superque me benignitas tua Ditavit : &c. 2 C. xviii. 11 — 14. nihil supra Decs lacesso nee potentem amicum Largiora flagito, Satis beatus unicis Sabinis. 3 C. XVI. 37, S. Importuna tamen pauperies abest: Nee, si plura velim, tu dare deneges. And even the concluding words of the Ode last quoted — Bene est, cui Deus obtulit Parca quod satis est manu. (78) PRELIMIKAKY DISSERTATION. express a sentiment quite characteristic of his happy though humble competence. But his father had with singular suc- cess fixed that principle in his son's mind, which regulated his own ; to make what he had suffice him : 1 S. IV. 107, 8. Cum me hortaretur, parce, frugaliter, atque Viverem uti contentus eo quod mi ipse parasset, ^c. Agreeably to this, Horace no where betrays the least indi- cation of difficulty and complaint, or any apprehension of want from his means failing (vitio culpdve, 2 S. vi, 7) : and, exempt himself from that inordinate love of riches under which some of his friends laboured, he gently lashes that passion in them, quite secure from any retaliation or retort. Thus, for instance, in his Epistle from the Sabine Villa, Urhis amatores. . . .he addresses Aristius Fuscus, pointedly enough, on the wisdom of contentment ; 1 E. X. 44 — 46. Lsetus sorte tua vives sapienter, Aristi : Nee me dimittes incastigatum, ubi plura Cogere quam satis est ac non cessare videbor. Beautiful, however, as these expressions of personal sen- timent are, and familiar to the readers of Horace, his golden maxim, Nil admieaki fl E. vi. 1) has more strongly ar- rested general attention, as conveying in two words the whole secret of moral wisdom ; not to set the heart on objects of fanciful worth, By attributing overmuch to things Less excellent. (Par. Lost, viii. 569.) but to form the just estimate rerum mediocriter utilrum, (1 E. xviii. 99,) that is, of the non-essentials to happiness. And may we not now, on viewing this part of Horace's character, particularly as connected with what we have seen (p. 31.) of his cheerfully participating in all rural acts I.IFK AND CIIAKACTER. (79) of sacrifice, go a step farther still ? May we not pronounce that even in that dark state of all true theology, Horace had the grateful feeling of religion, however obscurely as to the objects of it, and that he was right in the subjective gratitude, though he was wrong in the objective devotion ? The connection, from causes curious and rare, of Mae- cenas''s name with the town of Tivoli, has been auspicious to the developement of Horace's principal locality in that romantic spot. For not only has that admirable Ode, 3 C. XXIX. Tyrrhena regnm. . . .afforded subject almost for demonstration, that Horace invited Maecenas to dine at Tivoli : but that beautiful and from its allusion, pathetic Ode, 1 C. XX. Vile potabis, S^c. according to an old tradi- tion recorded by tlie commentator in Cruquius, and credited by Torrentius, was occasioned by a journey of Maecenas into Apulia. Maecenas iturus in Apuliam, significavit Horatio, ei se ante profectionem convivam esse velle : cui respondet Hora- tius, se quidem non habere vinum generosum, sed benigno tamen animo ei exhibiturum vinum quod habebat Sabinum. De profectione in Apuliam mentio fit in Divaei codice. On the supposition of such a journey, is it at all credible, that the prime minister would ask Horace to give him a dinner at Rome before he set out ? Is it not far more natural to conceive, that Maecenas had told his friend to expect him at Tivoli to dinner, as he would pass by the Via Valeria, (Cramer, i. 142. ii. 260,) and that Horace on such a hint, really having a cask of Sabine wine there with so delightful a remembrance attached to it, datus in theatro | cum tibi plausus, &c. wrote in reply the delicate and well turned invitation in that Sapphic Ode ? (80) PRELIMIXARY DISSEUTATIOK. One more association shall serve to connect the mention of Maecenas as Horace's friend with that of Tivoli : for the very disputable name of Macenas's Villa in that place may well be discarded ^. The want of direct evidence for it and still more its incompatibility with the total silence of Ho- race, justify to my mind the rejection of such an idea with- out scruple and without the formality of an argument. But for Augustus an unquestionable title may be set up, not only as an admirer of the spot, but as an occasional resident there, most probably, however, in the later years of his life. Tivoli, it is well known, was sacred to Hercules. Now amongst the favourite retirements of that Emperor, Suetonius, C. 72. reckons \he proxwia iirhi oppida, Lanii- vium, Praneste, Tihur : in the last mentioned of these towns, in porticihus Herculifi templi perssepe jus dixit. Behold then the very scene, to which Maecenas's attention was called, when Horace thought of appealing to the case of a retired veteran most like his own. 1 E. I. 2 — C. Spectatum satis, et douatum jam rude quseris, Maecenas, iterum antique me includere ludo. Non eadem est astas, iion mens. Vejanius armis Herculis ad posi.em fixis, latet abditus agro, Ne populum extrema toties exoret arena. When Horace himself at Tivoli wrote thus, he had V^e- janius then actually in retirement there before his eye. And now it is high time to bring these extended remarks to the promised conclusion, or at least to show good cause for protraction if necessary. A chronological table, then, of the principal incidents in the earlier part of Horace's life, with the years assigned by ' Forsyth. Excursion in JUdy, p. 272, ed. ifil.S. PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. (81) Bentlcy for the composition of his several books, shall here be given ; and that not only as a clue to guide the reader through the details of the Dissertation, but also as a help in referring to the columns of Mr. Clinton's invaluable Fasti. It will be necessary, however, to premise, that Bentley's years of the life of Horace, here printed in Roman figures, were by him calculated in a peculiar way. Thus the year of Horace's nativity, b. c. 65. though he was born in the last month of it, in Bentley's reckoning stands as the year I of his age, the year after it as ii, and so on to the end of Horace's life. Instead of taking the imtal year, Mr. Clinton makes B. c. 64. the first of his calculation, that is the current year till completed in December. In the following happy sketch given by Horace of his character and personal history, (and it has not been adduced before,) how ingeniously does he contrive to afford the calculation of his age, by giving the year b. c. 21. though now past, from its commodiousness for expressing in verse as well the period of his own life (44) as the consular names belonging to it. 1 E. XX. 20 — 2{J. Me libertino natum patre, et in tenui re, INIajores pennas nido extendisse loqueris ; Ut quantum generi denias, virtutil)us addas ; Me priinis iirbis l)eHi placuisse domiquc; Corporis exigui, praecanum, solihus aptum ; Irasci celerem, tamen ut placabilis essem. Forte meum si quis te percontabitur a-vum, Me quaicr iindcnos sciat implevisse Decemhrcs, Collegain Lepidum quo duxit Lollius anno. No attempt is here pretended to exhibit an exact chro- nology of Horace's life with a regular parallel to it in the events of lloman history, and in the incidents which mark the l)i()graphy of contemporary poets. A desideratum like g (82) PRKLIMTXARY DTSSEUTATIOK. that would demand a volume for itself. But in the chro- nological table subjoined to these pages, it is hoped that any historical knowledge directly required for the illustra- tion of Horace, whenever clear intelligence can be had, will seldom be found wanting. In the meanwhile, however, with a more critical view to the Tempora Horatiana of Bentley, it will be exceed- ingly necessary to keep in mind, that the years which he has determined for the composition of the several books of Horace, in his own naked statement are liable to many cavils, against which he has left neither caution nor de- fence. He should have told us, for instance, that in drawing Up that calculation he kept his eye principally or entirely on internal marks of public history, while to dates connected, with the life or death of individuals, however distinguished, he (apparently) paid little regard, and in short that all which he engaged to do, was to fix the earliest and latest allusion of an liistorical kind which could be discovered in the book of Horace then before him. All this (but no more than this) he executed well and faithfully. Let us understand, therefore, what his intention exactly was : it was a negative rather than a positive determination in the ilates which he ascertained. Thus when he leaves an interval of three years betwixt xxviii for the first book of Satires and xxxi for i\\e second ; he never could intend to say, that during those three years Horace''s pen lay entirely idle : he meant (and he could mean nothing else) that the very latest historical intimation which he had been able to discover in the first book, did not fall lower down than xxviir of Horace's age, and that the very earliest intimation of any public event contained in the second book did not rise higher than xxxi of that cal- culation. With this important qualification constantly attached to all the intervals apparent in Bentley's Tempora Horatiana, PRF.T.TMINATJY UTSSEKTATTOX. (H?,) sevcv.ll objections immediately disappear; as others again may be overcome by considerations of a different kind. 1. And first of all, to take a strong instance. When the clcufh of Virgil is by Mr. Clinton assigned to H. c. 19 an acute objector may ask; how, then, could an Ode of invitation to Virgil (4 C. xii.) Jam veris comifes^ &c., possibly be written in any of the years b. c. 17, 15. the very cancelli within which Bentley has fixed the com- position of the fourih book of Odes ? My answer is this, (and Mr. Clinton thinks it just and satisfactory,) that Horace, after publishing the third book of Odes in i?. c. 23 or 22. had evidently imagined his lyric labours then concluded : nor had he any design, apparently, till called upon by Augustus several years after, to resume the task of the lyre. But in the interval which ensued, what should hinder him when writing a playful and in some peculiar touches (vv. 15, 25.) rather a keen address to Virgil, from using once more the lyric stanza? Its insertion afterwards in the fourth book of Odes was all natural enough : it would else never have been known to exist. For the old Scholiast tells us on the Ode (iv) Qualcm minis- trum, he. Hcec est ecloga propter quam totus hie liher compositus est. And Gesner's sensible remark wlio had no hypothesis to serve, has been already quoted ; cum semel placuisset novum lihrum edere, in emn conjectum esse quidquid ad manus esset. 2. The death of Quintilius Varus Cremonensis, that in- comparable critic and friend, that censor honestus, (A. P. 438. QiiintUio si quid recitares, ^c) to whose integrity of advice and severity of taste the two great poets were so much indebted, is lamented by Horace in a tone of the deepest feeling and regret, 1 C. xxiv. Ad Virgilium, Quis desiderio sit pudor, &c. The year assigned to that event by Hieronymus (F, H. p. 237.) is n. c. 24-. g2 (84) PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. Now as Bentley's allowance of time for the Jirst and second books of Odes runs down as low as b c. 25. the disagree- ment in this solitary example might not be valid (or might not be pleaded) against his chronology. But it is far more candid and ingenuous at once to con- fess, that where any difficulties, created by the details of biography, depend on the authority of Hieronymus alone, I am rather reluctant to submit; partly, because the author of the Fasti Hellenici has himself in cases of that kind de- tected several inaccuracies ; and partly on a more general ground of reasonable doubt. Mistakes in the dates of birth or death, &c. in a distant age, where private persons are concerned, may well be expected and excused ; because without some public event or other to rest upon, such dates must often float loose as it were for want of anchorage. 3. A remarkable instance of error in the biographical dates of Hieronymus, occurs in his account of Lucilius the Poet as born b. c. 148, and as dying in 103. With this date of his birth two well attested facts are grossly at va- riance : the one on the authority of Velleius Paterculus, II. 9, 4. " Celebi'e et Lucilii nomen fuit qui sub P. Africano Numantino bello eqiies militaverat,'"' b.c. 134. in which year Lucilius, so dated, must have been a boy under age ; and the other, told by Horace of his personal friendship, when already known as a bold Satirist, with the younger Scipio, who died in b. c. 129- 2 S. I. G2 — 74. ' Quid ? cum est Lucilius ausus Primus in hiinc operis componere carmina morem, Detralieie et pellem, nitidus qu^ quisque per ora Cederet, introrsum turpis ; num Lselius, et qui Duxit ab oppressa meritum Carthagine nomen, lugenio offensi ? aut Iwso doluere Metello, Famosisque Lupo cooperto versibus ? Atqui Primores populi arripuit populumque tributim; Scilicet uni sequus virtuti atque ejus amicis. Quill ubi se a vulgo et scoua in secreta remorant Virtus Scipiada' et niitis sapieutia La-li; MIKLIMINAUY DISSEKTATIOX. (85) Nugari cum illo, et discincti lii(lt?re, donee Decoqueretiu" olus, soliti. Now all this could never be true of Lucilius, if he had been then, as the calculation would make him, barely in his nineteenth year. Mr. H. F. Clinton is led by these and other considerations to " assume that the birth of Lucilius was a few years earlier, and his death a few years later, than the date of Hierony- mus." Additions and Corrections to Vol. in. given in Vol. I. pp. 426, 7. 4. Still, however, supposing these points in hiography to be cleared up, as we trust they are, yet on the other hand if Bentley*'s Chronology can be any where shown to be in- compatible with well ascertained /«c^« of history, there can be nothing left for us but to surrender at discretion. First of all, however, a very important caveat may well claim to be admitted here. Historical language is precise, direct and plain, free from all question or ambiguity. The allusive language of Poetry^ especially where the Poet's eye is at all frenzied with pride and patriotism, beholds the future in the present and trans- mutes symptoms into successes. On this hint let me have the indulgence to speak. In the year b. c. 20, and not before, F. H.p. 240. (1 E. xviii. B5. Sub duce, qui templis Parthorum signa refigit | Nunc, &c.) the standards of Crassus were actually restored by the Parthians ; that is the declaration of history : but as early as B. c. 34, and long before any thing was effected about the standards, the language of Horace might lead one to sup- pose that satisfaction was even then on the point of being obtained. 2 S. v. 62. Tempore quo juvoiis Parihis hor- rendus .... and in the Ode (2 c. ix.) Noti semper imbres .... more distinctly still. vv. 18— 22. ct potius nova C'antcmus Augusti tropa;a CiBsaris ; et rigidura Nii)haten, (86) PRELIMINAIIV i)issl:htatiox. Medumque fliimen geiitibus additum Victis, minores volvere vortices ; &c. Horace in b. c. 25. at the latest, seems to refer to the great and memorable submission from the East as already ac- quired : and if it be so taken, that date of the Ode cannot be true. But then we know the gall of bitterness in which the Ro- man people for so many years reflected on the disaster of Crassus ; I C. II. 21, 2. Audiet cives acuisse ferrum, Quo graves Persce melius perireiU, &e. 2 C. I. 29 — '62. Quis non Latino sanguine pinguior Campus sepulchris impia prcelia Testatur, auditumque Medis Hesperise sonitum ruinae ? We may imagine the zeal therefore with which the rumours, even of any chance to retrieve that disaster, would be quickly caught up and cherished. Generally speaking, the Koman marched only to conquer ; and an expedition meditated or threatened was a conquest achieved. It is in this light accordingly we understand the prayer of Horace, 1 C. XXXV. 2y — 32. Serves iturum Caesarem in ultimos Orbis Britaunos, et juvenum recens Examen Eois timendum Partibus Oceanoque rubro. and the boast at a later day, but long enough before its ac- complishment, 3 C. V. 1—4. Coelo tonantem credidimus Jovem Regnai'e : praesens Divus habebitur Augustus, adjectis Britannis Imperio gravibusque Persis. History with correct simplicity assures us (F. H. p. 238.) that in b. c. 23. Tiridates being then at Rome, on an em- bassy arriving from Phraate.v, Augustus seized the occasion, rilELIMINAllY DISSERTATION. (87) among other peremptory points, to demand the restitution of the standards : and to the natural expectation of prompt compliance which such a demand would create, Mr. Clinton thinks may be referred the splendid stanza last quoted where hope is at once converted into certainty. Only then allow it probable, that in an earlier year than B. c. 23. some loud and sudden report might arise from similar causes at work in that oriental scene (Geo. ii. 496. Injidos agitans discordia fratres) between the two rival princes, 1 C. XXVI. 5. Quid Tiridaten terreat . . . 2 C. II. 17. Redditum Cyri solio Phraaten . . Allow this probability : and after all, the nova Augusti tropcEa (never literally gained, for no war ensued) may rather have been anticipated by the Poet, than require to be earlier dated by the Chronologist. 5. The localities of Horace are closely entwined with the dates of his writings ; and without much scruple therefore, the following and final qviestion here may be allowed admis- sion, at the close of others more immediately falling under the head of Chronology. 3 C. XIII. O Pons BandusicB, S[c. M. de Chaupy in his Decouverte de la Maison de Cam- pagne d'Horace, a Rome. 1769. T. iii. p. 364. first an- nounced the discovery of the words. . .in Bandiisino fonte apud Ve7iusiam, &c. in a grant from Pope Pascal II. a.d. 1103; and he was not a little proud, after his manner, to demonstrate, that this fountain must have been (and that no other could be) the Pons Bandusise of Horace's Ode. And Mr. Hohhonse in his Illustrations of Lord Byron's Childe Harold, 1818, pp. 42, 3, rather delights in adopting so brilliant a detection. " The Bandusian fountain is not to be looked for in the (88) I'BELIMINAKY DISSERTATION. Sabine valley, but on tbe Lucano-Apulian border where Horace was born. " The vicissitude which placed a Priest on the throne of the Caesars, has ordained that a Bull of Pope Pascal the Second should be the decisive document in ascertaining the site of a fountain which inspired an Ode of Horace." About so minute a concern long disquisitions here would be tedious and unnecessary. For in the first place, Mr. Dunloji's solution (History of Roman Literature. 1828. Vol. III. p. 213.) seems calculated to set the matter at rest very easily. " The probability is, that Horace had named the clearest and loveliest stream of his Sabine retreat, after that fountain which lay in Apulia, and on the brink of which he had no doubt often sported in infancy." And secondly, in confirmation of Mr. Dunlop's conjec- ture, I may be forgiven for inserting part of a Letter of my own on this very point of difficulty, familiarly written in the year 1824. " Let the Fons Bandnsim (now the Fonte Belld) of the Sabine valley, flow on with all its honours ! " For as to the Ode of Horace (3 C. xiii.), it tallies admirably with the idea of his christening what had no name before, after the romantic spring, which had a name, not far from Venusia, and which he had loved when a child." " From 1 E. xvi. 12. Fons etiam i-ivodare nomeu idoneus, you may perhaps gather that this fountain had no name whatever, till Horace gave it one. The rivus lower down was certainly called Digentia.) now Licenza. 1 E. XVIII. 104. Me quoties reficit gelidus Digentia rivus, &c. The classical vcrishinlitndc of my conjecture that Horace called his Sabine fountain, from natural love and liking, PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. (89) after the old s])ring near Vcniisia, you can hardly deny ; if you will but turn to a beautiful part of the third iEneid.*" 302. falsi Simoentis ad undam. 349. 351, Procedo, etparyam Trojam, simulataque magnis Pergama, et areiitem Xanthi cognomine rivurn Agnosco, SccEceque amplector Jimina Portm. BRIEF CHRONOLOGY Before Christ. 65 GO 53 52 49 48 47 46 44 43 42 Year of Horace. 41 12| 13J 16 17 18 19 21 22 23 24 OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF PIORACE. Horace born, 8 Dec. near V^enusia, in the Consulship of Manlius Torquatus His adventure when a child Is carried by his father to Rome for education. His father dies about this time. Battle of Pharsalia. He takes the Toga Virilis. He goes, as to an University, to Athens Cato, at Utica, kills himself Julius Caesar assassinated. Horace leaves Athens, to join the standard of Brutus, as military tribune calidus juventa | Consule Planco ... shares in the defeat at Philippi, and in the con- fiscation that followed His friend Pompeius Varus betakes himself to Sextus Pompeius, then master of Sicily ... In the winter 42 | 41 he returns to Rome, having been nearly shipwrecked off" Cape Palinurus becomes acquainted with Virgil and Varius ; is by them introduced to Maecenas obtains his patronage, and is admitted to his friendship ,.,,., Authorities and allu-^ioiis. 2 S. I. 34, 5. Ep. XIII. 6 3 C. XXI. 1. 4 C. IX. 2. 3 C. IV. 9—20. 1 S. VI. 71 — 6. 2 E. II. 43. 1 C. XII. 35, 6. 1 S. VI. 48. 2 E. II. 46. 3 C. XIV. 27, 8. 2 C. VII. 7—9. 2 E. 11.49—51. 2C. VII. 15. 3 C. IV. 28. 1 S. VI. 54, 5. Ibid. 61,2. Bit IKK c:llKONOH)GY (01) luion 111 HoraOf. ss 36 33 32 31 29 32 Thejirsl Class of his Writings. The first book of Satires. Years of Horace ... xxvi, xxvii,xxviii, R. B. = 25, 26, 27, Fast. Hell, B. c. 40, 39, 38, [37, 362- The second book of Satires. Years of Horace... XXXI, xxxii, XXXIII. R. B. = 30, 31, 32, F. H. B. c. [37, 36,'] 35, 34, 53. In the spring, Horace enjoys the journey to Briuidusi um Is enriched by jNIsecenas with the Sabine estate War renewed with Sextus Pompeius, (dux Neptimius,) his defeat and flight afterwards alluded to Division of lands, towards the close of the Sicilian war ; (in the winter 36 | 35.) The iEdileship of Agrippa 33 34 The book of Epodes. Years of Horace xxxiv, xxxv. R. B. =: 33, 34. F. H. B.C. 32, 31. The war impending betwixt Caesar and Antony Horace desii-es to accompany Maecenas to the war : the battle of Actium, Sept. 2 On the first news of the victory he addresses Maecenas In this year probably Horace rents or buys the Cottage and Garden at Tivoli. AHllioritics Hllll HUu>ioiis. 1 S. V. 2 S. VI. Ep. IX. 7 — 10. 2 S. VI. 55, 6. 2 S. III. 185,6. Ep. VII. Ep. I. Ep. IX. (92) Before Christ. 30 29 27 25 24 23 21 Year of Horace. 35 36 38 40 41 42 44 BRIEF CHRONOLOGY OF THE The second Class of his Writings, The first book of Odes. Years ofHorace...xxxvi, XXXVII, XXXVIII. R.B. = B5, ^Q, 37, F. H. B. c. 30, 29, 28, [27.] The second book of Odes. Years of Horace xl, xli. R. B. = 39. 40, F. H. B. c, [27,] 26, 25. The third book of Odes. Yeats of Horace xlii, xliii. R. B. = 41, 42. F. H. B. c. 24, 23, [22,21.] Death of Antony and Cleopatra End of the civil wars : the Temple of Janus shut. The deliberation about restoring the republic, and that allegory, Owa^J^5re/ere?^L.. composed On the Ides of January (13th) the appellation of Augustus conferred on Caesar : in the following night a storm and inundation, (vid. Append, iv.) Augustus goes into Spain: he appears also to have meditated an expedition to Britain ... After the Cantabrian war, the Temple of Janus shut a second time by Augustus Augustus returns from the war in Spain An Embassy from Parthia : allusion supposed to it M. Lollius, the Elder, Consul : Horace com- pletes his 44th year Autlioritie» and allusiODs. 1 C. xxxvii. 1 C. xiv. 1 C. II. 1 C. xxxv, 30. 4 C. XV. 8, 9. 3 C. XIV. & VIII. 1 E. XVIII. 55, G. 3 C. V. I. 4. 4 C. IX. 1 E. XX. 27, 8. 39. LIFE AND WRITINGS OF HORACE. (93) 20 19 17 15 (if l.irai'i- IS 50 The third Class of Horace's WrUings. The first book of Epistles. Years of Horace xlvi, xlvii. R, B. = 45, 4G. F. H. B.C. [22, 21,] 20, 19, [18.] The Carmen Srecularc, and the fourth book of Odes. Years of Horace xlix, l, li. R. B. = 48, 49, 50. F. H. B.C. [18] 17, IG, 15. The Roman Eagles actually restored from Farthia The Armenians subdued, and the Canlabri finally so. Cantaber Agrippce, Claudi virtute Neronis Armenius cecidit The Epistles iii, viir, ix. written while Tiberius is in the East, and not later than this year. The death of Virgil. Ludi Sceculares, for the fifth time, celebrated. In this year, the Carmen Saeculare, and that prelude to it 4 C. vi. Dhe, quern inolcs... written. Horace marks his 50th year (as 2 C. iv. 23, 4. his 40th) Augustus remains in Gaul ; and reduces the Sicambri. His triumphal return, anticipated by Horace, did not take place till b. c. 13. Tiberius {Major Ncromivi) and Drusus sub- due the Rhseti and the Vindelici Antlicirilh's allu'G. Quem tenues decuere togse nitidique capilli, Quern scis immunem Cinarfc placuisse rapaci, Quem bibulum liquid! medii de luce Falerni, Ccena brevis juvat, et props rivum somnus in herba ; Nee lusisse pudet,sed non incidere ludum. [sc.puderet.] For a specimen of his company and the preparations for their entertainment, that delightful Epistle to Torquatus (1 E. V. Si potes Archiacis . . . ) happily supplies so much of particular and interesting description ; that it may be as well to present the following extracts to the reader's eye. vv. 4— (J. Vina bibes iterum Tauro diffusa palustres Inter Minturnas Sinuessanumque Petrinuni. Sin melius quid habes, arcesse, vel imperium fer. V. 7. Jamdudum splendet focus, et tibi munda %VL^e\\ex V'-'. f( — II. eras nato Caesare festus Dat veniam somnumque dies; impune licebit jEstivam sermone benigno tendere noctem. vv. 21 — 26. Haec ego procurare et idoneus imperor, et non Invitus ; ne turpe toral, ne sordida mappa Corrnget nares ; ne non et cantharus et lanx Ostendat tibi te_; ne fides inter amicos Sit qui dicta foras eliminet ; ut coe'at par Jungaturque pari. Here fii-st of all we have an example of good-natured arrangement proposed betwixt the host and his principal guest : " you liear what kind of wine I profess to give : if houack's FAJdiLixiii day. (l^t)l) you have any better, order it to my house : [arcessc— ^(Z me. Vet. Schol.] or be content with what I offer you.'' With Virgil again we shall find him playfully bargaining to produce a finer and costlier wine on condition of his friend's bringing to the dinner a richer perfume. (The costliness of unguents in that age may be estimated by their being one of the common causes of ruin to the vain and the gay. 1 E. xviii. 22. Gloria quem supra vires et vescit et imguit.) 4 C. XII. 17, 18. Nardi parvus onyx eliciet caduin, Qui nunc Sulpiciis accubat horreis. Catullus on the contrary (xiii. Ccenahis bene, mi Fa- bulle, apud me) offers the very choicest perfume to Fabul- lus, if he will bring the materials of a good dinner along with him. Another variety of good fellowship is presented to us in that Ode 3 C. xtx. Quantum distet ah Inaclio . . . where the Poet incidentally gives the principal requisites of a dinner, for which the richest wine was to be pvirchased at the common expense, Quo Chium pretio cadum | Mercemur: what friend's house was to have the preference, Quo pra?- bente domum ; and as it was a day in winter, the provision of a warm room against an assigned hour, Qutoa [ Pelignis caream frigoribus ; form other points of consideration. The words, Quis aquani temperet ignibus, in such a context can bear but one meaning, that on a wintry day they would naturally mingle hot water with their wine. The " calidae gclida?quc minister" of Juvenal (S. v. 63.) would have had but half his province on a day like that in the very depth of winter. The 7th line of the Epistle Jamdudum ... forcibly reminds one of the Ode to Maecenas, (3 C. xxix.) by that expressive word, but still more by contrast in the preparation there made by the Poet to receive his patron. vv. 2 — 5. Non ante verso lenc merum cailo Cum flore, I\Ii>.y!pov esse patiuntur, Varro alicubi (dc R. R. 1, 2, 5.) vocat diem dijfindere in- siticio somno.'''' Muret. 0pp. T. i. p. 530. [Ed. Ruhnken.] An oft quoted i)assage from TuUy presents us with several curious particulars in a very small compass, the lucnhratio relinquished and the meridiatio adopted, b. c. 44. during his stay in the country. Nunc quidem propter intermissionem forensis operse, et lucubrationcs detraxi, et meridiationes addidi, quibus uti antca non solcbam. — 2 De Divinat. 142. (121) APPENDIX IV. ON AUGUSTUS CESAR AND THE SECOND ODE, JAM SATIS TERRIS. The notion of this well-known poem having been written on account of the prodigies which followed the assassination of Julius Caesar, it is hardly necessary to refute ; if it be but for a moment recollected, that Horace himself was at Athens in that year (b. c. 44.) and in the following years was serving under Brutus, as trihunus militum. The argu- ment of Sanadon, (following up a suggestion of Dacier,) who grounds it on facts recorded by Dio, seems to afford as complete a satisfaction perhaps, as such a question in this age can well admit. That historian informs us, (L. liii. 16, 20.) that in the night of that day, the Ides of January, b. c. 27, on which the high appellation of Augustus was conferred on Octa- vianus Caesar, the Tiber swollen (after a thunderstorm pro- bably enough) overflowed the lower parts of Rome with a tremendous inundation. Whatever prognostic of Augus- tus''s future greatness might, if Dio reports it aright, be formed by soothsayers, Horace appears to have been led into a very different train of sombre reflection. He construes that awful visitation into a divine call for new measures to expiate the accumulated guilt of so continued a civil war. Scelus expiare (it is most justly remarked by Gesner) — hie non est punire interfectores Caesaris ; hoc olim factum erat, satisque parcntatum illi sanguine tot hominum : scd purgare a scclerc, ab impietate bcllorum civilium, rem})ub- licam, et pace firmare atque concordia. Haec res cum hu- (122) APPENDIX IV. manis viribus major videatur, Deorum alicui negotium uti det Jupiter, rogant Romani, ut Apollini, &c. Thus interpreted, the only passage which might subject Horace to any charge of seeming to prompt vindictive severity against his own comrades at Phihppi, falls to the ground ; and the sentiments which he expresses on other occasions at that period of his life, will be found in perfect harmony with the explication here given. In the Ode before us, his lamentation embraces all parties, v. 21. Audiet cives acuisse ferrum, &c. and similarly in that Ode, 2 C. i. beginning Motum ex Metello consule civicum, the language is quite impartial ; vv. 4, 5. Arma \ Nondum expiatis uncta cruoribus. and vv, 29—31. Quis non Latino sanguine pinguior Campus sepulchris impia prcelia Testatur, &c. . . . while the concluding stanzas of 1 C. xxxv. 33 — 40. Elieu ! cicatricum . . . ferrum. appeal to a religious kind of feeling, deeply characteristic, which at that time prevailed ; that in atoning for any domestic national crime the great healing course was to do their country service by hazarding life against its unconquercd foes. The most dreadful example of such a principle operating is supphed by Tacitus, Annal. i. 49. who in that well-known narrative tells us, how, after the ringleaders of the mutiny had been massacred by their fellow soldiers as a test of their return to duty, the surviving perpetrators of the deed in- stantly conceived this wild turn of enthusiasm. Truces ctiam tum animos cupido involat eundi in hostem, pkiculum furoris: nee alitcr posse placari commilitonum ON AUGUSTUS C^SAU. (123) manes, quam si pcctoribus impiis lioncsta vulncra accc])is- scnt. We may now return to Augustus so entitled ; first how- ever premising, that a title like that, of sacred majesty, was not likely at the first to be given as his designation in common. Accordingly, even in the second book of Odes it occurs once only, (2 C. ix. 19, 20.) and that in conjunction with the name CcBsar: in the third book, only once alone (3 C. V. 3.) and that in a very peculiar context. But in pro- gress of years, as might be expected, the Epistles and the fourth book of Odes show it to have then become familiar enough to stand alone as a personal appellation in the lan- suaffc of verse. Let this rather minute detail serve for the correction of a slight error and oversight in Bentley, (De Temporibus, § 6,) while it is impossible not to acknowledge some confirmation thus afforded to his general theory. It can hardly be necessary here to remark, that several of the Poet's allusive meanings, clear enough at the time, especially those on matters of state, have from the studious delicacy of his language since vanished into thin air. The famous Ode, 1 C. xiv. O navis, referent ... adduced by Quintilian as a good example of allegory, has found an in- genious solution (the only one at all consistent with our chronology or with probability otherwise) in this happy con- jecture of Sanadon ; that it owed its birth to that critical season (b. c. 29.) when Csesar held deliberation with Agrippa and Maecenas, whether to retain or resign the sovereignty, whether to hazard or not the safety of the com- monwealth by restoring the republic. Horace, we may well believe, was determined by his honest feelings on the side of tranquillity after such a scries of storms. And his own words, (124) APPENDIX IV. vv. 17, IS. Nuper solicitum quae mihi taedium, Nunc desideriura curaque non levis, sufficiently indicate, that during the years of civil discord he had known only distress and anxiety, while in the calm repose which he now might enjoy, the deepest affections of his heart found their natural anchorage. Nor can I deny the tribute of assent and admiration to Sanadon's mode of interpreting, vv. 11, 12. Quamvis Pontica pinus, Sylvae filia nobilis, in reference to the Trojan origin of Jloman glory; while by the line, V. 10. Non Dii quos itemm pressa voces malo, Horace beautifully intimates, that after such repeated mer- cies nothing more could now be expected, if they would ventiu-e out to sea again. Thus far then we deny any thing whatsoever like adula- tion to Augustus Caesar, or political apostacy, in the writings of Horace. On the other hand, while no proof exists of deep and remarkable attachment ever cherished to the party of Brutus, it is gratifying to observe, that, so long as the remembrance of Philippi retained any freshness about it, Horace not only abstains from any hint of reprobation thrown upon the cause itself, (in fact he never did so reflect upon it,) but speaks in the most guarded and delicate man- ner, where the mention of that name might have suggested a compliment to Augustus as the leader of a party. In that interesting Ode to Pompeius Varus, 2 C. vii. 9—12. Tecum Philippos et celerem fugam Sensi, relicta non bene parmula ; C'uin fracta virtus, et minaces Turpe solum tetigere mento. ON AUGUSTUS C^I^-SAK. (125) what clso do we read, but that those followers of Ignitus, youn