UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 AT LOS ANGELES
 
 "f r. 6 5 
 
 « 

 
 Fojf.sj 
 
 "Wi- mii.sf l)<> lh't'or<lii-.uh(>s])«ikiht.- tuinjue That Suakspeakt. spake :tliolaithaailmoonals hold 
 Will. 1 1 Mii.ru N- lii-kLJucwivihiiiOweaiv spnino Of Earfi's first Idood.liave titles maaitoliL. — '" 
 
 Riii/fiivi-il n>r ifti- E-tinionliiinrv /i/fif^' Book fhnni (JriiiiiuiJs l^v Bsrcy Rohei-fs . 
 
 v. I- I-IM :|I.\.M Wll.siiv:. KOV.M. 1'.\"<11.\N(;|:. i.o vnoN. IL' ^." MAi; in .!«."> 2.
 
 I 
 
 -^"^^ CBu^JU^n, 
 
 EXTRAORDINARY 
 
 BI.ACII: BOOK: 
 
 AN EXPOSITION OF ABUSES 
 
 IN 
 
 CHURCH AND STATE, 
 
 COURTS OF LAW, REPRESENTATION, 
 i^uiuctpal anti iCorpotatc 3(>otiie0; 
 
 WITH A raiiCIS OF 
 
 THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, 
 
 PAST, PRESF,^T, AND TO COMt. 
 
 a |irU) (jJUition, 
 
 (ircally enlarged and concctid to the present time. 
 
 BY THE ORIGINAL EDITOR. 
 
 LONDON : 
 
 ruiiLisiiiin ]5Y 
 EFFINGHAM WILSON, ROYAL EXCHANCiK. 
 
 M DCCCXN \ I [. 
 
 ^ r: n Q ^^
 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 MARCHANT, PRINTER, INGRAM-t OVRT.
 
 D ADVERTISEMENT TO THE NEW EDITION 
 
 fO. 
 
 ,1 
 
 The rapid sale of a large impression of The J3lack Book has 
 speedily afforded an opportunity for again subjecting it to severe 
 revision, and this it has undergone in every department. Besides 
 improving the arrangement, the Lists of Places, Pensions, and 
 Pluralists have been carefully corrected, and the illustrative 
 notes revised. The reductions in salaries and allowances, the 
 settlement of the Civil List, and other economical arrange- 
 ments of Ministers, either actually effected, or in contemplation, 
 have been noticed. 
 
 Besides correction, many parts have been greatly enlarged, as 
 those on the Church, Legal Sinecures, the Bank of England, 
 and East-India Company ; in the former a section has been 
 added on the Numbers, Wealth, and Educational Efficiency of the 
 Dissenters ; and in the last have been comprised the chief facts 
 and considerations involved in the approaching renewal of the 
 charters of these two powerful associations. In addition, several 
 new chapters have been introduced on subjects of immediate 
 national interest; one on the Origin and Present State of Cor- 
 porations IN Cities and Towns, and on Companies, 
 Guilds and Fraternities : these form branches of the 
 ancient institutions of the countiy, and an account of them was 
 essential to the completeness of our work. A chapter has been 
 added on the Principles of Finance, Abuses in the Government 
 Expenditure, and the Workings of Taxation. Also a Precis 
 of the House of Commons, Past, Present, and to Come; with 
 details illustrative of the Reform Bill, and the jjreseut state of 
 parties and opinions.
 
 i V A I) V P. li 'I- 1 s 1-. M F. N r r o III I : n i: w f, n it i o n" . 
 
 Til llic AiM'F.NUix will 1k'. found many new articles and tal)les 
 of value, as those on the Ecclesiastical Patronage of the Nobility 
 —the House of Lords— Inns of Court— Church Rates— Trinity 
 College— Colonial Statistics —Civil Contingencies — Remarks 
 on the Reports on Irish Tithes— Commissioners of Sewers- 
 Lay and Clerical Magistrates, &,c. 
 
 Notwithstanding our anxiety to be correct, we cannot be sure 
 that in every case we have succeeded. Our work is an assem- 
 blage of facts and principles, and it would be wonderful, if, in so 
 great a number, some errors had not escaped vigilance. Of 
 errors of intention we know we are guiltless ; of those which 
 have originated in the inaccuracy of the official returns and 
 other sources of information on which we have relied, we cannot 
 be so confident. 
 
 All parliamentary and public documents, whatever could 
 throw light on the Ecclesiastical Establishments, the Civil List 
 and Hereditary Revenues, the Courts of Law and Judicial Ad- 
 ministration, the Aristocracy, Public Offices, Funding System, 
 Public Revenue, Pensions, Sinecures, and other departments of 
 our work, have been consulted. Our object has been an lionest 
 one, and we have sought to attain it by honest means : nothing 
 has been exaggerated, nor has a single fact been wilfully mis- 
 stated ; w'e needed not the aid of falsehood, our case being 
 strong enough without it, and we refer to the references on our 
 pages to attest the veracity of our sources of intelligence. The 
 statements we have made we shall at all times be ready to 
 defend, but cannot answer for those which have been mis- 
 takenly imputed to us. It has unfortunately happened, either 
 from similarity of name or other circumstance, many represen- 
 tations have been placed to our account with wliicli we had 
 nothino- in common, and of which any one mioht be comanced 
 by reference to our publication. In a high quarter we have 
 been most unjustly aspersed : we believe it was unintentional ; 
 but, consistently wath honour, atonement ought to liave been
 
 ADVKUTISK.MKNT TO Till; Nr.\\ r. I) IT ION. V 
 
 made by open acknowledoement in the sunu; place when; the 
 injury was inflicted. Instead of exaggeration we have kan.-tl 
 to an opposite course ; whenever we had doubts, fioin tlie ali- 
 sence of authentic information, about the correctness nf a 
 statement, we omitted it altogether : if, in the statements of the 
 emoluments of individuals, the errors on the side of rtdnii(lancy 
 were compared with those of dejick'ncy, we know— and many 
 names inscribed on our pages know too — which would picpuii- 
 derate. These, however, are the evils of a dav, while the good 
 we have done will be lasting. By the improvement of the Game 
 Laws the Aristocracy have torn out one leaf from our pages ; 
 when, in like manner, they have torn out the rest, our labours 
 will cease — and not till then. 
 
 IVie Black Book is the Encyclopedia of English j^olitics for 
 the Georgian era, and will last as long as the abuses it exposes 
 shall endure. It was, originally, brought out in periodical 
 numbers twelve years ago, and laboured under the disad- 
 vantages incident to that mode of jjublication. Defective as 
 the publication was, it excited unusual interest; though ill- 
 arranged, roui2,h in manner, and incorrect in matter, it con- 
 tained a striking development of Oligarchical abuse, and thus 
 fixed the attention of the public. It was oftentimes reprinted, 
 and upwards of 14,000 copies were sold, almost witlumt the 
 expense of advertisement, or any of those helps from literary 
 notices which are usually deemed essential to give celebrity to 
 the productions of the press. In the edition of last year an 
 endeavour was made to remedy the defects of tlie iii"st under- 
 taking; in this we Hatter oiu'selves the task has been marly 
 completed. 
 
 The object of the Editor at first was, and now has been, to 
 show the manifold abuses of an unjust and oppressive syst»'ni ; 
 to show the dire calamities it has inflicted on the country, ami 
 by what ramifications of influence it has been supported. 
 
 Government has been a corporation, and had the ^mw 
 interests and the same principles of action a> mono|)oli^t-. It
 
 VJ ADVERTISEMKN T TO THE NEW EDITION. 
 
 has been supported by other corp<jrations; the Church has been 
 one, the Afj;riculturists another; the Boroughs a third, the 
 East-India Company a fourth, and the Bank of England a 
 fifth: all these, and interests like these, constituted the citadel 
 and out-works of its strength, and the first object of each has 
 been to shun investigation. We have, however, rent the vail ; 
 those who before doubted may, if they please, come and see, 
 and be convinced. 
 
 In lieu of the old system we are told a new one is in pro- 
 gress of being substituted ; intelligence, not patronage, is to 
 form the pivot of public authority : the idea is a grand one, — it is 
 worthy of the age, and we wait in hope to see it practically 
 reahzed. 
 
 In conclusion we must observe that many opinions have 
 been introduced, from which, we doubt not, our readers will 
 dissent; we regret this, but it is unavoidable. Our object has 
 been Truth, not to compromise with error, nor knowingly 
 pander to any prejudice, aristocratic or democratic. We have 
 an aversion to war, foreign and domestic ; nor do we love 
 spoliation either on the part of the People or their Rulers. The 
 land is full of miseries; we share them not, neither do we 
 profit by them; but it is the impulse of our nature to wish to 
 see them alleviated. In place of a bad government we wish a 
 good one substituted ; for it is not individuals, but the power of 
 the State, directed by intelligence, which must administer to 
 the maladies of a nation. And even wisdom and good inten- 
 tions, without co-operation on the part of the community, would 
 be unavailing. Public disorders of long standing and ex- 
 tremely complicated require deliberation as well as remedial 
 applications. But while we crave indulgence for an Admi- 
 nistration we believe patriotic, it must be an indulgence 
 accompanied with constant watchfulness, and even suspicion, 
 on the part of the People. 
 
 March I6th, 1832.
 
 ADDRESS TO THE NEW EDITION. 
 
 [ N our Dedication, written about a twelvemonth since, we ex- 
 pressed a want of confidence in the Whig Ministry. In the 
 interval they have gained on our esteem. They mean well, but 
 the difficulties they have to surmount are great. Arrayed 
 against them are all the interests identified with public abuses, 
 and which have so long flomished by the ruin of the country ; 
 but they must be compelled to yield. The People are quiescent; 
 it is the quiescence of hope : should doubt prevail, they will 
 rise in their might and scatter the band — the factious band that 
 would interpose its selfish ends between the weal of twenty-four 
 millions of persons. 
 
 The People have nobly done their duty, and Ministers must do
 
 Vni ADDHF.SS TO 11 IT. NKW KDITION. 
 
 theirs. In the words of their chief, they are individually pledged 
 to the Reform Bill; it is the tenure of administration. They 
 know their power; and to have held office so long without the 
 weans and determination to accomplish the public wish, would 
 have been basely perfidious, — it would have been treachery to the 
 nation. Their honour is bound up in the Bill — our patriotic 
 Monarch is faithful — the People are unanimous — and it must be 
 carried in all its integrity. Every interest in the empire is 
 abased, shaken, or powerless, except that of Reform, and it 
 must triumph : it is essential to the harmony of the Constitution 
 and the peace of the community. 
 
 Hitherto, in their domestic policy, Ministers have claims on 
 the confidence of the public. In Ireland they have endeavoured 
 to substitute national interests and toleration, for the reign of 
 factions and religious feuds. They have not fomented plots, 
 nor sought by new laws to abridge popular liberties. They have 
 entered on the Augean stable of judicial abuses. They have 
 cut down a part of our enormous establishments; they have 
 even touched their own salaries, and meditate further reductions. 
 In the work of economy has consisted their greatest difficulty; 
 it tends to generate opposition and discontent among those who 
 ought to be their servants, and, by impairing future prospects, 
 dilutes the zeal of mercenary supporters ; but it has conciUated 
 the esteem of the People.
 
 ADDUESS TO THE NEW EDITION, ix 
 
 Abroad they have maintained peace and leaned to the side of 
 constitutional governments. The battle of continental freedom 
 is not yet won. A terrible phalanx is couched in the North and 
 East, which waits only the acquiescence or neutrality of this 
 country to open a new crusade against liberal institutions. 
 While England and France are united, the hordes of Tyrants will 
 not break from their ambush. Englishmen are awake ! Feudal 
 pretexts of national rivalry and hereditary hate will not excite 
 hostile feelings towards a nation with which so many interests 
 in common ought to unite them in amicable bonds. They 
 lightly appreciate the Aberdeen school of foreign politics ; they 
 will not again suffer the produce of industiy to be squandered 
 and future calamities entailed in support of aristocratic wars, 
 — ^in support of wars to defend Misrule at home and Despotism 
 abroad ! 
 
 So long as Ministers pursue national objects, they will be sup- 
 ported. They have opposed to them only that delinquent 
 Muster-roll with whose names are associated every lavish grant 
 — every attack on public liberty — every insolence of authority 
 for the last forty years. That they should be vanquished by a 
 set Uke this, when supported by the People, is impossible. 
 While, however, we seek for them popular aid, it is, we repeat, 
 an aid accompanied with unceasing vigilance. Government is
 
 X ADDRESS TO THE NEW EDITION. 
 
 power, and its agents will luxuriate in the enjoyment without 
 strict responsibility. Its inherent tendency is to abuse, not to 
 improvement. Individuals are slow to reform without impera- 
 tive motives ; governments are still more reluctant : they are 
 always prompt to bequeath the redemption of their follies to 
 their successors ; while posterity has cause to lament that 
 justice has not been contemporary with guilt. 
 
 March 17th, 1832.
 
 DEDICATION TO THE PEOPLE. 
 
 1^ the People our labours may be fitly inscribed — they are the 
 tribunal of last resort, — also the victims of Misrule, — and to 
 them, therefore, may be properly dedicated a record of the 
 abuses from which they have long suffered, and of the means 
 by which they may be alleviated. 
 
 All the blessings the nation ought to enjoy have been inter- 
 cepted, — the rewards of industry, science, and virtue have been 
 dissipated in iniquitous wars abroad — at home, in useless es- 
 tablishments, in Oligarchical luxury, folly, and profusion. 
 
 If we wanted proof of misgovemment — of incapacity and tur- 
 pitude — Ireland affords a frightful example: it is not Mr. O'Con- 
 nell who causes her agitation ; he is only one of the fruits of 
 Tyranny, — an effect, not the cause, of the disorders, which have 
 originated in the neglect of her vast resources, in an unemployed 
 population, an absentee proprietary, and a plundering church. 
 To the wretchedness of Ireland, England is fast approaching, and
 
 Ml DEDICATION. 
 
 just as little from the cflbrts of individual disturbers. It is not 
 the manufacturing, but the agricultural districts which are now 
 excited ; these have always formed the exclusive domain of 
 the Clergy and Aristocracy ; — the rural population is exactly 
 Avhat tithes, game-laws, the countiy magistracy, Church-of- 
 Englandism, and a luxurious and non-resident priesthood have 
 made them. And what do we behold ? The people have risen 
 against their pastors and landlords, and have resorted to nightly 
 ovitrage and revenge — the last resort of the oppressed for wrongs 
 for which neither remedy nor inquiry has been vouchsafed. 
 
 We are not of the number of those who inculcate patient 
 submission to undeserved oppression. A iavourite toast of Dr. 
 Johnson was, " Success to an insurrection of the Blacks !" 
 Shall we say — Success to the rising of the Whites ! We 
 should at once answer yes, did w'e not think some measures 
 would be speedily adopted to mitigate the bitter privations and 
 avert the further degradation of the labouring classes. 
 
 A new era, we are told, is about to commence : — no more 
 liberticide wars — no more squanderings of the produce of in- 
 dustry in sinecures and pensions — and, above all, reform is to 
 be conceded. We wait in patience. Our diseases are manifold 
 and require many remedies, but the last is the initiative of all 
 the rest, involving at once the destruction of partial interests — 
 of monopolies, corn-laws, judicial abuse, unequal taxation, — 
 and giving full weight and expression to the general weal and 
 intelligence. If Ministers are honest, they deserve and will 
 require all the support the People can give them to overturn a 
 system which is the reverse : if they are not, they will be soon 
 passed under the ban of their predecessors, with the additional
 
 DF.DICATIOX. Xiri 
 
 infamy of having deceived by pledges which they never meant 
 to redeem. We have hope, but no confidence. 
 
 Pubhc opinion, and not Parharaent, is omnipotent; it is 
 that vvhicli has effected all the good which has been accom- 
 plished, and it is that alone which must effect the remainder. 
 Unfortunately, Government can never be better constituted 
 than it is for the profit of those who share in its administration ; 
 they have no interest in change, and their great maxims of rule 
 are, — first, to concede nothing, so long as it can with safety be 
 refused ; secondly, to concede as little as possible ; and, lastly, 
 only to concede that little when every pretext for delay and 
 postponement has been exhausted. Such are the arcana of 
 those from whom reform is to proceed, and it is unnecessary to 
 suggest the watchfulness, unanimity, and demonstrations by 
 which they must be opposed. 
 
 Some of the Ministers are honest — they are all ingenious, 
 and, no doubt, will have an ingenious plan, with many in- 
 genious arguments for its support, concocted for our acceptance, 
 — a plan with many convolutions, cycles, and epicycles — and, 
 perhaps, endeavour to substitute the shadow for the substance ! 
 But it will avail them nothing ; the balance is deranged, and it 
 must be adjusted by a real increase of democratic power. The 
 remedy, too, nmst be one of immediate action, not of gradual 
 incorporation ; it must not be patch-work — no disfranchising of 
 non-resident voters — the transfer of the right of voting to 
 great towns — the lessening of election expenses — and stufl" of 
 that sort. Such tinkering will not merit discussion, and would 
 leave the grievance ])rccisely in its original state.
 
 XIV DliDlCA riON. 
 
 We have fully stated our views on the subject in the con- 
 cluding article of our work : by their accomplishment a real 
 reform would be obtained, and all good would follow in their 
 train. Our last wishes are, that the People, to whom we 
 dedicate our labours, will be firm — united — and persevering ; 
 and, rely upon it, we are on the eve of as great a social re- 
 generation as the destruction of Feudality, the abasement of 
 Popery, or any other of the memorable epochs which have 
 signalized the progress of nations. 
 
 February 1st, 1831.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 
 Advertisement to the New Edition ■> iii 
 
 Address to the New Edition • vii 
 
 Dedication to the People ' xi 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 Introduction : — Christianity peculiarly the worship of the people 1 
 
 Conduct of public men in respect of religious institutions 2 
 
 Tyburn or Tartarus the needful moral restraint of some persons • • 3 
 England — the only country to which ecclesiastical reform has not 
 
 extended , 4 
 
 The un-Christian conduct of the established Clergy — supporters of 
 aristocratic wars — favourable to the African slave-trade — not 
 favourable to education — not given to charity — and communi- 
 cate little useful knowledge to the people 6 
 
 Religious opinions determined by education • 8 
 
 Division of the subject • 9
 
 XVI CONTENTS. 
 
 I. OniGIN AND TENUUF, OF CIIUKCII morr.UTY. 
 
 Origin and fourfold division of tithes 10 
 
 New disposition of ecclesiastical property at the Reformation • • • • 13 
 
 Church property proved to be public property from legislative acts 16 
 
 Eagle's Legal Argument on tithes 17 
 
 Tenure of the clergy — same as other public functionaries 18 
 
 Clergy, tenants -at-will, may be ejected by their parliamentary 
 
 landlords - 19 
 
 II. PATUOXAGE OF THE CIIUUCII. 
 
 Dr. Lushington's error in considering advowsons private property 19 
 
 Evasion of the laws against simony 20 
 
 Jews and Infidels may select persons for the Gospel ministiy • • • • 20 
 
 Instance of sale advowsons 21 
 
 Patronage among the bishops, the king, aristocracy, and gentry. • 21 
 
 Recommendations of the present bishops to promotion 23 
 
 Examples of perversion of patronage by bishops Sparke, Sutton, 
 
 and Pretyman ' * 24 
 
 Clerical monopoly illustrated by examples 28 
 
 Number of the clergy and number of preferments shared among 
 
 them 30 
 
 Singular division of parochial benefices into pluralities 30 
 
 More than one-third of incumbents pluralists 31 
 
 III. — SIXECUUISM. — NON-KESIDENCE.— PLURALITIES. 
 
 CHURCH DISCIPLINE. 
 
 Uncouth habiliments and dress of the clergy • • • • 32 
 
 Duties of the several orders of clergy 33 
 
 Discoveries of Mr. AV right on church discipline • 34 
 
 Pretexts of the clergy for non-residence 35 
 
 Parsons' indemnity bill • 39 
 
 Dr. Johnson's employment before he received a pension 40 
 
 Primate Sutton's principle of church government 41 
 
 Tlie priestly motto on Lambeth window '• 41
 
 CONTENTS. XVll 
 
 IV. REVENUES OF THE ESTABLISHED CHURCH. 
 
 Suggestions for an authentic return of ecclesiastical revenues • • • • 42 
 
 Examples of increase in value of church propert)' 43 
 
 Quarterly Re^-iew's estimate of church revenues ■^ ■- • • 45 
 
 Estimate of value of sees from authentic data 47 
 
 Lectureships, public charities, surplice fees, new churches, and 
 
 other sources of clerical income 48 
 
 General Statement of church revenues, from tithe, church fees, &c. 52 
 
 Revenues of the church monopolized by 7694 individuals 53 
 
 Impositions practised in repect of poor livings 55 
 
 Question briefly stated — Bishops, Dignitaries, and Aristocratic Plu- 
 
 ralists, chiefly engross church income 5Q 
 
 Church of England without Poor Clergy, unless it be curates • • • • 58 
 Proportion in which revenues are divided among the several orders 
 
 of clergy 58 
 
 Observations on unequal division of ecclesiastical revenues 59 
 
 Comparative cost of Church of England and other churches 63 
 
 V. — RAPACITY OF THE CLERGY EXEMPLIFIED. 
 
 Conduct of the rich clergy in respect of First Fruits 64 
 
 Rapacious claims of the London clergy 67 
 
 True policy of the church expounded 70 
 
 Conduct of the clergy in respect of tithe compositions 71 
 
 Dean and chapter of Ely's rapacious claim 71 
 
 Mode suggested for retaliating on the clergy 72 
 
 VI. — ORIGIN AND DEFECTS OF THE CHURCH LITURGY. 
 
 Dr. Middleton's researches in church history • • • • 73 
 
 Similarity of Catholic and Church of England worship 74 
 
 Opposite conduct of Whigs and Tories in respect of religion 75 
 
 Defects in the book of Common Prayer 76 
 
 Church Catechism 77 
 
 Strange mode of ordaining priests 78 
 
 Preference of church service to the random out-pourings of the 
 
 conventicle 79 
 
 b
 
 XVlll CONTENTS, 
 
 VII. — NUMBERS, AVEALTII, MORAL AND EDUCATIONAL 
 EFFICIENCY OF THE DISSENTERS. 
 
 Dissenters, like Roman slaves, never numbered - 79 
 
 Number of places of worship and attendants • 80 
 
 Comparison of moral and educational efficiency of Separatists and 
 
 Episcopalians • 81 
 
 A Dissenter's reasons for tbe non-payment of tithe 83 
 
 Tabular statement of religious denominations in England 85 
 
 VIII. WHO WOULD BE BENEFITED BY ECCLESIASTICAL 
 
 REFORM ? 
 
 Church reform benefit the many and injure a few 86 
 
 Unfitness of the Clergy for secular functions 86 
 
 Unequal extent of benefices 87 
 
 Tithes should be commuted for an equivalent assessment on landlords 88 
 
 Opinions of Lord Brougham, Burke, Watson, and Paley, on tithes 89 
 
 Rights of lay-impropriators examined •• '91 
 
 Ought compensation to be allowed for Church Patronage ? 91 
 
 Necessity of religious worship of some kind 92 
 
 Scotch example of church reformation 93 
 
 Example of Dissenters and Americans 94 
 
 Puerile attempts of the Bishops to save the church 95 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Alphabetic List of Bishops, Dignitaries, and Plu- 
 
 RALISTS of THE CliURCH OF ENGLAND 96 
 
 Valuation of Sees and Dignities in the King's Book 131 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 CHURCH OF IRELAND. 
 
 Ireland, an illustration of Oligarchical government 138 
 
 A more revolting spectacle of ecclesiastical abuse than England • • 139 
 
 Irish proprietary mistake their true policy 1 39 
 
 Extent of acres appertaining to the Irish sees 140
 
 CONTENTS. XIX 
 
 Wealth bequeathed to their families by the bishops 142 
 
 Biographical notice of the late bishop Warburton 143 
 
 Injurious tendency of Act for composition of tithes 144 
 
 Pluralities, unions, and extent of benefices 145 
 
 Statement of sums to be paid in lieu of tithes in several parishes, 
 
 the names of incumbents and patrons • 148 
 
 Return of parishes whi-ch have compounded, and total amount of 
 
 lay and clerical tithes • 1 52 
 
 Ministers' money and church fees • 153 
 
 Estiijiate of the revenues of the Protestant establishment 154 
 
 Number of clergy among Avhom the revenues are divided 1 54 
 
 Constitution of the Deans and Collegiate Chapters 1 55 
 
 Eight hundred and fifty individuals possess 3195 ecclesiastical 
 
 offices 157 
 
 Tabular statement of church patronage 158 
 
 Non-residence of bishops and parochial clergy 160 
 
 Oppressiveness of the Tithe System illustrated 163 
 
 Appointment of tithe committee in the House of Lords • 164 
 
 Proportion of Roman Catholics and Protestants 166 
 
 State stipends paid to Dissenters — origin of Regium Donuiyi • • • • 169 
 
 Management of the first fruits fund 170 
 
 Return of promotions in the Irish church 1 72 
 
 Intolerance of the church towards Dissenters and Catholics 176 
 
 Crisis of the Irish church at the close of 1831 179 
 
 General conclusions on the United Church of England and Ireland 182 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 REVENUES OF THE CROWN. 
 
 Delusion practised in respect of the crown revenues • . • 1 84 
 
 Origin and history of the crown lands 1 86 
 
 Abuses in the management of the landed revenues 1 89 
 
 Amount and appropriation of landed revenues 192 
 
 Expenditure on Regent-street, Charing-cross, Windsor Castle, &c. 193 
 
 Pickings from palace jobs 1 93 
 
 Official statement of income and expenditure of landed revenues- . 194 
 
 A 2
 
 XX CONTENTS. 
 
 Estimate of the value of crown lands 195 
 
 Sale of them recommended 196 
 
 Droits of the crown and admiralty 197 
 
 Origin of and examples of application qf produce of admiralty 
 
 droits 197 
 
 Four-and-a-half per cent. Leeward Island duties 202 
 
 Expended in parliamentary jobbing — Burke's pension 203 
 
 Curious expedient of Tory ministers for raising a jobbing fund • • 205 
 
 West-India church establishment 205 
 
 Scotch hereditary revenues 207 
 
 Gibraltar duties — duchies of Cornwall — escheats — fines — and 
 
 penalties 208 
 
 Statement of produce of hereditary revenues of the crown 210 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 CIVIL LIST. 
 
 King's household — its Gothic origin — and expensive establishment 212 
 Departments of the lord chamberlain, lord steward, and master of 
 
 the horse 213 
 
 Origin of the privy-purse and court pension-list 215 
 
 Publication of the court pension-list 216 
 
 Civil list allowance augmented a quarter of a million in 1 820 • • • • 217 
 
 Civil lists of George III. and George IV. 218 
 
 Settlement of civil list of William IV. 219 
 
 Remarks on the Whig civil list 221 
 
 Royal debts and expenditure during the two last reigns 221 
 
 Total expenditure from accession of Geo. III. to the death of Geo. 
 
 IV. one hundred millions 225 
 
 The King exempt from taxes —a court and levee 266 
 
 Policy and character of the two late reigns 228 
 
 Peculiar death of Geo. IV. and his chief counsellors • • • 234 
 
 Civil list accounts 235 
 
 Return of the incomes of the royal family 237 
 
 Expenditure on Windsor Castle and Buckingham Palace 238 
 
 Ancient payments out of English, Scotch, and Irish civil lists, 
 
 Avith illustrative notes • • • • i 239
 
 CONTENTS. XXl 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 PRIVY COUNCIL— DIPLOMATIC MISSIONS— AND 
 CONSULAR ESTABLISHMENTS. 
 
 Number and constitution of the king's privy council 244 
 
 Sir James Graham's motion on the emoluments of privy counsellors 245 
 
 Ambassadors and diplomatic missions 247 
 
 Consular establishments 250 
 
 OiBcial returns relative to foreign ministers and consuls 25 J 
 
 Salaries and allowances as fixed by the Whig ministry 252 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 THE ARISTOCRACY. 
 
 Triumphs of knowledge over feudal barbarisms 254 
 
 Clergy, lords, and commons deviated from original objects of their 
 
 institution 256 
 
 Tendency of right of primogeniture and entails 258 
 
 Objectionable privileges of the peerage 260 
 
 Injustice of aristocratic taxation 262 
 
 Incomes of landed interest, the legitimate fund for taxation 265 
 
 Specimen of partial exemptions from taxes 266 
 
 Aristocratic game laws — a specimen of late tyranny of the Bo- 
 
 roughmongers • • • • ' • 268 
 
 Incomes of the aristocracy 271 
 
 Anti-property theories of Robert Owen and St. Simon 272 
 
 Diminutive income of the Peerage compared with that of other 
 
 classes 275 
 
 Different classes of society and their respective incomes 277 
 
 Taxes levied on the industrious orders 278 
 
 Increase of the peerage 281 
 
 More prolific than other classes of the community 281 
 
 Influence of Toryism of late reigns on character of the Peerage • • 282 
 
 Votes of the lords on Reform Bill 283 
 
 Absurdity of hereditary legislation 283 
 
 Sources of aristocratic monopoly and abuse 284
 
 XXII CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 LAW AND COURTS OF LAW. 
 
 Boasted independence of the Judges considered 286 
 
 Confused state of statute and common law 287 
 
 Judges do not understand the law, though the people are expected 
 
 to comprehend it • 288 
 
 Dunning's mode of expounding acts of parliaments 289 
 
 A lawyer's library described 290 
 
 Causes of the multiplication of statutes 291 
 
 Obscure language in which they are drama —example from sir R. 
 
 Peel's acts 293 
 
 Hodge-podge acts— blunder in the forgery act of sir J. Scarlett • • • • 295 
 
 Legislation, an after-dinner amusement of the house of commons 296 
 
 Number and emoluments of the professional classes 297 
 
 Debtor laws chief source of litigation and legal emoluments 299 
 
 Courts of request, &c. encourage a vicious system of credit ...... 301 
 
 Summary of Legal Abuses and Defects : 
 
 Objections against a stipendiary magistracy 303 
 
 Different laws in different places 304 
 
 Different laws for different persons 305 
 
 Absurdities of fines and recoveries 307 
 
 Defects in agreements for leases and conveyances 308 
 
 Arrest for debt — its injustice 308 
 
 Inconsistent liabilities of property for debt 309 
 
 Insecurity of titles to estates 312 
 
 Inconsistences of the marriage-laws 312 
 
 Monstrous costs of law-suits 313 
 
 Law of debtor and credito r 315 
 
 List of absurdities in judicial administration 316 
 
 Oppressions under the excise-laws 321 
 
 Prospects of legal reform 325
 
 CONTENTS. XXUl 
 
 Official returns illustrative of law and courts of law 329 
 
 Working of the insolvent debtors' act 332 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 PROGRESS OF THE PUBLIC DEBT AND TAXES. 
 
 Effects of taxes on wages and profits 334 
 
 Objects of the parliamentary wars waged since 1688 335 
 
 Short view of each reign, from the accession of William III. • • • • 336 
 Increase of debt and taxes consequent on each war since the Revo- 
 lution • 336 
 
 Cost of war against independence of United States of America* • • • 339 
 
 Cost of the French war from 1793 to 1815 340 
 
 Conclusions on disastrous policy of the Borough-government • • • • 342 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 EXPOSITION OF THE FUNDING-SYSTEiM. 
 
 Feudal system had one advantage 343 
 
 Funds, exchequer-bills, and navy-bills explained 344 
 
 Progress and state of the Debt, to the year 1831 346 
 
 Annual charge entailed on the countiy by the war of 1793 348 
 
 Plans for redemption of the debt 349 
 
 Dead-weight-annuity project 354 
 
 New suggestions for liquidating the Debt 356 
 
 Catastrophe of the funding-system 359 
 
 Examination of question on violation of national faith 360 
 
 Severe distress consequent of an attack on the funds 360 
 
 A violation of national faith perpetuate the power of the Oligarchy 362 
 
 The last resort of the Aristocracy < • • 363
 
 XXIV CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 TAXATION AND GOVERNMENT EXPENDITURE. 
 
 General principles of finance and taxation 366 
 
 Examples of the violation of these principles 368 
 
 Expense of public offices 37 1 
 
 The great ** exchequer job" 372 
 
 Audit-office 374 
 
 Civil department of the army — Woolwich academy • • • 375 . 
 
 Department of the navy and dock-yards >376 
 
 Increase in peace-establishments 377 
 
 Expenditure of the Colonies — utility of 379 
 
 Losses sustained by the colonial system 381 
 
 Factory system and slave-trade 382 
 
 Lord-lieutenant of Ireland 383 
 
 Coronation expenditure — absurdity of the pageant 384 
 
 II. — WORKINGS OF TAXATION. 
 
 Effect of monopolies in augmenting prices 385 
 
 Soap duties 385 
 
 Silk and hemp duties • • 386 
 
 Glass, paper, pamphlet, and advertisement duties 386 
 
 Sea poUcies, fire insurance, and stamp duties 387 
 
 Exemption of Ireland from taxation 387 
 
 Taxes on newspapers, and their influence on the press 388 
 
 The press, a fourth estate 389 
 
 Proposal to manage the public journals 390 
 
 Irresponsible power of the Times newspaper 391 
 
 Newspaper press not injured by abolition of stamp duties 393 
 
 Reduction in duties on like discovery of an useful invention • • • • 393 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 THE EAST INDIA COMPANY. 
 
 Political influence of Bank and East India Company 394
 
 CONTENTS, XXV 
 
 Origin and progress of the Company 305 
 
 Decennial settlement of lands in India • • • • 398 
 
 Indian wars and territorial acquisitions 401 
 
 Population and extent of the Anglo-Indian empire 401 
 
 Exploits of the Duke of Wellington in India 404 
 
 Government and patronage of India 405 
 
 Territorial revenues of India 412 
 
 Commercial intercourse with the Chinese 413 
 
 Commercial profits of the Company 414 
 
 People of England pay the Company's dividend in the monopoly 
 
 price of tea 415 
 
 Thoughts on the renewal of the Company's charter 418 
 
 House list— treatment of " East Indians" — colonization — India- 
 press • 420 
 
 Rupture with the Chinese — Select Committee and Messrs. Lind- 
 say & Co. 422 
 
 The real point of interest between the Company and the people 
 
 stated 423 
 
 Extravagant expenditure of Company and necessity of retrench- 
 ment 424 
 
 Facts relative to the India question 425 
 
 Accounts of the revenues and debts of the Company 426 
 
 Postscript on East India Company 45 1 
 
 CHAPTER XIIT. 
 THE BANK OF ENGLAND. 
 
 A class of politicians with one idea 428 
 
 Mistaken views of political economists 428 
 
 Origin and progress of the Bank • • • 430 
 
 Provisions of the Bank charter 430 
 
 Compelled to pay in shillings and sixpences 431 
 
 Issue notes of a low denomination 432 
 
 Contemporary increase of issues and government advances 432 
 
 Bank -restriction-act — legal tender —Lord King 433 
 
 Resumption of cash- payments in 1823 435 
 
 Mischiefs of irresponsible power of Bank over the circulation • • 43C>
 
 XXVI CONTENTS. 
 
 Sources of Bank profits, ai^l their enornious amount • • • • 436 
 
 Pitt and plunder system the chief source of Bank profits- 439 
 
 Exclusive privileges of the Bank 442 
 
 Directors have not acted on sound principles of banking 442 
 
 Thoughts on a New Bank of England 443 
 
 Terms on which the Bank charter ought to be renewed 444 
 
 Dividends on Bank Stock, from establishment of Company 445 
 
 Return of persons convicted of forgery 446 
 
 Statement of affairs of the Bank 447 
 
 Annual sums payable to the Bank by the public 448 
 
 Account of distribution of profits among proprietors 449 
 
 Returns of circulation of notes in each year since 1792 450 
 
 Postscript on Bank and East India Company • 672 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS, COMPANIES, GUILDS, AND 
 FRATERNITIES. 
 
 Difficulty of fixing the public mind on a new subject 452 
 
 Corporations do not embody the interests of cities and towns • • • • 453 
 
 Origin of corporations, guilds, and fraternities 454 
 
 How popular constitution of corporate bodies destroyed 455 
 
 Customs and institutions of the ancient guilds 456 
 
 Rise and downfal of Merchant-Tailors Company of Bristol 458 
 
 Management and revenues of companies of the City of London • • 460 
 Oppressive and vexatious powers exercised by the City Companies 460 
 
 CORPORATIONS OF CITIES AND TOWNS. 
 
 Corporation of City of London • 464 
 
 Corporation of Bristol • 467 
 
 Corporation of Liverpool ' 468 
 
 Corporation of Bath 469 
 
 Corporation of Preston ■ 471 
 
 Corporation of Lichfield • • » 471 
 
 Corporation of Stafford 472 
 
 Corporation of Northampton • 472 
 
 Corporation of Gloucester • • • • • 473
 
 CONTENTS. ^ XXVll 
 
 Corporation of Leeds 474 
 
 Conduct of the corporations of Newcastle and Bristol 474 
 
 Suggestions for the reform of corporate bodies 475 
 
 Estate of the City of London 476 
 
 Dr. Brady's interpretation of " communitatis" • 477 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, REVERSIONS, HALF- 
 PAY, AND SUPERANNUATIONS. 
 
 Progress through the recesses of the Oligarchy • 479 
 
 Salaries and number of persons employed in the public offices* • • • 480 
 
 One million per annum might be saved by reductions in salaries . • 481 
 
 Civil and militaiy pluralities • 482 
 
 Half-pay and superannuations 482 
 
 Sinecures, reversions, and pensions 484 
 
 Monstrous legal sinecures in courts of law • • • • • 485 
 
 Pension-roll amounts to £805,022 per annum 489 
 
 Infamous pension-act of 57 Geo. III. • 490 
 
 Unjust principle of granting compensations 491 
 
 List of " high and efficient public men" • 492 
 
 Pensions to ex-lord-chancellors and judges 493 
 
 Compensation and retired allowances ..... . . 493 
 
 Pensions under bankruptcy court act 494 
 
 Salaries and pensions exceeding £ 1 000 . . . . • 497 
 
 Classification of 965 placemen, receiving £2,161 ,927 per annum. . 499 
 
 Sumptuous pickings of lawyers 499 
 
 Conduct of lawyers in respect of court fees 500 
 
 Reductions of the Whig ministi-y • 500 
 
 General statement of annual expenditure of the country in salaries, 
 
 pensions, sinecures, &c. 502 
 
 Principles on which government has been carried on by Tory admi- 
 nistrations 503
 
 XXVIIl CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Alphabetic list of placemen, pensioners, sinecurists, 
 
 compeksationists, and grantees. 505 
 
 Addendum to Place and Pension list 589 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 HOUSE OF COMMONS, PAST, PRESENT, AND TO COME. 
 
 I. — PROGRESS OF THE CONSTITUTION UP TO THE REFORM BILL. 
 
 Iniquities of the Borough System doomed, and need not further 
 
 exposure 59 1 
 
 Progress of the constitution up to the Reform Bill 592 
 
 Condition of the people under the Saxons 592 
 
 Origin and influence of the Middle Orders • • • 593 
 
 House of Commons began to exercise legislative functions only a 
 
 short time anterior to the Civil Wars 594 
 
 Revolution of 1688 did not concede to the industrious orders their 
 
 share of political power 595 
 
 Causes of public prosperity subsequent to the Revolution 595 
 
 Constitutional deductions • • 597 
 
 II. ADEQUACY OF THE REFORM BILL TO THE M'ANTS OF THE 
 
 NATION INVESTIGATED. 
 
 Two principles on which the Reform Bill is founded 598 
 
 Groundless fears of the Alarmists 598 
 
 Real objects sought by the people 599 
 
 Previous political changes not altered the status of the Aristocracy 599 
 
 Absurd apprehensions about levelling doctrines 600 
 
 Principles which ought to determine the elective qualification • • • • 601 
 
 Universal suffrage, impracticability and mischievousness of 603 
 
 Ten-pound qualification not a property qualification 605 
 
 Comparative results of universal and household suffrage 606
 
 CONTENTS. XXIX 
 
 ni. — PRACTICAL RESULTS FROM THE ADOI'TION OF THE 
 REFORM BILL. 
 
 Constitutional changes valueless in themselves 60G 
 
 When settled people cease to agitate questions of civil rights • • • • 607 
 Practical benefits from parliamentary reform enumerated 608 
 
 IV. — STATISTICS OF REPRESENTATION. 
 
 Freeholders in England and Wales • 609 
 
 Registered freeholders in Ireland • 610 
 
 Population, electors^ houses, &c. of the fifty-six boroughs disfran- 
 chised by the Reform Bill • • • • • ih. 
 
 Population, electors, &c. of the thirty semi-disfranchised boroughs 611 
 
 Population, houses, &c. of boroughs not disfranchised 612 
 
 Welsh boroughs • » 614 
 
 Population, houses, &c. of the proposed New Boroughs 615 
 
 Population, electors, &c. of the Scotch cities and burghs 616 
 
 Limits of the proposed New Boroughs • 617 
 
 Number of parliaments held in each reign 621 
 
 List of ancient boroughs 622 
 
 Progress of representation in different reigns 622 
 
 V, — RETROSPECTIVE GLANCE AT PAST HOUSES OF COMMONS. 623 
 
 Analysis of the house of commons elected in 1830 626 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 1 . Inns of Court and Chancery 627 
 
 2. Trinity College, Dublin 623 
 
 3. Return of cities and towns with a population exceeding 
 
 10,000, not included in the Reform Bill <336 
 
 4. Expenditure of the army, navy, ordnance, &c. 637 
 
 6, Sums expended under the head of Civil Contingencies 638
 
 XXX CONTENTS. 
 
 6. Returns of Army and Navy half-pay and retired allowances* • 640 
 
 7. Number of public creditors and amount of their dividends* •• • 642 
 
 8. Population, free and slaves, imports and exports of the 
 Colonies 643 
 
 9. House of Lords, origin and character of 644 
 
 10. Borough lords and their Representatives 646 
 
 11. Ecclesiastical Patronage of each of the Nobility, and the value 
 
 of Rectories and Vicarages in their gift 650 
 
 12. Return of the amount of church rates, county rates, and high- 
 
 way rates, &c. in each county of England and Wales • • • • 668 
 
 13. Return of lay and clerical magistrates 669 
 
 14. Commissioners of sewers, institution of, and abuses in their 
 administration 670 
 
 15. Progress of Population in Great Britain 672 
 
 16. Postscript 672
 
 ADDENDUM. 
 
 MINISTERIAL PLANS ON TITHES. 
 
 We thought of submitting some observations on the recent reports of 
 the two Houses of Parliament on Irish tithes, and the resolutions 
 founded upon them, but, in looking over what we have written, we find 
 the subject has been nearly exhausted in our copious articles on the 
 united churches of England and Ireland. If the project of Ministers 
 for converting arrears of tithes in Ireland into debts of the crown, and 
 levying them by government process, be enforced, it concedes at once the 
 important principle in dispute as to the tenure of church propert}'. If an 
 evasion of tithes may be prosecuted by the attorney-general, like an eva- 
 sion of the excise or revenue laws, then is the income of the church 
 identified with the income of the State, and the clerg}' admitted to be the 
 stipendiaries of the public. Nothing, however, Ave apprehend, will ulti- 
 mately result from the government measure : these are not the times to 
 harden the tithe laws, and convert what has been hitherto treated as a 
 civil delinquency, when committed by a whole body of Christians, into a 
 criminal charge when committed by an entire kingdom. Ministers in 
 this, as other emergencies, will be compelled to succumb to events. 
 Public opinion obviously points to two inevitable conclusions, — first, the 
 abolition of the Irish protestant establishment as a national church ; and, 
 secondly, the appropriation of the tithes and ecclesiastical revenue to the 
 wants of society, and not suffering the former to be amalgamated with 
 the rents of the landlords. 
 
 The increasing numbers and wealth of Dissenters indicate that the 
 fate of tithes in Ireland involves their fate in England. Such are the 
 conflicting claims of religionists that in all measures of general improve- 
 ment, whether as respects popular education or parliamentary reform, 
 the Government is embarrassed rather than supported by its alliance with 
 any ; and we doubt not the question will soon arise whether it would not 
 be better policy for the State to withdraw its support from the privileged 
 worship, rather than be compelled to adopt the alternative, which will be 
 speedily forced upon its consideration, of granting a common support 
 both to separatists and members of the national church. 
 
 In these movements there is nothing to excite alarm ; least of all in 
 the prompt extinction of tithe. It is an impolitic and impoverishing 
 impost condemned by Mr. Pitt and every statesman of eminence, and 
 the only miracle is that it has been so long upheld. The attempt to 
 confound rent with tithe is monstrous. One is as much private pi'operty 
 as the wages of the operative, and every one, rich or poor, is alike 
 interested in maintaining its inviolability. The difference between them
 
 XWn ADDENDUM. 
 
 is almost as great as that between useful industry and downright robbery ; 
 or the sinecure of lord Ellenborough and the salary of an efficient 
 servant of the public. 
 
 The most difficult part of the question is the settlement of existing 
 interests. A substantial difference has always appeared to us to 
 subsist betAveen the claims of the clerical and lay- tithe owner, and 
 we have expressed as much on a former occasion (p. 91). Beyond 
 a life interest we imagine no one would claim a compensation for the 
 clergy, and even for this it would be fair to accept a compromise. It is 
 a plain case of bankruptcy, and in lieu of receiving the full value they 
 must be content with a dividend. If such is their lot, they will not be 
 alone in misfortune. What a sinking in the condition of most classes at 
 this moment, and how many fortunes have been cut from under the pos- 
 sessors within the last twenty years ! What fluctuations have been 
 wrought by changes in the currency, the introduction of machinery, and 
 improvements in mercantile law ! The clergy cannot expect to be exempt 
 from the vicissitudes of life. They ought, themselves, to practise the 
 precepts of resignation it has been their duty to inculcate in others, and 
 place their affections on treasures more enduring than temporal pos- 
 sessions. 
 
 If the occupation of the clergy be gone, it is their own fault, and they 
 have only themselves to blame. Government has always been prompt 
 to lend its aid to support the ecclesiastical establishment ; but the days 
 are past when the " arm of flesh" could be put forth to control the re- 
 ligious faith of a nation. The basis of the contract between Church 
 and State is that the latter shall afford protection, on condition the former 
 affords spiritual instruction, to the people. If, however, the people 
 secede from the established communion, or if its ministers, from want of 
 zeal — correct discipline — or soundness of doctrine — fail to make converts 
 of the community over which they are the appointed pastors; why, then, 
 it may be reasonably inferred that as the duties have ceased, or failed to 
 be discharged, the stipends annexed to them ought to cease also; or, at 
 least, the servants of the fallen or abandoned worship ought onlv to be 
 paid temporary allowances — as was the case with the Catholic clergy 
 at the Reformation — till such time as they can adjust themselves to the 
 altered circumstances of society 
 
 A consideration of a peculiar nature tends to augment the difficulties 
 of this embarrassing subject, and the apprehensions naturally felt by 
 many at the sinking state of the Irish protestant establishment. By the 
 articles of Union the churches of the two kingdoms are united into 
 one episcopal church, under the denomination of "the U?iited Church of 
 England and Ireland." It was no doubt esteemed good policy in the 
 framers of this great legislative measure to support the weakness of one 
 church by the strength of the other; but in the existing circumstances 
 of the two countries it is likely the English hierarchy will consider it 
 true wisdom to imitate the example of a certain order of the creation, 
 remarkable for prescience of coming calamites, and endeavour to scape 
 from so perilous an alliance !
 
 THE EXTUAORDINARY 
 
 CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 Religiox and the institution of property, the pursuits of science, 
 literature, and commerce have greatly benefited the human race. 
 Christianity is peculiarly the worship of the people: among: them it 
 originated, and to the promotion of their welfare its precepts are especially 
 directed. Under the influence of its dogmas the pride of man is rebuked, 
 the prejudices of birth annihilated, and the equal claim to honour and 
 enjoyment of the whole family of nrankind impartially admitted. 
 
 Men of liberal principles have sometimes shown themselves hostile to 
 the Gospel ; forgetting, apparently, that it has been the handmaid of 
 civilization, and that for a long- time it mitigated, and, finally, greatly 
 aided in breaking the yoke of feudality. They are shocked at the 
 corruptions of the popular faith, and hastily confound its genuine prin- 
 ciples with the intolerance of Bigotr)', the oppression of tithes, the 
 ostentation of prelacy, and the delinquencies of its inferior agents, who 
 pervert a humble and consoling dispensation into an engine of pride, 
 gain, and worldliness. In spite, however, of these adulterations, the 
 most careless observer cannot deny the generally beneficial influence of 
 the Christian doctrine, in promoting decorum and equality of civil rights, 
 in spreading a spirit of peace, charity, and imiversal benevolence. 
 
 As education becomes more diffused, the ancillary power of the best 
 of creeds will become less essential to the well-being of society. Reli- 
 gions have mostly had their origin in our depravity and ignorance; they 
 have been the devices of man's primitive legislators, who sought, by the 
 creations of the imagination, to control the violence of his passions, and 
 satisfy an urgent curiosity concerning the phenomena by which he is 
 surrounded. But the progress of science and sound morals renders 
 superfluous the arts of illusion ; inventions, which are suited only to the 
 nursery, or an imperfect civilization, are superseded ; and men submit- 
 ting to the guidance of reason instead of fear, the dominion of truth, 
 unmixed with error, is established on the ruins of priestcraft. 
 
 n
 
 ■c (Tiunrn OF r.NfiLANn. 
 
 Evon now may be remarked the advance of society towards a more 
 dignified and rational org-anization. The infalUbility of popes, the 
 divine riglit of kings, and the privileges of aristocracy, have lost their 
 influence and authority : they once formed a sort of secular religion, 
 and were among the many delusions by which mankind have been 
 ])lundered and enslaved. Superstition, too, is gradually fading away 
 by shades ; and it is not improbable it may entirely vanish, ceasing to 
 be an object of interest, further than as a singular trait in the moral 
 history of the species. Formerly, all sects were bigots, ready to torture 
 and desti'oy their fellow-creatures in the vain effort to enforce uniformity 
 of belief; now, the fervour of all is so far attenuated, as to admit not 
 only of dissent, but equality of claim to civil immunities. The next 
 dilution in pious zeal is obvious. Universal toleration is the germ of 
 indifference ; and this last the forerunner of an entire oblivion of spiri- 
 tual faith. Such appears the natural death of ecclesiastical power; 
 it need not to be hastened by the rude and premature assaults of 
 Infidelity, which only shock existing prejudices, without producing con- 
 viction : while the priesthood continue to aid the civil magistrate, their 
 authority Avill be respected; but when, from the diffusion of science, 
 new motives for the piactice of virtue and the maintenance of social 
 institutions are generally established, the utility of their functions will 
 cease to ba recognized. 
 
 Sensible men of all ages have treated with respect the established 
 ■worship of the people. If so unfortunate as to disbelieve in its divine 
 origin, they at least classed it among the useful institutions nece.'Ssary 
 to restrain the passions of the multitude. This was the predominant 
 wisdom of the Roman government. Speaking of this great empire, in 
 its most triumphant exaltation, Gibbon says, " The policy of the 
 emperors and the senate, as far as it concerned religion, was happily 
 seconded by the reflections of the enlightened, and by the habits of the 
 superstitious part of their subjects. The various modes of worship 
 Avhich prevailed in the known world were all considered by the people 
 as equally true ; by the philosopher as equally false ; and by the ma- 
 gistrate as equally useful. And thus toleration produced not only mutual 
 indulgence, but even religious concord."* Further on he continues, 
 '* Notwithstanding the ftishionable irreligion which prevailed in the age 
 of the Antonines, both the interests of priests and the credulity of the 
 people were sufficiently respected. In their writings and conversation, 
 the philosophers asserted the independent dignity of reason ; but they 
 resigned their actions to the command of law and custom. Viewing 
 with a smile of pity the various errors of the vulgar, they diligently 
 practised the ceremonies of their fathers, devoutly frequented the 
 temple of the gods, and, sometimes condescending to act a part on the 
 theatre of superstition, they concealed the sentiments of the atheist 
 under the sacerdotal robes. Reasoners of such a temper were scarcely 
 inclined to wrangle about their respective modes of faith or of worship. 
 
 * Decline and Fall ol'the Roman Empire, vol. 1. p. 40.
 
 CHURCH OV ENGLAND. O 
 
 It was indifferent to them what shape the folly of the niiiltitude might 
 choose to assume ; and they approached with the same inward contempt 
 and the same external reverence the altars of the Libyan, the Olympian, 
 or the Capitoline Jupiter." 
 
 Can it be supposed the statesmen and teachers of the nineteenth 
 centuiy are less adroit and sagacious than those of pagan Rome ? Can 
 it be supposed those whose minds have been enlightened by foreign 
 travel, who have witnessed the conflict of opposite creeds, and who have 
 escaped the mental bondage of cloisters and colleges in the freedom of 
 general intercourse, are less penetrating than the magnates of the ancient 
 world ? Like them too, they will be equally politic in maintaining an 
 outward respect for the errors of the vulgar. In the prevailing worship 
 they recognize ;m useful auxiliary to civil government ; prosecuting no 
 one for dissent, it can as little offend the philosopher as politician ; and 
 the topics of all-absorbing interest it holds forth to every class, divert 
 the vast majority from too intense a contemplation of sublunaiy mis- 
 fortunes, or from the painful contrast of their privations with the 
 usurpations and advantages of their superiors. 
 
 The policy of governing nations by enlightening the few and hood- 
 winking the man?/, is of very old standing. It is strongly inculcated 
 by Machiavel in his Prince, and Dugald Stewart remarks, that public 
 men of the present day mostly hold the double-doctrine ;* that is, they 
 have one set of principles which they openly profess in complacence to 
 the multitude, and another, comprising their real sentiments, which they 
 keep to themselves, or confide to intimate friends. The result of this 
 sinister policy may be constantly remarked in the proceedings of legis- 
 lative assemblies : in the discussion of questions bearing on the social 
 interests, especially such as involve the principles of government, the 
 theory of morals, or population, there is invariably maintained a con- 
 ventional latitude, beyond which if any one trespass, it is deemed more 
 creditable to his sincerity than understanding. It is only the vain and 
 superficial who unreservedly assail popular opinions, and prophane with 
 invective and ribaldry the sanctities of religion. Such rash controver- 
 sialists are ignorant of the points d'appui upon which the welfare and 
 harmony of society depend ; and though it may happen that honour, 
 philanthropy, or patriotism be sufficient guarantees for the discharge of 
 social duties by some, there are others whose turpitude can only be 
 restrained by the fear of Tyburn or Tartarus. Hence theological in- 
 quiries have lost much of their interest, and are, in fact, placed beyond 
 the pale of discussion. The mysteries of religion are well understood 
 by the intelligent of all classes ; it is considered for the good of society 
 that some should " believe and tremble," while others enjoy, in private, 
 the consciousness of superior light ; and to those who impugn and to 
 those who dogmatise in matters of faith, the same indulgence is extended 
 as to Avell-meaning disputants, who utter, as new discoveries, common- 
 place or self-evident truths. 
 
 * SuppleiiRiit to the Encyclopedia IJritannica. 
 
 li 2
 
 4 CIIUIUJH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 Having' made these general observations on tlie utility of religion, 
 considered as a civil institution for the g;ovcrnment of mankind during 
 a period of ignorance, we shall proceed to our more immediate object — 
 an exposition of the Established Church of this country- 
 
 In our elucidations of this important inquiry, it is not our intention 
 to interfere with the doctrines of the national religion. We have heard 
 that there are more than one hundred difterent sects of Christians : so it 
 would be highly presumptuous in mere laymen to decide which of these 
 multifarious modes of worship is most consonant to the Scripture. A 
 certain Protestant Archbishop said, " Popery was only a religion of 
 knaves and fools ;" therefore, let us hope the Church of England, to 
 which the Right Reverend Prelate belonged, comprises the honest and 
 enlightened. The main purpose of our inquiries, is not the dogmas, but 
 the temporalities of the Church. To us the great possessions of the 
 clergy have long appeared an immense waste, which wanted surveying 
 and enclosing, if not by act of parliament, by the act of the people. 
 Like some of our political institutions, the excellence of our religious 
 establishment has been greatly over-rated ; it has been described as the 
 most perfect in Europe ; yet we are acquainted with none in which 
 abuses are more prevalent, in which there is so little real piety, and in 
 which the support of public worship is so vexatious and oppressive to 
 the community. 
 
 Most countries on the Continent have reformed their church esta- 
 blishments : wherever a large property had accumulated in the hands 
 of the clergy, such property has been applied to the service of the na- 
 tion ; and we are now the only people who have a large mass of eccle- 
 siastical wealth appropriated to the maintenance of an indolent and 
 luxurious priesthood. Even in papal Rome the church property has 
 been sold to pay the national debt ; so that far more property belonging 
 to the clergy is to be found in any part of England of equal extent than 
 in the Roman state. The cardinals of Rome, the bishops, canons, 
 abbotts, and abbesses, have no longer princely revenues. A cardinal 
 who formerly had thousands has now only four or Jive hundred pounds 
 a- year. Residence is strictly enforced, and no such thing- as pluralities 
 is known ; the new proprietors of the Church estates live on them and 
 improve them to the best advantage. In France, there has been a still 
 g'reater ecclesiastical reformation. Before the Revolution the clergy formed 
 nne fifty-second part of the population. The total number of ecclesias- 
 tics, in 1789, was estimated at 460,000, and their revenues at £7 ,400,000. 
 At present the total number of ecclesiastics of all ranks, Protestant 
 and Catholic, is about 40,000, and their total incomes £1,460,000.* 
 Throughout Germany and Italy there have been great reforms in spiri- 
 tual matters ; the property of the church has been sold or taxed for the 
 use of the state, and the enormous incomes of the higher have been 
 more equally shared among the lower order of the clergy. In the Ne- 
 therlands, the charges for religion, which supply the wants of the 
 
 * bcctsman Newspaper, May 14, 1831.
 
 CllUKCU or li NO LAND. 5 
 
 whole community, e-xcept tliose of a few Jews, do not, in the whole, 
 exceed £'25'2,000, or lUd. per head per annum, for a population of six 
 millions.* Even in Spain, under the most weak and bigotted govern- 
 ment, ecclesiastical reform has made progress. A large portion of the 
 produce of tithe is annually appropriated to the exigences of the State, 
 and the policy adopted of late has dispossessed the clergy of their 
 wealth; and this body, formerly so influential, is now lightly esteemed, 
 and very moderately endowed. 
 
 Wherever these reforms have been made, they have been productive 
 of the most beneficial effects ; thev have been favourable to religion and 
 morality, to the real interests of the people, and even to tiie interests 
 of the great body of the clergy themselves ; they have broken the power 
 of an order of men at all times cruel and tyrannical, at all times op- 
 posed to reform, to the progi-ess of knowledge, and the most salutary 
 ameliorations ; they have diffused a spirit of toleration among all classes, 
 removed the restrictions imposed by selfish bigotiy, and opened an im- 
 partial career to virtue and talent in all orders; they have spread plenty 
 in the land by unfettering the efiorts of capital and industry, paid 
 the debts of nations, and converted the idle and vicious into useful 
 citizens. Wherever these changes have been introduced, they have 
 been gratefully received by the People, and well they might; for 
 with such changes their happiness is identified, liberty and intelligence 
 diffused. 
 
 To England, however, the spirit of ecclesiastical improvement has 
 not yet extended ; though usually foremost in reform, we are now be- 
 hind all nations in our ecclesiastical establishment ; though the Church 
 of England is ostentatiously styled the reformed Chinch, it is, in truth, 
 the most unreformed of all the churches. Popery, in temporal matters 
 at least, is a more reformed religion than Church of England ism. 
 There is no state, however debased by superstition, where the clergy 
 enjoy such prodigious wealth. The revenues of our priesthood exceed 
 the public revenues of either Austria or Prussia. We complain of the 
 poor-rates, of superannuation charges, of the army and nan', of over- 
 grown salaries and enormous sinecures ; but what are all these abuses, 
 grievous as they are, to the abuses of our church establishment, to the 
 sinecure wealth of the bishops, dignitaries, and aristocratical rectors 
 and incumbents ? It is said, and we believe truly, that the clerg}'raen 
 of the Church of England and Ireland receive, in the year, more money 
 than the clergy of all the rest of the Christian world put together. 
 The clergy of the United Church cost at least seven times more than 
 the whole of the clersv of France, Catholic and Protestant, while in 
 Fnuice there is a population of 32,000,000; whereas, of the 24,00(),()00 
 of people comprising the population of our islands, less than otic-thiid, 
 or 8,000,000, are hearers of the Established Religion. 
 
 Such a system, it is not possible, can endure. While reform and re- 
 duction are in progress in other departments, it is not likely the clergy 
 
 • l''orcJi;n Quarterly Review, No. X. p. 39-1.
 
 O CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 should remain in undisturbed enjoyment of their possessions. To pro- 
 tect them from inquiry, they have neither prescriptive right nor good 
 works to plead. As a Ijody they have not, latterly, been remarkable 
 for their Icarnhuj, nor some of them for exalted notions of morrdity. 
 It would be unfair to judge any class fiom individual examples ; but it 
 is impossible to open the newspapers without being struck by the re- 
 peated details of clerical delinquency. When there is an instance of 
 magisterial oppression, or flagrant offence, it is almost surprising' if 
 some father in God, some very reverend dean, or some other reverend 
 and holy person, be not accused or suspected. In this respect they 
 resemble the clergy of the Church of Rome bofore the Reformation. 
 It is known that the catholic priesthood in the fourteenth centuiy ex- 
 ceeded all other classes in the licentiousness of their lives, their oppres- 
 sion, and rapacity; it is known, too, that their vices arose from the 
 immense wealth they enjoyed, and that this wealth was the ultimate 
 cause of their downfal. 
 
 It is not to the credit of the established clergy, that their names 
 have been associated with the most disastrous measures in the history of 
 the country. To the latest period of the first war ag-ainst American 
 independence, they were, n«xt to George III. its most obstinate suppor- 
 ters; out of the twenty-six English Bishops, Shipley was the only 
 prelate who voted against the war- faction.* To the commencement and 
 protracted duration of the French revolutionary war, they were mainly 
 instrumental ; till they sounded the ecclesiastical drum in every parish, 
 there was no disposition to hostilities on the part of the people ; it was 
 only by the unfounded alarms they disseminated, respecting the security 
 of property and social institutions, the contest was made popular. In 
 this, too, the episcopal bench Avas pre-eminent. Watson was the only 
 bishop who ventured to raise his voice against the French crusade, and 
 he, finding his opposition to the court fixed him in the poorest see in 
 the kingdom, in the latter part of his life appeared to waver in his 
 integrity. In supporting measures for restraining the freedom of 
 discussion, and for interdicting to different sects of religionists a free 
 participation in civil immunities, they have mostly been fore- 
 most. 
 
 Uniformly in the exercise of legislative functions, our spiritual law- 
 makers have evinced a spirit hostile to improvement, whether political, 
 judicial, or domestic, and shown a tenacious adherence to whatever is 
 barbarous, oppressive, or demoralizing- in our public administration. 
 The African slave-trade was accompanied by so many circumstances of 
 cruelty and injustice, that it might have been thought the Bishops would 
 have been the most forward in their endeavours to effect its abolition. 
 Yet the fact is quite the contrary. They constantly supported that 
 infamous traffic, and so marked Avas their conduct in this resj)ect, that 
 Lord Eldon was led, on one occasion, to declare that the commerce in 
 human bodies could not be so inconsistent with Christianity as some 
 
 * lielsham's History of Great Hritain, vol. x. page ;U9.
 
 CHURCH Ol- ENGLAND. 7 
 
 had supposed, otherwise it would never have been so steadily supported 
 hy the right reverend prelates. The efforts of Sir Samuel Ronully and 
 others to mitigate the severity of the Criminal Code never received any 
 countenance or support from the Bishops. But the climax of their 
 l(;gislative turpitude consists in their conduct on the first introduction 
 of the Reform Bill. Setting aside the political advantages likely to 
 result from this great measure, one of its obvious consequences was the 
 destruction of the shameless immoralities and gross pei juries committed 
 in y)arliamentary elections. Yet the Heads of the Church, in their anti- 
 reform speeches, never once adverted to this improvement; their fears 
 appeared chiefly to centre on the ulterior chang-es in our institutions 
 which might flow from the Bill, and which might involve a sacrifice of 
 their inordinate emoluments, and under this apprehension they voted 
 against the people and reform. 
 
 Public education is a subject that appears to have peculiar claims on 
 the attention of the clergy; unless indeed, as instructors of the people, 
 their functions are extremely unimportant, and certainly, in this world, 
 do not entitle them to much remuneration. Yet this is a duty they have 
 generally neglected. Had not a jealousy of the Dissenters loused them 
 into activity, neither the Bell nor Lancaster plans of instruction would 
 have been encouraged by them. A similar feeling appears to have ac- 
 tuated them in the foundation of King's College, in which their object 
 is not so much the diffusion of knowledge, as the maintenance of their 
 influence, by setting up a rival establishment to the London University. 
 In short, they have generally manifested either indifference or open 
 hostility to the enlightenment of the people, and, in numerous instances 
 of eleemosynary endowments, they have appropriated to their own use 
 the funds bequeathed for popular tuition. 
 
 So little connexion is there between the instruction of the people 
 and the Cliurch establishment, that it may be stated as a general rule 
 that the ignorance and degradation of the labouring classes throughout 
 England are uniformly greatest where there are the most clergy, and that 
 the people are most intelligent and independent where there arc the 
 fewest clergy. Norfolk and Suffolk, fur instance, are pre-eminently 
 parsons' counties ; Norfolk has 731 parishes, and Suffolk 510. Yet 
 it has been publicly allirmed, by those well-informed on the subject,"* 
 that so far as instruction goes, the peasantry of these two counties arc 
 as ignorant as " Indian savages." The same observation will apply to 
 the southern and midland counties, which have been the chief scene of 
 fires and popular tumults, and where the people have been debased by 
 the maladministration of the poor-laws. Compare the state of these 
 districts with that of the north of England, in which it is generally 
 admitted the people are best instructed and most intelligent, and where, 
 from the great extent of parishes, they can have little intercourse with 
 the parsons. Cumberland has 104 parishes, Durham 75, Northumbcr- 
 
 * Morning Chronitlc, October 21, 1631.
 
 8^ CHURCH Ol ENGLAND. 
 
 land 88, Westmoreland 32, Lancaster 70, West-Riding of Yorkshire 
 193, Chester 90. It appears that Norfolk alone has a great many 
 more parsons than all these northern counties, containing about one- 
 third of the ijopulation of the kingdom. In Lancashire there are only 
 70 parsons for a million and a half of people ; yet so little detriment 
 have they suffered from the paucity of endowed ])astors, that barristers 
 generally consider the intelligence of a Lancashire conmion jury equal 
 to that of a special jury of most counties. 
 
 A feelino- of charity is the great beauty of Christianity; it is, indeed, 
 the essence of all virtue, for, if real, it imports a sympathy with the 
 privations of others divested of selfish considerations. The rich and 
 prosperous do not need this commiseration ; if they are not happy, it 
 is their own fault, resulting from their artificial desires and ill-regulated 
 passions. But the poor, without the means of comfortable subsistence, 
 have scarcely a chance of happiness, though equally entitled with 
 others to share in the enjoyments of life. It is the especial duty of 
 the clergy to mitigate extreme inequalities in the lot of their fellow- 
 creatures. Yet it is seldom their labours are directed to so truly a 
 Christian object; though wallowing- in wealth, a large portion of which 
 is the produce of funds originally intended for the destitute and 
 unfortunate, they manifest little sympathy in human wretchedness. 
 As a proof of their ordinary callousness, it may be instanced that, at 
 the numerous public meetings to relieve the severe distress of the Irish, 
 in 1822, not a single Irish bishop attended, when it Avas notorious the 
 immense sums abstracted by that class from the general produce of the 
 country had been a prominent cause of the miseries of the people. 
 
 The clergy might be usefully employed in explaining to popular 
 conviction the causes of the privations of the people, and in enforcing 
 principles more conducive to their comfort and independence. In the 
 agricultural districts, where their authority is least disputed, and where 
 the sufferings of the inhabitants are greatest, such a course might be 
 pursued under peculiar advantages. Their lemissness in this respect 
 is less excusable, since they are relieved from cares which formerly 
 engaged anxious attention. In the time of Hoadley, Barrow, and 
 Tillotson, much of the zeal and talent of the church was consumed 
 in theological controversy : the removal of civil disqualifications has 
 tended to assuage the fervour of ecclesiastical disputation, and the 
 clergy have only tithes, not dogmas, to defend. This tendency to 
 religious tranquillity has been also promoted by the indifference of the 
 people, who discovered that little fruit was to be reaped from polemical 
 disquisitions, which, like the researches of metaphysicians, tended to 
 perplex rather than enlighten. Men now derive their rehgions as they 
 do parochial settlements, either from their parents or birth-place, and 
 seldom, in after life, question the creed, whether sectarian or orthodox, 
 which has been implanted in infiuicy. The all-subduing influence of 
 early credulity is proverbial. Once place a dogma in the catechism, and 
 it becomes stereotyped for life, and is never again submitted to the 
 ordeal of examination.
 
 CHURCH OF ENGLAND. [) 
 
 By education most have been misletl, 
 
 So they believe b"cause they so were bred ; 
 
 The priest continues what the nurse bet;an. 
 
 And thus the cliild imposes on tlie man [—Hind and Pantfai-. 
 
 It is the inefficiency of the clergy as public teachers, the hurtful 
 influence they have exerted on national affairs, and their inertness in 
 the promotion of measures of general utility, that induce men to 
 begiudge the immense revenue expended in their support, and dispose 
 them to a reform in our ecclesiastical establishment. To the Church 
 of England, in the abstract, we have no weighty objection to offer ; 
 and should be sorry to see her spiritual functions superseded by those 
 of any other sect by which she is surrounded. Our dislike originates 
 in her extreme oppressiveness on the people, and her unjust dealings 
 towards the most deserving members of hei" own communion. To the 
 enormous amount of her temporalities, and abuses in their administra- 
 tion, we particularly demur. It is unseemly, we think, and incon- 
 sistent with the very principles and purposes of Christianity, to 
 contemplate lofty prelates with £20,000 or £40,000 a-year, elevated 
 on thrones, living sumptuously in splendid palaces, attended by swarms 
 of menials, gorgeously attired, and of priests to wait upon their 
 persons, emulating the proudest nobles, and even taking precedence 
 of them in all the follies of heraldry. Beneath them are crowds of 
 sinecure dignitaries and incumbents, richly provided Avith worldly goods, 
 the wealthiest not even obliged to reside among their flocks; and those 
 who reside not compelled to do any one act of duty beyond providing 
 and paying a miserable deputy just enough to keep him from starving. 
 Contrasted with the preceding, is a vast body of poor laborious 
 ministers, doing all the work, and receiving less than the pay of a 
 common bricklayer or Irish hodman : but the whole assemblage, both 
 rich and poor, paid so as to be a perpetual burthen upon the people, and 
 to \\age, of necessity, a ceaseless strife with those whom they ought to 
 comfort, cherish, and instruct. 
 
 These are part of the abuses to which we object, and which we arc 
 about to expose ; and as we intend our exposition to be complete, it 
 may be proper to state the order in which the several subjects Avill be 
 treated. 
 
 1. We shall inquire into the origin and tenure of Church-propertv, 
 clearly showing that Church-property is public property, originally in- 
 tended for, and now available to public uses. 
 
 2. We shall inquire into the tenure of patronial immunities; exhibit 
 the present state of Church-patronage, and show, by examples, its 
 abuses and perversion to political and^amily interests. 
 
 3. We shall expose the system of Pluralities, Non-residence, and 
 other abuses in Church Discipline. 
 
 4. We shall treat on the enormous Revenues of the Established 
 Clergy, from tithes, church-lands, sui-jjlice-fees, public charities, lilaster- 
 offerings, rents of pews, and other sources, 
 
 .'3. We shall detail some extraordinary examples of Clerical Rapacity,
 
 10 CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 exemplified in the conduct of the higher clergy, in regJird to Queen 
 Ann's Bounty, and of the Clergy generally, as regards First Fruits, 
 Moduscs, and Tithes in London. 
 
 6. Wo shall advert to the history, origin, and defects of the Church 
 Liturgy. 
 
 7. Wo shall compare the Numbers, Wealth, Moral and Educational 
 efficiency of the Protestant Dissenters with tlic Established Clergy. 
 
 8. We shall inquire, — Who would be benefited by a Reform in the 
 Church Establishment ? 
 
 Lastly, we shall give a statement of the Incomes of the Bishoprics 
 and principal Dignities, and an Alphabetical List of Phiralists in 
 England and Wales, shoAving the number of livings and other prefer- 
 ments held by each individual, the names of their patrons, their family 
 connexions, and influence. 
 
 1. ORIGIN AND TENURE OF CHURCH PROPERTY. 
 
 A late dignitary of the church, the Rev. Dr. Cove, inclines to the 
 idea that the consecration of a tenth part to the clergy was the conse- 
 quence of "some unrecorded revelation made to Adam;" Avhich, he 
 says, is not only " a most rational, but the most probable solution" of 
 the origin of tithes. To what parish church Adam paid his tithe, this 
 zealous partizan of the establishment has left unascertained ; if Adam 
 paid tithe, he must have paid it to himself, or a very near relation, — 
 a practice which, if tolerated in his descendants, would render them 
 less averse from the impost, though it might be far from advantageous to 
 the church establishment. 
 
 The only people who can pretend to place the right to tithe on divine 
 authority are the Jews ; but such a right, if it ever existed among 
 them, certainly ceased with their theocracy. The ■ .Jews of this day 
 pay no tithes for the support of their rabbis ; nor, indeed, have any 
 tithes been paid by this nation since the destruction of the Temple and 
 consequent dispersion of the tribe of Levi. 
 
 It is so inconsistent with reason, that it may be almost affirmed to be 
 an unquestionable fact, that there never was a religion, either Jew or 
 Gentile, which could legally claim for its maintenance a tenth part of the 
 yearly produce of land and labour. For the clergy to be entitled to a 
 tenth, they ought to form one-tenth of the jjopulation ; but there never 
 was a mode of worship which required one-tenth of the people to be 
 teachers and ministers. The tribe of Levi had a tenth, because they 
 formed a tenth of the population, and had no other inheritance ; but 
 Aaron and his sons had only a tenth of that tenth ; so that the clergy 
 received no more than the hundredth part, the remainder being for 
 other uses, for the rest of the Levites, for the poor, the stranger, the 
 widow, the orphan, and the temple. 
 
 Christianity contains less authority for tithe than Judaism. Jesus 
 Christ ordained no such burden ; and in no part of his history is any 
 compulsory provision for the maintenance of the cleigy mentioned. 
 Both our Saviour and his Apostles unceasingly taught poverty and
 
 ORIGIN AND TENURE OF CHURCH PROPERTV. 11 
 
 humility to their followers, and contempt of worldly goods. Hear their 
 exhortations : " Carry neither scrip nor shoes ; into whatever house ye 
 enter, say. Peace." " Take no care of what ye shall eat, nor what ye 
 shall drink, nor for j'our bodies what ye shall put on." " Beware of co- 
 vetoiisness ; seek not what ye shall eat, but seek the kingdom of 
 God." *' Give alms ; provide yourselves with bags that wax not old, 
 a treasure in Heaven that faileth not." Again, " Distribute unto 
 the poor, and seek treasures in Heaven." And, again, " Take care 
 that your hearts be not charged with surfeiting and drunkenness, and 
 the cares of this life." 
 
 In all this there is no authority for tithing, and the fathers of the 
 Church wore equally hostile to this species of extortion. The council 
 of Antioch, in the fourth century, allowed the bishops to distribute 
 the goods of the Church, but to have no part to themselves. " Have 
 food and raiment, be therewith content," says the canon. It was only 
 as real Christianity declined, that tithing began. When the simple 
 worship of Christ was corrupted by the adoption of Jewi-h and Pagan 
 ceremonies ; when the saints and martyrs were put in the room of the 
 heathen deities ; when the altars, the bishops, prebends, and other 
 corruptions were introduced ; then tithes commenced, to support the 
 innovations on the primitive faith. 
 
 It is impossible to ascertain exactly the period when tithes were first 
 introduced into this country. During the first ages of the Church, 
 its ministers were supported by charity, by oblations, and voluntary 
 gifts. According to IBlackstone, the first mention of tithes in any 
 written English law is in a constitutional decree made in a synod held 
 A.D. 786, wherein the payment of tithes is generally enjoined. But 
 this was no law, merely a general recommendation, and did not, at 
 first, bind the laity. Thoy are next mentioned in the Fcedtis Edwnrdi 
 ct GutJnirni, or treaty agreed upon between King Guthrun, the Dane, 
 and Alfred and his son Edward the elder, successive kings of England, 
 about the year 9U0. Guthrun being a Pagan, it was thought necessary 
 to provide for the subsistence of the Christian clergy under his do- 
 minion ; accordingly the payment of tithes was enj^4ined, and a penalty 
 imposed for its non observance ; which law is countenanced by the laws 
 of Athelstan, and this, according to the Commentator, is all that can 
 be traced out Avith regard to their legal origin.* In fact, this inquiry, 
 like all others into the early constitutional history of the country, is 
 involved in darkness and contradiction. We are not even satisfactorily 
 informed of the origin of the civil divisions of the kingdom into 
 counties, hundreds, and parishes. These have been commonly ascribed 
 to Alfred ; but the researches of late Aviiters have traced them to a 
 period of much earlier date. 
 
 One thing, however, is certain as regards tithes, namely, that in 
 England, in France, and, probably, in all Christian countries, they 
 were divided into four portions : one for the bishop, one for the poor, 
 
 • Commentaries, b. ii. cli. 3.
 
 12 CllUltClI Ol ENGLAND 
 
 one for the repair of the church, and one for the priest. A late writer* 
 attempts to controvert the fourfold division of parochial tithes ; but 
 the fact rests upon such unquestionoble authority, that it may be deemed 
 a tnith placed beyond dispute. Without digressing into any learned 
 research, it may be observed that the quadrupartite division of tithes is 
 still retained in many parishes in Ireland ; a point which appears to have 
 been overlooked by the reviewer. In the Diocesan Returns to Parliament 
 in 1820, the bishop of Clonfert and Kilmacduagh and the bishop of 
 Kildare remarked that in their dioceses is preserved the old episcopal 
 establishment of the quarta pars ; that is, a portion of the parochial 
 tithes out of every parish is payable to the bishop. 
 
 The right of the poor to share in the tithe is established by the tenor 
 of ancient statutes made to protect them from the consequences of the 
 appropriation of parishes by spiritual corporations. After these appro- 
 priations had been effected, the religious houses were wont to depute 
 one of their ow'n body to perform divine service in those parishes of 
 which the societies had become possessed of the tithes. This officiating 
 minister was in reality no more than the curate or vicar of the appro- 
 priators, receiving from them an arbitrary stipend. Under this system 
 the poor suffered so much, that the legislature was obliged to interpose, 
 and, accordingly, the 15 Rich. II. c. 6 provides, that in all appropriations 
 of churches the diocesan shall order a competent sum to be distributed 
 among the poor parishioners annually ; and that the vicar shall be 
 sufficiently endowed. " It seems," says Blackstone, " the parishes 
 were frequently sufferers, not only by the want of divine service, but 
 also by withholding those alms for ivhich, among other purposes, the 
 payment of tithes was originally imposed ; and, therefore, in this 
 act, a pension is directed to be distributed among the poor parochians as 
 well as a sufficient stipend to the vicar."t 
 
 One or two facts well attested are better than a hundred ingenious 
 deductions and learned conjectures. What we have advanced not only 
 establishes the original fourfold division of parochial tithes, but also the 
 right of the poor to a portion of them. It also incidentally establishes 
 another fact deserving attention, in showing the falsity of those repre- 
 sentations made, from time to time, of the charity and hospitality of 
 the abbeys and monasteries. By masses and obits and other sanctimo- 
 nious pretexts, the monks possessed themselves of a large number of 
 the benefices in the kingdom ; instead of applying the revenues of these 
 to the purposes of religion and charity, they pert'erted them to the 
 enriching of their own fraternities, and a compulsory act of the legislature 
 was necessary to compel them to restore to the poor a portion of their 
 rights, and allow a decent maintenance to the parish priest. The little 
 charity of the religious houses might be inferred from the general 
 principles of human natuie without the aid of facts. It is notorious 
 that they had become the abodes of luxury, indolence, and crime. Who 
 would expect from societies so depraved, either charity or hospitality ? 
 
 » Quarterly Review, No. 83. t Comuieutarics, b. i. chap. 11.
 
 ORIGIN AND TENURE OF CHURCH PROl'ERTV. 13 
 
 The rich, the sensual, and vicious, rarely sympathise with indigence. 
 For their own ease, and, as a motive to indifference, they are mostly 
 prompt to calumniate the poor with unjust aspersions, and represent a 
 lively zeal in their welfare, either as undeserved or mistaken bene- 
 volence. 
 
 The practice of appropriating- livings was first introduced by the Nor- 
 mans ; and within three hundred years after, the monks had become the 
 proprietors of one-third of all the benefices in the kingdom, and these 
 for the most part the richest. At the dissolution of the relig-ious houses 
 by the 27 and 31 Hen. VI 11. these benefices, by the common law, would 
 have been disappropriated, had not a clause been inserted in these 
 statutes to give them to the King in as ample a manner as the abbots, 
 &c. had held the same at the time of their dissolution. Having thus 
 become the proprietor of one-third of the benefices as well as all the 
 plate, revenues and Avealth of the abbeys, the manner in which this 
 monurch disposed of the treasure he had acquired accounts for the pre- 
 sent state of ecclesiastical property. With a part of it he founded new 
 bishoprics, colleges, and deaneries ; large masses of it he gave to 
 courtiers and noblemen ; a portion he retained in his own hands, 
 and the remainder applied to the maintenance of the reformed religion. 
 Individuals, corporations, and colleges, who obtained grants from the 
 Crown, obtained, also, all the rights annexed to them ; and the present 
 proprietors of the abbey-lands are proprietors of the tithes and benefices 
 formerly attached to these lands. Hence it is so large a portion of the 
 tithes are in the hands of laymen. It is calculated there are 3845 im- 
 propriations in England ; that is, benefices, in the hands of persons not 
 engaged in the service of religion, but who receive the great tithes, 
 leaving only the vicarial tithes or other minor endowments for the 
 maintenance of the incumbent. 
 
 The effect on society of this new disposition of ecclesiastical proper- 
 ty has been differently represented by writers. Discontent is inseparable 
 from the reform of every established practice and institution. Those 
 who profit by abuses, and those who are benefited by their removal must 
 view in different lights and hold forth different representations of mea- 
 sures by which they are oppositely affected. With the dissati-sfaction 
 of the monastic orders, there can be no surprise ; their condition was 
 that of drones forced from the hives in wliich they had devoured in 
 idleness the fruits of others' industry ; but the dissatisfaction of other 
 classes cannot be so readily explained. Mr. Hallam states that the 
 summary abolition of the religious houses led to the great northern 
 rebellion:* it is certain from the popular ballads of the time, this im- 
 portant measure was a subject of regret to the lower orders ; and old 
 Harry Jenkins laments that " those days were over in which he used to 
 be invited to the Lord Abbot's chamber, to feast on a quarter of a 
 yard of roast beef and wassail in a black jack." T\vo reasons may be 
 assigned for the existence of this feeling; either it may be ascribed to 
 
 • Constitutional History of England, vol. i. p. 77.
 
 14 (;iii;r(.ii oi iiNf.Lwn. 
 
 ilio cessation of tlie alnisgivinc: and hospitality of tlic convontiial 
 bodies, or to the <reneral ip:noianrc of the y)eople. The limited extent 
 of the former has been already shown; if the populace could he concili- 
 ated by such miserable charity as we have adverted to, their fatuity may 
 be likened to that of the multitude in more recent times, who are often 
 blinded to their just claims by doles of soup or salt fish, or a bonus of 
 100 guineas out of an enormous civil list. The extreme ig'norance of 
 the people was, doubtless, the principal cause of their hostility to the 
 reformation, and disqualified them from duly estimating the advantages 
 likely to ensue from so great a revolution. While the people continue 
 unenlightened, they must always be subject to their superiors, or those 
 who possess influence enough to delude or direct them. The Forty- 
 Shilling freeholders of Ireland were the alternate slaves of aristocratic 
 landloi-ds and fanatic priests, and in the votes they gave at the instiga- 
 tion of each, as well as in the tameness with which they submitted to 
 be disfranchised, they have manifested a like rational view of their 
 ultimate interests. The monks of the time of Henry VIII. were not 
 less omnipotent over the multitude than the priests of Ireland, or those 
 of Spain and Portugal ; under the influence of the former the populace 
 sung out whatever note they were directed; and, unquestionably, such 
 views of the tendency of the reformation would be impressed upon them 
 as best accorded with the interests of their spiritual guides. 
 
 To this cause we ascribe the popular feeling as regards the disso- 
 lution of monastic establishments. The same spirit opposed the opening 
 of turnpike-roads, and the introduction of the cow-pox and machinery. 
 But it is extremely erroneous to maintain that the Reformation was not 
 a g-reat blessing to the country, and tended, most essentially, to better 
 the condition of the working classes. Had popery (such popery we 
 mean as existed at that day) continued the established religion, the 
 present condition of the people would have been no better than that of 
 the degraded rabble who have restored Don Miguel and Don Ferdinand, 
 and whose miseries, in spite of the almsgiving and hospitality of con- 
 vents, are sufficiently acute to prevent an increase in their numbers. 
 From the general poverty of the Peninsula, and the state of its agri- 
 culture, commerce, and population, fettered and oppressed by aristocra- 
 tic, ecclesiastic, and corporate immunities, Ave may form an idea of 
 what England would have been without the Reformation. Knowledge 
 Avas incompatible Avith the power of the monks, Avhose influence was 
 founded on the general belief of miracles, the sanctity of rehcs, and 
 other pious frauds, to A\-hich popular illumination Avould haA'e been fatal. 
 Without, therefore, the excitement produced by their dispersion, and 
 the freedom of discussion Avith Avhich it Avas accompanied, the people 
 Avould have remained intellectually debased; their ignorance Avas neces- 
 sary to the ascendancy of those in whose hands they Avere, and of course 
 they Avould have been kept in that state, and AAithheld from the only 
 means by Avhich their condition in society could be ameliorated. If 
 more substantial benefits have not resulted from the Reformation, 
 it may be easily traced to other causes. That great event certainly put
 
 OinOlX AND TENURK Ol- rilURfH PROPERTY. 1 .'> 
 
 ihe people in possession, by removing the mental inculjus of a degrading 
 superstition, of the most powerful instrument, by whicli they can be 
 obtained. 
 
 It is to be regretted that, at the dissolution of the aliboys, the immense 
 revenue at the disposal of the Crown was not appropriated in a manner 
 more advantageous to the community. One of the great evils in our 
 social economy is the unequal division of property — the vast masses 
 in which it is accumulated by entails and riglits of primogeniture in 
 the hands of individuals. This evil was aggravated by transferring the 
 endowments of the monks to the aristocracy, and thus was lost a 
 favourable juncture for obtaining better security for the liberties of the 
 people, by a more equal partition of proprietary influence. Instead of 
 wasting the spoils of the church on rapacious courtiers, it might have 
 been appropriated, as in Scotland, to the establishment of a system of 
 pnrodiial education; or, it might have been applied to sustain the dig- 
 nity of the Crown, or defray the chaiges of government without bur- 
 thening the people, or to other undertakings of general and permanent 
 interest. Of the magnitude of the opportunity thrown away, we may 
 form some idea from the almost incredible wealth of the monastic 
 institutions. 
 
 Of the annual value of 3S8 religious houses, we have no estimate; 
 -but, computing the value of these in the same proportion, as of the ().33 
 of which we have the return.s, the total revenue of the 1041 houses 
 in England and Wales was £273,106: — a prodigious sum in those days, 
 if we consider the relative value of money, and the smallness of the na- 
 tional income. But incredible as this revenue is, it was only the reserved 
 rents of manors and demesnes, without including the tithes of appro- 
 priations, fines, heriots, renewals, deodands, &C. which would probably 
 have amounted to twice as much. Upon good authority it is stated the 
 clergy were proprietors of seven-tenths of the whole kingdom; and, 
 out of the three remaining tenths, thus kindly left to king, lords, and 
 commons, were the four numerous orders of mendicants to be maintained, 
 against whom no gate could be shut, to whom no provision could be de- 
 nied, and from whom no secret could be concealed. 
 
 Mr. Cobbett often amuses his readers by excbmiations of astonishment, 
 in contemplating the splendid cathedrals of Lincoln, Ely, Canterburv, 
 and Winchester; ccmsidering them incontestable evidence of the great 
 wealth and population of the country at the period of their erection. 
 But it would be quite as correct for future generations to refer to Wind- 
 sor Castle or Buckingliam Palace as evidence of the general contentment 
 and prosperity of the kingdom under the government of the Borough- 
 mongers. The fact is, it was not necessary either the population or 
 general wealth of the community should be very great to enable the 
 Catholic priesthood to erect those magnificent, but comparatively useless, 
 structures. Pious souls! they had possessed themselves of nearly the 
 whole land and labour of the community, and would have grasped the 
 remainder, had it not been for the interference of the legislature. Such 
 have been the religious propensities of the English, at all times, that
 
 IG (lIljRCIl ()!■ I,Nf;i,ANI). 
 
 the fervour of tlioir pipty lias oftoufr required elicckino; than oncouraf^ing; 
 hy their rulers. It was with this view the Mortinain Act was passed, 
 in the reign of Henry VII. which, by proliibitinf^ the bequest of pro- 
 perty to the ecclesiastical bodies, prevented the patrimony of almost 
 every family in the kingdom from being cngulphed by the cunnint^ and 
 insatiable monks. Had the vast amount of landed property acquired 
 by spiritual corporations, previously to the passing of this statute, 
 remained tied up in their hands, it must have formed an insuperable 
 obstacle to the developement of the productive powers of the countiy, 
 and under such a system neither the riches nor numbers of the people 
 could have greatly augmented. 
 
 The statements of church property before the Reformation w-ould ap- 
 pear exaggerated, had we not illustrative proof in the present state of 
 Ireland and other countries. The mere remnant of the estates of the 
 church, now held by the Irish Protestant Establishment, is calculated 
 at two elevenths of the entire soil of the kingdom. In Tuscany, 
 before the French Revolution had partially regenerated the dukedom, 
 the priesthood was found, from inquiries instituted by the grand duke, 
 to enjoy seventeen parts in twenty of the land. In Spain and Portugal, 
 and in France, the monopoly of the church was nearly as great. 
 
 But we shall now leave the subject. We could not treat on the origin 
 of church property in this country, without adverting to the changes 
 eftected by the Reformation. We shall next advert to the tenure on 
 which the property of the church devolved, and continues to be holden 
 by our Protestant Establishment. 
 
 It seems almost a work of supererogation to set about proving that 
 the property of the established church is 'public property, the bare 
 terms of the proposition apparently involving the demonstration. What 
 can be understood by an established church, but a church endowed by 
 the state, and, if so endowed, subordinate to the state, and for the benefit 
 thereof? This principle has been recognized in every country in Europe. 
 Wherever church property has been interfered with, (and we know 
 none where it has not been interfered with,) it never appears to have 
 been surmised that the state had not only the power but the right to 
 give a new disposition to ecclesiastical endowments, either by appropri- 
 ating them to the maintenance of a different religion, or to the neces- 
 sities of the community. In England this power has been distinctly 
 admitted, as appears from the measures adopted at the Reformation : at 
 that period a commission was appointed to investigate the abuses of the 
 church ; a return was made of the value of all monasteries and religious 
 houses, of parochial livings, episcopal and cathedral dignities, and every 
 other species of ecclesiastical revenue, and the whole entered in a book, 
 called Liber Regalis, or the King's Book. This important document 
 has been recently reprinted by the Commissioners of Public Records ; 
 it is the only authentic survey of the revenues of the church ; and 
 the result was, as before described, an entire new disposition of eccle- 
 siastical property. No claim appears to have been set up that the 
 property was sacred, and in every succeeding period it has been treated
 
 OUIOIN AND TENURE OV CHURCH PROPEUTV. 17 
 
 in a similar manner. It has been always considered public property, 
 and the f^overnment, for the time ])eing', whether a monarchy under a 
 Tudor, or a commonwealth under Cromwell, has always exercised 
 the right of applying' it to secular uses, or to the maintenance of 
 whatever form of faith might be in vogue, whether Catholic, Protestant, 
 or Presbyterian. 
 
 Down to our own time the same principle has been constantly acted 
 upon by parliament. In the numerous acts of parliament, passed within 
 the last thirty years, for regulating the sale and exchange of parsonage- 
 houses and g-lebe-lands, of mortgages in cases of buildings and repairs, 
 church property is invariably treated as public property, the ownership 
 of which is vested in the State. Were it not so, the legislature could 
 have no more right to interfere in the disposal of the property of the 
 church than of the property of private individuals. It could have no 
 right to pass the act for prohibiting the sale of spiritual preferment, by 
 making it penal to present to any benefice for money, gift, or reward. 
 It could have no right to pass the act, by which an incumbent is com- 
 pelled to pay to his curate the whole, or a proportionate part of the income 
 of his benefice. It could have no right to pass the Church-Building 
 Acts, authorizing the division of parishes, glebes, and tithes ; nor the 
 various statutes for regulating the discipline of the clergy, by compel- 
 ling them to reside on their benefices, or refrain from exercising any 
 trade, or taking any farm of more than eighty acres of land. It is never 
 attempted by such legislative interference, to control the conduct 
 and possessions of laymen. The possessor of an estate can sell it to 
 another in his lifetime, or, after his death, bequeath it to posterity; but 
 the clergy have no such power over their possessions. They have at most 
 only a life-interest ; and even of that they may be disinherited at the 
 pleasure of their diocesan. The tenure of their property is similar to 
 that by which any public servant holds the office of Secretary of State, 
 or the Chancellorship of the Exchequer. 
 
 The church is now as anxious to disown connexion with the state as 
 it formerly was to claim its alliance and protection. With this view 
 ingenious theories, for they are nothing more, have been put forth to 
 prove that ecclesiastical propertv has not been derived from any public 
 grant or concession. It has been alleged, for instance, that tithes and 
 other profits of ecclesiastical benefices were not derived from the state, 
 but from the bounty of private individuals, by whom such benefices 
 woie founded and endowed. This assumption has been refuted by Mi-, 
 Eagle in his admirable Legal Argument on Tithes: he has proved by the 
 most incontestable authorities, that parochial tithes formed no part of 
 the original endowment of benefices ; that the dowry of churches at the 
 time of their foundation consisted of house and glebe only, and that 
 tithes were subsequently assigned to incumbents by the state. But 
 were it otherwise, and could it be shewn that the gifts of individuals 
 formed part of the endowments of benefices, still the public nature of 
 the purposes to which they were appropriated has made them the pro- 
 perty of the public to the exclusion of all other claimants, 
 
 c
 
 18 CHliJiCIl OF i:N(iI,ANl). 
 
 Otiiois again attempt to defend the claims of the clergy, upon the 
 principle that they possess corporate rights, and hence contend that 
 though the existing race of bishops, deans, prebendaries, rectors, and 
 vicars might coni])ron\ise their interests with the state, they could have 
 no power to entor into any arrangement for the future, by which their 
 successors might be deprived of the reversion of church property. 
 
 To this it has been answered, that bodies politic and corporate are 
 civil institutions created by the law, and what the law has power to create 
 it has power to abrogate. Therefore if the legislature, in the exercise of 
 its undoubted right to dissolve by the law that which was created by the 
 law, should think fit to put an end to the corporate capacity of the 
 clergy, their right to the tithes and other profits of their benefices would 
 necessarily cease. For they could not claim as individuals that which 
 they had held and enjoyed in their corporate capacity only. Their 
 possessions would revert to the state, from which they had been derived, 
 to be disposed of in the manner best calculated to promote the welfare 
 of the nation. 
 
 But it is useless to contend with mere legal fictions, shadows, and 
 assumptions. The entire argument on church tithes may be comprised 
 in a very small compass, and rests on recent and indubitable authority. 
 The tenure of ecclesiastical property was prescribed by the Statutes of 
 Dissolution at the time of the Reformation. The legislature of that day 
 made a new disposition of the possessions of the church, and reserved to 
 itself, and has constantly exercised the power of altering that disposition 
 in future. Any title or claim of the clergy antecedent to these acts is 
 superseded on the well-known principle that posterior abrogate prior 
 laws. If the acts of Henry VIII. be invalid, if the parliament of the 
 sixteenth centuiy be deemed to have exceeded its powers, what would be 
 the consequences ? Why precisely those which have been forcibly pointed 
 out by Mr. Eagle. All the grantees, lay and ecclesiastical, of the lands 
 and tithes of the dissolved monasteries would not have a shadow of 
 a legal title, and therefore the Duke of Bedford and eveiy other de- 
 scendant of the grantees Avould be liable to be called to account for the 
 past rents and profits accruing from their possessions. 
 
 To conclude, the established clergy are a great bodv of public sti- 
 pendiaries, engaged for the discharge of specific duties ; and their rights 
 and constitution resemble more those of our military establishment 
 than any other department of the national service. Like the army, the 
 clergy have their own laws, and may be tried by their own courts. A 
 regular subordination exists from the lowest to the highest ; from the 
 curates, Avho are privates in the ecclesiastical corps, to the rectors and 
 vicars, Avho are regimental officers ; from thence to the bishops and arch- 
 bishops, v.ho are generals and field-marshals : there are, also, district 
 generals, inspectors, and quarter-masters-general under the names of 
 archdeacons, deans, and prebendaries. The bishops have their regular 
 staff of commissaries, chaplains, secretaries, arid apothecaries. No 
 clergyman can be absent without leave, and is liable to be broken or 
 cashiered for neglect of duty. The king is the supreme head of the
 
 PATRONAGE OF THE CHURCH. 19 
 
 Church and the Army ; he appoints to all the principal commissions, 
 and in both a plurality of commissions may be holden. Supplies are 
 voted by the parliament for both brandies of service ; either may be 
 augmented or diminished, or entirely discontinued, as circumstances 
 require. Lastly, the military have the same property in their muskets, 
 barracks, and accoutrements, that the clergy have in their pulpits, tithes, 
 and cathedrals ; both may be transferred from the present possessors to 
 others, or sold for the benefit of the community. 
 
 Such being the tenure of ecclesiastical immunities, it is mere 
 sophistry to contend that the property of the church is as sacred as 
 any other property. No analogy exists betwixt the rights of indivi- 
 duals, or even of corporations, and the rights of the church, and this 
 view of the subject is confirmed by the history of the church itself, and 
 the example of every European government. If the church ever had 
 an indefeasible claim, it could only have appertained to the catholic 
 church, to which the ecclesiastical revenues were originally g-ranted. 
 But whatever corporate or other rights the catholic church might 
 claim, they were annihilated at the Reformation, and the legislators of 
 that period plainly dealt with the possessions of the clergy, as neither 
 perpetually attached to any particular class of persons, nor to any par- 
 ticular form of worship. They evidently treated church endowments 
 as a sort of waif or estray ; and, in assigning them pro tempore to 
 the protestant establishment, they only assigned them on the terms of 
 a tenancy-at-will, subject to such conditions of occupancy, ejectment, 
 forcible entry, &c. as the parliamentary landlords might think expedient 
 from time to time to promulgate. 
 
 II. PATRONAGE OF THE CHURCH. 
 
 If the possessions of the clergy are not inviolate, the rights of patrons 
 appear to have a still less substantial guarantee. It has, however, been 
 affirmed by an eminent ecclesiastical judge. Dr. Lushington,* that, 
 whatever opinion might be held on the general tenure of ecclesiastical 
 property, there could be no doubt advowsons were strictly private pro- 
 perty. As this is a point of great importance, it may be pioper, before 
 we give an exposition of the present state of church patronage, shortly 
 to elucidate the nature and origin of patronial immunities. Our obser- 
 vations will, of course, apply solely to the rights of private indivi- 
 duals : of the tenure of the patronage vested in the king, the lord 
 chancellor, the bishops, deans and chapters, there cannot be any difie- 
 rence of opinion ; all these exercise their patronage ex officio, and un- 
 questionably the same legislative power which has authority to regulate 
 the functioas of these offices, may make i-egulations as to the disposi- 
 tion of the ecclesiastical patronage appertaining to them. 
 
 A patron, as is well known, is one who has the right to present to 
 ecclesiastical preferment. The exercise of this right is called a pre- 
 sentation, and the right itself an advowson. When the Christian 
 
 • House of Commons, April 27lh, 1830. 
 
 C 2
 
 20 ciiuitcn oi- KNfJi.ANn. 
 
 rolif^ion was first cstal)lishe(l in England, flic sovereign began to buih! 
 cathedrals, and afterwards, in imitation of him, lords of manors founded 
 churches on part of their demesnes, endowing them Avith house and glebe, 
 reserving to themselves and heirs a right to present a fit person to the 
 bishop as officiating" clergyman. Hence most advowsons were fonnerly 
 appendant to manors, and the patrons parochial barons: it was only by 
 the corruptions of later ages the lordship of the manor and the patro- 
 nage of the church were dissevered, and any one, however mean and 
 disreputable, might, by purchase, aspire to the dignity of patron. 
 
 Still such presentative right, however valuable it might be as a 
 provision for relatives and friends, was deemed purely an honorary 
 function, from the exercise of Avhich no lucrative benefit ought to 
 accrue to the possessor. For the better security of this principle, severe 
 laws have been enacted to punish patrons who dispose of spiritual 
 preferment from interested motives. If a patron present any person 
 to a benefice for a corrupt consideration, by gift, promise, or reward, 
 the presentation is void, and, for that turn, lapses to the Cro^^-n. If a 
 person procure a presentation for money or profit, and is presented, 
 he is disabled from holding the living. Even general bonds given to 
 resign a benefice at the request of a patron, or in favour of some par- 
 ticular person, have been declared a violation of the statutes.* Such 
 transactions have been termed simony, from their supposed relation to 
 the offence of Simon Magus, who offered, with money, to buy the 
 Holy Ghost. The design of the legislature was to prevent the obtru- 
 sion of improper persons in the ministry, and gxiard against the 
 patronage of the Church being perverted to objects of mere lucre in lieu 
 of promoting religion and virtue. For the same salutary end, bishops 
 may refuse to institute the presentee of a patron who is not sufficiently 
 learned, or labours under moral or canonical disqualification. 
 
 In piactice, however, all these precautions are nugatory, and the 
 laws against simony are as easily evaded as those against usury or the 
 sale of seats in the House of Commons. Preferment in the Church is 
 as regular a subject of sale as commissions in the army; and a patron 
 would as soon think of rewarding an individual for his learning and 
 piety with the gift of a freehold estate as a church living. Hence, the 
 door of the church is open to all, whether they have a call or not, pro- 
 vided they possess a golden key ; and, in the Metropolis, offices are 
 openly kept in which spiritual preferment is sold as regularly as offices 
 in the East Indies, medical practice, or any other secular pursuit. Not 
 unfrequently, a cure of souls is brought under the hammer of an 
 auctioneer, and a Jew, who maintains our Saviour was an impostor, 
 may, if he please, purchase the right to select a proper person for 
 the ministiy of the Gospel. In short, church patronage is dealt with 
 as a mere commodity , and the produce of tithe and glebe, instead of 
 
 * 31 Eliz. c. 6; 12 Ann, stat. 2, c. 12 ; also, the cases of Bishop of London 
 r. Ff>tcho, and of Fletcher v. Lord Sondes.
 
 PATRONAGE OF THE CHUUCll. 21 
 
 being- employed as the reward of religious zeal and service, is bought, 
 like a life annuity, as a provision and settlement for families.* 
 
 These abuses must always continue while the law tolerates the sale of 
 advowsons ; it is in vain to prohibit the corrupt presentation to an eccle- 
 siastical benefice, if a third person may purchase the right to present, 
 and, under the semblance of a gift, convey the benefice to his employer. 
 But such perversion can in no way strengthen the claims of patrons, 
 and entitle them to set up a mere incorporeal immunity as real propertj'. 
 The history of church patronage, as well as the enactments of the law, 
 are repugnant to the idea of treating church patronage as houses and 
 land. In cases of bankruptcy and insolvency, the assignees can neither 
 sell nor present to a vacant ecclesiastical benefice ; this is a personal 
 function which cannot be delegated or assig-ned like a mere chattel, but 
 must be discharged by the insolvent himself. Were, therefore, the 
 Church reformed to-morrow, and all its ministers placed on an uniform 
 salary of £260 a-year, the patrons of livings could not claim a com- 
 pensation for the loss of tithe and church estate. They never, either 
 in law or in equity, had a beneficial interest in the Church ; their in- 
 teiests were purely honorar)' and functional : and were the patronag'e of 
 livings continued to them under a reformed system, however much the 
 value of advowsons might be depreciated in the market, whatever 
 interest they legally possessed would have been abundantly respected. 
 
 Having shortly exhibited the origin and tenure of patronial immu- 
 nities, we shall next explain the present distribution of church 
 patronage, and the mode and purposes for which it is usually employed. 
 
 The patronage of the Church is in the king, bishops, deans and 
 chapters, universities, collegiate establishments, aristocracy, and gentry. 
 The king's patronage is the bishoprics, all the deaneries in England, 
 thirty prebends, twenty-three canonries, the mastership of the Temple, 
 
 * All the offices of the Church being professedly of a spiritual nature, and 
 executed for spiritual objects, an American bishop, Dr. Hobart, during his 
 sojourn in tliis country, felt much scandalized l)y reading tlie following details 
 of secular traffic in the Morning Chronicle, .July 13, 1824 : — 
 
 " The church livings in Essex, sold on the 1st instant, by Mr. Robins, of 
 Regent-street, were not the absolute advowsons, but the next presentations 
 contingent on the lives of Mr. and Mrs. W, T. P. L. W'ellesley, aged tliirty-six. 
 and tweuty-iive years respectively, and were as under : — 
 
 Estimated Age of „ , . . _ 
 
 Annual Value. Incumbent. •' ' 
 
 .. f6->3 (52 £2,440 
 
 .. 1,200 58 4,200 
 
 .500 .... 03 ],G0O 
 
 62 J ;J9 .... l,-.2» 
 
 7U0 G2 2,000 
 
 400 TjO !'0(» 
 
 200 46 580 
 
 The biddings appeared to be governed by the age and health of the iri- 
 cninlients, residence, situHtion, and other local circumstances, with which llif 
 parties interested seemed to be well acipuunled." 
 
 Place. 
 
 Description 
 
 Wanslead 
 
 Rectory 
 
 Woodford 
 
 Ditto 
 
 Gt. Paindon 
 
 Ditto 
 
 Fifield 
 
 Ditto 
 
 Rochford 
 
 Ditto 
 
 Filstead 
 
 Vicarage 
 
 Roydon 
 
 Ditto
 
 22 CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 the wardenship of the collegiate church of Manchester, and 1048 
 livings. The lord chancellor presents to all the livings under the value 
 of £20 in the king's book, which are about 780; he also presents to 
 six prebendal stalls in Bristol cathedral, and to five in each of the 
 cathedrals of Gloucester, Norwich, and Rochester ; the other ministers 
 present to the remaining patronage of the crown. Upwards of 1600 
 pieces of church-preferment are in the gift of the bishops ; more than 
 600 in the presentation of the two universities; 57 in the colleges of 
 Eton and Winchester: about 1000 in the gifts of cathedrals and col- 
 legiate establishments ; and the remainder in the gift of the aristocracy 
 and private individuals. 
 
 The population-returns of 1821 make the number of parishes and 
 parochial chapelries in England and Wales 10,674; which, divided 
 into rectories and vicarages, exhibit the following classification of pa- 
 rochial patronage : — 
 
 In the gift of Rectories. Vicarages. 
 
 The crown 558 490 
 
 Thebishops - 592 709 
 
 Deans and chapters 190 792 
 
 University of Oxford 202 112 
 
 University of Cambridge •••• 152 131 
 
 Collegiate establishments • • • • 39 1 07 
 
 Private individuals 3,444 3,175 
 
 In addition, there are 649 chapels not parochial, making the total 
 number of benefices in England and Wales, without allowing for the 
 consolidation of the smaller parishes, 11,342. To this number ought 
 to be added 227 new churches and chapels erected under the authority 
 of the Church-Building-Acts, and which must hereafter greatly aug- 
 ment the patronage and revenues of the established church. All these 
 churches and chapels constitute, by the statutes, so many separate be- 
 nefices, their ministers are incumbents, and bodies corporate, empowered 
 to take endowments in land or tithes. 
 
 The benefices now in the gift of the Crown were reservations, when 
 the manors to which they were appendant were granted away, or were 
 acquired by lapse, or conferred on Henry VIII. and his successors, by 
 act of parliament, at the dissolution of the monasteries to which they 
 belonged. The livings belonging to the bishoprics, the deans and 
 chapters, the universities, and colleges, were the gifts of their mu- 
 nificent founders. Those in the hands of private individuals have come 
 into their possession along with their estates, or they have purchased or 
 inherited the advowson dissevered from manorial rights. 
 
 Directly or indirectly the entire patronage of the church may be said 
 to be vested in the Crown. No one is eligible to church-preferment, 
 unless first ordained by the bishop ; when eligible, no one can enjoy 
 any benefice unless instituted by a bishop: the bishops, therefore, by 
 ordination and institution, have a double power to exclude obnoxious 
 persons : and the bishops themselves being appointed by the king, the
 
 PATRONAGE OF THE CHURCH. 23 
 
 latter has, virtually, the whole patronage of the church, having a veto 
 on all ecclesiastical appointments by the aristocracy, the gentry, ca- 
 thedrals, and other bodies in which church patronage is vested. 
 
 It is easy to conceive how much the power of the Crown is thereby 
 augmented. The clergy, from superior education, from their wealth 
 and sacred profession, possess greater influence than any other order of 
 men, and all the influence they possess is as much subservient to 
 government as the army or navy, or any other branch of public service. 
 Upon every public occasion the consequence of this influence is apparent. 
 There is no question, however unpopular, which may not obtain coun- 
 tenance by the support of the clergy: being everywhere, and having 
 much to lose, and a great deal to expect, they are always active and 
 zealous in devotion to the interests of those on whom their promotion 
 depends. Hence their anxiety to attract notice at county, corporate, 
 and sessional meetings. Whenever a loyal address is to be obtained, a 
 popular petition opposed, or hard measure carried against the poor, it 
 is almost certain some reverend rector, very reverend dean, or vene- 
 rable archdeacon, will make himself conspicuous. 
 
 It has been before remarked that church patronage is a regular 
 article of sale. Besides being sold for money, spiritual preferment is 
 devoted to political objects, and to the emolument of powerful fiiniilies, 
 chiefly the nobility. Few individuals attain high honour in the church, 
 unless remarkable for their devotion to government; any show of libe- 
 rality or independence is fatal to ecclesiastical ambition, as may be 
 instanced in the history of a Watson, a Paley, or a Shipley. On the 
 contrary, hostility to reform, subserviency to ministers, and alacrity in 
 supporting them on all occasions, is sure to be rewarded. We do not 
 think the conduct of the Bishops in voting against the reform bill any 
 objection to this imputation. They, doubtless, calculated, as Lord 
 Brougham remarked, on " tripping up the heels" of the Whig Ministers. 
 That they have mostly thriven by subserviency, will be apparent from 
 adverting to the claims to promotion of the individuals rewarded by 
 mitres under Tory administrations. Two of them are generally known 
 as " the Ladi/s Bishops," from the nature of the court iufluence to 
 which it is supposed they were indebted for their exalted stations. 
 Marsh, one of the most orthodox, was a political pamphleteer, who 
 wrote a book in favour of Pitt's war; after which he received a pension, 
 then a bishopric. Blomfield owed his first preferment to a noble lord, 
 whom he had pleased by his dexterity in rendering some Greek verses ; 
 his subsequent elevation is said to have been purchased by a compromise 
 of principle on the catholic question : he did not vote on the first intro- 
 duction of the reform bill, divided, probably, by a sense of gratitude to 
 his early patron lord Spencer, and uncertainty as to future events. 
 Dr. Monk is also an eminent haberdasher in " points and particles." 
 He was raised to the throne of Gloucester, from the deanery of Peter- 
 borough and rectory of Fiskerton; and to which elevation it is not 
 unlikely he paved the way by a fulsome dedication of his " Life of 
 Bentletj' to liis friend and patron, the bishop of London. The tergi-
 
 24 CHURCH of England. 
 
 versations and subserviency of Dr. Philpotts are too notorious to require 
 description. The archbishop of Canterbury is, as far as "vve know, 
 without any particular trait of distinction, either in his history or cha- 
 racter. He was formerly dean of the Royal Chapel, and tutor to the 
 prince of Orange; he seems a man of great singleness of mind; for 
 in one of his charges to the clergy, he deplores the absence of that 
 " humble docility" and " prostration of the understanding" which for- 
 merly rendered tlie people such apt subjects, either of religious or political 
 knavery. The bishop of Durham is of Dutch extraction, and some 
 years since underwent a severe prosecution for non-residence on a bfne- 
 fice in the City, of which he was then incumbent. Burgess is a protege 
 of lord Sidmouth, who is now living in retirement on a pension of £3000 
 a year, granted for " high and efficient" services to church and state. 
 Coplestone is the writer of a satirical squib, called " Hints to a Young- 
 Reviewer," directed against a well-known northern periodical. John 
 Bird Sumner is considered a person of some merit, and has written 
 several articles in the Edinburgh Encyclopedia. Carey, too, who 
 was sub-almoner to George III. is also an author and has published a 
 sermon, preached on the occasion of the famous " Jubilee." With the 
 exception of Bathurst and ]Maltby little is known of the rest; they have 
 mostly been indebted for promotion to marriage, or to their connexions 
 with the aristocracy, either by relationship, or from having filled the 
 office of tutor or secretary in their families. In this roll of services, 
 of accident of birth, of situation, and connexion, there is evidently no 
 claim of public service or utility to entitle the bishops to their princely 
 revenues and vast patronag-e. 
 
 One of the greatest abuses in the disposal of patronage is ynonopohj, 
 in a few individuals, of influence and connexion, sharing among them 
 the most valuable emoluments of the church. In all spiritual offices and 
 dignities, there is a great diflference in value, and also in patronage; and 
 the great object of ecclesiastical intrigue is, to secure not only the most 
 valuable, but the greatest number of preferments. Hence arises the 
 present disposition of church property. Scarcely any preferment is held 
 single; the sees, dignities, rectories, and \Tlcarages, being mostly held 
 with other good things, and the most valuable monopolized by the rela- 
 tions and connexions of those who have the disposal of them ; namely, 
 the Crown, the Bishops, and Aristocracy. The bishops are frequently 
 archdeacons and deans, rectors, vicars, and curates, besides holding 
 professorships, clerkships, prebends, precentorships, and other offices 
 in cathedrals. Their sons, sons-in-law, brothers, and nephews, are 
 also pushed in to the most valuable preferments in the diocese. We 
 shall give an instance of the manner of serving out the loaves and fishes 
 of the church in particular families, from the example of Spauke, 
 bishop of Ely, who owed his promotion to the circumstance of having 
 been tutor to the duke of Rutland. The exhibition is limited to the 
 two sons and son-in-law of the bishop, without including appointments 
 to distant relatives. In the shiftings, exchanges, resignatijons, movings 
 about, and heaping up of offices, we have a complete picture of the
 
 PATRONAGE OF THE CHURCH. 25 
 
 ecclesiastical CA'olutions Avhich are constantly being performed in almost 
 every diocese of the kingdom. 
 
 1815. The Rev. John Henry Sparke, the eldest son, took his degree of B.A.; 
 he was then about 21 ; he was immediately appointed by his father to a 
 bishop's fellowship in Jesus College, Cambridge. 
 
 1816. He was appointed steward of all his father's manorial courts. 
 
 1818. He took his degree of M.A., and was presented to a prebendal stall in 
 Ely Cathedral, on the resignation of the Kev. Archdeacon Brown, who 
 had been holding it one year: he was also presented to the sinecure rec- 
 torj' of Littlebury, and in the following month he was presented to the 
 living of Streatham-cum-Thetfoid, by an exchange with the Rev. Mr. Law 
 for the living of Downham, which last living had been held for three 
 years by the Rev. JMr. Daubeny, the bishop's nephew, who now resigned 
 it in favour of Mr. Law, and retired to the living of Bexwell. 
 
 1819. The Rev. J. H. Sparke had a dispensation granted him from the arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury, permitting him to hold the living of Cottenham 
 with his other preferments. 
 
 1818. The Rev. Henry Fardel), the bishop's son-in-law, was ordained deacon. 
 
 1819. He was presented to a prebendal stall in Ely, the degree of M.A. having 
 been conferred on him by the archbishop of Canterbury. 
 
 1821. He was presented to the living of Tyd St Giles. 
 
 1822. He was presented to the living of Waterbeach, on the resignation of the 
 Rev. Mr. Mitchell. 
 
 1823. He resigned Tyd St. Giles, and was presented to Bexwell, on the resig- 
 nation of the Rev. Mr. Daubeny, the bisliop's nephew, who was presented 
 to Feltwell; but in a few weeks, when the value of Feltwell was better 
 understood, ISIr. Daubeny was required to resign Feltwell and return to 
 Bexwell. This, it is said, he did with great reluctance; he was, however, 
 presented to Tyd as well as Bexwell, and the Rev. Mr. Fardell was then 
 presented to Feltwell. 
 
 1824. The Rev. J. Henry Sparke was appointed Chancellor of the diocese, and 
 this year he resigned the prebendal stall he held, and was presented to 
 the one which became vacant by the death of the Rev. Sir H. Bate 
 Dudley; the house and gardens belonging to the latter stall being consi- 
 dered the best in the College. 
 
 1820. The Rev. Edward Sparke, the bishop's youngest son, took his degree of 
 B.A., and was immediately presented by his father to a bishop's fellow- 
 ship in St. John's College, Cambridge, on the resignation of Charles 
 Jenyns, Esq. a friend of the family, who had been holding it three years. 
 He was also appointed Register of the diocese. 
 
 1827. The Rev. J. Henry Sparke resigned the livings of Cottenham and Stretham, 
 
 and w as presented to the rich living of Leverington. 
 1829. The Rev. J. Henry .Sparke was presented to Bexwell. 
 
 1829. The Kev. Edward Sparke took his degree of M.A. and was presented to 
 a prebendal stall on the resignation of Rev. Ben. Park (another friend 
 of the family) who had been holding it three years. 
 
 He was also this year presented to the living of Hogeworthingham, 
 and to the living of Barley. 
 
 1830. He resigned Hogeworthingham, and was presented to Connington. This 
 year he resigned Barley also, and was presented to Llttleport. 
 
 1831. He resigned Connington, and was presented to Feltvvell, at the same time 
 he resigned his prebendal stall, and was presented to the one become 
 vacant by the death of the Rev. George King — the rich living of Sutton 
 being in the gift of tiie possessor of the latter stall. 
 
 1831. The Rev. Henry Fardell resigned Feltwell, and was presented to the rich 
 li^ ing of AVisbech. 
 The Rev. J. Henry Sparke now holds the living of Leverington. the sinecure 
 rectory of Littlebury, the living of Bexwell, a prebendal stall in Ely Cathedral,
 
 2G niuRcn of hngland. 
 
 is steward of all his father's manorial courts, and Chancellor of the diocese. 
 TIk; estimated annual value of the \v hole, £4,500. 
 
 The Rev. Henry Fardell now holds the living of Waterbeach, the vicarage 
 of Wisbech, and a prebendai stall in Ely Cathedral. The estimated annual 
 value of his preff^rments, .t'3,700. 
 
 The Rev. Edward Sparke holds the consolidated livings of St. Mary and St 
 Nicholas, Feltwell, the vicarage of Littleport, a prebendai stall in Ely, is 
 Register of tlie diocese, and Examining Chaplain to his father. The estimated 
 annual value of his appointments not less than £4000. 
 
 The bishop's see of Ely and dependencies, £27,742. 
 
 Total income of the Sparke family, £39,942. 
 
 In the Ordination-Service a bishop is said to be intrusted with office 
 for " tbo glory of God, and the edification of the Christian flock." He 
 is particularly enjoined not to be " covetous," nor " greedy of filthy 
 lucre," and he promises to be " faithful in ordaining, sending, and 
 laying hands on others." . How far bishop Sparke has observed these 
 matters, we shall not presume to say; it is obvious, however, that the 
 faithful discharge of the duties of his office does not allow the " sending'' 
 of relations and connexions on the semce of the church, unless duly 
 and properly qualified. For any thing we know, his sons and son-in-law 
 may be amply qualified for these numerous endowments ; indeed, they 
 must be men of extraordinary capabilities, to be able to discharge the 
 duties of so many and important offices. 
 
 Bishop Sparke is not the only prelate who has sho^^^l regard to the 
 temporal welfare of his family. Other prelates seem to agree with lord 
 Plunket and sir R.Inglis, in considering church property of the nature 
 of private property, which cannot be better employed than in providing 
 handsome marriage portions for thtir sons and daughters. Several 
 prelates are of too recent elevation to have had time to send off nume- 
 rous branches into the church ; but an example or two from their 
 immediate predecessors on the bench will illustrate the ordinaiy work- 
 ing of the system. The late archbishop Sutton is an eminent instance 
 of the perversion of ecclesiastical patronage. The Suttons remaining in 
 the church are very numerous ; among seven of them are shared sixteen 
 rectories, vicarages, and chapelries, besides preacherships and dignities 
 in cathedrals. Of the eleven daughters of the archbishop, several had 
 the prudence to marry men in holy orders, who soon became amply 
 endowed. Hugh Percy, son of the earl of Beverly, married one 
 daughter; and, in the course of about as many years, was portioned off 
 with eight different preferments, estimated to be worth £10,000 per 
 annum ; four of these preferments were given in one year, probably that 
 of the nuptials, and intended as an outfit. This fortunate son-in-law is 
 now bishop of Carlisle, to which see he was translated from Rochester. 
 According to law he ought to have resigned all the preferments he held 
 at the time of being promoted to a bishopric; but somehow he has con- 
 trived to retain the most valuable prebend of St. Paul's, Avorth £3000 
 per annum, and also the chancellorship of Sarum. Another daughter 
 of the archbishop married the Rev. James Croft, who is archdeacon of 
 Canterbury, prebendary of Canterbury, curate of Hythe, rector of
 
 PATRONAGE OF THE CHURCH. 27 
 
 Cliffe-at-Hone, and rcctor of Saltwood — all preferments in the gift of 
 the archbishop. 
 
 Archbishop Sutton kept a favourable eye towards collaterals as well 
 as those in a direct line. A sister married a Rev. Richard Lockwood, 
 who was presented, in one year, with the three vicarages of Kessiiig- 
 land, Lowestoff, and Potter- Heig'h am: all these livings are valuable, and 
 in the gift of the bishop of Norwich, and were presented by his grace 
 when he held that see. The archbishop left the Rev. T. M. Sutton and 
 the Rev. Evelyn L. Sutton, chaplains to the House of Commons, and 
 a nephew with several livings ; but we cannot state particulars. 
 
 The late bishop of Winchester is another instance of a man who pro- 
 vided well for his family out of the revenues of the church. This pre- 
 late first held the sea of Lincoln, and changed his name from Pretyman 
 to Tomline, on acceding to a large estate bequeathed by a relation. He 
 had been tutor to the " heaven-born Minister," to whom he was in- 
 debted for his earliest preferments. His children, it will be seen, from 
 the subjoined enumeration, are not left destitute in the world. 
 
 G. T. Pretvman : 
 
 Chancellor and Canon Residentiary of Lincoln, 
 Prebendfiry of Winchester, 
 Hector of St. Giles, Chalfont, 
 Rector of Wheat-Hampstead, 
 Rector of Harpenden. 
 
 Richard Pretvman : 
 
 Precentor and Canon Residentiary of Lincoln, 
 Rector of Middleton-Stoney, 
 Rector of Walgrave, 
 Vicar of Haunington, 
 Rector of Wroughton. 
 
 John Pretvman : 
 
 Prebendary of Lincoln, 
 Rector of Sherrington, 
 Rector of VVinwick. 
 
 The younger Pretymans had, also, some nice picking-s out of the 
 Mere and Spital charities, the wardenship of Avhich the father got hold 
 of by the exchange of a living in his gift; but as the subject has already 
 been before the public, we refrain from dwelling upon it. 
 
 The Sumners, Blomfields, and Marshes are growing thick in the 
 church calendar, but, as before remarked, they have been too recently 
 planted to have yet struck their roots wide and deep in the Lord's vine- 
 yard. The death of a bishop causes a movement in the church, like a 
 change of ministers in the state. Expectations are excited, nume- 
 rous removes follow, the adherents and connexions of the deceased 
 are got out of the way as fast as possible, and all vacancies filled with 
 the followers of the new diocesan. No regard is apparently paid to 
 " the faithful ordaining, sending, or laying hands on others ;" the 
 g-reat object is to secure the dignities, the fat living, the fine living, the 
 noble living to the next of kin. The excessive greediness of lilthy
 
 28 CIlURCJl Ol ENGLAND. 
 
 lucre lias long been the reproach of the episcopal bench, and it is known 
 that former diocesans of London, Durham, Winchester, and Canter- 
 bury, have died loaded with the spoils of the church. The wealth they 
 amassed was due to the poor, to God, and the unfortunate of their own 
 order. In the epistle which is read at their consecration, it is required 
 of them that they should " be given to hospitality." they, likewise, 
 solemnly promise to assist the " indigent, and all strangers who are 
 destitute of help." But who overheard of a bishop being generous, of 
 being given to hospitality, or assisting the unfortunate ? who ever heard 
 of them employing their immense revenues in any useful work ; of their 
 patronag.; of science, of literature, or the arts? Most of them have 
 been only intent on amassing immense fortunes, and leaving behind 
 them their million or half million, like Jew-jobbers, loan-contractors, 
 and commercial speculators. They live out of the world, consuming, 
 in solitary indulgence, the spoil of the industrious, and without sym- 
 pathy with the misfortunes and vicissitudes of life. They have no 
 bowels even for the indigent of their own class : in the rich diocese of 
 Durham it is known begging subscriptions are had every year for the 
 poor clergy and their families; and measures introduced into Parliament 
 for the general relief of the inferior clergy have usually failed from the 
 opposition of the higher class of ecclesiastics. 
 
 In the disposal of Parochial Patronage there is the same abuse and 
 monopoly as prevail in the higher departments of the church. The 
 most valuable benefices, like the most valuable sees and dignities, fall 
 into the hands of those whose chief claims are their families and con- 
 nexions. By bringing forward the poor livings, it is usual to make out 
 a favourable case for the parochial clergy; but from the small number 
 of individuals among whom parochial preferments are shared, there are 
 few' except the curates entitled to much sympathy. We shall illustrate 
 this point by laying before the reader a list of incumbents, selected 
 almost at random, which will at once show the measureless rapacity 
 that directs the disposal of church-preferment. 
 
 Robert Affleck, prebendary of York ; rector of Silkston, with Bretton-Monk 
 
 and Stainbury chapeh-ies ; rector of East Mediety ; rector of West Mediety, 
 
 Tres.sweli ; perpetual curate of Thockerington ; vicar of AV'estow. 
 Henry Alison, vicar of Buxton, with rectory of Oxnead and rectory of Skeyton ; 
 
 rector of Lynff with vicarage of Whitwell. 
 H. Batlinrst, archdeacon of Norwich ; rector of North Creake ; rector of Oby 
 
 with rectory of Ashby and rectory of Thurne. 
 J. W. Bcadon, precentor and prebendary of Wells ; precentor of Brecon ; 
 
 rector of Farley Chamberl; rector of Christian-iMal. 
 J. T. Ca.sbcrd, prebendary of AVells and Llandalf; also, one rectory, four vicar- 
 
 age.s, and two chapelries. 
 Chnrlcs \V. Eyre, prebendary of York; rector of Carlton, in Liudrick ; rector 
 
 of Hooton-Koberts ; vicar of Kiluwick-Percy ; vicar of Pocklington witii 
 
 the chapclry of Yapham. 
 John FUUer, archdeacon of Berks ; canon-residentiary of Sarum ; also, two 
 
 vicarages and three chapelries. 
 Dr. Forester, prebendary of Worcester; rector of Broseley ; rector of Little 
 
 Wenlock, with the cliapelries of Barrow and Bcnthall ; vicar of St. John's, 
 
 Worcester.
 
 PATRONAGE OF THF. CHURC H. 29 
 
 Dr. Goddard, archdeacon and prebendary of Lincoln; chaplain to the king; 
 
 vicar of Bexley ; vicar of Louth; rector of St. James, Garlichythe, London. 
 Dr. Goudull, provost of Eton; canon of Windsor; vicar of Broniham ; rector 
 
 of Hitcham : i-octor of U'est ILslcy. 
 Dr. E. Goodcitovffli, dean of Bath and \Vells ; prebendary of Westminster ; ditto 
 
 of Carlisle ; ditto of York : vicar of Wath, All Saints-on-Dearne, with the 
 
 chapelries of Aduick and Brampton Bierlow. 
 W. Goodenougli, archdeacon of Carlisle ; rector of Mareham-le-Fen ; rector of 
 
 Great Sulkeld. 
 Jlon. T. de Grey, archdeacon of Surrey ; prebendary of A\'^inchef;ter and chap- 
 lain to the kinpj ; rector of Calbourne ; rector of Fawley with the chapelry of 
 
 Exburs ; rector of Merton. 
 Earl of Gulldfiird, rector of New and Old Alresford, with chapelry of Med- 
 
 stead ; rector and precentor of St. ISIary, Southampton ; master of St. Cross 
 
 with St. Faith's. 
 A. Hamilton, archdeacon of Taunton ; prebendary of Wells ; chaplain to the 
 
 King; rector of Loughton ; rector of St. Mary-le-Bow, of St. Pancras, and 
 
 of Allhallows, London. 
 W. Ilett, prebendary and vicar-choral of Lincoln; vicar of Dunhoime; rector 
 
 of Enderby Navis ; vicar of St. John's and rector of St. Paul's, Lincoln ; 
 
 minister of Greetvvell and Nettleham chapelries; rector of Thorpe-on-the 
 
 Hill. 
 Hon. H. L. Hohart, dean of Windsor and of Wolverhampton; rector of Hase- 
 
 ley ; vicar of Nocton ; vicar of Wantage. 
 Dr. Hodgson, dean of Carlisle ; vicar of Burgh-on-Sands ; vicar of Hillingdon ; 
 
 rector of St. George'Sj^ Hanover-square. 
 Hon. E. S. Keppel, rector of Quiddenham, with rectory of Snetterton ; vicar of 
 
 St. Mary's and All Saints, Shottisham ; rector of Tittlesball with rectories of 
 
 Godvvick and Wellingham. 
 Dr. Madan, prebendary and chancellor of Peterborough ; chaplain to the King ; 
 
 rector of Ibstock, with chapelries of Dunnington and Hugglescote ; rector of 
 
 Tliorpe Constantino. 
 Herbert Marslt, bishop of Peterborough ; rector of Castor, with chajjalries of 
 
 Sutton, St. Michael, and Upton; rector of St. Clement and St. Jolin, Ter- 
 
 rington. 
 Dr. OldersJuiw, archdeacon of Norfolk, with perpetual curacy of Coston ; vicar 
 
 of Ludham; vicar of Ranworth, with the vicarage of St. Margaret, Upton ; 
 
 rector of Wedenhall witii chapelry of Harlestone. 
 Hon. G. Pclleic, dean ol Norwich ; prebendary of York; and rector of St. Dionis 
 
 Backchurcli, London. 
 F. D.Perkins, chaplain to the King; vicar of Foleshill ; ditto of Hathcrley- 
 
 Down ; ditto of Sow ; ditto of Stoke ; rector of Svvayfield ; ditto of Ham. 
 Lord Win. Somerset, prebendary of Bristol ; rector of Crickhowel ; rector of 
 
 Llaugallock, with ciiapelries of Llanelly and Llangenueth. 
 Lord John Tliijnue, prebendary of Westminster ; rector of Kingston-Devurill ; 
 
 rector of Street, with cliapelry of Walton. ' 
 Wm. Trivett, vicar of Arlington ; ditto of M'iljington ; ditto of Ashburnham, 
 
 with rectory of Penshurst ; rector of BradwcU. 
 James IVeblier, dean of liipon and prebendary of Westminster ; vicar of Kirk- 
 ham ; rector of St. Mary, Westminster. 
 Eras. Wranghinn, archdeacon of York and prebendary of York and Chester ; 
 
 rector of Dodleston ; vicar of Hunmanby, with chapelry of Fordon ; vicar of 
 
 Muston. 
 
 Abtindnnt other examples of equal or pTcater enormity will be found 
 in the List of Pluralists subjoined to this Article. But nothino;, in a small 
 compass, attests more strikin<jly the abuses in patronage, and the scan-
 
 30 GHUUcn Ol" ENGLAND. 
 
 dalous manner in which otKces are heaped on favoured individuals, than 
 a comparison of the whole number of ecclesiastical preferments with 
 the whole number of persons among whom they are divided. This is a 
 test which may be applied with perfect accuracy. The only description 
 of ecclesiastics whose mmibcr cannot be ascertained with precision are 
 the curates and the inferior classes connected with cathedral and col- 
 legiate churches; the rest may be easily reckoned up from the Clerical 
 Guide y which contains the names of all the episcopal, dignified, and 
 beneficed clergy. From this work we find that the whole number of 
 prelates, dignitaries, rectors, vicars, and perpetual curates, in England 
 and Wales, is only seven-thousand six-hundred and ninety-four. 
 Those who make the established clergy amount to 18,000 must needs 
 include the parish-clerk, sexton, and grave-digger; but these function- 
 aries of the church not being in holy orders, they certainly ought not 
 to be included in the ecclesiastical corps, any more than the groom, 
 valet, or other menials of clergymen. Neither ought curates to be in- 
 cluded : they are merely the hired deputies of their principals, without 
 institution or induction, and always subject to removal at the pleasure 
 of the bishop or incumbent. Omitting these classes, we affirm that the 
 whole number of endowed and beneficed clergy is, as we have stated, 
 7694, and by this diminutive number are the whole preferments of the 
 church monopolized. These preferments are, as we collect from Cove 
 and other sources, as under : — 
 
 Sees 26 
 
 Chancellorships 26 
 
 Deaneries of cathedral and collegiate churches • • 28 
 
 Archdeaconries 61 
 
 Prebends and canonries • • • • • 514 
 
 Minor canonries, priest-vicars, vicars-choral, and 
 other dignities and offices, without including 
 
 lay-offices in cathedrals •••• 330 
 
 Rectories, vicarages, and chapelries 11 ,342 
 
 Total 12,327 
 
 Thus, there are 12,327 places of preferment divided among 7694 indi- 
 viduals, affording nearly two for each. This extraordinary monopoly 
 of offices accounts for the vast number of pluralists. The whole 
 number of incumbents in England and Wales is 7191 ; of this number, 
 2886 hold tuo or more rectories, vicarages, and chapelries. From data 
 in the last edition of the Clerical Guide, published in 1829, we have 
 drawn up the following classification of parochial patronage, exhibiting 
 the number of individuals and the number of parochial preferments 
 enjoyed by each.
 
 PATRONAGE OF THE CHURCH. 31 
 
 Pauociiial Patronage, showing the Number of Individuals, and 
 the Number of Rectories, Vicarages, and Chapelries held by each. 
 
 Number of 
 
 Livings held 
 
 Total Number 
 
 Individuals. 
 
 by each. 
 
 of Livings. 
 
 1 
 
 u 
 
 11 
 
 1 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 5 
 
 7 
 
 35 
 
 12 
 
 6 
 
 72 
 
 64 
 
 5 
 
 320 
 
 209 
 
 4 
 
 836 
 
 567 
 
 3 
 
 1701 
 
 2027 
 
 2 
 
 4054 
 
 4305 
 
 1 
 
 4305 
 
 7191 
 
 11,342 
 
 According to strict ecclesiastical discipline, no minister ought to hold 
 more than one living;* and, for the better care of the souls of parish- 
 ioners, he ought to reside on his benefice. Laws have been made, and 
 are still in force, f imposing forfeitures and penalties on clergymen who, 
 having one living, accept another, or who absent themselves from their 
 parishes. These laws, however, in practice, like the representation 
 of the people in the lower house of parliament, are little more than the 
 theory of church government. By dispensations and licenses, a clergyman 
 may hold as many livings as he can get, and he need not reside on any 
 of them. Hence it is that considerably more than one-third of the 
 whole number of incumbents are pluralists. Many have five, four, 
 and three livings. Majendie, Ivite Bishop of Bangor, who died in 1830, 
 held no fewer than eleven parochial preferments. These preferments 
 we presume are held by his successor, and what an extraordinary divine 
 he must be to be able to administer his various episcopal and parish 
 duties ! In the above classification are not included cathedral dignities, 
 fellowships in the universities, chaplainships, professorships, masterships 
 of grammar-schools, and other otfices held by incumbents, and to which 
 members of the Establishment ai-e exclusively eligible. It merely shows 
 the cutting-up of parochial benefices, and it is hardly necessary to add 
 that those who are in possession of the most valuable and greatest num- 
 ber are connected by birth, marriage, politics, or in some other way, 
 with those who have the disposal of them. Indeed, it is impossible to 
 peruse the list of dignitaries and highly-beneficed clergy, without 
 remarking that many of them are " honourable lun\ber," who have 
 been turned over to spiritual pursuits from inability to succeed in the 
 
 * For the sense in which the term limig has been used in the preceding clas- 
 sification, see the Explatiations prefixed to tlie List of Pluralists at the end of tiiis 
 
 t Statutes 21 Henry VIII. c.l3, and .57 Geo. III. c. 99.
 
 32 CMUIJCH OF KNGI-AND. 
 
 more arduous professions of the law, the ariuy, or the navy. In the 
 church, as in the state, those chiefly Avork for tlie puhlic who have no 
 other dependence, who are of pleheian extraction, and without support 
 from family interest or aristocratic connexion. 
 
 III. SINECURISM — NON-RKSIDENCE — PLURALITIES — CIIUUCII 
 DISCIPLINE. 
 
 Sinccurism abounds more in our ecclesiastical than civil establish- 
 ment. In the church almost every thing is done by deputy, — a conse- 
 quence naturally resulting from her great wealth ; for where large 
 salaries are annexed, great duties are seldom discharged. Those with 
 large incomes have various reasons for not burthening themselves with 
 official toil. First, they can afford to pay for a deputy ; secondly, they 
 can purchase or influence the connivance of others for neglect of their 
 own duties ; thirdly, they have the means for indulgence and recrea- 
 tion, which, consuming much time, leave little leisure for more serious 
 avocations. Hence has arisen sinecurism in both Church and State ; 
 presenting the singular spectacle of one class receiving the pay, and 
 another, born under less favorable auspices, doing the work for which 
 the pay is received. 
 
 Among the different orders of our ecclesiastical polity, there are none, 
 with the exception of the curates and a few beneficed clergy, who reside 
 and do the duties of their parishes ; the remainder being clerical sine- 
 curists, filled with the Holy Ghost, to share in the rich endowments 
 of the church. The bishops are most amply remunerated, and, as is 
 usual in such cases, perform the least service. They employ archdea-- 
 cons to visit for them ; rural deans and others to preach for them ; and 
 a vicar-g'eneral to issue licenses, hold courts, and perform other drud- 
 gery ; if otherwise engaged, they employ a brother bishop to ordain for 
 them. They have their own chaplains, commissaries, and secretaries ; 
 in short, their w'ork must be lig'ht, and chiefly consists in keeping* an 
 eye to the next translation, and the falling in of the rich livings. In 
 the Ordination Service, however, they are enjoined strict and abstemious 
 duties. It is there said a bishop must be " blameless," they are admo- 
 nished diligently to preach the word, and be conspicuous examples of 
 various Christian virtues." They are now chiefly known among the 
 people by their grotesque attire. They are the only men (save exqui- 
 sites) who continue to dress in imitation of the female sex, or take pains 
 to disguise themselves under uncouth habiUments. The shovel, or coal- 
 scuttle hat is particularly distinguishable. It is the remains of the old 
 hat worn by Roman Catholic priests in their days of splendour, and still to 
 be'seen on the Continent. Under this chapeau is a bush of false hair, 
 plastered and twisted into a most unnatural size and ridiculous shape, 
 resembling any thing but what we may suppose to have been the fashion 
 among the apostles. To these distinctions may be added the long 
 gaiters and " lady's maid apron," from the hips to the knees only, so
 
 SINECURISM — NON-RESIDENCE — PLURALITIES. 33 
 
 that the gaiters may not be concealed. These gaiters are of vast im- 
 portance, importing that the wearers are meek and lowly, and con- 
 stantly xvalking about doing good.* Nevertheless they often ride in 
 dashing style through the streets, attended by grooms in purple liveries, 
 and some of them arc very Nimrods in the country. 
 
 Many of the church dignitaries are distinguishable by peculiarities of 
 dress, as the sho\'el hat and kirtle. Their duties are less onerous 
 than those of the bishops. For instance, what are the duties of the 
 very reverend Dean '. he is chicily known among sextons and monument- 
 builders. Mr. Gordon, in the debate on the Curates' Salary Bill, said he 
 knew a clergyman who was dignitary in no fewer than six cathedrals. 
 Were there any duties to perform, how could a man discharge the duties 
 of so many difterent oliices, in so many different places, perhaps at the 
 distance of some hundred miles from each other ? Archbishop Cran- 
 mer, in a letter to Cromwell, in the reign of Henry VIII., denounces 
 the canons and prebendaries as a " superfluous condition. "f He says, 
 a prebendary is neither a " learner nor a teacher, but a good v lander, 
 who v.-astes his substance in superfluous belly cheer." If they were a 
 " sujKrfluous condition" under a Popish regime, they must be much 
 more so under a Protestant establishment. The prebends, however, are 
 very valuable, some of them worth £3000 a year, Avhich will be a good 
 reason with many for retaining them as a part of the venerable estab- 
 lishment. What further adds to their value is, that, being benefices not 
 having cure of souls, they may be held with other preferment without a 
 dispensation for plurality. 
 
 The Parochial Clergy are, for the most part, a mass of sinecurists. 
 In one respect, Church of Englandism is an improvement on the original 
 simplicity of the gospel, by rendering the discharge of its duties almost 
 a mechanical operation. No long and expensive course of education is 
 requisite to prepare her ministers : all her service is written ; no extem- 
 pore preaching or praying ; it requires no mind, merely to be able to 
 read is enough. To perform such a puerile and heaitless ceremony, it 
 is not surprising a majority of the clergy conceive it unnecessary to 
 reside on their benefices. Of the violation of the law in this respect, 
 of the penalties incurred by this violation, and of the Bill of Indemnity 
 passed by our immaculate representatives to screen the delinquents, wo 
 shall relate an extraordinary example. 
 
 It is necessary to premise that, under the 43d Geo. III. c. 84, every 
 spiritual person, possessed of any archdeaconry, deanery, or other 
 dignity or benefice, is required to reside on his preferment ; if he 
 absent himself without license from the bishop, or some special cause of 
 exemption, he is subject to penalties varying from one-third to three- 
 fourths of the annual value of his dignity or benefice, recoverable by 
 action of debt by any person suing for the same. This act was passed 
 
 * The Church and Nothing but the Church, p. 12. 
 
 + Rcntham's Church of EHglamlism, p. 250, where this curious epistle is 
 inserted at lca;:tli.
 
 34 CIllJUCII or ENGLAND. 
 
 to amend a statute of Henry VIII. as regards the residence of the 
 clergy ; it has been subsequently modified by the 57th Geo. III. c. 9'J, 
 and was introduced by Sir William Scott, (now Lord Stowell,) and 
 solemnly enacted, in the year 1803, by king, lords, and commons. In 
 the year 1811, Mr. Wright commenced nearly 200 diftorent actions 
 against the incumbents in the dioceses of London, Ely, and Norwich, 
 to recover the penalties under the statute. This gentleman had been 
 secretary to four right reverend bishops — the bishops of London, Norwich, 
 Ely, and some other prelate — and, of course, had enjoyed the most 
 anij)le opportunities for procuring correct information of the conduct of 
 the clergy. These opportunities appear not to have been neglected. 
 In a series of letters published in the Morning Chronicle, betwixt the 
 6th November, 1813, and the 11th March, 1814, he favoured the public 
 Avith many curious disclosures which had come to his knowledge during 
 the discharge of his official duties. 
 
 In his letter of November 20th, he says that he has selected from 
 well authenticated documents 10,801 benefices, on which there are only 
 4,490 incumbents, even said to be resident, so that there are 6,311 
 confe.ssedly non-resident incumbents ; to supply whose places 1,523 resi- 
 dent curates are employed, which leaves 4,788, which are acknowledged 
 to have neither a resident curate nor incumbent. The whole number 
 of curates, whether resident or not, employed to supply the place of 
 non-resident incumbents, is only 3,730, and only 1,793 of these are 
 licensed ; whereas, according to the canon and statute law, no person 
 has a right to officiate until he is licensed. In one diocese, he says, 
 one-third of the livings have had duty reduced from twice to once on a 
 Sunday ; and in another diocese, one-third of the parsonage-houses 
 were returned in bad repair, as an excuse for the non-residence of our 
 gentlemen pastors. Speaking of the false pretences made use of by 
 the clergy, in order to avoid residing among their parishioners, and the 
 scandalous lives they lead, he says, — 
 
 " NoAV ill-health of the incumbent himself, or his wife, or daughter, 
 is a common pretext, when no other legal cause can be found of avoid- 
 ing residence. Of twenty-two licenses granted in one diocese for this 
 reason, three only of the persons are in a state of health to warrant it, 
 and the benefices from which they so absent themselves are very valua- 
 ble. Whether the ministers whom I thus challenge as using false pre- 
 tences deserve the imputation, will best appear by the mode of life they 
 adopt. Some live in town during the winter ; and although night air 
 certainly cannot benefit a valetudinarian, they may be constantly seen at 
 card parties, routs, or the theatres. In summer, enjoying the amusements 
 of fashionable watering places ; whilst, too often, their curates, by the 
 parsimonious stipends they afford them, are Avith a numerous family in 
 a state of the greatest poverty. Others have beneficial schools in the 
 neighbourhood of London. Othei-s are continually to be met Avith near 
 their residence in more pleasant parts of the country, enjoying the 
 sports of the field, or vigorously endeavouring to detect some poor 
 countryman who may have an unfortunate inclination to taste game ! 
 Others may be seen most days driving their own carriage ! Some are
 
 S 1 N EC U R I S M N O N-R ESI DE N C K — I' LI R A LlTl ES. 35 
 
 in debt, and some are Curates near the Fens! and all to observers seem 
 "perfectly healthful; yet a ceitificate from a medical man is deposited 
 with the bishop that they are not so ; probably it is six or ei^ht years 
 before when there might have existed a degree of temporary ill-health, 
 but after the cause ceases, the same plea is continued ; and a license 
 once granted, is renewed as a matter of course." — Lett. IV. Jan. 6, 1814. 
 
 Thus we see how these reverend gentlemen are employed ; not in 
 administering spiritual instructionto the ignorant, comfort to the afflicted, 
 or alms and clothing to the naked. Oh ! no ; these are ignoble pursuits, 
 the mere theorj' of the profession. They pretend sickness in order to 
 obtain a license for non-residence, that they may bawl at the card-table, 
 frequent the playhouse, tally-ho, shoot, play at cricket, brandish the 
 coachman's whip, and bully at fashionable watering-places. Remember, 
 these jovial spirits are all filled with the Holy Ghost, — empowered to for- 
 give or not to forgive sins — have the cure of souls; that their poor 
 curates are stai-ving on a wretched stipend, and that, in the maintenance 
 of both, the industrious are deprived of the fruits of their labour, and 
 the necessary comforts of their families wasted in the profligate and 
 dissipated lives of their parochial ministers. 
 
 In Letter V. Jan. 18th, 1814, Mr. Wright gives the following state- 
 ment, collected, he says, with infinite pains, of the state of the ecclesias- 
 tical discipline in the small diocese of Ely, in 1813, compared with the 
 year 1728: — 
 
 In 1728. In 1813. 
 
 On 140 livings, 70 Resident In- On the same 140 livings, 45 Re- 
 cumbents. sident Incumbents. 
 
 Thirty-four who reside near and Seventeen who reside near and 
 perform the duty. perform the duty. 
 
 Thirty-one curates who reside in Thirty-five curates, some of whom 
 the parish or near it. reside eight, ten, or twelve miles off. 
 
 The population was 56,944 souls. The population is 82,176 souls. 
 The duty was perfonned 261 times The service is performed about 185 
 every Sunday. times every Sunday. 
 
 And their income £12,719 per And their income is now £6 1,474 
 annum. per annum. 
 
 This is singular — duty neglected in proportion as it became more im- 
 portant and better paid. The population increased one-half, and the 
 number of times service is performed diminished one-third. The reve- 
 nues increased almost fivefold, and the number of resident incumbents 
 decreased one- third. What sincere and conscientious labourers in the 
 vineyard of the Lord ! How strikingly it confirms the observation 
 that " Religion brought forth wealth, and the daughter devoured the 
 mother." 
 
 " The number of these (says Mr. Wright, Lett. II.) who have ne- 
 glected their duty in contempt of the law, and in direct violation of 
 solemn oath and bond, are far more than can be contemplated without a 
 considerable degree of alarm." One vicar obtained a license from a 
 bishop for non-residence on one living, stating that he was going to re- 
 
 n 2
 
 lU) 
 
 cniiuii or I'.Ncr.ANf). 
 
 side near another in a diftcrcnt part of the kingdom. On inquiring for 
 him at the phice where he was supposed to reside, he was gone to a 
 more fashionahlc paif. of (he country. On another, to ' encourage 
 him,' the great titlies were settled, worth near £1200 : when he Avas 
 instituted, he took an oath to res«Ze, which he afterwards neglected to 
 observe. A rector, holding two valuable rectories worth £1200 per 
 annum, to obtain which he gave bond to the archbishop that he would 
 constantly reside on one, and keep a resident curate on the other, him- 
 self preaching on the benefice where he did not reside thirteen sermons 
 every year : this worthy son of the church contrived to evade these con- 
 ditions, and got a poor devil of a curate to do the work of both livings 
 for £84 a year. Another rector holding two livings, one worth £500, 
 the other £400^he lived 200 miles oft', and had neither resident nor 
 licensed curate ! 
 
 On the subject of pluralities and of non-residence together, the Se- 
 cretary to four bishops savs, " In one diocese there are about 216 
 clergymen, who each hold two livings ; 40 who hold three each; 13 
 wlio hold four each ; 1 who holds five ; 1 who holds six, besides digni- 
 ties and offices : and although many of these thus accounted sinijlc be- 
 nefices are two, three, four, or five parishes consolidated, yet a great 
 part of these pluralists do not reside on any of their preferments." In 
 Lett. VII. he says, " I will prove that there are pluralists holding 
 more than seven benefices and dignities." 
 
 It might be thought these statements of Mr. Wright were exagge- 
 rations or the result of personal pique, had they not been fully support- 
 ed by the Diocesan Returns laid before the Privy Council, and ordered 
 by the House of Commons to be printed. Prom these returns in the 
 years 1809, 1810, 1811, and 1827, w^e shall insert an abstract, and 
 then a few explanations : it will shew at once the state of church dis- 
 cipline both at present, and when the Secretaiy was arrested in his at- 
 tempt to bring the delinquents to justice. 
 
 1 . Resident on other benefices 
 
 2. Absent without licence or exemption 
 
 3. Exemptions not notified 
 
 4. Infirmity ol incumbent or family 
 
 5. Want or luitituess of parsonage-house 
 
 G. Incumbents residing in the neighbourhood 
 
 and doing duty 
 
 7. Unenumerated cases confirmed by the Archb 
 
 8. Dilapidated churches 
 
 9. Sinecures 
 
 10. Livings held by Bishops 
 
 11. Recent institutions 
 
 12. Miscellaneous cases 
 
 Total open to connivance 
 
 Total of non-residents 
 
 Total of residents 
 
 Total of residents and non-residents together. . .. 
 
 CASES 
 
 OF NON 
 
 -RESIDENTS IN 
 
 
 YEARS 
 
 
 1809. 
 
 1810. 
 
 1811. 
 
 1827. 
 
 1240 
 
 1846 
 
 2059 
 
 2163 
 
 672 
 
 650 
 
 1033 
 
 405 
 
 817 
 
 363 
 
 155 
 
 9 
 
 405 
 
 389 
 
 396 
 
 395 
 
 944 
 
 943 
 
 1068 
 
 1389 
 
 565 
 
 348 
 
 301 
 
 815 
 
 54 
 
 35 
 
 26 
 
 13 
 
 23 
 
 34 
 
 56 
 
 39 
 
 233 
 
 70 
 
 68 
 
 33 
 
 26 
 
 35 
 
 21 
 
 10 
 
 
 54 
 
 33 
 
 71 
 
 1271 
 
 38 
 
 51 
 
 41 
 
 6310 
 
 4903 
 
 5268 
 
 5383 
 
 7358 
 
 5840 
 
 6311 
 
 6120 
 
 38H6 
 
 4421 
 
 4490 
 
 4413 
 
 11,194 
 
 10,261 
 
 10,801 
 
 10,533
 
 SINECURISM — NON-RESIDENCE— I'LUR A LITIES. 
 
 37 
 
 Tlie flret of these totals contains the twelve preceding classes, in 
 each class of which there is room for connivance on the part of the 
 bishops to whom the returns are made, and of falsehood and evasion 
 on the part of the incumbents. The second total exhibits the whole 
 number of non-residents; and the fourth, the total number of resi- 
 dents and non-residents together, in Enj^land and Wales. Hence it 
 appears, that considerably more than one-half of the whole number of 
 incumbents do not reside on their benedces ; receive largo salaries for 
 nothing ; and the little duty that is performed is performed by their 
 curates. 
 
 As the Diocesan Returns for 1827* are the latest printed, it may be 
 proper to exhibit more particularly, as follows, the state of church disci- 
 pline in that year. 
 
 Residents : 
 
 Resident in the parsonage-house 3598 
 
 Resident within two miles of the church or clia])el, 
 
 there being no parsonage-house Si.') 
 
 Total-residents 44 1 3 
 
 Non-Resiuents : 
 
 Non-residents exempt 2619 
 
 Non-residents licensed 2147 
 
 Cases which could not be included among licenses 
 
 or exemptions ........ 1313 
 
 Miscellaneous cases 41 
 
 Total non-residents (> 120 
 
 Total number of benefices returned 10,533 
 
 Thus, only 3598 incumbents consider the parsonage-houses good 
 enough to reside in ; the rest are absentees. Acconling to Mr. Wright, 
 watit or unfitness of parsonage-house is a common pretext for ob- 
 taining a license for non-residence : in one diocese, he says, one-third of 
 the parsonage-houses were returned in bad re])air. In 1827, this aver- 
 sion of the clergy to their domicile aj)pears to have augmented ; in that 
 year 1398, or more than one-eighth of tiie whole number of ])arsonag-e- 
 houses in the kingdom were retunii'd as not lit places for our aristocratic 
 pastois to reside in ; or, in other words, as an excuse for a lict-nse to 
 desert their parishes, and roam about the country in quest of more lively 
 amusements than churching, christening-, and spiritually instructing their 
 parishioners. 
 
 Among the clergymen exempt from residence, a large portion con- 
 sists of those who reside on other benefices ; that is, holding more 
 livings than one, they cannot, of course, reside on both. Tlie ex- 
 emptions also include such privileged persons as cbaplains to the 
 nobility ; preachers and officers in the royal chapels and inns of court ; 
 wardens, provosts, fellows, tutors, and ushers in the universities, col- 
 
 * Parliameutary I^ajier, No. 471, Sees. 1S30.
 
 38 
 
 CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 leges, and public schools ; the principal and professors of the East-India 
 college ; and officers of cathedral and collegiate churches. The duties 
 of many of these offices are such as ought to disqualify the possessors 
 altogether from church preferment. For instance, -u'hat reason is there 
 in masters of the Charter-house claiming exemptions; in other words, 
 seeking to hold benefices and dignities in addition to their other offices 
 and duties ? Surely the management of a great public foundation, with 
 upwards of 800 scholars, and incomes of near £1000 per annum, afford 
 sufficient both employment and renmneration, without incurring the 
 responsibility of a mere of souls. The same remark applies to the 
 heads of colleges, and the masters and teachers of endowed charities. 
 v\ ith so many friendless curates in the countiy, starving on miserable 
 stipends, there is no need that any class of persons should be overbur- 
 thened with duties, or corrupted by the aggregation of extravagant salaries. 
 
 Of the other cases of non-residence, mentioned in the above table, we 
 shall offer only some brief remarks. The cases of those who plead 
 sickness and infirmitij have been sufficiently illustrated by an extract 
 from Mr. Wright, page 34. Sinecures hardly need explaining ; they 
 are offices yielding masses of pay without any duty whatever. Livings 
 held by bishops present a curious anomaly ; the right reverend prelates 
 commit the very offence of absenteeism, which it is their duty to prevent 
 being cdmmitted by the subaltern clergy of their diocese. Lastly, among 
 the miscellaneoiis cases are included those livings held in secjuestration. 
 In these instances, the incumbent being insolvent, possession, at the in- 
 stance of some creditor, had been taken of the benefice, to raise money 
 for the discharge of his debts. In 1811 the number of livings held by 
 sequestration was seventy-eight ; in 1827, forty-eight. 
 
 Such is a brief exposition of the state of church discipline, as exhi- 
 bited by official documents, and the averments of Mr. Wright, when 
 that gentleman commenced his actions against the clergy. We have 
 stated that the number of actions amounted to 200; and had Mr. 
 Wright been allowed to recover, the penalties would have amounted to 
 £80,000. To this sum he had an indisputable claim ; a cfeim as sacred 
 as any person can have to an estate devised by will, or on mortgage, or 
 other legal security ; his claim had been guaranteed to him by a solemn 
 act of the legislature. Moreover, this gentleman had been basely treated 
 by the right reverend bishops ; and it was partlv to indemnify himself 
 for losses sustained in their service, that he endeavoured to recover the 
 penalties to which the clergy had become liable by their connivance and 
 neglect. In Letter I. he says, " At a committee of bishops, after a 
 deliberation of nearly Tico Years, it was decided that each bishop 
 should give his secretary an annual sum of money. I have received it 
 from not one of them, except my late lamented patron, the Bishop of 
 
 London." " Commiseration may have been given, (Letter VII.) bat 
 
 it was all I ever received from any one, and that would have been un- 
 necessary, if the sums had been paid which were acknowledged to be 
 
 my due." " Two secretaries have, within the last ten years, fallen 
 
 victims to depression of mind, arising from a want of sufficient income."
 
 SINECURISM — NON-RESIDENCE — PLIRALITIES. 
 
 39 
 
 Most merciful bishops ! most Christian bishops! What, not pay your 
 poor secretaries their stipends ! drive two of them to despair by your 
 barbarous avarice ! Surely you might have spared them the odd hun- 
 dreds, out your 10, 20, and 40,000 pounds per annum. But you are 
 right reverend fathers, you can lisp about charity, turn up your eyes, 
 talk about treasures in heaven, but your.treasures are all in this world ; 
 there your hearts are fixed upon translations, pluralities, fat livings, and 
 heavy fines on leases and renewals. 
 
 These, however, are private anecdotes betwixt Mr. Wright and his 
 right reverend employers. Let us speak to the public part of the ques- 
 tion. It is clear, from what has l^een said, that Mr. Wright was in 
 posses.sion of valuable information ; he had resided in the Sanctum Sanc- 
 toi-um of the Temple, and was intimately acquainted with the secret 
 management of the holy church. The clergy were terri!)ly alarmed at 
 his disclosures: they resorted to every artifice to avert the storm, and 
 save their pockets : clubs were formed among the higher order of ec- 
 clesiastics : lies and calumnies of every shape and description were 
 vomited forth to blacken the character of Mr. Wright ; he was stigma- 
 tized as an " informer," who, availing himself of his official situation, 
 was in part the cause of and then the betrayer of their guilt. In 
 short, he became exposed to the whole storm of priestly cunning, ma- 
 lignity, and fury. I3ut facts are stubborn things ; and this gentleman 
 had secured too firm a hold of his object to lose his grasp by the wiles 
 and malice of the church. Their guilt was unquestionable ; there was 
 no chance of escape from the verdict of a jury ; but that protection which 
 it was in vain to expect from an English court of justice, they found in 
 the great sanctuary of delinquency, a boroughmongering House of 
 Commons. 
 
 On the 17th November, 1813, Bragge Bathuist brought in a bill to 
 stay all legal proceedings against the clergy on account of the 
 penalties they had incurred under the Clergy Residence Act. This bill 
 shortly after passed into a law, almost without opposition. The w higs were 
 silent. Mr. Whilbread and Mr. Brand indeed said something about the 
 absurdity of enacting laws one day, and abrogating them the next ; of 
 the injustice of tempting people by rewards, and after they had earned 
 them, interfering to prevent their being granted. But this was all. 
 These gentlemen agreed it was necessary to protect the clergy; and, 
 with the exception of the present Earl of Radnor, we do not find, in 
 Hansard's Histoiy of the Debates, a single individual who raised his 
 voice against the principle of this nefarious transaction. Mr. Wright, 
 too, finding it vain to hope for justice from such a source, ceased his 
 conmiunications to the public relative to the clergy : the Pai-sons' 
 Indemnity Bill passed into a law, and the church received a com- 
 plete white-washing from the State for all its manifold sins and trans- 
 gressions. 
 
 After the passing of the Bank restriction Act, Gagging Bills, Se- 
 ditious Meeting Bills, Press Restriction Bills, and of the llabt-as 
 Corpus Suspension Bills, it can hardly excite surprise that a bill passed
 
 40 
 
 CHURCH Oi" ENGLAND. 
 
 to indemnify the clergy. In the latter case, however, there appears 
 something- more unprincipled and contemptible than in the former im- 
 constitutional measures. The law imposing- the penalties which Mr. 
 Wrig-ht sought to recover had only been enacted in 1803 : the professed 
 object -was to remedy the crj-ing- evil of non-residence ; and to give 
 greater encouragement to prosecutions, the act provided that the whole 
 of the penalties should be given to the informer. Only eight years 
 elapse, an informer comes forward, relying on the faith of parliament ; 
 prosecutions are commenced; when the legislature interferes — in utter 
 contempt of justice and consistency — belying its former professions, 
 \'iolating its pledge, robbing- an individual of his reward, and screens 
 the delinquents which its own laws had made liable to punishment. It 
 is impossible for the people to feel any thing but contempt for such a 
 system of legislation. Law-s, it is clear, are not made to principles, but 
 to men, and are only terrible to the weak, not to the wicked. 
 
 Since the memorable actions of Mr. Wrig-ht, nothing has intervened 
 to improve the state of church discipline. An act of parliament,* 
 passed some years after, was rather in favour of the clergy than other- 
 wise, by abolishing the oaths formerly exacted of vicars to reside, by 
 augmenting- the monitory poAver of the bishops, and increasing the 
 difficulties in the way of prosecution. Accordingly, the great abuses 
 in ecclesiastical discipline remain unabated. Lord Mountcashell states 
 that, since 1<S14, the number of incumbents has deci'eased to the 
 amount of 2,500 ;t consequently, there has been a proportionate in- 
 crease in pluralities. Of the number of resident and non-resident in- 
 cumbents, the latest returns printed are for the year 1827 -,1 in that 
 year, we have seen, the returns were from 10,583 benefices in England 
 and Wales, of which benefices 4,413 had resident, and 6,120 non- 
 resident incumbents. Many incumbents who reside on their benefices 
 do no duty ; they are only attracted to their parishes by a fine cover for 
 game, an excellent trout-stream, or, perhaps, they seek a quiet retreat, 
 having worn out the better part of their existence in the dissipation of a 
 town life. 
 
 Even those who reside and do duty, and are called the working 
 clergij, perform a sei-vice requiring so little intellectual exertion, that 
 it hardly merits the remuneration of a tide-waiter. They have scarcely 
 ever occasion to compose and deliver an original seiTiion. The late Dr. 
 Johnson, before he received his pension, was regularly employed in the 
 manufacture of this description of commodity. The market is now 
 
 * .57 Geo. III. c. 99, the act which now regulates the residence of the clergy. 
 
 t House of Lords, May, 4, 1830. 
 
 % Parliamentary Paper, No. 471, Sess. 1830. After what has been explained, 
 it is perhaps unnecessary to observe that there are not actually so many indi- 
 viduals as tlie number ot resident and non-resident incumbents in the Iteturns 
 import. Tiie apparent inconsistency results from pluralities. Every benefice 
 with cure has an incumbent; but, as each incumbent ofien holds two or more 
 benefices, it reduces the numl)er of individuals to the amount we have stated, 
 (page 30,) namely, 7191.
 
 S1NECURI5M — NON-RESIDENCE — PLUUALITIES. 41 
 
 overstocked ; we seldom turn over a newspaper without mcetins: with 
 advertisements for the sale of MS sermons, which, next to manufac- 
 tures, seem the most abundant of all things. Sometimes parcels are 
 advertised in lithographic t}-pe ; this type being an imitation of 
 writing-, sermons composed in it pass with the congregation for original 
 comiK)sition3, and the minister has the credit of propounding a good 
 dise-ourse, the result of the previous week's hard study and prepara- 
 tion. A lot of sermons of this description would be invaluable, and 
 might be transmitted from father to son, like a freehold estate. If they 
 became stale, they might be sold or exchanged with a neighbouring in- 
 cumbent : this is a common practice with ministers who wish to indulge 
 their parishioners with novelty; they exchange one old batch of sermons 
 for another, from a difierent part of the country. 
 
 But enough of this. One is at a loss to imagine what the bishops 
 have been doing while the church has been running to seed. These 
 right reverend prelates are expressly appointed to watch over the morals 
 and conduct of the inferior clergy ; they are amply endowed, and have 
 numerous corps of oiKcers to assist in the discharge of their episcopal 
 functions. Yet they have been strangely remiss in attention to their 
 subaltern brethren. Translations have tended greatly to produce tliis 
 apathy ; they divest the bishops of a pemianent interest in their 
 dioceses, and prevent them becoming intimately acquainted with the 
 character and demeanour of incumbents. Until they attain the summit 
 of prel'dtical ambition, they consider themselves only birds of passage ; 
 in their sees, what they chiefly take an interest in is, to fill up the vacant 
 commissions, and then keep a steady eye on Durham or Winchester. 
 
 Under the primacy of the late Archbishop Sutton, energetic 
 measures of reform were not likely to be countenanced ; the career of 
 this mild but rapacious prelate was not an inapt exemplar of the favourite 
 priestly motto on the Lambeth arms, — " Unite the meekness of a 
 dove with the subtlety of a serpent" His grace and his grace's 
 family shared too largely in the advantages of the existing system to 
 relish innovation. His lordship had profound views of the true policy 
 of our spiritual establishment ; was always for yielding a little to keep 
 things quiet, rather than make a noise ; knowing that the less was said 
 about the church the more she would shine. Some of the primate's 
 successors, on the episcopal bench, appear hardly yet so rife in the 
 mysteries of ecclesiastical dominion. A few years since. Marsh, of 
 Peterborough, was tormenting his clergy with some unintelligible points 
 of doctrine, and Bishop Blomfield lately astounded the inhabitants of 
 London and Westminster with a " Letter on the Profanation of 
 the Lord's Day." Had the strictures of this right reverend prelate been 
 directed only against the baneful habit of drinking to excess, and other 
 vices which disgrace the Sabbath, they might have passed without ani- 
 madversion ; but when he assails the Sunday press, and those innocent 
 relaxations, conducive only to health and harmless enjoyment, he 
 betrays a puritanisni unsuited to the age. His lord-ship soonis to opine 
 a poor man is born only to work and pray, while a lord or a bishop may
 
 42 cnuRcii or England. 
 
 liiivc his concorfe, card-parties, and f^rand dinners every day, not even 
 excepting- the seventh. Such idle cant deceives no one ; it only excites 
 contempt or (Hsgiist. Men's professions now p;iss unheeded; every 
 lhin<j^ is put into the scale and taken at its intrinsic worth. People 
 quietly ask why should the cleri^y take ten millions annually out of the 
 produce of land and industry !* What services do they render society? 
 Do they instruct the rising generation? No; they teach them little 
 that is useful and a great deal positively injurious. Are they adminis- 
 trators of justice? No; God forbid they should. Are they profound 
 statesmen? Do they often originate or encourage measures for the 
 good of the country ? No; they are most miserable politicians, and as 
 to any project for bettering the condition of the great body of the people, 
 they appear not to have a single idea. Well, but they are ministers of 
 religion ! Very few of them are so employed, and as to that the Dis- 
 senters are not less teachers of their flocks, and they receive no tithes, 
 build their own chapels, and altogether do not cost one-tenth as much 
 as the mere sinecure rectors of the Establishment. 
 
 IV. REVENUES OE THE ESTABLISHED CLEUGY. 
 
 It is impossible to produce a complete and accurate statement of the 
 revenues of the clergy. The bulk of ecclesiastical revenue consists 
 of tithe ; but besides tithe, an immense revenue is drawn from other 
 sources. The clergy are almost in entire possession of the revenue of 
 charitable foundations. They hold, exclusively, the professorships, 
 fellowships, tutorships, and masterships of the universities and public 
 schools. Immense landed property is attached to the sees, cathedrals, 
 and collegiate churches. The clergy have also a very considerable 
 income from glebe-lands, surplice-fees, preacherships in the royal 
 chapels, lectureships, town- assessments, Easter-offerings, rents of pews 
 in the new churches, stipends of chapels of ease, chaplainships in the 
 army and navy, chaplainships to embassies, corporate bodies, and com- 
 mercial companies ; besides which they monopolize nearly all profitable 
 offices in public institutions, as trustees, librarians, secretaries, &c. 
 
 The bishops, who hold the chief estates of the church, and to whom 
 the parochial clergy, on obtaining licenses for curates and dispensation 
 for plurality, are required by law to state the yearly vahie of their bene- 
 fices, could furnish the most valuable information relative to the incomes 
 of the clergy. But even this would be insuthcient; nothing would 
 throw complete light on the subject, but everj. member of the establish- 
 ment, whether in lay or spiritual capacity, making a return of his in- 
 come and emoluments. The times, we doubt not, are fast approaching 
 when this defect in public statistics will be supplied, and one of the 
 first objects of a reformed parliament be an inquiry into the amount and 
 distribution of ecclesiastical revenues. Until this period arrive, we are 
 compelled to rely on collateral and inferential evidence. The endow- 
 ments of the church are nearly as ancient as the first introduction of 
 Christianity into Britain, and we know from the results of recent inqui-
 
 REVENUES OF THE ESTA IH.ISH E fJ CIILRCH. 4a 
 
 ries into the incomes of grammar-schools and other charitable founda- 
 tions, which are nearly of cotemporary antiquity, that the increase in 
 the value of ecclesiastical estates must be immense. The returns in 
 Lihcr Regis are usually relied upon, in estimating the revenues of the 
 church, and, perhaps, with other helps, it is the best authority to which 
 we can resort. Of the vast increase in the value of land since the Vcilor 
 Ecclesiasticus was obtained, the history of St. Paul's School affords a 
 striking' and appropriate exemplification. The estates of this foundation 
 are situated in various parts of the kingdom; in A. D. 1524, they pro- 
 duced an income of £122 : : 1 1 ; in the year 1820, the yearly income 
 derived from the same estates was £.52.52 : 2 : 11 j.* Here is an increase 
 in value of nearly Ji ft j/ fold, under the wasteful and negligent manage- 
 ment of a city company. The colleges of Eton and Winchester Avere 
 endowed for the education and maintenance of only seventy poor and 
 indigent scholars; their revenues amount respectively to £10,000 and 
 £14,000 a year. The founder of Hemsworth's hospital in Yorkshire 
 estimated its revenues not to exceed £70 a year; they are now more 
 than £2000. Leeds' grammar-school was endowed in the reign of 
 Philip and Mary, for the maintenance of two masters, and the endow- 
 ments probably calculated to yield £80 a year; they now produce £1,59.5. 
 Birmingham grammar-school has a revenue of near £.5000 per annum. 
 The valuation of the rectory of Alresford in the king's book is only £8 
 a year; the composition now paid for tithes by the parishioners is £.300 
 per annum, being an increase of moi'e than thirty-seven fold. The rec- 
 tory of Stanhope, Durham county, Mr. Phillpotts admits to yield an 
 income of £2500 ; the valuation in Liher Regis is £67 : 6 : 8. Ilfra- 
 combe, in Devonshire, is returned at £50 -.4:4: the tithes are lea.sed to 
 a layman, and worth £1000 a year. The tithes of the adjoining parish 
 of Morthoe are also leased out to a layman for £700 or £800, although 
 the valuation in the king's book is only £19:19:3. Besides affording 
 a curious illustration of the increase in the value of ecclesiastical pro- 
 perty, we may observe, in passing, that the two last mentioned parishes 
 are a curious example of the state of church discipline. Ilfracombe is 
 attached to a prebendal stall of Salisbury 120 miles distant ; Morthoe 
 belongs to the dean and canons of Exeter ; although the tithes are so 
 considerable, the working minister of each parish receives only a stipend 
 of £100 a year. In Morthoe the glebe is also leased out, — the vicar, 
 having no residence, lives five or six miles off, and service is performed 
 once on Sunday, which is all the return the parishioners receive for 
 their tithe-assessment of £800 per annum. 
 
 Other facts might be cited to illustrate the increase in the value of 
 church property since the ecclesiastical survey of the sixteenth century ; 
 but we consider the examples we have selected from various parts of the 
 kingdom sufficient to afford a criterion of the proportional increase in 
 the revenues of the church. The increase in population, by increasing 
 
 • Third Uepoit of the Cliarily Cojiimissioiuitf, p. 230.
 
 41 CIIUKCII OF KN(JLAjNI). 
 
 tlio miiuljer of church-fees, has tondod, as well us the iucreasod value of 
 land, to swell the revenues of the church, and no douht many benellces 
 arc worth two hundred fold what they were at the time of the Reforma- 
 tion. The vicarai^e of Hillingdon, held by the present rector of St. 
 George's, Hanover-square, is an instance of the vicissitudes in clerical 
 income. This, it appears, from the original record preserved in the 
 archives of the Dean and Chapter of St. Paul's, was a mere trifle, the 
 great tithes of which, in the year 1281, were bestowed on the Bishop of 
 VV^orcester towards defraying the expenses of his journeys to the metro- 
 polis, and for repair of the church, the small tithes being reserved for 
 tlio maintenance of a vicar, to be appointed by the Bishop of London. 
 That part of the contract relating to the expense of repairs has always 
 been left to be performed by the parishioners, the Right Reverend Pre- 
 lates of Worcester contenting- themselves with receiving their share of 
 tho tithes, and reading a sermon to the inhabitants about once in a 
 twelvemonth. These tithes have been of considerable value, and the 
 management of them not a little extraordinary. The practice has been 
 to let them to the highest bidder, by granting a lease of them for three 
 lives, the purchaser paying down, in ready money, about £8000. Even 
 on these terms it is said to have been a profitable bargain ; the last spe- 
 culator in this spiritual traffic was the late Lord Boston, of whom tho 
 Bishop demanded the exorbitant sum of £8000, for the insertion of a 
 new life, one of the former having dropt. His lordship neglecting to 
 complete the agreement, the lease was nominally made over to the 
 bishop's daughter, who gave receipts in her own name for the amount 
 of tithes collected. 
 
 Affairs continued in this state until the year 1812, when an act of 
 parliament was obtained for enclosing and exonerating from tithes cer- 
 tain lands in the parish of Hillingdon ; which was promptly acted upon, 
 and a distribution of lands took place, by which 765 acres were set 
 apart and appropriated in lieu of rectorial and vicarial tithes for ever. 
 By this arrangement the bishop and vicar have obtained a fine estate in 
 exchange for £16 a year, the valuation of the living in the time of 
 Henry VHL All parties are more independent of each other — no con- 
 tention about tithes nor compositions for tithes. The bishop repairs a 
 chapel in lieu of the church; the vicar is an absentee, leaving a curate 
 for the spiritual welfare of the inhabitants ; and the only parties who 
 have sustained any loss are the poor, in being deprived of the rights of 
 conunon which their forefathers enjoyed. 
 
 Leaving these incidental illustrations of cluirch property, let us 
 endeavour to ascertain, upon some general {)rinciple, the amount of the 
 revenues of the clergy. The estimates, by individuals, §£ ecclesiastical 
 revenues are mostly limited to a valuation of tithe and the landed estates 
 of the church. Of the unfairness of this mode of proceeding we shall 
 hereafter speak ; at present we shall submit to the reader two estimates 
 of the revenues of (he church, drawn up on very different principles, and 
 by parties who entertain very different views of the state of our eccle- 
 siastical establishment. The first statement is from the third edition of
 
 REVENUES or THE ESTABLISHED CIIUUCII. 45 
 
 a work, entitled " Remarks on the Consumption of Public Wealth by 
 the Clerg-y." 
 
 Estimate of the Revenues and Property of the Established Church 
 in Encfland and Wales. 
 
 Annual vahie of the gross produce of the land of England and 
 
 Wales £150,000,000 
 
 One-third of the land of Eiiginnd and Wales not subject to (ithe 
 
 for the clergy, being either tithe-free or lay-inipropriations .... 50,000,000 
 
 Leaving the amount on which tithes for the clergy are levied .... 100,000,000 
 Supposing the clergy to levy one-sixteenth, they get 0,250,000 
 
 Tithes 6,250,000 
 
 Estates of the bishops and ecclesiastical corporations 1 .000,000 
 
 Assessments in towns, on liouses, &:c 250,000 
 
 C;hapels of ease stipends 100,000 
 
 Total .f7,()00,000 
 
 From the Quarterly Revieiu, No. 58. 
 
 Total number of acres in England and Wales 37,094,100 
 
 Deduct waste land, about one-seventh 5,21)9,200 
 
 Number of acres in tillage 31,795,200 
 
 Abbey-land, or land exen)pt by modus from tithe, one-tenth .... 3,179,520 
 
 Number of acres actually subject to tithes 28,(il5,(i80 
 
 This number, divided by 10,693, the number of parishes, gives 
 2,(576 tithable acres to each parish. 
 
 In the Patronacfe of the Crown, the Bishops, Deans and Chapters, 
 the Universities and Collegiate I'lstablishinents. 
 
 1733 Rectories, containing 1,037,508 acres, at 3.s. Ot/ £ 81 1,503 
 
 2341 Vicarages, containing 0,201,510 acres, at Is. 3(i 391,532 
 
 Annual valu(! of Public Livings 1,203,095 
 
 In the Gift of private Patrons. 
 
 3144 Rectories, containing 9,210,144 acres, at 3.«. Crf 1,612,825 
 
 2175 Vicarages, containing 5,820,300 acres, at \s. 'id 303,708 
 
 1000 Perpetual curacies, averaging £75 each 75,000 
 
 C49 Benefices, not parochial, averaging £50 each 32,450 
 
 Annual value of Private Benefices 2,084,043 
 
 8000 Glebes, at £20 each 100,000 
 
 Total income of parochial clergy 3,447,138 
 
 Income of ?)ishoprics 150,000 
 
 Ditto of deans and chapters 275,000 
 
 Total revenue of the Established Clergy £3,872,138
 
 46 CHURCH OF f.nci.and. 
 
 We shall first solicit attontion to the estimate from the Quarterly 
 Review, which is such an >infair and misleading- representation of the 
 revenues of the clerg-y, that we ougiit almost to apologize to the reader 
 for laying it before him. Arthur Young, who is no bad authority in 
 these matters, says the revenue of the church was five millions in 
 1790, and how greatly it must since have augmented from the vast 
 increase in population and produce. Notwithstanding the evasions 
 and omissions under the Property-Tax, the returns for 1812* make 
 the tithe of that year amount to £4,700,000, and, allowing for the 
 increase in produce and fall in prices, it is not likely a less sum would 
 be retui'ned at present. During the war, the tithe was usually esti- 
 mated at one-third of the rent ; it is not much less now, but, suppose 
 it only one-fourth, and the rental of England and Wales £31,795,200, 
 or one pound for every acre in tillage ; then the whole amount of tithe 
 collected is £7,948,200 ; from which, if we deduct one-third for lay- 
 tithes and land exempt from tithe, the church-tithes alone amount to 
 £5,297,200. 
 
 Upon whatever principle we test the statement in the Quarterly 
 Review, its erroneousness is apparent. The reviewer supposes the 
 rectorial tithes to average only 3s. 6d. per acre, and the vicarial tithes 
 only Is. 3d. Both these sums are assuredly too low. The vicarage 
 tithes, in consequence of the turnip-husbandry and other improvements 
 in agriculture, are often more valuable than the parsonage. The returns 
 to the circular inquiries by the Board of Agriculture make the tithe 
 throughout the kingdom, in 1790, average, per acre, 4s. O^d. ; in 1803, 
 5s. 3^d. ; in 1813, 7s. 9^d. Adopting the rate of tithe of 1803, and 
 taking, with the reviewer, the land in tillage at 31,795,200 acres, the 
 whole amount of tithes collected is £10,267,200 ; from which, if we 
 deduct, as before, one-third for lay-tithes and tithe-free land, the 
 amount of church-tithes is £6,844,800 per annum. 
 
 Again : the reviewer greatly misrepresents the proportion between 
 rectories and vicarages. It is well known to every one the impropriate 
 living's barely equal one-third of the whole number. Yet the reviewer 
 makes the number of vicarages 4516; whereas, according to Archdeacon 
 Plymley, there are only 3687 vicarages in England and Wales. f But 
 it suited the sinister purpose of the writer to exaggerate the number of 
 vicarag-es, in order to calculate the tithes of so many parishes at only 
 Is. 3c?. per acre. 
 
 The estimate of the income of the Bishoprics at £150,000 is greatly 
 below the truth. The revenues of the four sees of Winchester, Durham, 
 Canterbury, and London alone exceed that sum. A vast deal of mystery 
 is always maintained about the incomes of the bishops ; but the public 
 has incidentally been put in possession of some certain data on this point. 
 In 1829, the late Archbishop Sutton applied for a private act of parlia- 
 
 • Nos. 248 and 250, for 1814 and 1815. 
 
 t Charge to the Clergy ol the County of Salop.
 
 REVENUES OF THE EST A I5L1SH E I) CHURf II. 47 
 
 nient to raise a loan of £37,000, to assist in altering- and improving 
 Lambeth -palace ; when it came out that the revenue of the see of this 
 poor member of the " colleg'e of fishermen" was only £32,000 per 
 annum. This is the representation of his own officer, Doctor Lushini;-- 
 ton. Mr. A. Baring stated that the revenue of the see of London 
 would, by the falling in of leases, shortly amount to £100,000 a ycar."^ 
 The Bishop of London, in reply to this, alleged that his income, allo\^■- 
 ing- for casualties, did not amount to one-seventh of that sum. His 
 lordship, of course, meant his Jixed income, and did not include fines 
 for the renewal of leases, nor the value of his parks, palace, and man- 
 sions. We can assure this right reverend prelate that the public never, 
 in truth, thouglit his income, or that of his Grace of Canterbury, was 
 so extiavagantly high as on their own showing they appear to be. The 
 see of Winchester is supposed to be Avorth £50,000 per annum. In 
 one year the bishop of this diocese received upwards of £15,000 in 
 fines for the renewal of leases. 
 
 But let us ascertain the total income of all the sees. In Liber Regis, 
 the King's book, we have an authentic return of the value of the bishop- 
 rics in the reign of Henry VIII. As this return was to be the founda- 
 tion of the future payment of first fruits and tenths, we may be sure it 
 was not too much. However, in these returns, the See of Canterbury 
 is valued at £2682 : 12 : 2 per annum; the See of London at £1000, 
 This was at a time when a labourer's wages were only a penny a day. 
 Now, it appears, from the admissions of Doctor Lushington and the 
 Bishop of London, that the present incomes of those sees are £32,000 
 and £14,444 a-year. So that one see has increased in value twelve 
 and the other more than fouitecn-fold. The other bishoprics have, no 
 doubt, increased in a similar proportion. Hence, as the incomes of the 
 twenty-six sees in Liber Regis amount to £22,855 a-year, their pre- 
 sent value cannot he less than thirteen times that sum, or £297,115, 
 instead of £150,000, as stated in the Quarterly Review. This does 
 not include the dignities and rectories annexed to the sees, or held in 
 commendam, nor the parks and palaces, the mansions, villas, warrens, 
 fines for renewals, hcriots, and other manorial rights, enjoyed by the 
 bishops, and which would make their incomes equal to, at leetst, half-a- 
 million per annum. 
 
 The revenues of the Deans and Chapters may be approximated to on 
 the same principle. Their incomes, like those of the bishops, arise 
 principally from lands and manors, and certain payments in money. 
 In the King's Book, the deans and chapters are valued at £38,000 
 a-year ; consequently, they do not amount, at present, to less than 
 £494,000 per annum, instead of £275,000. But the returns in the 
 Valor Ecclesiasticus are far from complete ; several deaneries, pre- 
 bends, and other oBices are omitted ; it follows, our estimate is far 
 below the annual worth of the ecclesiastical corporations. 
 
 House of CommoDS, April 27, 183 J.
 
 48 CHURCH OF ENGI.ANn. 
 
 Tlio llc'vicwcr considers eacii clobo to bo worth only £"20 a-year; 
 but, when ho is dosirous of ilhistratinp^ the penury of the duirch bv 
 comparing its endowments with those of the Church of Scotland, he 
 values the glebes of the latter at £30 per annum. The writer omits to 
 estimate the value of the parsonage-houses : they must be worth some- 
 thing, as they save rent to the incumbents or their curates. 
 
 But enough of the estimate in the Quarterly Review. Tlie princi- 
 ples and purposes of this publication are so notorious that every one is 
 on his guard against receiving, implicitly, any representations relative 
 to the church from so suspicious a source. The first statement, from 
 the " Remarks," &c. contains some inaccuracies and omissions which 
 ■we shall endeavour to supply. Before, however, we submit a complete 
 view of the revenues of the church, it will be proper shortly to advert 
 to some items of ecclesiastical emolument usually omitted in inquiries of 
 this nature. 
 
 Besides tithe and the landed estates of the church, there are, as 
 before remarked, various other sources from which the clergy derive 
 very considerable advantages. Of these, the first we shall notice are 
 Public Charities. The inquiries by the Royal Commissioners, so far 
 as they have proceeded, tend to confirm the accuracy of Lord Brougham's 
 estimate of the revenues of charitable foundations at nearly two mil- 
 lions a-year. From the tenure of charitable endowments, the clergy 
 have almost entire possession of this immense fund. In England and 
 Wales, according to the returns under the Gilbert Act, there are 3898 
 school charities, of which the clergy enjoy the exclusive emolument ; 
 and, in the remaining charities, they largely participate as trustees, 
 visitors, or other capacity. The pious credulity of our ancestors in- 
 duced them to place implicit reliance on the clergy, little foreseeing 
 how their confidence would be abused. Three-fourths of charitable pro- 
 perty, at least, were thus placed at the mercy of ecclesiastics. It is 
 certain that, in the inquiries recently instituted into charitable founda- 
 tions, the w^orst abuses have been found under their management. The 
 school of Pockling'ton, in Yorkshire, was a flagrant instance, in which 
 a member of the established church was receiving a snug income of nine 
 hundred pounds a-year for teaching one scholar. A right i-everend. 
 prelate, who had been left i\ trust, and his family, had appropriated 
 the funds of the Mere and Spital charities. The grammar-schools in 
 almost every town have become mere sinecures, seldom having more 
 than two or three foundation-scholars ; and the buildings piously in- 
 tended for the gratuitous accommodation of poor scholars, have been 
 perverted into boarding and pay schools for the emolument of their 
 clerical masters. Bristol and Bath, Birmingham, Wolverhampton, 
 Ripon, and Preston, are striking examples of this sort of abuse and 
 perversion. In the principal foundations in the metropolis and neigh- 
 bourhood, in the Charter-house, Christ's Hospital, the great schools of 
 Westminster, St. Paul's, HarroAv, Rugby, and the Gresham Lectiues, 
 they derive great advantages as wardens, visitors, provosts, high 
 masters, senior masters, ushers, lecturers, and assistants. IMany of
 
 UEVENUKS OF THE i:STABLISH El) CHURCH. 49 
 
 these offices are held by pluralists, who are, also, dignitaries, and 
 3'ield salaries of £800 a-year, besides allowances for house-rent, vege- 
 tables, and linen, and large pensions of one thousand a-year, or so, on 
 retirement. The present head-master of the Charter-house, and the 
 late and present head-master of St. Paul's School, are examples of this 
 sort of monopoly. In the colleges of Eton and Winchester, again, 
 the established clergy have a nice patrimony. The government of these 
 foundations is vested in a certain number of reverend fellows, and a 
 provost, who is a reverend also. The value of a felloAvship, including 
 allowances for coals, candles, and gown, is about £1000 a-year; and a 
 provostship, in good years, has netted £2500 per annum ;* besides 
 which, the fellows generally help themselves to a good fat living or 
 two, which are in the gift of the colleges. Again, the established 
 clergy have exclusive possession of the revenues of the Universities, to 
 the exclusion of dissenters, and all persons of delicate consciences, who 
 are scrupulous about taking oaths, and subscribing to articles of faith 
 they neither believe nor understand. f The value of a university fellow- 
 ship is generally less than a fellowship at Eton or Winchester ; though 
 the incomes of some of the fellows are handsome enough to induce them 
 to prefer celibacy and college residence to a benefice in the country : 
 add to which the professorships and tutorships, which, bringing the 
 possessors in contact with the youth of the aristocracy and gentry, lead 
 to livings and dignities. Numerous livings are also in the gift of the 
 Universities, as well as in the other foundations we have mentioned, 
 believe some of the offices in the Universities are incompatible with 
 church-preferment. 
 
 From these details we may conclude the established clergy share 
 largely in the revenues of Public Charities ; supposing the college and 
 school charities average only £175 each, they Avill produce £682,150 
 a-year. 
 
 Church or Surplice Fees, as they are commonly called, form 
 another abundant source of revenue to the clergy. Originally, surplice- 
 fees were paid only by the rich, and were intended for charity : what 
 was formerly a voluntary gift has been converted into a demand, and. 
 
 * Evidence of Dr. Goodall, Third Report of Education-Committee. 
 
 t It is to this hour the practice at one of the Universities, in obedience to the 
 statutes of Laud, to demand of every student on his matricultition, provided 
 he have att lined the mature age of twelve years, his written assent and consent 
 to all and every of tlie thirty-nine Articles of religion! — and at the other, 
 where candidates for the degree of Master of Arts are, for the lirst time, re- 
 quired to subscribe, I can solemly declare, — from Sny own positive, personal, 
 knowledge, — tliattlie most reckless levity — the most dangerous trifling witli the 
 sacred engagements of truth, are found to prevail on these occasions ! I ask 
 are such the approved methods of laying tlie foundation of a national morality ? 
 I ask are tliese mockeries an exemplification of the position so recently \no- 
 cluimed by Captain Basil Hail, — that ' it is the aristocratical classes, and they 
 alone, who can give a right tone to manners, by setting the fashion in everytiiing 
 which is true in principle, or practically wise in 7>wrals and in politics f — The 
 i'hurch: it a i'ivil Establishment indefensible. — Hunter, London, 1831. 
 
 K
 
 60 CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 instead of the poor receiving these donations, they are pocketed hy the 
 clergy, and poor as well as rich are now compelled to pay fees on 
 burials, marriages, churchings, and christenings. The total sums 
 netted from this source we have no means of estimating correctly. In 
 London, church-fees are supposed to be equal to one-third of the priest's 
 salary. Besides the regular fee, it is usual, on the burial of opulent 
 people, to get a compliment of a guinea or more for hat-band and 
 gloves : at marriages, five guineas; at christenings, a guinea. In 
 Ireland, the surplice-fees, aided by a few voluntary gifts, form the 
 only maintenance of the catholic priesthood : and, in this country, the 
 total revenue derived from fees and gratuities, is little short of one 
 million a-year. Tlie late Rev. Dr. Cove, whose estimate of church 
 property is seldom more than one-half of its real amount, calculates 
 the annual value of the glebe and surplice-fees of each parish, on an 
 average, at £40 a-year, making, according to him, a tax upon the 
 population of half a million per annum. 
 
 EASTEIl-OFFERI^"Gs, Ollations, &c. form a third source of 
 ecclesiastical emolument. These Offerings, or Dues, as they are some- 
 times called, are certain customary payments at Easter and all church- 
 festivals, to which every inhabitant -housekeeper is liable. Their 
 amount varies in different parts of the country. In the North, they 
 commonly pay sixpence in lieu of an offering-hen ; a shilling in lieu of 
 an offering'-goose or turkey; one penny, called smoke-penny; one 
 penny-hall'penny for every person or communicant above the age of six- 
 teen, and so on. We have no means of judging the annual value of 
 these good things. All that we can say is, that in some parts they are 
 very pertinaciously levied, and considered by the established clergy as 
 part of their " ancient rights."* Probably, the value of Easter-offer- 
 ings may be taken at £100,000 a-year. 
 
 The Lectxtresiiips, in towns and populous places, are another 
 branch of clerical income. Where there is no endowment for a lecture- 
 ship, the parishioners, if they desire a novelty of this sort, in addition 
 to the ordinar)' routine of church-service, provide one at their own 
 charge. The value of a lectureship, of course, varies with the number 
 and liberality of the subscribers. No person can ofliciate as a lecturer 
 unless approved by the incumbent and diocesan. Frequent squabbles 
 arise from this cause ; tlie parishioners choosing a popular preacher, 
 who, from a miserable feeling of jealousy, is not approved by the less 
 gifted incumbent. The lectureships are generally held with other pre- 
 ferments. Their total value may be stated at £60,000 per annum. 
 
 The next branch of revenue we shall notice are Chaplainsiiips 
 and those public othccs which the Clergy may be said to hold ex officio, 
 and to which they have always the preference. The value of chaplain- 
 ships to the nobility, to ambassadors, public bodies, and commercial 
 companies, must be considerable ; but of the value of these, and of the 
 
 • Trial of Peter Watson, in the Consistory Court of Durham, for the sub- 
 
 straction of Easter Offerings.
 
 REVENUES OF THE ESTABLISHED CHURCH. 51 
 
 places held by the clergy in public institutions, it is hardly possible to 
 estimate. Suppose £10,000 a-year. 
 
 Beside all these sources of ecclesiastical revenue, another and onerous 
 burthen is imposed on the people by the New Churches erected 
 under the authority of the Commissioners appointed for that purpose. 
 The sum of £1,367,400 in Exchequer-bills has been already issued in 
 aid of the voluntary contributions towards this undertaking.* The 
 salaries of the secretary, surveyors, office-keepers, and other underlings 
 of this commission cost the country more than £5,000 a-year. One 
 hundred and nine churches and chapels have been completed, and one 
 hundred and five more are in different stages of progress : what is the 
 whole number intended to be erected, or the total expense, nobody can 
 tell, for the Commissioners have been recently incorporated, and in all 
 probability their pious labours will be protracted for a?z,es to come. Had 
 the rich clergy contributed their just share to the First Fruits Fund, 
 there would have been no necessity for imposing this additional tax on 
 the public. But the first outlay is far from being the worst part of this 
 extraordinary proceeding. All those new churches and chapels will 
 have to be kept in repair by rates levied on the parishioners — dissenters 
 as well as churchmen, and this, though many have opposed their erec- 
 tion as unnecessary. Then there are the stipends of ministers, clerks, 
 beadles, pew-openers, and though last, not least, the guzzlings and feed- 
 ings of sextons, churchwardens, and chapelwardens to be provided for ; 
 for though the patronage of the new churches is given to the patron or 
 incumbent of the mother-church, yet the salaries of the minister and 
 other officials, instead of being deducted from the income of the rector 
 or vicar, are to be raised by a charge for the rents of pews. Only 
 think of this novel device for augmenting the revenues of the eccle- 
 siastical order ! Notwithstanding the immense sums levied for the 
 maintenance of the established religion, and though the frequenters 
 of the new churches are actually compelled to pay tithes to the in- 
 cumbents of their parishes, yet they are obliged to contribute an addi- 
 tional sum in pew rents to enjoy the benefit of the national communion, 
 and if they desire a third service on Sundays, they must contribute 
 additional for that too.f How much the revenues of the clergy will be 
 ultimately increased from this source, we have not the means of esti- 
 mating. The incomes settled on some of the new ministers by the 
 Commissioners are very considerable ; that of the minister of St. Peter's, 
 Pimlico, is £900 a year ; and those of the rectors of the three new 
 churches in the parish of St. Mary-le-bone are £350 per annum each. 
 Suppose the annual charge of each new church £450 per annum, it 
 will shortly add to the other permanent revenues of the church a yearly 
 sum of £94,050. 
 
 • Eleventh Annual Report of the Comiuissioners, Session, 1831. 
 t Church-Building-Acts the 58 Geo. HI. c. 45 ; 59 Geo. HI. c. 134 ; 3 Geo. 
 IV. c. 72; 5 Geo. IV. c. 103 ; 7 & 8 Geo. IV. <:. 72 ; 9 Geo. IV, c. 42. 
 
 E 2
 
 r/2 CHURCH or T:N GLAND.' 
 
 We shall now collect the different items and exhibit a general state- 
 ment of the revenues of the Established Clergy. The sum put down 
 for tithe is church-tithe only, after deducting the tithe of lay-impro- 
 priations, and allowing for abbey-land and land exempt by modus from 
 tithe. The church-rates are a heavy burden on the people, but being 
 levied at uncertain intervals, for the repair of churches and chapels, 
 they do not form a part of the personal income of the clergy, and arc 
 omitted . 
 
 Revenues of the Established Clergy of England and Wales. 
 
 Church-tithe £6,884,800 
 
 Incomes of the bishoprics 297, 115* 
 
 Estates of the deans and chapters 494,000 
 
 Glebes and parsonage-houses 250,000 
 
 Perpetual curacies £75 each 75,000 
 
 Benefices not parochial £250 each 32,450 
 
 Church-fees on burials, marriages, christenings, &c. • • 500,000 
 Oblations, offerings, and compositions for offerings at 
 
 the four great festivals 80,000 
 
 College and school foundations 682,150 
 
 Lectureships in towns and populous places 60,000 
 
 Chaplainships and otfices in public institutions .••■.-• 10,000 
 
 New churches and chapels 94,050 
 
 Total Revenues of the Established Clergy- '£9,459,565 
 
 We are confident several of these sources of emolument are rather 
 under-rated. Perhaps it may be alleged that some items do not pro- 
 perly appertain to ecclesiastical income — that they are the rewards pro 
 opera et labore extra-officially discharged by the clergy. But what 
 would be said if, in stating the emoluments of the Duke of Wellington, 
 we limited ourselves to his military pay, Avithout also including his 
 pensions, sinecures, and civil appointments ? The sums placed to the 
 account of the clergy are received by them either as ministers of religion, 
 or from holding situations to which they have been promoted in con- 
 sequence of being members of the Established Church. There are 
 several sums annually raised on the people which we have omitted, but 
 which, in strictness, ought to be placed to the account of the clergy. 
 Large sums are constantly being voted by Parliament for building- 
 churches in Scotland, as well as in England; more than £21,000 has 
 been granted for building churches and bishops' palaces in the West 
 Indies; £1,600,000 has been granted for the aid of the poor clergy, 
 as they are called, and who have been also favoured by their livings 
 
 * The see of Sodor and Man is not in charge in the Ring's Book, and is 
 omitted in this estimate.
 
 REVENUES OF THE ESTABLISHED CHURCH. o6 
 
 being- exonerated from the land-tax ; nearly a million has been granted 
 for building houses and purchasing' glebes for the clergy in Ireland ; 
 upwards of £16,000 a-year is voted to a society for propag^ating Church 
 of Englandism in foreign parts ;* and more than £9,000 is g-vanted 
 to some other Society t'ov Discountencmciixj Vice, — a duty which cme 
 would think especially merged in the functions of our established pastors. 
 All these sums have been omitted ; they certainly tend to augment the 
 burthen imposed on the public bv the Church : but as it is to be hoped 
 they do not all form permanent branches of ecclesiastical charge, they 
 are excluded from our estimate of clerical income. 
 
 The next consideration is the Number of Persons among whom the 
 revenues of the Church are divided. It has been already shown that 
 the number of prelates, dignitaries, and incumbents, is only 7,694, 
 and by this diminutive phalanx is the entire revenue of £9,459,565 
 monopolized, affording- an average income of £1,228 to each individual. 
 Except the clergy, there is no class or order of men whose incomes 
 average an amount like this. The average pay of officers in the army 
 or navy will bear no comparison with that of the Clergy. Take the 
 legal classes — the most gainful of all professions; add together the 
 incomes of the lord-chancellor, the judges, the barristers, conveyancers, 
 proctors, special-pleaders, and every other grade of that multitudinous 
 craft — the pettifogger of most limited practice included — and divide the 
 total by the number of individuals, and it will yield no average income 
 like that of dignitaries, rectors, and vicars. Still less will the fees and 
 gains of the medical classes — the physician, surgeon, and apothecary — 
 bear a comparison with the Church. The pensions, salaries, and 
 perquisites of employes in the civil department of government are justly 
 deemed extravagant ; but compare the united incomes of these with 
 ecclesiastics, from the first lord of the treasury to the humblest official 
 in the Stamp Office, and the dift'erence is enormous. The Church is a 
 monstrous, overgrown Crclsus in the State, and the amount of its 
 revenues incredible, unbearable, and out of proportion with every other 
 service and class in society. 
 
 An average estimate of the incomes of the Clergy, however, affords 
 no insight into the mode in which the enormous revenues of the church 
 are squandered among its members. Next to pluralists, the greatest 
 abuse in the establishment results from the unequal amount of income 
 possessed by individuals of, the same rank in the ecclesiastical order, 
 and the unequal burthen of duties imposed upon them. The incomes 
 of some bishops, as those of Llandaff, St. Asaph, and Bangor, barely 
 
 * The efforts to promote Church of Englandism by expensive establishments 
 are attended with us little success in the Colonics as in the mother country. In 
 Upper Cmiada, out of 235 clerjiymen, only 33 are cleri^jmeu of the church of 
 En'^land. The Mordviaus ;ire the sect wliose mission is most successful in the 
 West Indies. They mix familiarly with the Indians, instruct them in the ar(3 
 of agriculture and building, and thus hold out to them advantages more readily 
 comprehended than the mysteries of the Trinity, election, and the incarnation.
 
 64 CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 equal that of a clerk of the Treasury, or of rectors and ricars whose 
 conduct they are appointed to superintend ; while tlie incomes of others 
 exceed those of the highest functionaries in tlie land. Yet we are told, 
 by Mr. Burke, that the revenues of the higher order of ecclesiastics 
 are to enable them to rear their " mitred fronts in courts and palaces 
 to reprove presumptuous vice." But if one bishop requires a large 
 revenue to support his dignity in high places, so does another. Among 
 the archdeacons is like inequality, their incomes varying' from £200 to 
 £2000 a-year. And among the dignitaries and members of cathedral 
 and collegiate establishments is similar disproportion. Many of the 
 deaneries, as those of Westminster, Windsor, St. Paul's, Salisbury, 
 Lincoln, Exeter, and Wells, are very valuable, yielding, probably, to 
 their possessors, incomes of £10,000, £8,000, £5,000, £2,000, 
 £1,900, and 1,500 respectively. The prebendaries and canonries 
 vary in amount from £250 to £2,000 a-year. Some of the precentor- 
 ships are worth not less than £900 a-year ; and many of the chan- 
 cellorships, treasurerships, succentorships, and we know not how many 
 other official ships, afford snug incomes of £400, £500, and £800 per 
 annum. The minor canons some of them have £250; the vicars-choral 
 £350; the priest-vicars, the chanters, and sub-chanters, and a hundred 
 more popish names and offices, are all amply, though unequally, re- 
 munerated for their sei-vices. 
 
 In the incomes of the parochial clergy there is similar diversity and 
 injustice. Many rectories, as before observed, are more valuable than 
 bishoprics, having incomes from £8,000 to £10,000 a-year. The same 
 may be said of the vicarages, being possessed of large glebes or large 
 endowTuents, and sometimes both. While, again, it cannot be denied 
 that there are some rectories, and in particular vicarages, whose tithes 
 are in the hands of laymen, and without even a pnrsonage-house. In 
 some instances, the deficiency of income has been so great, that it has 
 been found necessaiy to unite the incomes of two or three parishes to 
 produce an adequate maintenance to the officiating minister, who, in 
 the care of so many churches, cannot have time to officiate at any of 
 them properly ; and thus, no doubt, are many souls lost which might 
 be saved ; some, straying into the fold of sectarianism, become jaco- 
 bins and dissenters, to the great injury of the mother church, and the 
 eternal reproach of the right reverend bishops, the verj^ reverend deans, 
 the venerable archdeacons, and other reverend dignitaries, who waste, 
 in the pomp, vanities, and luxuries of the world, the sums which ought 
 to be appropriated to the augmentation of these poor livings. 
 
 The penury of one part of the church is not less objectionable than 
 the bloated and sinecure opulence of another.* At the establishment of 
 
 * The poverty of tlie Welcli clergy is proverbial ; many of the curates receive 
 no more than ^10 or £15 per annum. They seldom taste animal food, a meagre 
 allowance of bread nn'J potatoes being all their scanty means afford. In North 
 \\ ales we have heard (Cknrch Regenerid'um and Universilij Reform) there 
 is a clergyman of the establishment who receives no more than the miserable 
 stipend mentioned. He has a wife and six children. In the day-time he con-
 
 REVENUES OF THE ESTABLISHED CHURCH. bO 
 
 Queen Anne's bounty, in the beginning of the last century, tlierc were 
 5597 livings (above one-half of the whole number) whose incomes did 
 not exceed £50 per annum. The Diocesan Returns in 1809 gave the 
 following classifications of poor living-s under £150 per annum: — 
 
 £ Livings. 
 
 Not exceeding 10 12 
 
 ■ • 20 72 
 
 30 191 
 
 40 353 
 
 50 433 
 
 • CO 407 
 
 70 376 
 
 80 319 
 
 90 309 
 
 100 315 
 
 110 283 
 
 120 307 
 
 130 246 
 
 140 205 
 
 150 170 
 
 Total 3998 
 
 It is by grouping these poor livings with the rich ones, and averaging 
 the whole, that a plausible case is often attempted to be made out in 
 favour of the clergy. One writer, for instance, whose statement has 
 been often quoted, makes the average income of each living in England 
 and Wales only £303 per annum.* The Rev. Dr. Cove, adopting 
 different principles of calculation, makes the average income of the 
 parochial clergy only £'255 each.f Both these estimates, it is apparent 
 from what has been advanced, are very wide of the truth. There are 
 11,342 bencfices»^and only 7,191 incumbents; and these incumbents 
 engross the entire revenue of the parochial clergy arising from tithe 
 and other sources. Turning to the statement at page 52, and deducting 
 from the total revenues of the established clergy the incomes of the 
 bishoprics and ecclesiastical corporations, it will be found that the 
 parochial clergy alone have a total revenue of £8,668,450, which, 
 divided by the number of benefices and the number of incumbents, 
 gives £764 for the average value of each benefice, and £1,205 for the 
 
 trives to scrape together a few pence by conducting; a boat in which passengers 
 cross a river : he is tlie barber of the village, shaves for a penny every Saturday 
 nigiit ; and five evenings in the week he teaches the childicn of the poor villagers 
 reading and writing, for Avliich he receives a small acknowledgenient. O, ye 
 ecclesiastical potentates, ye IJlomlields and Sumners, for one moment lay aside 
 your silken attributes, stop your postillions at the foot of Snowdon, and visit a 
 poor afflicted brother ! 
 
 In Liverpool, Mr. ISIorgan Jones aflirms, within these last five years there Iiave 
 been discovered among the prostitutes of that dissolute sea-port no less tlian 
 twenty-live young women the daughters of Welch clergymen. 
 
 * Quarterly Review, vol. xxix. p. .554. 
 
 t Essay on the Revenues of the Church, p. 124.
 
 56 CHURCH Ol JNGLANIJ. 
 
 average income of each incumbent. From this enormous income, the 
 paltry stipends of £40 or £60 a-year, paid by some of the beneficed 
 clergy to their curates, are, of course, to be deducted. 
 
 The representation which the Quarterly Review, and other mis- 
 leading publications, is desirous of impressing on the public is, that 
 there are about 10 or 11,000 benefices, held by about as many indi- 
 viduals — rectors, vicars, and perpetual curates — whose average income 
 is the very moderate sum of £255 or £303 each. Such a statement, 
 if true, Avould render the amount of the revenues of the clergy, and 
 the distribution of these revenues, very little objectionable indeed. But 
 we will soon show this is all mystification and delusion. 
 
 The real situation of the Parochial Clergy is this: in England and 
 Wales there are 5098 rectories, 3687 vicarages, and 2970 churches 
 neither rectorial nor vicarial; in all, 11,755 churches.* These churches 
 are contained in 10,674 parishes and parochial chapeiries; and, proba- 
 bly, after a due allowance for the consolidation of some of the smaller 
 parishes, form about as many parochial benefices. Now, the whole of 
 these 10,674 benefices are in the hands of 7191 incumbents; there are 
 2886 individuals with 7037 livings; 517 with 1701 livings; 209 with 
 836 livings; 64 with 320 livings. Look again, at page 31, and the 
 whole mystery of parochial monopoly is solved. Or let any one look 
 into the Clerical Guide, and he will find nearly one-half the whole 
 number of incumbents are pluralists. Some are rectors at one place, 
 vicars at another, and curates at another; some hold three or four 
 rectories, besides vicarages and chapeiries; some hold two vicarages, 
 a chapelry, and a rectory; in short, they are held in every possible 
 combination. But what does the secretary to four bishops, IMr. Wright, 
 the " Informer" as the late Bragge Bathurst termed him, say on this 
 subject : in one diocese the majority of the clergy held three livings, 
 some five, and some six, besides dignities, and " yet a great part of 
 them did not reside upon any of their preferments." 
 
 This is exactly the way in which the property of the church is mono- 
 polized. Some persons imagine that there are as many rectors as 
 rectories, vicars as vicarages, prebendaries as prebends, deans as deane- 
 ries, &c. No such thing: the 26 bishops, 700 dignitaries, and about 
 4000 non-resident incumbents, principally belonging to the Aristocracy, 
 enjoy nearly the whole ecclesiastical revenues, amounting to more than 
 NINE MILLIONS, and averaging upwards of £2000 a-year. 
 
 And for what service? what duties do they perform? what benefit do 
 the people derive from their labours ? The bishops ordain the priests ; 
 sometimes visit their dioceses; sometimes preach; and this we believe 
 is the extent of their performances, and which, in our opinion, amount 
 to very little. As to the venerable, very reverend, and worshipful dig- 
 nitaries, they perform still less. Let any one visit the cathedral or 
 collegiate churches ; go into St. Paul's, Westminster Abbey, or York 
 
 Archdeacon Plyiiilcy's Charjje to the Clergy of tlie County ol' Saloi).
 
 REVENUES OF THE ESTABLISHED CULKCH. 57 
 
 Minster, for instance; and observe what is doing in those places. No 
 service is performed which interests the pubHc. Persons may be found 
 admiring the stone and mortar; but the vicars-choral, the priest-vicars, 
 the chanters, or sub-chanters, or fifth or sixth canons, are very little 
 regarded; and as to the dignitaries themselves, why they are never to 
 be seen; many of them probably reside some hundred miles off, in 
 more pleasant parts of the country, enjoying the amusements of the 
 chase, or whiling away their time at card-tables or watering-places. 
 Then, as to the non-resident incumbents, it must be admitted they are 
 sinecurists, whose duty is performed, and for which they receive the 
 salary, by deputy. Thus, it appears, that these three classes, without 
 performing any duties of importance, absorb almost the entire revenues 
 of the church. 
 
 The labouring bees in the established church are the curates, who 
 receive a very small share of its emoluments. In a parliamentary 
 paper, ordered to be printed on the 2Sth of IMay, 1830, containing- the 
 diocesan returns relative to the number and stipends of curates in 
 England and Wales, we find that, for the year 1827, out of 4254 in- 
 dividuals of that class, there w'ere 1639 with salaries not exceeding 
 £60, and only eighty-four out of the whole number with salaries ex- 
 ceeding* £160. There were fifty-nine curates Avith incomes between 
 £20 and £30, and six Avith incomes between £10 and £20. There 
 were 1393 curates resident in the glebe houses, and 805 more resident 
 in their parishes. So that, either for want of parsonage-houses, or 
 other cause, a vast number of parishes had neither resident curate nor 
 incumbent. Supposing the stipends of the curates avei-age £75 a-year, 
 which is higher than the bishops, under the 55 Geo. III., have in many 
 cases authority to raise them^ their share of the church-revenues amounts 
 only to £319,050. Yet it is this useful and meritorious order which 
 performs nearly the whole service of the national religion. 
 
 To the curates we may add the possessors of the poor livings, as a 
 portion of the clergy who really discharge some duties for their emolu- 
 ments. These livings may be considered the mere offal, or waste land 
 of the church, on which those a\ ho have neither rotten boroughs nor 
 family influence, arc allowed to graze. Their incomes not being suffi- 
 cient to allow for the maintenance of a curate, many of the incumbents 
 reside on their benefices and perform the duties of their parishes. But 
 even this class is not in the indigent state some persons are apt to 
 imagine. The returns we have cited of the value of poor livings in 
 1809, were considered, at the time, a gross imposition on the public 
 and parliament. In consequence, however, of these returns, true or 
 false, the incomes of the poor clergy have subsequently been greatly 
 augmented. Besides Queen Anne's bounty, £100,000 has been voted 
 annually by parliament; the benefactions in money, by private indivi- 
 duals, amount to upwards of £300,000; other benefactions, in houses 
 for the residence of ministers, in lands, tithes, and rent-charges, arc 
 very considerable: to which we may add the advantages small benefices 
 have derived from being exonerated from the land ta.\, and from the
 
 68 CHURCH OF ENGLAND, 
 
 increase in population, and in the value of tithes from agricultural im- 
 provements. 
 
 Another point necessary to be borne in mind, in considering the 
 situation of the poor cler^:)', as they are called, is, that they are, 
 like the non-resident aristocratical incumbents, nearly all pluralists. 
 Few, indeed, only hold one living; and, probably, the whole 3998 
 livings under £150, are held by 1500 or 2000 individuals. That this 
 is the case, is evident, from the returns made to the Commissioners 
 appointed to exonerate small benefices from the land-tax, and which are 
 now lying before us. In these returns for 1820 Ave find 2137 livings, 
 or other ecclesiastical benefices of less than £150 in clear yearly value, 
 had been exonerated from the land-tax.* Of 419 benefices exonerated 
 from the land-tax in 1814, there were only ninety-two with incomes of 
 less than £100 each, held without other preferment. ^ Hence we 
 conclude that the poor clerg-y, whose incomes Dr. Cove made about 
 £80, have, from pluralities, consolidation, and the other advantages 
 mentioned, incomes of at least £150 each, and that, with the exception 
 of curates, there are few poor clergy in England. 
 
 We have now afforded the reader, without exaggeration or distortion 
 of facts, a complete and intelligible view of the total amount and dispo- 
 sition of the immense revenues of the Established Clergy. The chief 
 points to be borne in mind are the diminutive number of the beneficed 
 clergy, their sinecurism, and relative efficiency in the discharge of 
 religious duties, and the monstrous inequality in their incomes. These 
 points will best appear from the succinct statement we subjoin. 
 
 Statement, showing the Mode in which the Revenues of the Churchy 
 amounting to £9,459,565, are divided among the different Orders 
 of Clergy. 
 
 Average income Total 
 Class. of each individual, incomes. 
 
 Episcopal 
 Clergv, 
 
 Dignita- 
 ries, &c. 
 
 2 Archbishops £26,465 £52,930 
 
 24 Bishops 10,174 244,185 
 
 28 Deans 1580 44,250^ 
 
 61 Archdeacons 739 45,126 
 
 26 Chancellors 494 12,844 
 
 514 Prebendaries and Canons • . 545 280,130 
 
 330 Precentors, Succentors, Vi- 
 cars-General, Minor Ca- 
 nons, Priest- Vicars, Vi-' 
 cars-Choral, &other Mem- 
 bers of Cathedral and Col- ' 
 ^ legiate Churches • • 
 
 I 
 S 
 
 338 111,650 
 
 Carried forward £791.085 
 
 * Pari, papers, vol. xi. No. 303, Session 1820. 
 t Pari. Papers, vol. xii.No. 474, Session 1815. 
 
 J The value of the deaneries, prebends, and other dignities, is calculated 
 from the returns in the King's book, allowance being made for the increase in the
 
 REVENUES OF THE ESTABLISHED CHURCH. 
 
 Parochial 
 Clergy 
 
 Brought fonvard £791,085 
 '"2886 AristocraticPluralists, most- 
 ly non-resident, and hold- 
 ing two, three, four, or 
 more livings, in all 7037 
 livings, averaging each, 
 tithes, glebes, church-fees, 
 &c. £764 
 
 4305 Incumbents, holding one' 
 living each, and about one- 
 «^ half resident on their be- 
 nefices 
 
 4254 Curates, licensed and unli- 
 censed, whose average sti- 
 pends of about £75 per 
 annum, amounting toge- 
 ther to £319,050, are in- 
 cluded in the incomes of 
 the pluralists and other 
 incumbents. 
 
 1863 5,379,430 
 
 764 3,289,020 
 
 Total . 
 
 £9,459,565 
 
 Observatio7is. 
 
 The above statement affords room for important remarks, in order to 
 distinguish the over from the under paid, and the useful and meritorious 
 from the mere sinecurists, in our ecclesiastical polity. 
 
 Every thing in this countiy is formed upon an aristocratic scale. 
 Because some noblemen have enormous incomes, ergo the bishops must 
 have enormous incomes, to be fit and meet associates for them. Thus, 
 one extravagance in society generates another to keep it in counte- 
 nance ; because we have a king who costs a million a year, we must 
 have lords with a quarter of a million, and bishops with fifty thousand 
 a year; and as a consequence of all this, a labourer's wages cannot be 
 more than lOd. a day — he must live on oatmeal and potatoes, and have 
 the penny roll not bigger than his thumb. But why should the income 
 of a bishopric so far exceed that of the highest offices in the civil de- 
 partment of government ? Burke's argument is not consistent. A 
 Secretary of >State has to show his " front in courts and palaces," as 
 well as a bishop ; he is in constant intercourse with dukes and princes. 
 
 value of ecclesiastical properly in the proportion of thirteen to one. The 
 result is, we are aware, an averas^e value greatly below the truth. Some single 
 prebends, as the golden ones of St. Paul's, A\ inchestcr, l>ly, Lincoln, and 
 Durham, are worth from f 8t»0 to jt'2000 a-year. IJut, in the absence of more 
 authentic information, we have been reduced to the alternative of either pro- 
 ceeding on the general ])rinciple incntioucd, or of relying on private reports — 
 and we preferred the former.
 
 60 CHURCH or ENGLAND. 
 
 yet his salary does not exceed £6000 a year. The bishops have their 
 private fortunes as well as others, and there is no just reason why 
 their official incomes should be so disproportionate to that of a lord of 
 the Treasury, or Chancellor of the Exchequer. 
 
 An Archdeacon is considered the deputy of the bishop, and assists 
 in the discharge of the spiritual duties of his diocese. As such, we 
 think the deputy ought to be paid out of the income of his principal, 
 and the revenues of the archdeaconries applied to a fund to be raised, 
 in lieu of tithes. Many bishops are not oveiburthened with duty, and 
 have little need of assistants. One bishop of the United Church, it is 
 well known, spent all his time in Italy, where he dissipated the revenues 
 of an immensely rich see. Some English bishops do not reside in their 
 dioceses. We knew a bishop who resided, within the last eight years, 
 not more than a mile from St. James's Palace ; he lived till he sunk into 
 a state of dotage and imbecility ; he was in fact left to the care of a 
 wet-nurse, who treated him like an infant : we never heard the church 
 sustained any injury from the suspended services of this right reverend 
 prelate, and he, or some one for him, continued, till his death, to receive 
 the revenues of his see. 
 
 The Dean and CJiapter, consisting of canons and prebendaries, 
 are considered the council of the bishop. This is about as much of a 
 farce as O'Conn ell's great crucifix in Merrion-Square, or the virtues 
 of relics and holy water. It is notorious, the bishop and his chapter 
 are oftener at open loggerheads, than sitting in harmonious conclave 
 to devise measures for the good of the Church. The bishop of St. 
 David's is his own dean, and so endeavours to avoid such unseemly 
 dissensions by being part council to himself. One of the most impor- 
 tant offices of the dean and chapter, is to elect the bishop ; that is 
 choose the appointee of some court favourite, and in the exercise of 
 which franchise, they discharge as virtual functions as the electors of 
 Cockermouth or Ripon, who adopt the nominees of Earl Lonsdale and 
 Miss Lawrence. The deaneries, prebends, canonries, and other cathe- 
 dral dignities, are in fact honorary offices of great value ; they are en- 
 dowed with vast estates, numerous manors, and other good things, 
 and have valuable livings in their gift; all of which advantages are 
 so much public income idly squandered. We have before adverted to 
 the sinecure nature of these appointments before the Reformation, and, 
 as a further proof that they are offices without duties, we may mention 
 that nominations to them are sometimes suspended. In 1797, when 
 the cathedral of Lichfield was about being repaired, an act of par- 
 liament was obtained to defraj' the expense, by sequestrating the re- 
 venues of two vacant prebends. If the duties of these two offices could 
 be suspended for an indefinite term, they might for perpetuity, and the 
 revenues of all similar situations appropriated to the establishment of a 
 fund in lieu of tithes, for the maintenance of the Working Clergy. 
 
 Next in order come the Aristocratic Pluralists. These are so 
 many clerical sinecurists who receive immense incomes, without render- 
 ing any service to the community. They are mere men of the world,
 
 REVENUES OF THE ESTABLISHED CHURCH. 61 
 
 whose element is the race-course, the ball-room, and billiard-table. 
 They seldom see their parishes : their residence is in London, at Paris, 
 Naples, or Florence. If they visit their benefices, it is not in the capa- 
 city of pastor, but of surveyor or tax-gatherer, who comes to spy out 
 improvements, to watch the increase of stock and extension of tillage, 
 and see how many hundreds more he can squeeze out of the fruits of the 
 industry and capital of the impoverished farmer. The poor parishioner, 
 who contributes his ill-spared tithe to the vicious indulgence of these 
 spiritual locusts, is neither directed by their example, instructed by their 
 precepts, nor benefited by their expenditure. 
 
 From the preceding table, it is evident that about 2152 incumbents,* 
 and 4254 curates, discharg-e nearly the entire duties of the established 
 religion; that their averag-e income is £301, which is more than the 
 average income of the Scotch clergy ; more than the income of the 
 dissenting clergy in England, and the catholic clergy in Ireland ; that, 
 therefore, £1,974,503, the total revenue of these classes, constitutes 
 nearly the whole expenditure the national worship requires for its 
 maintenance and the discharge of its spiritual functions. 
 
 It is further evident that the Bishops, Dignitaries, and Non-resident 
 incumbents, amounting to 6,025 individuals, receive £7,485,062 per 
 annum, or seven-ninths of the revenues of the church ; that these 
 classes hold either merely honorary appointments, discharge no duties, 
 or are greatly overpaid ; that, in consequence, by abolishing non-resi- 
 dence, stalls, and other sinecures, and by reducing, the salaries of the 
 higher clergy to a level with those of appointments in the State, or to a 
 level with those of the best paid clergy in Europe, several millions of 
 public income might be saved, to be applied either to the establishment 
 of a fund for the maintenance of the operative clergy, in lieu of tithe 
 and other ecclesiastical imposts ; or, it might be applied, as a great 
 portion of it was originally intended, as a provision for the maintenance 
 of the poor; or, as a substitute for those public taxes whose pressure on 
 " the springs and sources of industry" tends to produce national 
 poverty and embarrnssment. 
 
 Further, it is clear, from an impartial inquiry into the origin and 
 tenure of church property, that it has been always considered public 
 property; that it was dealt with as such in the reign of Henry VIII., 
 and by parliament in the reigns of George III. and IV., and the same 
 policy has been pursued towards ecclesiastical possessions in every 
 European state : that, in consequence, the legislature, after making a 
 provision for the life interests of the present possessors of the church 
 revenues, as was done at the time of the Reformation, f is authorized by 
 
 * The Diocesan Returns, laid before the privy council, for 1827, state that, 
 of the non-resident incumbents, ir»90 do duty; but tiie amount of duty ''>i'y 
 discharge is not stated. Many incumbents who reside do no duty. Allowing 
 for the non-residents who do duty, and the residents who do none, we believe 
 the number of incumbents, who actually perform the duties of parishes, is not 
 f!freater than we have mentioned. 
 
 t Hallam's Constitutional History of England, p. 78.
 
 C2 CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 precedent and the example of other nations ; and may, without injustice 
 or inhumanity, adopt such measures for introducing a new disposition 
 of clerical endowments, as is most conducive to the general interests of 
 the community. 
 
 Lastly, it appears, on the authority of the ablest writers on ecclesi- 
 astical polity, that a religious establishment of any kind is no part of 
 Christianity — it is only the means of inculcating it ; that a church 
 establishment is founded solely on its utility ;* that the public endow- 
 ment of any church implies, it is intended to be subordinate and 
 auxiliary to the public good ; that the endowments of the Church of 
 England were not originally granted for the support of a particular sect 
 of religionists, but the general support and diffusion of the Gospel : 
 that, in consequence, our episcopalian establishment is not an essential 
 part of religion, but a mean of social advantage, and its policy and dura- 
 tion ought to be determined solely by its bearing on the public interest ; 
 and, that, on any future interference with the revenues of the church, 
 the two most important considerations are — -first, that if appropriated to 
 the maintenance of religion at all, they ought to be appropriated to the 
 maintenance of the teachers of Christianity generally, without distinc- 
 tion of creed; and, secondly, that the amount and proportion in which 
 they are so appropriated, ought to be determined by one sole object — 
 the only true end of religion, government, law, and every social institu- 
 tion — namely, the general prosperity and happiness of the People. 
 
 We cannot, perhaps, more appropriately conclude this section than 
 by a comparative estimate of the cost of Church of Englandism and of 
 Christianity in other countries. England affords the only grand monu- 
 ment of ecclesiastical wealth remaining to shew the intellectual bondage 
 of men in times of superstition, before the more general diffusion of 
 knowledge and education. Except in this country, the people have 
 every where cast off the prejudice impressed upon them during the dark 
 ages, that it was necessary to yield up a large portion of their property 
 and the fruits of their industry, to be consumed by a numerous body of 
 idle and luxurious ecclesiastics. Abroad those clergymen are only 
 respected and supported who zealously labour in their ministry, and are 
 the real spiritual pastors of the people. Formerly clergymen were 
 almost the only persons who knew how to read and write ; they took 
 an active part in the administration of the laws, and were in universal 
 request as secretaries and clerks. This was some excuse for their 
 number and endowments. But these days are past, and the subjoined 
 comparison will show that the churches of the Roman Catholic faith 
 present as singular a contrast with their ancient endoA\Tnents as with 
 the present enormity of Church of England opulence. 
 
 * Paley's Principles of Moral and Political Philosophy, book vi. chap. 10.
 
 REVENUES OF THE ESTABLISHED CHURCH. G3 
 
 Comparative Expense of Church of Englandism and of Christianity 
 in all other Countries of the World. 
 
 Expenditure Total Amount 
 
 Name of the Nation. Number of on the Clergy, of the Expen- 
 
 Hearers. per Million of diture in each 
 
 Hearers. Nation. 
 
 France 32,000,000 £62,000 £2,000,000 
 
 United States 9,600,000 60,000 576,000 
 
 Spain 11,000,000 100,000 1,100,000 
 
 Portugal 3,000,000 100,000 300,000 
 
 Hungary, Catholics 4,000,000 80,000 320,000 
 
 Calvinists 1,050,000 60,000 63,000 
 
 Lutherans 650,000, 40,000 26,000 
 
 Italy 19,391,000 40,000 776,000 
 
 Austria 18,918,000 50,000 950,000 
 
 Switzerland 1,720,000 50,000 87,000 
 
 Prussia 10,536,000 50,000 527,000 
 
 German Small States 12,763,000 60,000 765,000 
 
 Holland 2,000,000 80,000 160,000 
 
 Netherlands 6,000.000 42,000 252,000 
 
 Denmark 1,700,000 70,000 119,000 
 
 Sweden 3,400,000 70,000 238,000 
 
 Russia, Greek Church 34,000,000 15,000 510,000 
 
 Catholics and Lutherans. 8,000,000 50,000 400,000 
 
 Christians in Turkey 6,000,000 30,000 180,000 
 
 South America 15,000,000 30,000 450,000 
 
 Christians dispersed elsewhere .. 3,000,000 50,000 150,000 
 
 The Clergy of 203,728,000 people receive 9,949,000 
 
 England and Wales 6,500,000 1,455,316 9,4.59,565 
 
 Hence, it appears, the administration of Church of Englandism to 
 6,500,000 hearers costs nearly as much as the administration of all 
 other forms of Christianity in all parts of the world to 203,728,000 
 hearers. 
 
 Of the different forms of Christianity the Romish is the most ex- 
 pensive. A Roman Catholic clergyman cannot go through the duties of 
 his ministry well for more than 1000 persons. The masses, auricular 
 confessions, attendance on the sick, and other observances, make his 
 duties more laborious than those of a Protestant clergyman with double 
 the number of hearers : add to which, the cost of wax lights, scenery, 
 and other accompaniments peculiar to Catholic worship. Notwith- 
 standing these extra outgoings, wo find that the administration of the 
 Episcopalian Reformed Religion in England to one million of hearers, 
 costs the people fourteen times more than the administration of Popery 
 to the same number of hearers in Spain or Portugal, and more than 
 forty times the administration of Popery in France. 
 
 Dissenters, like churchmen, are compelled to contribute to the 
 support of the ministers and churches of the established religion, besides 
 having to maintain, by voluntary payments, their own pastors and
 
 64 CHURCH (IF ENGLAND. 
 
 places of worship. In France all religions are maintained by the state, 
 without distinction ; all persons have access to the universities and 
 public schools : in England, only one religion is maintained by the 
 state ; and all dissenters from the national worship are excluded from 
 the universities and colleges, and from the masterships of grammar- 
 schools, and other public foundations, endowed by our common ancestors, 
 for the general promotion of piety and learning. 
 
 Dr. Paley, a writer of g*reat eminence, and whose principal work 
 has been adopted as a text-book at Oxford and Cambridge, has shown 
 that it is the policy of every government which endows a particular form 
 of religion, to make choice of that religion which is followed and believed 
 in by a majority of the people. This principle, however, is not acted 
 upon in this country. Notwithstanding the immense endowments of 
 the established clergy, their gradation of rank, and protection by the 
 state, it seems that, owing to laxity of discipline, want of zeal, defects 
 in the Liturgy, or other causes, the adherents of the privileged wor- 
 ship constitute a minority of the nation. 
 
 England and Ireland are the only countries in the world Avhere a tenth 
 of the produce is claimed by the clergy. In Popish Italy the ecclesias- 
 tical tithe is only a fortieth, and is taken in kind. A prosecution by a 
 clergyman for tithe is nearly unknown ; whereas, in the United Kingdom, 
 tithe causes, often forming the most costly and intricate source of litiga- 
 tion, are of frequent occurrence. In France the expense of all religions, 
 Protestant and Catholic, is defrayed out of the taxes, like other branches 
 of the public service. In the United States of America all the different 
 modes of worship are maintained by their respective followers. 
 
 The monstrous excess in the pay of the English clergy appears from 
 comparing their average income, with the incomes of the clergy of 
 equal rank in other countries. In France an archbishop has only 
 £1041 a-year ; a bishop £625; an archdeacon £166; a canon or 
 prebend £100; a rector £48 ; a curate £31. In Rome the income of 
 a cardinal, the next in dignity to the pope, is £400 to 500 a-year ; of 
 a rector of a parish £30; of a curate £17: compare these stipends 
 with the enormous incomes of the English clergy ; and, making allow- 
 ance for difference in the expence of living in the respective countries, 
 the disparity in ecclesiastical remuneration appears incredible. 
 
 V. RAPACITY OF THE CLERGY EXEMPLIFIED. 
 
 Though the avocations of the clergy are professedly of a spiritual 
 nature, no class has manifested so greedy an appetite for temporal ad- 
 vantages and enjo}Tnents. They have been like the daughters of the 
 horse-leech, their cry has constantly been give ! give ! A brief notice 
 of the application of First Fruits and Tenths, and, subsequently, of 
 parliamentary grants to the augmentation of ecclesiastical revenues, will 
 show as much rapacity on the part of the clergy and as wasteful expen- 
 diture of public money on the church as was ever exhibited in the 
 darkest ages of monkish superstition.
 
 ABUSES OF THE FIRST FRUITS FUND. 65 
 
 First Fruits, as is well known, are the first year's whole profit or 
 value of any spiritual preferment. The Tenths are the tenth part of 
 the annual value of each living. Both first-fruits and tenths were for- 
 merly paid to the pope. The first-fruits were paid to his Holiness on 
 promotion to any new benefice, and the tenths were an annual income- 
 tax of ten per cent, out of the revenue of the clergy. As the clergy 
 would, when it was contrary to law, persist in the payment of these 
 foreign exactions, Henry VI 11. determined, on the dissolution of the 
 monasteries, to keep them to the yoke to which they had voluntarily 
 subjected themselves, and annexed the revenue arising from first-fruits 
 and tenths to the crown ; excepting, however, from the payment of 
 first-fruits, all vicarages under ten pounds, and rectories under ten marks 
 per annum. 
 
 According to the valuation in the King's Book, the first-fruits and 
 tenths were paid, as the 1st of Elizabeth has it, to " the great aid, 
 relief, and suppoitation of tiie inestimable charges of the Crown :" and 
 so continued till the 2d year of queen Anne, 17U3, when an act passed 
 giving to a corporation, which was to be erected for the augmenta- 
 tion of small livings, the whole of the first fruits and tenths. This 
 is what is called Queen Axxe's Bouxty, and amounted to about 
 £14,000 per annum: it has been subsequently increased by an annual 
 grant of £100,000 from parliament and the benefactions of individuals. 
 By another act of the queen, the bishops are required, by oaths of wit- 
 nesses, to ascertain the clear improved yearly value of ever)' benefice 
 with incomes not exceeding £50 per annum,. and certify the same to 
 the exchequer, in order to be discharged from the payment of first- 
 fruits : and all above that value to contribute, by the payment of 
 first-fruits and tenths, to the augmentation of the former. 
 
 The object of the queen in establishing this fund was to relieve the 
 poor clergy ; the real and only eft'ect has been to relieve the rich clergy 
 from a charge to Avhich by law they were liable. In the 26th Henry 
 VHI. a provision was made for revising, from time to time, the valua- 
 tions under which the first-fruits and tenths were paid. It is probable 
 the clergy of 1703 were apprehensive, as the nation was then engaged 
 in an expensive war, that such a revision might be made ; and in per- 
 suading the pious queen to renounce a portion of the hereditary revenue 
 for the sake of " her poor clergy," they artfully contrived to insert a 
 clause (the last in the act) by which the payment of first-fruits and 
 tenths was made perpetual at the original rate of valuation ! 
 
 The cunning of the rich clergy in thus shifting from themselves the 
 burthen of contributing to the relief of their poorer brethren, is only to 
 be matched in degree by the folly shown in the application of the 
 diminished revenue which this trick of theirs still left for the improve- 
 ment of small livings. At the time when the Bounty-Fund was 
 established, there were, according to the returns, 5.597 livings in Eng- 
 land and Wales with incomes not exceeding £50, and which the slow 
 operation of the fund, aided by parliament, would not raise to £150 
 in two centuries. Under such circumstances any rational being would 
 
 I
 
 06 CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 suppose tlie govornoTS and tlio legislature, by wliom the disposal of the 
 fund was superintended, would have made some inquiry into the condi- 
 tion of these livings. Some of them were of very small extent and 
 scarcely any population ; and might, therefore, have been advanta- 
 geously united with one another or with other parishes. In others, the 
 number of hearers was very great, and the parishes so large, they might 
 have been advantageously subdivided. No attention was paid to these 
 different circumstances. The governors of the bounty proceeded boun- 
 tifully : they distributed a part of their money, in sums of £200, on 
 any poor living to which any private person would give an equal sum ; 
 the rest, and greater part, they distributed by lot, letting each poor 
 living take an equal chance for a £200 prize, without any regard to 
 persons or urgency of claim. After this the story of Bridoye deciding 
 suits-at-law by dice, after making up a fair pile of paper on each side, 
 appears no longer an extravaganza. Up to the year 1815 the governors 
 had made in this way 7323 augmentations of £200 ; but with benefices, 
 as with men, fortune is not proportioned to desert or necessity. Some 
 of the least populous parishes had a wonderful run of luck. In the 
 diocese of Chichester, for instance, the rectory of Hardham, which, 
 in 1811, contained eighty-nine inhabitants, has received six augmen- 
 tations by lot, or £1200. The vicarage of Loddington, with forty-eight 
 people, has had six augmentations, — £1200. In the diocese of Salis- 
 bury, Bremilham drew a prize ; it contained fourteen people. Pertwood 
 drew another ; it had but twelve people. Calstone had £1000, including 
 a benefaction of £200 ; its population was nineteen. In the diocese of 
 Winchester, St. Swithin's, with twenty-four people, has received £800 ; 
 and £200 has been expended on Ewhurst, which has seven people, and 
 the living- returned Avorth £99. In the diocese of York, Butterwick, with 
 sixty-two people, has had five prizes, — £ 1 000 ; while Armley, with 2941 
 people, and Allendale, with 3884, have only gained one each. Even in 
 cities, where the scattered condition of the population could afford no 
 pretext against the union of pari.shes, the same random plan of augmen- 
 tations has been pursued. In Winchester separate augmentations have 
 been given to seven parishes, the population of which, all united, would 
 haA'e amounted only to 2376, and would, consequently, have formed a 
 A'ery manageable and rather small town parish. In short, the whole of 
 the returns* teem with instances of extravagance, and clearly demon- 
 strate this clerical little-go has been managed for a very different pur- 
 pose than relieving the penury of part of the establishment. Indeed it 
 is supposed that the church looks upon the poverty of some of her 
 members as sturdy beggars look upon their sores, considering them a 
 valuable adjunct for exciting an ill-judged compassion for the whole 
 body, and securing impunitj- in idleness and over-feeding. 
 
 Had it not been for the fraudident substraction of the higher clergy 
 from the burthen of contributing to the relief of their poor brethren, 
 
 * Parliamentary Paper, No. 115, Session ISIj.
 
 RAPACIOUS CONDUCT OF THE LONDON CLERGY. 67 
 
 there would have been no need of resorting- to eleemosynary aid from 
 parliament. If the first-fruits and tenths had been paid, subsequently to 
 the gift of Queen Anne, according- to the rate which the law provided, 
 that is, according- to the real value of the benefices^ instead of a million 
 and a half, at least thirty millions would have been received fi-om those 
 taxes;* a sum not only quite sufficient to have removed the poverty of 
 all the poor livings in the kingdom, but to have established schools in 
 every pari.sh, and left a surplus beside for building- additional churches, 
 or any other useful purpose. 
 
 The funds at present in the hands of the governors are very conside- 
 rable : not long- since these faithful trustees for the benefit of the ipoor 
 clergtj advanced a loan for the repair of the palace of the rich arch- 
 diocese of Canterbury; and it is said they have come to a resolution to 
 discourage as much as possible the purchase of lands, and to make 
 certain annual allowances to clerg-}'men with small livings from the 
 dividend of the stock. By this latter proceeding the heads of the 
 church have themselves begun to pay the clergy out of the public funds ; 
 affording an example, from high authority, of the practicability of this 
 mode of paying the clergy generally. 
 
 In the course of the augmentations no security has been taken 
 Hgainst non-residence or plurality/ . The governors have gone on in- 
 creasing the income of two small livings, in order to make each of them 
 capable of supporting- a resident clergyman, while, after as well as be- 
 fore the augmentation, one incumbent may hold them together — reside 
 on neither — and allow only a sir.all part of the accumulated income to a 
 curate, who performs the duties of both. 
 
 Rapa(;ity and finesse appear inseparable traits in the character of the 
 clergy at all times ; and the recent conduct of our spiritual guides in the 
 metropolis is a worthy counterpart to that of the clergy in the time of 
 Queen Anne. The situation of the clergy of the City of London is 
 different from that of the clergy in other parts of the kingdom. In the 
 reign of Henry VIII. continual altercations took place between the 
 citizens and their pastors relative to tithes and ecclesiastical dues. To 
 put an end to these unseemly disputes, the 37th Henry VIII. established 
 a commission, at the head of which was the archbishop, with full power 
 to give to their decrees the force of law, if they were enrolled in the 
 Court of Chancery before March, 1545. By a decree of this com- 
 mission the tithe of houses and buildings is fixed at the rate of 25. 9d. 
 for every 20s. yearly rent, and 2d. for each of the family for the four 
 yearly offerings. Great disputes, however, have arisen between the 
 inhabitants and tithe-holders respecting the validity of this decree ; for 
 it appears, on the authority of Tomline and Raithby, that it never was 
 enrolled agreeably to the obligation of the act. The clergy, however, 
 have continued to urge their claim to 2s. 9d. in the pound, which ihcy 
 modestly term their " ancient rights " and would, doubtless, yield a 
 
 Edinburgh Review, No. 7.>.
 
 €8 CIlUPiCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 Tery handsome remuneration. An assessment of Is. in the pound, as 
 stated by the City tithe-committee, would, in the smallest and poorest 
 parishes, yield an income of £500 a-year; and an assessment of 2s. 9d. 
 would raise the lowest living to £1400 a-year. To this exorbitant pre- 
 tension the clergy have long looked with extreme desire, beholding the 
 increasing wealth and population of the City with feelings similar to 
 those ascribed by Milton to Satan, when contemplating, with malign eye, 
 the happiness of our first parents in the garden of Eden. 
 
 Though the decree emanating from the 37th Henry VIII. was of 
 doubtful validity, it has formed the principle on which the assessment has 
 been raised for the maintenance of the city clergy. The clergy, indeed, 
 do not generally exact the 25. 9c?. but content themselves with 2s. Is. 9fZ. 
 or \s. or, in short, any thing they can obtain, — insisting, however, at 
 the sarne time, on their extreme forbearance in thus generously forego- 
 ing their " ancient rights." Even the 37th Henry did not intend to 
 vest in the clergy the 2s. 9d. for their exclusive maintenance, but also 
 for relieving the poor and repairing the edifice of the church. This they 
 have always kept out of sight : the parishioners apparently acquiesced 
 in their pretended rights; and it was only owing to the ill-timed rapacity 
 of the Fire-Act Clergy which led to the explosion of their unfounded 
 claims. Of the proceedings of the Fire-Act Clergy it may be worth 
 while to give some account. 
 
 After the 37th Henry VIII. the clergy in the city were maintained 
 by a certain pound-rate levied on the rental of buildings in their respec- 
 tive parishes. This practice continued till the great fire laid the major 
 part of the city in ashes, burning down or damaging eighty-five parish- 
 churches. After this catastrophe, the legislature enacted that some of 
 the parishes destroyed should be united ; that only fifty-one churches 
 should be rebuilt ; and that the ministers of those churches should, in 
 lieu of their former allowance, receive certain fixed sums, levied by an 
 equal pound-rate on the houses. This Avas the 22d and 23d Charles II. 
 termed the Fire- Act. The clergy suljject to the provisions of this act 
 were perfectly satisfied, till the effects of the fire began to disappear, 
 the rents of the houses to rise, and the city to get rich again. Then 
 it was our reverend gentlemen became discontented : they saw, with 
 grudging eyes, the increasing wealth of the capital, of Avhich their fixed 
 stipends would not allow them to participate ; they talked unceasingly 
 of their former pound-rate, of their " ancient rights," and at length 
 determined, in good earnest, to apply to parliament. 
 
 This was in 1804, and, in consequence, parliament made valuable 
 additions to their salaries ; the lowest incomes were raised to £200 a- 
 year, and many of the larger parishes, nearly, if not quite, to £600 
 a-year, exclusive of surplice-fees and other valuable emoluments. Such 
 augmentation, to all reasonable men, appeared quite sufficient : not so 
 to the clergy. In 1817 they applied for a further augmentation. This 
 application was refused. In 1818 they came forward a third time, with 
 their famous petition of the 4th February, filled with grievous lamen- 
 tations about the loss of their " ancient rights." The bubble now burst.
 
 CHURCH DISCIPLINE IN THE METROPOLIS. 69 
 
 Pai-liament, disgusted with the rapacity of these " sturdy beggars," 
 determined to refer their petition to a committee. It was soon discovered 
 their " aticieiit rights" had no foundation ;* that they never were en- 
 titled to 2s. 9d. on the rental, or any part of it; that with the 37th 
 Henry VIII. which they had foisted into their petition, they had nothing 
 to do, except it were to exhibit the craving and rapacious spirit which 
 actuated them. 
 
 Various other disclosures were made. Of the thirty-five poor clergy- 
 men who had signed the petition, none of them, on an average, was 
 receiving less than £500 a-year. Twenty-five out of the number were 
 pluralists, and not a few of them the fatte.st phiralists of the profession. 
 Some of the incumbents received annually £1200, £1.500, and even 
 £2000, while they did not pay their curates more than £60, £70, or 
 £80 a-year. t Inst.-'ad of residing in the parsonage-house, among the 
 parishioners, the pavsonage-houscs of many were let to the merchants 
 and manufacturers for counting-houses and warehouses, for which they 
 
 * Parliamentarj' Papers, vol. viii. Sess. 1819, 
 
 t The incumbents in London are usually careful to select curates whose abili- 
 ties are not likely to eclipse tiieir own. Some do not stop here, but actually 
 make personal appearance an object of consideration, always taking care to 
 choose a curate of a less imposing figure than themselves. Hence many parishes, 
 in order to have a tolerable discourse once on Sunday, and a decent-looking 
 man for a preacher, go to the expense of paying an evening Iwturer of their 
 own choice; but here again they are often foiled by the reverend rector, or 
 reverend vicar, refusing to let him preach in his pulpit A Reverend Mr. Gunn, 
 a man well remembered by many in London, was once placed in this predica- 
 ment : he mentioned the circumstance to a former Bishop of Londt)n ; on which 
 his Lordship replied, alluding to the rector in question, " A.h, Mr. Gunn, you 
 can shoot too well for him." The lecturers are \r.ud by voluntary subscription ; 
 tile lecturer going round with his subscription-book among the butchers, bakers, 
 and publicans, humbly requesting " Mr. Pumpkiu or ^Ir. Samuel Blewett to 
 put down his name for anj trifle he pleases." 
 
 Much of the spiritual duty in the metropolis is performed by job-parsons. 
 Tiiese are unfortunate men, wiio, being without powerful influence or connexiim, 
 are unprovided with a regular cunicy oi benetice ; or, perhaps, some of them 
 have been cast on the world from an unlucky adventure at college, an ungovern- 
 able propensity to strong cordials, or an unto\\ard issue of a love-atikir in 
 their native parishes. AVhatever is the cause, they are met with in great num- 
 ber in different parts of the town, and may be generally known from their 
 care-worn appearance, soiled linen, and threadbare clothes. Like coopers, 
 carpenters, and other branches of operatives, they have their houses of call, 
 where they inform themselves of the state of ecclesiastical employment and the 
 current rate of remuneration. It is to these places the well-fed pastors of Lon- 
 don resort, when, from inilisposition — that is the usual pretext — o? s^ome unfore- 
 seen emergency, they require a deputy, or assistant, to pass througli the 
 morning-service. Li this resource tliey are never disappointed, for, unfortu- 
 nately, the market is overstocked with labourers in the vineyard, and the un- 
 attached sons of the church may be always met witli in readiness, like so many 
 ticket-porters, for any half-crown or dollar engagement. 
 
 From these trails may be learned the manner in which the churches are 
 served, and the degraded state of discipline in the metropolis, where the reve- 
 nues are more than ten times suHicient, if properly distributed, to pay for the 
 permanent services of men of first-rate talents, independence, and character.
 
 70 CMUKCH or ENGLAND. 
 
 received exorbitant rents of £200 or £300 a-year. Some of them were 
 archdeacons, royal chayjlains, or honourable and very reverend deans ; 
 some canons at St, Paul's, some were precentors, prebendaries, and 
 held other dignified situations in cathedral and collegiate churches. 
 Had they not been the most unreasonable and rapacious men breathing, 
 there is little doubt but they would have considered the emoluments 
 arising from their numerous preferments sufficient. But the wealth of 
 India would not satisfy the cravings of spiritual men. Some of them 
 were mea.i enough to lay in wait for the members going to the House 
 while their petition was pending, and beseech them to support their 
 claims for an increase in their stipends. It reminds us of the monks of 
 St. Switbin's, These gluttons had thirteen dishes a day. Hume re- 
 lates that they threw themselves prostrate in the mire before Henry II. 
 and, with doleful lamentations, complained that the Bishop of Win- 
 chester had cut off three dishes a day. " How many has he left ?" 
 said the King. " Ten," replied the disconsolate monks. " I myself," 
 said Henry, '" have only three, and I enjoin the Bishop to reduce you 
 to the same number." 
 
 The emoluments of the metropolitan clergy generally exceed those of 
 the provincial clergy. The practice of uniting parishes, which is allowed 
 by 37th Henry VIII. c. 21, when churches are not more than one mile 
 apart, and under the value of £6, has been carried to a great extent in 
 London. The City alone reckons 108 parishes, which have been formed 
 into no more than seventy-eight benefices, having alternate patrons. 
 Some of these livings are very valuable. For instance, the rectory of 
 St. Botolph, Bishopsgate, held by the dean of Hereford, and in the al- 
 ternate gift of the King and Bishop of London, is worth £2500 a-year. 
 The rectory of St. Andrew's, Holborn, held by the Rev. Mr. Beresford, 
 and in the patronage of the Duke of Buccleugh, is probably worth 
 £3500. In Westminster, the rectory of St. George's, Hanover-square, 
 held by the Dean of Carlisle, and in the gift of the Bishop of London, 
 is worth, at least, £4000 per annum. The living- of St. Giles's, held 
 by the Rev. J. E. Tyler, and in the gift of the Lord Chancellor, is 
 another valuable rectory. We could enumerate others, but these must 
 suffice. 
 
 In considering' the incomes of the metropolitan clergy, it must be 
 remembered that they have many other sources of emolument besides 
 their benefices. St. Paul's Cathedral and Westminster-Abbey have 
 many valuable dignities, equal in value to good livings, and which are 
 principally shared among the London ecclesiastics. Then there are the 
 appointments in the royal chapels, public libraries and museums, and 
 the salaries they receive as ushers, masters, &c. in the numerous and 
 wealthy charitable foundations, and which altogether must make their 
 incomes immense. 
 
 From this representation of the situation of the clergy of the metro- 
 polis, it is clearly their wisest course to follow the policy of primate 
 SuTTOX, and keep quiet. They should constantly bear in mind the 
 fable of the dog with a piece of Hesh, and not endanger what they
 
 COMPOSITIONS — DEAN AND CHAPTER OF ELY. 71 
 
 possess by grasping- at too much. But, somehow, the clergy ordinarily 
 evince so little general knowledge, and are so blindly intent on imme- 
 diate gain, that they usually adopt the most contracted and mistaken 
 views of their permanent interests. Their conduct in respect of com- 
 positions for tithes strikingly exemplifies these traits in the clerical cha- 
 racter. In order to render this part of the subject intelligible, it will 
 be necessary to premise a few explanations. 
 
 A real composition for tithes is when an agreement is made between 
 the landlord and parson, with the consent of the ordinary and patron, 
 that certain land shall be discharged from the payment of tithes, by 
 reason of some land, or other recompense, given to the incumbent in 
 lieu thereof. Such agreements were anciently very frequent, till, by 
 the 13th Elizabeth, it was provided that no composition for tithes should 
 be valid for a longer term than three lives, or twenty-one years. This 
 tended gi-eatly to restrain compositions, and they are now rarely heard 
 of, unless by authority of parliament. To establish the validity of these 
 agreements previously entered into, it is necessary to produce the deed 
 itself, executed between the commencement of the reign of Richard 
 the First and the restraining act of Eliz.abeth, or such evidence from 
 whence, independent of mere usage, it may be inferred that the deed 
 once existed. Now this is often impossible. Time, as Lord Ellen- 
 borough once said, is a greedy devourer of patents and parchments, as 
 of other things, and, probably, in the lapse of 240 years, the deed has 
 been lost or destroyed, or other circumstances utterly preclude the pro- 
 duction of the necessary proof. Clergymen, however, have often been 
 found greedy enough to avail themselves of this strange peculiarity in 
 the law, and suddenly claim the tithes from land that had been exone- 
 rated for centuries, and for which there could be no doubt a composition 
 had been once granted. This was done, not many years since, by some 
 sinecure priests of the cathedral of Exeter. We well remember the 
 case of Dr. Peplow Ward, the rector of Cottenham. This was a real 
 composition traced so far back as the middle of the sixteenth century;* 
 the parson claimed his tithes, and kept the land too, given in lieu of 
 them, because the unfortunate owner could not produce the deed of 
 conveyance. 
 
 A recent instance of clerical rapacity has been evinced by the dean 
 and chapter of Ely, and was brought l)efore parliament in the session 
 of 1831,t by the owners of Lakenheath-fen, a district of 5000 acres. 
 The fen-owners claim exemption from tithe by prescription ; and the 
 property has been purchased, made the subject of wills, family settle- 
 ments, and contracts, as tithe-free land. But the legal maxim is, that 
 the elapse of no time bars the claim of the church, and the petitioners 
 are bound to prove an uninterrupted exemption from the payment of 
 
 * Hansiird's Parliamentary Debates, vol. xxxvii. p. 551. 
 f Cobbctl's Kegistui, October 21), 1831.
 
 72 CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 titlie for nearly G50 years. The dean and chapter of Ely, wiio possess 
 the rectory and vicarage of Likenheath, have availed themselves of 
 this difficulty, to revive their claim of tithe over the fen. For nineteen 
 years have the owners of the fen-land been harassed by their spiritual 
 oppressors ; they have already expended £5000 in litigation, and more 
 law is now threatened them ; the dean and chapter having granted a 
 concurrent lease of the rectory to Mr. Evans, their solicitor and agent, 
 who has renewed the persecution for the tithe of the fen. 
 
 A modus, or accustomed rate of payment for tithe, no more than a 
 composition, is never allowed to stand after the clergyman wishes to 
 terminate it, unless it can be proved to have existed prior to A.D. 1 189. 
 Day after day rank moduses, as they are called, though they have 
 continued from time out of mind, yet bear evidence of not havmg 
 existed before the return of King Richard from the Holy Laml, are set 
 at naught. Why our legal sages should have adopted this antiquated 
 era for the bounds of legal memory, and to which, for the validity of 
 a custom or prescription, it is necessary to trace an uninterrupted ob- 
 servance, no one can divine, unless it arise from the obvious interest 
 they have in involving every rule regarding the rights of persons and 
 property in the greatest possible obscurity and contradiction. The 
 parsons, however, avail themselves of this dictum, and set aside every 
 customary payment for tithe they do not like, which cannot be proved 
 to have continued, without interruption, from the twelfth century. 
 Hence no modus for hops, turkeys, or other thing introduced into 
 England since that period, is valid. The keenness with which, on 
 various occasions, the clergy have litigated these points is astonishing ; 
 and their conduct, both as regards compositions, first fruits, and tithes 
 in London, shows the inherent rapacity of the order, and that there is 
 no stratagem to which they will not resort, in order to avoid payments 
 to which they are justly liable, or to fasten on the public some of their 
 own dormant pretensions. They cannot, therefore, expect any indul- 
 gence, nor complain if a similar measure of justice be dealt to them. 
 One mode of retaliation would be to insist on the payment of first fruits 
 and tenths, according to the present value of benefices, whereby the 
 condition of the inferior clergy Avould be improved out of the redundant 
 incomes of the rich ecclesiastics. 
 
 But quite as equitable and a more effective blow might be dealt 
 the priesthood, by the poor insisting on their old common law right 
 to one-third of the tithes of benefices. If the clergy will persist in 
 reviving worn-out claims, why should the people sufter their own just 
 rights to remain in abeyance ? That the poor are entitled to one-third 
 of the tithes has been unanswerably proved by Ruggles and Eagle. 
 No time has elapsed to defeat the claims of the poor any more than the 
 claims of the Church. Tliere stands their right, guaranteed to them 
 by the old common law of the land, sanctioned by centuries of unin- 
 terrupted usage, and never repealed by any statute of the realm.
 
 ORIGIN OF THE LITURGY. 73 
 
 VI. ORIGIN AND DEFECTS OF THE CHURCH LITURGY. 
 
 New religions are seldom genuine. Like new constitutions of go- 
 vernment, thoy are mostly established by being incorporated with pre- 
 existing opinions and institutions. This observation will appear evident 
 from an advertance to the origin and history of the Church liturgy, 
 by which will be seen the successive gradations of Paganism, Popery, 
 and Protestantism, through which it has emerged and been trans- 
 muted. 
 
 Dr. MiDDLETON, an eloquent and learned divine of the Church of 
 England, was the first to lead the way in this inquiry. In his cele- 
 brated letter from Rome, he exhibits, in a very perspicuous manner, the 
 great conformity between Paganism and Popery, and proves tliat the 
 religion of the present Romans is entirely derived from that of their 
 heathen ancestors : — in the use of incense, holy water, tapers and 
 lamps, in their worship; in the practice of pomps and processions, 
 penance, pretended miracles, and pious frauds; in the making of A'otive 
 gifts and offerings, and erecting rural shrines; in the orders of their 
 priesthood, nuns, monks, and begging friars, and in the use of boys 
 clothed in sacred habits, to attend the officiating priest : all of which 
 he has shown to have been practised by the Pagans, and by the Papists, 
 in imitation of them. But here Dr. Middleton stopped in his compa- 
 rison, unaware, apparently, that in his zeal to depreciate a rival church, 
 he had furnished weapons of no ordinary temper, with which that to 
 which he belonged might be assailed. 
 
 This task has been executed in the well-known work of De Laune, 
 in his Plea for the Nonconformists, where he has exhibited learning 
 and ability not inferior to Dr. Middleton. He shows that in the several 
 particulars of kneeling at the Sacrament, the use of the surplice, the 
 sign of the cross, the rite of confirmation, the use of sponsors in the 
 baptism of infants, of a liturgy or form of prayer, and of altars, the 
 observance of fasts and festivals, the ceremony of marriage, bowing at 
 the name of Jesus, and towards the east, the authority of episcopacy, 
 and the dedication of churches to saints ; the church of England sym- 
 bolizes not with primitive Christianity, but with the idolatrous forms of 
 Popeiy. Such resemblance ceases to be matter of surprise, when it is 
 known, on the authority of Calderwood, that the English sen'icewas put 
 together out of three Romish channels : viz. 1 . The breviary, out of 
 which the common prayers are taken; 2. The ritual, or book of rites, 
 out of which the administration of the sacraments, burial, matrimony, 
 and the visitation of the sick, are taken; and, 3. The mass-book, out 
 of which the consecration of the Lord's supper, collects, epistles, and 
 gospels are taken. 
 
 The Rubric, or Service-book of Hcniy VIlL's time, was no other 
 than the Romish liturgy, partly translated into English. In the reign 
 of Edward VI. the whole was rendered into the vernacular tongue, but 
 otherwise was little altered. This fact was distinctly avowed by the 
 proclamation of the king and council made at the rebellion of some en-
 
 74 CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 thusiasts in the West of England, who had been excited thereto by the 
 priests ; it is tlius : " As for the serAnce in the English tongue, it per- 
 chance seems to you a 7iew service, and, yet, indeed, it is no other but 
 the old, the self-same words in English ; for nothing is altered but to 
 speak with knowledge that which was spoken with ignorance, only a 
 few things taken out, so fond, that it had been a shame to have heard 
 them in English."* Between that period and the reign of James I. it 
 is true that some alterations were efiected, but notwithstanding we find 
 that monarch thus speaking of the same service. " As for our neigh- 
 bour Kirk of England, their service is an evil said mass in English ; 
 they want nothing of the mass, but the liftings."f It is allowed, that 
 after this period there were some other alterations made in the service, 
 but we find that Charles II. in his preface to the Common Prayer, an- 
 nexed to the Act of Uniformity, thus expresses his opinion: "the 
 main body and essentials of it (as well in the chiefest materials as in 
 the frame and order thereof) have still continued the same unto this 
 day, notwithstanding all vain attempts and impetuous assaults made 
 against it." Now the obvious inference from these testimonies is, that 
 the service of the Church of England, with little alteration, is the 
 same as that of the Church of Rome. But, to show more satisfactorily 
 the resemblance between the two churches, we shall insert the following 
 comparison from an ingenious and elaborate publication, entitled " The 
 Church Establishment founded in Error :"I 
 
 " The breviary and calendar of the Church of Rome divides the 
 year into fasts, vigils, feasts, and working days. The same division is 
 adopted by the Church of England, with this exception, that there are 
 less of the former ; but of those that are observed they stand in the 
 same order, and are evidently borrowed from the calendar of the Roman 
 Church. Their feasts are divided into moveable and fixed ; so are 
 ours ; and of thirty-six of them the observance is the same in both 
 churches. The fast-days of both are alike. In the Church of Rome 
 the service itself is divided into matins and even songs ; so is ours ; 
 theirs is appropriated to the particular feasts, fasts, vigils, &c. ; so is 
 ours; the substance of their service consists in collects, confessions, 
 absolutions, psalms, epistles, gospels, prophets, apocrypha, litanies, an- 
 thems, &c. so does ours. In the Church of Rome, the people kneel 
 at confession or absolution, repeat after the priest the pater-noster, 
 stand at gloria patri, stand up and repeat the apostle's creed, kneel and 
 repeat after the minister. Lord, have mercy upon us ; Christ have 
 mercy upon us ; make responses at the saying of the litany, kneel at 
 the altar when they partake of the eucharist, or Lord's supper, kneel 
 and ask mercy and grace after the rehearsal of the decalogue ; read the 
 psalms alternately with the priest, verse by verse; sit at reading the 
 lessons, say the psalms to the accompaniment of music, bow to the 
 
 * Acts and Mon. vol. ii. p. 1189 ; quoted by De Lanne. 
 
 t Caldcrvvood, Hist. Cli. of Scot. p. 250 ; quoted by De Lauue. 
 
 t London, E. Wilson, 1831.
 
 POPERY AND PROTESTANTISM COMPARED. 75 
 
 east and at the name of Jesus. All this is done in the Church of 
 Rome, and so is it performed in the Church of England. The places 
 of Avorship -which the Church of England at present occupies, and the 
 endowments it possesses, were built, consecrated, and bestowed by the 
 Papists, and as they were dedicated by them to various saints, so they 
 continue dedicated by the Church of England. The Church of Rome 
 lias its archbishops, bishops, deans and chapters, prebends, archdeacons, 
 and other i^raduated dignities ; so has the Church of Eng-land, which 
 retains also distinguishing habits for each, as formerly practised by the 
 Roman Church. And the ordination services in both churches so 
 closely resemble each other, that, with a few unimportant alterations, 
 they are verbatim the same. A parallel so singular and striking' cannot 
 fail to convince every unprejudiced mind, that one system has g'iven rise 
 to the other," — pp. 44-5. 
 
 Having gone through the historical part of our inquiry, wc shall 
 next come to a notice of the church service as now administered. 
 Apart from the temporalities of the Church, Ave do not think there is 
 much to give offence in the established Avorship, notAvithstanding its im- 
 pure and idolatrous origin. Man is said naturally to be prone to reli- 
 gion, and Avere he deprived of his present idols, it is not improbable 
 he might create others Avith more onerous pretensions. Those, how- 
 ever, most attached to the national establishment, cannot deny there are 
 defects in its ritual, which, if they could be quietly abscinded, woidd 
 be a g'reat improvement. The church has partaken, in some degree, of 
 the improvements of the age. It has been argued out of intolerance 
 toAA-ards every Christian sect. Some doctrines still retained, as part of 
 the Athanasian creed and Thirty-nine Articles, are vicAved, we appre- 
 hend, in the same light as special pleading and other legal fictions, 
 rather as curious relics of a past age than as dog'mas of practical use 
 and belief. In its rites and ceremonial, the services it exacts are of 
 easy performance to every class. Tlie enforcement of the sabbath is 
 an unmixed good to the industrious orders, Avhile the hebdomadal incul- 
 cation of a future state of roAvard and punishment supports Avith hope 
 or restrains Avith fear those Avho cannot appreciate the claims of a more 
 enlightened morality. Philosophers can hardly begrudge the deA'otion 
 of one morning out of scA'en to a parish church ; if their feelings are 
 not interested in the iterations of the Liturgy, their souls may be 
 soothed by music and psalmody, and thus be enabled to range, Avith 
 less disturbance, through the regions of science. 
 
 Mere politicians, Avho usually look on the sanctions of relig-ion as 
 more useful than credible, are little under its influence. The Tories Avore 
 formerly a godly race of men, — they had religion at the heart, but Avitii 
 the Whigs it never Avent beyond the lips. Speaking of these once 
 notable factions, the late Mr. Fox observes, " While the Whigs con- 
 sidered all religion Avith a A'iew to politics, the Tories, on the other hand, 
 referred all politics to religion. Thus the former, in their hatred to 
 Popery, did not so much regard the superstition or c\'cn idolatry of that 
 unpopular sect, as its tendency to establish arbitrary power in the state ;
 
 76 CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 wliile the latter revered arbitrary monarchy as a divine institution, and 
 cherished passive obedience and non-resistance as articles oi" relig'ious 
 faith."* With few exceptions, both parties are now ag^roed in treating 
 religion as an engine or ally of the state, — a branch of the police, or 
 civil power, very useful for repressing disorders, or assisting that famous 
 tax machine, a mock representation, in extracting money out of the 
 pockets of the people. 
 
 The Church appears inclined to cultivate a spirit of indifference and 
 quietism, — the most favourable course it could take for a lengthened 
 duration. It prosecutes no doctrine, controls, with a gentle hand, the 
 passions of the multitude, gives full scope to the pleasures of the great, 
 and is mostly prompt to thi'ow the weight of its influence into the scale 
 of government. So far is well and judicious. But there are some parts 
 of the Liturgy so staringly preposterous, and so inconsistent with genu- 
 ine Protestantism, that we think, if they are not shortly got rid of, they 
 must, ere long, attract a dangerous share of popular attention. The 
 reformation of Henry VIII. from the first needed reforming, and, after 
 an elapse of more than two centuries, the task cannot surely be deemed 
 premature. 
 
 The portion of the book of Common Prayer, to which we shall first 
 call attention, is the Church Catechism. This includes the elements of 
 Church of Englandism, and is of the utmost importance from being first 
 impressed on the minds of the rising generation. To the bad grammar 
 and logic of this manual we do not attach much importance, though, 
 entering as it does into early instruction, it ought to be unobjectionable 
 on these points. But what is more serious, is the impracticable, super- 
 fluous and unintelligible matter it contains. 
 
 For example : — in the baptismal service, the godfather and god- 
 mother renounce, in the name and behoof of the child, " the devil and 
 all his works, the vain pomp and glory of the world, with all covetous 
 desires of the same, and the carnal desires of the flesh;" and this en- 
 gagement the child solemnly promises to fulfil. But the utter impos- 
 sibility of performance reduces the whole to an unmeaning ceremony ; 
 sponsors ofter up their pledges without consideration, and christenings 
 next to marriages are scenes of the greatest levity and indecorum. 
 
 That part where the child engages to make " no graven image, nor 
 the likeness of any thing that is in heaven above, or in the earth be- 
 neath, or in the water under the earth," is superfluous, inapplicable, and 
 liable to be misunderstood. Though the golden calf was never more 
 worshipped than at present, it is the most remote possible from a reli- 
 gious Avorship. The injunction was delivered to the Jews when they 
 ■were surrounded by nations of idolaters ; but the nearest idolatry is 
 distant from England at least a thousand leagues, and children can find 
 no type of it in this country, except in the productions of the artist, to 
 which they may mistakenly think it applies. 
 
 In another place occurs the phrase " all the elect people of God," which 
 savours strongly of that Calvinism against which Lord Chatham directed 
 
 * History of James II,
 
 DEFECTS OF CHURCH CATECHISM. 77 
 
 his annthema, and which we verily believe, next to the anarchical princi- 
 ples of the French revolutionists, is the most anti-social doctrine ever pro- 
 pagated. Unless religion aids the cause of virtue, it is, comparatively, 
 valueless ; but the doctrine of election divests the Christian faith of 
 every moral obligation. Of what importance can an individual's con- 
 duct be, if his salvation depends solely on the fiat of a foregone conclu- 
 sion. In the words of Joiix Wesley, who has stated the case with 
 equal force and truth, the sum of all is this : " one in twenty (suppose) 
 of mankind are elected; nineteen in twenty are reprobated ! The elect 
 shall be saved, do what they will: the reprobate shall be damned, do 
 what they can."* Affirm till doomsday that there can be no election 
 without faith, and no faith without works, this is the essence of Cal- 
 vinism ; for which, diabolism would be a better name ; and in the worst 
 and bloodiest idolatry that ever defiled the earth, there is nothing' so 
 horrid, so monstrous, so impious. 
 
 Transubstantiation, or the real presence, was the great test of popery 
 at the time of the Reformation. If a man, like Mr. O'Connell, for 
 example, were to affirm his belief that the body and blood of Christ are 
 actually taken and swallowed, at the sacrament of the Lord's Supper, 
 he was hurried off to the stake, without pity or remorse. Yet, for the 
 life of us, we cannot attach any other than a real and corporeal inter- 
 pretation to the following interrogatories in the Catechism : — 
 
 Question. — What is the inward part or thing signified ? 
 
 Answer. — The body and blood of Clirist, wliich are verily and indeed taken 
 and received by tlie faitliful in tlie Lord's Supper. 
 
 Question. — What are the benefits whereof we are partakers thereby ? 
 
 Answer. — The strengtliening and refreshing of our souls by the body and 
 blood of Christ, as our bodies are by the bread and wine. 
 
 If this is not transubstantiation we do not know how it can be other- 
 wise expressed. But it may be urged, that our apprehensions are 
 wholly groundless, and no harm is done : that the catechism is intended 
 only for the instruction of children ; that it is mere words learnt by 
 rote, like the Lord's Prayer, the Apostles' Creed, and the Ten Com- 
 mandments, at an age when the understanding is so little unfolded that 
 no ideas are attached to them. Granted : but if the formula is to be so 
 construed, we think it had better be consigned to the exclusive use 
 of the dame shools, and the public saved the expense of maintaining so 
 many well-fed clergymen, chiefly employed in impressing and confirm- 
 ing it on the minds of our juvenile population. 
 
 Another morceau from the mass-book is retained in the Visitation 
 of the Sick ; in which the Protestant priest actually grants absolutiou 
 of sin with as much sn7ig froid nnd authority as Leo. X. The sick per- 
 son is directed to make a confession of his sins, if he feel his conscience 
 troubled in any weighty matter ; the priest then tenders a carte blanche 
 in maimer and form following : — 
 
 " Our Lord Jesus Christ, who halh left power to his church to absolve all sin; 
 
 * Dr. Soulhey's Life of Wesley, vol. i. p. ;J7I.
 
 78 c;hurcti of England. 
 
 ners who truly repont and believe in him, of his fjreat mercy forgive thee thine 
 offences ; and by his authority, coinniilted to me, I absolve tlieej'ioin all thy sins, 
 in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. — Amen. 
 
 In the Morning Service is a form of absolution ; but the terms in 
 which it is given are less explicit ; and the priest only declares a re- 
 mission of sins to those who truly repent. Considering the era when 
 the Common Prayer was framed, it is not surprising it retains some 
 remnants of the superstition out of which it was fabricated. For aught 
 we know, the power of granting absolution may have scriptural au- 
 thority ; at all events it must often prove salutary, affording consolation 
 at a moment when human nature most needs support, and compensating 
 for any fears and anxieties which may have been felt during past life, 
 by the certain hope held out of future forgiv^eness and beatitude. 
 
 The mode of filling a Church of England priest with the Holy Ghost, 
 and endowing him with the invaluable elixir to forgive sins, and keep 
 out of hell, or let drop into it whom he pleases, is not less extraordi- 
 nary than the gift itself. It must be premised that no person can be 
 admitted to any benefice unless he has been first ordained a priest ; and 
 then, in the language of the law, he is termed a clerk in orders. The 
 mode of such ordination is thus described in the Liturgy. 
 
 '' The bishop, with the priest present, shall lay their hands severally upon 
 every one that receiveth the order of priesthood ; the receivers humbly kneeling 
 upon their knees, and the bishop sayinjz:, 
 
 " Receive the Holy Ghost, for the ofiice and work of a priest in the church 
 of God, now committed unto thee by the imposition of our hands. — Whose sins 
 thou dost forgive, they are forgiven ; and whose sins thou dost retain, they are 
 retained." 
 
 Truly this is marvellous in our eyes ! The bare idea of any one who 
 can swallow three bottles of wine, and leap a five-barred gate, being 
 filled with the Holy Ghost, makes the gorge rise. But then the necro- 
 mancy of this wonderful infusion. The bishop, only imposing his right 
 reverend hands, saying, " Receive the Holy Ghost," and instantly, 
 with the suddenness of the electric fluid, the Holy Ghost passes from 
 the fingers of the bishop into the inside of — perhaps, a Clogher, a Phil- 
 potts, a Hay, a Blacow, or a Daniels. 
 
 Talk of miracles having ceased, — they are performing daily. Talk 
 of popery, of indulgences, and absolutions. Talk of the poor, naked, 
 godless, unenlightened Indian, who wanders on the banks of the Niger 
 or the Orinoque. Talk of the Chinese, who cuts his deity with scissars, 
 or moulds him in paste. Talk of the wretched Hindoo, who immolates 
 his victim to Juggernaut ; or of the wild Tartar, who worships the 
 invisible Lama. Talk of all or any of these, or go to what age or coun- 
 try we may, for examples of supernatural pretension, can we find any to 
 match this part of the rites of the Church of England ? 
 
 We shall now leave to the Reader's further consideration the subject 
 of the church ritual. It is only a work of men's hands, and cannot, of 
 course, claim the same infallibility as the Holy Scriptures. An order 
 in council is any time sufficient authority for introducing alterations in
 
 NUMBER AND WEALTH OF DISSENTERS. 791 
 
 the Liturgy; and, even within our own time, it has been subjected both 
 to curtailment and additions. George IV,, it will long be remembered, 
 ordered the name of Queen Caroline to be struck out, as a person un- 
 worthy of the prayers of the people. Lord Sidmouth, who now forms a 
 fragment of the dead weight, during his secretarj^ship, directed four 
 prayers to be interpolated, and they form a regular portion of the church 
 service. In the few observations we have ventured to put forward, our 
 purpose has been only to advert to such parts as seemed most startling 
 to vulgar apprehension ; and in doing this, we trust, nothing irreverent 
 has escaped us, or in derogation of the general utility of the Book of 
 Common Prayer. With all its imperfections we greatly prefer the 
 established ceremonial to the random out-pourings of the conventicle ; 
 and think the measured solemnities deliberately framed for the various 
 occasions of life, preferable to those wild exhortations which have no 
 standard but the intellect of the preacher, his thirst of gain or popularity, 
 or the passions and fatuity of his hearers. 
 
 VII. XUMBER, WEALTH, MORAL AXD EDUCATIONAL EFFICIEXCY 
 OF PROTESTANT DISSENTERS. 
 
 The Roman slaves were never numbered lest they should discover 
 their power and importance. A similar policy appears to have been 
 observed towards the dissenters. Although we have had three censuses 
 of the people within the last thirty years, in the taking of which various 
 inquiries were made into the numbers employed in different trades and 
 occupations ; no inquiry was made into the number of the different 
 religious sects. Were the legislature, in this case, apprehensive that 
 they might be called upon, agreeably to the dogma of Dr. Paley on the 
 policy of patronizing the most popular faith, to commence another reli- 
 gious reformation, by altering the present disposition of ecclesiastical 
 endowments ? Whatever may have been the motive, the fact is as stated 
 — that no public inquiry has ever been instituted into the relative 
 number of Separatists and Episcopalians. 
 
 In the session of 1829, returns were ordered by the House of 
 Commons of the number of churches and chapels of the establishment, 
 and of the number of places of worship not of the establishment.* 
 W^ith the exception of Lancaster, no returns have yet been published 
 from any other county. The only public document which throws light 
 on the question, is a parliamentary paper, ordered to be printed 
 May 29th, 1812, and re-printed by the Lords in 1818. This document 
 comprises only the results of returns from parishes containing a popula- 
 tion of 1000 persons and upwards. In 1881 parishes of this descrip- 
 tion, containing a population of 4,937,789, there were 2,533 churclios 
 and chapels belonging to the established church ; the number of persons 
 they would contain 1,856,108: in the same number of parishes there 
 were 3,438 dissenting places of worship. From this it might be in- 
 
 * Votes of the House of Commons, June 19, 1829.
 
 80 CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 ferred the number of dissenters considerably exceeds the number of 
 conformists. No doubt many small parishes not included in the return 
 would have a church and not a disvSenting chapel. On the other hand, 
 the manufacturing population consists chiefly of dissenters ; and it is to 
 be observed, that dissenting chapels are generally more crowded and 
 aflford greater seat-room in the same space than the churches of the 
 establishment. A dissenting minister cannot subsist without a lai-ge 
 audience, but the income of a Church of England priest is secure, if he 
 have no audience at all, nor even a church to preach in. The struc- 
 ture, too, of churches — the system of proprietary pews — generally 
 empty and locked up to guard against intrusion — the vast space taken 
 up by the mayor'.s pew, the churchwardens' pew, and other parish 
 officials, leaves little accommodation for the poor, and they have no 
 alternative but to be crammed up — often standing in aisles, or driven to 
 what are called free-seats, where they can neither hear nor see — or 
 resort to a dissenting chapel. 
 
 In the absence of more complete official returns, the Dissenters them • 
 selves have attempted to solve this important question in public statistics. 
 The supplement to the Congregational Magazine {or December, 1829, 
 comprises the results of very elaborate inquiries into the number of the 
 places of worship of different rehgious persuasions. There are some inac- 
 curacies in this statement which we cannot reconcile ; but the data it 
 affords, aided by information from other sources, will enable us to make 
 out a tolerable exposition of the relative numbers, and the religious and 
 educational efficiency of the several classes of religionists. 
 
 The great religious denominations of the day are those of the Esta- 
 blished Church, the Roman Catholics, and the Protestant Dissenters. 
 The number of churches and chapels of the Establishment is 11 ,600 ;* 
 of Roman Catholics, 388 :+ of Protestant Dissenters, 7,634. Sup- 
 posing the number of attendants at each place of worship is the same, 
 the following will be the result: — 
 
 Churches, Sfc. Attendants. 
 
 Established Church 11,600 x 300 = 3,480,000 
 
 Roman Catholics 388 x 300= 116,400 
 
 Protestant Dissenters • • • . 7,634 X 300 = 2,290,200 
 
 * Church Establishment founded in Error, p. 86. This estimate, we apprehend, 
 has been founded on erroneous data. In many parishes there is no church at 
 all, though the tithe in these parishes is collected with as much rigour as in the 
 rest. In the fine county of Kent there are thirteen parislics which have no 
 churches, and forty-four parishes, each having less than 100 inhabitants, none 
 of whom hardly ever see the face of a parson, and yet who have tithes exacted 
 from them to the last blade of grass. It is obligatory both on bishops and in- 
 cumbents that parsonage houses should not fall into decay, yet it is a fact that 
 there are 3000 churches and parochial chapel.s to which neither house nor glebe 
 is attached. "W'itii the immense revenues of the established church it must be 
 sickening and disgusting to her best friends, to think how her interests have 
 been neglected by those who have been wallowing in her wealth, 
 t Catholic Laity's Directory.
 
 EDUCATIONAL KFFICIENOY OF DISSENTERS. 81 
 
 It appears from this that, in point of number, the advantage is on 
 the side of the national establishment. But from what has been pre- 
 viously observed, it may be presumed that this is a partial mode of 
 stating the question. It is probable the Church of England has the 
 greatest number of ministers and places of religious worship ; we doubt, 
 hmvever, its numerical superiority ; at all events, the efficiency of an 
 army is not to be estimated by its skeleton regiments, or even by its 
 numerical strength, but by the skill, energy, and devotedness which 
 animate its soldiery. In these points the Dissenters may claim pre- 
 eminence, as appears from a comparison of missionary and educational 
 exertions. 
 
 During the year 1828-9, the Church of England party raised, for 
 missionary purposes, asunder: — 
 
 £ s. d. 
 
 Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge — Fo- 
 
 reign Objects 9,208 9 5 
 
 Society for Propagating the Gospel 6,239 10 5 
 
 Church Missionary Society 52,080 19 1 
 
 £67,528 18 11 
 
 The Protestant Dissenters alone, during the same period, contributed 
 the following sums : — 
 
 £ s. d. 
 
 Wesleyan Missionary Society 41,846 12 10 
 
 London Missionary Society • 37,207 6 
 
 Particular Baptist Ditto 9,305 10 2 
 
 General Baptist Ditto 1,651 1 6 
 
 £90,010 5 
 
 Tlius it appears, that although the numerical strength of the Church 
 of Englandists exceeds that of the Protestant Dissenters, they do not 
 contribute so much by £22,481 per annum, towards the cause of 
 evangelizing the world, as the non-conformists. 
 
 For the mental improvement of their countrymen, the Protestant 
 Dissenters are not less strenuous in their exertions ; and on the subject 
 of education, notwithstanding the superior advantages of the Establish- 
 ment party, they likewise bear the palm. 
 
 Childre?i. 
 
 The National School Society educates 704,730 
 
 The Sunday School Society educates 720,7 1 7* 
 
 In exhibiting the exertions of the two great parties of Conformists and 
 Dissenters, we have taken no notice of what is done by the Catholics, 
 
 Church Establishment founded in Error, p. 92.
 
 82 CIIUUCII OF ENGLAND. 
 
 which cannot be inconsiderable ; if, therefore, we add the amount 
 of their eftbrts to our previous calculation, we shall find that the classes 
 of religionists without public endowments, not only possess the greatest 
 share of Christian zeal, but of moral and educational energy. 
 
 With so many things to be proud of, it is not surprising the Dissenters 
 have begun to manifest symptoms of dissatisfaction with the favour 
 shown to the national establishment. Hitherto they have submitted to 
 this inequality in an exemplaiy manner, and steadily refrained from any 
 thing like political agitation. Some fifty years ago, it is true, their 
 ministers were said to be " men of close ambition," and the way in 
 which this imputation was met deserves to be recorded. It was occa- 
 sioned by the introduction of a bill, in 1772, to relieve dissenters from 
 the hardship of subscribing to the thirty-nine articles. The bill passed 
 the House of Commons, but was lost in the House of Lords by the 
 weight and influence of the episcopal bench, particularly Dr. Drum- 
 mond, Archbishop of York, who strongly inveighed against dissenters. 
 Pitt, the eloquent Earl of Chatham, in reply to the archbishop, said, 
 " whoever brought a charge against dissenters without proof, defamed." 
 After a pause, he felt the workings of a generous and indignant enthu- 
 siasm, and thus proceeded : " The dissenting ministers are represented 
 as men of close ambition — they are so, my lords ; and their ambition 
 is to keep close to the college of fishermen, not of Cardinals ; and to 
 the doctrine of inspired apostles, not to the decrees of interested 
 bishops. They contend for a spiritual creed and spiiitual worship. 
 We have a Calvinistic creed, a Popish liturgy, and an Arminian clergy. 
 The refoimation has laid open the Scriptures to all ; let not the bishops 
 shut them again Laws, in support of ecclesiastical power, are plead- 
 ed, which it would shock humanity to execute. It is said, that religious 
 sects have done great mischief, when they are not kept under restraint ; 
 but history affords no proof that sects have ever been mischievous, but 
 vvhen they were oppressed by the ruling church." 
 
 The chief oppression of which dissenters have to complain is the in- 
 justice of having to pay tithe and church-rates. Building their own 
 chapels and maintaining their own ministers ; supporting their own col- 
 leges to the number of twenty ; educating upwards of 700,000 children 
 in their Sunday-schools; and expending nearly £(50,000 in diffusing 
 their religious tenets — impose on them duties and sacrifices sufficiently 
 onerous, without being compelled to aid in the support of the Episcopal 
 establishment. It is apparent, therefore, if land-owners, farmers, and 
 politicians were to be silent on ecclesiastical grievances, they would not 
 be much longer tolerated by the vast body of separatists — who in Eng- 
 land probably equal, and certainly in the United Kingdom greatly ex- 
 ceed, in number the members of the national communion. The dis- 
 senters have already begun to sound the tocsin of discontent, and several 
 papers, extensively circulated, sufficiently indicate the spirit working' 
 within them. We subjoin one of these documents.
 
 TWENTY REASONS A(iAlNST TITHES. 83 
 
 Twenty Reasons why Dissenters should not be compelled to pay 
 Church Rates and Tithes, or in any way to support the Church 
 of England. 
 
 1. Because it is a flagrant violation of equity, to compel people to pay for in- 
 
 struction, which they, in conscience, cannot receive. 
 
 2. Because it is a denial of our Saviour's interpretation of the law : " All things 
 whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them; for 
 this is the law and the prophets." — Matt. vii. 12. 
 
 3. Because no passage in the Bible sanctions compulsion in supporting religion. 
 
 4. Because Christianity is slandered by its professors using compulsion for its 
 
 support. 
 
 5. Because compulsory payments were not known in the purest ages of Christ- 
 
 ianity. 
 
 6. Because the Constitution of the Church of England, with the peculiar names, 
 
 titles, and offices of its clergy, has no foundation in the Holy Scriptures. 
 
 7. Because no writer in defence of the Church of England, has ever dared to 
 
 rest its claims upon the declarations of the Holy scriptures. 
 
 8. Because the Church of England is ?l fearful system of traffic in the souls of 
 
 men. — Rev. xviii. 13.* 
 
 9. Because the Cliurcii of England gives the chief occasion to infidels to slander 
 
 Christianity as a system of mere Priestcraft, — infidels of this class are found 
 in every parish. 
 
 10. Relinquishing unscriptural claims would remove a foul blot from the Church 
 
 of England. 
 
 11. Because Dissenters bear all the expenses of their own Colleges, Chapels, 
 
 Ministers, and Schools. 
 
 12. Because Dissenters in the United Kinf^dom far exceed in number those 
 
 who attend at church. 
 
 13. Because religion flourishes most in the United States of America, without 
 
 tithes or church rates, but supported by voluntary contributions. 
 
 14. Because religion is known to flourish most at those places in the Church of 
 
 England, in which all their expenses are met by voluntary contributions. 
 
 15. Because the system of compulsion leads the clergy grievously to oppress 
 
 each other. 
 
 • St. James's Chronicle, of Nov. 20 to 23, 1830, contains the following articles 
 of " Property for Sale," advertised and specified in numbers from 1 to 79: — 
 20 " Advowsons," income from £300 to £2000 per annum. 
 14 " Next Presentations," income from tToO to £700 per annum. 
 45 Other '' Livings," for sale or exchange, including " a sinecure of two 
 — parishes in Ireland," for which " a dispensation has been granted," 
 79 and two Livings, one of £700, the other of £1000 per annum ! ! 
 Compare this with the Oath on Simonif. 
 
 g2
 
 84 CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 16. Because tlie curates of the church nre worse paid than any class of educated 
 
 men; and the majority of them far less than journeymen mechanics. 
 
 17. Because the working clergy would be incomparably better supported by 
 
 free contributions. 
 
 18. Because Christianity, left to its own resources, would become universal, 
 as in the first ages. 
 
 19. Because no priesthood, in any age or nation, has received tithes to the 
 
 extent of our clergy. 
 
 20. Because the tithes of the Israelites were not for the clergy, but for the 
 
 whole tribe of Levi, about a tenth of the population, who were not allowed 
 to possess a single acre of freehold land; and these were the judges, 
 magistrates, lawyers, physicians, and instructors of the nation. 
 
 A desirable fact to ascertain is, the relative strength of religious 
 sects in the several counties of England. Official returns, as before 
 stated, have been received for the county of Lancaster, (Pari. Paper, 
 No. 664, Sess. 1830,) but for no other county. From these returns it 
 appears the number of parish churches in Lancashire is 65, parochial 
 chapels 157, chapels of ease 59: total number of churches and chapels 
 of the establishment, 281. The total number of dissenting places of 
 worship is 590, and of sectarians 255,411. So that one-fourth of the 
 population of Lancashire are open and professing non-conformists. 
 
 We shall conclude with stating the results of the inquiries of the 
 Dissenters on this subject. They have exhibited a statement of the 
 number of church livings and the number of chapels or congregations 
 in each county in England. Their statement, we apprehend, is not 
 far from the truth; it is certainly not exaggerated, as will appear from 
 comparing the results of their inquiries with the official returns for 
 Lancashire. It does not contain the imitarian chapels in England and 
 Wales; this sect has 169 chapels; they are a numerous and increasing 
 body; in Lancashire alone there are 28 congregations of that persuasion, 
 with 5,099 members. 
 
 In the next chapter, on the Church of Ireland, we shall endeavour 
 to ascertain the proportion of Conformists and Separatists in the United 
 Kingdom.
 
 NUMBER OF CHAPELS AND CHLIUllES. 
 
 85 
 
 CllUltCn OF l-.XGLAXD AND DISSENTING PLACES OF VORSIIIP. 
 
 COUNTIES. 
 
 c 
 
 C 
 
 E 
 
 c 
 
 1 
 
 
 c 
 
 •a 
 
 c 
 
 a. 
 n 
 •o 
 
 c 
 
 c. 
 
 u 
 
 <2 
 
 S. 
 
 a 
 
 H 
 
 c 
 
 a 
 
 3 
 
 ■5 
 o 
 
 c 
 
 1 
 
 o 
 IS 
 
 'c 
 
 "a 
 (J 
 
 c 
 
 z 
 
 O 
 
 c 
 
 c 
 
 C 
 
 be 
 
 £ »• 
 
 - c 
 c 
 
 3 
 
 Bedfordshire 
 
 8 
 
 21 
 
 
 4 
 
 35 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 71 
 
 115 
 
 Berkshire 
 
 6 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 14 
 21 
 
 11 
 
 28 
 
 1 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 34 
 25 
 
 7 
 
 1 
 
 — 
 
 1 
 
 37 
 
 81 
 121 
 
 150 
 
 Buckin^hanisliire 
 
 190 
 
 Canihridgesliire 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 23 
 
 19 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 29 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 85 
 
 162 
 
 Cheshire 
 
 7 
 •4 
 
 10 
 
 27 
 31 
 16 
 
 5 
 
 12 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 6 
 10 
 22 
 
 48 
 
 219 
 
 32 
 
 8 
 3 
 
 30 
 39 
 11 
 
 1 
 4 
 2 
 
 153 
 320 
 105 
 
 145 
 
 Cornwall 
 
 187 
 
 Cumberland 
 
 139 
 
 Derbysliire 
 
 8 
 
 7 
 
 36 
 
 5 
 
 11 
 
 5 
 
 84 
 
 3 
 
 22 
 
 1 
 
 182 
 
 161 
 
 Devonsliire 
 
 'J 
 7 
 
 15 
 
 3 
 
 65 
 22 
 
 31 
 
 5 
 
 — 
 
 6 
 5 
 
 93 
 21 
 
 — 
 
 18 
 22 
 
 10 
 3 
 
 247 
 
 88 
 
 442 
 
 Dorsetsljire 
 
 248 
 
 Durham 
 
 14 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 2 
 
 13 
 64 
 
 8 
 24 
 
 — 
 
 7 
 
 20 
 
 72 
 36 
 
 1 
 
 28 
 
 28 
 21 
 
 177 
 
 91 
 
 Essex 
 
 413 
 
 Glouccstersiiire 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 S8 
 
 27 
 
 . 
 
 13 
 
 53 
 
 11 
 
 7 
 
 19 
 
 290 
 
 Hampsiiire 
 
 11 
 
 4 
 
 49 
 
 22 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 27 
 
 6 
 
 — 
 
 3 
 
 128 
 
 258 
 
 Herefordshire 
 
 4 
 
 — 
 
 11 
 
 9 
 
 — 
 
 4 
 
 16 
 
 1 
 
 — 
 
 4 
 
 49 
 
 201 
 
 Hertfonishire 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 28 
 
 13 
 
 1 
 
 12 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 . — 
 
 — 
 
 62 
 
 129 
 
 Huntingdonshire 
 
 — 
 
 1 
 
 9 
 
 12 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 9 
 
 1 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 36 
 
 74 
 
 Kent 
 
 81 
 
 4 
 
 44 
 
 88 
 
 30 
 29 
 
 4 
 5 
 
 9 
 26 
 
 90 
 156 
 
 15 
 9 
 
 75 
 
 6 
 
 210 
 504 
 
 395 
 
 Lancashire 
 
 287 
 
 Leicestershire 
 
 7 
 
 3 
 
 17 
 
 13 
 
 17 
 
 4 
 
 68 
 
 — 
 
 13 
 
 2 
 
 144 
 
 208 
 
 Lincolnshire 
 
 I:; 
 
 2 
 
 18 
 
 14 
 
 11 
 
 9 
 
 211 
 
 2 
 
 24 
 
 1 
 
 304 
 
 598 
 
 London aiid ) 
 
 Middlesex \ 
 
 21 
 
 15 
 
 91 
 
 55 
 
 2 
 
 12 
 
 59 
 
 22 
 
 7 
 
 5 
 
 289 
 
 233 
 
 Monmouthshire 
 
 4 
 
 — 
 
 24 
 
 28 
 
 — 
 
 3 
 
 10 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 3 
 
 72 
 
 118 
 
 Norfol k 
 
 8 
 3 
 
 1 
 I 
 
 21 
 
 35 
 
 32 
 40 
 
 2 
 4 
 
 13 
 
 7 
 
 74 
 
 61 
 
 1 
 
 24 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 181 
 153 
 
 683 
 
 Nortiiamptonshire 
 
 303 
 
 Northumberland .... 
 
 H. 
 
 30 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 _ 
 
 136 
 
 97 
 
 Noltiiighamsliire 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 12 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 77 
 
 — 
 
 41 
 
 — 
 
 151; 
 
 178 
 
 Oxloidsiiirc 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 
 14 
 
 12 
 
 — 
 
 10 
 
 44 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 99 
 
 203 
 
 Kutland 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 2 
 7 
 
 3 
 25 
 47 
 
 1 
 15 
 37 
 
 1 
 
 — 
 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 17 
 
 7 
 
 32 
 91 
 
 3 
 
 18 
 20 
 
 21 
 
 13 
 102 
 254 
 
 40 
 
 Shropshire 
 
 209 
 
 Somersetshire 
 
 456 
 
 Staffordshire 
 
 21 
 
 5 
 
 32 
 
 16 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 82 
 
 
 
 41 
 
 7 
 
 213 
 
 178 
 
 Suffolk 
 
 4 
 1 
 
 G 
 
 2 
 1 
 4 
 
 33 
 27 
 31 
 
 35 
 21 
 13 
 
 2 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 5 
 
 40 
 
 20 
 
 I 
 11 
 
 6 
 
 — 
 
 5 
 
 27 
 2 
 
 132 
 
 101 
 
 87 
 
 486 
 
 Surrey 
 
 142 
 
 Sussex 
 
 300 
 
 W arwickshire 
 
 II 
 
 .5 
 
 30 
 
 16 
 
 7 
 
 12 
 
 18 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 5 
 
 108 
 
 209 
 
 M'estnioreland 
 
 •> 
 
 1 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 41 
 
 68 
 
 AViltshire 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 8 
 
 38 
 10 
 
 31 
 
 22 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 7 
 
 37 
 24, 
 
 1 
 3 
 
 8 
 21 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 129 
 104 
 
 274 
 
 "Worcestershire 
 
 175 
 
 ^ orkshire 
 
 4C 
 
 13 
 23 
 
 154 
 ^172 
 I 202 
 
 51 
 
 52 
 107 
 
 9 
 
 64 
 
 3 ) 
 5 S 
 
 532 
 214 
 
 I 
 
 300 
 
 147 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 1019 
 1 1100 
 
 809 
 
 North Wales 1 
 
 South Wales / 
 
 299 ' 
 
 526 :
 
 86 CHUHCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 VIII. WHO WOULD BE BE^'EFITED BY A KEFORM OF THE 
 CHURCH ? 
 
 A reform of the Church, like most other reforms, would permanently 
 beneiit the many, and only temporarily injure the few. The lawn- 
 sleeves, the shovel-hats, silk-aprons, and monopolizing incumbents 
 would bo the chief sufferers ; while the condition of the most numerous 
 and useful order of the clergy would be improved. Such odious abuses 
 as non-residence and pluralities would be abolished, and the shameful 
 injustice of one man doing the duty and another receiving the reward 
 would be no longer tolerated. Ever\' district, or parish, requiring the 
 services of an oiliciating clergyman would be provided with one to whom 
 the degrading epithet of " poor curate" or " 'poor parson" could never 
 be justly applied. By mitigating the penury of the working clergy, their 
 respectability and -influence w^ould be augmented, and every neighbour- 
 hood enjoy the advantages Avhich are known to result from, the perma- 
 nent abode of at least one educated, intelligent, and exemplary indivi- 
 dual. The clergy alike profess to be engaged solely in the work of 
 religious instruction, and no class can boast superior piety or attainments 
 by which to lay claim to superior reward. Why then should there 
 exist such disparity in income? Why should the rector enjoj his 
 £2000 per annum, the vicar receive but £400, and the curate only 
 £80 or £100? 
 
 The equalizing of the value of sees would remove the amse of trans- 
 lations, and thereby effect a great improvement in the bench of bishops. 
 It is only a few lucky individuals who obtain the rich prizes of Canter- 
 bury, Winchester, London, Ely, and Durham, that are benefited by 
 the unequal revenues of the bishoprics. Many prelates have barely 
 income enough to support the dignity of their stations; yet they share, 
 in common with the rest, the public odium attached to their class from 
 the inordinate wealth of their more fortunate brethren. It is this in- 
 equality, and the desire consequently excited to move to the wealthier 
 endowments that gives to the bishops their political a?imus, and renders 
 them the most self-seeking men in the country. Without translations 
 they would be as independent in their conduct as the judges are said 
 to be; but with the help of them government has, generally, the power 
 to render them subservient to its purposes. 
 
 The exercise of legislative functions by the bishops has become ex- 
 tremely unpopular since their mischievous vote on the Reform Bill. 
 The House of Lords has always been to them the great scene of jobbing, 
 intrigue, and ambition. On no occasion have they done themselves 
 credit there; they appear, indeed, totally void of legislative aptitude, 
 and never, by one act, have they rendered substantial service to the 
 State, or done honour to themselves and the Church. Whether as 
 magistrates or legislators, clergymen are inherently disqualified for the 
 discharge of secular duties. It is not so much in their character of 
 churchmen as of laymem that they have become so universally disliked ;
 
 UNEQUAL DISTRIBUTION Ol ( IIURCHES. 87 
 
 and we verily believe, had thoy been eligible to seats in the lower house 
 as they are to the upper, the additional opportunity thereby afforded to 
 render themselves odious, would have hastened the downfal of the 
 establishment. 
 
 Besides the deprival of their legislative functions, a substantial im- 
 provement in the prelacv would consist in the abolition oj" their patro- 
 nage. As it is, a rigid discharge of their duties is often incompatible 
 with their interests, or at least their feelings. Their proper functions 
 are the superintendence of the subaltern clergy' of their dioceses; but 
 many of these clerg)' have been promoted by themselves to their bene- 
 fices; they are their very good friends, and not a few their own fiesh 
 and blood. How, in such cases, can it be expected they will be strict 
 in tiie enforcement of pastoral duties ; that they will not be indulgent 
 in the granting of licenses for non-residence, and dispensations for 
 pluralities; or that they will insist on the payment of suitable stipends 
 to the curates. A bishop, like a pope, ought to have 7io relations, 
 and thus escape, as Benedict II. remarked of the successors of St. 
 Peter, the opprobrium of perverting the patronage of the church to the 
 aggrandizement of liis family. Under the existing system the chopping, 
 exchanging, bargaining, and moving about, that ensue in a diocese 
 on a translation or consecration, are a disgrace to the church, and 
 render the discharge of episcopal duties more like a game on the chess- 
 board, in which the rooks, knicjhts, and other prime pieces, represent 
 the " kit and kin" of the new diocesan. 
 
 The unequal extent of benefices has been urged in favour of ecclesias- 
 tical reform. In most cases, the extent of the livings is made to answer 
 antiquated boundaries of parishes, by which, sometimes five or six churches 
 are to be seen within a mile of each other, in a thinly populated country, 
 while, again, parishes of from eight or ten miles in length afford but 
 the accommodation of one church to a large population. Thus the 
 distribution of the churches and livings bears no proportion either to the 
 inhabitants or the acres, as will appear from the following list: — 
 
 
 Inhabitants. 
 
 s 
 
 q. Miles. 
 
 Livings. 
 
 Av. lull. Av. 
 
 Miles. 
 
 Eiijiland and Wales 
 
 12,912,100 
 
 and 
 
 58,554 . 
 
 . 10,872 
 
 .. 1.187 and 
 
 5.38 
 
 Beiirorusliire 
 
 70,213 
 
 and 
 
 403 . 
 
 115 
 
 . . CIO and 
 
 4.00 
 
 Durham 
 
 207,073 
 
 and 
 
 1,040 . 
 
 91 
 
 .. 2.282 and 
 
 11.42 
 
 Lincolnshire 
 
 283,0.58 
 
 and 
 
 2,748 . 
 
 508 , 
 
 473 and 
 
 4.59 
 
 Nortlmmhcrlanil 
 
 19.5,1*05 
 
 and 
 
 1,850 . 
 
 97 
 
 .. 2.020 and 
 
 19.07 
 
 London and Middlesex 
 
 2,370,225 
 
 and 
 
 282 . 
 
 250 , 
 
 . . 9.490 and 
 
 1.12 
 
 Lancashire 
 
 1,052.859 
 
 and 
 
 1,831 . 
 
 287 
 
 . . 3.005 a'rfl 
 
 6.38 
 
 Huntingdon 
 
 48,771 
 
 and 
 
 370 . 
 
 74 
 
 .. 659 and 
 
 5.00 
 
 Kutlan! 
 
 18,4H7 
 
 ;ind 
 
 119 . 
 
 4(1 
 
 . . 402 and 
 
 3.72 
 
 Norfolk 
 
 344,308 
 
 and 
 
 1,710 . 
 
 0^.3 
 
 504 antl 
 
 2.50 
 
 Anomalous and disproportionate as are tlieso numbers, the above 
 remark is still more strikingly displayed by reference to individual cases; 
 tims the livings of — 
 
 Easton Nestou Nortlianiiilon&liirc (ontain.s 137 inliiibit«nts. 
 
 Katon-saton Hrdfnrdshirc 2,039 ditto. 
 
 Ecrlcs Lancashire 23,331 diUo. 
 
 Etclesfield Yorkshire 7,103 dillo.
 
 88 CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 Edburton Sussex contains 92 inhabitants 
 
 Edgcot Northamptonshire 67 ditto. 
 
 Egmore Norfolk 47 ditto. 
 
 " Thus we see," as observed by the author from whom the preceding 
 statement is copied, " that the State provides the same extent of accom- 
 modation for 47 as for 23,331 persons, so that as far as secular autho- 
 rity is concerned for the religious instruction of the people, a large 
 proportion of them are wholly unprovided for; while, on another portion, 
 its goodness is showered to redundancy. And should the former class 
 think it necessary to have a second church in the same parish, they 
 can have no clergyman to perform the services therein without an 
 increase of their ecclesiastical burdens, notwithstanding they may already 
 raise £3,000 per annum, for the purpose of an adequate supply of 
 religious instruction. That income is the freehold of the rector, and 
 any other instiuction than what he can afford in a church not large 
 enough to contain one-tenth part of the inhabitants, at a distance of 
 five or six miles from many of their homes, must be paid for by a 
 separate imposition." — Church Establishment founded in Error, p. 70. 
 Having adverted to the benefits the church would derive from eccle- 
 siastical reform, let us next advert to those it would confer on the com- 
 munity. 
 
 In the first place the abolition of non-residence, of pluralities, of 
 sinecure offices in cathedrals, and the reduction of extravagant incomes, 
 and the substitution, in lieu of these abuses, an uniform and graduated 
 rate of payment to the different order of ecclesiastics, proportioned to 
 rank and duty, would not only effect a vast improvement in church dis- 
 cipline, but a saving of at least seven millions per annum of public 
 income. Away then would go the tithe, — the most unjust and impo- 
 litic impost the ingenuity of rulers ever devised for tormenting God's 
 creatures, and crippling national resources. Of course we do not 
 mean the tithe would be simply repealed ; that would be merely 
 throwing so much additional rent into the pockets of the land-owners 
 without benefiting the farmer or general consumer of his produce. The 
 tithe is a tax, and forms part of the public income levied for public 
 purposes. Its simple removal, without purchase or commutation, would 
 only yield so much increase of revenue to be lavished on opera dancers 
 and Paganinis ; or dissipated in gaming-houses, in concerts, coteries, 
 and grand dinners ; or wasted at Paris, Florence, and Naples, and 
 which had better continue to be spent, as much of it now is, by sinecure 
 silk-aprons and non-resident pluralists, at Bath, Cheltenham, and Ton- 
 bridge. The measure contemplated by the people is the sale of the 
 tithe outright to the landowners, or its commutation by a land-tax. 
 This would be a real reform ; the other is only delusion. 
 
 With such a resource as church property would yield, all the rabble of 
 taxes might be repealed which now weigh down to annihilation the spring's 
 and sources of industry, and oppress a man's " house, even his heri- 
 tage." The farmers and working agriculturists would share in the 
 general benefit, not only by an increase of profits and wages and the
 
 TITHE NOT A RENT-CHARGE. 89 
 
 mitigation of public burthens, but also by the extinction of an inquisi- 
 torial impost, whose pressure augments with every increase in industry, 
 skill, and capital. For the tithe is not, as it has beep alleged, a rent- 
 charge imposed on the land, it is a virtual income-tax levied on stock 
 and industry. A rent-charge is paid by reason of the land, but tithes 
 are not, but by reason of the stock and labour of the occupier. If 
 there be no annual increase, no profit made, or crop planted, no tithe 
 can be demanded ; but for non-payment of a rent-charge, he on whom 
 it is settled, may enter upon and possess the land ; whereas, he that 
 claims tithe can only avail himself of the produce. 
 
 Nothing can more pointedly illustrate the stagnating influence of our 
 aristocratic institutions on the mind and energies of the conmaunity than 
 the continuance of the tithe-tax so long after its impolicy and injustice 
 have been demonstrated. Even Mr. Pitt, who, throughout his political 
 life was the slave of a paltry ambition for place, and the tool of a des- 
 picable faction, meditated its removal. It has been denounced by 
 Bishop Watson, by Dr. Paley, by Burke, by Malthus, and every w>'it^.»- 
 and statesman with the least pretensions to intelligence and patriotism . 
 It is supported by the example of no country in Europe. Though Eng- 
 land swarms with separatists, and can hardly be said to have a national 
 religion, yet, for the maintenance of one handful of spirituals, the whole 
 nation is insulted and the operations of rural industry fettered and 
 impeded. 
 
 Our neighbours, the Scotch, have long since wiped out this abominable 
 stain. Among them tithe is a valued and commuted rate of payment, 
 forming a trifling and invariable impost, to the extent of which, alone, 
 the landlord can ever be made liable to the church. This reform they 
 commenced about the time they got rid of prelacy and cathedrals, in 
 the days of John Knox. With this superiority Scotland would be the 
 land to live in, were it not for her rag-money, her myriads of legalists 
 and placemen, her host of servile writeis, the barrenness of her moors 
 and mountains, and the griping keenness of her population. " Sti'ange 
 as it may seem," says lord Brougham, in one of his eloquent ha- 
 rangues, " and to many who hear me incredible, from one end of the 
 kingdom to the other, a traveller will see no such thing- as a bishop — 
 not such a thing is to be found from the Tweed to John o'Groats : not 
 a mitre, no nor so much as a minor canon, or even a rural dean — and 
 in all the land not a single curate — so entirely rude and barbarous are " 
 they in Scotland — in such utter darkness do they sit that they support 
 no cathedrals, maintain no pluralists, suft'er no non-residence ; nay, the 
 poor benighted creatures are ignorant even of tithes ! Not a sheaf, or 
 a lamb, or a pig, or the value of a plough-penny, do the hopeless mor- 
 tals render from year's end to year's end ! Piteous as their lot is, what 
 makes it infinitely more touching is to witness the return of good for 
 evil, in the demeanour of this wretched race. Under all this cruel 
 neglect of their spiritual concerns, they are actually the most loyal,
 
 90 CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 contented, moral, and religious people any where, perhaps, to be found 
 in the world."* 
 
 Bishop Watson, said " a reformer, of Luther's temper and talents, 
 would, in five years, persuade the people to compel parliament to abolish 
 tithes, to extinguish pluralities, to enforce residence, to confine episco- 
 pacy to the overseeing of dioceses, to expunge the Athanasian creed 
 from our Liturgy, to free dissenters from Test- Acts, and the ministers 
 of the establishment from subscription to human articles of faith." — 
 Letter to the Duke of Grafton. 
 
 Mr. Burke said, he " wished ministers to preach the gospel with ease, 
 but their possessions to be such that the pastor would not have the in- 
 auspicious appearance of a tax-gatherer." — His Works, vol. x. p. 146. 
 
 The progress of public reform is at a snail's pace, and so numerous 
 and strong are the holds of abuse, that many pitched battles have to 
 be fought before a single inch can be gained from the waste of corrup- 
 tion. But the interests identified with a reform of the church are so 
 many, important, and self-evident, that we feel certain it is a measure 
 that cannot be much longer averted. The Archbishop of Canterbuiy, 
 we are sure, may save himself the trouble of putting forward his cun- 
 ningly-devised scheme for a composition for tithes, for a limited period, 
 at a fixed rate of payment. The country will never sanction any plan 
 tending to give permanency to an odious impost which, to our great 
 opprobrium, has long been suffered to survive the natural term of its 
 existence. The v/orthy primate seems to feel that the foundations of 
 Mother Church are giving way, and he, doubtless, deems it good fore- 
 sight in himself and brethren to lay hold of something certain for at 
 least the next twenty years, the probable term of their earthly pilgri- 
 mage. But he may rely upon it the owners and occupiers of land, in 
 England, will not be so easily overcome by ecclesiastical artifice as 
 some of them have been in Ireland : a man must be totally regardless 
 of the aspect of the times, he can know nothing of the state of opinion, 
 as indicated by private conversations, By proceedings at public meetings, 
 by newspapers, by parliamentary debates, by the petitions from Roches- 
 ter, Devonshire, and other parts of the kingdom, who is not convinced 
 that tithes, two years hence, will neither impoveiish the soil nor re- 
 proach the v.ii^dom of domestic policy : the attention of the people is 
 rivetted on the vast possessions of the church, and to them they look 
 as the best resource in their privations and ditficulties. In the language 
 of Scripture, and of the followers of Sir Walter Raleigh, they may 
 truly exclaim, " Come hither, all ye that are heavy laden, — Here is 
 the real El Dorado for reducing the borough mongers' debt, and lighten- 
 ing the burden of taxation. 'Here is the fund for colonizing, for miti- 
 
 * Trial of John Ambrose Williams, for a libel on the Clergy of Durham, 
 Aiifc- 16th, 1822, p. 43. The defendant had given umbrage to the haughty 
 clergy of the Palatinnte by coiunienting, in a newspaper, on their servile con- 
 duct in prohibiting (he btUs to be tolled on the ociasion of the death of the 
 Queen of George IV.
 
 RIGHTS OF LAY IMPROPRIATORS. 91 
 
 gating poor-rates, repealing corn-laws, and creating employment ; and 
 none but fools look for any other I" 
 
 Considering, then, a great bettering in the condition of the operative 
 clergy, — the improvement of church discipline, — the abolition of tithes, 
 — and the saving of many millions of public income, as the certain and 
 prominent advantages of ecclesiastical reformation, we will next advert 
 to one or two interests in society which, at first sight, appear to present 
 some obstruction to this salutary revolution. 
 
 First, of the rights of lay -impropriators. It is necessary to bear 
 in mind the distinction which has been before adverted to between the 
 tithes of the church and the tithes of laymen. These last are consi- 
 derable, amounting, perhaps, to one-fourth or one-fifth of the whole 
 tithes of the kingdom. They have been estimated — though, we think, 
 on incorrect principles — to be worth £1,752,842 per annum,* Now, 
 these tithes are unquestionably of the nature oi private property, and 
 bear no analogy to clerical tithes. How they originated has been ex- 
 plained, (page 12,) but that has no bearing on their present tenure. 
 We must take things as we find them, and adopt such rights of property 
 as the laws and usages of society recognize, without ascending to their 
 remote origin. Upon this principle we quickly discern the different 
 tenure of church and impropriate tithes. The former have always been 
 dealt with as a portion cf the public income, payable to certain persons 
 while engaged in the service of such form of worship as the State 
 choose to patronize; the latter has been considered a rent-charge due to 
 individuals, and with which the legislature had no concern. Hence 
 the parliament has no more thought of interfering with impropriate 
 tithes than with the estates in land obtained at the Reformation. The 
 tithe-owner has dealt with them as part of his patrimony, which he 
 could rightfully sell or devise to whom he pleased, and which immunities 
 of ownership have been shown not to appertain to ecclesiastical posses- 
 sions. To sequestrate lay-tithes would be gross spoliation, but, in the 
 secularization of church-property, the legislature would only exercise 
 an authority it has always possessed ; and, were the life-interests of 
 present possessors fairly commuted, neither loss nor injustice would be 
 sustained by any person. It follows, impropriate tithes do not at all 
 enter into the question of church reform ; they must continue a charge 
 on land, or lands liable thereto may be exonerated on such terms as can 
 be agreed upon by the landlords and lay-impropriators. 
 
 Next, as to the interests of jjrivaie patrons in advowsons. A right 
 of presentation, in its origin and in acts of the legislature, has been 
 shown to have been always considered merely an honorary function, 
 which ought not to be e.xercised for gain or family interests, but the 
 promotion of religion and virtue. Private patrons, therefore, could not 
 expect to be indemnified for the loss they would sustain by ecclesi- 
 astical reform, according to the present value of benefices. All they 
 could expect would be the continuance to them (as Avas the case in Scot- 
 
 * Quarterly Review, vol. xxix. p. 556.
 
 92 CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 land) of the right of nominating the ministers of the Reformed Church, 
 subject, as at present, to the approval of the bishop. For the public to 
 purchase their interests, according to the present value of tithes and 
 church-fees, would be nothing less than at act of national simony ; 
 it would be converting a spiritual function into a temporal possession, 
 and the state committing the very crime in wholesale which had been 
 condemned and punished when perpetrated in a less degree by indivi- 
 duals. 
 
 Nothing has yet been said of the provision for the Established Clergy, 
 to be substituted in lieu of tithes and church estates, — whether they 
 ought to be paid stipends by Government, or out of the poor-rates, the 
 county-rate, or some other rate levied expressly for the purpose, or 
 whether they ought to be supported bythe voluntary contributions of their 
 hearers. The discussion of these matters will be time enough, when the 
 people, or their representatives, have determined upon the seculariza- 
 tion of church pioperty. The proceedings of the Church-building 
 Commissioners offer an example which some may think it wise to follow. 
 They have shown not only how episcopalian churches may be built by 
 subscription, but how the minister's stipend may be paid out of pew- 
 rents, and other voluntary contributions, without the aid of the com- 
 pulsory and odious provision of tithes. It may be thought a similar 
 plan might be extended to all the churches of the establishment ; but, 
 for our parts we are in favour of a national religion — a Liturgy — and 
 an endowed clergy ; provided the endowment is moderate —fairly ap- 
 portioned among the Avorking clergy — and aoes not exceed about a mil- 
 lion and a half per annum. A public worship protected by the state has 
 formed, with few exceptions, a part of every well-ordered community. 
 The French tried to do without it ; the experiment was productive of 
 enormous crimes, and after floundering for a time in the waves of 
 anarchy, they were compelled again to resort to the aid of spiritual 
 faith. Religion contains now little to give offence to the most liberal 
 mind ; it is not, as formerly, like the demon of some German story — 
 recluse, bloody, and unrelenting; its worst features — bigotry and in- 
 tolerance — have been removed bythe progress of science and philosophy, 
 and what remains may be considered a good with scarcely any admixture 
 of evil. 
 
 Whether, however, we have an endowed clergy or not, no fear need 
 be entertained about the interests of religion suffering. The fear at 
 present is all the other way, lest a people evidently verging into 
 the gloom of jmritanism, may not after^vards recoil into the opposite 
 extreme of licentiousness and unbelief. This has been termed an age 
 of cant, and every thing tends to show its ascendancy. Nothing but 
 cant can live in literature, the drama, trade, or politics. Let any one 
 deny the popular faith, and the doors of the legislature are closed upon 
 him; he is a " doomed man," whose future life is " bound in storms and 
 shallows," and he is shunned as if he had caught the plague from some 
 infectious lazaretto. This is the state of opinion among the lower and 
 middle orders; among the higher, there is less scrupulosity; and a lord
 
 ON A FREE-TRADE IN RELIGION. 93 
 
 or a gentleman of £10,000 a year may admire Voltaire, Diderot, or 
 Spinoza, without being ejected out of the pale of social communion. 
 
 While men's fortunes depend on their faith, we may be sure there 
 will be enough of it, or at least, the profession. Like the French sati- 
 rist, every one thinks it necessary he should live, and of course will 
 adopt the means essential to the end in view. It is possible, however, 
 the artificial encouragement of devotion may produce it in excess, be- 
 yond the wants of the state, and thus generate the extreme to which 
 we have adverted at the Restoration of Charles II. There is always 
 some danger in meddling with spiritual opinions as with temporal interests ; 
 and many may think the wisest course to be adopted towards religion 
 would be to follow the policy recently become popular in respect of 
 trade — leaving it free ; neither attempting to depress one sect by the 
 drawback of civil disabilities, nor to encourage another by the bounty 
 of protection. It is certainly a fact that religion will generally abound 
 in proportion to the wants and demands of society; where there is much 
 ignorance and mental debility, there will, as there ought, be much faith ; 
 on the other hand, where there is a strong and enlightened reason, the 
 motives for good conduct will be sufficiently apparent, without being- 
 aided Ijy the hopes and fears of superstition. 
 
 However, as before hinted, we are not the partizans of a free-trade 
 in religion, and think a worship patronized by the state is best, pro- 
 vided it be cheap. Our reason for this preference may be somewhat 
 peculiar, and not shared in by our readers. We prefer an established 
 worship, not less as a means of maintaining a rational piety, than as a 
 counterpoise to fanaticism. Without religion at all, men are seldom 
 better than beasts ; but if their rulers have no control over the popular 
 faith, the people will be at the mercy of every pretender, whose warm 
 imagination or an over-weening conceit may have filled with the delusion 
 of a divine commission. With an endowed corps of ecclesiastics the 
 state possesses a medium through which religion may be kept in 
 countenance among the higher classes, (adopting the slang of aristo- 
 cracy,) and its temperature among the lower be regulated. Of course 
 we mean a race of clergymen differently qualified from the present. 
 These, good easy souls ! have little influence or authority; they have 
 ministered away their flocks, and remain themselves objects of derision 
 or cupidity, not veneration. 
 
 With the near and long-standing example of the Presbyterian esta- 
 blishment. North of the Tweed, it is surprising the task of ecclesiastical 
 reform has made no progress either in England or Ireland. In the Kirk 
 of Scotland, it has been already remarked, there are no bishops, nor 
 dignitaries, nor tithes. The incomes of the national clergy are paid by 
 the Court of Session out of a fund formed from the ancient tithes of 
 the country. Some of the benefices being considered of too small value, 
 they were, in 1810, augmented by an annual grant, from Parliament, of 
 £10,000, which made the poorest livings worth £150 a-year, and the 
 income of some of the ministers are considerably more, amounting to 
 £300 or £.350. , Exclusive of house and glebe, the average income of
 
 94 
 
 CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 the clergy is £245, wliich to 948 pastors, makes the whole annual 
 expenditure on the Kirk only £234,900. This cannot be considered 
 extravagant to a ministry with upwards of a million and a half of 
 hearers ; and upon the whole there are many things to admire in the 
 Scotch Establishment. The Scots do not pay a quarter of a million for 
 lawn-sleeves ; nor half a million for cathedral and collegiate sinecurists. 
 There are no curates ; the parochial clergy reside upon their benefices ; 
 exhorting, catechising', instructing-, and performing all those duties to 
 their parishioners, for which they receive their incomes. The Scotch 
 Church, though it cannot now be termed poor, yet its wealth is not so 
 exorbitant as to corrupt its ministry. The wealth of the English 
 Church is the source of all its vices — sinecurism, pride, luxury, and 
 ineificiency. 
 
 The Dissenters afford an example of the efficient support of religion 
 without any compulsory provision. In England and Wales there are 
 upwards of 9,000 ministers supported by Dissenters. This is certainly 
 not done at a less expense than £120 each, or rather more than a mil- 
 lion per annum. Ag-ain, America is another proof of what can be done 
 by voluntary contributions. There are not less than 1 1 ,000 ministers 
 of all denominations in the United States, the g'reat majority of whom 
 derive their subsistence from the free-will offerings of the people, inde- 
 pendent of legislative provision. The option left to the people has not 
 operated to the decay of virtue or religion ; on the contraiy, religion 
 flourishes among them to an extraordinary extent — it pervades all ranks 
 and conditions of men — it is associated W'ith all their pursuits — not, in- 
 deed, as a second head of the social body, dividing the intellect and 
 strength of its frame, but as a pursuit distinct from political combina- 
 tions, altogether a personal concern, and, therefore, purposely discarded 
 by the constitution. Notwithstanding this absence of state-worship the 
 United States have become a mighty empire, which, in spite of the 
 solemn pedantries of Capt. Basil Hall, may be advantageously compared 
 with any other in the world, whether measured by the standard of 
 morals, personal prowess, commercial enterprize, or national wealth 
 and power. 
 
 We have now done, and having finished our exposition of the Church 
 of England, can truly say we have " nothing extenuated, nor set down 
 aught in malice." Our statements -we know cannot be impugned ; but 
 it is possible our opinions may be misunderstood. It may be thought 
 we are Jacobins, Liberals, or worse. Of this we take no note, know- 
 ing we are as good subjects as true Christians. We have no dislike to 
 the Church, but w^e object to it as we do to the borough system, because 
 it does not reward merit, and oppresses the honest and industrious. 
 Our humble endeavour has been to expose the corruptions of the esta- 
 blishment. If the duties of the Church be of importance to Govern- 
 ment, or to the interests of religion and morality, it is a strong reason 
 for reforming, not protecting its abuses. It must be clear to the most 
 common observers it cannot long continue in its present state. Without 
 adverting to the numbt r of dissenters — to defects in discipline, — the
 
 THE CATASTROPHE. 95 
 
 Liturgy — ill-proportioned revenue — or the conduct of the clergy them- 
 selves, the mere fact of a body of men, not exceeding eight thousand 
 in number, and of no gTeat social importance — claiming- in the most 
 vexatious manner a tenth of the natural and artificial produce of a soil, 
 raised for the support of Fourteen Millioxs, is so staringly out- 
 rageous, as to throw all argument out of court, and leave the Chui-ch a 
 barefaced and unparalleled oppression, without precedent or palliative. 
 Further reasoning on such a subject is out of place, and the only ques- 
 tion is — Who will rise to abate the colossal nuisance ? Will Govern- 
 ment timely interfere and afford the Church a chance of prolonged 
 duration, under a less obnoxious form, or will it supinely wait and 
 behold it swept off in a whirlwind, leaving " not a wreck behind,'' by 
 a simultaneous rush of the tiers etat ? 
 
 If the Church is to be saved it must be saved by a wisdom very different 
 from that which directs the councils of the heads of the Establishment. 
 They are obviously as insensible to the position in which they stand as 
 the child unborn. Only think of the nature of the bills introduced by 
 them last year for the reform of the Church. The character of one — 
 that for a composition for tithe — has been already noticed. Of the 
 remaining- two, one is for augmenting the incomes of vicarages ; the 
 other for shortening the time of prescription in cases of moduses and 
 exemptions from tithes. In the last is a proviso which prevents it from 
 interfering with any suit which may be commenced ivithin three years. 
 Ah, my Lords Bishops, the crisis will be past long before. Do not, we 
 beseech you, lay the flattering unction to your souls that there will be 
 litigation about moduses, prescription terms, and nullum tempva maxims 
 three years hence. Your days are assuredly numbered ; your lease is 
 expired. Tlie fatal vote given on the Reform-Bill has sealed your 
 doom, and no depth of repentance can again establish you in the esti- 
 mation of the people. Solemn pledges will be demanded from a re- 
 formed parliament that tithe shall be al^lished, and that haughty pre- 
 lates shall cease to haunt the chambers of legislation. A terrible storm 
 is impending over the Church, and nothing can avert its destructive 
 ravages save a timely abandonment of all that has long excited popular 
 indignation — its enormous wealth — its avarice, pride, and self-seeking — 
 its insolent and oppressive power.
 
 LIST 
 
 OF 
 
 BISHOPS, DIGNITARIES, AND PLURALISTS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 EXPLANATIONS. 
 
 The name of the Pluralist comns first. After the name comes the first living 
 of tlie Pluralist in italic, and an initial letter denotinf? its title — namely, r. for 
 rectory, v. for vicarafje, c. for cliupelry, p. c. for perpetual curacy, d. for dona- 
 tive, d. r. for district rectory, and d. c. for district chapelry. The name of the 
 Patron is put after the living or livings, supposing more than one living, of 
 which the same person is patron. Al>p. is put for archbishop, bp. for bishop, 
 arclid. for archdeacon, dn. for dean, cli. for chapter. When a living is in the 
 gilt of tlie University of Oxford, Oxon is put ; when of the University of Cam- 
 bridge, Camb, When a nobleman, as the duke of Newcastle, or the marquis 
 of Exeter, is patron, the of in the title is omitted both for brevity and pro- 
 priety. The " of" expresses territorial jurisdiction, but as peers do not 
 possess such authority at the present day, the term by which it is implied may 
 be properly dropped. 
 
 In the language of churchmen a living or benefice, which are synonymous, 
 is a rectory or vicarage only ; but many chapelries are equally entitled to fall 
 under this denomination, and have been so considered. There are free chapels 
 perpetually maintained, and provided with a minister, without charge to the 
 rector or parish. In some places chapels of ease are endowed with lands and 
 tithes ; tliey have by custom a right to a distinct minister, to baptize, to admi- 
 nister sacraments and burial : such parochial chapelries differ only in name 
 from parish churches. Parish is a vague term. In the north, parishes comprise 
 thirty or forty square miles, which is seven or eight times the area of parishes 
 in the south. Under 13th Charles II. certain townships and villages are allowed 
 to maintain their own poor ; hence these townships became so many distinct 
 parishes. There are 200 extra-pnrochiul places, many of which are as large as 
 parishes ; these are exempt from poor-rate, because tliere is no overseer on 
 whom the magistrate can serve an order; — from militia, because no constable 
 to make a return ; from repairing highways, because no surveyor. The 37 Hen. 
 VIII c. 31, (also 4 and 5 Will. &: Mary,) allows the union of churches, when 
 not more than o/ie mile apart, and under value of £6. Under these acts churches 
 have been united : the city of London reckons lOS parishes, forming no more 
 than 78 benclices ; in Norwich, 70 parishes have been compressed into 37 bene- 
 fices. Contrary to the rule of ecclesiastics, we have considered all parishes 
 held cum, or with another, distinct benefices ; the only reason for an opposite 
 course is, tliat they form only one presentation, though such presentation is 
 often held by two patrons, who present alternately ; and many of such consoli- 
 dated parishes (I'pham cum Durlcy, for instance,") have two churches, and two 
 sets of overseers and churchwardens. 
 
 The district rectories and district chapelries, established in such parishes as 
 have been divided into ecclesiastical districts by the Royal Commissioners for
 
 EXPLANATIONS. 97 
 
 BuJidiii}; New Churches, under the aiilhurily of powers granted to them by 
 Parliament, form so many distinct iivintis or benelices, each having a separate 
 maintenance for a minister, independent of the motiitr churcii. 
 
 Apart, then, from the corruptions and mystification of the Church, we have 
 deemed every parochial preferment, ciiapelry, vicarage, or rectory, a Iking; 
 and we consider every clergyman a phinUist who liolds two sucli preferments, 
 whetlier separate or united. A curacy, without any great impropriety, might be 
 styled a living, as a stipend is, or ottghl to be, annexed to the oUice, adequate to 
 the maintenance of at least one individual : but as curates are removable at the 
 pleasure of incumbents, they are excluded from our List, which includes only 
 beneficed clergymen. 
 
 The abuse of holding two livings or more is so prevalent, that to have enume- 
 rated all the transgressors (about 2880 in number,) would Jiave extended our 
 List to an inconvenient length, without corresponding utility ; our object has 
 been to exiiibit the more flagrant breaches of ecclesiastical discipline ; and with 
 this view, we iiave restricted ourselves to such shameful monopolists among 
 the parochial clergy as hold three or more preferments. Me have also included 
 the bishops and principal dignitiiries of the church. 
 
 Tlie 21 Hen. \ III. c. 13, proliibits a person holding a second benefice when 
 the first is wortli eight pounds in tlie King's Book. But a man, by dispensation, 
 may hold as many benefices, without cure, as he can get; and, likewise, so 
 many with cure as he can get, all of them, or all but tlie last, being under the 
 value of eight pounds; provided llie person to be dispensed withal be not 
 otherwise incapable thereof. By the 41st Canon, however, of 1G03, the two 
 benefices must not be farther distant than thirty miles ; and persons obtaining 
 dispensation, must at least be M. A. But the provisions of this i;anon are not 
 regarded or enforced in the courts of law ; and the privileges, ex officio, entitling 
 to grants of dispensation, are so numerous, and the facilities for obtaining them, 
 through favour or evasion, so easy, that there can hardly be said to exist a 
 practical check to the most aggravated cases of plurality. 
 
 In the disposal of every living, three parties are principally concerned : first, 
 the patron ; secovd, the incumbent ; third, tlie bishop. The patron is the per- 
 son in whom the right of presenting to a living is vested. The person nominated 
 by the patron is the incumbent. The office of the bishop is to grant institution to 
 the living to which the incumbent is presented. By refusing institution, the 
 bishops liave a veto on appointments by patrons ; this veto, however, is rarely 
 exercised, and it is seldom that the patron and the diocesan arc at issue. The 
 most important personage in the aflair is the patron. It will be seen from the 
 List that the patronage is sometimes in individuals — sometimes in public bodies. 
 Sometimes the incumbent is his own patron, and presents himself; sometimes 
 the incumbent's wife is patron, and presents lier husl)and ; sometimes the hus- 
 band and wife are co-patrons. In some instances the patronage is divided, 
 the nomination being in one party ai d the appointment in another. Many 
 ladies are patrons, and ihough otherwise ineligible to the exercise of civil 
 rights, no doubt they are well qualified to select spiritual persons for the cure 
 of souls. ^ 
 
 Nearly all the livings in the metropolis, and the most valuable livings in the 
 largt! towns in the country, arc in the gift of the crown, which adds enormously 
 to Us inlluence. The patronage not in the crown is cliielly in the urislocracy 
 and gentry, the universities, and the bishops. The i)i»tr(iiia:j,e of the aristocracy 
 and gentry is chiefly bestowed on the members of their own families; the pa- 
 tronage of the universities on the members of those places; the patronage of the 
 bisliops on their connexions and relations to the liundreillh degree. A great 
 mass of patronage, however, remains, which cannot be disposed of in any of 
 these ways ; for though the families of the aristocracy have been recently proved 
 to be, on the average, more iirolific than those of tlie democracy, they are not 
 sullicienlly so to till all oflitesin the army, navy, law, church, and jmblie de- 
 partments; and, conseiuently, there is a surplus patronage to be bnuight into 
 file market, which is disposed of, like other commodities, to the highest bidder. 
 
 U
 
 98 CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 It would liave been more satisfactory, had vvc been able to state tlic present 
 value of liviiif^s ; l)ut liicre is no authciilic data for the purpose : parliamentary 
 returns, it is true, have been made of (he poor livings, but nime of 1 lie rick ones ; 
 and there have been returns of the number of all livings above and below the 
 value of £300, havinj; non-residont incumbents : returns were also ordered in 
 the session of IhSO of the value of livings in the gift of the crown. These 
 last returns have not yet been made, or at least printed : they would add some- 
 thing to our knowledge of the present value of church-property ; but what the 
 public wants is the separate value of every see, dignity, benelice, and ecclesias- 
 tical preferment, tuid the proportion in which, and number of individuals among 
 whom, they are shared, liy such data would be shown what the Church of 
 England really is, and indisputably prove the existence of those enormous 
 abuses, which, in our preliminary article, we have fully proved to pervade the 
 ecclesiastical establishment. 
 
 We have only one more remark to make, and that refers to our accuracy. 
 The movements that aie daily and almost hourly occurring in the Church, from 
 deaths, translations, resignations, and exchanges, render it probable that altera- 
 tions have intervened since our List was sent to the press. But this does not 
 defeat our object. If one pluralist has been removed another has succeeded. So 
 that our List will continue to exhibit a correct picture of ecclesiastical patronage 
 as long as the present system of church discipline is tolerated. 
 
 Adams, J. C. Saxleby, v. lord Aylesford. Shilfon, c, Anstye, c. the 
 
 King. 
 Affleck, II. preb. of York ; Silkston, r. with Bretton, Monk, and 
 
 Stainborongh chapelries, abp. of York. Tresivell, East Mediety, 
 
 V. West Mediety, v. dn. and ch. of York and Mr. Stevenson. 
 
 Thockerington, p. c. Prebendary. Westow, v. abp. of York. 
 Alban, T. Llandrillo, v. bp. of St. Asaph. Eaton, v. H. and W. 
 
 Lloyd. Snead, c. P. Morris. 
 Aldrich, W. Boyton, r. lord Rous. Stoive- Market, v. tuith Stowe- 
 
 Upland, c. Mr. Aldrich. 
 Allen, R. Driffield, v. precentor of York. Whareain Pier, v. Misses 
 
 Isted and Englefield. Little, p. c. unknown. 
 Allen, S. Haslingfield, v. C. Mitchell. Lyyin, St. Margaret and St. 
 
 Nicholas, c. dn. and ch. of Norwich. 
 Allen, D. B. preb. of St. David's and Brecon. Burton, r. sir W. Owen. 
 
 Manordiffy , r. Llandewn Welfrey, r. the King. 
 Allen, S. Dunton, v. T. W. Coke. Wulterton, r. with Wickmere, r. 
 
 earl of Oxford. , 
 
 Allfree, E. M. minor canon of Rochester; Canterbury, St. Andrew, 
 
 r. and St. Mary, Bredon, r. abp. of Cant, and dn. and ch. of 
 
 Cant. Strood, r. dn. and ch. of Rochester. 
 Alison, A. preb. of Sarum; Ercall, v. H. Pulteney. Roddington, r. 
 
 the King. 
 The pluralist is senior minister of the episcopal chapel, Canongate, Edin- 
 burgh, and a native of Scotland ; being related to the late bishop Douglas, 
 that prelate gave him a stall in his catbodral, and procured for him the vicarage 
 of High Ercall, in Shropshire, to which was afterwards added the rectory of 
 Roddington, in the same county. IVlr. Alison is the author of a work on Taste.
 
 lUSHOPS, niGNITAUIES, AND PLUKAI.ISTS. 99 
 
 Allington, W. Bardford Lit. r. Twyioell, r. J. Williamson. Swinhop, 
 
 d. Mrs. Allington. 
 Anson, H. Buxton, v. with Oxnead, r. and Skeyton, v. lord Anson. 
 
 Lyng, r, with Whitwcll, v. T. Anson. 
 Uncle of earl of Lichfield, niai5ter of the buckhounds. Another uncle is rector 
 of Longford, and rector of Sudbiirj', of which benefices Mr. Coke of Norfolk, 
 and lord A'ernon, both connected with the family by marriage, are respectively 
 the patrons. 
 Ashfield, C. R. Great Blakenham, r. Eton Coll. Dodington, r. 
 
 duke Buckingham. Stewkley, v. bp. of Oxon. London, St. 
 
 Benet Finck, c. dn. and canons of Windsor. 
 Apthorpe, F. preb. of Lincoln ; Bicker, v. dn. and ch. of Lincoln. 
 
 Farndon, v. ivith Baldcrton and Fiskerton, chapehies, preb. of 
 
 Lincoln. Gumley, r. dn. and ch. of Lincoln. 
 The grandfather of this gentleman was a mercliant at Boston, in America. 
 His father was rector of St. Mary-le-Bow, and hud the valuable prebend of 
 Finsbury, in St. Paul's. His brother-in-law. Dr. Cory, is master of Knianuel 
 College, Cambridge. Another brotiier-in-law is master of Shrewsbury gram- 
 mar-school. 
 Atlay, H. Great Casterton, r. Pickiuorth, v. marq. Exeter. Great 
 
 Ponton, preb. of Sarum. 
 Astley, II. N, Foulsham, r, sir H. Astley. Little Snoring, r. tvith 
 
 Bashan, v. bp. of Norwich. 
 Atkinson, R. Musgrovc, r. bp. of Carlisle. Upelby, c. J. B. Elliot. 
 
 Claxby with Normanhy , r. Rd. Atkinson. 
 Bagot, Richard, bishop of Oxford and dean of Canterbury. 
 
 Brother of lord Bagot and of sir C. Bagot, ambassador to the Netherlands, 
 who married a daughter of lord Maryborough. 
 Bankes, E. king's chaplain and preb. of Gloucester and Norwich ; 
 
 Corfe Castle, r. Henry Bankes, M.P. 
 Son-in-hiw of lord Eldon. The inhabitants of Corfe Castle must feel gn-afly 
 indebted to the late member for Dorsetshire : he appoints one of his sons to watili 
 over tlieir spiritual welfare, and sends another into the house of commons to 
 take care of their temporal afl'airs. 
 Baker, T. canon res. of Chichester; Bexhill, v. Rodmell, r. bp. of 
 
 Chichester. Falmcr, v. earl Chichester. 
 Barker, F. H. St. Albans, St. Stephen, v. A. Fisher. North Church, 
 
 r. the King. Steppingley, r. duke of Bedford. 
 Barker, T. .4 cas^e?* il/«/6. V. T. B. Thompson. Kilburn, p. c. TJiirk- 
 
 leby, V. abp, of York. 
 Barrington, viscount, preb. of Durham; Sedgejield, r. %oith Eni- 
 
 bleton, c. bp. of Diulinm. 
 Bathurst, Henry, bishop of Norwich : Sappcrton, r. carl Batluust. 
 Bathurst, H. archdn. of Norwich ; North Crcake, r. earl Spencer. 
 
 Oby, V. with Ashby, r. and Tliurne, r. bp. of Norwich. 
 Barrow, R. vie. chor. Southwell ; Barnoldby Ic Beck, r. Hallongh- 
 
 ton, p. c. South Muskham, v. Hampton, v. South Wheatlcy, r. 
 
 Southwell, Collegiate chapter. 
 The small collegiate church of Southwell has attached to, in the gift of the 
 chapter and prebendaries, twenty-seven livings, amongst them several of the 
 large and populous parishes : of these there are four resident incumbents, 
 
 II 2
 
 100 CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 very few of them have any resident officiating minister, and almost all, if not 
 all, of the parsonage houses have been suffered to fall into decay. The follow- 
 ing particulars will exemplify the state of ecclesiastical discipline. 
 In the gift of the Chapter : — 
 
 7 Kcctories None resident. 
 
 4 Vicarages One resident. 
 
 3 I'erpetual Curacies One resident. 
 
 1 Chapelry Not resident. 
 
 In Ibe gilt of Prebendaries : — ■ 
 
 11 Vicarages Three resident. 
 
 4 Ditto Believe none resident. 
 
 Many of these are held by clergymen living in Southwell, who are pluralists, 
 
 and several of the curates also live in Southwell, so that the people of the 
 parishes never see their ministers except ou a Sunday in the pulpit. Tiiat they 
 lind Southwell more agreeable than living in a retired village is possible ; but 
 ought they not to remember that their duty is to visit the sick and afflicted, and 
 to go about doing good. They are thus suffered to neglect their duty, and to 
 let fall down their houses, because they are in the gift of the church, and yet 
 they expect to be esteemed and their delinquencies overlooked. 
 Bartlett, T. Canterbury All Saints, r. All Saints St. Mary's church, 
 
 r. All Saints St. Mildred, r. lord Chan. Kingston, v. sir E. 
 
 Brydges. 
 Bartlett, W. P. Great Cranford, v. G. T. Brice. Cranford, r. earl 
 
 Berkeley. Worth Maltravers, v. rev. T. C. Bartlett. 
 Bastard, J. Strafjieldsay, v. Stratfieldsay Turgis, r. lord Welling- 
 ton. Belchalwell, r. Fifehead Neville, r. lord Rivers. 
 Basnett, T. G. vie. chor of Southwell ; Bonsall, r. dn. Lincoln. 
 
 Edhigley, v. Halnm, p. c. Southwell College. 
 Beadon, F. North Stoneham, r. J. Fleming-. Sulham, r. J. Wilder. 
 
 Titley, p. c. Winton College. 
 Chancellor and canon res. of Wells. Several other Beadons are in the church, 
 who are indebted lor their preferments to the late bishop of Bath and Wells, 
 who had been tutor to the duke of Gloucester. 
 Beauclerk, lord F. Kempton, v. Redburn, St. Alban's, St. Michael, 
 
 V. lord Verulam. 
 Beauchamp, Brian, Cove, c. chapel in Tiverton. Hawkridge, v. tvith 
 
 Withypoole, c. Miss Wood. Thoverton, c. vie. Thoverton. 
 Beauchamp, T. W. H. Chedgrave, r. Langley, c. Buckenham Ferry, 
 
 Y. with Hassingham, r. sir T. B. Proctor. 
 Becher, J. T. preb. of SoutliAvell ; Hoveringham, p. c. sir R. Sutton. 
 
 Thurgorton, p. c. Trinity Coll. Canib. Farnsjield, v. Southwell 
 
 Coll. 
 Beckett, G. preb. of Lincoln; Barnsley, p. c. abp. of York. Fptvorth, 
 
 r. the King. Gainsborough, v. preb. of Corring-ham. 
 Beeke, H. dean of Bristol. 
 Beevor, Miles, Bircham Neiuton, r. earl Orford. Toft Bircham, r. 
 
 sir T. Beevor. Hethell, r. Kettering ham, v. E. Atkins. 
 Bellaman, J. Eicerby, v. lord Chan. Kirkby Green, v. the King. 
 
 Kyme South, c. sir A Hume. 
 Belfield, F. »S7. Martin, r. viscountess Sandwich. Stoke Gabriel, v. 
 
 Exbourne, r. F. Belfield. 
 Beynon, T. archdn. of Cardigan, preb. of St. David's and Brecon ;
 
 BISHOPS, DKJ.NITAUIKS, AM) IM.URALISTS. 101 
 
 Llanfchangel Aherhytliych, r. bp. of St. Asaph. Llandevcij , 
 
 p. c. Llanvihan Kihvayn, r. Penboyr, r. with Ydrindod, c. earl 
 
 Cawdor. 
 Berkeley, H. R. fell, of Winton Coll.; Cotheridge, c. Himself. 
 
 Shelsea Beauchamp, r. lord Foley. Onibury, r. bp. of Hereford. 
 Bertie, bon. F. Aldbury, r. Wooton, p. c. Wigtham, r. earl Abing- 
 don. 
 Bethell, Christopher, D.D. bishop of Bagnor; Kirkly Wishe, r. duke 
 
 of Northumberland. 
 Biddulph, T. T. Bristol, St. James's, c. corp. of Bristol, Diirston, d. 
 
 rev. R. Gray. Lyneham, c. Mr. Long*. 
 Binney, H. Hackthome, v. Hanworth Cold, r. Rt. Cracroft. West 
 
 Moulscy, p. c. rev. Dr. Binney. 
 Birch, Samuel, D.D. president of Sion Coll. preb. of St. Paul's, and 
 
 professor of geometry at Gresham College ; St. Mary Woolnoth, 
 
 and St. Alary Woolchurch, r. London, the King" and Mr. 
 
 Thornton alternately; the former this turn. 
 As this gentleman is one of tlie Gresliam professors, a short notice of the pre- 
 sent state of the college may not be out of place. Sir Thomas (hvshani, the 
 munificent founder of the Royai Exchange, (or the convenience of coinm(!rce, 
 was also the founder of a college for the advancement of learning; the rents 
 of the former were bequeathed for the maintenance of the college ; seven 
 learned men were perpetually to reside there, for the cultivation of science ; 
 and during term time — every day — they were to deliver, in English and Latin, 
 gratuitous lectures to the public, on astronomy, civil law, music, rheloric, 
 geometry, divinity, and medicine. All the remains of this endowment are tiie 
 professors, their salaries of £100 per annum each, and an obscure nook in the 
 south-east angle of the Exchange, adjoining the premises of our publisher; 
 no lectures are delivered, or none that the public think worth hearing. An 
 attempt was lately made to revive the college by removing the lectures to 
 the London Institution. It failed, we believe, from the reluctance of the pro- 
 fessors to concur in the new arrangement. The fact is, the Gresham lectures 
 have degenerated into a city job ; the professors had received their appointments 
 as sinecures, through personal favour or relationship, and had not sulHciently 
 devoted themselves to scientilic pursuils to be prepared to convert their profes- 
 sorships, as the founder intended, into chairs of ellicient popular instruction. It 
 is not pleasant to be always reverting to abuses; but there i.s sucli a principle 
 of vitality in them that it is only by repeated exposures they can be,rooted out. 
 Birch, Thomas, D.C.L. dean of Battle, archdeacon of Lewes; West- 
 
 Jicld, V. bp. of Chichester. 
 Blandford, Joseph, Carlton in Moreland, v. \\\ Stapleford, c. lord 
 
 Middleton. Kir ton, r. Mapplebeck, c. duke Newcastle. Wellow, 
 
 c. hon. and rev. J. L. Saville. 
 Blomberg', F. W. canon res. of St. Paid's, deputy clerk of the king's 
 
 closet, chap, in ord. to H. M.; Bradford, v. w. Atwort/i, Holt, 
 
 Stoke, Wraxhall, Winsley, and South, chajjelries, dn. and ch. of 
 
 Bristol. Shepton Mallctt, r. the King. 
 Blomfield, Charles James, D.D. bi.shop of London, provincial dean of 
 
 Canterbury, and dean of the chapels royal. 
 Bower, H. Orchard Porlman, r. Taunton, St. Mar. r. Staple Fitz- 
 
 poine, r. E. B. Portman. 
 Bowes, T. F. F. chaplain to the king; Coiclam, r. Cake, r. B. F. 
 
 Bowes. Barton Ic Clay, r. the King".
 
 102 CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 Bradley, W. Baddesley Ensor, p. c. Inhabs. of Polesworth. Mere- 
 vale, c. D. S. Dugdale. Whitacre Over, c. earl Howe. 
 Brice, J. Aisholt, r. Incumbent. Grenton, r. S. Kekewich. Catcott, 
 
 p c. lord Henniker. 
 Bromley, W. D. Bagginton, r. Oxhill, r. rev. W. D. Bromley, 
 
 Copesthorne, c. D. Davenporte. 
 Brown, H. Ayleston, r. with Little Glen, c. Lubbesthorpe, c. duke 
 
 Rutland. Hoby, r. Incumbent. 
 Father-in-law of the rev, Gilbert Beresford, rector of St. Andrew's, Holborn, 
 by whom Ayleston was resigned on account of the distance. 
 Brown, L. R. Carlton, r. with Kelsale, r. rev. B. Bence. Presthiiry , 
 
 V. Mrs. Leigh. Saxmundham, r. D. L. North, Thorington, r. 
 Browne, J, H, archdeacon of Ely; Cotgrave, 1st Mediety, r. Id 
 
 Mediety, r. Eakring, r, earl Manvers. 
 Brow^ne, W. Charsfield, p. c. W. Jennens. Great Glemham, c. luith 
 
 Little Glemham, r. D. L. North. Marlesford, r. A. Arce- 
 
 deckne. 
 Buckle, W. Banstead, v, rev. W. Buckle, Pirton, v, Christ Church, 
 
 Oxon. Shireborn, v. lord Macclesfield. 
 Bulwer, A. Haydon, r. W, W. Bulmer. Cawston, r. Pemb. Hall. 
 
 Corpusty, v. sequestrated. 
 Burgess, Thomas, D. D. bp. of Salisbury, and provincial precentor of 
 
 Canterbury. 
 Burgess, Geo. Atherington, r. Fra. Bassett. Hahergate, v. bp. of 
 
 Ely, Moidton, v. Tunstall, c. rev. H. Ang-uish. 
 A relation of the bishop of Salisbury and of the duke of St. Alban's. The 
 bishop is the son of a grocer at Odiham, Hants, wliere he was born, about 17.55. 
 His first patron was the bishop of Durham, who gave him a prebend, first in the 
 cathedral of Salisbury, and afterwards at Durham. At Durham he continued 
 till the administration of Mr. Addington (now Sidmouth), who had been his 
 companion at Winchester College, conferred on him, in 1802, the See of St. 
 David's. In 1796, the bishop married a Miss Bright of Durham, half-sister of 
 the marchioness of Winchester. 
 Burrard, Geo. Middleton-Tyas, r. the King. Yarmouth, r. Shal- 
 
 fleet, V. sir H. B. Neale. 
 This pluralist is also a magistrate and a king's chaplain. He is brother to sir 
 H. Burrard Neale and to lady Rook, who has a pension, and son-in-law to 
 admiral Bingham. 
 Butler, Samuel, D.D. archdn. of Derby, preb. of Lichfield; Kenil- 
 
 worth, V. lord Chan. 
 Several more Butlers are in the church. Dr. Butler is head master of Shrews- 
 bury grammar-school. He married a daughter of Dr. Apthorpe, a pluralist. 
 His son, W. Butler, is author of a pamphlet on the French Revolution. 
 Bull, archdn, D.D. preb, York, canon res. of Exeter, archdn. of Barn- 
 staple; Lezant, r. bp, of Exeter. 
 Butler, VV. J. Nottingham, St. Nicholas, r. Thwing, 1st Midiety, r. 
 
 2d Mediety, r. lord Chan. 
 Calvert, W. Childcrly, r. Hunsdon, v. Pelham Stocking, r. Nicholas 
 
 Calvert. 
 Candler, P. Burnham Market, v. lord Chan. Little Hautboys, r. 
 
 Lammas, c. rev, P. Candler. Letheringsett, r. Mrs. Burrell.
 
 BISHOPS, DIGNITARIES, AND PLIJ R A 1-1 STS. 103 
 
 Carr, G. Great Eversden, v. lord Chan. Little Eversden, r. Queen's 
 Coll. Ipswich, St. Margaret, c. rev. W. Fonnereau. Ipstvich, 
 St. Mary, c. Parishioners. 
 
 Cage, Ed. Bearstcd, v. dn. and ch, of Rochester. Badlesviere, r. 
 Eastling, r. Newnham, v. cum Leveland, r. lord Sondes. 
 
 Campbell, C. Wescnhain, All Saints, v. .S"^. Peter, v. Shingham, r. 
 Becchanuvcll, All Saints, r. the King. 
 
 Canon, R. Broxholme, r. North Carlton, p. c. lord Monson, West- 
 bury-on-trim, p. c. with Minehampton, c. G. Edwards and J. 
 Baker, alternately. 
 
 Cantley, T. Cambridge, St. Clement, Camb. GristoJi, v. bp. of Ely. 
 Gawston, V. R. Huddleston. 
 
 Carey, Wm. bishop and archdeacon of St. Asaph. 
 
 Carr, Robert James, bishop of Worcester, canon res. of St. Paul's, and 
 clerk of the closet to the king'. 
 TIic prelate is brotlicr of sir H. W. Carr, the gentleniaii who married Perce- 
 val's widow alluded to in the Pension List. 
 
 Capper, G. Blackenham, Lit. r. Gosbcck, St. Mary, r. T. Vernon. 
 Wherstead, v. the King. 
 
 Capper, J. preb. of Chichester; Aslmrst, r. duke Dorset. Wil- 
 mington, V. hon. G. A. H. Cavendish. Lollinglo7i, v. bp. of 
 Chichester. 
 
 Casberd, J. T. preb. of Wells and Elandaff; Eghuystotvis, i: R. Jones. 
 Llanover, v. ch. of Llandaff. Llantude, v. Penmark, v. dn. and 
 ch. of Gloucester. Lysevanoth, v. lord Plymouth. Mamlad, c. 
 Trevethan, c. vie. of Llanover. 
 
 Champncss, T. minor canon, Westminster and Windsor; Cottesford, r. 
 Eton Coll. Upton, v. the King. Fulmcr, c. Wyrardsbury, 
 v. with Langley, c. dn. and canons of Windsor. 
 
 Chaplin, W. West Halton, r. abp. of Canterbury. Raithby, r. with 
 Hallington, r. and Malthy, c. lord Chan. Hougham, v. seques- 
 trated. 
 Several more Chaplins in the church; they are cousins of the late archbishop 
 
 Sutton. 
 
 Chandler, G. dean ^of Chichester; Southam, r. Marylebone, All 
 Souls, Langham Place, r. the King. 
 
 Chester, W, Denton, r. abp. of Cant. Woodrising, r. J. Weyland. 
 Walpole, St. Peter, r. the King. 
 
 Clarke, J. S. canon of Windsor, dep. clerk of the closet to the King, 
 chap, in ord. to II. M. East Preston, \v. Hoi^c, v. Tilling ton, 
 V. lord Egremont. 
 Son of the lale rev. KdwanI Clarke, rector of Bu\ted, Sussex; hev^as formerly 
 
 a chapraiu in tin- navy, and owed his apixiintment in the royal household to his 
 
 iiiliniacy with admiral I'ayne. He is author of a Life of Nelson, and esta- 
 blished the ])eiiodical niiscclhiny tlie Naval Chronicle. 
 
 Clapham, Samuel, Chrislchurch, v. tvith Bransgore, c. and Holdcn- 
 hurst, c. dn. and ch. of Winton. Gussage, St. Mie. r. I. and 
 R. Randall. Great Ouseborn, v. the King. 
 This gentlenian is a native of Leeds, Yorkshire, where he was educated. 
 
 He was firat patronized by lord Loughborough, then lord chancellor, who pre-
 
 104 CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 sented film to the living of Great Ouscborn. Asa remuneration for Iiis Abridge- 
 ment of the Bishop of Winchester's (Pretyman) Elements of Christian Theology, 
 that prelate obtained for him the vicarage of Christcliurch and the rectory of 
 Gussaf^e. Ho is an acting magistrate for the county, and compiled an Index to 
 Burn's and Williams's Justice, IJlackstone's, Hawkins', &c. law-books. 
 
 Clarkson, T. Hijixton-Comhcs, v. Swovesey, v. Camb. Acton Scott, 
 
 r. R. J. Stackhouse. 
 Cleaver, J. F. preb. of Southwell. Holme Pierreponf, v. earl Man- 
 
 vers. Applet07i-in-the-Stre€t, v. Amotherhy , c. Camb. 
 Cleaver, J. Edwinstoiv, v. Oiler ton, c. Car bur ton, c. Polethorpe, c. 
 
 dn. and ch. Lincoln. 
 Cleaver, J. F. canon and reg. of St. Asaph. Corwen, r. Rug, c. bp. 
 
 St. Asaph. Great Coxwell, v. bp. of Sarura, 
 The pluralists owe their preferments to their father, the bishop of St, Asaph, 
 who died in 1815. The bishop was tutor to the marquis of Buckingham, with 
 whom he went to Ireland during his viceroyship. His brother was first made 
 bishop of Ferns, then archbishop of Dublin. He himself first obtained a prebend 
 of Westminster, was next elevated to the see of Chester, and, after one or two 
 more moves, to the see of St. Asaph. He married a Miss Asheton, sister of 
 Wm. A. of Lancashire, from whom the present are descended. 
 Cobbold, T. Ipswich, St. Mary Tower, c. Parishioners. Welby, r. 
 
 rev. N. White. Wooljjet, r. rev T. Cobbold. 
 There are three more Cobbolds in the church, one vicar of Selbourne, and a 
 witness at the AVinchester trials under the special commission; a riotous assem- 
 blage of farmers and labourers had endeavoured to compel the reverend 
 gentleman to consent to reduce his tithes from £600 to 400 a-year, the last — 
 four pounds a week — being deemed sufficient remuneration to a parish priest 
 in the opinions of the rural logicians. In the existing state of popular feeling, 
 how is it possible for the tithe system to be upheld ? it does not answer a single 
 good purpose; and its compulsory exaction is wholly impracticable. The ends 
 of religion can never be furthered by an impost w'hicli generates social 
 animosity, and tends to exhibit ministers and parishioners more in the relation 
 of wolves and sheep than pastors and their flocks. 
 Cockburn, Wm. dean of York. 
 Coldham, J. Anmer, r. J. Coldham. Snettisham, r. H. Styleman, 
 
 Stockton, r. P. Randall. 
 Combe, E. Harrington, p. c. rev. Dr. W. Palmer. Donyatt, r. 
 
 Earnshill, r. Drayton, p. c. R. T. Combe. 
 Colson, T. M. Pilesdon, r. xvith Stratton, c. hon. C. Damer. Cha- 
 
 minster, c. Mr. Trenchard. Linkenholt, r. Mrs. Worgan. 
 Collet, A. Aldringham, c. with Thorpe, c. Great and Little Lin- 
 stead, c. lord Huntiugfield. Heveningham, r. the King. 
 CoUett, W. Swanton Morley, r. sir J. Lambe. Surlinghain, v. rev. 
 
 W. Collett, Egmere, r. T. W. Coke. 
 Last year the parishioners of Surliugham gave to the rector the alternative 
 of either accepting a compensation for tithes, or gathering them in kind; the 
 reverend pluralist dexterously endeavoured to ward ofl' this blow, by sowing 
 division in the enemy's camp; and in a hand-bill, signified his intention to 
 distribute, as a gift, among the " poor and deserving families of his parish, 
 all the eggs, milk, pigs, poultry, and fruit, which would in future belong to 
 liim, as small tithes, on the occupations of certain of the rebels whose names 
 were meniioned." Avery adroit stratagem this! but it is a pity the w'orthy 
 rector did not think of tiie " poor and deserving families" before tlie Fii;i:s, and 
 the uuiou of the labourers and farmers. Other parsons have endeavoured to
 
 BISHOPS, DIGNITARIES, AND PLURALISTS. 105 
 
 conciliate their parishioners, l)y circulating hand-bills, in «hicli they try to 
 prove that tithes ai"e good thin<:;s for the labourers — tliat tliey do not oppress 
 the farmer, being only part of his rent, which if not paid to tiie incumbent, 
 would be exacted by tiie landlord — and that the average incomes of tlie bene- 
 ficed clergy are so small that it is impossible they should be objects of cupidity 
 with any reasonable person. All these sophistries we have exposed ; it is not 
 the average income of the clergy, but the total amount of the revenues of the 
 church and tiie unequal distribution of them that are objected to ; neither is it 
 meant that tithe should be sinijily abolished^that would certainly only add to 
 the rents of tlie landlords — but that it should be commuted for an equivalent and 
 less objectionable assessment, Ie\ ied on the landed interest, and this commuta- 
 tion be available to the relief of tlie productive classes. — On these matters, see 
 p. 53,o5, and p. 88. 
 
 Corbett, S. LL.D. Kirkhamwith, r. chan. du. Lancaster. Scrayinrj- 
 
 ham, r. tvith Leppington, c. the King. Worthy, c. rec. of 
 
 Tankersle)'. 
 Cooke, G. Rissington IVick, r. the King. Cubhington, v. Honing- 
 
 ham, p. c. I. H. Leigh. 
 Professor of natural philosophy, and keeper of the archives in the University 
 of Oxford. 
 
 Copleston, Edw. bishop of Llandaff and dean of St, Paul's. 
 Crabbe, Geo. Trowbridge, r. Stavcrton, c. Croxton Kerrial, v. duke 
 
 of Rutland. 
 A popular poet, who was chaplain to the late duke of {Jutland, from whom 
 he obtained his preferments, and whose funeral sermon he preached at llelvoir. 
 Crawley, C. Broadwater, v. Miss Mills. i^/«.rZe//, d. sir J. Crawley. 
 
 Stow, Nine Churches, r. rev. J, L. Crawley. 
 Croft, James, archd. and preb. of Canterbury. Cliff e-at-Hone, r. 
 
 Saltwood, r. w. Hythe, c. abp. of Cant. 
 Married a daughter of the late archbishop Sutton. 
 Crook, Ch. Bath, St. Peter and St. Paul, v. St. Mary Mag. Ch. 
 
 St. Michael, v. Widcombe, c. Mayor and Corporation. 
 Cust, Henry, Cockayne-Hatley , r. Syivell, r. Raisen IMid. Tup- 
 holm, V. earl Brownlow. Willoughby , St. Helen, r. lord Gwydyr. 
 Dallen, J. vie. chor. York. Rudston, v. Trinity in Goodramgatc, 
 
 r. St. John Delpike, r. and St. Maurice ivithout Monk, v. abp. 
 
 of York. 
 Dampier, J. Codford, St. Peter, r, H. Kellow. Langton Matravers, 
 
 V. Incumbent. Pitcombe, c. Brewham, c. sir R. C. Hoare. 
 Davies, G. J. Grovenhurst Superior, r. Trustees. Marjieet, c. H. 
 
 Grylls. Sutton, c. H. Broadley. 
 Davy, Geo. M.A. dean of Chester; vacated by Dr. Phillpotts. 
 Davy, C. Barking, r. Combes, r, Badley, c. earl Ashburnham. 
 Dawson, F. Chiselhurst, r. Hayes, r. Orpington, (sinecure,) r. with 
 
 Down, c. abp. of Cant. 
 Day, G. minor canon of Norwich. Barton Bendish, r. sir IT. Berncy. 
 
 Hemblington, c. Noriuich Eaton, v. dn. and ch. of Norwich. 
 Day, J. Seething, c. St. Peter, Mundham, c. Corp. of Norwich. 
 
 Yclvertov, r. lord Chan. 
 Digby, C. canon of Windsor. Chiselboro\ r. with Wtst Chinnock, c. 
 
 Middle Chinnock, r, Pcnselwood, r. lord llchester.
 
 106 rnuucu of England. 
 
 Dillon, H. L. Cnrhampton, v. Mrs. Langham. Carhampton, p. c. 
 
 H. P. Wyndham. Litchet, r. W. Trenchard. 
 Dixon, W. H. preb. of York and Ripon. Bishopsthorjjc, v. abp. of 
 
 York. Cawood, c. inch, of Wistow. Mapplcton, v. arclulu, E. 
 
 Riding. TopcUffe, v. dn. and ch. of York. 
 Doveton, J. F. Betchworth, v. dn. and ch. of Windsor. Burnet, v. 
 
 Corp. of Bristol. Mells, r. with Leigh on Mcndip, c. T. G. Horner. 
 D'Oyley, Geo. Laviheth, r. with Stockwell, c. Sundridge, r. abp. 
 
 of Cant. 
 
 Chaplain to the archbishop of Canterbury, and christian advocate in the 
 Ihiiversity of Cambridge. 
 Dudley, J. Humberstone, v. Incumbent. Sileby, v, W. Pochin. 
 
 Himby, r. earl Dudley. 
 Dowland, J. J. G. Broad Windsor, v. the King. Turnworth, v. 
 
 bp. of Sarum. Winterbourne Whitchurch, v. E. M. Pleydell. 
 Edge, W. Hollesley, r, Noughton, r. Nedging, r. rev. W. Edge. 
 Ellis, J. Llayigamdiviell, v. Llankerrig, r. bp. St. David's. Llan- 
 
 badrig, v. the King. Wooten Wave7i, with Utlenhall, c. 
 
 King's Coll. Cambridge. 
 England, W. archdn. of Dorset. Ower Moine, r. Winterbourne 
 
 Came, r. and St. Germain, r. lady Darner. IVest Stafford, r. 
 
 Mrs. Floyers. 
 Fardell, H. preb. of Ely. Wisbech, v. Waterbeach, v. bp. of Ely. 
 
 See a chronological statement of the progress of this gentleman in the church, 
 p. 25. 
 Fellowes, J. Bramerton, r. Easton, r. Mottisham Mantby, r. R. 
 
 Fellowes. Bratton Clovelly, r. bp. of Exeter. 
 Field, R. Mendlesham, v. Pearson and Wyatt. Sutton, All Saints, 
 
 V. Oxon. Ramsholt, c. J. Pennington. 
 Finch, H. Oakham, v. ivith Barley thorpe, c. and Brooke, c. Lang- 
 ham, c. Eggleton, c. lord Winchelsea. 
 Finch, H. Great Mdford, v. Little Melford, r. W. F. Finch. 
 
 Longstanton, All Saints, bp. of Ely. 
 Nine Finches in the church, with eighteen livings, besides dignities. Most 
 of them are honoiirabtes, and branches of the family of lord AVinchelsea. 
 Fisher, John, archdn. of Berks, can. res. of Sarum. Gillingha?n, v. \v. 
 
 East and West Stover, c. Motcombe, c. Osmington, v. bp. of 
 
 Salisbury. 
 Fisher, Jona. P. D.D. can. res. of Exeter. Farringdon, r. Rockbear, 
 
 V. bp. of Exeter. 
 Fisher, P. Elton, r. Messrs. Shafto and Hogg. Whapload. v. the 
 
 King. Stoke Canon, d. dn. and ch. of Exou. 
 
 Thirteen. more Fishers with benefices and ofiices. They are all, we suspect, 
 relations of the late bishop of Salisbury, and are an instance of that monopoly 
 which is the disgrace of the establishment. The bishop was preceptor to the 
 princess Charlotte of Wales and the Duke of Kent. Having obtained a prebend 
 of M indsor and the archdeaconry of Exeter, he was, in 1S03, promoted to that 
 see; and, in 1808, translated to Salisbury. The patronage of the diocese is 
 forty livings and thirty-five prebends, from which fund he made a comfortable 
 provision for his family. P. Fisher, beside his three livings, has a prebend at
 
 BISHOPS, DIGNITARIES, AND PLURALISTS. 107 
 
 Norwich, and another at Salisbury, and is head master of the Charter-house. 
 This man is really insatiable. His salary at the Charter-house is £800 a year, 
 with a house, candles, vegetables, and an allowance for linen. He had a 
 nephew lately on the foundation, and two sons exhibitioners at the Universities, 
 with allowances of £80 a year from the charity. 
 Fletcher, W. chan. of d. of Carlisle, and preb, of York. Bromjield, 
 
 V, Dalston, v. Lazonbij, v. bp. of Carlisle. 
 Fly, H. D.D. sub-dean of St. Paul's, London. Trinity, Minories, c, 
 the King. Willesdon, v. Kincjsbury, p. c. with Tivyford, c. 
 dn. and ch. of St. Paul's. 
 Forester, T. preb, of Worcester. Broseley, r. Little Wcnlock, witk 
 Barrow, c. and Benthall, c. lord Forester. Worcester, St. 
 John Bedtvardine, v. 
 Foxton, G. Queensbury, v. with Ragdale, c E. Loveden. New 
 
 Town, r. bp. of St. Asaph. Twining, v. Christ-church, Oxon. 
 Frome, R. Folke, r. rev. W. Chafin. Goat hill, r. earl Digby. M in- 
 tent, T. Mrs. Sturt. 
 Gabell, H. D. Ashow, r. C. Leigh. Bivfield, r. Winchester, St. Lau- 
 rence, r. lord Chiin. 
 Gaisford, T. dean of Oxford. 
 
 Garnier, Thomas, Bishop's Stoke, r. Brightwell, r. Foxhall, c. hp. 
 of Win ton. 
 The patronage of the church is an excellent resource for comfortable marriage- 
 settlements. A son of the pluralist married a daugliter of Urownlow North, 
 late bishop of Winchester, and was portioned off with the rectory of Droxford, 
 a prebend of Winchester, and the mastership of St. Cross's Hospital, which has 
 great patronage. A daughter married Thomas, second son of the late lord 
 Walsingham, who is archdeacon of Surrey, prebendary of Winchester, rector of 
 Colbourne, and king's chaplain. A son of this last is prebendary of Winchester, 
 and rector of Alverstoke and of Havant. The Norths, who are numerous in the 
 church, are relations of the former bishop of Winchester, and had more than 
 thirty livings shared among them. 
 
 Geldert, J. Aldjicld, c. Mrs. Laurence. Barnwell^ c. Cambridge 
 
 Less, c. Kirk Deighton, r. rev. Dr. Geldai-t. 
 Goddard, C. archdn. and preb. of Lincoln, chaplain to the king- ; 
 Bexley, v. viscount Sidney. Louth, v. preb. of Louth. Lon- 
 don, St. James s, Garlichythe, r. bp. of London. 
 Goddard, E. Eartham, v. preb. of Eartham. Easthampstead, r. 
 Chr. Ch. Oxon. Pagham, v. with Bognor, c. abp. of Cant. 
 Sidlesham, v. preb, of Sidlesham. 
 Goodacre, W. Mansfield Woodhouse, p. c. Skegly, p. c. duke Port- 
 land. Sutton Ashfield, p. c. duke Devonshire. 
 Goodall, J. provost of Eton Coll. canon of Windsor ; Bromham, v. 
 Hitcham, r, Eton Coll, West Ilsley, r. dn. and ens. of Windsor. 
 The rev. pluralist being the head of a great public sciiool, we slmll give a 
 brief account of one of these foundations, the boasted nursery of our Icgislntors 
 and .statesmtn. Tiiey are receptacles of a!)use, and present a singular contrast 
 to similar institutions in a neighl)Ouring country ; while the latter produce piii- 
 losopiuirs, heroes, and patriots, the former send fortii a plentiful crop of eMpii- 
 sites, air-gun shooters, and at best pedants and l'a\ Icycan politicians. From 
 the seed sown such truit may be expected; the scholar's lime is misspent in 
 grammatical and metrical trifling, and little is reail or studied but Horace,
 
 108 CHUKCH or rn(;land. 
 
 Virgil, and Homer. Leaving these matters, let us come to the foundation of 
 litou and its management. 
 
 Eton college is situated near Windsor, and was founded by Henry VI. for 
 the education of seventy poor and indigent scholars, who were enjoined by the 
 founder to swear they luid not ^3 : 6s. a year to spend. Tlie exact amount of 
 tlie revenues it is not easy to ascertain, as it is a fact carefully concealed by the 
 heads of the college; but, according to the evidence of INIr. Hinde, they amount 
 to considerably more than £10,000 a year, and arise from various manors, 
 estates, rectories, and tenements belonging to the foundation. The government 
 of the college, and the management of this large income, is vested in the 
 provost and scctn fellows ; the salaries of the latter, according to the statutes, are 
 £10 a year, and of the former double that sum. The bishop of Lincoln is visitor. 
 Besides the foundation scholars there are more than 400 oppictens, or town scho- 
 lars, who pay for their education; though, like the rest of the boys, they are 
 entitled to gratuitous instruction. The scholars are instructed by masters and 
 assistants, who in fact do all the business of the college, and, as is usual in such 
 cases, get the worst paid; the head master receives only £63 a year; the under 
 master Cares still worse and is paid in a trifling '■'allowance of bread and beer."* 
 
 The moi'e interesting subject for inquiry is, what becomes of the revenue when 
 all the work is done at such a cheap rate? Nearly the whole of this, at the pre- 
 sent, appears to be divided betwixt the provost and the fellows; the share of 
 the former in good years has amounted to £2500 ; but the incomes of the latter 
 are made up of such variety of items, they are not easily estimated. It is 
 certain, however, their incomes are enormous. Besides the total income of the 
 college, thirty-seven livings, some of which, worth £800 per annum, are in the 
 gift of the fellows ; they have the power of presenting themselves to one of these 
 livings, which of course would not be the worst. They receive about £5-50 in 
 money annually from the tines; a yearly stipend of £50; and a liberal allow- 
 ance for gowns, coals, candles, &c. Moreover, they generally confer some office 
 on themselves in the college, as bui'sar, precentor, sacrist, or librarian ; for which 
 they receive a salary. These are the principal items; but it is impossible to 
 discover exactly what the fellows receive in all: their gross incomes cannot be 
 much less than £1000 a year each. 
 
 After Dr. Goodall has taken the lion's share, and the fellows nearly as much 
 as they please, the remainder is applied to support the establishment. According 
 to the statutes, the scholars ought to be fed, clothed, educated, and lodged, free 
 from expense ; they have reduced their meals to two, namely, dinner and sup- 
 per ; clothing they have none ; for their education they pay a gratuity of six 
 guineas to the master, and tlieir other yearly expenses amount to about sixty 
 pounds ; while, at the same time, they swear, or ought to swear, they have not 
 three pomids si.v shillings a year to spend/ 
 
 These exactions are, however, so shameless, unjustifiable, and so directly in 
 the teeth of the statutes, that when any person ventures to object to their pay- 
 ment, to prevent enquiry, the charges are remitted. The indulgence is extended 
 to a very small number; and to prevent such a dangerous example spreading 
 through the school, the fact is carefully concealed from the rest of the boys. 
 That this iilega,l demand for teaching may excite as little notice as possible, it is 
 always thrust into the bill of the person with whom the boys board .t 
 
 Such is a brief account of the royal college of Eton. It only now remains 
 to point out the more flagrant abuses which prevail in its management, and the 
 manner the poor have been robbed of their rights and interests in this celebrated 
 foundation. 
 
 First, instead of the revenues being expended in feeding, educating, and 
 clothing, " seventy poor and indigent scholars," they are divided among eight 
 clerical sinecurists ; and children of opulent persons, who can afford to pay £70 
 
 * Third Report of the Education Committee, Sess. 1818, p. 72. 
 
 t Third Report of Education Comniittee,p. 71, evidence of the Itev.Dr.Goodall.
 
 BISHOPS, DIGNITARIES, AND PLURALISTS. 109 
 
 a-year for llieir education, are alone adtnitfed to the benefits of the foundation. 
 Th(! statutes jirovii'e, that one-third part of the yearly saving shall be placed in 
 the treasury, for the use of the college ; although there has been annually a sur- 
 plus ri'venue to a very considerable amount, instead of being applied to the 
 enlargement of the college, or any other laudable object, it has been divided 
 and pocketed by the reverend fellows and the provost; one hundred marks, too, 
 piously left to clothe the '' poor and indiifent scholars," have, in like manner, been 
 shared as lawful plunder by the same reverend persons. In consequence of tlie 
 spoliation of Edward the IVth. the number of fellows was reduced from ten to 
 seven ; but although the revenues have increased so enormously, that they would 
 very well support the old statutable number, yet they have for centuries been 
 kept at the present amount, contrary to the intentions of the founder. Finally, 
 the reverend fellows have all sworn not to obtain a dispensation for the holding 
 of livings ; or, if obtained, not to use it; yet, notwithstanding their oaths, not- 
 withstanding the dreadful maledictions of the founder, such has been their 
 greediness for the emoluments of the church, that they have obtained a dispen- 
 sation to hold church preferment ; and the right reverend visitor has sanctioned 
 this infringement of the ordinances of Henry VI. 
 
 Goodenough, E. dn. of Bath and Wells, and preb. of Westminster, Car- 
 lisle, and York ; Wath, All Saints on Dearne, v. Adwick, c. 
 
 Brampton Bierlow, c. Christ Ch. Oxon. 
 Goodenough, S. J. preb, of Carlisle; Broughton Poges, r. rev. J. 
 
 Goodenough. Hampton, v. the King. 
 Goodenough, William, archdn. of Carlisle, with Mareham le Fen, r. 
 and great Salkeld, r. bp. of Carlisle. 
 Three more Goodenoughs ; they are of the family of the late Bishop of Carlisle. 
 The prelate obtained the deanery of Rochester in 1802, and in 1808 was pro- 
 moted to the See of Carlisle, through the interest of lord Sidmouth, his brother 
 liaving married the sister of the Icttcr-of-thanks-man. 
 Gordon, G. dn. of Lincoln; Harbling, v. ivith Briggend, c. bp. of 
 
 Lincoln. Whittington, r. dn. of Lincoln, hedgbrook, \st and 
 
 2d Mediety r. with East Allington, c. lord Chan. 
 Gordon, G. Bentley Fenney, r. Dr. Gordon. Muston, r. lord Chan. 
 
 Whittvigton, c. dn. of Lincoln. 
 Gower, G. L. St. Mabyn, r. St. Michael Pcnkevil, r. lord Falmouth. 
 
 Tatsjield, r. Titsey, r. W. L. Gower. 
 Grant, J. T. Merston, r. Wrabness, r. The King. Bntterleigk, r. 
 
 lord Chan. 
 Grant, R. fellow of Winton Coll. ; Bradford Abbass, v. marquis 
 
 Anglesea. Clifton Mnybank, r. Winton Coll. Portsea, St. 
 
 PauVs, p. c. vicar of Portsea. 
 Gray, Robert, bishop of Bristol, and prebendary of Durham. 
 Green, J. C. Rillington, v. the King. Thornton-le-Moor , r. bp. of 
 
 Ely. Birdsall, p. c. marquis Hertford. IVhaream-in-the- Street, 
 
 v. lord Middleton. Rustington, v. bp. of Chichester. 
 Grey, hon. Thomas de, archd. of Surrey; Calbournc, v. Fawley, r. 
 
 with Exbury, c. bp. of Winton. Merton, r. lord Walsingham. 
 
 The honourable, venerable, and reverend pluralist is, also, a king's chaplain, 
 and prebendary of Winchester. He is uncle of lord \V alsiugham, and related 
 to the Norths and Garniers, whom see. Three more Greys are in the church ; 
 one of them is brother of tlie earl of Stamford, and is rector of AV'ickham and 
 jirebendary of Durham. Another relation of the earl has a living worth £1500 
 -year.
 
 110 CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 Grey, hon. E. dean of Hereford, and prebendary of Hereford ; St. 
 Botolph, Bishopsyate, r. bp. of London and tbe King alternately. 
 Youngest biotlior of earl Groy, wlio nuinied, firstly, Miss Croft, by whom he 
 luid a family often children, nine of whom survive ; secondly, Miss Adair, the 
 daughter of Sir It. Adair, the minister to Belgium, by whom he had also a 
 family ; and, thirdly, the very reverend dean married Miss Innes, the daughter 
 of an opulent merchant, formerly M.P. for Grampound. — A bishop, lord 
 chancellor, or first lord of the treasury, with vast patronage and a host of ex- 
 pectants about him, always appears to our mind like the man at the head of the 
 table with a fine turkey before liim, which he is prepared to carve for the benefit 
 of his family and guests. " Which part do you prefer — here is a leg — the wing 
 or the apron." Just so in the distribution of public offices and preferments ; 
 there is a benefice for one, a dignity for another, and an embassy, secretarj'ship, 
 or commissionership for a third. We do not in this place complain ; eai"l Grey 
 has certainly lost no time in moving his brother nearer to Durham or Winchester ; 
 but it is not the advancement of the meritorious — though they be relatives — but 
 the worthless that excites indignation. With the exception of the dispute about 
 the payment of the stipend of the minister of the new church, the dean, like his 
 predecessor in the parish of St. Botolph, bears an exemplary character, and the 
 public is gratified rather than otherwise by his promotion. 
 
 Griffith, C. preb. of Brecon ; Disserth, r. bp. of St. David's. Glondegla, 
 
 p. c. bp. of St. Asaph. Llanvayes, v. archdn. of Brecon. 
 Guildford, earl of, Alresford, New and Old, r. with Medsted, c. 
 Southam-pton , St. Mary, prec. and r. St. Cross, with St. 
 Faith's Master, bp. of Winchester. 
 The family, of which his lordship is the head, was some years since widely 
 ramified in the church, engrossing upwards of thirty livings and dignities. 
 These numerous preferments were derived through Broivnlow Nortli, uncle of 
 the present lord Guildford and former bishop of Winchester. The bishop was 
 a younger brother of lord North, the minister under whose administration the 
 inglorious war was waged against the independence of North America. The 
 bishop owed his promotion to his brother, and his advancement to the bench 
 was much resisted by the minister's colleagues, on account of his youth. Lord 
 North, however, observed—" that when he should become of more matured age, 
 he would not have a brother prime minister." Under such powerful auspices 
 the bishop rose rapidly in the church. He was first preferred to a canonry of 
 Christ Church, Oxford. A few months afterv.ards he was pushed into the 
 deanery of Canterbury, and the following year advanced to the diocese of 
 Lichfield and Coventry. Soon after he was translated to Worcester, and in 
 1781 to the rich See of Winchester, which he held more than forty years, and 
 must have netted from the revenue of his diocese upwards of one million and a 
 half principal money. 
 
 Haden, A. B. Ware, c. O. Crewe. Saddington, r. Wednesbury, v. 
 
 the King. 
 Haggitt, D'Arcy, Branxton, v. dn. and c. of Durham. Cornhill, c. 
 
 W. N. Darnell. Pershore St. Andrew, v. and Holy Cross, c. 
 
 with Besford, c. Bricklehampton , c. Defford, c. and Penvin, 
 
 c. dn. and ens. of Westminster. 
 Harbin, .J. North Barrow, r. E. B. Portman. Kingston, r. "Sir. 
 
 Harbin. Wheathill, r. Mrs. Phillips. 
 Harvey, B. Alsager, c. lord of the Manor. Blackmore, v. the King. 
 
 Dodding hurst, r. J. Henrick. 
 Hasted, H. Bury St. Mary, c. Corporation. Chedburg, r. with 
 
 Ickworth, r. chap, of Worcester. Braisworfh, v. marquis Corn- 
 
 wallis. Horning sheath, x. lord Bristol.
 
 niSIIOPS, DTGNITARTF.S, AND PLURALISTS. HI 
 
 Ilett, W. Enderhy Navis, r. Incumbent. Greetwell, c. ch. of Lin- 
 coln. Lincoln, St. John in New, v. and St. Paul, r. arclul. of 
 Lincoln. Dunholme, v. the King. Nettleham, c. chanc. of 
 Lincoln. Thorpe-on-the-Hill, r. chap, of Dncoln. 
 Three rectories, a vicarage, and two chapelries, are not enough for this re- 
 verend pluralist. He is prebendary and vicar choral of Lincoln, and chaplain 
 
 to the marquis of Stafford. His recommendation to all these good things are — 
 
 The Genuine Tree of Liberty, or the Koyal Oak of Great Britain ; a political 
 
 squib of 1793; a Fast day Sermon; Letter upon Restrictions on Dissenting 
 
 Teachers, ij<c. 
 
 Holdsworth, Robt. preb. of Exeter; Brixham, v. with Kingsweare, 
 c. the King. Dartmouth, St. Sav. c. Corporation. Townstall, 
 V. Churston Fencers, c. corp. of Clifton. 
 
 Hales, R. Hemesby, v. J. T. Hales. HerringswM, r. H. Sperling. 
 Hillington, r. sir W. J. B. Folkes. 
 
 Hamond, R. Reechamwell St. John and St. Mary, r. J. Molleaux. 
 Pensthorpc, r. East Walton, v. GaytoJi Thorpe, r. A. Hamond. 
 
 Hanbury, T. Burrough, r. Somcrhy, v. Langton Church, r. with 
 Langton Tur, c. and Thorpe Langton, c. W. Hanbury. 
 
 Hankinson, r. Pera^?ie?/, c. sequestrated. Walpole St. Andreiv,\'. T. 
 Hankinson, West Bilney, p. c. J. Dalton. 
 
 Harries, G. preb. of St. David's. Letterston, r. Llanwair, c. No! ton, 
 r. Rock, c. Rupa Castle yn Graig, v. lord Chan. 
 
 Harries, J. Langattock, r. earl Abergavenny. Llandett, r. T. H. 
 G\v}'nne. Newcastle in Emlyn, c. with Bettws, c. and Lla- 
 lestone, c. T. Lewis. 
 
 Hawkesley, J. W. Knotting, r. with Souldrop, r. rev. J. W. Hawkes- 
 ley, Melchburn, v. lord St. John. Turvey, r. D. C. Higg-ins. 
 
 Heathcote, G. archdn. of Winchester, fellow of Winton Coll., treasurer 
 of Wells Cathedral. Andover, v. 7vith Foscot, c. Winton Coll. 
 Hursley, v. Otterburn, c. sir G. Heathcote. 
 
 Hewgill, F. Littleborough, p. c. J. Hewett. Soundby, v. North 
 iVheatley, v. lord Middleton. Sturton in the Clay, v. dn. and 
 ch. of York. 
 
 Hill, R. Berrington, r. with Little Ness, c. Sutton St. John, r. 
 
 Thornton Mayow, r. lord Berwick. Great Bolas, r. sir R. Hill. 
 
 Several other Hills in the church. The pluralist is uncle of lord Hill, 
 
 commander of the forces, and of Rowland Hill, the well known dissenting 
 
 preacher. 
 
 Hobart, hon. H. L. Haseley, r. the King. Nocton, v. dn. and ch. of 
 Cant. Wantage, v. dn. and ens. of Windsor. 
 This hon. and very reverend pluralist has two deaneries, that of Windsor, the 
 
 other of Wolverhampton. A brother is canon of Hereford, and rector of 
 
 Beer Ferrers ; of which rectory, his nephew, the duke of Buckingham, is 
 
 patron. Another Hobart, a son, we suspect, of the plural dean, has a valuable 
 
 rectory, and prebend of Wolverhampton. 
 
 Hodgson, R. dn. of Carlisle. Burgh on Sands, v. lord chan. West- 
 minster, St. George's, Hanover-square, r. Hillington, v. bp. of 
 London. 
 Nephew of Porteus, late bishop of London. Many other Hodgsons, with 
 
 livings, oflices, and dignities.
 
 112 CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 Hodson, G. Birmingham, Christ Church, c. Colwick, v. %uilh Frods- 
 
 well, c. bp. of Lich. and Gov. London, St. Katharine Cree, v. 
 
 Mag-. Coll. 
 Holland, W. Wm. vie. of Chichester cath. JBapchild, v. Burpham, 
 
 V. dn. and ch, of Chichester. Chichester St. Andrew and St. 
 
 Martin, r. dn. of Chichester. 
 Holland, S., M.D. precent. and preb. of Chichester. Beaudesert, r. 
 
 Poynings, r. Warehorn, r. the King, 
 This is a remarkable instance of the secular uses to which church property is 
 applied by those who have the disposal of it. The reverend pluralist was ori- 
 ginally a physician ; but, happenint^ to marry adaugiiter of lord Erskine, while 
 bis lordship held the great seal, he took holy orders, w ith a view to qualify 
 himself for a share of the good things in tiie gift of his fath"r-in-law. Erskine 
 gave him the three rectories, worth about £26oo a-year, during the short period 
 of his chancellorship. Doctor Holland has written a book to vindicate the 
 clergy from the charge of neglecting their duties. Who may the preceding plu- 
 ralist of this name be ? 
 Holt, J. Ehton, V. W. B. Darttin. Gringley, v. Camb. Kehtern, 
 
 V. sir J. C. Hawkins. Wrawby, v. with Brigg, c. Clare Hall, 
 
 Camb. 
 Hoste, J. Barivick in Brakes, v. Mrs. Hoste. Longham, c. Wend- 
 
 ling, r. T. W. Coke. 
 Housen, H. vicar choral of Southwell. Bleashy, v. Hoioerby, r. with 
 
 Beesby in the Marsh, c. Southwell, v. prec. and preb. of Nor- 
 
 manton. Aslacton, p. c. Southwell Coll. 
 Howard, J. Fmidenhall, d. T. T. Burney. Morley, St. Botolph and 
 
 St. Peter, r. B. N. Cooper. Tacolneston, r. Mrs. Warren. 
 Howard, R, D.D. Denbigh, r. bp. St. Asaph. Llandegfan, r. with 
 
 Beaumaris, c. Llanvewgan, c. R. W. Bulkeley. 
 Howes, F. min. can. of Norwich. Attlebridge, v. with Alderford, 
 
 r. Bawburgh, v. Norwich, St. George, col. r. dn. and ch. of 
 
 Norwich. 
 Howes, T. Fritton, r. T. L. Hodges. Tharston, v. bp. of Ely. 
 
 Thorndon, r. rev. T. Howes. 
 Howley, Wm. primate of all England ; consecrated bishop of London, 
 
 1813, and elevated to the primacy in 1828, on the decease of 
 
 archbishop Sutton. 
 
 We liave nothing to add to our notice, page 24, of this prelate. It may be 
 
 inferred, from the strictness with which the preserves are watched at Adding- 
 
 ton, and the severe persecution of poachers, that his grace is very fond of game. 
 
 Hudleston, A. Bournes, r. Morresby, r. Whitehaven St. Nicholas, 
 
 c. lord Lonsdale. 
 Hume, T. H. treas. and can. res. of Sarum. Figheldean, r. Treas. of 
 
 Sarum, Kewstoke, v. lord Chan. Strat ford-under- Castle, c. 
 
 dn. and ch. of Sarum. 
 Hunting-ford, G. H. bishop of Hereford; consecrated bishop of Glou- 
 cester, 1802; translated 1815. 
 Hurt, T. Lindby, r. Puppleioick, c. hon. F. IMontague. Scrooby, v. 
 
 %vith Sutton-on- Loiuid, v. duke of Portland. 
 Jacob, S. S. Waldershore, v. Whitjield, p. c. abp. of Cant. Wool- 
 
 lavington, v. dn. and cans, of Windsor.
 
 BISHOPS, DIGNITARIES, AND PLL" R ALI STS. 113 
 
 Ibbotson, J. Ayton, p, c. rev. W. Marwood. Newton, p. c. rev. S. 
 
 Shepherd. Nunthorpe, p. c. T. Simpson and W. Richardson. 
 Ibbotson, T. Garfon, v. the King. Lowthorpe, p. c. sir A. Quentin. 
 
 Skerne, p. c. R. Arkwright. 
 Jenkinson, J. Banks, bishop of St. David's, dean of Brecon, and dean 
 
 of Durham. 
 Jepson, G. preb. and vie. chor. of Lincoln. Ashby Pueror, v. Glen- 
 
 than, V. Normanhy, v. dn. and ch. of Lincoln. Lincoln St. 
 
 Botolph, p. c. preb. of St. Botolph. 
 Inman, G. Kilnsea, v. L. Thompson. Ske/iing, v. rev. N. Holme. 
 
 Easing ton, v. abp. of York. 
 Johnson, P. Beeston, r. Sustead, p. c. the King. Ingworth, r. W. 
 
 Wyndham. 
 Jones, H. Lewisham, v. lord Dartmouth. Talgarth, v. dn. and cans. 
 
 of Windsor. Mablethorpe, r. with Stane, r. col. Jones. 
 Iremonger, L. preb, of Winchester. Wherivell, preb. sin. Good- 
 worth Clatf^ird, V. J. Iremonger. Kevil, v. Wanborough, v. 
 
 dn. and ch. of Winton. 
 Brother-in-law of lord Gambler, who has a nephew with three livings. 
 
 Karslake, W. Cuhnstock, v. dn. and ch. of Exeter. Dalton, r. J. 
 Cleveland. Loxbeare, r. sir T. D. Acland. 
 
 Kaye, John, bishop of Lincoln, ditto prebendary, and provincial chan- 
 cellor of Canterbury. 
 
 Keith, P. Marr, p. c. earl Kinnoul. Ruckinge, r. Stalisjield, v. abp. 
 Cant. 
 
 Kelly, A. P. Barnham, p. c. Little Hampton, v. bp. Chichester. 
 Hoxton, c. archdn. of London. 
 
 Kempthorne, J. preb. of Lichfield. Gloucester St. Michael, r. and 
 St. Marg. de Grace, c. lord Chan. Northleach, v. Preston, v. 
 bp. of Gloucester. Wedmore, v. dn. of Wells. 
 
 Kent, G. D. preb. of Lincoln. Newton, r. T. Smith. Lincoln St. 
 Martin, v. bp. of Lincoln. Scothern, v. lord Scarboro'. Conis- 
 holme, r. hon. Mr. and Mrs. Robinson. East Winch, v. E. Kent. 
 
 Kett, W. Darsham. v. Sir J. Rous. Shottislmm, r. Mr. Kett. Wal- 
 dringjield, r. N. Randall. 
 
 Keppel, hon. E. G. Quiddenham, r. with Snetterton. r. Shottisham 
 All Saints, v. and St. Mary, v. earl of Albermarle. Tittleshall, 
 r. 7vith God'ivick, r. and Wellingham, r. T. W. Coke. 
 Third son of lord Albemarle, master of the horse, and brother-in-law of Mr. 
 
 Coke, of Norfolk. 
 
 Kidd, T. Croxton, r. sir G. W. Leeds. Eltisley, v. lord Chan. 
 
 Nortoich, St. Swithin, r. bp. of Norwich, sequest. 
 Kipling, C. Coston, r. Newport Pagnall, v. lord Chan. Wolver- 
 
 ton, V. 7vith Stratford Tony, c. W. Drake. 
 Kipling, J. Chearsley, c. sir C. Dormer. Chilton, p. c. Oakley, v. 
 
 sir J. Aubrey. Upper Winchendon, p. c. sir C. Cave. 
 KnatchbuU, W., D.D. Aldington, r. with Smeath, c. abp. Cant. 
 
 Bircholt, r. lady Bankes. Wesbere, r. lord Chan.
 
 ]]4 CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 Kynaston, sir E. chap, in ord. to H.M. Farnham, St. Genev. r. 
 
 with Risby, r. Kinnersley , v. the King. Hordley, r. J. K. 
 
 Powell. 
 Lade, W. Graveney, v. witli Goodnestone, r. Wickhamtreux, r. J. 
 
 Lade, Knowlton, r. sir N. D'Aeth. 
 Langdon, G. Houcjhton, r. E. M. Pleydell. Milton Abb. v. lord 
 
 Dorchester, Weston-Patrick, p. c. W. T. L. Wellesley. 
 Landon, W. dn. of Exeter and preb. of .Sarum. Bishopstone, r. preb. 
 
 of Bishopstone. Branscornbe, v. dn. and ch. of Exeter. Croft, 
 
 r. with Yarjjole, c. Mrs. Johnes. 
 Lates, J. J. Charlton Abbot, c. F. Pyson. Sudely, r. lord Rivers. 
 
 Winchcombe, v. tvith Gretton, c. lord Tracey. 
 Law, G. H. bishop of Bath and Wells; consecrated bishop of Chester, 
 
 1812. 
 Law, Henry, archdeacon of Wells and canon residentiary. 
 Lax, W. Ippolitts, V. with Great Wymondley , v. Marshworts, v. 
 
 Camb. Orwell, v. rev. J. H. Renouard. 
 Lee, H. fellow of Winton Coll. and preb. of Hereford. Ash, r. 
 
 Frimley, p. c. Hound, v. luith Bursledon, c. a7id Hamble, p. c. 
 
 Winton Coll. 
 
 See Bishop Sumner for au account of Winton College. 
 Lewis, D. C, min. can. of Windsor. Colnbrook, c. Pem. Coll. Oxon. 
 
 Newington, v. Eton Coll. Ruislip, v. dn. and ch. of Windsor. 
 Lewis, J. Buttsbury , c. rev. D. Lloyd. Ingatestone, r. N. W. Lewis. 
 
 Ravenhall, r. C. W. Western. 
 Leyson, T. Bassalleg, v. bp. Llandaff. Panteague, r. Treddunnock, 
 
 r. C. H. Leigh. 
 Linton, H. Dinton, v. with Great Teffont, c. Mag. Coll. Oxon. 
 
 Fritivell, V. North Aston, v. T. F. Willes. 
 Long, R. C. Dunston, c. Misses S. and G. Long. Illington, r. Mrs. 
 
 Kellett. Newton Flotmayi, r. Miss Long. Sicarsthorpe, r. 
 
 rev. R. C. Long. 
 Lord, J. Berfreyston, r. Oxon. Northiam, r. Miss Lord. Dray- 
 ton Parslow, r. rev. J. Lord. 
 Lowe, J. Tankersley, r. Sivinton, c. Wentworth, p. c. earl Fitz- 
 
 wiiliam. Brotherton, v. dn. and ch. of York. 
 Lowndes, R. Astwood, v. the King. North Crawley, r. Miss Dun- 
 combe. Farley, r. Oxon. 
 Lucas, G. Caijield, r. Stokesby with Heringby , r. W. Downs. 
 
 Billockby , r. Filby, r. C. Lucas. 
 Luxmore, C. S. dean, with HeuUan, v. annexed, chanc. of see of St. 
 
 Asaph, and preb. of Hereford. Bromyard, 2d Port, r. and v. 
 
 West Cradley, r. bp. of Hereford. Daroven, r. Gurlsjield, v. 
 
 bp. of St. Asaph. 
 Luxmore, John, joint regist. of Hereford, preb. of St. Asaph. Ber- 
 
 riew, V. bp. of St. Asaph. 
 Three more Luxmores in the church. They are sons and nephews of the 
 late bishop of St. Asaph. The prelate owed his promotion to his connexion
 
 BISHOPS, DIGNITARIES, AND IM.UUALISTS. 115 
 
 ■v^•ith the family of the duke of BuccleuRh. He first obtained the living of St. 
 George the IVIurtyr, Queen's-squarc, which he vacated upon being presented to 
 the neiglibouring rectory of St. Anclrp^T■s, Holborn, which he held, in commen- 
 dam, witli the .see of Hereford. To the last see lie was translated from the 
 diocese of Uristol, before which he held the deanery of Gloucester. He 
 was translated to St. Asaph in 181.). The progress of the bishop, like most of 
 his brethren, may be generally traced from the number of relations and depen- 
 dents which they leave behind them in possession of the most valuable prefer- 
 ments in their gift. 
 
 Madan, Spencer, preb. and chan. of diocese of Peterhoroup^h, chap, in 
 ord. to the King. Ibstock, r. with Hugglescote, c. Dunnin(jton, 
 c. hp. of Rochester. Thorpe Constantine, r. W. P. Inge. 
 Son of the late bishop of Peterborough, nephew of the late bishop of Lich- 
 field, and cousin of the marquis C(jrnwallis. Except a fast-day sermon or two, 
 we do not know any other claim of this reverend pluralist to his appointments. 
 His uncle, the bishop, to whom he is chiefly indebted for his preferments, was, 
 at first, intended lor the bar, and, with that view, entered himself astufient of 
 the Temple ; but the elevation of iiis uncle to the archbishopric, on the death 
 of Dr. Seeker, opened a more lucrative prospect, and he devoted himself, with- 
 out any particular call that way, to the church. His first preferment was the 
 rich rectory of W'rolham, in Kent, soon after which he obtained a prebend of 
 Westminster, and shortly after succeeded Dr. Moore in the deanery of Canter- 
 bury. On the translation of bishop Hurd, he was raised to the throne of Lich- 
 field and Coventry ; and, on the death of bishop Douglas, he succeeded him as 
 dean of Windsor, which he vacated for the richer deanery of Durham. 
 Maddy, J. Somerton, r. Incumbent. Stansjield, r. Hartesf, r. Box- 
 ted, r. the King. 
 Markham, Robert, archd. of York, and canou. res. 
 Maltby, Edward, bishop of Chichester, and preacher to Society of Lin- 
 coln's Inn : consecrated in 1831. 
 Manning. H. C. Burgh Castle, r. the King. Thetford St. Cath. c. 
 and St. Peter, r. duke Norfolk. Santon, r. Corp. of Thetford. 
 Mapleton, J. H. Southwark. Christchurch, r. Trustees of Marshall's 
 charities. Whaddon, v. New Coll. Oxon. Mitcham, v. Mrs. 
 Simpson. 
 Marsh, Herbert, bishop of Peterborough, professor of divinity, Cam- 
 bridge. 
 Marsham, hon. and rev. J. Ailing ton, r. earl Romney. Watering- 
 bury, V. dn. and ch. of Rochester. Kirby Overblow, r. earl 
 Egremont. 
 Canon of Windsor, prebend of Bath and Wells, ditto of Rochester. Brother 
 of lord Romney. 
 
 Marsham, C. Cavenjield, v. dn. and ch. Rochester. Edgcott, r. 
 Stoke Lyne, v. J. Coker. Islington, v. dn. and cans, ^^'indsor. 
 Marsham, E. Sculthorpe, r. sir G. Chadd. Wrainflingham, r. Strat- 
 
 ton Strawless, r. R. Marsham. 
 Massingberd, F. C. Calccby,v. Dribg, r, Kettleshy, r. South Ormesby, 
 
 c. C. B. Massingberd. 
 Mavor, W, Bladon, r. Hurley, v. Woodstock, c. duke of Marlborough. 
 This is the well-known compiler of useful books, and a native of Aberdeen. 
 He was, at first, a schoolmaster, and being employed by tiie duke of Marlbo- 
 rough to instruct the junior branches of the family in writing, he obtained such 
 favour as to get a title for holy orders. Soon after he was rewarded w ith the 
 livings of Hurley and Woodstock. 
 
 i2
 
 116 CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 Methold, T. preb. of Norwich. Apsal-stoneham, r. W. Middleton. 
 
 Kilverton, r. lord Chan. Wetheringselt, r. Mrs. Close. 
 Millard, C. F. Henley, v. Norwich St. Giles, r. and at Palace, d. 
 
 dn. and ch. Norwich. Hickling, v. Mr. Micklethwaite. 
 Miller, E. Chesterton, c. lord Willoughby de Broke. Radway, v. 
 
 Ratley, v. lord Chan. 
 Millers, G. min. can. of Ely. Hardwich, r. Runham, v. Stanford, 
 
 V. bp. of Ely. 
 Mills, T. chap, to the King. Bumpstead Helion,, v. Camb. Little 
 
 Henney, r. Stutton,, r. N. Barnardiston. 
 Mitford, J. Benhall, v. W. Mitford. Wtston, St. Peters, r. the 
 
 King. Stratford St. Andreio, r. chan. of du. of Lancaster. 
 Monk, John H. bishop of Gloucester, and prebendary of Westminster : 
 
 consecrated in 1830. 
 Monins, J. Charlton, near Dover, r. Ringwould, r. rev. J. Monins. 
 
 Fawkenhurst, r. Hurst, r. Miss Carter. 
 Moore, G. Croxby, r. lord Chan. Lincoln St. Margaret, with St. 
 
 Peter, p. a. precent. and preb. Lincoln Cath. Oionby, r. chan. 
 
 du. of Lancaster. 
 Moore, R. preb. of Canterbury. Eynesford, r. Hollinghourn, r. 
 
 Hiinton, r. Latchingdon, r. abp. of Cant. 
 Morgan, H. H. can. res. of Hereford. Fuwnhope, v. Wolhope, v. 
 
 dn. and ch. of Hereford. Moccas, r. sir G. Cornwall. 
 Mounsey, G. Forest, c. lord Derby. Fairfield, p. c. Trustees. Rush- 
 
 t07i Spencer, c. lord Macclesfield. 
 Mount, C. Bath, Christchurch, c. rev. C. A. Moysey. Hannington, 
 
 v. R. Montgomery. Helmdon, r. Suttesbury , r, Oxon. 
 Moysey, C. A. archdn. of Bath, preb. of Wells. Bath, Wolcot, r. 
 
 dame Gay. Boarhunt, d. T. Kethwayte. Southwick, d. Mr. 
 
 Thistlethwayte. 
 Mucklestone, J. F. preb. and vie. of Lichfield, and preb. of Wolver- 
 hampton. Tong, p. c. G. Durant. Weeford, c. chan. of Lich- 
 field. Wybunbury , v. bp. of Lich. and Cov. 
 Mules, J. H. Abbot's Isle, v. dn. and ch. of Bristol. Broadiuater, 
 
 c. Broadway , c. rev. W. Palmer. Ilminster, v. H. Hanning. 
 Murray, Geo. bishop of Rochester, dean of Worcester, rector of 
 
 Bishopsbourne, and chaplain to abp. of Cant. 
 Nelson, J. vie. chor. of Lincoln. Rushing ton, v. the King. Searby, 
 
 r. Wellingore, r. dn. and ch. of Lincoln. Snarford, r. sub-dn. 
 
 of Lincoln. Lincoln St. Mark, p. c. precent. of Lincoln. 
 Nevile, viscount, Byrling, v. Holveston, r. with Burgh Apton, r. 
 
 Otley, r. lord Abergavenny. 
 
 Third son of the noble patron. Another son is vicar of Trant, in Sussex, and 
 rector of Birling, in Kent. 
 Newsam, Clement, Harbury, v. Miss Newsam. Portbury, r. tvith 
 
 Tickenham, v. bp. of Bristol. 
 Nicholas, John, D.D. Bremilham, r. lady Northwich. Fisherton 
 
 Ange, r. W. H. F. Talbot. Westport, v. ivith Brockenboroxigh, 
 
 c. lord Chan.
 
 BISHOPS, DIGMITARIES, AND PLLRALISTS. 
 
 117 
 
 Nicolay, G. F. L. one of the brethren of St. Katharine; Little Mar- 
 low, V. rev. G. F. L. Nicolay. London, St. Michael Royal and 
 St. Martin Vintry, r. abp. Cant, and bp. Worcester, alt. — See 
 Nicolay, in the Place List. 
 North, Henry. Heacham, v. H. Spelman. Great Ringstead, St. 
 
 Andrew and St. Peter, r. H. Styleman. 
 Northcote, Hugh, Dowlan, p. c. Monkoakhampton, r. Okhamp- 
 
 ton St. James, r. Upton Pyne, v. sir H. Northcote. 
 Nott, G. F., D.D. preb. of Winton, Chichester, and Sariim. Har- 
 rietsham, r. All Souls' Coll. Woodchurch, r. abp. of Cant. 
 This gentleman has been for a long time missing ; should this meet his eye, 
 we beg to inform him, that the parishioners of Woodchurch are very desirous of 
 seeing him, and they wish to know where he may be found ; they have been 
 served with notices for the payment of tithes by tlie solicitor of the reverend 
 pluralist, who has only been once in the parish during the whole of last reign, 
 aad that for a day only. 
 Oakes, James. Gipping, d. C. Tyrrel. Thurston, v. Rattlesden, r. 
 
 James Oakes, esq. Tostock, r. Mr. Moseley, 
 Oldershaw, John, D.D. archdn. of Norfolk, ivith Coston, p.c. Ludham, 
 V. bp. of Norwich. Raiiiuorth, v. with Upton, St. Margaret, v. 
 bp. of Ely. Redenhall, r. with Hailestone, c. duke of Norfolk, 
 on nom. of bp. of Norwich. 
 Onslow, G. W, Send, v. with Ripley, c, earl Onslow. U'isley, r. 
 
 ^^)ith Perford, v. Shalford, v. with Bramley, c. lord Chan. 
 Onslow, R. F. archdn. of Worcester, preb. of Sarum. Kiddsrviinster , 
 V. w. Loiver Mitton, c. lord Foley. Neweni, v. hon. E. Foley. 
 The venerable archdeacon is son of the late dean of Worcester, whose father 
 was a lieutenant-general, and brother of the famous Arthur Onslow, who was 
 forty years speaker of the Collective Wisdom. A. C. Onslow, reclor of St. Mary, 
 Newington-butts, of which benefice the bishop of Worcester is patron, is a 
 brother of the archdeacon. 
 Oxenden, Mont, Bonington, r. T. Papillon. Luddingham, r, lord 
 
 Chan. Wingham, p. c. sir H. Oxenden. 
 Palmer, G. Leominster, v. Eton Coll. Par ham, r. baroness Zouch. 
 
 Sullington, r. N. Tredcroft, 
 Parkinson, J. D.D. Brocklcsby , r. lord Yarborough. Healing, r. 
 
 rev. R. Parkinson. Immingham, v. W. Amcotts. 
 Parkinson, T. D.D. preb. St. Paul's, chan. of dioc. of Chester, 
 archdn. of Leicester; Kegworth, r. toith Islcy Walton, c. Christ 
 Coll. Camb. 
 257 livings are in the gift of the University of Oxford, and 292 in the gift of 
 Cambridge. The livings are situate in diilerent parts of the country ; many of 
 them in the metropolis. Some of the livings are annexed to the provostships 
 and professorships of the different colleges, but for the most part they are in 
 the gift of the fellows. By the statutes of the universities the holding of a 
 fellowship is incompatible with the holding of a college living. When, however, 
 a living is more valuable than a fellowship, a fellowship is vacated for the sake 
 of being eligible to the living. 
 
 Parsons, H. preb. of Wells; Durleigh, v. Mr. Dunning. Goat- 
 hurst, r. lady Tynte. Wemhdon, v. C. K. Tynte. 
 Payne, Henry Thomas, can. res. of St. David's, preb. of Brecon; 
 Devunnuck, v. icith Blaen Glyn Tavy, c. bp. of Gloucester. 
 Ystradvcllty , p. c. Llanhcdr, r. Patricio, p. c. duke Beaufort.
 
 118 CHUllCH or ENGLAND. 
 
 Pearce, Thomas, Folkstone, v. Hawkinge, r. abp. of Cant. Hartlip, 
 
 V. dean and c. of Roch. Merston, r. lord Chan. 
 Pearson, H. dean of Salisbury. 
 
 Pellew, hon. G. D.D. dn. of Norwich, preb. of York; London, Si. 
 Dionis Backchurch, r. dn. and can. of Cant. 
 This honourable and very reverend dignitary is son of lord Exmonth, who 
 has a pension of £2000 a-year, and son-in-law of lord Sidmouth, who has a 
 pension of £3000 a-year. He was originally intended for the legal profession, 
 but his abilities not lying that way, he was, after eating a few terms, turned 
 over to the church. His progress in this line has been very successful: in 181'J 
 he was presented to the vicarage of Naseing, worth £1200 a-year; next year he 
 was presented to the rectory of Sutton, said to be worth £4000 a-year; und, 
 within a few months after he had a prebend's stall in St. Paul's: these appear 
 to have been subsequently resigned or negotiated for his present preferments. 
 Penrice, Charles, S/nallburyh, r. bp. of Norwich. Witton, r. with 
 
 Briindall, r. and Little Plumstead, r. J. Musket. 
 Pepys, H. preb. of Wells; Aspedeii, r. lord Hardwicke. IVestmill, r. 
 
 Moreton, r. St. John's Coll. 
 Percy, hon. Hugh, D.D. bp. of Carlisle, chan, of Sarum, preb. of 
 
 St. Paul's. — See page 26. 
 Perkins, F. D. chap, in ord. to H. M.; Doivyi-Hatherley , v. Sow, v. 
 
 ivith Stoke, V. Sivayjield, r. lord Chan. 
 Perkins, John David, D.D. Dmvlish, v. bp. Exon. Exeter, St. Lau- 
 rence, V. Manhead, r. lord Chan. 
 Pett, Phineas, D.D. archdn. of O.xford, can. of Christ Church, preb. of 
 Sarum. C hilbolton, r.h\) ofWinton. Newington, r. ahj). of Cunt. 
 Phillpotts, Henry, bishop and treasurer of Exeter, and prebendary of 
 Durham, 
 The honest retraction of an error does credit to the heart and understanding; 
 but if a man from mercenary motives suppresses or disguises — for he cannot 
 abandon them — his convictions, he is a traitor to truth, and merits the most igno- 
 minious brand that public opinion can inflict. The most charitable cannot put 
 a favourable construction on the conduct of Dr. Phillpotts, and he is given up, 
 by all parties, as one guilty of unpardonable crimes. The hrst exploit we remein- 
 ber of this spiritual adventurer was a pamphlet imputed to hiin in defence of the 
 Manchester massacre, in which 800 poor creatures, men, women, and children, 
 were killed, cut-down, and maimed, under the sabres of a ferocious yeomanry. 
 He next signalized himself by his writings against catholic emancipation, and 
 finally astonished people by voting for a minister, at Oxford, wiio was favour- 
 able to tlie catholic relief bill. Thus he was all things to all men, and at last 
 receives his reward — universal contempt and a mitre! As the political bishop 
 had succeeded in fastening on the See of Exeter, we would have suffered him 
 to have held Stanhope rectory too, with the tine house to live in he had built 
 at an expense of £12,000: there appeared a paltriness in the Whigs attempting 
 to blink the transaction by suffering the prelate to exchange the rectory with 
 Mr. Darnell for a stall at Durham. 
 
 Pierce, W, M. Burwell, v. with Wabnsgate, c. Goulsby, v. M. B. 
 
 Lister. Fulletby, r. bp. of Lincoln. 
 Plater, Charles Eaton, River, v. Whitstable, c. abp. of Cant. Sea- 
 
 salter, v. d. and c. of Cant. 
 Plimley, Henry, chan. of diocese of Chichester, preb. of Chichester; 
 
 Cuchjield, v. Shoreditch, v. bp. of Chichester. 
 Poison, J. H. P. preb. of Exeter; Exeter Major, r. d. and c. of 
 
 Exeter. Upton Hclion, r. Jos. Poison, esq.
 
 J5ISUOPS, DIGNITARIKS, AM) P LIJ H ALISTS, 119 
 
 Poore, J. Bicknor, r. lord Chan. Murston, r. St. John's Coll. Rain- 
 ham, V. abp. of Cant. 
 Potchett, William, preb. of Sarum; North and South Grantham, v. 
 
 with Great and Little GunnerbTj, v. Londonthorpe, v. and 
 
 Braccby, v. cath. of Saruin. 
 Pott, Jos. Plolden, arclidn. of London, preb. of St. Paul's, chan. of 
 
 Exeter Cath.; Kensiyigton, v. bp. of London, 
 Poulter, Edm. preb. of Winton; Alton, v. ivith Holy bourn, c. dn. 
 
 and can. of Winton. Meonstoke, r. with Soberton, c. bp. of 
 
 Winton. 
 Pratt, J. S. preb. of Peterboro'; Maxey, v. Paston, r. v)ith Wer- 
 
 rington, c. dn. and ens. of Peterboro'. Peterboro', Sfc. v, bp. of 
 
 Peterboro*. 
 Preston, W. preb. of York ; Bulmer, r. earl Fitzwilliam. Buttcr- 
 
 wich, c. Parson Foord. Ergham, r. T. Grimstone. Sculcoates, 
 
 V. the King;. Whenby, V. W, Garforth. Wold Newton, v. 
 
 hon. M. Langton. 
 Pretyman, G. T. chan. and can. res. of Lincoln, preb. of Winton; 
 
 Chalfont St. Giles, r. Wheathampstead, r. with Ilarpcnden, t. 
 
 bp. of Lincoln. 
 Pretyman, John, preb. of Lincoln; Sherrington, r. Winwick, r. bp. 
 
 of Lincoln. 
 Pretyman, Richard, prec. and can. res. of Lincoln; Middleton Stoney, 
 
 r, Walgrave, r. ^vith Hannington, v. bp. of Lincoln. Wrough- 
 
 ton, V. bp. of Winton. 
 Having, at page 27, noticed the numerous ecclesiastical emoluments of the 
 Pretymans, we shall only give some account of the rise of the bishop, to whom 
 the family is indebted for its preferments. Tomline, formerly Pretyman, the 
 late bishop of AVinchestcr, was the son of a tradesman at Bury St. Edmund's, 
 at the grammar-school of whicii town he and his brother, Dr. John Pretyman, 
 the archdeacon ot Lincoln, received the elements of their education; after 
 which they removed to Cambridge. The bishop was distinguished at the 
 university as a good classical scholar and expert arithmetician. Having the 
 good fortune to become tutor to " the Heaven-born minister," he soon ex- 
 perienced the patronage of his pupil, who appointed him his private secretary, 
 and gave him a prel>endal stall in the church of St. Peter, ^^'estminster. In 
 1787 he was made bishop of Lincoln, to which preferment was added the 
 deanery of St. Paul's; and on the death of Dr. Randolph, he was oH'ered the 
 See of London, but that dignity he declined, from an expectation of something 
 more substantial, in which calculation he was not disappointed; for, on the 
 death of lirownlow North, he obtained the rich See of Winchester, the sutnmum 
 bonum of episcopal ambition. 
 
 Price, Morgan, Kncbworth, r. Letchworth, r. R. W. Lytton. Llnn- 
 
 gcdwyn, c. sir W. W. Wynne. Tallachdu, r. Parson Griffiths. 
 Proby, Charles, can. of Windsor; Tachbrook Bishops, v. Lichfield 
 
 Cath. Twickenham, v. d. and can. of Windsor. Waddesden, 
 
 3rd Port, r. duke Marlborough. 
 Probyn, John, archdn. of Llandati"; Abbenhall, r. E. Probyn. Ma- 
 
 thcrn, V. with Cacrwent, v. archdn. of Llandaff. 
 Proctor, Joseph, D.I), preb. of Norwich; Coningtoti, r. Gidding 
 
 Steeping, r. J. Hcathcolc.
 
 120 CHURCH OK ENGLAND. 
 
 Prosser, Richard, D.D. preb. of Durham, with Easington, r. 
 
 Radcliffe, John, Doddington, v. Teynham, v. archdn. of Cant. Lime- 
 house, Y. Brazcnose Coll. 
 
 Ramsdeu, W. B. Croxton All Saints, v. Christ Coll. Great Stam- 
 bridge, r. govs, of Charter House. Little Wakering , v. St. 
 Bart. Hospital. Wifcham, v. d. and c. of Ely. 
 
 Randolph, J. H. preb. of St. Paul's; Burtan Goggles, r. lord Chan. 
 Fobbiiig, r. the King. Nothall, v. bp. of London. 
 
 Randolph, T. preb. of St. Paul's, and chap, to the King; Great Had- 
 ham, r. and Little Hadham, c. bp. of London. 
 
 Raymond, Oliver, Belchamj) Walters, v. with Bulmer, v. Middle- 
 ton, r. Trustees of S. R. Raymond. 
 
 Rennell, Thomas, D.D. dn. of Winchester, preb. of St. Paul's. Bar- 
 ton Stacey, v. dn. and ch. of Winton. 
 
 The prebend was resigned to Dr. Rennell, by his father, on his obtaining a 
 fellowship in the university'. Having obtained the patronage of the Grenvilles, 
 he was presented to a living in the city, and, in 1798, was made master of the 
 Temple. On the death of Dr. Holmes he was presented to the deanery of Win- 
 chester. The dean married a daughter of judge Blackstone, by wiiom he has a 
 son, who is also in the church. He was suspected of being concerned in a 
 foolish book, called the Pursuits of Literature, but this charge he publicly dis- 
 avowed. He is the author of several political sermons, one delivered in ^V in- 
 chester cathedral, in 1793, on the Violence and Blood Guiltiness of the French 
 Revolution; another thanksgiving sermon for the success of his majesty's arms, 
 preached before the Collective Wisdom, 1798. We mention these forgotten 
 squibs, thinking they may afford a hint to spiritual aspirants, who may seek to 
 avail tliemselves of passing events, by serving up au rechauffe the labours of the 
 venerable dean. 
 
 Rice, hon. E. dn. of Gloucester, and precentor of York. Great Ris- 
 sington, r. lord Dynevor. Oddington, r. precentor of York. 
 Brother of lord Dynevor, and brother-in-law of the Markhams. 
 
 Richards, Charles, preb. of Winton. Chale, r. Incumbent. Winches- 
 ter, St. Bartholomew, v. the King. 
 
 Richardson, J. vie. chor. of York. Crambe, v. Hutton's Ambo, p. c. 
 abp. of York. Fryston Ferry, v. vie. chor. of York. Heslington, 
 V. Huntington, v. York Cath. 
 
 Rodney, hon. Spencer, New Roinney, v. All souls Coll. Sivarraton, 
 r. A. Baring, M.P. Wofistow, v. T. Swineston. 
 
 Brother of lord Rodney, a pensioner; another brother vicar of Eye, of which 
 the lord Chancellor is patron. 
 
 Roles, William, Raunds, v. Upton Lovel, r. Shnrncot, r. lord Chan. 
 
 Rolfe, Robert, Caldecot, r. Mrs. Tynte. Cockley Cley, r. R. Dash- 
 wood, Hempnall, v. John T. Mott. Yaxley, r. Thurgarton, r. 
 bp. of Norwich. 
 
 Rooke, George, Wolf or d, v. with Burmington, c. Woohercot, c. Mer- 
 ton Coll. Itardley Hastings, r. marquis Northampton. 
 
 Rowley, Joshua, Fast Bergholt, r. with Brentham, r. Incumbent. 
 Stoke by Nayland, r. sir W. Rowley. 
 
 Royle, James, Islington, v. the King. 'Stanfeld, r. rev. W. Now- 
 come. Wereham, p. c. with Wretton, c. Edvi-. W. Pratt.'
 
 BlSHOrS, DIGNITAEIES, AND PLURALISTS. 121 
 
 Rycroft, Henry, preb. of Lincoln. Greetham, r. Mumby, v. bp. of 
 
 Lincoln. 
 Ryder, hon. Henry, D.D. bp. of Lichfield and Coventry, with Pitch- 
 ley, r. annexed, and prebendary of Westminster, 
 Brother of lord Harrowby, and uncle of lord Sandon, M.P. late secrotary to the 
 India Board. The prelate was raised to the see of Gloucester on the translation 
 of Huntingford to the neighbourina; bishopric of Hereford, from whicli Luxmore 
 had been removed 1o St. Asaph. It is necessary to attend to these translations, 
 as they afford an important key in the disposal of patronage; the successive 
 removes of bishops and dignitaries generally being indicated by trails of rela- 
 tions left behind in possession of the most valuable preferments. 
 
 Sandiford, P., D.D. Ashbury, r. bp. of Bath. Fulmodeslon, r. with 
 Croxton, V. Corpus Christi Coll. Newton in the Isle, r. bp. of 
 Ely. 
 Sargent, J. Graffham, r. Woolavington, r. with Punton, v. J. Sar- 
 gent, esq. 
 Savory, Samuel H. Banner, c. earl Oxford. Houghton-in-the-Hole, 
 
 V. marquis Cholmondely. Twyford, r. G. Thomas. 
 Seale, J. B., D.D. Anstye, r. Camb. Stisted, v. abp. Cant. Wil- 
 
 lingale Spain, r. bp. of London. 
 Sirams, W. Eratt, Nayland, c. sir W. Rowley. Santon Downham, 
 p. c. lord Cadogan. West Bergholt, r. W. Fisher, West Toft, 
 r. J. Mosely. 
 Simpson ,T. Boynton, \. Carnaby, v. Fraisthorpe, c. sir G. Strickland. 
 
 Auborn, p. c. dn. of York. 
 Singleton, Thomas, archdn. of Northumberland -with Elsdon, r. an- 
 nexed, preb. of Worcester. 
 Skurray, Francis, Horningham, p. and p. c. dn. of Sarum. Lulling- 
 ton, r. marq. Bath. Winterbourne Abbas, r. and Steeplcton, 
 r. Lincoln Coll. Oxon. 
 Slaney, Richard, Kemberton, r. %vith Sutton Maddock, v. P. Brough- 
 ton. Penkridge, p. c. ivith Coppenhall Hay, c. Dunsto7i, c. and 
 Woodbaston, c. sir E. Lyttleton. 
 Sleath, John, D.D. head master of St. Paul's School, preb. of St. Paul's, 
 and chaplain to the King. 
 As Dr. Sleath is high master of St. Paul's school, we cannot help adverting 
 to the abuses in the management by the Mercer's company of that munificent 
 foundation of dean Colet. The landed revenues of the school amount to upwards 
 of £0000 per annum ; and by the aid of sundry outgoings in dinners, oomniit- 
 tees, pensions, repairs, gratuities, and medals, it is contrived that the expendi- 
 ture shall nearly equal the income. It is now admitted, the charity was 
 intended for all who could avail themselves of it, whether rich or poor ; why 
 then should the benefits of so wealthy a foundation, situated in the centre of the 
 metropolis, be limited to the precise number of 153 scholars? The company are 
 invested with full authority to modify the statutes of the school, as the changes 
 of the times may require. When the number 15S was fixed, the income of the 
 foundation was not one-fiftieth part of its present amount, and that number was 
 fixed solely from a superstitious notion of the founder.* 
 
 But if the company are scrupulous al)out violating the ordinances of dean 
 Colet, it is strange they have already violated so many. The dean ordained 
 
 • Account of Public Charities, abridged from the Commissioners' Reports, 
 with Notes and Comments, by the Editor of the " Cabinet Lawyer, " p. 15.
 
 122 CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 that, every morning, the children should be at the school by seven o'clock ; 
 that, thrice every day, prostrate, they should say their prayers ; that, at 
 Childernias-day, they should " come to I'aule Church and hear the Childe 
 Bishop's sermon, and after be at the high-mass." Are these things observed ? 
 
 The statutes of St. Paul's school are venerated in the same way, we suspect, 
 as those of the colleges of Eton and Winchester ; just as much of them is ob- 
 served as suits the interest of those having the management, the rest is given to 
 the winds. On this principle the high-master's salary of a tnark a week is in- 
 terpreted to mean £013 per annum, besides gratuities; and the surmaster's 
 salary of fis. 8d. a week £'.iOO per annum. From what part of the ordinances 
 the annual gold medal to the accountant-surveyor, or the fee of one guinea for 
 attendance on committees is derived, we have not been able to discover. 
 
 From the evidence of the high-masier, Dr. Slealh, it appears, the children 
 mostly belong to the clergy, the professional gentlemen, and medical men in 
 the neighbourhood, and to gentlemen in Doctors' Commons. It has been sug- 
 gested the instruction of the school should embrace reading, writing, and 
 mathematics, but we have not heard this plan has been adopted. There cer- 
 tainly appears no just reason why the education of the school should be limited 
 to the acquirement of Latin and Greek. Dean Colet contemplated no such 
 restriction when he said, " desiring nothyitge more thanne education and bring- 
 ing uppe children in good manners and literature." Without deviating from the 
 literal expression, education might be interpreted to include many other 
 branches of knowledge beside an acquaintance with the learned languages. 
 
 The profusion in the expenditure of the school is wholly indefensible. There 
 can be no doubt but the same number of boys might be taught Latin and Greek 
 at a much less sum than was paid in pension to the late high-master ; but it is 
 mostly thus in foundations under the management of corporate bodies ; no 
 eflbrts to economize or to multiply the objects of the charity. If there be a 
 surplus revenue it is sure to be exhausted in the expenses of committees, law- 
 agency, and surveyors' charges ; in extra repairs and improvements ; in osten- 
 tatious buildings ; in luxurious feasting for the parties and their friends ; and 
 in pensions ami gratuities. There is never too much — generally too little, and 
 the charity in debt. 
 
 Smith, S., D.D, dn. of Christchurch, preb. of York. Daventiy, y>- c. 
 
 Dry Drayton, r. Oxon. 
 Smith, Sidney, preb. of Bristol, and canon res. of St. Paul's. Foston, r. 
 
 lord chan. Londesboro\ v. duke of Devonshire. 
 Somerset, lord Wm. preb. of Bristol. Crick Lowel, r. Llangattock, r. 
 
 with Lonelly and Llangennett, c. duke Beaufort. 
 Sparke, Bowyer Edward, D.D. bishop of Ely ; consecrated bishop of 
 
 Chester, 1809. 
 Sparke, J. H. preb. and chan. of the diocese of Ely. Leverington, r. 
 
 ^vith Parson Drove, c. Littlebury , sinecure, r. bp. of Ely. 
 
 Son of the preceding ; the father had the good fortune to become tutor to 
 the duke of Rutland, and his advancement followed of course. From the 
 deanery of Bristol he was raised to the see of Chester ; and, on the death of 
 Dr. Dampier, removed to the valuable see of Ely. Besides an immense revenue 
 and numerous cathedral appointments, he has one hundred and eight livings in 
 his gift. For an account of the preferments the rev. prelate has heaped on his 
 family see p. 25. 
 
 Spooner, William, archdn. of Coventry, preb. of Lichfield. Acle, r. 
 
 lord Calthorpe. Klnidon, r. L. Spooner. 
 Spry, J. Hume, D.D. preb. of Canterbury. Hanbury, v. bp. Lich. 
 
 and Gov. St. Marylebone, r. the King-. 
 
 The commissioners of woods and forests purchased of the duke of Portland 
 the advowsou of the opulent and populous parish of Mary-le-bone, out of the
 
 BISHOPS, DIGNITARIES, AND PLURALISTS. 123 
 
 produce of the crown lands, for £40,000 ; this was considered less than the 
 value, but his grace was content to make a sacrifice, rather than the patronage 
 of so important a district should fall into the hands of dissenters. 
 
 Stabback, William, East Anstye, r. corp. of Exeter. >S'/. Stephen, r. 
 
 bp. of Exeter. Sancread,y. dn. and ch. of Exon. 
 Stanhope, Hon. F. H. R. St. Buryan, d, and r. ^vith St. Levan, c. the 
 
 King. Cattan, r. Wressle, v. lord Egremont. 
 Stawell, Wm. M. Creacotnbe, v. rev. W. Karslake. Filleigh, r, with 
 
 East Biickland, r. earl Fortescue. Ilig h- B ickiny ton, r. rev. W. 
 
 Stawell. 
 Stevens, Robert, D.D. dn. of Rochester, preb. of Lincoln. West Far- 
 
 leiyh, v. dn. and ch. of Rochester. 
 Stopfoi'd, hon. R. B. preb. of Hereford, can. of Windsor, chap, in ord. to 
 
 H.M. Barton Seagrave, r. duke Buccleugh. 
 Strong, Philip, Aston Abbots, v. lord Chesterfield. Colchester, St. 
 
 Michael, Mile End, t. My land, r, countess de Grey. 
 Stubbin, N. J. Higham, v. Offton, r. with Little Bricet, c. Sorners-. 
 
 ham, r. Trustees. 
 St. John, J. F. preb. of Worcester; Chaddesden, c. H. Gilbert. 
 
 Powick, V. Severnstoke, r. lord Coventry. Spondon, v. xvith 
 
 Locker, c. and Standley, c. D. W. Lowe. 
 Sumner, C. H. V. Farmborough, r. Gr. H. Sumner. Newdigate,T. 
 
 lord chan. Newington Butts, Trinity, c. rec. of Newington. 
 Sumner, Charles Rich. D.D. bishop of Winchester, sub-dean of Canter- 
 
 bur}', prelate of the order of the garter, and visitor of Winchester 
 
 College. 
 The right rev. prelate being visitor of Wincliester College it may not be im- 
 proper to call the attention of his lordship to the abuses which have crept into 
 the foundation, and which in the exercise of his power of inspection and super- 
 intendence he may have authority to reform. Tlie college was founded by 
 William of Wykham,in the fourteenth century, and, like that of Eton, intended 
 for the education of seventy " poor and indigent scholars." So careful was the 
 founder to confine the benefits of his institution entirely to the poor, that the boys, 
 when they attain the age of tifteen, solemnly swear they have not three pounds 
 six sliilllngs a year to spend; and it is expressly ordered, if ever any scholar 
 come into the possession of property to the amount of five pounds a year, he 
 shall be expelled. The management of the college is vested in the warden, the 
 bishop of Hereford, and ten reverend divines, termed " fellows," subject to the 
 visitation of the bishop of Winchester. The warden, fellows, and scholars, all 
 swear to observe the statutes, " according to their plain, literal, grannnatical 
 sense and understanding." Peculiar privileges are secured to the founder's kin, 
 ten or twelve of whom were lately upon the foundation. The revenue of the 
 college amounts to about £14,000, and the expenditurt; to £11,000. The value 
 of a fellowship, according to the evidence of Mr. Williams, is four or five 
 hundred pounds a year, with meat and drink gratis in tiie college ; also the use 
 of knives, forks, plates, and as many church livings as they can obtain. The 
 emoluments of a warden are double those ofa fellow, with travelling expenses, ^c. 
 The scholars are chosen yearly, by six electors ; their ordinary fare is bread and 
 butter to breakfast: beef, bread, and cheese to dinner; mutton, bread, and 
 cheese to supper, with beer at every meal. They have no spoons, knives, nor 
 forks, nor vegetables of any sort, allowed by the statutes, but they have salt and 
 wooden trenchers found, and one gown is given annually to each scholar for 
 clothing. The allowance for the suslentation of the boys may be varied agree- 
 ably to the statutes, according to the price of corn and provisions. 
 
 Such wc collect from the Third Report of the Education Conunittee, to be the
 
 124 CHUilCll OF ENGLAiNl). 
 
 history and nature of this foundation, which has been very strangely perverted 
 and abused. First, instead of the scholars being " poor and indigent," they are 
 all children of opulent 2)ersons ; some, we suspect, of noble families, who, at the 
 time they solemnly swear they have not three pounds six sliiUings a year to spend, 
 are paying ten guineas a year to the masters, and the average of their other 
 expenses exceeds lifiy. By a liberal translation oi tlie warden, who has sworn 
 to observe the statutes according to their literal and {grammatical sense, one hundred 
 shillings are considered equal to £(J6 : IS : 4. It is strictly enjoined that no 
 boy shall be admitted above twelve years of age. This is wholly disregarded. 
 The incomes of the fellowships are augmented to four or five hundred pounds 
 a year, by a liberal interpretation of the term describing their money payments : 
 while the strictest construction is adopted towards the scliolars and founder's 
 kin ; the latter continuing only to receive their old statutable allowance oi forty 
 shillings a year. Thus, too, while the scholars are refused the convenience of 
 knives, forks, spoons, plates, &c. on the ground that such articles of furniture 
 were unknown in the time of William of Wykham, the fellows are allowed those 
 accommodations, although the fellowships were endowed at the same early 
 period. That a surplus revenue of three or four thousand pounds may be 
 divided betwixt the warden and fellows, the parents of the scholars pay 
 between sixty and seventy pounds a year for tlieir education ; although it was 
 intended by the founder they should be instructed and maintained gratuitously. 
 During the inquiries of the Education Committee, a singular sort of delicacy 
 was manifested by the heads of this college to screen the abuses of the institution 
 from investigation. They affected to be extremely willing to give every possible 
 intbrmation relative to the college ; but unfortunately they had sAvorn, conform- 
 ably to the statutes, not to disclose the private affairs of the college ; and until 
 their scruples relative to this moral and religious obligation were removed, they 
 could not, forsooth, submit their concerns to the investigation of tlie commtttee. 
 Tsovv, this would have been all well enough, had it not been notorious that the 
 warden and fellows, on every occasion, when it suited their interest, had shown 
 the greatest contempt both for the oaths and ordinances of the founder ; nay, with 
 so little respect had these precious relics been treated by the reverend hypocrites, 
 who afiected to be suddenly seized with a profound veneration for them, that 
 they had been left exposed to the boys of the school, who scrawled upon them 
 whatever nonsense they pleased. But the truth is, they wished to avoid in- 
 quiry, — as well they might ; and Ihiy attempted to play off the same artifice on 
 the committee, in the construction of the statutes, which enabled tliem to deprive 
 the scholars of knives, forks, vegetables, and the kinsmen of the founder of their 
 yearly incomes. 
 
 Sumner, John Bird, D.D. bishop of Chester, with Waverton, r. an- 
 nexed, preb. of Durham. 
 Surtees, J. preb. of Bristol; Banham, r. The King. Bristol, St. 
 Augustine, v. and St. Mark, c. lord Chanc. Taverham, \st 
 and 2d Mediety, r. bp. Norwich and Mrs. Branthwayte alt. 
 Brother-in-law of lord Eldon. For another brother-in-law of the ex-chan- 
 cellor see M. V. Surtees, List of Places. 
 
 Sutton, Charles, D.D. Aldeburgh, r. duke Norfolk. Holme (near the 
 
 Sea) V. 2aith Bishops Thornham, v. bp. of Norwich. Norivich, 
 
 St. Geo. Tombla, r. bp. of Ely, 
 Sutton, E. L. one of the six preach, of Canterbury, and chaplain to the 
 
 House of Commons ; High Halden, r. St. Peter's, v. abp. of Cant. 
 Sutton, Robert, preb. of Ripon ; Falford, c. York, St. Michael in 
 
 Spurrier Gate, alias St. Michael at Ousebridge, r. lord Chan. 
 Sutton, T. M. preb. of Westminster, and chaplain to the House of 
 
 Commons; Great Chart, r. Tunstall, r. abp. of Cant. 
 Other Suttons are in the church, with one or two livings. Most of them, but 
 we cannot discover how many, are related to the late primate Sutton, whose
 
 BISHOPS, DIGNITARIES, AND PLURALISTS. 125 
 
 mode of disposing of church patronage has been described, page 2G. The arch- 
 bishop, like many other noble persons, was indebted for his education to the 
 Charter House, whicii opulent foundation was intended only for tlie '' mairi- 
 temnice and education of poore children," and "the relief of poore, fatherless, 
 decrepit, aged, sick, infirm, and impotent persons." On entering holy orders, 
 his grace obtained some ecclesiastical preferment, and soon after, by his affinity 
 to the Rutland family, was raised to the see of Norwich, witli which dignity he 
 was permitted to hold the deanery of Windsor. On tlie death of archbishop 
 Moore, in 1804, his lordship, by the special favour of George III., was elevated 
 to the primacy. It is observable that a short time before the following panegyric 
 on his grace appeai'ed in the Pursuits of Literature, a work ascribed to Mr. 
 Mathias, privy clerk to queen Charlotte :— " He is a prelate whose amiable 
 demeanour, useful learning, aud conciliating habits of life, particularly recom- 
 mend his episcopal character. No man appears to me so peculiarly marked out 
 for the highest dignity of the church, sede vacante, as Dr. Sotton." This pulF 
 direct, and the writer, availing himself of those opportunites which his situa- 
 tion afforded, is supposed to have materially contributed to the sudden exalta- 
 tion of the archbishop. The patronage of the archbishopric is 131 livings, an 
 archdeaconry, and three prebends. Out of this fund his grace was enabled to 
 provide comfortably for his numerous offspring. 
 Swainson, C. preb. of Hereford ; Clunn, v. icith Bettws, c. Edgton, 
 
 c. Llanvair Waterdine, c. and Shipton, c. earl Powis. 
 Swan, Francis, Kirtoii, v. ivith Brothertoft, c. Mercers' Comp. Lond. 
 
 Lincoln, St. Pet. Arc. r. and at Goats, p. c. Prebendary. Win- 
 
 teringham, r. rev. J. L. Saville. 
 Tanqueray, Edward, Ridgmont, v. Sequest. Tanipsford, r. the 
 
 King. Tingrith, r. Mr. Treven. 
 Taylor, C. D.D. preb. of Hereford and chanc. of the dio. Hereford; 
 
 Madley, v. with Tibberton, c. Stanton, St. Michael, v. dn. and 
 
 ch. Hereford. 
 Templer, G. H. preb. of Wells; Shajpwick, v. Incumbent. Thorn- 
 ford, r. Mrs. Sampson. 
 Tennyson, G. D.D. Benningworth, r. R. Ainstie. Great Grimsby, 
 
 St. Jaines, v. and St. Mary, v. G. R. Heneage. Sornersby, r. 
 
 R. Burton. 
 Thackeray, J. R. Downham Market, r. Miss Franks. Hadley, d. J. 
 
 Penny. Wiggenhall, St. Mary Magdalen, v. Mrs. Gorforth. 
 Thompson, John B. Luddesdown, r. rev. Dr. R. Thompson. Shrop- 
 
 ham, V. Corp. of Norwich. Thompson, c. S. Hethersett. 
 Thornhill, John, Cockfield, r. Staindrop, r. marquis Cleveland. 3Iid- 
 
 dleton in Teesdale, r. the King. 
 Thorpe, C. archdeacon of Durham ; vice Prosser, resigned. 
 Thurlow, Edward S. preb. of Norwich ; Eastwn, r. Stamfordham, v. 
 
 lord Chanc. Houghton-le-Spring , r. bp. of Durham. 
 Three more Thurlows in the churcli, one a pluralist. Houghton-le-Spring, 
 next to Brentford, is the highest valuation in the king's book, and rated at 
 £124. The pedigree of these preferments will be seen by referring to Thurlow 
 in our Place List. 
 Thynne, lord John, preb. of Westminster; Backwell, r. Kingston 
 
 Deverill, r. Street, r. with Walton, c. marquis of Bath. 
 Tliird son of the patron and son-in-law of the rev. C. C. IJeresford. 
 Tickell, John A. Castle Acre, v. T. W. Coke. Hempstead, near Holt, 
 
 V. Wighton, v. dn. and ch. of Norwich.
 
 12G cjiuRcn OF knc;land. 
 
 Timbrill, J. D D. archdn. of Gloucester, with Dursley, r. annexed, 
 
 Beckford, v, with Alston Under hill, c. Bradforton, v. with 
 
 Aldington, c. rev. Dr. Timbrell. 
 Tredcroft, Robert, preb. of Cbichester ; Fittleworth, v. bp. of Chi- 
 chester. Tangmere, r. duke Richmond. West Ichenor, r. 
 
 lord Chanc. 
 Trevelyan, Walter, preb. of Wells; .Henbtiry, v. with Aust, c. and 
 
 Northwick, c. lord Middleton. Nettlecoinhe, r. sir J. Trevelyan. 
 Treweeke, George, Illogan, r. lord de Dunstanville. Manselgamage, 
 
 V. St. Menver, v. sir J. G. Cotterell. 
 Trivett, W. Arlington, v, Willingdon, r. Chichester Cath. Ash- 
 
 btirnha?n, with Penshurst, r. dn. and ch. of Cant. Bradwell, r. 
 
 the King. 
 Turner, Richard, preb. of Lincoln; Great Yarmouth, p. c. dn. and ch. 
 
 of Norwich. Ormesby, St. Margaret, v. and St. Michael, v. 
 
 tcith Scroteby, c. Swelling, r. Incumbent. 
 Turner, Samuel, Attenborough, v. with Bramcote, r. F. Foljambe. 
 
 Nettleton, r. rev. W. Jackson. Rothwell, r. lord Middleton. 
 
 Tealhy, v. G. Tennyson. 
 Turton, Thomas, dn. of Peterborough, preb. of Lincoln, reg. prof, of 
 
 div. Cambridge. Somersham, r. with Coin St. Helen, c. a}id 
 
 Pidky, c. annexed ; Ginimingham, r. with Trunch, r. Cath, Hall, 
 
 Camb. 
 Underwood, T. can. res. of Hereford. Lugwardine, v. with Bartes- 
 
 try, c. Dewchurch, c. Hentland, c. Langarrow, c. and St. 
 
 Veep Wennard, c. dn. and ch. of Hereford. Ross, r. and v. 
 
 bp. of Hereford. 
 Van Mildert, W., D.D. bishop of Durham and custos rotulorum. 
 Vansittart, W,, DD. preb. of Carlisle, master of Wigston's Hosp. 
 
 Leicester. Waltham Abbas, with Shottesbrook, r. A. Van- 
 sittart. 
 Vernon-Harcourt, hon. Edward Venables, primate of England, and 
 
 lord almoner to the King. 
 Vernon, hon. J. S. V. preb. of Southwell. Barton in Fabis, r. abp. 
 
 of York. 
 Vernon, L. V. chan. of the church of York, archdn. of Cleveland. 
 
 Kirby in Cleveland, sinecure, r. Stainton, St. Winifrid, v. 
 
 Stokesley, r abp. of York. 
 Vernon, W. Venables, can. res. of York. Etton, r. Wheldrake, r. 
 
 abp. of York. 
 
 Six more Vernons, with valuable preferments. They belong to the family of 
 the archbishop of York. The Venables are also relations of the archbishop. 
 The right rev. prelate is the younger son of the late lord Vernon by his third 
 wife, the sister of the first lord Harcourt. He married a sister of the marquis 
 of Stafford, by whom he has several children, all well provided in church and 
 state. The first preferment of the bishop was a canonry in Christchurch ; he 
 was next advanced to the bishopric of Carlisle, on the removal of Douglas to 
 Salisbury; and, in 1S07, he succeeded Markham in the see of York. The 
 patronage of his grace is 80 livings, 50 prebends, besides precentorships and
 
 BISHOPS, DIGNITARIES, AND PLURALISTS. 
 
 127 
 
 sub-deaconries. We subjoin the following estimate of the gleanings of tlie 
 
 archbishop and^re sons during his primacy : — 
 
 Revenues of the archdiocese, 23 years £26,000 — 508,000 
 
 L, Vernon, chancellorship, prebend, and two 
 
 rectories, 10 years 3,000 30,000 
 
 W. Vernon, prebend and three rectories, 10 years 2,500 25,000 
 
 C. Vernon, one rectory, 10 years 2,000 20,000 
 
 G. Vernon, chancellor of diocese 1,800 1800 
 
 E. Vernon, registrar of diocese 2,000 2000 
 
 £37,300 670,800 
 
 Vevers, Richard, Saxby, r. lord Harborough. Stoke Albany, r. Wil- 
 
 barston, v. lord Sondes. 
 Vevers, R. W. Coates, v. sequestrated. Marton, v. bp. of Lincoln. 
 
 Somershall, r. lord Chesterfield. 
 Vincent, Win. preb. of Chichester, London, Allhallozvs, Great and 
 
 Less, r. abp of Cant. 
 Son of the late Dr. Vincent, head-master of "Westminster school, dean of 
 Westminster, King's chaplain, and rector of Allhallows. The son has appa- 
 rently succeeded to most of his father's prefermenis. The doctor was patronized 
 by lord Sidmouth, from whom he received a prebend in the collegiate church of 
 Westminster. He preached and published several loyal sermons, which were 
 carefully distributed by the Association for the" Protection of Property," at 
 the Crown and Anchor Tavern. 
 
 Vivian, J. W., D.D. min. can. of St. Paul's. London, St. Austin 
 
 and St. Faith, r. Mucking, v. dn. and ch. of St. Paul's. 
 Wakeham, H. Culford, r. %uith Ingham, r. and Timworth, r. bp. 
 
 of Lich. and Cov. 
 Walker, A. J. Bishops Stone, r. Llangua, r. Yazer, v. U. Price. 
 Walpole, Robert, Ittcringham, r. with iM anning ton , r. lord Orford. 
 
 St. Mary-le-bone, Christchurch, d. r. the King*. 
 Ward, Wm. D.D. bishop of Sodor and Man, preb. of Sarum. Great 
 
 Horkesley , r. countess de Grey. 
 Warneford, S. W., D.D. Burton on the Hill, r. ^uith Morrton in 
 
 Marsh, c. and Lower Slaughter, c. Liddiard Millicent, r. 
 
 rev. Dr. Warneford. 
 Warren, J. dean of Bangor. 
 
 Watson, J. J., D. D. archdn. of St. Alban's, preb. of St. Paul's. Digs- 
 well, r. Incumbent. Hackney, r. S.Tysson. 
 Watson, Richard, preb. of Wells and Llandaff. Dingestotu, v. xcith 
 
 Tregan, c. arch, and ch. Llandaff. Penrice, v. Undy, v. bp. 
 
 Llandaff. 
 Watson, Robert, Barlavington, r. South Bradon, sinecure, r. lord 
 
 Egremont. Egdean, r. Hardham, r. sir G. F. Goring. 
 These Watsons are relicts of the late Dr. Watson, bishop of LandalT, arch- 
 deacon of Ely, rector of Knoptoft, professor of divinity in Cambridge, with the 
 rectory of Somersham, in Huntingdonshire, annexed. The bishop had been 
 tutor to the late duke of Rutland, who gave him the rectory of Knoptoft, and 
 next exerted his influence for his advancement to the bishopric of LandafT. 
 Here the prelate became stationary : his politics did not exactly accord with 
 the Toryism of George III., and the doctrines advanced by him in the Ameri- 
 can war and during the French Revolution, prevented his translation to a
 
 128 CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 richer see. Neither his ambition nor cupidity, however, appear to have been 
 less than those of liis brethren. In the Posthumous Memoirs published by his 
 son, he complains bitterly that his " public services" had not been sufficiently 
 rewarded, though possessed of the numerous preferments mentioned. He also 
 declaims lustily against the statesmen of his time, declaring that they " sacri- 
 ficed their public principles fo private ends, and their honour to their ambition," 
 and that their " patriotism was merely a selfisli struggle for power." In the 
 latter opinions all men had reason to concur, unless those blinded by prejudice 
 or personal attachment. 
 
 Webb, Richard, min. can. of St. Paul's, Westminster, and Windsor. 
 Kensivorth, v. dn. and can. of St. Paul's. 
 
 One might exhibit a curious and authentic account of the private history of 
 this minor canon of three churches ; but we wish to avoid personal details 
 relative to the clergy. First, because to enter into the private history of the 
 clergy would far exceed our limits. Secondly, because we had not materials 
 for so doing, unless we chose to rely on reports and statements which we had 
 no means of verifying. Lastly, and this is our principal reason, the best au- 
 thenticated private details serve only to expose individuals, not the system ; 
 ■whereas our object has constantly been to expose the systeJn, not the individuals 
 composing it. As a body, no doubt the clergy have improved in external de- 
 meanor as well as other classes of the community. Modern manners do not 
 sanction the gross vices which were common forty or iifty years ago ; and for 
 sake of social intercourse the priesthood have found it necessai-y to conform to 
 the altered fashion of the times. The clergy, therefore, do not frequently come 
 intoxicated to church, nor reel into the streets in open day-light: still some of 
 them, according to Mr. Beverly, continue addicted to hard drinking, " I have 
 been acquainted," says he, *' with drunken clergymen at Cambridge, and the 
 intoxication of one, in particular, was so remarkable, that I have often won- 
 dered how he was able to clear his head for the Sunday morning's duty, after 
 the Saturday night's debauch. I state it also as a notorious fact, that at the 
 present moment there are priests in that University remarkable for their intem- 
 perate habits. There was in existence, within these five years, a clerical club, 
 consisting of not more than six members, who used to meet at a tavern every 
 Sunday evening, after their days' labours, and indulge in compotations worthy 
 of the hard-drinking parsons of Queen Anne's reign." 
 
 Webber, Charles, archdn. and can. res. of Chichester. Am.-pGrt,\. with 
 
 Appleshaiv, c. dn. and ch. of Chichester. 
 Webber, E. Bathealton, r, bp. of Bath. Runnington, r. the King. 
 
 Thome, St. Margaret, c. archdn. of Taunton. 
 Webber, James, preb, of Westminster, dn. of Ripon. Kirkham, v. 
 
 Christ Church, Oxon, Westmmster, St. Marg. r. dn. and ch. of 
 
 Westminster. 
 Welby, John Earle. Hacehy,r. W, G. Welby. Harston, r. the King. 
 
 Stroxton, r. sir J. E. Welby. West Allington, r. dn, and ch. of 
 
 Exon. 
 Welfitt, William, D.D. preb. of Canterbury. Elmstead, v. Hasting- 
 
 leigh, r. abp. of Cant. Ticehurst, v. dn. and ch. of Cant. 
 Wellesley, hon. G. V., D.D. preb. of Durham, chap, in ord. to H. M. 
 
 Bishop's Wearmouth, r. bp. of Durham. Chelsea, r. lord Ca- 
 
 dogan. Therjield, r. dn. and ch, of St, Paul's. 
 Brother of lady Ann Culling Smith, and the Duke of Wellington, whom see 
 in our Place List. 
 Wells, George, preb. of Chichester. Billinghurst, v. sir H. Goring. 
 
 Wilson, r. C. Goring.
 
 BISHOPS, DIGNITARIES, AND PLURALISTS. 129 
 
 Westcombe, Thomas, min. can. of Winton. Prestoii, Candover, v. 
 
 with Nutley, c. An. im(\. c\\. oiV^inion. Winchester, St. Peter 
 
 Stoke, r. with St. John, r. lord Chan. 
 Weston, C, F. Melton Ross, p. c. Prebendary. Ruckland, r. with 
 
 Farforth, v. and Harden Well, c. lord Yarborough. Suvierby, 
 
 r. ivith Bagenderby, r. the King. 
 Wetherell, Henry, arclidn. of Hereford and preb. of Gloucester. Kent- 
 church, r. the King. Kingstone, v. dn.of Hereford. 
 Whichcote, Francis, Asivardby, r. Deeping, St. James, v. Swarby, 
 
 V. sirT. Whichcote. 
 Whinfield, H, Battlesdon, r. luith Potsgrove, r. sir G. P. Turner. 
 
 Tyringham, r. with Filgrave, r. Wm. Praed. 
 Whallcy, R. T. preb. of Wells. Ilchester, r. Yeovilton, r. bp. of Bath. 
 Whistler, W. W, Hastings, All Saints, r. and St. Clements, r. sir 
 
 G. Webster. Newtimber, r. N. Newnham. 
 Whitcombe, Francis, Ferring, v. Prebendary. Lodsworth, c. S. W. 
 
 Poyntz. Stanlake, v. Mag-dalen Coll. 
 White, Henry, vie. of Lichfield Cath. Chebsea, v. Dilhorn, v. Rid- 
 
 ware Pipe, c. dn. and ch. of Lichfield. 
 Whittingham, Paul, rain. can. of Norwich. Martham, v. Norwich, 
 
 St. Saviour, r. Scdgford, v. dn. and ch. of Norwich. 
 Wickham, Thomas, preb. of Sarum. North Newington,v. with Little 
 
 Knoyle, c. preb. of Sarum Cath. Yatton, v. with Kenn, c. preb. 
 
 of Yatton. 
 Wilkins, G., D.D. preb. of Southwell. Loicdham, v. Nottingham, 
 
 St. Mary, v. and St. Paul, c. Snenton, p. c. Earl Manvers. 
 
 Jf'ing, r. lord Chan. 
 Wilkinson, V/, F. East Harling, v. W. F. Wilkinson. North Wal- 
 
 sham, V. with Antingham, St. Margaret, r. Queen's Coll. Cam. 
 
 Norwich, St. Benedict, c. and St. Laurence, r. Parishioners. 
 Wilkinson, M. W. Harescombe, r. tvith Pitchcotnbe, r. Mrs. Parnell. 
 
 Redgrave, r. G. St. Wilson. Uley, r. lord Chan. 
 Willoiighby, H. P. Birthorpe,r. Burythorpe, c. lord Chan. 
 Wingfield, Thomas, Stnpleford, v. Teigh, r. lord Harborough. Tick- 
 
 encote, r. J. Wingfield. 
 Wintle, Robert, preb. of St. Paul's. Compton Beauchamp, r. IMr. 
 
 Wright. Culham, v. bp. of Oxford. 
 Wodehouse, hon. A. Bixton, r. East and West Lexham, r. with 
 
 Litchans, r. Kimberley , v. with Barnham Broom, r. lord 
 
 Wodehouse. 
 Wodehouse, C. N. preb. of Norwich. Geldestone, r. lord Chan. 
 
 Bluj-ningthorpe, r. the King. 
 Wodehouse, Thomas, can. res. of Wells. Norton, r. Stourmouth, r 
 
 bp. of Rochester. 
 Wodehouse, hon. W. Carlton Forehoe, r. lord Wodehouse. Hingham 
 
 r. Falmouth, r. hon. and rev. W. Wodehouse. 
 Tlie hon. and rev. A. Wodehouse, who has four rectories and a vicarage, is 
 the son of lord Wodehouse, the patron, and son-in-huv of sir T. l?eauclianip- 
 
 K
 
 130 CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 Proctor. W. Wodehouse is anotlier son of the noble lord. Several more of the 
 family are well provided in church or state, but a notice of them does not belong 
 to our present sul)ject. 
 Wollen, W., D. D. Bridgewater, v. with Chilton Trinity, v. Kil- 
 
 ton, V. the King. 
 Wood, George, Can?i. St. Rumbold, r. Dorchester, Trinity, v. 
 
 Shnfteslmry , St. Rumbold, r. lord Shaftesburj'. 
 Wood, J., D.D. dean of Ely. Freshwater, r. St. John's Coll. Camb. 
 Wood, Peter, preb. of Chichester. Broadwater, r. Rusper, r. Mr. 
 
 Wood. 
 Worslej^ Ralph, sub-dean of Ripon. Finchley, r. bp. of London. 
 
 Little Ponton, r. rev. Dr. Dowdeswell. 
 Woodcock, H. preb. of Sarum, can. of Christ Church. Longparish, 
 
 or Middleton Vrehend, lady Churchill. Michaebnarsh, r. bp. 
 
 of Winton. 
 Woodhouse, J. C. dn. of Lichfield and Coventiy. 
 Woodward, W. P. preb. of Chichester. Plumpton, r. Mrs. Woodward. 
 
 West Grinstead, r. Mr. Woodward. 
 Woolcombe, Henry, Ashbury, r. the King. High Hampton, r. J. M. 
 
 Woolcombe. Pillaton, r. W. Helgar. 
 Worsley, H., D.D. Gatcomb, r. Mr. Campbell. St. Laiurence, r. 
 
 hon. C. A. Pelham. Woolvcrton, r. Messrs. R. and J. Clarke. 
 Wrangham, Francis, archdn. of East Riding of York and preb. of York 
 
 and Chester. Dodleston, r. dn. and ch. of Chester. Hu7imanby , 
 
 V. %oith Fordon, c. Muston, v. H. S. Osbaldeston. 
 Wrench, J. G., D.C.L. Blakeyiey , c. Haberdashers' Comp. London. 
 
 Salehurst, v. S. Micklethwait. Stoioting, r. rev. Dr. Wrench. 
 Wrey, B. W. Combintenhead , r. Taivstock, v. Temple Imp. c. sir B. 
 
 Wrey. 
 Wright, Thomas, East Claydon, v. Middle, r. and Steeple, v. jMr. 
 
 Vacknell. 
 Wyndham, T. T., D.D. Hinton Admiral, p. c. G. J. Topps. Mel- 
 combe, r. with Radipole, c. W. Wyndham. Pimpeme, r. lord 
 
 Rivers. 
 Yonge, Denys, East Anthony, v. R. Carewe. West Putford, r. lord 
 
 Clinton. Willoiighton, v. King's Coll. and lord Scarborough, alt. 
 Yonge, James, Cocking ton, c. Tormoham, c. rev. R. Mallock, 
 
 Stockley Pomeroy, r. bp. of Exeter. 
 Yonge, William, Chan, of d. of Norwich. Hillburgh, r. earl Nelson. 
 
 Stvaffluan, v. rvith Threxton, r. bp. of Norwich. 
 Several more Yoyiges in the church. They are, by marriage, relations of earl 
 Nelson, prebendary of Canterbury, and a pensioner to the amount of £5000 per 
 annum.
 
 VAIXATIONS IN THE KING S BOOK. 
 
 131 
 
 VALUATION OF SEES AND DIGNITIES IN THE KINg's BOOK. 
 The only authentic return of the amount of church revenues is the Valoi- Eccle- 
 siasticus, of the time of Henry VIII. This document is incomplete even for the 
 period it was obtained, many deaneries and ecclesiastical dignities having been 
 omitted ; and it is still less applicable to the present, owing to the vast alteration 
 in the value of land and tithe. Still it is the only authentic basis for estimating 
 the value of sees and dignities ; and, aided by information from other sources, 
 we may foi'm an estimate of the incomes of the bishops, deans, archdeacons, 
 precentors, chancellors, and other cathedral and diocesan officials. 
 
 In the parliamentary session of 1830, Dr. Lushington admitted the income of 
 the See of Canterbury amounted to £32,000, and the bishop of London admitted his 
 income amounted to about £15,000, Tims it appears from the subjoined table of 
 the valuations in Liber Regis that these sees have increased in value twelve and 
 fourteen fold. The revenues of other sees and dignities being derived from 
 sources similar to those of Canterbury and London, the incomes of any of the 
 bishoprics, dignities, and offices in the subjoined statement may be calculated 
 to have augmented in a similar ratio. In some instances we have only been able 
 to insert the xjear when the dignity was received by the present possessor; the 
 value not being returned in the King's Book. 
 
 If churchmen demur to our mode of calculating their incomes, our reply is — 
 let us have an authentic and authorised return of the amount of ecclesiastical 
 revenues. Till then we must depend on collateral and inferential evidence. 
 
 King's Book. 
 
 Archbishop ;...£2C82 12 2 
 
 Dean 1827 
 
 Archdeacon 1C3 1 10 
 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 Wm. Welfitt 1786 
 
 Geo. Moore 1795 
 
 Chas. Norris 1799 
 
 Earl Nelson 1803 
 
 Robt. Moore 1804 
 
 Walt, Brown 1804 
 
 J. E. Boscawen 1 822 
 
 Archdn. Croft 1822 
 
 W. F. Baylay 1820 
 
 John Russell 1827 
 
 J. Hume Spry 1H28 
 
 John Peel 1828 
 
 ¥orft: 
 
 Archbishop IGIO 
 
 Dean :i08 10 7 
 
 Chancellor of the Church 85 8 
 
 Precentor 90 4 2 
 
 King's 
 
 Sub-dean £50 
 
 Succcntor 8 
 
 Archdeacons. 
 
 Robt. Markham 90 
 
 Eras. Wrangham 62 
 
 L. Ver. Harcourt 36 
 
 VV^m. Barrow 61 
 
 Canons Resideyitiarij. 
 
 Archdeacon Markham . . 82 
 
 W. Ver.-Harcourt 40 
 
 Charles Hawkins 14 
 
 W.H.Dixon 32 
 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 Hon. J. Lumley Savile .. 14 
 
 H. Kitchingman 17 
 
 Samuel Smith 9 
 
 Laniplugh Hird 17 
 
 Hon. A.Cathcart 43 
 
 Robert Affleck 2 
 
 W. R. Hay 19 
 
 Edward ()tter 34 
 
 William Preston 14 
 
 R. Carey 42 
 
 K 2 
 
 Book. 
 
 14 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 14 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 11 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 8 
 
 4 
 
 10 
 
 5 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 17 
 
 I 
 
 17 
 
 1 
 
 17 
 
 1 
 
 19 
 
 1 
 
 IT 
 
 1 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 11 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 17 
 
 1
 
 132 CHURCH OF 
 
 Hon. H. E. J. Howard .. £11 3 9 
 
 Archd. Wrangham 35 
 
 Dean of Wells GOO 
 
 Walter Fletcher 34 7 3 
 
 John Hull 37 15 5 
 
 Theophilus Barnes 38 IG 
 
 Dean of Norwich 65 10 
 
 Charles W . Eyre 74 7 1 
 
 G. P. Marriott 32 13 4 
 
 Henry John Todd 38 17 11 
 
 Henry Markham 10 2 6 
 
 Hammond Roberson .... 8 
 
 John Low e 33 11 8 
 
 T. Hutton Croft 47 16 3 
 
 G. H. Vernon, Chanc 1818 
 
 Hontrou : 
 
 Bishop 1000 
 
 Dean 210 12 
 
 Chancellor 33 
 
 Precentor 40 7 6 
 
 Treasurer 37 
 
 Archdeacons. 
 
 G. O. Cambridge 00 
 
 Jo3. Holden Pott 23 13 4 
 
 I. J. Watson 1816 
 
 Hugh C.Jones 52 
 
 W. RoweLyall 50 9 
 
 Canons Residentiary. 
 
 Very Rev. the Dean 10 5 
 
 Thos. Hughes 6 
 
 F. W. Blomberg 7 17 1 
 
 Sydney Smith 7 13 4 
 
 Prebendaries of St. Paul's. 
 
 William Gibson 8 G 8 
 
 Robert Watts 5 15 1 
 
 Dean of Winchester .... 10 2 
 
 Thomas Wintle 12 
 
 George Seeker 13 13 4 
 
 William Wood 6 
 
 Richard Lendon 7 13 
 
 Thomas Randolph 34 8 9 
 
 W. S. Goddard •••••••. 8 6 S 
 
 Bishop of Carlisle 39 13 4 
 
 A. R. Chauvel 28 15 10 
 
 Samuel Birch ,. 5 6 8 
 
 John H. Randolph 5 G 8 
 
 Archdeacon Pott 19 17 6 
 
 John Sleath 5 6 8 
 
 Dean of Christ Church .. 11 G 8 
 
 Archdeacon Walson .... 14 O 8 
 
 Sir Herb. Oakeley, Bt. . . 21 G 8 
 
 Jon, Tyers Barrett 12 
 
 H. Handley Morris 8 5 5 
 
 C. E. J.Dering 46 
 
 Charles "VVodswortli .... 5 6 8 
 
 William Hale Hale 11 10 10 
 
 John Smith 17 19 2 
 
 T. Hartwell Home 13 6 8 
 
 John Lonsdale 28 
 
 ENGLAND. 
 
 Minor Canons of St. Paul's. 
 
 H. Fly, Sub-dn. 8f 1st Can. £24 17 11 
 
 H. J. Knapp 2d do . . 20 6 3 
 
 W. Holmes 3d do . . 20 6 3 
 
 R. H. Barham .. 4thdo.. 13 16 5 
 
 W.J.Hall 5th do.. 15 9 9 
 
 J.W.Vivian 6th do.. 16 15 11 
 
 J. Lupton 7th do.. 15 9 9 
 
 J.T.Bennett ... 8th do.. 17 11 8 
 
 R. C. Packman.. 9th do.. 14 9 9 
 
 E.G.A.BeckwithlOthdo.. 16 16 8 
 
 E. J. Beckwith..llth do.. 13 10 10 
 
 C. Packe 12th do.. 13 8 6 
 
 S. Lushington, Chancellor 1828 
 
 Bishop 1821 1 2 
 
 Dean, Bishop of St. David's 1827 
 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 David Durell 1801 
 
 Bishop of Bristol 1804 
 
 R. Prosser 1804 
 
 Bishop of Chester 1820 
 
 J. Savile Ogle 1820 
 
 Th. Gisborne 1 823 
 
 G. Townsend 1 825 
 
 Wm. S.Gilly 1826 
 
 G. V. Wellesley , 1827 
 
 Charles Thorp 1829 
 
 Bishop of Exeter 1 831 
 
 Samuel Smith 1831 
 
 Archdeacons. 
 
 C.Thorpe 100 
 
 Thos. Singleton 36 13 4 
 
 ?l^liitc]^e0lcr : 
 
 Bishop 2873 18 1 
 
 Dean, Thomas Rennell 1805 
 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 Edm. Poulter 1791 
 
 Robt. Barnard 1793 
 
 Lord M'alsingham 1807 
 
 Geo. F. Nott 1810 
 
 W. Harrison 1820 
 
 Rd. Cockburn 1825 
 
 G. Pretjwnan 1S25 
 
 Ch. Richards 1827 
 
 Edw. James 1828 
 
 Wm. Dealtry 1830 
 
 William \ aux 1831 
 
 Thos. Garnier 1831 
 
 Archdeacons. 
 
 Lord Walsingham 91 3 6 
 
 Ven. Chas. J. Hoare .... 67 15 2 
 
 Isangor: 
 
 Bishop .... 
 
 Dean 
 Chancellor 
 Precentor . , 
 
 1830 
 
 22 17 3 
 3 4 
 4 2
 
 VALUATIONS IN THE KING's BOOK. 
 
 133 
 
 Treasurer £0 18 9 
 
 Archdeacon 13 3 4 
 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 Henry Warren 29 IG 
 
 H. W. Majendie 
 
 8 
 
 5 7 
 
 Canons. 
 
 
 
 T.Roberts.... 1st Can... 
 
 
 
 3 4 
 
 R. Williams ..2d do 
 
 
 
 3 4 
 
 R. New'come . .3d do. . . . 
 
 
 
 3 4 
 
 ::::l 
 
 Senior Vicar Choral 
 Junior Vicar Choral 
 
 Bishop 533 
 
 Dean and Canon Kes 121 
 
 Sub-dean of Wells 21 
 
 Chancellor of the Church 40 
 
 Precentor 24 
 
 Treasurer 62 
 
 Archdeacons. 
 
 Henry Law 144 
 
 ('.A. Moysey 25 
 
 A.Hamilton 83 
 
 Canons Res. of ]Vells. 
 
 Henry Gould 4 
 
 Frederick Beadon 24 
 
 Thos. Wodehouse 4 
 
 Ch. Henry Pulsford 5 
 
 H. W. IJarnard 42 
 
 Archdeacon Law , 
 
 Prebendaries of Wells. 
 
 17 5 
 
 W.F.Browne. 
 Thomas Heberden . 
 Hon. J. Marsham . 
 Henry Parsons . . . 
 J. Thos. Casberd. . . 
 
 John Williams 
 
 Edward Willes . . . 
 Brook H. Bridges . 
 J. Watson Beadon . 
 Edward Edgell .. . 
 
 John Lukin 
 
 George H. Templer. 
 Thomas Williams . 
 
 7 
 G 
 7 
 C 
 5 
 7 
 5 
 14 
 15 
 
 22 
 4 
 
 9 
 
 Joseph Drury 22 
 
 J. W. Hoskins 5 
 
 W. Hen. Turner 5 
 
 Richard Watson 
 
 William Lucas 
 
 Francis Goforth 
 
 Charles Johnson 
 
 William Gimingham . . 
 
 R. P.Whish 
 
 Thomas S. Escott .... 
 
 Robert Forster 
 
 W. P. Thomas 
 
 AVad. KnatchbuU 
 
 P'rancis Warre 
 
 Geo. M. Coleridge 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 15 
 
 7 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 11 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 , .182S 
 
 16 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 14 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 IG 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 15 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 G 
 
 8 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 Master of Balliol £22 
 
 George Vanbrugh 4 13 4 
 
 Rob. Vanbrugh Law . . . . 11 13 4 
 
 Archdeacon Moysey .... 5 6 8 
 
 Henry Pepys 3 7 6 
 
 Miles Bland 5 6 8 
 
 Samuel Blackall 5 G 8 
 
 Chas. Edm. Keene 38 7 
 
 Archd. of Taunton 1 5 7 
 
 \V. A. Fitzhugh 11 G g 
 
 Henry Hoskms G 12 1 
 
 William Bowe 22 
 
 \V. B. Whitehead 11 4 2 
 
 Charles M. Mount 5 C 8 
 
 Bristol : 
 
 Bishop £327 5 7 
 
 Dean, H. Beeke 1814 
 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 H. J. Ridley 1816 
 
 VV'illiam Bond 1818 
 
 John Surtees 1821 
 
 Lord W. Somerset 1822 
 
 Samuel Lee 1831 
 
 Henry Harvey 1831 
 
 Archdeacon of Dorset. .. . 82 12 8 
 
 Bishop £420 13 3 
 
 Dean, R.Hodgson 1820 
 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 Adn. Markham 1801 
 
 S. J. Goodenough 1810 
 
 W. A'ansittart 1824 
 
 Dean of Wells 1826 
 
 Archdeacon, S.J. Goodenough ..1831 
 Chancellor, W. Fletcher 1814 
 
 Bishop £420 
 
 Dean, G. Davys 1831 
 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 Archd. Clarke 1801 
 
 James Slade 1816 
 
 Archdn. W rangham 1825 
 
 Wm. Ainger 1827 
 
 G. B. Blomfield 1827 
 
 Rubt. V. L^w 1829 
 
 Archdeacons. 
 
 Unwiu Clarke 1801 
 
 John Headlam 1826 
 
 Bishop 677 5 3 
 
 Dean 58 9 4 
 
 Precentor 35 10 
 
 Chancellor of the Ciiurch 27 7 1 
 
 Treasurer 62 6 8
 
 134 
 
 CHURCH or ENGLAND. 
 
 Archdeacons. 
 
 Charles Webber 38 
 
 Thomas Birch 39 
 
 Chancellor of the Diocese 
 
 Canuns Residentiary. 
 
 Archdeacon Webber IG 
 
 Thomas Baker 12 
 
 Charles E. Hutchinson . . 10 
 
 Charles Webber, jun 
 
 Cimons Non-residents. 
 
 Thomas Heberden 11 
 
 Treasurer of Church .... 20 
 
 Chanc. of Church 8 
 
 R. Constable 6 
 
 George Fred. Nott 18 
 
 James Capper 2 
 
 Barre Phipps 4 
 
 Precent of Church 20 
 
 3 4 
 15 
 .1822 
 
 13 6 
 
 
 
 .1829 
 
 John G. Challen . . . . 
 William \Voodw-ard 
 Thomas Yalintine . , 
 
 Charles Gray , 
 
 Edmund Cartviright 
 Hugh James Rose . , 
 George H. Webber . 
 
 11 
 
 13 
 
 9 
 
 13 
 
 16 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 Peter Wood 18 
 
 17 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 13 4 
 
 13 4 
 
 15 
 
 13 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 6 8 
 
 6 8 
 
 16 8 
 
 
 
 16 8 
 
 10 
 
 6 8 
 
 6 8 
 
 5 
 
 16 8 
 
 George Shiffner 
 
 Edward Fulham 
 
 W. St. A. Vincent . . 
 
 J. Lettice 
 
 S. J.Tufnell 
 
 Chancellor of Diocese 
 
 R. Tredcroft 
 
 Richard Bingham . . 
 David Williams .... 
 
 George Wells 10 
 
 Henry Atkins 9 
 
 Bishop £2134 18 
 
 Dean, James Wood 1820 
 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 Archdeacon Cambridge 1795 
 
 George L. Jenyns 1802 
 
 John H. Sparke 1818 
 
 Henry Fardell 1819 
 
 W. W, Childers 1824 
 
 E. B. Sparke 1S29 
 
 Benj. Parke 1831 
 
 Wm. French 1831 
 
 Archdeacon 97 5 2 
 
 iaTf ter : 
 
 Bisliop, H. Phillpotts 1830 
 
 Dean, W. Landon 158 
 
 Canons Residentiary. 
 Precentor, Thomas Bavtlam 99 13 4 
 Chanc. of the Ch.jAdn Potts 59 
 
 Treasurer, The Lord Bishop 32 7 3 
 
 Sub-dean, J. Parker Fisher 22 10 
 
 Archdeacons. 
 
 John Moore CO 15 10 
 
 R. H. Froude 37 19 7 
 
 John Sheepshanks 50 6 5 
 
 George Barnes 49 
 
 15 Prebendaries, £4 each. 
 
 01oure0trr : 
 
 Bishop £315 7 3 
 
 Dean, E. Rice 1825 
 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 Hon. D. Finch 1792 
 
 G. W. Hall 1810 
 
 T. Selwyn 1814 
 
 E. Bankes 1821 
 
 Adn. Wetherell 1825 
 
 J. H. Sejuiour 1829 
 
 Archdeacon 04 1 q 
 
 Bishop £768 
 
 Dean 
 
 Chancellor 
 
 Precentor 
 
 Treasurer 
 
 Archdeacons. 
 
 J.J. Corbett 
 
 Henry Wetherell 
 
 Canons Residentiary. 
 T. Underwood . - . 
 John Glutton . . . 
 Hen. C. Hobart . 
 H. H. Morgan... 
 Arthur Matthews 
 
 38 
 
 14 
 
 21 
 
 9 
 
 32 
 41 
 
 14 
 
 7 
 1 
 4 
 3 
 Canons or Prebendaries. 
 
 John Wall 1 
 
 J. Walker Baugh 11 
 
 R. Wetherell 15 
 
 Lo\ e Robertson 28 
 
 Samuel Picart 7 
 
 Christ. Swainson 12 
 
 Edward Barnard 10 
 
 Hon. R. B. Stopford 17 
 
 James Garbett 7 
 
 Dean of St. Asaph 15 
 
 Henry Hoskins 11 
 
 H. Huntingford 15 
 
 Charles Taylor 20 
 
 Harry Lee 10 
 
 Archdeacon Clarke 17 
 
 James M'etlierell 6 
 
 Hon. J. Somers Cocks . . 2 
 
 James Johnson 2 
 
 Fred. Twisleton 3 
 
 Hon. Hen. Rodney 11 
 
 K. E. Money 15 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 9 
 
 7 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 17 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 17 
 
 8 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 19 
 
 2 
 
 13 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 6 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 18 
 
 1 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 6 
 
 18 
 
 9 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 2 
 
 12 
 
 11 
 
 9 
 
 7 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 

 
 VALUATIONS IN TUIi KINGS HOOK. 
 
 135 
 
 Dean of Hereford 2 7 8 
 
 JoUn Clutton, jun 2 3 4 
 
 ^lit^fitVO & (Coventry: 
 
 liisliop 551) 17 3 
 
 Dean of Lichfield 40 
 
 Precentor 40 
 
 Chancellor 40 13 1 
 
 Treasurer 56 13 4 
 
 J. Newling 34 
 
 Spencer Madan 23 
 
 Geo. Hodson 30 
 
 Archdeacons. 
 
 Samuel Butler 20 13 4 
 
 William Spooner 45 9 2 
 
 Edward Bather 19 
 
 George Hodson 30 16 10^ 
 
 Prebendaries of Lichfield. 
 
 J. F. Muckleston 10 
 
 Dean of Bangor 8 
 
 Thomas Wythe 10 
 
 ^\illiam Walker 10 11 5 
 
 Archdeacon Butler 2 3 4 
 
 W^ G. Rowland 6 13 4 
 
 Sir Her. Oakeley, Bt. . . 2 
 
 Chancellor Law 1 
 
 Thomas Cotton Fell 13 6 8 
 
 Watson W. Dickins 10 
 
 T. R. Bromfield 3 4 
 
 Simeon Clayton 5 
 
 The Lord Bishop 20 
 
 John Kempthoi&e 2 13 4 
 
 Francis Blick 1 6 8 
 
 Archdeacon Spooner .... 2 
 
 Archdeacon Bather 2 13 4 
 
 J. F. Muckleston, Succen 14 10 
 
 ILtnroIn: 
 
 Bishop 824 4 9 
 
 Dean and Canon Res 203 9 7 
 
 Archdeacons. 
 
 Charles Goddard 179 19 2 
 
 H. Raye Bonney 60 12 3 
 
 Henry V. Bayley 25 17 8 
 
 Justly Hill 87 14 7 
 
 J. B.HoUingworth 64 14 2 
 
 T. Kaye Bonney 87 19 2 
 
 Precentor 40 13 8 
 
 Chancellor of the Church 42 7 4 
 
 Sud-dean 2 8 4 
 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 George Jepson 1 
 
 Maurice Johnson 3 
 
 William Hett 2 10 8 
 
 George Moore 32 
 
 John Humphrey 7 15 2 
 
 Richard Turner 25 4 
 
 L.C.Humphrey 33 IS 6 
 
 Frederick Apthorpo .... 30 1 1 3 
 
 George D. Kent 3 4 
 
 Robert Pointer 9 10 
 
 R. Williams 15 14 2 
 
 Archdeacon H. Bonney.. 45 3 3 
 
 James Cullum 14 10 
 
 W. W. Drake 7 7 6 
 
 John Pretyman 30 
 
 C. A. Wheelwright 12 18 9 
 
 C. VV^ebb Le Bas 12 5 
 
 J. H.B. Mountain 10 10 2 
 
 SirC. Anderson, Bt 1812 
 
 Henry Craven, Ord 21 13 1 
 
 Dean of Rochester 29 10 2 
 
 Archdeacon Goddard. .. . 36 3 4 
 
 J. Henry Batten 5 5 5 
 
 Charles Turnor 19 
 
 William Palmer 5 12 1 
 
 Edward Fane 19 14 2 
 
 John 15ouverie 4 9 4 
 
 George Beckett 38 10 8 
 
 Henry Ry croft 22 13 4 
 
 Theodore Bouwens 26 7 3 
 
 Edward Edwards 13 13 11 
 
 Archdeacon of Stow 20 10 
 
 Archdeacon T. Bonney . . 5 5 3 
 
 Nathaniel Dodson 11 
 
 Francis Swan, jun 9 3 6 
 
 Fred. Borradaile 7 3 4 
 
 Edward M"arne(brd 24 o ^ 
 
 The Lord Bishop 17 7 6 
 
 J. Hobart Seymour 27 6 3 
 
 Thomas Turton 20 
 
 Eras. V. Lockwood 12 10 
 
 John Maul 33 2 3 
 
 John Graham 4 
 
 Edward Sniedley 1119 7 
 
 Peter Eraser 10 19 2 
 
 (Vacant.) Leighton . . 68 16 
 
 illanlraff: 
 
 Bishop 154 14 2 
 
 Precentor 6 
 
 Chancellor 2 13 9 
 
 Treasurer 12 2 11 
 
 Archdeacon 38 12 8 
 
 Prebendaries, 
 
 William AVilliam.s 1 6 8 
 
 John Fleming 4 
 
 W. B. M. Lisle 3 10 7 
 
 Richard Watson 3 5 5 
 
 John F. Parker 3 17 1 
 
 H. Handley Norris 1 3 4 
 
 J. Thomas Clasberd 4 
 
 Thomas Gaisford 5 6 8 
 
 Edward James 018 1 
 
 Bishop 834 11 7 
 
 Deau, George Pellew 1828
 
 136 CHURCH OF 
 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 E. S. Thurlow 1788 
 
 J. Procter 1798 
 
 T. Methokl 1804 
 
 Philip Fislier 1814 
 
 C. N. Wodeliouse 1817 
 
 Ed. Bankes 1820 
 
 Archdeacons. 
 
 J. Oldershaw 143 8 4 
 
 Henry Bathurst 71 1 3 
 
 H. D. Berners 89 2 1 
 
 George Glover 76 9 4 
 
 Bishop 381 11 
 
 Canons ef Christ Church. 
 
 F. Barnes 1810 
 
 E. C. Dowdeswell 1808 
 
 Hen. Woodcock 1824 
 
 W. Buckland 1825 
 
 E. B. Pus. y 1828 
 
 Edw. Burton 1829 
 
 R.W. Jelt 1830 
 
 John Bull 1830 
 
 Archdeacon 71 6 
 
 Bishop 414 17 8 
 
 Dean, T. Turton 1830 
 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 Spenc. Madan 1 800 
 
 S. Pratt 1808 
 
 \Vm. Tournay 1817 
 
 T. S. Hughes 1827 
 
 John James 1829 
 
 W. Macdouall 1831 
 
 Archdeacon 122 7 1 
 
 Chancellor. 
 Spenc. Madan 1794 
 
 Bishop 358 14 
 
 Dean, Stevens 1620 
 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 Hon J. Marsham . 1797 
 
 Hon. F. Hotham 1807 
 
 Matthew Irving 1824 
 
 W. F. Baylay 1827 
 
 John Grilfith 1827 
 
 Prov. of Oriel 1828 
 
 Archdeacon 34 14 9 
 
 ^aU0l)urp : 
 
 Bishop 1385 5 
 
 Dean and Canon Res. . . 204 10 
 
 Precentor 69 6 8 
 
 Chancellor of the Church. 56 6 10 
 Treasurer 101 3 1 
 
 ENGLAND. 
 
 A rchdeacons. 
 
 John Fisher 54 18 6 
 
 Liscombe Clarke 70 11 8 
 
 W.Macdonald 64 18 9 
 
 Canons Residentiary. 
 
 T. H. Hume 101 3 1 
 
 Arciid. Fisher 30 3 4 
 
 Archd. iMacdonald 29 
 
 iNlatthew Marsh 35 16 3 
 
 Hon. F. P. Bouverie 43 12 G 
 
 W. L. Bowles 6 10 
 
 Subdean 1 13 4 
 
 Succentor 13 
 
 Prehendiiries. 
 
 Archibald Alison 14 13 4 
 
 W J. Kerrich 19 10 
 
 Henrv Hetley 7 
 
 John White 18 
 
 Francis Saunders 3 4 2 
 
 Jarvis Kenrick 63 13 4 
 
 Martin Whish 32 
 
 Prof. Civil Law, Oxford . 39 G 3 
 
 A. E. Howman 30 
 
 Bishop of Sodor and IMan 25 16 
 
 Robert Morres 16 
 
 George Fred. Nott 20 
 
 John Salter 17 10 
 
 Henry Woodcock 18 IG 8 
 
 Dean of Exeter 19 9 2 
 
 J.T. Hurlock 52 11 5 
 
 Archd. Onslow 62 
 
 William Fisher 50 
 
 Frederick Browning .... 36 
 
 John Still 35 15 5 
 
 Edward Fane 10 
 
 Thomas H. Mirehouse . . 24 5 10 
 
 H. W. Majendie 20 
 
 The Lord Bishop 
 
 William Potchett 32 9 2 
 
 Edward Bouverie 17 
 
 John Bright 29 3 1 
 
 Archdeacon Clarke 28 19 2 
 
 G.A.Montgomery 8 
 
 Thomas Tyrwhitt 4 13 4 
 
 Charles Grove 2 
 
 Edw. C. Ogle 52 
 
 W. S. Goddard 22 5 7 
 
 Edward Berens 20 
 
 Herbert Hawes 32 1 10 
 
 George Stanley Faber .. 20 
 
 Francis Lear 5 1 
 
 ^t. gl0ap^ : 
 
 Bishop 187 11 
 
 Archdeacon 74 15 7 
 
 Dn. and Chan, of Diocese. 45 11 5 
 
 Precentor 40 
 
 Chanc. of the Church 37 13 4 
 
 Treasurer 18 6 8
 
 VALUATIONS IN THE KINGS BOOK. 
 
 137 
 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 C. Robson n 5 5 
 
 H. Horsley 9 5 5 
 
 J. H. M. Luxmoore .... 3 6 8 
 
 Cursal Canons. 
 
 Ro2;er Clough 
 
 H.H. Edwards ... 
 Rowland AVillianis . 
 J. Francis Cleaver . 
 Rowland Wingfield. 
 
 W. Williams 
 
 T. G. Roberts 
 
 2 G 8 
 
 2 8 
 
 2 6 8 
 
 2 6 8 
 
 2 6 8 
 
 2 10 7 
 
 2 6 8 
 
 Bishop 426 2 1 
 
 Precentor 20 6 10 
 
 Chanc. of the Church... . 17 17 1 
 
 Treasurer 24 18 6 
 
 Canons. 
 
 Preb. of, 5th Cursal 1800 
 
 Archdn. of Brecon 1805 
 
 Archdn. of Carmarthen .1810 
 
 Archdeacons. 
 
 St David's 56 8 8 
 
 Brecon 40 
 
 Cardigan 18 
 
 Carmarthen 16 
 
 Bishop 929 13 
 
 Dean of Rochester 1828 
 
 James Meakin 1804 
 
 F. St. John 1804 
 
 \Vm. Digby 1813 
 
 Down. Forester 1815 
 
 Henry A. Pye 1818 
 
 John Davison 1825 
 
 Christ. Benson 1825 
 
 G. Faussett 1827 
 
 Adn. Singleton 1829 
 
 Hon. J. S. Cocks 1830 
 
 Southwell Collegiate Chapter. 
 Prcbendiiries. 
 
 William Dealtry 5 2 
 
 Henry Smith 5 
 
 Art hdn. Barrow 2 11 3 
 
 J.T. Becher 13 4 7 
 
 James Jarvis Cleaver. .. . 22 19 7 
 
 E.G. Marsh 9 17 11 
 
 Robert Chaplin 27 19 7 
 
 Geor(i,e Wilkins 22 6 
 
 Charles Nixon 12 6 
 
 Frederick Anson 24 10 
 
 John Rudd 8 17 6 
 
 C. Boothby 32 5 3 
 
 T. Percival 23 11 4 
 
 Filzgerald Wintour .... 15 7 11 
 
 Thos. H. Shepherd 16 15 10 
 
 C. Vernon-Harcourt .... 48 1 3 
 
 Brecon Collegiate Chapter. 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 Bishop of St. David's 47 
 
 Precentor 18 
 
 Chancellor 34 
 
 H. Davies Morgan 7 7 
 
 W. Morgan 3 6 8 
 
 D. WiUilims 7 13 4 
 
 Riciiard Veuables I 6 8 
 
 Archdeacon Beynon .... 7 6 8 
 
 Archdeacon Payne 2 
 
 W. J. Rees 9 15 4 
 
 D.R.Allen 13 
 
 \V. A. Barker 3 17 3 
 
 C.Griffith 5 
 
 J.Jones 12 9 4 
 
 J. Drcike 6 13 4 
 
 J.Holcombe 10 
 
 Charles Thorp 5 8 9 
 
 Edward Owen 13 6 8 
 
 Jeremiali Jackson 1 7 1 
 
 J. Davies 12 
 
 John Hughes 7 6 8 
 
 L. Llewelliu 15
 
 CHURCH OF IRELAND. 
 
 Having, in the preceding chapter, given a detailed account of the 
 general principles and management of the Church of England, it will 
 not be requisite to be equally copious in our exposition of the Irish Pro- 
 testant establishment. 
 
 In the past and present state of Ireland we have a striking illustra- 
 tion of the tendency of the government that is said to " ivork loell" 
 and the wretchedness of her population, her tithe-system, her vast 
 tracts of land, either ill-cultivated or totally unproductive, her judicial 
 and magisterial administration, her insurrections, factions, burnings, 
 desolations, and bloody domestic outrages, — all symptomatic of a com- 
 munity entering on the first stages of civilization, — afford irrefragable 
 proof of the excellencies of the good working government. In England, 
 it is true, there are grievous abuses in the absorption of public money 
 by the Aristocracy, in the denial of justice by the cost and uncertainty 
 of legal decisions ; — in the tolerance of commercial monopolies, in corn- 
 laws, partial taxation, and other oppressions ; — but these sink into in- 
 significance when contrasted Avith the sufferings of Ireland. There the 
 natural order of society has been inverted, and the government for many 
 years existed, not for the benefit of the people, but the people ex- 
 isted solely for the benefit of the government. ^ 
 
 Among the various forms under which oppression has been carried on, 
 the most conspicuous is the Church Establishment ; one is at a loss to 
 conceive for whose benefit this institution exists in Ireland. Is it for 
 the benefit of the clergy, the people, or the state ? If by the former is 
 meant those who minister religious instruction, it can hardly be said to 
 be of advantage to them. The teachers of religion in Ireland are nearly 
 all Catholics, a vast majority of the people are of the same persuasion, 
 and what religion there is the expense is chiefiy defrayed by voluntary 
 contributions. Neither the really operative clergy, therefore, nor the 
 people, benefit by the church establishment. With respect to the state, 
 the advantage appears not less equivocal. The alliance betwixt church 
 and state is founded on reciprocal benefits — that, on the one hand, the 
 state shall give its civil protection to the church, and, on the other, the 
 church shall aid in sustaining the state, by its influence over the people: 
 — this is the basis of the compact ; and it folloAVS, when the church 
 loses its influence, when it loses the adherence of a majority of the 
 population, when it is no longer able to sustain the state, tlie compact 
 is dissolved ; it has no claim for protection, and its alliance becomos a 
 source of weakness instead of power.
 
 MODE OF (JOVEHNING IHfiLANI). 139 
 
 Such is the actual condition of the Irish church, such the advantages 
 it confers on the government ; it adds little to its authority, aflord? no 
 aid to the civil magistrate, neither the law nor its ministers are rendered 
 more sacred by its influence — quite the reverse. Authority is degraded 
 and abhorred in Ireland, solely on account of the ecclesiastical establish- 
 ment : it is the colossal grievance of the country, the source of all its 
 factions, murmuring, and discontent. Why then, it may be asked, is 
 the establishment maintained ? On what principle or pretext is it justi- 
 fied ? The godly cannot defend it from piety, the politician from 
 reasons of state, nor the patriot for the blessings it confers on the 
 community. Whose interest, then, is identified with the odious system? 
 The only rational answer that can be given to this question is the fact, 
 that there is, in Ireland, as in this country, an oligarchical interest, 
 which has entwined itself round her institutions, and whose support is 
 incompatible with public liberty and happiness. For many years Ireland 
 was the prey of a favoured caste, a selfish and bigoted faction, who 
 divided her as a spoil ; and such was the wretched policy of the general 
 government, that it was weak and unprincipled enough to avail itself 
 of the folly and cupidity of such agents to preserve a precarious sove- 
 reignty — when, too, its frown would have made the same creatures, 
 who were ready, at any time, to sacrifice their country for a pension or 
 a place, instrumental to her g-reatness and welfare. Under the Wel- 
 lington and Grey administrations attempts' have been made to introduce 
 a more impartial and enlightened system ; Avith what success time must 
 develope ; but it is apparent, so long as her ecclesiastical establishment 
 is continued — it is vain to expect contentment and tranquillity.* 
 
 The Irish branch of the United Church is more pregnant with abuses 
 even than its sister establishment in England ; presenting a more re- 
 volting spectacle of inordinate incomes, of lax discipline, of laborious 
 duties without adequate remuneration, and of an immense ecclesiastical 
 revenue levied under circumstances of greater insult, partiality, and 
 oppression. The points most deserving attention in the exposition of 
 these subjects are, Jirst, the revenue of the Irish Protestant establish- 
 ment; secondly, the number of individuals among whom this revenue 
 is divided ; thirdly, the hardships and impoverishment resulting not 
 less from the amount than the mode in which the clerical income is 
 
 * While the Catholic religion maintains its influence over the popular mind, 
 we esteem it quite impossible for any government permanently to maintain its 
 authority Avitho.it conciliating the priesthood. Lord Grey ought to make a pro- 
 vision for the Catholic clergy out of the tithes ; or send over to Dublin his grace 
 of Norfolk, or other popish viceroy, who believes with O'Connell in the real 
 presence- The Irish proprietary, too, have evinced a singular want of political 
 philosophy. The late lord Liverpool stated that nineteen-twentieths of the pro- 
 perty of Ireland belonged to protestants ; but how can they expect to enjoy 
 their possessions in peace if they continue to diflfer from their peasantry iu jinints 
 of faith. A gentleman ought to be superior to the prejudices of sects whether 
 Catholic or Protestant ; in such matters it is best to folU>\v the nuiltitude, or those 
 who cultivate his domains. Voltaire built a church for his neighbours ut I'eruey, 
 uiid occasionally preached there.
 
 140 
 
 CHURCH OF IRELAND. 
 
 levied; fourthly, the patronage of the Irish church ; lastly, the dimi- 
 nutive portion of the population who derive even a semblance of benefit 
 from the intolerable burthen imposed on the land and industry of the 
 community. We shall touch on these several heads of inquiry as l^riefly 
 as possible, confining ourselves strictly to such facts as illustrate the 
 state of the church. 
 
 To begin with our first topic — f/ie Irish Church Revenue. Within 
 the last ten years. a mass of important details has been laid before par- 
 liament relative to the estates and revenues of the Protestant establish- 
 ment ; but, either from inability or reluctance in the parties interested 
 to communicate the requisite information, our knowledge is still far 
 from complete and accurate on this interesting branch of public statistics. 
 Upon the authority of documents so communicated we shall, howevei', in 
 gTeat part, found our exposition ; and thus, by relying on the statements 
 of the clergy themselves, their registrars, and other dependent officials, 
 we shall at least avoid the imputation of having arrived, through a 
 prejudiced medium, at an exaggerated result. 
 
 We shall commence with the revenues of the Episcopal Clergy. 
 The incomes of the bishops are derived principally from land, but partly 
 from tithe. In some dioceses, in the West of Ireland, a fourth jJnrt 
 of the tithes of almost every parish is paid to the bishop ; affording 
 decisive testimony of the ancient fourfold division of parochial tithes, 
 and of the veracity of the allegation of those who affirm that the poor 
 were formerly entitled to share equally with the bishop and priest in the 
 produce of this impost. The practice, however, is not universal ; and 
 the revenues of the bishoprics chiefly arise from their immense landed 
 estates. In the session of 1824, returns were made to parliament of 
 the number of acres attached to the several Irish sees.* These returns 
 are very incomplete, and were mostly compiled by the registrars from 
 the fallacious representations of the tenantry. Three dioceses, Dromore, 
 Down, and Raphoe, made no return at all; alleging that, on examining 
 the leases of the church lands, it was found they did not mention 
 " the number of acres demised." In the return from Armagh, it is 
 remarked that the number of acres has been calculated from the 
 representations of the tenants, but " the lands have never been surveyed." 
 Of the magnitude of the errors in these reports, we may judge from the 
 fact subsequently ascertained, that, in one of them there was a trifling- 
 omission of thirteen thousand acres. Enough, however, may be col- 
 lected from them to show the vast extent of ecclesiastical property : in 
 fact, it is clear that the bishops' lands are held, leased, and managed 
 much upon the same liberal scale and principle that lands are in 
 Australia, Canada, and Nova Scotia ; and the conjectural estimates by 
 Wakefield, and other statists, of what their immense incomes, either 
 actually are, or mig'ht be made, under an improved system of tenure 
 and cultivation, are not remote front the truth. We shall insert the 
 
 Parliamentary Papers, vol. xxi. Session 1824.
 
 EXTENT OF BISIIOPS' LAND. 141 
 
 number of acres returned by fourteen sees ; the acres are Irish, which 
 makes the amount about one-third less than it would be in English acres. 
 
 Number of Acres of Land helongincj to fourteen Irish Sees. 
 
 Name. See. Quantity of 
 
 »ee-Lands. 
 
 Lord J. G. Beresford, D.D. .... Armagh 63,270 
 
 Power Le Poer Trench, D.D. .... Tuam 49,281 
 
 Richard Ponsonhj, D.D. Deny 94,836 
 
 John Leslie, D.D. Elphin 31 ,832 
 
 James Verschoyle, D.D. Killala 34,672 
 
 Lord Robert Tottenham, D.D. • • Clogher 27.070 
 
 Nathaniel /llexander, D.D. .... Meath 18,374 
 
 George De la Poer Beresford, D.D. Kilmore 47,361 
 
 Richard Whately, D.D. Dublin 21,781 
 
 Samuel Kyle, D.D. Cork and Ross 22,7.3.5 
 
 John Brinkley, D.D. Cloyne 15,871 
 
 Richard Laurence, D.C.L. ...... Cashel 13,392 
 
 Robert Fowler, D.D. Cssory 1 3,39 1 
 
 Hon. R. Bourke, D.D. Waterford 9,996 
 
 Total, in Irish acres 463,962'' 
 
 Mr, Leslie Foster, one of the barons of the Irish exchequer, estimates 
 the lands belong'ing to all the sees to amount to 617,598 Irish acres, 
 which are equal to about 990,000 English acres. f This does not in- 
 clude the demesne lands attached to the episcopal residences, and which, 
 by the same authority, are said to vary from 100 to 500 acres each; 
 making the entire patrimony of the bishops about 623, .598 acres, or, 
 according to Beaufort's map of Ireland, one nineteenth of the entire 
 soil of the kingdom. This, it must be allowed, is enough for the main- 
 tenance of twenty-two bishops, especially when it is considered a 
 population oi eight millions is to be supported out of the remainder. 
 
 However, the area grasped by the right reverend fathers affords an 
 inaccurate idea of their incomes. Mr. Baron Foster supposes the 
 average value of the see-lands to be 20s. per acre. Even at this low 
 rate, the bishops' lands, if out of lease, would yield a total revenue of 
 £623,598, averaging £28,340 to each prelate. Some of the wealthier 
 sees, as those of Derry, Armagh, Tuam, and Elphin, would have 
 incomes, respectively, of £94,836, £63,270, £4^1,28 1, and £31,832, 
 exclusive of what might be derived from tithes, patronage, and other 
 sources. But the nature of ecclesiastical tenures precludes the bisliops 
 from realizing incomes to this amount. It scarcely ever happens the 
 occupying tenantry are the bishops' tenants ; the immediate lessees hold 
 
 * Parliamentary Paper.s, vol. xxi. No. 402, Session 1824. 
 t Parliamentary Papers, vol. ix, page T.l, Session 1825.
 
 142 nniRCH of Ireland. 
 
 from the bishops for tlie term of 2 1 years ; the l)ishops renew tlie leases 
 from year to year, always leaving 21 years unexpired ; the rent reserved 
 to the bishops is mostly the old rent payable in the time of Charles II., 
 which has become almost nominal, and the real incomes of the bishops 
 proceed from the annual fines for renewing the leases. Now these fines 
 usually amount to about one-fifth of what an ordinary landloid would 
 receive for rent. So that, if the actual worth of the sec lands be 
 £623,598, the sum ordinarily received does not exceed £124,719. 
 
 We have thought it expedient to explain this, because it is a subject 
 on which there has been a great deal of misapprehension. The fact is, 
 the spiritual tenures are one great obstacle to agricultural improvement 
 in Ireland. The Church is a principal proprietor of the soil, but the 
 vast tracts she holds can never be cultivated to advantage under the 
 uncertainties of the existing' system. Much of the land is rough pas- 
 ture, bog, and mountain, which requires, in the first instance, a great 
 expenditure to render productive ; but who would risk capital in the 
 undertaking with a lease which, by law, cannot exceed twenty-one years ; 
 or with a certainty of having a fine levied on its renewal, augmented 
 in exact proportion to the money and labour expended in improvement ? 
 Again, an ecclesiastical tenant is never sure of his landlord, being con- 
 stantly liable to be changed, not only by death but translation. New 
 lords, as the proverb says, often bring new laws. Although the usual 
 course is to renew every year at one-fifth of the real worth, yet some 
 prelates act difi'erently ; they will have surveys made — demand exorbi- 
 tant fines — or wait the fall of the leases, which are relet at a nominal 
 rent, perhaps, to their own relations. From these causes arises the 
 non-improvement uniformly remarked in the condition of the church 
 lands. It is a great obstacle to the public prosperity of Ireland, and 
 the practice is as little favourable to the interests of the bishops as to 
 those of the lessees, by rendering the incomes of the former not only 
 less than they otherwise would be, but uncertain, varying, as they do, 
 with the amount of the fines, or perhaps they lose the fines altogether, 
 the tenants electing to run out their leases, and thus the advantage stands 
 over to the succeeding diocesan. 
 
 In spite of these drawbacks, the bishops, from estates, tithes, bro- 
 kerage in livings and other means, contrive to make a very profitable 
 crusade. In the Edinburgh Reineiv (vol xliii. p. 483) their incomes 
 are stated to average £10,000 a year each, or £220,000 in the whole. 
 The patronage of an Irish bishop, of which we shall hereafter speak, is 
 nearly as valuable as the income of his see. The vast revenues appendant 
 to the bishoprics may be inferred f om the immense wealth the prelates 
 leave behind them. A former Bishop of Clogher, (the predecessor of 
 the soldier-bishop,) who had been Cambridge tutor to lord Westmoreland, 
 went over to Ireland without a shilling, and continued in his bishopric 
 for eight years, and, at the end of that time, died worth between 
 £300,000 and 400,000. It was stated, by Sir John Newport,* that 
 
 " I'iiilian.cntary Debates, vol. viii. p. 837.
 
 WEALTH or niSIlOPS — WAKnUUTON AND FJENNF-TT. 143 
 
 three bishops, in the last fifteen years, had left the enormous sum of 
 £700,000 to their families. 
 
 The career of Warburton, the predecessor of Dr. Brinkley in the see 
 of Cloyne, is an example of the sudden acquisition of wealth by the 
 Irish bishops. Warburton, whose real name was Mungan, died in 1826. 
 He was the son of a poor road- way piper, in a little village in the north 
 of Ireland. He was a Roman Catholic, and intended for that Church. 
 On the continent, Avhere he was sent to study at one of the Catholic 
 colleges, before the building of Maynooth, he was thrown, by accident, 
 into the society of the earl of Moira, and having won his favour, was 
 induced to change his destination from the Roman to the Protestant 
 Church. He was, after taking orders, appointed chaplain to a regiment 
 in America, and there he married his first wife, a lady said to have been 
 particularly recommended by lord Moira. That lady soon after dying, 
 he married his second wife, now his widow. With her he changed his 
 name to Warburton. He became dean of Ardah, then bishop of Lime- 
 rick, and from thence was translated to Cloyne. He was a man of 
 courteous manners, and much esteemed in the higher circles. His ruling 
 passion was the acquisition of riches, which the retired situation of 
 Cloyne afforded him opportunities for indulging. From the hour of his 
 arrival there he continued to amass wealth, and the result was he left 
 £120,000 among his children, three sons and one daughter, one of 
 whom is a colonel in the army, another a major, another in the church, 
 and the daughter married archdeacon Mansell. The bishop was unex- 
 ceptionable as a private individual, and strict in the observance of 
 religious forms, but he was neither respected nor esteemed in his neigh- 
 bourhood. He drained the diocese of an immense annual sum, but he 
 returned no part of it in Avorks of charity. He abstracted himself from 
 all society, and held his station more as a petty despot, exacting a 
 subsidy from the toil of the people, than as a Christian pastor, in daily 
 communicating with his flock, to whose care a great revenue was 
 entrusted, as the steward for the children of want and misfortune. His 
 palace was more like a rack-rent farmer's house than a gentleman's 
 mansion. The coldness and apathy of the people at his funeral formed 
 the best comment on his life and character. 
 
 Such is the general run of Irish prelates ; without the claim of public 
 services or superior mental endowments, they succeed to honours and 
 vast revenues, obtained through intrigue, family connexion, or political 
 interest, and die loaded with spoil, either on a foreign soil, or amidst the 
 scorn and hatred of the people whom they have impoverished and 
 oppressed. Oidy a month ago we passed over, in Kent, the remains of 
 Dr. Bennett, Warburton's predecessor. He was buried in an obscure 
 grave in Plumstead church-yard, with a common stone slab over him. 
 He died in 1820, after holding the see of Cloyne twenty-six years, and 
 draining at least a quarter of a million from the Irish soil. Yet he 
 must have been an absentee, otherwise he would have been buried in 
 his cathedral, or among the clergy of his diocese. 
 
 Let us resume our inquiries into the ecclesiutical revenues of Ireland.
 
 144 CHURCH OF IRELAND. 
 
 Of the extent of the estates of the Deana and Chapters, we have no 
 mean,? of forming an estimate, thoro having been no retain laid before 
 l)arliament of the real property of the ecclesiastical corporations. Many 
 of the digriities as well as the sees are known to be extremely valuable. 
 The Deanery of Down, for example, in 1790, was worth £2000 per 
 annum; in 1810, it let for £3700.* The archdeaconry of Armagh is 
 jeturned at £1662 per annum ;t the chancellorship £2385, and the 
 precentorship £2350. By comparing the cathedral and collegiate 
 establishments of Ireland with those of England, it may, perhaps, be 
 possible to form a conjecture of their relative value. In England the 
 income of the Deans and Chapters is £494,000 : but, as the number of 
 members of these corporations is double what it is in Ireland, it is 
 probable their endowments exceed in the same proportion. We may, 
 therefore, conclude that the Deans and Chapters have estates and 
 endowments a little exceeding those of the Irish Bishoprics, and pro- 
 ducing a total revenue of £250,000 per annum. 
 
 Next in oider let us advert to the incomes of the Parochial Clergy, 
 from tithes and glebe. Ireland contains 18,000,000 of Enghsh acres 
 of land, of which 900,000 pay nothing to the church ; 4,000,000 pay 
 from endowments a^:out one-thiixl of their tithes, and the remaining 
 13,000,000 and upwards are liable to pay full tithes. The share which 
 the clergy actually derive from the soil Vi'ill be best ascertained from 
 the valuations of the Tithe Commissioners, acting under the authority 
 of Mr. Gouiburn's statute. Compositions under this act continue in 
 force twenty-one years when the original right to tithes revives, and 
 vary in amount every third year, if the average price of wheat or oats 
 fluctuate one-tenth. I Had this act been exclusively framed by a con- 
 clave of tithe-eaters, it could not have more adroitly guaranteed their 
 interests; and this is strikingly exemplified by the provision which 
 provides that the tenant may deduct his share of the composition from 
 the landlord's rent, and, if in arrear, it must be paid in preference to 
 debt, rent, or taxes — that is, the parson's claim must have priority of 
 that of a creditor, the landlord, or even the King. It is a very 
 cunningly devised measure for perpetuating, without lightening, a most 
 grievous burden. A design is entertained by the Heads of the Clmi-ch 
 to introduce a similar project into England, but we trust the intention 
 will be frustrated. Its direct tendency is to fasten on the community 
 the tithe-tax like the land-tax ; with this difference, that the latter is 
 paid by the landlord, but the former Avould have to be paid by the 
 tenants, and augment with every increase in capital and industry. Its 
 tendency is also to make the pastors completely independent of their 
 congregations, converting the former into annuitants who derive their 
 incomes as independently of their parishoners as if paid out of the 
 public treasury. The motives for residence will be still further lessened ; 
 
 • Wakefield's Statistical Account of Ireland, p. 469. 
 t Parliamentary Paper, No 328, Sess. 1831. 
 i The Composition-Act, 4 Geo. IV. c. 99, s. 43,
 
 COMPOSITION-ACT, GLEBES, AND PARISHES. 145 
 
 many parsons before, from having- few or no hearers, had little induce- 
 ment, from the claims of ddty, to reside on their livings, but now they 
 will not even have the tithes to look after, — no need of watcliing- tlie 
 growth of potatoes, the increase of farm stock, nor extension of tillage; 
 their composition-money, like the rent of the absentee -landlord, may 
 be remitted whole and entire to them at London, Paris, Bath, or what- 
 ever place they may select as best calculated for unobserved luxurious 
 indulgence. 
 
 However, let us attend to the ivorkiiujs of this precious scheme of 
 Lord Wellesley's Irish administration, and the light it throws on the 
 value of parochial tithes. But first we must give the reader an idea of 
 the rapacious manner in which church-preferment has been cut up in 
 Ireland ; how the parishes have been compressed into unions ; how the 
 unions have been dovetailed into enormous pluralities ; how the plu- 
 ralities and unions together have been tacked to dig'nities and offices ; 
 and how all these good things, like so many bunches of g-rapes on a 
 string, have been heaped on the Beresfords, Trenches, Saurins, and 
 Plunkets, as the means whereby the resources of the country may be 
 absorbed. 
 
 Be it known, then, that there are in Ireland 2450 parishes. Now, 
 as no parish (though some districts or portions of land are) is Avholly 
 exempt from the payment of tithes, each parish ought to have at least 
 one resident minister, one church, one parsonage-house, and one globe. 
 This is the ecclesiastical state which ought to subsist. Instead of which 
 there are only, according to clerical authority, one thousand and 
 seventy -Jive rectors, vicars, and perpetual curates in all Ireland, and 
 of these not more than two-thirds are said to reside on their benefices.* 
 In the whole 2450 parishes there are only 1100 churches, and of these 
 churches 474 have been built within the last century by means of grants 
 of public money. There are only 771 glebe-houses, and though there 
 are some benefices with two or three glebes, containing* 4000 acres, 
 there are many parishes without any glebe at all, the land, through 
 negligence or abuse, having been lost or alienated, it not being unusual 
 to find a patch of ground, designated as glebe, situate in the middle of 
 a gentleman's lawn or part of his demesne, to which he lays claim in 
 virtue of some patent right, granting him tha lands and tenements of a 
 church for ever. It follows from this that there are more than three 
 parishes to every resident incumbent ; there is less than one church to 
 every two paiishes ; and, if every parish had its pastor, as it ought, 
 there would be nearly four parsons to live in every glebe-house. 
 
 To accommodate these dilapidations and inconsistencies the policy of 
 consolidating the parishes into unions has been resorted to. As in 
 many parishes there were neither hearers nor a church, there could be 
 no need of the services of an officiating minister. In these parishes it 
 would have been rational either to have abolished the tithe or applied 
 the produce of it to some other purpose than the support of a sinecure 
 
 * Ecelesiasticdl Kegisler of Ireland for 1830, j). S.S. 
 
 I,
 
 146 CHURCH OF IRELAND. 
 
 rector or vicar. But this did not accord with the temporal interests of 
 the church. Hence the expedient of itnions of parishes ; that is, clus- 
 ters of parishes, in various numbers, from two to a dozen and more, 
 have been compressed into a single benefice, forming one presentation, 
 held by a single incumbent, and this incumbent, perhaps, a pluralist, 
 holding two or more of these ecclesiastical conglomerations. In England 
 a similar abuse prevails ; it frequently happening that two or more rec- 
 tories, vicarages, or parochial chapelries are held cum, or with, others, 
 forming a single benefice ; but the instances are neither so numerous 
 nor outrageous as in Ireland. In the latter country unions may be 
 found thirty-six Irish miles in length, containing as many square miles 
 of territory as some of the petty kingdoms under the Heptarchy. One 
 union, that of Burnchurch, in the diocese of Ossory, formed by an act 
 of the privy council, and in the gift of the king- and the bishop alter- 
 nately, consists of no fewer that thirteen parishes. Here is a bene- 
 fice ! If a man is fortunate enough to obtain, as is not impossible, 
 two or three such benefices, he is more like a bishop at the head of a 
 diocese than a parish priest. 
 
 Of the whole 2450 parishes there are only 749 held single, the re- 
 maining 1701 parishes having been consolidated into 517 unions, form- 
 ing, in the whole, 1266 parochial benefices. The territorial contents of 
 the benefices vary in different districts. According to Mr. Erck, in the 
 northern, southern, and eastern provinces, they average 6544 Irish 
 acres, or upwards of ten square miles, with the exception of those in 
 the dioceses of Clogher and Killaloe, and in the three western dioceses 
 of Elphin, Clonfert, and Killala, where thej' average from 10 to 12,000 
 acres ; in the dioceses of Derry, Kilmore, Raphoe, Ardfert, and 
 Achonry, they average from 12 to 15,000 acres; and in the western 
 diocese of Tuam they average the enormous area of 25,800 acres. The 
 union benefices have been constituted under different authorities, by 
 parliament, by charter, by act of council, by license of the bishops ; 
 and some are of such ancient date that the period and mode of their 
 origin cannot be traced. All the unions are permanent except those 
 under episcopal authority, which enure only during the life of the in- 
 cumbent, when the parishes may revert to their original state. But if 
 an union has been once formed it is generally continued to successive 
 incumbents, and it is not likely the bishops will dissolve them, espe- 
 cially if they happen to be, as is mostly the case, the patrons. In fact, 
 it is by the heads of the church, whose duty consisted in the mainte- 
 nance of more strict ecclesiastical discipline, that the abuse of unions 
 has been chiefly encouraged. Of the 517 unions 230 are of episcopal 
 creation, and 126 more have been established under an authority almost 
 identical with that of the bishops, — namely, the privy council of Ireland. 
 We subjoin a classification of the unions now subsisting, as we collect 
 them from the Ecclesiastical Register, for 1830, pp. 14, 1.5.* So long 
 
 * This work is by John C. Erck, A. M., LL.B. and published in Dublin. It 
 s an elaborate and well-compiled performance, abounding in much curious and
 
 rniVY COUNCIL, CHARTEn, AND HISIIOPS' UNIONS. 147 
 
 established and intimately cemented have some of these unions become, 
 that the boundaries of the parishes of which they consist it is extremely 
 dithcult, if not impossible, to trace ; and there are among the apologists 
 of ecclesiastical abuses those who would avail themselves of this circum- 
 stance, and boldly affirm that the parishes in some unions are not dis- 
 tinct parishes, only town lands, and this though the denomination and 
 names of the parishes are fully set forth in the titles of every incum- 
 bent ! 
 
 A Statement exhibiting the Number of Unions, the Number of 
 Parishes in each, and their Denominations, 
 
 Number of Parishes in each Union. 
 
 2, 3 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 19 
 
 29 
 18 
 
 71 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 
 12 
 10 
 13 
 
 44 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 3 
 
 6 
 5 
 
 23 
 
 7 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 11 
 
 8 9 
 
 10 
 
 11 
 
 13 
 
 Tolal of 
 Benefices. 
 
 Toialof 
 Parishes. 
 
 Parliamentary Unions .... 
 
 2 4 
 5| S 
 
 40 34 
 119 51 
 
 49 34 
 
 221 131 
 
 l' 
 
 4 1 
 3 
 
 1 I 
 
 8 2 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 10 
 
 25 
 
 126 
 
 230 
 
 126 
 
 38 
 98 
 
 Privy Council Unions .... 
 
 Episcopal Unions 
 
 Immemorial Unions 
 
 440 
 704 
 421 
 
 Total.. 
 
 517 
 
 1701 
 
 Having explained the nature of unions and their territorial magnitude, 
 the reader will be better enabled to judge of the value of Irish benefices, 
 and he must be convinced what a fortunate aspirant he must be who 
 happens to be presented with two or more such benefices, besides digni- 
 ties and offices, especially if he have not— as is possible — a church in 
 any of them to preach in, nor a single Protestant to whom he need read 
 prayers. In Ireland, as in England, there is great disparity in the 
 A'alue of livings ; some are extremely small and insignificant, while 
 others, according to the admission of his grace of Armagh, are worth 
 £2300 per annum. We are as averse to the penury of one part of the 
 church as to the corruptive opulence of another ; for we dislike all ex- 
 tremes of condition, and are quite of Agur's opinion in thinking that 
 neither excess of riches nor poverty is for the good of individuals. The 
 list of parishes we subjoin has been taken almost at random from the 
 Parliamentary Returns of the amount of compositions for tithe : it will 
 show the actual sums now paid by parishes in lieu of tithes, and, as the 
 uxioN'S are enclosed in crotchets, it will be seen what monstrosities 
 some of them are. The composition- rent put down is for clerical 
 tithes only ; the amount paid for impropriate tithes is omitted, as not 
 
 useCul information, of great interest to those enjoying and aspiring to ecclesiasti- 
 cal emoluments ; but, having been edited under the sanction of the IJoard of 
 First I'^ruits, the Eilitor has been careful not to allord the siiglitost glimpse 
 of tl>e discipline and immense amount and mal-administration of the revenues of 
 Uie Irish church.
 
 148 
 
 CHURCH OF IRELAND. 
 
 forming part of the income of the incumbent. In some unions all the 
 parishes have not yet compounded ; in others the compositions have 
 been annulled by the bishops, (who have a veto on these aj^reements,) 
 as not being- adequate to their reputed value. The names of the patrons 
 and present incumbents have been collected from the Ecclesiastical 
 Register of Ireland. 
 
 Statement of the Sums agreed to he paid, under the Composition- 
 Act, by several Parishes in lieu of Tithes, and the Names of the 
 present Incumbents and Patrons. 
 
 [Those Parishes marked + are not compounded for.] 
 
 Incumbent. Patron. 
 
 Edward Hincks Trin. Col. Dublin 
 
 Francis Hall » • • • Tri7i.Col. Dublin 
 
 Charles Atkinson Archb. Armagh 
 
 Hon. C. Knox Archb. Armagh 
 
 E. Stopford ' • Archb. Armagh 
 
 G. Blacker Archb. Armagh 
 
 J. Campbell Archb. Armagh 
 
 W. Pinching Bp. Clogher- • • • 
 
 J. G. Porter Bp. Clogher- • • • 
 
 W. Athill Bp. Clogher 
 
 T. De Lacy 
 
 Bp. Meath 
 
 W. Kellett The King" 
 
 W, Pratt Bp. Meath 
 
 R. Symes Bp. Connor 
 
 A. Leslie The King • • 
 
 G. Macartney • • • • 
 
 W. Knox 
 
 A. Ross 
 
 A. W. Pomeroy 
 J. W. Ormsby • 
 
 W. Knox 
 
 R. Babino:ton • 
 
 'Marg. Donegal- - 
 
 > Bp. Derry ♦ • • • 
 ( Skhuier's Com. 
 
 ' \ London 
 Bp. Derry - - - - 
 Trin. Col. Dublin 
 
 < Bp. Derry - • - - 
 
 ■ Bp. Derry • • • • 
 
 Amount of 
 Parish. Composition. 
 
 Artrea £738 
 
 Arboe 507 
 
 Creggan 1050 
 
 ^Carnteel 406 
 
 ^ Aughaloo 609 
 
 Derrynoose • • • • 646 
 
 Drumcree 650 
 
 ForkhiU 650 
 
 Carrickmacross • • 646 
 
 Donaghmoine • • 953* 
 
 Findonagh • • • • 600 
 
 /■Kells 553 
 
 SDuleene 200 
 
 ^ Rathboyne • • • • 270 
 ' Burry I 
 
 Moynalty 550 
 
 Enniskeen • • • • 900 
 
 Ballymoney •••• 1015 
 
 AhoghiU 1015 
 
 J Skerry 419 
 
 f Racavan 295 
 
 Ballynascreen • • 623 
 
 ( Banagher 650 
 
 Bovevagh . . . . • . 580 
 
 Cappagh 1000 
 
 Clonleigh 840 
 
 Cumber Lower • • 560 
 
 * The lay tithes of this parish have been compounded for £476, making the 
 total amount of composition £1429 a year.
 
 COMPOSITIONS FOR TITHE OF PARISHES. 
 
 Incumbent. 
 F. Gouldsbury • • • • 
 
 A. T. Hamilton 
 
 Sir J. Leighton • • • • 
 
 S. Biownlow 
 
 J. S. Knox • • • 
 
 O. M. Causland ... 
 
 J. Jones • Bp. Derry 
 
 R. Allott The King 
 
 J. Usher Trill. Col. Dublin 
 
 Patron. 
 
 • Bp. Derrxj 
 
 Marg. Abercom 
 The Lightens ' • • 
 
 ■ Bp. Derry • • • 
 Bp. Derry • • • ■ 
 Bp, Derry • . • < 
 
 149 
 
 Amount of 
 Parish. Composition. 
 Cumber Upper £740 
 Donagheady •• 1350 
 Donaghmore .• 1440 
 Leekpatrick • • 646 
 
 Magheara 1015 
 
 Tamlaghfinlagan 1 000 
 
 E. Bowen • • • • 
 H. E. Boyd . . 
 G. Crawford • > 
 W. Bourne • • • . 
 
 H.Joly 
 
 J. D. Wingfield 
 R. Vicars • • • • 
 
 ■ Marq. Abercom 
 ' Bp. Dromore • • • • 
 
 • Bp. Ardagh- • • ■ 
 
 . Duke of Leinster 
 „ , n T ■ i S Clonsast • 
 
 • Duke of Leinster | Ballinakill 
 
 Lord Digby • 
 The King • • . 
 
 1569 
 
 937 
 461 
 535 
 553 
 
 Hon. J. Bourke 
 
 The King 
 
 G. Stevenson 
 
 Marq. Ormonde 
 
 J. B. Ridge The King • 
 
 M. Monck Bp. Ossory 
 
 H. P. Elrington Bp. Ferns • 
 
 P. Browne The King 
 
 W. Hore Bp. Fcryis 
 
 M. Charters Bp. Ferns < 
 
 Urney 700 
 
 Raphoe 900^ 
 
 Raymochy • • • • 650 
 C Taughboyne, 
 I AH Saints 
 
 Drumaragh 
 f Clongesh • 
 
 JKilloe 
 
 Rathangan » 
 
 Clonsast 628 
 
 65 
 
 Geashill 1292 
 
 j Coolbanagher • • 276 
 
 (Ardea 259 
 
 J Aghavoe 789 
 
 i Comer 969 
 
 Callan 550 
 
 Coolagh 383 
 
 TuIIomain .... 105 
 Tullaroan | 
 Killaloe I 
 Ballycallan I 
 
 i Eirke 692 
 
 iRathdowny... 750 
 Glashare | 
 Kildelgy I 
 
 Templeshambo • • 1 200 
 
 / Kilmackclogue . 234 
 
 * Magloss 55 
 
 ^ Kilkevan . . • • 369 
 
 V. Kilnehue • « . • 465 
 
 Kilrush 694 
 
 (Clone 332 
 
 < Kilbride 203 
 
 (^ Ferns 
 
 270t 
 
 • Tliis is an union containing six more parishes, but as tliey have not com- 
 pounded, their names are omitted. 
 
 f Ferns has compounded for its impropriate tithe for £553, makin;? the annual 
 sum payable by this parish for lay and ecclesiastical tithes £823.
 
 150 
 
 Incumbent. 
 H. Moore • 
 
 CHURCH OF IRELAND. 
 
 Patron. 
 Bp. Ferns < 
 
 Amount of 
 Parish. Composition. 
 
 Carnew £830 
 
 500 
 
 A. Lord 
 
 Archbp. Cashell 
 
 J. Pennefather 
 
 T. P. Le Fann 
 C. P. Coote . • 
 W. Gal way* • • 
 
 Archbp. Cashell 
 
 Bp. Emly 
 Bp. Emly 
 • Bp. Emly 
 
 Lord Brandon 
 
 Lordship of Cas 
 tie Island • • • • 
 
 B. Denny 
 
 Sir E. Denny 
 
 iTempletonhy • • 
 Loughmore • • • • 
 Another parish J 
 / Killoscully • • • • 
 ' Kilvolane • • • • 
 I Kilnerath • • . • 
 V Kilcomenty • • • • 
 y Abington .... 
 \ Tough ...... 
 
 Doon 
 
 5 Kilmastulla 
 (. Templeichally. • 
 ^ Castle Island • • 
 ■ / Ballyncushlane . 
 
 ^ Dysert • 
 
 ' Killentierna •• 
 Ballynahaglish . 
 
 Anna 
 
 Cloherbrien 
 
 249 
 
 323 
 461 
 303 
 323 
 650 
 250 
 830 
 318 
 406 
 638 
 460 
 173 
 823 
 230 
 332 
 332 
 
 iCaher 226 
 
 Vicars Choral Vicars Choral 
 
 J. Scott The King 
 
 T. G. Laurence 
 
 Bp. Cork 
 Bp. Cork 
 
 W. Harvey 
 
 J. Jervois Bp. Cork 
 
 A. Trail The King ^- Bp. 
 
 T. Kenny Bp. Cloyne • • • 
 
 Hon. G. de la P. Beresford Bp. Cloyiie • • • 
 
 Bp. Cloyne . • • 
 Bp. Cloyne • • • 
 Bp. Cloyne • • • 
 
 J. Hingstone • 
 J. Hing-stone « 
 A. Champagne 
 M. Purceir... 
 
 Fitzgerald 
 
 Killencan • • • 
 Glanbeagh • • • 
 C Lismore % 
 \ Mocollop • • • 
 
 I Tubrid 
 
 \ Ballybacon • • • 
 
 TMoviddy 
 
 \ Kilbonane • • • 
 
 (. Aglish 
 
 C Kilnaglory « . • 
 \ Athnowen . • • 
 f Kilmichael • • • 
 \_ Macloneigh 
 
 Skull 
 
 Donoughmore ■ 
 f Inniscarra • • • 
 
 JMalthy 
 
 Whitechurch - 
 Aohabulloo-ue ■ 
 Castlelyons • • - 
 Dungourney • 
 
 160 
 130 
 
 1569 
 955 
 461 
 507 
 208 
 379 
 325 
 425 
 692 
 250 
 850 
 
 1100 
 636 
 513 
 784 
 750 
 571* 
 664 
 
 * The lay-tithes of this parish have been compounded for £1142, making the 
 yearly composition for impropriate and clerical titlies £1713.
 
 MONOPOLY or Tilt; AinSTOCIlACY. 
 
 151 
 
 Incumbent. 
 
 T. Newnehani" 
 
 Lombard 
 Palmer • 
 
 G. Holmes 
 
 E. Price 
 
 Patron. 
 
 • Bp. Cloyne • • 
 
 • Bp. Cloyne • • 
 Bp. Killaloe - • 
 
 • Bp. Killaloe • • 
 Bp. Killaloe . . 
 
 rKili 
 { Kill 
 ( List 
 
 Amount of 
 Parish. Composition. 
 
 / Kihvorth £170 
 
 \ Macroney 230 
 
 i Leitrira 230 
 
 t Kilcmmper • • • • 220 
 Kilshannick • • 738 
 
 f Modreeny 533 
 
 I Arderony 307 
 
 Kilmore 323 
 
 [ilnaneave • • • • 315 
 
 isbonny • • • • 323 
 
 r Aglishcloghane . 161 
 
 < Lorrha 438 
 
 (.Dorrha 415 
 
 From the above statement it appears that the amount of composition- 
 money paid in lieu of tithes, in some unions, amounts to £1410, £1407, 
 £1554, £1569, and £1758; and that single parishes have come down 
 to the tune of £1050, £1200, £1350, and £1440, in order to rid 
 themselves of the worldly visitations of the spiritual locust. These 
 sums, it must be remembered, are not the conjectural estimates of 
 individuals imperfectly informed of the worth of parochial tithes; they 
 are public and authentic returns, founded on an averag'e and impartial 
 valuation. It must, also, be borne in mind that the composition is a 
 net payment, obtained without the trouble of collectin<>- the tithes, or 
 the expense of proctors or middlemen, and the receipt of which is better 
 secured than the landlord's rent or public taxes. 
 
 Many of the incumbents enjoying- these really fat livings, arc plu- 
 ralists, holding- other parochial benefices, beside dig-nities and offices. 
 The names of the honourable Charles Knox, the lionourahle George 
 de la Pocr Beresford, the honourable Joseph Bourke, ;vnd other well- 
 known signatures, are quite sufficient to indicate their connexions with 
 the episcopacy and aristocracy of Ireland. It would require pages fully 
 to set forth the families, connexions, and influence ; the sinecures, 
 places, offices, and pensions by which some of these honourables have 
 sent forth their absorbents into the substance of Church and State. 
 There is one man, however, James Hixgstoxe by name, who, as 
 far as wo know, is not of noble blood, unless it be by some left-handed 
 tilt ; yet he seems to' have reaped a plentiful harvest. He has com- 
 pounded for the tithes of two parishes, that of Whitechurch for £784, 
 and that of AghabuUogue for £750, making- a snug income of £1534 
 per annum. But this is far from being the extent of his good fortune. 
 He is, also, rector of Subulter, and prebendary and vicar-genoral of 
 Cloyne, His son, James Hingstone, is vicar of Clonmult, and vicar- 
 choral of the cathedral church of St. Colman's. It were easy to give 
 similar illustrations of others, but this must suffice. 
 
 Mr. Goulbourn's bait has taken so well that nearly two-thirds of all 
 the parishes in Ireland have compounded for their tithes : the progress 
 of the measure, up to the ])resent, will appear from the subjoined state-
 
 152 CHURCH OF IRELAND. 
 
 ment, exhibiting the number of parishes, in each diocese, that have com- 
 pounded in the four provinces, the proportion between lay and ecclefdastical 
 tithe, and the total amount of the compositions for both descriptions of tithe. 
 
 Lay Clerical Compo- 
 
 PROVINXE or ARMAGH. Parishes. Tithes. Tithes. sition. 
 
 Diocese. £ £ £ 
 
 Armagh -18 . . — .. 19,20'J .. 19,292 
 
 Clogher 28 .. 1,291 .. 12,257 .. 13,548 
 
 Meatli l:i7 .. 11,212 .. 21,400 .. 32,618 
 
 Down and Connor 40 .. 1,139 .. 13,622 .. 15,061 
 
 Derry 42.. — .. 22,990.. 22,990 
 
 llaphoe 14 .. 352 .. 7,424 .. 7,777 
 
 Kilmore 19.. 874.. 4,813.. 5,688 
 
 Dromore 9.. 2,128.. 2,647.. 4,775 
 
 Ardagh 21. .2,303.. 4,793.. 7,097 
 
 PROVINCE OF DUBLIN. 
 
 Dublin ,. 91 .. 4,031 .. 15,035 .. 19,060 
 
 Kildare 36.. 2,089.. 7,363.. 9,452 
 
 Ossory Gl .. 1,550 .. 15,557 .. 17,107 
 
 Ferns and Lcighlin 103 .. 7,181 ., 27,989 .. 35,170 
 
 PROVINCE OF CASHEL. 
 
 Cashel and Emly 93 . . 5,083 ,. 19,555 .. 24,638 
 
 Limerick, Ardfert, and Aghadoe 128 .. 7,016 .. 24,349 .. 31,366 
 
 Waterford and Lismore 52 .. 2,386 .. 12,500 .. 14,886 
 
 Cork and Ross 65.. 4,022.. 23,282.. 27,305 
 
 Cloyne 57 .. 4,345 .. 18,629 .. 22,975 
 
 Killaloe and Kilfenora 121 .. 3,670 .. 23,355 .. 27,032 
 
 PROVINCE OF TUAM. 
 
 Tuam 60 .. 2,945 .. 11,450 .. 14,396 
 
 Elphin 54.. 2,377.. 0,817.. 9,194 
 
 Clonfert and Kilmacduagh 59 .. 86 . . 8,636 .. 8,723 
 
 Killala and Achoury 15 . . 1,098 . . 2,593 . . 3,691 
 
 Total 1,353 67,494 326,363 393,857 
 
 From the results of the compositions already entered into it is easy 
 to calculate the value of tithes in ail Ireland. Of the 1353 parishes, 
 the average rate of composition for each parish, for impropriate tithe, is 
 £50, for church tithe £241, and for ecclesiastical*ind lay tithes together 
 £291. Supposing the whole 2450 parishes to compound for tithes at 
 the same average rate, the annual value of impropriate tithes is 
 £122,500, of church tithes £590,450, making the total burden imposed 
 by tithes, lay and ecclesiastical, on the entire kingdom, amount to 
 £712,950 per annum. The average tithe for the whole kingdom would 
 probably exceed the sum here stated ; since it is known the most fertile 
 districts have been the most backward in compounding for their tithes. 
 
 The ecclesiastical tithe of £590,450 per annum constitutes only 
 one item in the yearly emoluments of the parochial clergy. They have, 
 also, glebe-houses, extensive glebes, minister's money, and church-fees. 
 In Ireland, " all things seem oddly made and every thing amiss."
 
 minister's money and church fees. 153 
 
 Many benefices have neither glebe-house nor glebe-land ; while others 
 have two glebe-houses each, and two or more glebes, comprising a 
 superficial area of 2000 acres. One-third of the benefices are destitute 
 of any glebe whatever, and, consequently, of any residence ; while the 
 remaining two-thirds of the benefices are estimated to possess glebe- 
 land to the enormous extent of 91,137 acres. Supposing, with Mr. 
 Baron Foster, the glebe to be worth, on an average, only £l per acre, 
 it forms a very considerable addition to the yearly revenue of the 
 beneficed clergy. 
 
 Another source of clerical emolument is that termed minister's 
 money, intended as a substitute for tithe, and which, as we have no 
 assessment levied in the same way in England, it will be proper to 
 explain. In cities and towns corporate, where there are small or no 
 tithes, a power is vested in the Lord Lieutenant, authorising, by a 
 commission, valuations to be made, from time to time, of every house ; 
 upon a return of such valuations, in which no house may be rated 
 (ibove £60, the Lord Lieutenant and six more of the privy-council are 
 empowered to assess each house, in a yearly sum, for the maintenance 
 of the incumbent. Under this authority valuations have been made of 
 the parishes in the cities of Dublin, Cork, Waterford, and Limerick, 
 and the towns corporate of Drogheda and Clonmel ; and it is from 
 the proceeds of these assessments that the incumbents of forty eight 
 city parishes are paid their stipends. We have not any public return 
 of the incomes allotted to the ministers of these towns and parishes ; if 
 they average £500 each, it makes an addition of £25,000 a-year to 
 the revenues of the parochial clergy. The clause which provides that 
 no house shall be rated above sixty pounds originated, no doubt, in 
 the same selfish policy that dictated the abolition of the tithe of pasture, 
 and shows, in every measure, how scrupulously have been considered the 
 interests of the wealthy Protestants, when the burden even of main- 
 taining the established church of the ascendant party was thrown, Avith 
 unequal weight, on their poor and politically-disfranchised catholic 
 brethren. 
 
 The yearly sums derived fiom church-fees we can only conjecture. 
 They do not, of course, from a vast majority of the population being 
 separatists from the endowed worship, form so productive a source of 
 emolument as in England. But, supposing the million of Protestants 
 of diflevent sects, in Ireland, pay for marriages, christenings, and 
 burials only 5s. a-head, surplice-fees yield an income of £250,000. 
 Without including, then, the emoluments derived by the parochial 
 clergy from the dignities and offices they hold, from being masters of 
 diocosan-schools, vicar-general or surrogate of a diocese, or official chap- 
 lain at the Castle ; their total revenue, from the four sources of tithes, 
 glebe-land, minister's money, and church-fees, cannot be less than 
 £956,587. If to this sum we add the incomes of the episcopal clergy 
 and the deans and chapters already ascertained, we shall have the total 
 amount of the burden imposed on Ireland by its Protestant establishment 
 as follows : —
 
 154 CHURCH OF IRELAND. 
 
 Revenues of the Established Church of Ireland. 
 Archbishops and bishops, average income of each £10,000- • £220,000 
 
 Estates and tithes of the deans and chapters 250,000 
 
 Ecclesiastical rectors, vicars, and perpetual curates : — 
 
 Tithes £590,450 
 
 Glebe-lands 91,137 
 
 Ministers' money 25,000 
 
 Church-fees 250,000 
 
 956,587 
 
 Total £1 ,426,587 
 
 Here is, certainly, a noble revenue for the maintenance of a little 
 insignificant church, with barely more than half a million of hearers. 
 The established church of Scotland, with a viillion and a half of 
 followers, is now considered amply endowed, although its revenues do 
 not exceed £234,900, or one sixth of those of Ireland. The sums 
 expended on the established priesthood of Ireland are nearly equal to 
 one-half the amount of the revenue paid into the Exchequer, on account 
 of public taxes for the maintenance of an army of 30,000 men, for 
 defraying the expense of police and justice, for the support of the 
 local administration, for defraying the interest of the public debt of 
 Ireland, and its proportional contribution to the exigencies of the 
 general government. It ought never to be forgotten that the im- 
 mense income lavished on a luxurious priesthood, whose duties pre- 
 scribe to them chaiity, humility, and self-denial, is wrung from a 
 poor distressed population, of whom hundreds perish annually from 
 sheer want of the necessaries of life, and the vast majority of whom — so 
 little have they been benefited by the instructions of their well-paid spi- 
 ritual guides — are in such a state of ignorance and destitution that they 
 are little better fed, clothed, and lodged than the beasts of the field ! 
 
 Our next inquiry is the Number of the Clergy, among whom the 
 revenues of the Irish Church are squandered. The policy of the 
 church, like that of the City companies and all corporations, has been 
 to keep their numbers as feio, and render their revenues as productive 
 as possible. Formerly there were thirty- two dioceses in Ireland ; these, 
 either by parliamentary authority or by annexing sees to others by 
 way of commendam, have been compressed into eighteen suffragan 
 bishoprics. Thus the work of uniting sees has been nearly as rife 
 as that of uniting parishes. The deans and capitulary bodies are kept 
 up as in England, though their functions are little more than nominal, 
 and the sinecure ofiices and dignities appendant to them serving only 
 to augment the otherwise redundant incomes of the priesthood. The 
 deans and chapters are endowed in some instances with tithes, in others 
 with lands, and in most cases with both; but their possessions are, for 
 the most part, divided, the dean having one part alone in right of his 
 deanery, and each member of the chapter a certain part in right of his 
 olfice. Of the thirty chapters, eighteen consist of the four offices of
 
 BENEFICED CLERGY AND COLLEGIATE CHAPTERS. 155 
 
 precentor, chancellor, and archdeacon, and of prebendaries, varying, 
 intermediately, from one, as in the case of Dromore, to twenty, as in 
 the case of St. Patrick's, Dublin. The chapters of Waterford and Kil- 
 fenora are without any prebends, and in the chapter of Kildare the 
 eight prebendaries, although they have a voice in the election of a dean, 
 yet form no constituent part of the chapter, which is composed of other 
 officials and four canons. 
 
 The precentor, or chantor, is generally the first member of the chap- 
 ter ; his duties, in the old religious houses in papal times, were impor- 
 tant and various, consisting in the care of the choir-service, in presiding 
 over the singing men, organist, and choristers, paying their salaries, and 
 keeping the seal of the chapter and chapter-book. In these cathedrals, 
 where a choir-service is still maintained, of which there are only a few 
 in Ireland, the precentor has the superintendence of the choir, but in 
 all others it is a mere title of honour, without any duty whatever at- 
 tached to the office. The same may be observed of the chancellors of cathe- 
 dral churches, the treasurers, provosts, and prebendaries, many of whom 
 are without cure or ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and have nothing what- 
 ever to do for their emoluments and patronage, unless it be in taking 
 their turn of preaching in the cathedral, and that is mostly performed 
 by deputy. 
 
 A dignity without cure is not incompatible with a parochial benefice, 
 and both may be holden together without any dispensation for plurality; 
 for though the dignitaries gain possession of office by institution, they 
 are not instituted to the cure of souls. The cure attaches not to any 
 office of the chapter as such ; yet it is to be observed that there are no 
 fewer than two hundred and nineteen dignities and offices* to 
 which either, by charter or other means, one or more parishes with 
 cure have been annexed, and of which parishes the tithes and emolu- 
 ments are received by the collegiate siuecurists, and the duties, where 
 any exist, are mostly discharged by a stipendiary curate. The for- 
 tunate possessors of these plural offices and parishes being eligible 
 to other benefices, one individual may concentrate in his own person 
 scores of dignities, offices, and livings, and enjoy an aggregation of 
 ecclesiastical income and patronage almost incredible. 
 
 Next let us advert to the number of the parochial clergy, consisting 
 of all ecclesiastical rectors having cure, ^'icars, and perpetual curates, 
 and of whom there are, according to Mr. Erck, exclusive of ninety- 
 eight dignitaries having cure, one thousand and seventy -Jive. The as- 
 sistant curates, amounting to five hundred and fifty, do not, of course, 
 form a part of the beneficed clergy; they are only deputies, removable 
 at pleasure, and discharging the duties, at very miserable stipends, which 
 ought to be discharged by their principals, who receive ample remu- 
 neration. Of lay-rectors, or laymen, possessing tithes as a lay-fee, 
 there are seven hundred and eighteen. These, not being in orders, 
 form no part of the ecclesiastical corps ; they are usually denominated 
 impropriators, as being, according to Spclman, improperly possessed 
 
 Kcclesiastlcal Register of Ireland, p. 24.
 
 156 CHURCH OF IRELAND. 
 
 of the tithes of the church; inasmuch as it severs labour from reivard, — 
 ;i principle which ecclesiastics profess to repudiate, though it is noto- 
 rious, the most amply endowed incumbents of the United Church of 
 En<z;land and Ireland are as justly obnoxious to the opprobrium of being 
 impropriators as the secular })arsons — having, by the intervention of 
 curates and other devices, unknown before the Reformation, contrived 
 to rid themselves entirely of every particle of spiritual duty. 
 
 The whole number of beneficed parochial clergy, without including 
 collegiate officials, is then only 1075, according to the admission of 
 the editor of the Board of First Fruits. This diminutive phalanx ono 
 would think quite small enough, in all conscience, to monopolize the 
 cure of the 2450 parishes of Ireland. But the fact is, the number of 
 individuals is not so numerous by a great many. We have seen that 
 1701 parishes have been compressed into 517 benefices. Some pa- 
 rishes are both rectorial and vicarial; that is, the same parish has a rector 
 and vicar, united in the same person, and which, we suspect, reckon 
 two in Mr. Erck's enumeration of 1075. Then how many are Plu- 
 iiALisTS ? The Ecclesiastical Register informs us, page 32, one hun- 
 dred and thirty-Jive benefices are held with other benefices by faculty, 
 dispensation, or permission of their diocesans. This reduces the 
 number of individuals to 940. There appear to be 587 parishes where 
 the vicarial are united with the rectorial tithes, or where both descrip- 
 tions of tithe are united in the incumbent. It is probable, we think, 
 the entire number of rectories, vicarages, and perpetual curacies are 
 possessed by not more than 700 individuals, who also enjoy the chief 
 offices in cathedrals, the diocesan schools, and public institutions of a 
 religious and literary character. 
 
 From the Ecclesiastical Register, and other sources, we collect that 
 the number of preferments in Ireland — episcopal, collegiate, and pa- 
 rochial — possessed by the established clergy, is — 
 
 Sees 22 
 
 Deaneries 33 
 
 Precentorships • o 26 
 
 Chancellorships 22 
 
 Treasurerships 22 
 
 Archdeaconries 34 
 
 Provostships ■• 2 
 
 Prebends and canonries ••• 188 
 
 Rural deans 1 07 
 
 Vicars choral 52 
 
 Choristers 20 
 
 Choir readers and stipendiaries • . - . - 12 
 
 Diocesan schools • • 30 
 
 Offices in consistorial courts • • • • 175 
 
 Benefices consisting of a single parish 749 
 
 Parishes compressed into 517 benefices 1701 
 
 Total of offices enjoyed by the established clergy • -3195
 
 ECCLESIASTICAL PATRONAGE. 167 
 
 Thus it appears there are 3195 ofl5ces shared among about eight 
 hundred and fifty individuals, whose agi2;regate ecclesiastical revenue 
 amounts to £1,426,587, averaging; £1678 to each person. Such pro- 
 portions between numbers, offices, and revenue are certainly without 
 parallel. There is no example any where of 850 persons possessing, 
 in see lands and glebes, one-eighteenth part of the soil, and claiming 
 one-tenth of the produce of the remainder, which supports eight millions 
 of people. Nocoimtry, however debased by superstition, ever abandoned 
 so large a portion of its real property, in addition to a tenth part of the 
 national income, for the maintenance of a priesthood, forming less than 
 a nine-thousandth part of the population. 
 
 It is not, however, the average income of either the Irish or English 
 ecclesiastic that constitutes the principal abuse in their respective esta- 
 blishments. Although both churches might very well spare tiuo-thirds 
 of their aggregate revenues, and enough remain for the adequate re- 
 muneration of spiritual service, still it is not the redundancy of their 
 united incomes that is so objectionable as the unequal and inhuman 
 manner in which they are possessed by candidates of the same grade 
 and pretension. We have before enlarged on this point in our exposi- 
 tion of the Church of England ; we have there shown how masses of 
 pay and pluralities of office are heaped on clerical sinecurists enjoying 
 high connexions and influence ; while the most useful and meritorious 
 lal)ourers in the ministrv, divested of patronage, are kept in the most 
 miserable poverty and dependence. Precisely the same injustice pre- 
 dominates in the Irish church. In the latter the grievance is more in- 
 tolerable, for, in Ireland, church-patronage is chiefly in the hands of 
 ecclesiastics, and it is invariably observed that the clergy have less re- 
 gard for their brethren, and are more blindly intent on promoting their 
 own personal and family interests than laymen. 
 
 We shall insert a tabular representation of the patronage of the Irish 
 church ; the number of parishes in Ireland is greater than appears from 
 the subjoined statement, as is evident from the Ecclesiastical Register. 
 But it is a point on which there is much diflerence of opinion, originating 
 in the uncertain boundaries of parishes, and the extraordinary manner 
 they have been consolidated, to serve the purposes of clerical rapacity.
 
 158 
 
 CHURCH OF Ireland. 
 
 Irish Church Patronage. 
 
 Armagh 
 
 Cashell and Emly 
 
 Clogher 
 
 Clonfert and Kilmacduagh 
 
 Cloyne 
 
 Cork and Ross 
 
 Derry 
 
 Down and Connor 
 
 Dromore 
 
 Dublin 
 
 Elphin 
 
 Kildare 
 
 Rillala and Aclionry 
 
 Killaloe and Kilfenora. 
 
 Kiluiore 
 
 Leighlin and Ferns 
 
 Limerick, Ardfert, and Aghadoe . . . 
 
 Meath 
 
 Ossory 
 
 Raphoe 
 
 Tiiam and Ardagh 
 
 Waterford and Lismore 
 
 Patronage 
 
 of 
 
 Bishops. 
 
 CO 
 
 34 
 43 
 
 107 
 94 
 33 
 53 
 23 
 
 144 
 72 
 30 
 48 
 
 131 
 33 
 
 171 
 34 
 69 
 76 
 15 
 72 
 43 
 
 Patronage 
 Crown. 
 
 13 
 
 1 
 3 
 
 10 
 8 
 3 
 
 12 
 
 15 
 
 2 
 27 
 
 4 
 10 
 
 3 
 18 
 27 
 81 
 26 
 
 6 
 
 24 
 
 1392 293 
 
 Patronage of Bishops. 
 
 Ditto Crown 
 
 Ditto Lay 
 
 Ditto University 
 
 Lav 
 
 367 
 
 Uni- 
 versit 
 
 Impropriate 
 
 without 
 Chiirclics or 
 Incumbents. 
 
 21 
 
 11 
 
 10 
 
 17 
 13 
 35 
 
 95 
 
 1392 
 
 293 
 
 367 
 
 21 
 
 2168 
 
 The Irish bishops have a far greater proportion of patronage than the 
 English bishops : the former have the gift of 1392 livings out of 2168 ; 
 the latter have only the gift of 1290 out of 11,598. The livings, too, 
 in the gift of the Irish bishops are far more valuable. Those in the gift 
 of the Archbishop of Cashel are worth £35,000 per annum ; those in 
 the gift of the Bishop of Cloyne, £50,000 ; of Cork, £30,000 ; and 
 of Ferns, £30,000. In the see of Cloyne one living is worth £3000, 
 one worth £2000, and three worth £1500 each. A living of £500, as 
 w^e have seen, is but a middling one in Ireland, and any thing beneath 
 it is considered very low. 
 
 The king's ministers nominating the bishops, and these having the 
 disposal of all the livings, with the exception of a few belonging to the 
 Universities, lay lords, and those that are tithe free, nearly the whole of 
 the tithes and church revenues of Ireland are in the gift of the crown. 
 Hence we may see how discouraging was the prospect of ecclesiastical
 
 TORY MANAGEMENT OF THE rillRCH. 159 
 
 rejorm under Tory ministers. The Irish sees were almost in the 
 exckisive possession of their thick-and-thin supporters, in the famihes of 
 the Beresfords, the Clancartys, Balcanases, Mayos, Northlands, Rodens, 
 Hoaths, Kilkennys, Caledons, &c. among whom one looks in vain 
 for a single scholar or celebrated divine. Indeed the Irish Protestant 
 Establishment formed a convenient and almost inexhaustible fund for 
 parliamentary corruption ; and appointments to it, like those in the 
 Colonies, being out of sight of the English public, were often made 
 without any regard to decency. Thus a lieutenant in the nav}' has been 
 made an archbishop ; a member of the House of Commons, a dean ; a 
 proprietor, and it is said editor, of a newspaper, a chancellor ; and an 
 aide-de-camp at the Castle, a rich rector. Such men as Sir Harcourt 
 Lees, the heroes of Skibbereen and Newtonbarry, and Warburton and 
 Percy Jocelyn, having attained preferments in the church, are still 
 more illustrative. All the Irish representative prelates voted against the 
 Reform Bill on its first introduction. Lord Mountcashel stated, in the 
 House of Lords, that he knew an archdeacon in Ireland who kept one of 
 the best packs of fox -hounds in the country. Another clergyman, not 
 seven miles distant from the former, had, also, a pack of fox-hounds, 
 with which he regularly hunted ; and he knew of a clergyman who, 
 after his duties in the church had been performed, used to meet his bro- 
 ther-huntsmen at the co/«7?iM?izora-<o/>'/e, on the Sunday, and arrange with 
 them where the hounds were to start for next day. Can these things 
 be, when it is alleged by Sir Robert Peel, that the church has no 
 support to depend upon but her " own purity?" 
 
 However, the love of sporting is not confined to the clergy of the 
 sister kingdom. The English spirituals have also a taste for rural 
 sports, and a good pack of fox-hounds is deemed a suitable appendage 
 to a cure of souls, as Avill be seen from the following notice : "To 
 be sold, the next presentation to a vicarage, in one of the midland coun- 
 ties, and in the immediate neighbourhood of one or two ofthe^rs^ pucks 
 of fox-hounds in the kingdom. The present annual income about 
 £.580, subject to curate's salary. The incumbent in his 60th year." — 
 Mornincj Herald, April 15, 1830. 
 
 But it is not these matters which engage our attention ; we should 
 care little about the sporting propensities of the parsons if they would 
 leave to the industrious the produce of their labour. So far as manners 
 and morals are concerned, the different sects of religionists may be left 
 to watch each other ; and that they will do with the most lynx-eyed 
 attention. Only read what Mr. Beverley has written on this subject in 
 his " Letter to the Archbishop of York." 
 
 " It surely is not very edifying to behold a clergyman following the 
 hounds, and though the fox-pursuing parsons are of a different opinion, 
 and defend the practice with orthodox arguments, yet they cannot per- 
 suade the people to agree with them ; in vain do they sing a song con- 
 cerning ' manly sport — no harm,' &c. ; for their parishioners will not 
 listen to such trash, but indignant at the indecencies of their rectors,
 
 IGO CHURCH OF IRELAND. 
 
 turn away in disgust to find better examples amongst the raethodists and 
 independents. 
 
 " But indecent and unpopular as is the spectacle of a fox-hunting 
 parson, perhaps one's bile is not a little agitated in these exhibitions, 
 by that sort of vestiary hypocrisy with which they choose to decorate 
 the scandal : for it seems to lie a received dogma of ecclesiastical de- 
 corum, that a parson is not to hunt in a red coat ; provided only the 
 scarlet does not appear, the reverend successor of the Apostles may 
 leap over hedge and ditch without the slightest impropriety : give these 
 successors of the Apostles a black or dark grey jacket, a pair of white 
 corderoy breeches, and handsome top-boots, and then you save the cha- 
 racter of the church ; but if a young priest were to give the view-holloa 
 in a red coat, all men would be shocked, and I suspect that ere long a 
 grand and verbose epistle would come to him from Bishopthorpe. 
 
 " The same farce in clothing is kept up throughout ; at balls the suc- 
 cessors of the Apostles must appear clad in black, or any of the shades of 
 black. Thanks, however, to the ingenuity of tailors and haberdashers, 
 such exquisite tints have of late years been discovered in silk stockings 
 and silk waistcoats, such delicious varieties of light black, raven black, 
 French black, and French Avhites — the black has been softened into 
 winning lavender-tints, and the white has been so dexterously made to 
 blush a morning blush, that it requires very great ingenuity to discover 
 a layman from a priest in a brilliant ball-room. These, however, who 
 are more apostolical, take the bull by the horns, and venture to place 
 black-tinted buttons on the breasts of their shirts, a mark of the 
 priestly office not easily to be mistaken ! Of such a toilet there is great 
 hope, and it would be a shame indeed if the black -button-bearing priests 
 did not become rich pluralists at last." 
 
 Mr. Beverley of Beverley is such a nice connoisseur in drapery, 
 that we suspect him of being a bit of an exquisite himself: he is evi- 
 dently an intense evangelical, and, for aught we know, may be a 
 believer in Mr. Irvine's new revelation of a " gift of tongues." 
 
 Non-residence of the Irish Clergy, 
 
 It is a curious fact that, during the sway of the Catholic Church, no 
 man was permitted to hold a benefice who did not perform the duties of it 
 upon the spot, and it was left for the Reformation, which is said to have 
 established religion in greater perfection, to entitle a man to a large 
 income for the cure of souls in a district which he never visited. A great 
 proportion of the Irish Bishops, Dignitaries, and Incumbents, are abscn - 
 tees ; many of them whiling away their time on the Continent, and 
 others dissipating their large revenues in the fashionable circles of 
 Brighton and London. With the single exception of the Bishop of 
 Kildare all the archbishops and bishops have each, v\'ithin their respec- 
 tive dioceses, an episcopal residence, or see-house, with parks, chases,
 
 PRETEXTS FOR NON-KESl D K NCE. IGl 
 
 and demesne-lands attached. Yet the^ spend little or none of their 
 time in Ireland in superintending the clergy. The families of some 
 prelates reside constantly in Eng:land, and the only duty performed by 
 the bishop is to cross the water in the summer months, take a peep at 
 the ^'^ palace," and then return to give grand dinners, and mingle in 
 the gaieties of the metropolis, for the remainder of the year. The late 
 Earl of Bristol, Bishop of Dorry, resided twenty years abroad, and 
 during that time received the revenues of his rich diocese, amounting to 
 £240,000. This Right Rev. Prelate was the intimate associate of Lady 
 Hamilton, the kept-mistress of Lord Nelson. The bishop lived in Italy, 
 spending his princely income, wrung from the soil and labour of L-eland, 
 among the tiddlers and prostitutes of that debauched country. The 
 great primate Rokeby resided at Bath, and never visited Ireland. The 
 parochial clergy are not more exemplaiy. Upwards of one-third of 
 the whole number of incumbents do not reside on their benefices. Some 
 of them, with incomes of £5,000 or £10,000 a-year, are living in 
 France, with their wives and families. Other* live at Bath, on account 
 of the gout. Most of them never see their parishes, deriving their 
 incomes through the medium of agents, or of tithe-farmers, and engaging 
 a curate at some £30 or £50 a-year to attend once on each Sunday to 
 read prayers ; often, perhaps, only to the parish clerk. 
 
 According to the Diocesan Returns, iu 1819, the following was the 
 state of the provinces, as regards parochial residence and duty ; — 
 
 The province of Ulster, containing 443 parishes or unions, had 351 
 incumbents resident, or near enough to do dutij. 
 
 The province of Leinster, 281 parishes or unions, with 189 incum^ 
 bents resident, or near enough to do duty. 
 
 The province of Munster, 419 parishes or unions, with 281 incum- 
 bents resident, or near enough to do duty. 
 
 The province of Connaught, 95 parishes or unions, with Q') incumbents 
 resident, or near enough to do duty. 
 
 Thus, in 354 parishes or unions, there was neither an incumbent 
 resident, nor near enough to do the duty of his benefice. These returns 
 make the number of incumbents, resident and non-resident, amount to 
 1240. It is unnecessary to explain, after what has been already stated, 
 that there arc not actually so many individujiJB. The deception results 
 from pluralities. Every benefice Avith cure has an incumbent ; but, as 
 each incumbent often holds two or more benefices, or is rector and vicar 
 of the same parish, it reduces the number of individuals to the amount 
 previously stated, namely seven hundred. 
 
 One great excuse for the neglect of duty by the protestant clergy is 
 that they have scarcely any duty to perform. Notwithstanding all the 
 inducements offered by the establislied religion, notwithstanding its 
 monopoly of tithes, honours, power, and emoluments, it lias scarcely 
 any followers. A protestant is as rare to bo met with in Ireland, as a 
 Jf.w in England. Out of a population of eight millions, there are little 
 more than half a million communicants of the state religion. The con- 
 sequence is, that the church establishment is little Ijettcr than an
 
 162 CHURCH OF IRELAND. 
 
 enormous sinecure, a prodigious job, carried on for the benefit of a few 
 hundred individuals, to the impoverishment, disunion, and degradation of 
 all the rest of the nation. The Irish Church has been aptly compared to 
 some Irish regiment, in which there was the whole train of officers, from 
 the colonel downwards, but only one private. Just so with the eccle- 
 siastical establishment ; there is the whole apparatus of bishops, deans, 
 archdeacons, prebendaries, canons, rectors, and vicars ; there are all 
 these still, and, what is better, there are all the tithes, houses, gardens, 
 glebe lands, cathedrals, and palaces : all these remain ; but the people — 
 those for whose benefit they were originally intended, they have adhered 
 unflinchingly to their old communion. Why then should not the reve- 
 nues and church lands follow them — the owners, for whose benefit 
 they were first granted ? Why keep up twenty-two bishops where 
 there are scarcely any parsons ? or why maintain these parsons, with 
 large endowments, when they have lost their flocks ? There are scores, 
 aye, hundreds of well paid rectors and vicars, without a single protes- 
 tant hearer ; there are thirteen hundred and fifty parishes, without 
 even a church to preach in ; yet in all these parishes the tithes are levied 
 or compounded for to the utmost farthing. 
 
 The anomalous state of the Irish Church has not escaped the notice 
 of foreigners ; and in the pleasant and instructive ' Tour of a German 
 Prince,' there are some curious details. " I took," says the writer, 
 " advantage of the acquaintance I made to day to gain more information 
 of the actual proportion between Catholics and Protestants. I foundall I 
 had heard fully confirmed, and have gained some further details ; among' 
 others, the oihcial list of a part of the present parishes and livings in 
 the diocese of Cashell, Avhich is too remarkable not to send it to you, 
 though the matter is somewhat dry, and seems almost too pedantic for 
 our correspondence. 
 
 Catholics. Protestants. 
 
 Thurles has 12,000 250 
 
 Cashel 11,000 700 
 
 Clonhoughtv 5,142 82 
 
 Coppowhyte 2,800 76 
 
 Killenoule 7,040 514 
 
 Boherlahan 5,000 25 
 
 Feathard 7,600 400 
 
 Kilcummin 2,400 
 
 Meckarty 7,000 80 
 
 Golden 4,000 120 
 
 Anacarty 4,000 12 
 
 Donniskeath 5,700 90 
 
 New Erin 4,500 30 
 
 In thirteen districts 78,182 Catholics and 2879 Protestants. 
 
 " Each of these districts has only one Catholic priest, but often 
 Jour or five Protestant clergymen ; so that on an average, there are 
 scarcely twenty persons to each Protestant congregation. Kilcummin
 
 INJUSTICE OF THE IRISH 1' A It IJ A M ENT. 163 
 
 is the place I mentioned to you, where there is not a single parishioner , 
 and the service, which according to law must be performed once a-year, 
 is enacted in the ruins with the help of a Catholic clerk. In another, 
 called Tollamane, the same farce takes place. But not a whit the 
 less must the non-attending parishioners pay the utmost farthing of 
 their tithes and other dues ; and no claims are so bitterly enforced as 
 those of this Christian church : —there is no pity, at least none for Ca- 
 tholics. A man who cannot pay the rent of the church land he farms, 
 or his tithes to the parson, inevitably sees his cow and his pig sold, (fur- 
 niture, bed, &c. &c. he has long lost,) and himself, his wife, and probably 
 a dozen children thrust out into the road, where he is left to the mercy of 
 that Providence Avho feeds the foAvls of the air and clothes the lilies of 
 the field." — Tour in England, Ireland, France, v. ii. pp. 50-51. 
 
 Well may this lively tourist exclaim, " What an excellent con- 
 trivance is a state religion !" 
 
 Oppressiveness of the Tithe System. 
 
 Hardship and impoverishment result not less from the amount than 
 the mode in which the ecclesiastical revenues are levied in Ireland. 
 By the Tithe Compositioii Act, an attempt was made, without at all 
 lessening the amount of the burthen, to avert the occurrence of those 
 disgraceful scenes, which so frequently accompanied the collection of 
 the tithe-tax. Under the authority of this statute, it has been seen, 
 many parishes have compounded with the incumbent for tithe ; but as 
 these compositions can only be entered into for a limited term, and as 
 the rate of them varies with the fluctuations in the value and quantity 
 of produce, the whole kingdom may be still considered to labour under 
 the curse of an impost, whose pressure increases with every increase of 
 capital and industry. The expedient of compounding was early and 
 readily adopted in the disturbed districts of Clare and Galway ; and 
 throughout the extensive districts of the dioceses of Clonfert, Kilmac- 
 duagh, and Killaloe, composition rent has continued to be promptly and 
 willingly paid. But the measure has not been equally successful in 
 other parts. In the county of Carlow, King's County, Queen's County, 
 Kilkenny, and part of Tipperary; in fact, through the finest lands of the 
 kingdom, composition has slowly and reluctantly advanced. 
 
 One circumstance especially deserving notice in the history of the 
 tenth exaction, is, the abolition of tithes of agistment, which leaves 
 tillage lands alone liable to the burthen. This selfish and partial 
 enactment of the Irish parliament shows clearly enough how neces- 
 sary it is that the different classes of society should be represented 
 in the legislature ; otherwise they are sure to be sacrificed, without 
 regard to justice or humanity, to the exclusive advantage of the ruling 
 power. The abolitiou of tithe of pasture causes the revenues of the 
 clergy to be principally drawn from tithe of corn, and of the cattle, pigs, 
 poultr}', and potatoes of the cotter tenantry. While tithes of agistment 
 were paid, the burden, in part, fell upon the opulent grazier, — the landed 
 
 M 2
 
 16'4 ciirncn or iukf-and. 
 
 aristocracy of Ireland ; but now the burden presses with disproportionate 
 weight on the poorer cultivators of the soil. Owing to the increase in 
 the numbers, skill, and industry of this class, the quantity of agricul- 
 tural produce has been augmented a hundred fold, and in the same 
 proportion has augmented the revenue of the church. While the Irish 
 cultivator has been adding to his income by industr}', and by the 
 abridgment of the comforts and enjoyments of his family, he has been 
 constrained, also, to add proportionately to the income of the Protestant 
 priest, whose religion he does not profess, and whose intolerant dogmas 
 long withheld from him his civil immunities. 
 
 The amount abstracted from the just rewards of industry is not the 
 entire evil of the tithe oppression. Another class of evils results from 
 the variety of ecclesiastical rights, and consequent Aariety of laws, 
 and the interminable litigation which these laws incessantly occasion. 
 The perplexities arising from this source are infinite, and it frequently 
 happens the same ground is impoverished by the successive levies of the 
 archbishop, bishop, dean and chapter, the rector and vicar. This is the 
 case in most parts of the diocese of Clonfert, and to show the fleecing 
 and harassing nature of the system we cannot do better than insert an 
 extract from the letter of a clerg}'man and magistrate of Ireland, ad- 
 dressed to Mr. Secretary Stanley, and read by Lord Melbourne on the 
 motion for the appointment of the Tithe Committee. 
 
 " The broken and irregular character of tithes, in the rust of its great anti- 
 quity, renders the variety and number of claims on the land both harassing and 
 vexatious ; the frequency of calls, and the uncertainty of receivers, are so varied 
 and perplexing as to occasion much annoyance to the poor. There are a vast 
 number of instances in my own parish, where one poor man, whose whole tithes 
 annually do not amount to more than Is. Sd. per aci-e, and yet subject him to have 
 his cow, sheep, pig, or horse, taken and driven to pound six times in the year for 
 tithes, and liable, on each and every driving, to a charge of 2s. Crf. driver's fees, 
 besides expense of impounding, and waste of time from his labour in seeking the 
 person duly authorised to give him a receipt. He is liable to be summoned, 
 moreover, and decreed for vestry cess, once in the year, making annually seven 
 calls, on account of the Church, to his little plot of ground; besides, his little 
 holding is liable to two calls in the year for Grand Jury public money, and fre- 
 quently two calls moi-e for Crown and quit rent. Thus eleven calls are made 
 upon his small holding in the year, besides his landlord's rent, and for sums 
 trifling in themselves, but perplexing and ruinous in the costs which attend them. 
 Surely such are hardships that ought to be removed. 
 
 " Throughout the diocese of Clonfert and Rilmacduagh, in which this parish 
 is situated, the Bishop takes one-fourth of every titheable acre of land. The 
 county is very much broken up amongst cotter tenantry, holding small plots of 
 an acre each, with a cabin or cottage upon it. The whole diocese is compounded 
 for at an average rate of about one shilling per acre." — House of Lords, Dec. 15, 
 1831. 
 
 In England, where, in many parts, a man cannot cut a cabbage, pull 
 a carrot, or gather a bunch of grapes, without giving notice to the
 
 WORKINGS or THE TITHE SYSTr.M. 165 
 
 parson, the system is sufficiently intolerable;* but in Ireland, from the 
 mode of collecting tithes, those evils are ag'gravated tenfold. The Irish 
 clergy generally employ an agent, called a proctor, who, immediately 
 before harvest, estimates the barrels of corn, tons of hay, or hundred 
 weight of potatoes, he supposes are on the ground, and, charging the 
 market price, ascertains the amoimt to be paid by the owner. This 
 notable agent generally holds his session on Sunday, at a pot-house, 
 where he meets the farmers. As the terms are seldom agreed upon at 
 the first meeting, others follow, and the reckonings, on these occasions, 
 are always paid by the farmers, which add not a little to their charges. 
 The parson sometimes leases the tithes out to the proctor, at a fixed 
 rent, like a farm; while the latter, who, in that case, is called the 
 middle proctor, not unfrequently relets them to another. In the south, 
 the tithe is set out and sold by public auction on the premises. And, 
 in Connaiight, it is customary to call a sale before the hars'est, at which 
 the tithe is sold to any person who chooses to collect it. 
 
 Under such a system, it is easy to conceive what the Irish must 
 endure. Nothing escapes the vigilance of the spiritual locust, or his 
 agent. No bog, however deep — no mountain, however high — nor heath, 
 nor rock, whatever industry may have reclaimed, or capital fertilized — 
 all is liable to the full penalty of having been made available to the uses 
 of man. From the proctors and middle proctors, neither lenity nor 
 indulgence can be expected. These men, to whom the odious office of 
 reaping the fruits of the industry of others has been delegated, are, 
 probably, strangers in the parish, without motive for cultivating the 
 friendship of the people, and having farmed the tithe for a stipulated 
 sum, it is to be expected they will collect it with the utmost rigour, in 
 order to realize the greatest profit from their bargain. The most dis- 
 tressing scenes are sometimes witnessed from their relentless proceed- 
 ings, and the tithes not unfrequently collected with the aid of a consta- 
 bulary or military force. The half-famished cotter, surrounded by a 
 wretched family, clamorous for food, frequently beholds the tenth part 
 of the produce of his potatoe garden, carried ofi' to fill the insatiable 
 maw of clerical rapacity. " I have seen," says Mr. Wakefield, " the 
 cow, the favourite cow, driven away, accompanied by the sighs, the 
 tears, and the imprecations of a whole family, who were paddling after, 
 through wet and dirt, to take their last affectionate farewell of this their 
 only benefactor at the pound gate. I have heard, with emotions which 
 I can scarcely describe, deep curses repeated from village to village, as 
 
 • Lord Momitcashel, in his speech on Church Ueforin, May 4, 1830, relates 
 a curious anecflote, illustrative of the hiscious keenness of the Knglish clergy 
 after Utiles. His lordsliip had been recently in conipunv witli a clerj^ynian, 
 ■while lookiii;; after his tenths: and when the man in orders met a goose with 
 its goslings, he stopped to count the progeny, and would cry, " Ah! there's one 
 for me." Or, if he overtook a sow with her litter, he sumnu-d thein up, with tlie 
 observation, " Ah! there are tin) fur inc." The noble lords were highly di\erted 
 with this example of ecclesiastical cupidity : they laughed heartily, and our 
 readers may laugh too — if they like.
 
 166 CHURCH or IIltll.AND. 
 
 the cavalcade proceeded. I have witnessed the group pass the domain 
 walls of the opulent grazier, whose numerous herds were cropping the 
 most luxuriant pastures, Avhilst he was secure from any demand for the 
 tithe of their food, looking on with the utmost indifference." — Statistical 
 Account of Ireland, vol. ii. p. 466. 
 
 To spare the rich and plunder the poor is certainly not Christianity ; 
 it is more like Church of Englandism, which, by the union of church 
 and state, has perverted the pure and charitable faith of Christ into a 
 tremendous engine of political guilt and spiritual extortion. There is, 
 we are assured, plenty of law in Ireland, as well as in this country, to 
 punish injustice : there is no wrong, we are told, without a remedy ; 
 the courts of justice are open, as the hypocrites say in England, for 
 the punishment of either magisterial or clerical delinquents. All this 
 sounds wells on paper, or in the bloated harangues of an attorney- 
 general ; but it is mere mockery and insult when offered to the victims 
 of oppression. Law, in both countries, is for those who can pay for it 
 — the rich, not the poor. The poor cotter, oppressed or defrauded by 
 the exaction of the tithe-proctor, to the value of £10, cannot buy a 
 chance of redress in the lottery of the law for less than £60. By 
 victory or defeat he is equally and irremediably ruined. What resource, 
 then, have men whose possessions probably do not amount to half that 
 sum? None. The way to courts of justice, through the impassable 
 barrier of attorneys' and lawyers' fees, is over a bridge of gold ; and 
 to point out these tribunals for redress, either to English or Irish poor, 
 or even to those -moderately endowed with wealth, is, in other words, 
 to point out to a man the shortest way by which he may bring himself 
 to the jail and his family to the workhouse. 
 
 Proportion of Catholics and Protestants in Ireland. 
 
 It has latterly become as essential a part of the system to conceal the 
 number of followers of the Irish Protestant church, as the amount of 
 its revenues. When the last census was taken, it had been easy to 
 ascertain the respective proportions of Catholics, Episcopalians, Pres- 
 byterians, and other Dissenters ; but government, for obvious reasons, 
 declined making such classification. The witnesses examined by parlia- 
 mentaiT committees in 1825, evinced much diversity of opinion. 
 Mr. O'Connell thought the Protestants of all sects did not exceed a 
 million.* Mr. Leslie Foster supposed them to amount to 1,270,000. 
 Mr. Mason, who had spent much time in enquiries of this nature, cal- 
 culated the proportion of Catholics to Protestants as 2^ to 1, which 
 estimate he founded on returns from 300 parishes, or about one-eighth 
 of the whole number. f Another account, which professes to be founded 
 on the best information, gives the following estimate : — The census 
 made the population amount to 6,800,000 ; if divided into fourteenths, 
 
 * Parliamentary Papers, vol. ix. p.83, Session, 1825. 
 t Ibid, p. 308.
 
 PROPORTION OF CATHOLICS AND PROTESTANTS. 167 
 
 it was estimated one-fourteenth belonged to the established church, or 
 490,000 souls ; Presbyterians, and other Dissenters, formed another 
 fourteenth ; so that there remained 5,820,000 Catholics. The popula- 
 tion has since increased to at least eight millions ; and, supposing the 
 proportion continues the same, there are now 571,428 Episcopalians, 
 an equal number of Dissenting Protestants, and 6,857,143 Catholics. 
 
 If to the Catholics and Dissenting Protestants of Ireland we add the 
 vast body of Separatists in England, we shall find that together they 
 form an overwhelming majority of the population of the two kingdoms ; 
 and that, therefore, the existing Protestant establishment, having only a 
 minority of the people attached to its communion, is not, according to 
 the maxim of Paley, entitled to the support and protection of govern- 
 ment. One writer makes the excess of non-conformists over the con- 
 formists, in both countries, to amount to four millions; but as there is 
 no certain data whereby this question can be accurately decided, we 
 decline offering an opinion on the precise numerical superiority. 
 
 How, in Ireland, the followers of the established church have come 
 to bear so small a proportion, and of the church of Rome so large a one, 
 can only be accounted for by the observation of a celebrated writer, that 
 you may persecute a doctrine up to any number of adherents ; and the 
 converse — pamper it down to any number. The selfish and intolerant 
 spirit which so long swayed the destinies of the sister kingdom, by 
 drawing a broad line of distinction betwixt the dominant and proscribed 
 faith, rendered defection from the latter next to impossible. A sense of 
 common injustice cemented more strongly the bonds of union among the 
 Catholics, and gave to their civil disabilities the semblance of a martyr- 
 dom, which no one, by apostacy, could escape, without suspicion of being 
 influenced by sordid considerations. Hence, a close and indignant 
 sentiment was fostered, suthcient not only to withstand the claims of the 
 reformed worship, but the influence of property, and the coercive power 
 of authority. Fidelity to the religion of their fathers was identified 
 with fidelity to their countrymen ; and no one could secede, without 
 being exposed to the double opprobrium of national treacheiy and selfish 
 hypocrisy. It follows, that the sectarian missionaries, spread through 
 Ireland, have had little success among the Catholics, and the proselytes 
 they have made have been chiefly j)icked up in the less guarded folds of 
 the established pastors. 
 
 The Catholics religion, however, has not only kept its relative position, 
 but lias actually gained ground ; for, during the last half century, the 
 proportion of Protestants has declined. In 1766, the Protestants formed 
 nearly one-hiclf the population ; in 1822, they formed only one-sevenih; 
 while the Catholics had more than quadrupled from 1766 to 1822, the 
 Protestants had scarcely doubled. This striking fact will be more evident 
 from the following statement, drawn up partly from parliamentary 
 returns, and partly from the estimate of Dr. Beaufort, and other well- 
 informed individuals.
 
 1(J8 CHURCH Ol- IllKLANI). 
 
 Year 17G6. Year 1792. Year 1822. 
 
 Protestant 544,865 522,023 980,000 
 
 Catholics 1,326,960 3,261,303 5,820,000 
 
 Total 1,871,725 3,783,326 6,800,000 
 
 The increase of Protestants from 1792 to 1822 is chiefly ascribefl 
 to the exertions of the Methodists. It affords a striking illustration of 
 the eflicacy of tithes, and large ecclesiastical endowments, in promoting 
 religion ; for it is clear, from the above, that the state worship has 
 declined, in spite of its enormous emoluments. Those who are zealous 
 for the promotion of religion, ought not to defend either the Irish 
 or English establishment ; for, under both branches of the united 
 church, the number of their members has relatively decreased. Pure 
 Christianity, indeed, can never flourish under the auspices of wealth and 
 power ; its precepts and origin are in perfect contrast to the titles, 
 pomps, and vanities of the world. It has no connexion with bishops, 
 nor courts, nor palaces ; it was cradled in indigence ; it flourished from 
 persecution, it denounced the cant of hypocrites, and never allied itself 
 with the Scribes and Pharisees of authority. They may, indeed, 
 baptize state religions under the name of Christianity, but it has little 
 to do with them ; they are only heathen institutions, and their followers 
 more the disciples of Mahomet than of Jesus Christ. 
 
 Little more than one-fourteenth of the population of Ireland belongs to 
 the state religion, yet the teachers of this fraction of the community claim 
 one-tenth of the produce that feeds the whole eight millions ! Surely 
 if church property Avas intended for the maintenance of religion, it was 
 intended for the religion of the peotle, not for an insignificant 
 minority of them. 
 
 But the misappropriation of ecclesiastical wealth is far from being 
 the extent of the injustice sustained by the Irish and their real pastors. 
 The important statute of the Session of 1829 was, no doubt, a great 
 boon to the aristocracy and gentry, by qualifying them for seats in parlia- 
 ment and civil offices ; still, as various penal statutes in force against the 
 priesthood were left unrepealed by the Catholic Relief Act, they con- 
 tinue to sustain great han'ship and opprobrium. Some of the penal 
 acts remaining in force are very unjust and even cruel in their provi- 
 sions : for instance, if a Catholic priest from inadvertency or misinfor- 
 mation marry two Protestants, or, a Protestant and Catholic, he is 
 liable to a penalty of £500, or, according to a decision of an Orange 
 Chief Justice, he is liable to suffer death. The clergy are not allowed 
 to officiate in any place with steeple or bells ; they are prohibited fiom 
 appearing abroad in the costume of their order ; they cannot be guar- 
 dians, nor receive the personal endowment of any Catholic chapel, 
 school-house, or other pious or charitable foundation. If thoy do not 
 disclose the secrets of auricular confession, which their religious tenets 
 prohibit them from disclosing, they are liable to imprisonment ; if a Jesuit
 
 DISSENTERS PAID BY THE STATE. 169 
 
 enter the kingdom he may he banished for life, and any person entering- 
 such rehgious order is guilty of a misdemeanor. * No Cathohc in Ire- 
 land is allowed for his defence to have arms in his house, unless he 
 have a freehold of £10 a-year or £300 personal property. In Cork, 
 Drogheda, and other cities and towns they continue to be ineligible to be 
 members of the municipal corporations of those places. And, though a 
 Catholic is liable to parish cess, he is disabled from voting at vestries 
 on questions relating to repairs of churches. Lastly, no Catholic of the 
 United Kingdom is eligible to the offices of Lord Chancellor, Keeper 
 or Commissioner of the Great Seal, Lord-lieutenant, Deputy or Gover- 
 nor of Ireland, or High Commissioner in Scotland ; nor to any office in 
 the ecclesiastical courts; in the universities; the colleges of Eton, West- 
 minster, and Winchester. 
 
 The Catholic clergy are in number between 2000 and 3000, con- 
 stantly residing among their flocks and ministering to their spiritual 
 comforts. From the absence of any permanent provision for mainte- 
 nance, and the general poverty of their followers, they live in indigence 
 and hardship. Their chief dependence is on fees for burials, marriages, 
 and christenings, gifts on confessions, and bequests for the celebration 
 of masses for the repose of the dead. Hence they have seldom the 
 means of comfortable subsistence, are often without a decent place for 
 religious worship, are overpowered by calls for religious exertion, live 
 in niiseiy, and die at last without ever tasting those emoluments which 
 formerly belonged to their church, and are now showered on the Joce- 
 lyns, Warburtons, Plunkets, Beresfords, Magees, Trenches and 
 Knoxes, of the Establishment. 
 
 Although Dissenters are equally with Catholics separatists from the 
 establishment, they have been much more favourably treated by go- 
 vernment and the legislature. The ministers of the Presbyterians, the 
 Seceders, and Protestant Dissenters, are in fact so many pastors paid by 
 the State receiving annually large sums for their maintenance from the 
 Irish civil list and from grants by parliament. The Regium Donuin was 
 granted by William III. in the year 1690, to the Presbyterians; it first 
 amounted to £1200, and was augmented by George III. in 1784, to 
 £2200 per annum. In 1792, by authority of the King's letter, £5000 
 was charged on the civil list to be annually paid to Protestant Dissenting 
 ministers, and £500 more to that class of Dissenters denominated 
 Seceders. The annual grant from parliament to the Dissenters com- 
 menced in the session of 1804. It first amounted to £4,160, and ever 
 since has been gradually augmenting : in 1816, it amounted to £12,228, 
 in 1825, to £13,894, and in 1831, the sum of £14,860 was voted.f 
 The total amount of the annual sums which have been paid to the minis- 
 ters of the three denominations of Dissenters in Ireland, by payments out 
 of the civil list, and by grants out of public taxes, is £751,452 : 10 : IJ. 
 
 So it is plain the Irish Dissenters have been receiving tribute from 
 
 * Catholic Relief Act, 10 Geo. IV. c. 7, ss. 29— 36. 
 t Parliamentary Report, No. 337, session 1S31.
 
 170 CHURCH OF IRELAND. 
 
 the State, if not in tithes, in something else. How they reconcile this 
 provision with their doctrinal profession of the independence of their 
 pastors of all secular interference and support we cannot affirm. There 
 has been some discussion among them, we know, on this very point, and 
 we shall be curious to learn whether profit or principle will triumph. 
 
 Management of the First Fruits Fund. 
 
 With so large a portion of the national wealth placed at the disposal 
 of the clerg}', the very least we might have expected the Legislature to 
 do was to enforce the payment of all the taxes to which by law the 
 Church was liable. We have already seen by what artifice the Eng- 
 lish ecclesiastics avoided contributing their full share to the First Fruits 
 Fund ; we shall now show that a similar but more flagrant evasion of 
 their pecuniary obligations has been long tolerated on the part of the 
 Irish clergy. Having already explained the nature of the annats 
 (page 65) it will be only necessary here to remark that a similar usage 
 formerly prevailed in both England and Ireland ; with this diflFerence, 
 that the Irish clergy paid in lieu of the tenth, only a twentieth of the 
 annual value of each benefice to the Pope. In the reign of Henry VIII. 
 when the papal rights were extinguished, an act passed for annexing to 
 the crown the revenue arising from first fruits and tenths, and the 
 same provision was made, as in England, for ascertaining, from time to 
 time, their real annual value. This arrangement continued till the year 
 1710 : when Queen Anne, acting under the advice of her Tory ministers, 
 remitted the twentieths to the clergy, rich and poor, without distinction, 
 and gave the first fruits, alone, to form a fund for building churches, 
 purchasing glebes and glebe-houses, augmenting poor livings, and 
 other ecclesiastical improvements. The management of the fund was 
 vested in trustees, consisting of the higher dignitaries of the church, 
 and principal law-officers of the crown, who were empowered to " search 
 out the just and true value" of the benefices of which they were to 
 \e\y the first year's income from each incumbent who came into posses- 
 sion. The valuation under which the first fruits were levied when they 
 were given to the trustees, was the same as in the time of Henry VIII. 
 and was not only very low, but did not include more than two-thirds 
 of the benefices of Ireland. It was of course the duty of the Board of 
 First Fruits to promote the objects of the fund, to have remedied the 
 inaccuracies, and supplied the omissions in the original valuation; but 
 this has never been done, and up to this day the first fruits are levied 
 according to the defective valuation at the time of the Reformation. 
 Owing to this mode of procedure, instead of the produce of the first 
 fruits being the real worth of every vacant benefice and dignity, it is 
 a mere nominal sum paid by the clergy. The bishop of Derry, with a. 
 revenue of £12,000, pays only £250 first fruits ; the see of Clogher, 
 worth £7000, pays only £350 ; and the see of Cloyne, worth £6000, 
 pays only £10: 10. It is calculated that, at a fair valuation of Irish
 
 ABUSES or THE IIKST FRUITS FUND. 171 
 
 benefices, omitting' those under £150 a-year, the first fruits would pro- 
 duce £40,000 a-year: whereas, in the ten years ending January, 1830, 
 they produced only £5,142 : 15. ; from which £740 was to be deducted 
 for salaries.* During this period of ten years, fifteen bishoprics and 
 four archbishoprics had become vacant, and the successors thereto liable 
 to the payment of first fruits. 
 
 Can it be believed that the Imperial Parliament would sanction such 
 an evasion of their duty by the rich clergy of Ireland? Such, however, 
 has been the fact. Sir John Newport, every session for the last 
 twelve years, has been making motions to establish the integrity of the 
 First Fruits Fund ; but his laudable endeavours have seldom met with the 
 support of more than thirty or forty honourable members. But this 
 is not the worst trait in the proceedings of the Collective Wisdom of the 
 Nation: they have actually voted large sums out of the pockets of the 
 people for the very objects for which this fund was appropriated. In 
 the twenty years ending in 1822, the grants of parliament to the trus- 
 tees of First Fruits in Ireland, towards building new churches, glebe- 
 houses, and purchasing glebes, amounted to £686,000. Thus has 
 £34,300 a-year been levied on this tax-paying aristocratic guJled 
 nation, merely to save the richest church in the world from contributing' 
 to its own necessities. How much more has been levied by parochial 
 taxation on the unfortunate population of Ireland, for the repair of 
 churches and cathedrals, we have not the means of estimating. It is 
 well known the sums raised for this purpose constitute one of the 
 many grievances of the sister kingdom, the hardship of which is aggra- 
 vated by the Catholics being excluded from voting in parish vestries 
 when the church-cess is imposed. Had the Commissioners of First 
 Fruits done what the law not only authorized, but required them to do, 
 there would have been no need of church-rates, nor grants from parlia- 
 ment. Why the Commissioners have not done their duty and made a 
 fair valuation of benefices is manifest enough; they are the patrons, 
 holders, or expectants of large preferments, and a just valuation would 
 be a tax upon themsklves! Ought, however, " the Guardians of the 
 Public Purse" to have sanctioned this selfish breach of trust? Ought 
 they, whose business is to watch over the interests of the people, 
 yearly to have voted away the public money, for objects for which 
 there was already a legal and adequate provision? No innovation, 
 nothing untried was to be attempted ; the only measure requisite was 
 that they should enforce the law of the land, for which, on other occa- 
 sions, they profess such profound veneration. It is to the deficiencies of 
 First Fruits, and the consequent non-residence of the clergy, for want 
 of parsonage-houses and glebes, that the decay of Protestantism has 
 been ascribed by their servile defenders: hence a regard to the interests 
 of our " holy religion" one would have thought a sufficient motive for 
 Our virtuoits representatives to interfere. 
 
 • Votes and Proceeding? of the House of Commons, May 18, 1830.
 
 172 CHURCH OF lUELAND, 
 
 The most curious incident regarding the annats is the result of the 
 endeavours of Mr. Shaw Mason, the Remembrancer of First Fruits in 
 Ireland, to obtain a more authentic valuation. When the subject began 
 to excite attention, this gentleman, the words of whose patent empower- 
 ed him " to collect, levy, receive, and examine the just and true value 
 of first fruits," preferred a memorial to the Board, setting forth his 
 authority and expressing his willingness to exercise it as his duty 
 required. The announcement caused not a little alarm, the four arch- 
 bishops at the time not having paid in their arrears. A report was made 
 to the local government, who, after referring the matter to the attorney 
 and solicitor generals for their opinions, intimated to Mr Mason if he 
 persevered in his design of enforcing the payment of First Fruits at 
 their real value, they would deprive him of his jmtent office, which 
 he held at the pleasure of the Crown.* The subject has been sub- 
 sequently revived by the marquis of Anglesey, but with no better 
 success; Messrs. Blackburn and Crampton, the attorney and solicitor 
 generals of Ireland, having delivered an opinion in accordance with that 
 previously given by lord Plunket — namely, " that the crown is not now 
 entitled to re-value any benefice of which a valuation has heretofore 
 been made and certified. "f 
 
 So the matter rests ; the rich clergy enjoy, undiminished, their 
 princely revenues, and the public remains liable to the burthen of con- 
 tributing towards the purchase of glebes and houses for Irish parsons, 
 many of whom have already half a dozen houses, residing in none of 
 them, and 4000 acres of glebe. 
 
 Promotions in the Irish Church. 
 
 An important document was laid before the House of Commons in 
 the session of 1831, (Pari. Paper No. 328.) It is a return made on 
 the subject of the First Fruits in Ireland, containing a statement of 
 the wealth and other information connected with that establishment. 
 From the information spread over its 1 34 pages, is given the following 
 abridgement of facts. 
 
 Since the month of August, 1812, to which date the returns go back, 
 we find that there were 26 promotions, or translations, to the bishoprics, 
 thus: — Lord John George Beresford, archbishop of Armagh, in 1822, 
 having been raised to the see of Clogher only in 1819, and to the 
 archbishopric of Dublin in 1820 ; Percy Jocelyn to the see of Clogher 
 in 1819, and Lord Robert Tottenham to the same see in 1822; William 
 Magee to the see of Rap hoe in 1819, and William Bissett to the same 
 see in 1822; Nathaniel Alexander to the see of Meath in 1823; 
 Richard Mant to the see of Down and Connor in 1823; no episcopal 
 promotion in Derry; ditto in Kilmore; John Leslie to the see of Dro- 
 
 * Rlr. Spring Rice, House of Commons, May 18, Session 1830. 
 t Pari. Paper, No. 185, Session 1831.
 
 PROMOTIONS IX THE IRISH CHURCH. 173 
 
 more in 1812, and James Saurin to the same see in 1819; LonI John 
 George Beresford to the archiepiscopal see of Dublin in 1820, and 
 William IMatree to the same in 1822; in Kildare no episcopal promotion; 
 Robert Fowler to the see of Ossor)' in 1813; Lord Robert Tottenham 
 to the sees of Leighlin and Ferns in 1820, and Thomas Elrington to 
 the same sees in 1822; Richard Lawrence to the sees of Cashel and 
 Emly in 1822; Thomas Elring'ton, in 1820, to the see of Limerick, 
 and John Jebb to the same in 1822; hon. R. Boiirke to the see of 
 Watorford in 1813; in Cork no episcopal promotion; Charles M. 
 Warburton from Limerick to Cloyne in 1820, and John Brinklev to 
 the same see in 1826; Richavd Mant to the see of Killaloe in 1820; 
 Alexander Arbuthnot to the same see in 1823; and the hon. R. Pon- 
 sonby in 1828; Power-le-Poer Trench to the archbishoprick of Tuam 
 and see of Ardagh in 1819; John LesHe, in 1819, to the see of Elphin; 
 in Clonfert no episcopal promotion; in Killala no episcopal promotion. 
 
 It will be seen at once that these names are principally those of 
 aristocratical houses, or of families possessed of parliameiitary 
 interest; perhaps the only one of the whole in which such interest did 
 not influence the selection is that of Dr. Brinkley, who was elevated to 
 the see on account of his great talent. 
 
 The yearly incomes of the archbishops are stated to be— Armagh, 
 £15,080 : 15 : 6; Tuam, £5,548 : 19 : 11 ; Cashel, £3,500 and up- 
 wards, while of Dublin no return is made; of the others, Clogher is 
 returned £9,000 late currency; Derrv, £10,000 and upwards, late 
 currency; Meath, £5,815 : 14 : 5; Raphoe, £5,379 : 14 : 1 ; Leighlin 
 and Ferns, £5000 to a fraction; Ossory, £3000 to a fraction; Dro- 
 more, £4,863 : 3 : 5; Waterford, £5000 exact money ; Cork, £3000 
 ditto; Limerick (renewal fines, nearly as much more, not included) 
 £2,915 : 19:8^; Cloyne, £2000 " aiid upwards at the least;" Killala, 
 £4,600; from the dioceses in Tuam there is no return made, " as there 
 is no record of the value of the several bishopricks and dignitaries of 
 the province in the registrar's office." 
 
 A curious fact observable throughout the return is, the number of 
 individuals of the same navic as the bishop who had the good luck to 
 get into livings soon after his attainment of the episcopal dignity; for 
 example: — 
 
 Knox in possession of Derry at the commencement of these returns ; 
 then follow — J. Spencer Knox, June, 1813, rectory of Fahan, £360 
 a-year ; August same year, hon. Charles Knox, rectory of Urney, £700 
 a-year; June, 1814, W. Knox, rectory of Upper Brandony, £396 : 18 : 6 
 a-year; same date, hon. Edm. Knox, rectory of Tamlught O'Crilly, 
 no amount specified, but .564 acres of church land in the city and 
 county of Londonderry; James Spencer Knox (again) two more rectories, 
 Magheras and Kilnonaghan, £1,365 : 7 : 7^ per annum, and 926 acres 
 of church land; April, same year, Wm. Knox, rectory of Fahan, £360 
 a-year; October, same year, William (the same perhaps) Knox, rectory 
 of Tamlaghtard, £425 per annum; August, 1821, W. Knox (again!) 
 rectory of Clonleigh, £840 a-year, and 427 acres of church land;
 
 174 CHURCH OF IRELAND. 
 
 October, 1822, W. Knox (the fifth time), rectory of Ballinascreen, 
 £623 : I : 6| and 543 acres; and, finally, in June, 1830, the last 
 presentation returned Edmund J. Knox, rector of Killown, £160 a-year. 
 Altogether, the Knoxes have got since 1812 (mention is not made in 
 these returns of what they had before) £5,230 : 7 : 8 per annum, and 
 3,555 acres of land, besides the annual income of one of which no 
 return is made. There are two Knoxes in Dromore with 1,082 acres. 
 
 W. Mag-ee, see of Raphoe, 1819, May, 1820, John Magee, rectory 
 and vicarage of Mevagh, £375 a-year; July, 1825, John Magee again, 
 prebend of Killyman, £276 : 18 : 5g, and 450 acres. Let us here 
 follow his lordship to the see of Dublin, whither he was translated in 
 1822. W. Magee, vicarage of Finglas, March, 1823, no annual value 
 stated; April, 1826, T. P. Magee, rectory and vicarage of Inch, and 
 vicar of Kilgorman, £365 : 9 : 4| a-year; T. P. Magee, December, 
 1826, prebend of Tipperkiven, £127 : 10, and 78 acres; T. P. Magee 
 (third time), same month and year, curacy of St. Michael, Dublin, no 
 amount stated; May, 1829, T. P. Magee (fourth), prebend of St. 
 John's, no value stated; January, 1830, W. Magee, rectory of Dun- 
 ganstown, no value returned; April, 1830, T. P. Magee (fifth time), 
 prebend of Wicklow, so much talked of, value not stated. T. P. Magee 
 seems either a very fortunate gentleman, or the brightest ornament of 
 the church, judging from the number and rapidity of his promotions, 
 for in addition to those conferred upon him by his father, we find him 
 appointed, in April, 1830, archdeacon of Kilmacduagh. 
 
 Waterford and Lismore. — Hon. Richard Bourke to the see in 1813 ; 
 we have, in Feb. 1817, Hon. George Bourke, a prebend and rectory; 
 in Sept. 1819, the same individual to two rectories and two vicarages, 
 value £471 : 14; a third time, in Aug. 1819, to the prebend and 
 rector}' of Leskan, no value stated ; again in December, same year (for 
 although the " Hon." is here dropped, it is evidently the same favoured 
 gentleman), to the prebendary and rectory of Kilgobenet, no value 
 stated, and yet a fifth time, in August, 1827, to a precentorship and a 
 rectory, value £1,569 : 4 : 7 per annum. There is also the Hon. 
 Joseph Bourke in October, 1829, to a chantorship, value not stated. 
 
 In Cork the Hon. R. Laurence was in possession in 1812, since 
 which the promotions of the St Laurences have been between three 
 individuals: the treasurership in 1815; a vicarage, June, 1818, 
 £461 : 10s. : 8d. ; a rectory and three vicarages in the same month and 
 year (not the same person, however), value £1,365 : 17s. : 7d. per 
 annum; a vicarage, in June, 1823, £461:10:2; at this time 
 Edward made way for Robert, and got instead, three months after, a 
 prebend and four rectories, value £1,162 : 10 : 8 a year, making " a 
 difference" of £700 per annum in his favour; May, 1825, a vicar 
 choralship; and July, 1826, a rectory and vicarage, value not given; 
 in the diocese of Ross, attached to that of Cork, there are ten pro- 
 motions of the St. Laurences, the value of four of which, the only ones 
 stated, is £1435 per annum. 
 
 Kildare. — Dr. Lindsay, in possppsion of the see in 1812. June,
 
 PROMOTIONS IN THE IRISH CHURCH. 175 
 
 1815, Charles Lindsay, prebend, rectory, and vicarage of Harristown, 
 and second canonry of St. Bridget's, £220: April, 1828, Charles 
 Lindsay (again), archdeaconry, value not stated, and March, 1823, 
 Charles Lindsay (fourth time,) canonry of St. Bridget's, value not 
 stated. 
 
 Ossory. — R. Fowler to the see in 1812; in April, 1824, Luke 
 Fowler gets a union, consisting of a prebend, four rectories, and four 
 vicarages, value annually £874 : 4 : 3; and in March, 1828, Luke 
 Fowler gets two more vicarages, no value stated. 
 
 Ferns and Leighlin. — Thomas Elrington to the see in 1821. Dates 
 of the promotions of H. P. Elrington: July, 1823, a prebend and 
 vicarage, no value stated: October, 1824, a precentorship, rectory, 
 and vicarage, £1,200 a year; February, 1824, three vicarages and a 
 rectory, £609 : 4. : 7. per annum. 
 
 In 1819 we find Power le Poer Trench in the sees of Tuam and 
 Ardagh ; then follow, November, 1820, Hon. C. P. Trench, a rectory 
 and vicarage, £461 : 10 : 9; November, 1821, ditto, an arch- 
 deaconry; May, 1825, ditto, a prebendary: same date, VV. le Poer 
 Trench two rectories, value £315 : 4: 7; and October, 1830, ditto, 
 a rectory and vicarage, no value stated, but 523 acres of church land. 
 
 In Killala and Achonry the Verschoyles are numerous enough to 
 justify a suspicion that thev are related to the diocesan; there is one 
 with six vicarages at one promotion ; he has also an archdeaconr)% a 
 provostship, a prebend, and a vicarage ; another of the same name, 
 with a "sen." attached to it, has four vicarages and a prebend, value 
 £949 : 16 : 5 per annum, and 727 acres of church lands. 
 
 Meath. — N. Alexander to the see, 1823; James Alexander to the 
 rectory and vicarage of Killucan, 1828. 
 
 R. Mant, Down and Connor, 1823 ; R. M. Mant, archdeacon, 1828 ; 
 R. M. Mant (the same), vicarage of Billay, 1823. 
 
 In Dromore, James Saurin, to the see in 1819; November, 1821, 
 Lewis Saurin, rectory of Morin ; and July, 1827, James Saurin, 
 vicarage of Seagor, £500 a year. 
 
 Cloyne. — Bishop Warburton was translated from Limerick, in 1812, 
 and in March, 1822, his second gift of a living went to Charles War- 
 burton, to the value of £323 : 1. ; Q^. annually. 
 
 In 1820, Richard Mant was appointed to the see of Killaloe and 
 Kilfenora ; a promotion of R. M. Mant is found, three rectories and two 
 vicarages, value £498 : 8 : 2 in July, 1821. 
 
 Even a cursory glance at these returns shows the reader how numerous 
 in the church are the Bcrcsfords : of that name there are an archbishop 
 and a bishop; and in the dioceses, six in number, where they chiefly 
 abound, they possess not less than fourteen livings, of which only four 
 have their value annexed, amounting to £1,857:11:2; and 64,803 
 acres of land ! ! 
 
 The other names which occur most frequently beside those we have 
 stated are Tottenham, Stopford, Ottiwell Moore, Porter, St. George, 
 Pakenham, I^ngrishe, Brabazon, Alexander, Hamilton, Pomeroy,
 
 176 CIIUIICH OF IIIELAND. 
 
 Stewart, Torrens, Ponsonby, Wingfield, Dawson, Montgomery, Ber- 
 nard, and Brooke. 
 
 We subjoin the summary of the returns : from which it appears — 
 
 1st. That between the month of August, 1812, and the date of this 
 return, 1,383 spiritual promotions, comprehending the same number of 
 benefices, have taken place within the several dioceses in Ireland. 
 
 2d. That the 1,383 benefices, to which promotions have been so 
 made, contain 353 dignities, including the archbishoprics and bishopricks, 
 and 2,061 parishes, &c. 
 
 3d. That 297 of the aforesaid dignities, and 405 parishes have been 
 taxed, and are paying first fruits to the amount of £9,947 : 11 : 3| ; 
 and that the remainder of said dignities and parishes are either exempted 
 from payment, under the statute of Elizabeth, or have never been taxed 
 and put in charge. 
 
 4th. That valuations have been made, under the Tithe Composition 
 Act, in 1,194 of the above-mentioned parishes, to the annual amount of 
 £303,620 : : 6i. 
 
 5th. That 1,034 of the said parishes have glebes annexed to them, 
 amounting to 82,645 acres; and that the see lands on promotions 
 occurring amount to 410,430 acres. 
 
 6th. That the total number of acres contained in both glebe and see 
 lands, as refeiTed to in this return, amount to 493,075 acres; and 
 
 7th. That the total number of acres belonging to the several sees in 
 Ireland, with the exception of the dioceses of Down and Connor, 
 Raphoe and Dromore, amount to 489,141 acres; the pecuniary values 
 of which have not yet been officially ascertained. 
 
 Intolerance towards Dissenters and Roman Catholics. 
 
 Before concluding our account of the United Church of England and 
 Ireland, we cannot help shortly adverting to the slow steps by which 
 religious toleration has been established in this country. Looking back 
 to the history of the Dissenters, we see with what difficulty freedom 
 of thought has been wrung from the prosecuting grasp of what is 
 consideied a reformed Establishment. It was not till the Revolution of 
 1688 that the public worship of the Dissenters was tolerated ; and the 
 Act of Toleration at that period required them to take certain oaths 
 and subscribe to the doctrinal articles of the Church of England. The 
 same act, so much extolled, requires the places of worship to be regis- 
 tered, and the doors kept unlocked during the time of service. Even 
 liberty of worship, under these suspicious and odious restrictions, it 
 was subsequently attempted to abridge. In the latter pai't of Queen 
 Anne's reign, an act passed, called the Occasional Conformity Bill, 
 making it a crime in any person, in any office under government, 
 entering a meeting-house. Another bill, denominated the Schisrn Bill, 
 passed in 1714, suffered no Dissenter to educate his own children, but 
 required them to be put into the hands of a Church of Englandist, and
 
 INTOLERANCE OF THE PROTESTANT CIIURCMI. 177 
 
 forbad all tutors and schoolmasters being present at any dissenting; place 
 of" worship. 
 
 The last attempt upon this body was the memorable bill of Lord Sid- 
 mouth in 1810. The meditoted encroachment upon their liberties Avas 
 wojthy of the sinister statesman from whom it emanated. The Dis- 
 senters, to their immortal honour, rushed forward at once to repel this 
 aj^grcssion on their rights. Had they suffered their ministers to bo 
 placed at the mercy of the Quarter Sessiotis, the magistrates, no doubt, 
 Vv-ould not only have judged of their fitness for the ministry of tl:e 
 Gospel, but also of their fitness for the ministry of the Borongh- 
 mongers. 
 
 This disgraceful spirit of legislation is now only matter for history. 
 The repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts and the Catholic l^elief 
 Act have scarcely left any tiace of the formidable penal code which, 
 for a long time, interdicted to a large portion of the community not 
 only the enjoyment of their ciA^il immunities, but the free disposal of 
 their persons and property. Both Dissenters and Roman Catliohcs 
 may still complain of not being eligible to fill the office of lord chancellor, 
 or be a member of the privy council ; they may complain of being- 
 excluded from the national universities, and may think it a hardship 
 in case they fill any judicial, civil, or corporate ofiice, that they cannot 
 appear in their official costume, nor with the insignia of their office at 
 their own places of worship ; but these are trifling grievances, scarcely 
 worth mentioning. They are subject to no test on account of religious 
 belief; and it may be now truly said that, Avith the exception of Jr. ws 
 and openly professing Ini'idels, the honours and advantages of the 
 social state — so far, at least, as spiritual dogmas are concerned — are fairly 
 opened to every candidate. 
 
 For this salutary tiiumph we have been indebted solely to secular 
 wisdom, not to any generous concession or enlightenment proceeding 
 from our established instructors. The Church has always shown itself 
 more tenacious of its monopoly than even the Aristocracy. Of the 
 lofty tone of intolerance maintained by some of our high dignitaries, to 
 a recent period, we have a rather amusing instance in the conduct of 
 Dr. Kipling, the late Dean of Peterborough, and which we shall 
 shortly relate. The Rev. Mr. Lingard, the distinguished Roman 
 Catholic historian, had, it seems, in his Strictures on Professor Marsh's 
 " Comparative View," &c. used the words " ?iew Church of England" 
 once, and oftener " the modern Church of England." To consider the 
 Church of England " now" or " modern" appeared a mortal oft'ence 
 in tiic eyes of Dean Kipling. He wrote a furious letter to Mr. Lingard ; 
 quoted a passage from Hawkins; and threatened to prosecute liim if he 
 did not, within a limited time, prove what the Dean intimated it was 
 impossible for him to prove. Whether the Dean afterAvards relented, 
 or whether Mr. Lingard proved that the Chuich of England, as being 
 the offspring or daughter of the Church of Rome, which, in many 
 respects, she so much resembles, was " new," we are ignorant. Did 
 
 N
 
 178 CHURCH OF IRELAND. 
 
 our limits permit, we would insert the Very Rev. Dean's loving- epistle. 
 It would show what a meek, gentle, Christian spirit may still rankle 
 in the hearts of some of our church dignitaries. It would show to what 
 expedients these worthies would resort to uphold their faith, or, more 
 correctly, their temporalities, were they not lestrained hy the march of 
 philosophy and the public mind. It is impossible to read Dean Kipling's 
 letter without feeling persuaded that, had Mr. Lingard had no better 
 barrier for his personal safety than the toleiant spirit of the writer, he 
 might still be liable to be hung up by the middle, with an iron chain, 
 and roasted before a slow fire, according to the orthodox piety of olden 
 time. 
 
 Men ought always to set their faces against prosecution for opinions, 
 whether instituted under pretence of heresy, sectarianism, Judaism, or 
 even infidelity. Under any of these forms it is the same mischievous 
 and dogmatical principle. What difl'erence, for instance, is there in 
 the principles of a prosecution instituted at this day for Judaism or 
 infidelity, and a Popish prosecution instituted in the reign of Queen 
 Mary on account of the real presence. In both cases difference of 
 opinion is combated by corporeal infliction ; the Papist punished by fire, 
 the modern intolerant by fine, imprisonment, or civil disability. The 
 difference in the punishment makes no difference in the motive ; in both 
 cases it is combating mijid by physical force, and he who employs such 
 a weapon is as deeply immersed in the night of Popery, as Bishop 
 Bonner, who laboured to convert the miserable victims of his cruelty 
 by a vigorous application of birch to the posteriors. 
 
 The ingenuous mind revolts from the idea of maintaining opinions 
 hy force : to say that any class of opinions shall not be impugned, that 
 their truth shall not be called in question, is at once to declare that these 
 opinions are infallible, and that their authors cannot err. What can be 
 more egregiously absurd and presumptuous ? It is fixing bounds to 
 human knowledge, and saying that men cannot learn by experience ; 
 that they can never be wiser in future than they are to day. The 
 vanity and folly of this is sufficiently evinced by the history of religion 
 and philosophy. Great changes have taken place in both ; and what 
 our ancestors considered indisputable truths their posterity discovered to 
 be gross errors. To continue the work of improvement, no dogmas, 
 however plausible, ought to be protected from investigation ; and the 
 only security of the present generation against the errors of their 
 progenitors, is modestly to admit that, in some things, they may 
 possibly yet be mistaken. 
 
 The Papists are not the only class of religionists obnoxious to the 
 reproach of uncharitable tenets. Hume justly remarks that toleration 
 is not the virtue of priests of any denomination ; and this is amply con- 
 firmed by the history of the Scottish, Romish, and English churches. 
 They have all shed blood, tortured, and punished, when circumstances 
 gave them an ascendancy. The reason is obvious. Religion is more 
 the result o{ foelinr/ than of understanding; and it may be expected
 
 CRISIS OF THE IRISH CIIIIRCM. 179 
 
 that its most intense professors should be more prompt to use the vulgar 
 weapons siig'gested by passion and violence, then listen to the dictates of 
 reason and humanity. 
 
 Crisis of the Irish Church at the close of IS3]. 
 
 In Ireland ecclesiastical oppression appears to have reached its term of 
 duration. When a people become unanimous, their fiat is omnipotent 
 and without appeal. It is this which will abase the usurpations of the 
 Boroughmongers, and the same power has decided the fate of the Irish 
 Protestant clergy. At the time we are writing there is all but a na- 
 tional insurrection against the tithe system. In Queen's County, in 
 Kilkenny, Clare, and Tipperary, the resistance to clerical oppression is 
 nearly unanimous — and the spirit is rapidly spreading to other counties. 
 The incomes of many of the clergy have become merely nominal ; 
 instead of seizing and selling the produce of others, they are compelled, 
 as a means of temporary subsistence, to bring their own domestic chat- 
 tels under the hammer of the auctioneer. Yet the law is in their favour; 
 the courts have power to decree and the sheriffs to seize the goods of 
 the refractory. But who will buy — who dare bid at a tithe auction? 
 There is the rub. Laws and acts of parliament are empty sounds — they 
 are mere " ink and parchment unless guaranteed by public opinion." 
 The police, the magistracy, and an army of 30,000 men are powerless 
 against six millions united. 
 
 Ministers, finding the battle is lost, have brought the subject before 
 parliament. But it may be doubted whether their vieAVS are yet com- 
 mensurate with the vastness of the undertaking. The Protestant 
 church may be considered virtually dissolved ; in fact and opinion it is 
 gone. It has fallen, not so much from its secular oppression as its 
 monstrous incongruities, and from its failing to answer one object — 
 moral, social, or political — for which a church was ever established and 
 supported. A composition for tithe, for the benefit of the priesthood, 
 is out of the question ; nothing remains but a general commuta- 
 tion with the landed interest for the benefit of the public — we say the 
 public, because the fee simple of church property is not in the clergy, 
 but in the community at large. The example of Scotland must be foUoAved 
 and improved upon. An equal provision or xone for the pastors of 
 all sects, a provision for the poor and for popular education, are the 
 fragments to be seized out of the wreck of the establishment. At all 
 events, in the approaching transition, the tithes must not be suffered 
 to slip into the rents of an absentee proprietary. No ! Ireland must 
 have the benefit of the two millions* now spent in other climes. It 
 
 • Mr. Leader estimated the sum annually drawn out of Ireland in tithes and 
 the rents of glebe and bisliops' lauds at £1,785,000. (House of Commons, 
 December 11th, 1831.) Our previous statements from oflicial returns will have 
 eatistied our readers that this is not an cxagEieiated estimate. 
 
 n2
 
 180 CHURCH OF IRELAND. 
 
 would clothe her nakedness, reclaim her wastes, appease her hunger, 
 and civilize her generous but yet barbarous population. 
 
 A system like that described in preceding pages could not, by possibility, 
 be lasting. It contained within itself the seeds of destruction. Yet it 
 has been long aud obstinately persevered in through midnight outrage, 
 assassination, and massacre. To enforce this abominable oppression 
 2(),000 persons have been butchered in twentys and tens within the 
 last thirty years.* Surely this hecatomb of victims is large enough to 
 appease the Moloch of ecclesiastical cupidity. Horrible as the system 
 has been, the mere proposition for reform has been delayed to the twelfth 
 hour. So long as the people only suffered, their cries were unheeded. But 
 the clergy themselves are now the victims ; they have lost their incomes ; 
 they did very well without churches and congregations, but they cannot 
 do without tithes ; so the legislature flies to their relief. The millions 
 pleaded in vain, but their handful of oppressors is listened to. Is this 
 justice ? No ! it is only fear and selfishness. Nevertherless, like good 
 Christians, we must pardon injuries — forget the past — and provide for a 
 better futurity. 
 
 While we fervently hope to see the condition of Ireland improved by 
 the cultivation of her vast resources, by the improvement of her laws 
 and magistracy, by the annihilation of factious interests, and by a pro- 
 vision for her destitute poor, still we cannot help entering our protest 
 against the repeal of the UxiON. Had not the decree against the 
 Boroughmongers gone forth, we might have embraced such an alternative; 
 but as tlie days of the Oligarchy are numbered, we can see no good 
 reason for separating the destinies of Ireland from those of England. 
 It is useless to disguise — the ultimate object sought by the Repealers is 
 the erection of Ireland into an independent state under the president- 
 ship, kingship, or something else of the " Liberator :" but men, we 
 trust, are too enlightened to be ridden over rough-shod, either by the 
 wiles of priests, of mendicant patriots, or military adventurers. 
 We do not inquire what individuals — but what the people would gain by 
 this revolution ? From Britain it would sever the right arm of her 
 power; and what advantages would Ireland reap by a separate existence? 
 She does not possess, within herself, the elements to constitute an united, 
 prosperous, and enlightened community. Supposing, for a moment, she 
 escaped a century of civil war, and forthwith passed under the yoke of 
 the " ex-king of Kerry," with a deplorably ignorant population for his 
 lieges — a fanatical, but richlv endowed priesthood, as they would be 
 v.-ith the lands and tithes of the Protestant establishment — for the servile 
 instruments of his sovereignty — what a spectacle would she present ! 
 Under such a regime, it is easy to discern insuperable obstacles to every 
 social improvement. For ages she would be no better under her new 
 autocrat, than Portugal under Don Miguel, or Naples under the sway 
 of a Bourbon. Every sincere well-wisher to the greatness and happi- 
 
 Statement made at the Aggregate Meeting, Dublin, August 2ik1, 1S31.
 
 KVII.S OF A REPEAL O !• THE UMOX. 181 
 
 ness of England and Ireland must deploie the idea of dismemberment : 
 united, they may be a source of mutual light and power; dissevered, 
 they would be the luminaiy of day and lamp of night struck from their 
 orbits. Such an OAent holds out no remedy for any specific evil ; 
 whatever measures for the good of Ireland could be effected by the 
 senate of College-green, may be effected by the reformed parliament of 
 the united kingdom; and this without the delay, clash, and conflict 
 inseparable from rival legislatures. A dissolution, therefore, of the 
 empire cannot be songht as the mean of public good, but as a mere 
 stalking-hoise to selfish aggrandisement. 
 
 Under an enlightened general government, England and Ireland may 
 pull together for the mutual advantage of both, and, we trust, bv speedy 
 and effective reforms, so unfortunate a catastrophe as a legislative sepa- 
 ration will be averted. It cannot be forgotten how Ii'oland was governed 
 by her own parliament — the most corrupt, selfish, and ignorant set of 
 legislators that ever assembled between four walls. For what then 
 should it be revived ? The true policy for tranquillizing the country 
 and disarming faction is obvious; remove grievances and confer benefits. 
 Instead of burthening the yet struggling manufactures and agricultuie 
 of the Irish with additional taxes, as A\as sought to be done bv the 
 Wellington ministry, a resource ought to be sought in the crown-lands 
 of Ireland, and in the wasted estates of the Church, in the million of 
 neglected acres possessed by absentee bishops, and in the million and 
 more worth of land and tithe possessed by the collegiate bodies and non- 
 i-esident incumbents. Here is the panacea for cementing the Union, 
 producing contentment, and supplying the wants of an impoverished 
 Exchequer. 
 
 The besotted tyranny which has impeded the prosperity of Ireland 
 will hardly be credited by posteritj'. Her population is only lialf- 
 civilized ; in religion, manners, and domestic habits, no better than 
 the rabble of the Peninsula ; while her lands in whole districts are as 
 little cultivated as the wilds of Tartary. We do not allude to the bog- 
 and mountain wastes ; and these, in great part, continue such from an 
 obstinate legislation which tolerates, year after year, the remains of 
 baronial tenures; — but would it be believed that there is, or was, so 
 recently as 1821, a tract of country in the south of Ireland, occupying 
 800 square miles of territory, in which there is not a single resident 
 gentleman, nor clergyman, nor a single road fit for a wheel-carriage to 
 pass? This is the testimony of Mr. Buron Foster ; and hear it, 
 Boroughmongers ! you, who have expended millions to fortify Canada, 
 as you did the Netherlands, for a rival power, and to provide colonial 
 sinecures and offices in sugar islands, converted into hells for the inflic- 
 tion of torture on your fellow-creatures, — hear, and look at home, how 
 you have governed and elicited the resources of our great dependency, 
 placed at the thrcshhold, in the very bosom of the empire ! 
 
 Who can revert to the history of the Oligarchy without indignation ? 
 Rotten boroughs and tithes, as much as sinecures, pensions, and exor- 
 bitant salaiies, have been the great obstacles to sound national policy. 
 The holders and expectants of these have been ever bandied together, no
 
 182 CIlURrH OF IRELAND. 
 
 less by a sense of common iniquity than common interest, to oppose 
 every salutary amelioration. On every public occasion, on every gene- 
 ral election, the priest and the placeman united to oppose the enemy of 
 imposture and peculation : from these no hope of good could be indulged ; 
 but the people have at length risen in their might, and the days of mis- 
 rule will speedily end. 
 
 Conclusion. 
 
 We have now fairly brought forward whatever can elucidate the 
 present state of the United Church of England and Ireland, and its 
 claims to the support and veneration of the commiuiity. Those whose 
 vocation is to mislead and delude may attempt to impugn our statements 
 and calumniate our motives; but their labour will be vain, unless they 
 can disprove our facts. We have trusted to nothing apocryphal, and 
 rarely depend on the testimony of individual observers. Our state- 
 ments have been chiefly drawn from the admissions of the parties who 
 wallow in the corruptions of which we complain, — from official returns 
 to parliament, — and other accredited sources of information. On the 
 results derived from these we have occasionally submitted reflections, 
 the justice of which Ave leave to the reader's consideration. 
 
 If such ecclesiastical establishments as we have exposed be much 
 longer tolerated in their existing state, the people will evince a patience 
 and fatuity far exceeding any previous estimate. No doubt there are 
 mysteries in the art of governing, as well as truths in science, that have 
 not yet been discovered. It is impossible to foresee what unheard-of 
 wiles, delusions, and influence, priestly cunning may bring into play to 
 stifle the claims of truth and justice. A nation, which, from groundless 
 fear of change, was deluded into the support of a thirty years war 
 against human rights and happiness, and had entailed upon it a debt of 
 eight hundred millions, may, by some new fascination, be brought to 
 tolerate a church that absorbs annually eleven millions of public 
 income, ostensibly for religion, though it is religion's most dangerous 
 foe, and not one hundredth part of which rewards the labours of those 
 really engaged in clerical duty. A pretended anxiety for our spiritual 
 welfare, will, hoAvever, no longer serve for a cloak to temporal rapacity. 
 The repetition of such detected knavery would be a national insult and 
 impertinence : some new-fang-led scarecrows, therefore, must be devised, 
 other than the dangers of irreligion and democratic encroachment, to 
 consecrate hereafter the oppression of tithes and the absurdities of rotten 
 boroughs. 
 
 Secular abuses sink almost into insignilicance when compared with 
 those of the church establishment. 0?^e hundred and thirteen privy 
 councillors receiving £650,164 a-year out of the public taxes, was an 
 astounding" fact ; but we are sure, and those who have honoured us with 
 attention in the preceding exposition, we are convinced, will believe us 
 when we affirm it would be easy to select a smaller number of sinecure 
 ecclesiastics who receive more and do less than this devouring clan ol 
 Oligarchs.
 
 DIGEST OF IRISH B EN KFIC F.S. 
 
 183 
 
 '^ Ot) C3 lO to CO CO ^O 00 00 OC lO O >0 CO 00 lO »0 CO CO 00 — 1 
 
 o 
 
 l>T}<lOa2fO^OO':J<»OOC:iOO'^CDOa>OCOCOO'-^C» 
 COCOCN COCOCOIO — •*i-..^— iOOCv<CO>Ot^O:)C<COO( 
 
 
 
 TflOCOOfOOOCOOOTtOCOO^C^OCOi— iCO^OlCOCO 
 " CO(NC<(00-^<M CO to— C^ 
 
 <ro 
 
 CO I 
 
 ■^COCOCC'Ol^O'^t^COCO— •'*<NO?00000Tj<00»0'0 
 <N— ' •OTf— <C0 -^ CO r-H—iiOCO— 'CN .— iCO 
 
 T}*Ti<^00 0<0-<*>OCO— <CO0»i0OC0Ctil>00>0C0C0t^ 
 1>00C0 (NCO-^-^-— |T^ — ,— I — OOOJOOCOOOCOCNCO — 
 
 
 ^C*'rfl>00<NCO'-iOOI>02C<»COCO*Oa>'MC)-Hi>c^ 
 CO 1— i(N-^ <N (N — — • — CO Tl'CO^C* C^((>< 
 
 i>.-^^0'*o<t.-:>o-Ht>c^o'oocoic— <coocooo 
 
 ^O'^'0G>'0r}<r^i0C0O00OOC0»0Ci^l>C9l>00 
 00-^»0r— ilOCOiOOO<NOOCO(M(M'OCOa)COOi-^CO"*CO 
 
 o 
 
 CO ^H CO — < CO t^ t^ CO CO — I — 1 OJ o> c; --H c^ >o — >-o --. Tf oo 
 
 O CO '^ CO (M O lO c^» C< »0 Oi t^ »0 (M T^ or. CO ~ CO CO C« Gi 
 
 „_ ,— ,— — r-i — „ ^ (^ „ ^ 
 
 
 oot~«"*-^oot^-<*aicot>t>coo — coo^o— icicocico 
 
 C^U.OTt<-Ht>l>l.OI>C<>OOrOrrc^»OCOCiOOiO<N'<*CO 
 
 o
 
 REVENUES OF THE CROWN. 
 
 Royalty, after all, is an expensive government! What is a king' 
 ■without an aristocracy and a priesthood ? and wliat are anj' of these, 
 unli .-s supported in splendour and magnificence ? It is a system in 
 ■which men are sought to be governed by the senses rather than the 
 understanding, and is more adapted to a barbarous than civilized state. 
 Pageantry and ceremony, the parade of crowns and coronets, of gold 
 keys, sticks, white wands, and black rods ; of ermine and lawn, and 
 maces and -^vigs ; — these are the chief attributes of monarchy. They 
 are more appropriate to the state of the king of the Birmans or of the 
 Ashantees than the sovereign of an European community. They cease 
 to inspire respect when men become enlightened, when they have learnt 
 that the real object of government is to confer the greatest happiness on 
 the people at t e least expense : but it is a beggarly greatness, an absurd 
 system, that would perpetuate these fooleries amidst an impoverished 
 population, — amidst debts, and taxes, and pauperism. 
 
 In treating of the revenues of the crown it will be important to ob- 
 serve the distinction between the ancient patrimony of the sovereign, 
 denominated the hereditary revenues, and the modern parliamentary 
 grant, substituted in lieu of them, called the Civil List. Of the nature 
 of the latter — the various charges upon it in the maintenance of the 
 king's household and other disbursements — of its extravagant amount 
 during- the profligate reign of George IV. and of the total burthen en- 
 tailed by the royal expenditure on the people, we shall treat in the next 
 chapter. In the present we shall confine ourselves to an exposition of 
 the amount, the application, and management of the hereditary reve- 
 nues ; consisting of the landed possessions of the Crown, of Admiralty 
 droits, Gibraltar duties, Leeward- Is) and duties, the property of persons 
 dying intestate without heirs, forfeiture in courts of justice, the incomes 
 of bishoprics during vacancies, surplus of the Scotch civil list, profit on 
 Avaifs, shipwrecks, treasure-trove, and other minor sources. The other 
 branches of the hereditary revenue, arising from the excise, wine 
 licenses, and post-ofHce, it does not fiill within our pui-pose to investi- 
 gate ; they have been carried to the general account of taxes, and dis- 
 bursed, we believe, as honestly as other portions of the public income. 
 
 Parliament having granted a specific annuity, out of the taxes, for 
 the support of the dignity of the Crown, the public was led to believe, 
 during the two last reigns, that the produce of the hereditary revenues 
 had been appropriated to the wants of the state. This, it will be shown 
 in the sc'iuel, was a complete and egregious delusion. It will be seen
 
 COM I'LACliNCL TO ROYALTY. 185 
 
 tliut the ancient revenues of the Crown were lel't at the uncontrolled dis- 
 posal of ministers. That they were cliiefly expended in objects personal 
 to themselves, the king, or royal family; in pensions and grants to their 
 parliamentary supporters, their relatives, and adherents ; in the purchase 
 of tithe and churcli-patronage ; in occasional charitable donations, 
 ostentatiously granted, under pretext of mitigating- the suirerings of 
 distressed artizans and mamifacturers ; in payments into the privv purse, 
 for the more lavish support of court prodigality ; in the building and 
 pulling down of palaces; in payments for defraying the expense of the 
 royal household, and other outgoings, which ought to have been defrayed 
 out of the civil list : in short, it will be seen that, for seventy years, the 
 public was not only burthcned with an enormous provision for a civil 
 list, but, by an extraordinary kind of Tory management, failed to derive 
 any advantage from those funds, in lieu of which a civil list had been 
 specially granted. 
 
 For obvious reasons, the leading men in tlie House of Commons 
 always manifested great reluctance to touch on these subjects. Although 
 it is well known that, allowance being made for difference in the vahie 
 of money, and the charges transferred to other funds, the income of 
 George IV. exceeded that of his predecessor by more than half a 
 MILLION, not one of the people's advocates — not even the more ostenta- 
 tious patriots — Brougham, Hume, Russell, or Graham — ever brought the 
 shameless extravagance fairly before the country. It is possible, as we 
 liave hinted, there may have existed reasons for this complacence tOA\ards 
 royal profusion. In spite of the encroachments of the Oligarchy, a king 
 of England possesses great power, and has abundant means of reward- 
 ing expectants and supporters : he is not only the fountain of honour, 
 but enjoys, nearly, all the patronage in church and state ; and the more 
 virtuous aspirants in public life may have felt reluctant to shipwreck all 
 hope of once basking in the sunshine of the court. However, we feel 
 no restraint from these considerations. Moreover we consider the so- 
 vereign, like other state functionaries, only the servant of the public : 
 and the public sustaining a great burthen on his account, under the 
 ])retext that the duties of his otfice are essential to the welfare of the 
 ])eople, they have clearly a right to be infoimed of the amount and mode 
 of his outgoings. In what follows it will be seen what a lavish ex- 
 penditure has been toleiated during a period when successive ministers 
 hav(! been loud and vehement in professing a desire to reduce every 
 establishment to the lowest possible scale, and when it has been often 
 openly and boastingly alleged that economy and retrenchment had been 
 carried to the utmost Hmit compatible with national service. Our ex- 
 4)osition will also throw light on the workings of the borough-govern- 
 ment in its highest departments, and uncover many streaudets of 
 corruption which meandered through the upper stratum of our bo;iited 
 Constitution. 
 
 The new disposition made of the hereditary revenues by the Civil 
 List Act of 1831, and whicli continues in force during the life of
 
 186 REVENUES OF THE CROWN. 
 
 the king', we shall notice in its proper place ; at present we shall give a 
 brief exposition of those ancient endowments of the monarchy which 
 long- formed a i)rincipal source of ministerial influence and parliamentary 
 corruption. First of the 
 
 CROWN LANDS. 
 
 These constitute the remains of the ancient patrimony of the sove- 
 reign, originally intended to maintain the dignity and defray the ex- 
 pense of the executive government. Formerly, the kings of England, 
 as of other European states, were supported from the soil, and not 
 by the system of revenue which has been organized in latter times. 
 Manufactures and commerce were almost unknown ; of money there 
 was little, and scarcely any imposts. Gradually kings found out the 
 means of supplying their wants by loading their subjects with taxes, 
 which rendered the revenue derived from their private domains of less 
 importance ; and hence, contemporaneously with the progress of fiscal 
 oppression, we may date the neglect and alienation of the hereditary 
 revenues. The chief remains of these possessions are the crown lands, 
 consisting of parks, forests, chases, manors, fisheries, and royalties ; 
 extensive estates, numerous church livings, fee-farm-rents, light-house 
 dues, mines of coal, tin, and copper. The property is situate in almost 
 every part of the kingdom, but principally in the metropolis and 
 vicinity ; much of it is in Wales ; and there are extensive estates in 
 Ireland. The histoiy and management of these -royal endowments, their 
 subserviency to political purposes, and their present state and value, we 
 shall shortly describe. It is a subject of much novelty, and one with 
 which even public men have not taken great pains to be informed. Our 
 information is mainly derived from the Reports of the Commissioners 
 of Woods and Forests, from a publication entitled, " Observations 
 on the landed Revenue of the Crown," written by a nephew of the 
 celebrated Viscount Bolingbroke, and from the able speech in the session 
 of 1830, of Mr. D. W. Harvey, the member for Colchester. 
 
 William, of Normandy, possessed a landed revenue of £400,000 a- 
 year. From that peiiod the territorial income of the sovereign declined, 
 till the reign of Henry VIII., Avhen, by the sequestration of the wealth 
 of the religious houses, it was again augmented. The public revenue of 
 Queen Elizabeth amounted only to £.500,000, of which £132,000 was 
 the produce of the crown estates. During the Commonwealth a com- 
 mission was appointed by Cromwell to ascertain the extent of the crown 
 lands throughout the kingdom ; and, though the disturbed state of the 
 country, and the jealousy with which the new government was regarded, 
 did not afford him an opportunity of making that property produce as 
 much as it would have done in more tranquil times, yet he disposed of 
 crown property to the amount of two millions sterling. In Cornwall 
 there were 52 honours, manors, and estates belonging to the Crown, of 
 which Cromwell disposed of five or six ; but only three or four of the
 
 HEROES OF THE IJEVOI.rTION OF 1688. 187 
 
 whole number are now remaining in the hands of government. These 
 alienations by the Protector were, after the restoration, made sub- 
 servient to a system of royal favour and proscription. Those who wore 
 artful enough to seize the proper moment for apostatizing from repub- 
 licanism to royalty were never disturbed in their purchases ; while 
 others, who were either too tenacious of their principles, or had com- 
 mitted themselves too deeply by the part they took in the civil war, 
 were compelled to surrender the crown property. Neither Chares II, 
 nor James II. could resist the solicitations of rapacious courtiers, and 
 the hereditary estates were leased, for long terms, to the great families 
 at almost nominal rents. 
 
 But the greatest inroads on the crown estates were committed 
 about the era of the Revolution of 1688. Such was the rapacity of the 
 patriots of those days, and their ingenuity in devising new taxes to 
 defray the royal expenditure, that William III. was induced to grant 
 nearly the whole of the crown estates to his supporters in parliament. 
 One family, that of Portland, obtained a grant of five-sixths of the whole 
 county of Denbigh. In the next reign a compact was, for the first 
 time, entered into between the sovereign and the people, by v;hich a 
 civil list amounting to nearly £700,000 Avas given to Queen Anne, 
 as a commutation for the land and other revenues enjoyed by her 
 predecessors ; and the preamble of the Act is worthy of notice, for its 
 object Vas stated to be " to defray part of the expense of government, 
 and lessen the burthen on the subject by means of the preservation 
 and improvement of the crown lands." How public burthens have 
 been lessened by this and subsequent engagements with the sovereign 
 for a civil list will be strikingly illustrated in the sequel. For the 
 present let us continue our narrative. 
 
 In the agreement with Queen Anne, it was settled that no crown 
 estate should be leased at a rent less than one-third of its clear annual 
 value ; the remaining two-thirds being left to the disposal of ministers, 
 who thereby were enabled to benefit their friends. Indeed, they often 
 neglected the injunction of the statute, by granting long leases at a rent 
 of a mark, Qs. Sd., 13s. 4d. or other nominal consideration. These 
 abuses afforded a pretext to Shippen, Lockhart, and other members, 
 disappointed in not being permitted a share in the spoil, for introducing 
 a bill, the object of which was the resumption of the crown property 
 obtained by the heroes of the glorious Revolution. The bill passed the 
 Commons, but found its grave among the delinquents it was meant to 
 reach, and where many similar acts of utility have been entombed. 
 
 From this period nothing more was heard of the crown lands till the 
 accession of George III.; when it was settled that no lease of them 
 should be gi'antetl for less than one-eighth of their annual value ; the 
 other seven-eighths to be taken in fines. Such, however, was the pro- 
 fligacy of ministers, that they first let the land almost for nothing, and, 
 after taking an estimate of it at that rate, sold it for nothing. Thus 
 an estate that was worth £5,000, was lc;ised at a rent of £10, and after- 
 wards sold for £200. An estate, comprising the whole of Piccadilly
 
 188 llEVENUKS Ol- llli; CllOWN. 
 
 from Paik-lanc to Su'allow-street, togetlier with all the back lanes, was 
 absolutely sold to the Pultency family, six years after a lease had been 
 granted at the rent of £12: 16: 10. for £500. This lease is now 
 nearly expired. The fine park of Bowood, in Wiltshire, after beinj^ 
 leased at £30 a-ycar, was sold for £468: 10. The manor of Spalding-, 
 of the annual value of £4,000, Avhich, after being held by the trustees 
 of the Earl of Dalkeith for no consideration at all, was leiised to the 
 Duke of Buccleuch at £5 per annum, and afterwards entirely severed 
 from the crown without any inquiry whatever. In Yorkshire, the esta'e 
 of Seaton, and another place, together Avith the alum-works, were sold 
 to Lord Mulgrave for £27,000, the annual value of which was £2,296, 
 including the alum-works, estimated at £20,000. It does not appear what 
 became of the proceeds of the sale, except that they were paid into the 
 Treasury ; they may remain there still, but it is certain they have never 
 been applied to any known public purpose. An estate, forfeited by the 
 Earl of Derwentwater, w'orth £9,000 per annum, was sold to two of the 
 Commissioners of Woods and Forests for £l ,000. This was too gross to 
 escape, and two members of the " Collective Wisdom," having dabbled 
 in the transaction, were expelled, and two others reprimanded. It is 
 difficult to say Vv'hether the Whigs or Tories sported most in these land 
 jobs, but the Whigs had certainly the best of it in the reigns of Wil- 
 liam III. and the two first princes of the Hanover family. 
 
 In 1770 the manor of Newark was granted to the Diike of New- 
 castle, first Lord of the Treasury, and a nobleman, according to the 
 testimony of the first Earl of Chatham, much addicted to mendacity.* 
 The rent reserved on this grant to the Pelhams was £482, and accord- 
 ing to law the fine should have been £.3374, instead of which only £200 
 was paid. The lease was renewed by Lord Granville, in 1806, for a term 
 of thirty years, at a rent of £2000 ; the property now consists of 960 
 acres, covered with dwellings, tolls of bridges, fisheries, and markets, 
 and yields to the proprietor £4000 a-year ; and were it let, without 
 reference to electioneering purposes, would yield £7000 a-vear. But 
 the great object of the crown-lessee is to maintain his political influence 
 in the borough ; for which purpose this property is under-let in small 
 portions to yearly tenants, who are thus constrained to vote for any 
 person the Duke of Newcastle thinks fit to nominate. A strikino,' illus- 
 tration of the Duke's influence was afforded in the year 1829. Sir W. 
 H. Clinton, differing in opinion with the noble boroughmono-er, on the 
 Catholic question, he was compelled to resign his seat for Newark ; 
 when his lordship, forthwith, posted down Mr. Sadler as the i-etirino- 
 member's accredited successor. Some of the inhabitants, not likinf 
 the idea of a total stranger being crammed down their throats so un- 
 ceremoniously, rebelled against their lord, voting for Mr. Sergeant 
 W^ilde, the opponent of the duke's nominee. This was not to be borne : 
 immediately after the election notices of ejectment were served on the 
 
 * Lord jMelbounic's Diaiy, p. oTG.
 
 JOBBING IN THE CROWN LANDS. 189 
 
 rebels ; the duke justifying his vindictive proceedinp; on tlio tyrant's 
 plea — that he had a rig-ht to do " ivliat he pleased xvith his oxon ;" af- 
 fording- a practical conimentaiy of the vast utility of the constitutional 
 maxim, which declares it to be a " hig-h infringement upon the liberties 
 of the people for any teeu to concern himself in the election of mem- 
 bers of the House of Commons." 
 
 Leavino- the noble trader in boroughs, we shall proceed with others. 
 In Lincoln, there was a crown estate valued at £937, let to Sir W. G. 
 Guise, at £37 a year, as a means of political corruption. The estate of 
 Rosedale, in the mountain recesses of Yorkshire, was held by forty 
 tenants, whoso leases expired in 1816, and have since held, from year 
 to year, to the great deterioration of the land. Instead of dividing this 
 property to suit the tenants, many of whom would have been purchasers, 
 it was put up in one lot, on the last day of December, when the ground 
 was covered with snow. The reserved bid was £70,000 ; only £37,000 
 was offered. These reserved bids arc injurious, for they prevent com- 
 petitors from coming forward. Property at Esham was let to Sir John 
 Shaw for £3920 : tlie crown lessee put it up to sale in lots, and obtained 
 biddings to the amount of £25,000 and upwards: this, it must be 
 observed, was during the excitement produced by paper-money and war 
 prices. In 1815 a lease was granted to Sir John Throgmorton, at a 
 rent of £115, of property of which the estimated value, upon oath, was 
 £1 104. Another property of great importance, called Sunk Island, had 
 been lately rescued from the sea. In the report of the commissioners it is 
 described as a parcel of sandy land, at the mouth of the river Humber. 
 From 1771, it Avas leased for thirty-one years. In 1802, another lease 
 was granted for thirty-one years, at a rent of £700 for the first year, 
 £2000 for the second, and for the remainder of the teini £3100. In 
 the second year of his lease the tenant went to an expense of £10,000, 
 in making banks and in other improvements, and the estate is now let 
 by him for £10,000 a-year. The Reverend John Lonsdale is the crown- 
 lessee, and, apparently, a good judge in land speculations. This estate 
 consists of 6000 acres of the finest soil in the kingdom, tithe free, and 
 worth fifty shillings an acre. In 1812, freehold estates to the amount of 
 £1084 of yearly value were sold at twenty years' purchase ; the manor 
 of Eltham, Avith royalties, lands, &c. for £569; King's Cliffo £14S ; 
 the manor of the Chapter of Beverley, with all rights, courts, demesnes, 
 and tenements belonging, for £224 ; and part of the race-course of 
 Newmarket for £154. All these were sold at twenty years' purchase, 
 the land-tax having been previously bought by the Crown at thirly- 
 nine years' purchase from itself, and sold again at ticenty years' 
 purchase. It is needless to remark that manors are highly desirable 
 investments; with courts and royalties annexed, they give a local dis- 
 tinction and importance to the purchasers. 
 
 We shall next enter the domain of Woods and Forests, abounding 
 with similar examples of waste and mismanagement as those already 
 cited. Here, again, we meet with the Duke of Newcastle. A broad 
 riding-way was cut for his Grace through Sherwood-forest ; the timber
 
 190 
 
 REVENUES OF THE CROWN. 
 
 cut down was t^iven to his lordship, and the pailing raised at each side of 
 the way was charged to the -public at £1787. Another nobleman had a 
 right of pasturag;c for one horse, in Wolmar-forest, and, for the pasturage 
 of this single horse, not less than 450 acres of forest-land were appro- 
 priated. Rockin<;haTn-forest and an estate adjoinin;^ were let to Ix)rd 
 Westmoreland at less than one farthing an acre ! The interests of the 
 crown in this property were valued, so long ago as 1704, at £50,000; 
 they were bought, by Lord Westmoreland, for £10,038, in 1796, though 
 the money was not all paid till 1809. With so much indulgence and 
 profuse generosity is it surprising the crown lands have contributed so 
 little to relieve public burthens ? Shei-wood-forest contains 95,000 
 acres, and, from 1761 to 1786, the disbursements for management 
 exceeded the receipts by £9037. Some trees, which were bloAvn down 
 in the forest, were valued at £'2457 ; but the produce was only £850, 
 the rest being expended in fees and allowances to officers. In the 
 forest of Littlewood there were 5424 acres, and not less than seventy 
 officers. During the last-mentioned period the receipts for the crown 
 property', in Wales, amounted to £123,717; the expense of manage- 
 ment to £124,466; so that the exchequer was minus, by the princi- 
 pality, £749 ! 
 
 Veiy inadequate considerations appear to have been received for the 
 leases of houses in the metropolis. In 1815, there were no less than 
 thirty-one houses, in Piccadilly and the neighbourhood, let for £125 
 a-year, a property which, in 1786, was valued at £600, and must now 
 be worth many thousands. Nineteen houses were let in Holborn, near 
 the Turnstile, for £564 and £100 premium, which were worth at least 
 from £100 to £130 each. In the Spring-garden- terrace were three 
 messuages, well worth £200 each, all let for £200 and a fine of £500. 
 Other houses, in Piccadilly and Pall Mall, have been disposed of on terms 
 equally low ; the rents must be merely nominal, nothing like what the 
 houses are really worth. A house, No. 17, Charles-street, has been let, 
 upon a thirty years' lease, at £110 a-year. Within a month after the 
 completion of the lease, the tenant let it for £230 a-year ; thus clearing 
 more than cent, per cent, by his speculation. The ground-rents of the 
 Crown, in London, produced, last year, £105,000. Reckoning, with 
 the late Mr. Huskisson, the buildings at on\y five times the value of the 
 ground-rents, the rental of the Crown, when the leases fall in, will be 
 £525,000. What a means of influence in the capital ! what accommo- 
 dation it enables ministers to aft'ord their friends and supporters ! 
 
 Indeed, it is important to remark who are the tenants of the crown 
 property. Mr. Harvey justlv observed that it presented a source of 
 corruption sufficient to contaminate any parliament, and per\^ert its 
 members to any purpose. Most of the parties involved in the preceding 
 transactions were peers of the realm or members of parliament. Out 
 of four hundred and eight tenants to the rental of £200,000 a year, in 
 1786, upwards of ttco hundred were men of title. Among them 
 were the Duke of St. Alban's, Earl Bathurst. Viscount Bacon, the 
 Duke of Gloucester, the Duke of Newcastle, the Earl of Licliiield,
 
 PRODIGAL PUUCHASES UY COMMISSIONERS OF WOODS. 191 
 
 and many other noble lords ; for, to speak truth, they were as " thick 
 as the peerage could make them." It cannot be supposed these great 
 personages would condescend to the humble office of land-jobbers, unless 
 something ver}' substantial was to be gained by it. It is not uniLsual 
 for peel's of parliament and honourable members to take leases of the 
 crown-estates at a low consideration, and then re-let them to sub-tenants 
 at exorbitant rents ; but it is not likely they would submit to the trouble 
 and degradation of acting as middle-men, unless the profit was really 
 magnificent. 
 
 We must now turn over another leaf. It has been seen on what 
 veiy low terms Messieurs the Commissioners let and sold the crown 
 lands ; we shall, per contra, show how verj' lavish they have been when 
 they had any thing to btnj, — a residence, for instance, for a brother 
 placeman, or a piece of church-patronage, or a parcel of land to round 
 off the parks, or to improve the view from the palaces, or the unfinished 
 house of an insolvent prince, or a needy peer. Whether they had 
 authority so to apply the proceeds of the land-rcA-enues may be doubted, 
 but that they have done so is certain, and here follows a brief chronicle 
 of a few of their performances. 
 
 Within a short distance of Virginia Water was a public-house, the 
 Wheat Sheaf; to remove this vulgarity from the favourite resort of the 
 late king it was bought for £.5000, and let to Ramsbottom, the brewer, 
 and a M. P. for £50. At Egham, premises were bought for £1100, 
 for which no person, when they were offered for sale, would give £.500. 
 The sum of £21,000 was paid for Mote-park. The house of Lord de 
 Clifford, in Spring-gardens, was bought for £4000 for an auditor's 
 office, while the government was letting houses of their own in the 
 same place, and equally fit for the purpose, at £100 a year. In Pim- 
 lico, £26,000 was paid for premises to enlarge the mews. In Windsor, 
 a house was purcha.'^ed from the Honourable John Coventry for £7000, 
 and sold afterwards to the Honourable Mr. Westenra for £6000. A sum 
 of £56,.566 was lent to the Duke of York to build a house. Govern- 
 ment bought it for £81,000, and sold it again to the Marquis of Stafford 
 for £72,000. In 180.5, the Black Bear, in Piccadilly, was det under 
 the Crown at a rent of £108 ; but it became desirable to resume the 
 premises, and the interest of the lessee was valued at £3000. In 1809, 
 the Duke of Richmond disposed of a house to the commissioners for 
 £5000 ; but they took the precaution of saying to his Grace, you must 
 give us back £700 of this for damage done in 1791, and so the sum 
 paid was reduced, in this way, to £4300. The perpetual adxoxoson 
 of the rectory of St. Marj'-le-bone was bought of the Duke of Portland 
 for the sum of £40,000. According to the explanation of Ix)rd 
 Bentinck, his father accepted this diminutive consideration rather than 
 the living should fall into " bad hands," — the Dissenters, who had 
 offered a larger sum.* The bargain has not been very advantageous to 
 the public. The expenses incurred in one yeai- subsequent to the pur- 
 
 • House of Commons, March 30, 1830.
 
 192 REVENUES OV THE CUOWN, 
 
 chase were £10,000. The receipt from pows vvas only £.^00, nnd the 
 rector was paid £2000 a year. But an important object was gained by 
 this contract. Ministers secured the ecclesiastical patronage of one of 
 the largest and richest parishes in the metropolis. 
 
 Having given specific examples of the management of crown property, 
 and the purposes to which it has been applied, we shall next advert to 
 the general income and expenditure arising from this source. 
 
 The property in Ireland has scarcely yet been noticed. It is of the 
 same description as that in England, consisting of estates, composition- 
 rents, quit-rents, and rents of phis acres. The gross proceeds from 
 these sources, in 1796, were £61,340. Since then part has been sold, 
 leaving the Irish rental in 1829, £56,354. 
 
 The average receipts from the crown lands in both kingdoms, from 
 1793 to 1829, has been £560,000 per annum. Of this income a very 
 small portion indeed has been available to the pubHc service. In the 
 last three years £1,500,000 was received, and not a single farthing 
 was paid into the Exchequer. During the whole term of twenty-six 
 years only £234.000 has reached the Treasury, the remaining balance 
 of upwards of fourteen millions having been expended in the notable 
 bargains of the commissioners already mentioned, in metropolitan im- 
 provements, on the royal parks and palaces, in pensions and com- 
 pensations, and in the salaries of officers and charges of manage- 
 ment. 
 
 The average expenditure in the three years 1827, 1828, 1829, in 
 the collection of rents, law expenses, and other charges, was £169,020, 
 being, within a trifle, 20 per cent, on the entire produce of the crown 
 lands. The office of Woods and Forests, including salaries of com- 
 missioners, clerks, &c. costs upwards of £18,000 ; in addition to which 
 £6000 and more is annually paid for law charges, and to auditors and 
 assistants. But the greatest and most objectionable objects of disburse- 
 ment have been the parks and palaces. The total of the ordinary ex- 
 penditure on St. James's and Hyde Parks, Richmond, Hampton-court, 
 Bushy, Greenwich, and Windsor Parks, was, in 1826, £48,810. In 
 1827, the expenditure, ordinary and extraordinary, amounted to 
 £92,200. In 1828 it was £l 16,143. The sums lavished on the palaces 
 have been really prodigious. For the repairs and alterations of Windsor 
 Castle £771,000 has been granted, and still iinjinished. £27 0,670 
 has been expended in furniture for the castle, and £10,000 more is 
 required. Of the sum expended £1768 was for kitchen furniture. 
 The total expenditure on the castle in furniture and building is estimated 
 to amount to £1 ,084,170.* The estimated expense of repairing and im- 
 proving that ill-situated pile, Buckingham-Palace, was £432,926; but 
 this did not include the expense of the sculptuue of a marble arch- 
 way, alone, to cost £35,000, and the commission of architects and 
 clerks, amounting to £63,243 more. Lord Duncannon, this session. 
 
 * Pavlianieiitniy paper, 271, Sess. 1831.
 
 PICKINGS FROM PALACE JOBS. 193 
 
 required £78,750 additional, to complete this monstrous undertaking, 
 which does not include the charge for furnishing- the palace.* 
 
 The formation of Regent-street was estimated to cost £368,000. 
 From first to last it has cost £1,833,000. The rents of the houses do 
 not exceed £36,000, being under 2 per cent, per annum on the outlay. 
 Had not this undertaking been left to the management of Mr. Nash, it 
 might, by this time, have produced three or four times the present 
 rental. The Charing-cross improvements were estimated to cost 
 £850,000, they have already cost £1,147,000. The Strand improve- 
 ments are estimated to cost £748,000, but Mr. Arbuthnot 7iozu admits 
 there will be an exceeding on this estimate of £95,000. 
 
 With the purpose of the street-improvements no fault can be justly 
 found. Some of them already are, and others no doubt will be, both 
 useful and ornamental to the Metropolis ; and if the land-revenue had 
 not be drawn upon, recourse must have been had to the consolidated 
 fund. The chief objections that can be urged against them are the dis- 
 proportion between the original estimate and the expenditure ; the 
 questionable taste displayed in some of the plans, and to the individuals 
 employed to superintend their execution. For example, Mr. Nash, 
 according to the report of a parliamentary committee, " became a lessee 
 of the Crown while acting as its agent and surveyor, and in his capacity 
 of the crown-surveyor actually reported on the buildings erected by 
 himself, upon the ground of which he was the lessee."t Other and 
 more serious charges have been alleged against this gentleman, but as 
 they have not been so clearly established Ave pass them over. 
 
 Throughout we have used the term crown lands; they are in fact 
 not the lands of the Crown, but of the public. Ever since the reign of 
 Queen Anne a life-annuity has been granted to the sovereign in lieu of 
 the produce of the hereditary revenues. Hence results the mal-appro- 
 priation in lavishing these funds in aid of the royal expenditure. Surely 
 the civil list of the late King was ample enough, not only to defray 
 his personal outgoings, but to maintain his own establishments. The 
 
 • The palace Jobs have yielded splendid pickings to the upholsterers. Messrs. 
 IMorel and hoddon's estimates for furnishing A\indsor Castle amounted to 
 fl4:J,000, which were paid to them ; but the bills tliey delivered were for 
 ±"20:VJ03, leaving a balance of £(»0,903. A parliamentary committee demurred 
 to the payment of so huge a balance over tlie estimates. Certain jiersons, 
 deemed competent judges, were appointed to examine the charges lor selected 
 articles of furniture which the commiiti e thought would be a criterion whereljy 
 to judge whether the general charges of the bills were extravagant. 15ut the 
 gentlemen nominated by the Treasury to appraise, after a prelindnary inspecti<m, 
 declined the task, the furniture being of tliat i)eculiar sort, they were incapable 
 of forming an estimate of its value. Messrs. Morel and Seddou next delivered 
 a statement of the sums actually expended by them in materials, labour, and 
 trade charges, and the profit accruing, which statement was veritied by an 
 inspection of their books by Mr. Abbott, an accountant. Witnesses were then 
 examined as to the kaik i-iiukit which ought to be charged by upholsterers, and 
 the result was the bill of Morel and .Seddon, originally ±'-.J03,UG3 : 6 : 5, was 
 reduced to £179,300 : 13 : 9. 
 
 t Pari. Paper, No. 343, vol. iii. Session 1829. 
 
 (.)
 
 194 ADMISSION OF PKOPLE TO TIIF, PARKS. 
 
 acts of parliament, cstiiblishing the administration of the Woods and 
 Forests, require that the revenues arising therefrom shall he expended 
 in objects of public utilihj. ^\'^as the purchase of Claremont, as a 
 residence for Prince Coburg, or the giving of a slice off Hyde-park to 
 the Duke of Wellington, to round the area of Apsley-house, objects of 
 this nature ? Or can the parks and palaces be considered such ? These 
 last are often very haughtily and insultingly described as solely for the 
 use, recreation, and enjoyment of the King. Let the King then defray, 
 we say, the expense of them. During the late extravagant reign the 
 people were very contemptuously treated as regards these matters. 
 They were often capriciously excluded from the parks ; prohibited from 
 being seen in certain ^oalks — restricted from entering here or walking 
 there — and all these fantastic regulations to interdict the enjoyment of 
 their own property, and the expense of maintaining which was defrayed 
 out of their own pockets, Waterloo-place, Regent's Park, and Wind- 
 sor-park, afford examples of royal or official whims which will be easily 
 recollected. Under William IV. there appears a disposition to con- 
 ciliate popular feeling, but the treatment of the public by his prede- 
 cessor was intolerable. 
 
 We shall now lay before the reader a return of the present income 
 and expenditure on account of the crown lands. It is for the year 
 ending 5th January, 1829, and it is abstracted from the last triennial 
 Report of the Commissioners of Woods and Foiests. After that we 
 shall subjoin an estimate of the present value of the crown estates, 
 submitted, by Mr. Harvey, to the House of Commons, March 30th, 1830. 
 
 INCOME AND EXPENDITURE OF THE LAND-REVENUES. 
 
 ORDINARY INCOME. 
 Total balances, 5th January, 1828 £79,057 3 0§ 
 
 England and Wales. 
 
 Fee-farm rents £ 6,401 1.1 8 
 
 Leasehold rents 138,104 17 Uf 
 
 Profits of mines, manors, &c 12,315 18 0§ 
 
 Light-bouse-dues, &;c 14,705 1 
 
 Fines 13,027 15 4 
 
 Sales of old materials, &c 3,471 2 
 
 188,080 7 1 
 
 Ireland. 
 Quit, crown, and composition rents, and 
 
 rents of plus acres 56,354 10 7 
 
 Island of Alderney . 
 Rents, tithes, royalties, and harbour- 
 dues 127 
 
 Isle of Man. 
 Tithes, quit rents, and alienation-fines. . 1,428 7 1 
 
 57,910 3 8 
 The royal forests, parks and woodlands 39,972 15 8 
 
 Total ordinary receipts, including balances >. £362,926 9 5§
 
 INCOME OF CROWN LANDS. 195 
 
 EXTUAORDINAUY RECEIPTS. 
 
 Sales of estates and unimprovable rents in England 
 
 and Wales 139,70111 l{ 
 
 The like ill Ireland 22,9 JU 2 1 
 
 Deposits upon sales to be paid 1G9 17 7 
 
 Total income lor the year ending January 5, 1829.... £525,750 3 
 
 ORDINARY EXPENDITURE. 
 
 Ancient stipends, including payments to schools, chapels, 
 
 churches, &c £7,486 7 10 
 
 Collection of rents, including allowances to receivers ... . 4,241 9 S^ 
 Local disbursements by receivers, and allowances to 
 
 tenants 4,094 1 4^ 
 
 Expenses of the establishment of Woods and Forests, in- 
 cluding salaries of commissioners, clerks, surveyors, 
 
 odicers, &c 18,574 6 7 
 
 Salaries to auditors and assistants 837 I 8 
 
 Law-charges 0,292 5 8 
 
 Payments to architects, surveyors, &c. expenses of jour- 
 neys, and other bills 2,819 2 
 
 Fees on acts of parliament, enrolling of leases, &c 3,037 2 
 
 Rates, taxes, superannuation-allouances, &c 10,807 19 0^ 
 
 Expenses on the royal forests, parks, and woodlands .... 83,797 3 7f 
 
 Total ordinary expenditure £142,610 10 4^; 
 
 EXTRAORDINARY EXPENDITURE. 
 
 St. James's, Greenwich, Hyde, Windsor, and other 
 
 royal parks 08,388 7 3 
 
 In purchase of estates and payments to Board of Works for 
 
 Buckingham-palace 137,023 13 4 
 
 Transferred to the Uegent-street fund 110,300 9 3 
 
 404,935 24 
 
 Balance, 5th January, 1829 00,814 14 5^ 
 
 £525,750 7| 
 
 Estimate of the Value of the Crown Lands, independently of 
 the Woods and Forests, and of that Portion iv/iich may he 
 considered to belong exclusivelif to the lloyal Person. 
 
 One luindred and thirty manors and royalties, at £1000 £130,000 
 
 Annual rental of estates, £000,000, at 25 years' purchase 15,000,000 
 
 Middlesex, ground-rents £50,000 per auuum, at40 years' purcliase 2,000,000* 
 Rents from liouses, say £20,000 per annum, at 18 years' purchase 300,000 
 
 Carried forward £17,490.000 
 
 • Mr. Harvey committed an oversight in estimating the Middlesex ground- 
 rents at £50,000 per annum. Last year they produced £105,000, and wlien the 
 leases fall in will be worth, according to the estimate of ^Ir. HuskiiSon, £500,000. 
 Instead of two, their present worlii is, al least, four millions. 
 
 O 1
 
 196 ESTIMATE OF VALUE OF CUOVVN LANDS. 
 
 Brought forward £17,190,000 
 
 Waste lands in forests not fit for oak timber, 80,000 acres, at £5 
 
 per acre 430,000 
 
 Church livinRS 100,000 
 
 Fee-farin-roiits, and otlier unimproveable payments, in Kngland 
 
 and Wales, at least £6000, at 25 years' purchase 150,000 
 
 Allotments under -185 inclosure acts, at £500 2-12,500 
 
 Irish estates 2,(KtO,000 
 
 Total £20,112,500 
 
 N. B. The above estimate is exclusive of mines of coal, tin, and copper, and also 
 of the Duchy of Lancaster, £30,000. Davenant, in his Treatise on the Lands of 
 England, estimates the common rigjits of the Crown at 300,000 acres. 
 
 The estimate of the value of the land-revenues does not include the 
 royal forests. In some of these are intermingling rights, and the 
 Crown has no property in the soil. Such are New Forest and the fo- 
 rests of Epping, Sherwood, and Dean Forest ; all the rights possessed by 
 the Crown consist of the right of herbage for the deer, although in the 
 great forest of Shenvood, comprising a sheet of land of 95,000 acres, 
 not a single deer is kept. In the NeAv Forest, out of 90,000 acres, the 
 Crown has the right to enclose periodically 6,000 acres, which may 
 be dissevered from the pasturage for the growth of timber. The most 
 valuable property undoubtedly consists of the estates and leaseholds 
 alone worth upwards of twentij millions sterling. These might be sold 
 without encroaching on any possession in the least conducive to the 
 dignity and enjoyment of the sovereig-n. What dignity, indeed, can 
 there be in the king or his servants being jobbers in land, or hucksters 
 in the sale of houses, leases, and ground-rents ? 
 
 It is not, hov.-ever, the dignity nor the comfort of the king, but the 
 patronage of his ministers, that is at stake. The preceding narrative 
 has shown what an endless source of jobbing the crown-lands have been 
 for centuries ; of jobbing the most foul, rapacious, and iniquitous. 
 Not only have the commons, but the distinguished names of the peerage — 
 the great historical cognomens — been implicated in these peculating 
 transactions. This description is not limited to the times of the Edwards 
 and Henries, when there was no law to contravene the sovereign's 
 pleasure, or the sordid practices of his servants, but applies to the 
 period subsequent to the Revolution, when the constitution is supposed 
 to have been purified and perfected. Acts of parliament, indeed, were 
 passed prescribing the minimum of rent (relatively to the full value) 
 at which the crown-farms should be let, — namely one-third before the 
 reign of George III. and one-eighth after the accession of the said king", 
 stating, too, that, under the former regulation, two-thirds of the valued 
 rack-rent, and, under the latter, seven-eighths should be paid in the 
 shape of fine. But what of these statutory restraints ? They were all 
 set at nought; the " creatures were at their dirty work" again; and, 
 in most cases, the rents reserved and the fines exacted were merely 
 nominal. May it not be said, after this, that ministerial responsibility 
 is a farce, and that it is sheer fatuity to expect justice will be enforced
 
 J) HO ITS OF THE CROWN AND ADMIRALTY. 197 
 
 against public defaulters, when the accused and his judges are aUke 
 participant in the dehnquency '■ 
 
 The sale of the crown-lands would not only cut off a dangerous 
 source of ministerial inlluence, but render them more conducive to 
 national wealth, and effect a saving in the public expenditure. That 
 costly establishment, the Board of Woods and Forests, is in future, it 
 appears, (House of Commons, Dec. 9, 1831,) to be consolidated with 
 the Board of Works, whereby the expense of two boards will be saved. 
 Mr. Huskisson long' depastured in this retreat, and retained to the last 
 a singular partiality for the existing mode of administering the crown 
 property. In the debate on Mr. Harvey's motion, he observed that the 
 House had no right to dispose of the hereditary revenues of the Crown 
 without its consent. No one could gainsay this constitutional truism. 
 No doubt an act of parliament would be requisite, and every one knows 
 an act of parliament is not law till it receives the royal assent. In this, 
 then, there is nothing peculiar. But the importance ascribed by this 
 wily and selfish politician to the fact, that the royal forests formed a 
 valuable nursery for the c/roivth of timber, seemed a little inconsistent 
 with his favourite principles of free trade. England depends much 
 more on the produce of her looms and steam-engines than of her woods 
 and forests; though we should be sorry, for the sake of merely increas- 
 ing national capital, to see, throughout the country, the latter entirely 
 superseded by the former. Agreeably with the dogmas of the school of 
 which Mr. Huskisson was long a professed disciple, our supply of timber 
 would be most advantageously obtained from the wastes of Canada and 
 Norway, where it can be cheapest produced ; while our own acres are 
 best appropriated to the growth of cherij) bread for the artisan and 
 manufacturer. 
 
 DROITS OF THE CROWN AXD ADMIRALTY. 
 
 The next and most important branch of the hereditary revenues of 
 the Crown is the droits of admiralty. These droits, or rights, are 
 received by the king in his capacity of lord high admiral ; the duties 
 of which office are discharged by five lords commissioners. The principal 
 sources whence the droits arc derived are the following: — all sums 
 arising from wreck and goods of pirates ; all ships detained previously 
 to a declaration of war ; all coming into port, either from distress of 
 Aveather, or ignorant of the commencement of hostilities ; all taken 
 before the issuing of proclamation ; and those taken by non-commissioned 
 captors are sold, and the proceeds form droits of the crown and admiralty. 
 
 From this description of the sources whence the droit revenue is 
 constituted, it evidently appears little better than buccaneer or piratical 
 plunder, obtained under circumstances little creditable to any govern- 
 ment to sanction. Shi])S detained previously to a declaration of war, 
 coming into port ignorant of hostilities, or taken before the issuing of a 
 proclamation, are all cousidei-ed lawful j)rizes : the sufferers, in these 
 cases, violate a law of which they are ignorant, and of which it is im- 
 possible they should have any knowledge. They are caught in a spider's
 
 198 DROITS OF THE CROWN AND ADMIRALTY. 
 
 web impervious to the sight. An ex-post-facto law, or the laws of the 
 Roman tyrant, who placed them so high that they were illegible to the 
 beholder, were not more unjust and tyrannical. In the course of the 
 late war — in the attack on the Danes, and the seizure of the Spanish 
 ships — we had two memorable instances to what base purposes this 
 pi'inciple may be applied. In the attack upon Copenhagen, government 
 might be actuated by its fears as well as its cupidity ; it might dread 
 the Danish ships of war falling into the hands of Bonaparte ; though, in 
 either case, it was equally disgraceful to a great nation to be excited to 
 an act of flagrant i?ijustice and violation of international law. But what 
 can be urged in defence of the attack on the Spanish ships in 1805? 
 The object, in this case, unquestionably, was plunder for the droit-fund. 
 There could be no fear of the Spanish ships joining the enemy, because 
 they were merchantmen, and not ships of war. We were at peace ; the 
 Spanish envoy, in London, and the English ambassador, at Madrid, 
 were carrying on a negotiation, and yet, under these circumstances, a 
 squadron of ships of war was fitted out ; the homeward-bound Spanish 
 fleet, from South America, loaded with treasure, attacked, the crews 
 massacred, the ships burnt, and the proceeds of this unhallowed enter- 
 prise condemned as rights of the Croiun ! 
 
 Posterity, in looking to the foreign and domestic policy of England 
 for the last forty years, under the influence of Tory principles, will be at 
 a loss which most to condemn — the encroachments on the liberties of the 
 people, or the atrocious attacks on the right of other states. The balance 
 of iniquity seems nearly equal. At home, tlie liberty and property of the 
 people have been assailed by the Bank-Restriction-Act, Seditious 
 Meetings Bills, new Treason Acts, and acts for the curtailment of the 
 freedom of the press. Abroad, we may reckon among the catalogue of 
 offences, the attacks upon Copenhagen and the Spanish fleet, and the 
 affair of Terceira : to which may be added, our slow and reluctant re- 
 cognition of the independence of the new States of South America — our 
 suspicious neutrality, when the liberties of Italy and Spain were sub- 
 verted by the interference of foreign armies — our non-interference in 
 behalf of the heroic Poles, in their glorious struggle for national inde- 
 pendence — and the promptitude Avith which we have mostly availed 
 ourselves of every pretext for either openly supporting or covertly aiding 
 the old European despotisms in their machinations against popular 
 rights. 
 
 To return, however, to the droits of Admiralty. The monies accruing 
 from the droits, as well as the crown-lands, and other branches of the 
 hereditary revenue, Avere ostensibly conceded to the public, in lieu of 
 the grant of a fixed sum for the civil list. But instead of being made 
 available to the national semce, they have, prior to the commencement 
 of the present reign, always been kept in the back ground, and in- 
 directly expended, Avithout either the people or their representati\'es 
 haA'ino- any control over them, further than an occasional return of the 
 objects on which they had been lavished. The management of the 
 fund Avas not more extraordinary tlian its application. It Avas not paid
 
 PAYMENTS TO DR. STODDART, POPHAM, AND DANIELS. 199 
 
 into the Exchequer, like the taxes, but remained in the hands of the 
 registrar of the high court of Admiralty, the receivcr-j^-eneral of droits, 
 the commissioners of prizes, and the Bank of England. There was no 
 responsibility attached to the persons receiving or issuing- this money. 
 No account was kept of the receipts and outg-oings at the Treasury. It 
 was drawn out of the Bank of England, not on the authority of the 
 privy-seal, but of a warrant under the sign manual only. In short, it 
 was a fund wholly out of the control of parliament, and entirely at the 
 disposal of the ministers of the Crown : it might be expended on the 
 hirelings of the press, in rewarding spies and informers, in purchasing 
 votes of members of parliament, in bribery at elections, in minions or 
 mistresses, or any other purpose of royal or ministerial corruption. 
 
 The specific objects for which the Admiralty droits were granted to 
 the Crown were for " cjuardiny and juaintaining the rights and 
 privileges of the seas;* so that the whole of the fund, agreeably to 
 its original destination, ought to have been expended on the ships, 
 officers, and men of the English navy. How differently it has been 
 applied we shall proceed to illustrate ; instead of being- devoted to mari- 
 time objects, it has been dissipated in rewarding the questionable 
 services of individuals — in discharging the arrears of the civil list— in 
 payments to Sir William Knighton, for the use of the -privy-purse — in 
 advances to different branches of the royal family — paying tradesmen's 
 and physicians' bills — defraying the expense of visits from foreign 
 princes, and of royal visits to Ireland, Scotland, and Hanover — and, in 
 general, in discharging any casual debt or expense which the caprice or 
 extravagance of royalty and its servants might incur. 
 
 In looking over the returns to parliament of the disbuisements to 
 individuals, the first that struck us as singular were two payments to 
 the editor of a ministerial newspaper, namely, to Dr. Stoddart, now 
 Sir John Stoddart, and a judge in the island of Malta. Next we came 
 to a grant to Sir Ho?ne Pophum, to indemnify him for losses he had 
 sustained in his famous smuggling vo3'age. This gallant officer, it seems, 
 had entered various investments outwards, in a ship called Etrusco, 
 commanded by Sir Home, and bound from one of the ports of Italy to 
 the East Indies. Captain Robinson, appointed on that station for the 
 prevention of smuggling, seized the vessel; and her cargo, value £"25,000, 
 being contraband or smuggled goods, was condemned as good and lawful 
 prize. Dr. Lushiugton having moved for various papers relative to this 
 transaction, it appeared, by a warrant of the Treasury, signed Charles 
 Long and others, as lords of the Treasury, that the loss of £'25,000 sus- 
 tained by Captain Popham, in simiggling, was made up to him by a 
 grant of the same sum out of the Droits of Admiralty. When all the 
 documents lelative to the affair were upon the table in the house, and 
 Mr. C. Long and Sir Home Popham, being both members, were present. 
 Dr. Lushington moved " That Sir Home Popham, in being detected in 
 
 * Lord l>roiiKliani, I'arlianientury Debates, vol. \xi. 215.
 
 200 DROITS or Tin: crown and admiralty. 
 
 knowingly carrying on an illegal trafSc, had acted in contempt of the 
 laws of his country, contrary to the duty of a British subject, and to the 
 disgrace of the character of a British officer ; and, further, that the 
 grant of £25,000 by Mr. Long to him out of the Droits of Admiralty, 
 had been a g-joss misapplication of the public money." After solemn 
 debate on this question, not a single fact being denied or disputed, ' the 
 Guardians of the Public Purse' fully acquitted Sir Home Popham and 
 Mr. Long of all blame, by a majority of 126 to 57 ! When one mem- 
 ber of parliament could thus give to another such a siim of money as 
 £25,000 out of the Droits of Admiralty, it accounts for that loyal 
 clamour which was so often heard in Parliament, of this fund being the 
 private property of the king. 
 
 The way in which the Reverend W. B. Daniels, the author of a 
 work on " Rural Sports," became entitled to £5077 out of the fund for 
 the maintenance of maritime rights, is worth describing. 
 
 A Mr. Jacob, the owner of the privateer Daphne, captured, in 1799 
 or 1800, the French vessel Circe, worth £30,000, which was con- 
 demned as lawful prize, and all claim to the contrary disregarded. The 
 year and day for appeal having- transpired, the condemnation became 
 final, and £15,000 was shared among the captors. Ten thousand 
 pounds more lay ready to be distributed. At this point of time, infor- 
 mation was laid against Mr. Jacob, for having disregarded the 33d of 
 Geo. IIL by which the muster of the crew of a priA'ateer before sailing' 
 is enacted. On the letter of this law^ they were convicted ; the £10,000 
 stopped; and the £15,000 recovered; all of which became Droits of 
 Admiralty. The mere ignorance of the law was admitted as no excuse 
 for Mr. .Jacob, and the result to him Avas, besides the loss of his prize, 
 costs to the amount of £1700, and utter ruin. From having been in a 
 respectable trade, he was throw-n into gaol, and reduced to beggary. But 
 on whose authority does the reader imagine Mr. Jacob and his family 
 •were reduced to beggary ? Here it will be necessaiy to introduce the 
 Rev. Mr. DaJiiels. This gentleman, after publishing his work on 
 " Rural Sports," had been confined for debt, and reduced, as Lord 
 Brougham stated, to the condition of a ' primitive Christian.' After all 
 other attempts to patch up his broken fortune had failed, he, at last, 
 turned a broker in evidence, and procured two men, of the names of 
 Thatcher and Guzman, one of whom had been convicted of perjury, and 
 the other had been flogged at the cart's tail, to swear as much as was 
 necessary to convict Mr. Jacob. For this signal service, the Reverend 
 Mr, Daniels received £5077 out of the Admiralty Droits, and the first 
 of his witnesses £87 : 13 : 7, as a gratuity for evidence given ! 
 
 Besides the payment to Sir Home Popham, and Messrs. Stoddart 
 and Daniels, there are others quite as extraordinary and unaccountable. 
 There is a sum of £2250 granted to Sir George Young, on the 20th of 
 September, 1803, being one-third of the Dutch ship Frederick, taken 
 at the Cape. The item is remarkable, because at the time Sir George 
 is represented capturing ships at the Cape, he was serving in parliament 
 as member for Honiton, filled a lucrative situation, and, on failing in a
 
 ROYAL FAMILY AND POOR OF SP IT A LFl F. I.DS. 201 
 
 subsequent election, was appointed governor of that Colony. The Earl 
 of Dunmore is also doAvn for the sum of £'2792, under similar circum- 
 stances. Lord Stowell is inserted for £932, " for services in deciding 
 upon cases relative to American captures," There are two grants to 
 Lord Keith of £20,521 and £1800, to make up losses he had sustained 
 from an action brought against him for tcrongfiilly detaining: an Ame- 
 rican ship at the Cape of Good Hope. There is a grant of £700 to 
 one Captain Temple, to defray the expenses of a prosecution for the 
 alledg'ed murder of a seaman, of which crime he had been acquitted ; 
 and another grant of £219 to a Turk, for some losses he had sustained 
 at Constantinople. 
 
 The objects for which all these grants have been made appear very 
 questionable and mj'sterious. Let us now come to the larg-er sums. To 
 that pious nobleman, Lord Gambier, the great patron of Bible Societies, 
 and to Lord Cathcart, is the enormous sum of £348,621, as their share 
 of the jyrize-money at the memorable expedition to Copenhagen. There 
 is another enormous payment to one John Alcock, " to be by him paid 
 over to the merchants, &c. trading to Spain, whose property had been 
 sequestered in 1796 and 1797," Another singular item of £54,921 is 
 entered as an " indemnification to sundry commanders of his Majesty's 
 ships for condemnations, by a Court of Vice-Admiralty, at Cape Nicola 
 Mole, afterwards found 7iot to have jurisdiction." A sum of £887 
 to Captain Spencer, in the year 1807, pursuant to his Majesty's war- 
 rant ; £10,000 and £1900 to William Bourne and others, as commis- 
 sioners of Spanish and Portuguese property. 
 
 The complexion of all these grants is bad enough. We shall now 
 speak of the immense sums taken out of this fund by the different 
 branches of the Royal Family ; and the reader must bear in mind that 
 these grants are independent of the enormous incomes they derive from 
 parliamentary grants. The droits have formed an inexhaustible mine 
 for relieving the necessities of the king, the regent, the princes and 
 princesses, in all tVieir embarrassments. The facility with which money 
 Avas granted by different ministers from this fund, rendered economy on 
 their part wholly unnecessary. Prior to 1812, there had been taken 
 from the droits the enormous sum of £760,000, simply for the payment 
 of the tradesmen's bills of the king's household. The sums granted in aid 
 of the civil list, from 1793 to 1818, amounted to £1,324,000. The 
 sums paid during the same period, to different branches of the roval 
 family, amounted to £266,331 : 17 : 3. Besides these sums, £58,000 
 ■was granted to defray the expenses of additional buildings and furniture 
 at Brighton. The sum of £14,579, for additional expenses in the 
 household, occasioned by the visits of foreign princes. The expenses of 
 the royal visits to L'cland, Scotland, and Hanover, amounting to £70,000, 
 were paid out of the Admiralty droits. From the same inexhaustible 
 fund is the royal dole of £5000 to the foor of Sjntat/iclds. Doubtless 
 this act of charity would have been more gracious had the donation 
 proceeded from the privy purse instead of from a fuud which, if it does 
 not belong to the nation, unquestionably belongs to the ships, ofiicers,
 
 202 FOUR-AND-A-HALF PER CENT. DUTIES. 
 
 and seamen of the navy. The last payment out of the droits we shall 
 notice is one in 1829, to John Calvert, Esq., £9,166, to defray the 
 expenses incurred in fitting; up and finishing the house of his Royal 
 Highness the Duke of Clarence. 
 
 With the exception of the very inadequate payments to captors, we 
 have mentioned the principal purposes to which the droits have been 
 appropriated since the commencement of the late war. The following 
 statement, abstracted from a retuin to parliament, will show the total 
 produce of this great naval or rather ministerial fund, from 1793 to 
 1818:— 
 
 A Summary Account of all Monies received as Droits of the 
 Crown and of the Admiralty, from the \st of February , 1793, to 
 the 29th of May, 1818. — Ordered to be printed, June, 1818. 
 
 £ s. d. 
 
 Registrar of the Hig-h Court of Admiralty 5,077,216 9 
 
 Receiver- General of droits 489,885 10 9 
 
 Commissioners for the care of Dutch droits 1,286,042 6 10 
 
 Commissioners for the care of Spanish droits 1,293,313 19 7 
 
 Commissioners for the care of Danish and other droits 348,261 6 5 
 
 Total £8,494,719 12 7 
 
 A period of peace is not favourable to an accumulation of Admiralty 
 droits. Accordingly VvO find, from the date of the above return up 
 to the last annual return to Parliament, the proceeds from naval droits 
 have not averaged more than £120,000 per annum. 
 
 FOUR-AND-A-HALF PER CENT. DUTIES. 
 
 Notwithstanding the efforts of political writers to expose the manifold 
 abuses of an antiquated system, an immense number remain, of which 
 the public have no knowledge, and of which they have scarcely any 
 means of obtaining information. Where, for instance, previously to 
 the expositions afforded by this publication, could satisfactory infoi-- 
 mation be obtained relative to the crown lands, the ci^il list, droits of 
 Admiralty, and the other branches of the hereditary revenues of which 
 we are about to treat ? Correct information on these subjects can only 
 be acquired from parliamentary reports and papers, to which few per- 
 sons have access, and still fewer leisure to peruse and digest their 
 voluminous contents. Unquestionably this was a defect in the political 
 knowledge of the people, which Ave have attempted to remedy, and we 
 have httle doubt that the mystery which has heretofore involved the 
 crown revenues, and concealed their amount and application from the 
 community, will be hereafter dissolved. 
 
 After the Admiralty droits, the next considerable branch of revenue,
 
 COUNTESS OF MANSFIELD AND EDMUND BURKE, 203 
 
 at the disposal of ministers, was the Four-and-a-Half per Cent. Leeward- 
 Island Duties. This fund produces from forty to fifty thousand pounds 
 a-vear, and consists of a tax of 4.3 per cent, imposed on produce in the 
 island of Barbadoes and Leeward Isles. It was created by a colonial 
 law of Barbadoes, nearly two hundred years ago, and, by the terms of 
 the act, was to be applied to the erection of public Luildings, the 
 repair of courts, and other colonial purposes. In the reign of CharlesII. 
 it was seized by the courtiers, and continued to be abused till the reign 
 of Queen Anne ; when, on a representation of the abuses of the fund, 
 it was formallv renounced by the queen and jjarliamont in favour of the 
 i?;?md of Barbadoes, and the original purposes of the act creating it. 
 It again fell into abuse ; the natural children of the king and royal dukes, 
 the members of both houses of parliament, their relatives and con- 
 nexions, having got almost entire po.ssession of the fund. The parties 
 in the snuigg*ling transaction related above are inscribed here. The 
 gallant Sir Home is dead, but his pension of £.500 survives, being- a 
 reversion payable to his widow. The Countess of Mansfield, the mother 
 of the anti-reforming peer who made so stout a stand again.st the second 
 reading of the Reform Bill on its first introduction, is quartered on the 
 Barbadoes planters for £1000 per annum. 
 
 The late General Crauford was a pensioner, till his death, on this 
 fund, to the amount of £1200 a-year. The way in which this otEcer 
 entitled himself to £1200 a-year for life is deserving of attention. 
 Many people yet remember the fatal expedition to Walcheren, when forty 
 thousand men Avere suflfered to perish in that pestilential climate, owing 
 to the incapacity of Lord Castlereagh and the duplicity of Mr. Canning. 
 When this business became matter of discussion in the House of 
 Commons ; when it was made apparent to every man in England that 
 it was to the squabbles and ignorance of these men that this great 
 national calamity was to be attributed ; it was, nevertheless, resolved, 
 by a majority of two hundred and seventy-five, to negative the censure 
 which was moved by Lord Porchester against ministers on that occa- 
 sion. But the triumph of ministers did not stop here, A vote of 
 approbation of the ministers was absolutely moved and adopted by a 
 majority of two hundred and fifty-five. The member who had the 
 effronterj' to move this vote of approbation was General Crauford. 
 But this officer had a further claim on ministerial gratitude : he had 
 recently become connected by marriage with the Duke of Newcastle ; 
 he represented and commanded the parliamentary interest of that 
 nobleman; he had ciyht ro^es to give to ministers on any occasion. 
 
 Many other names, not without celebrity, are inscribed on the 4j 
 per cent, duties. Tbe famous pension to Edmund Burke continues to 
 be paid out of this fund. It is entered to " the executors of Mrs. 
 Burke £2500," and the date of the grant being the 24th of October, 
 179.5, the public, up to this time, has pairl, in principal monov, 
 £87,500. How much the world has benefited by tlie labours of Mr. 
 Burke nuiy be collected from the sublime events daily trausjjiring in 
 Europe. The sole object of this celebrated renegade in his later writings
 
 204 FOUR-AND-A-HALF 1»KR CENT. DUTIES. 
 
 and speeches was to stop the progress of knowledge and liberty — to per- 
 petuate the old feudal despotisms — and he might as well have attempted 
 to stop the progress of the great deep. All he effected was to delay 
 their /all, and so far as he contributed to that he Avas instrumental in 
 the useless sacrifice of millions of lives. Events have proved this to be 
 the issue of all the efforts of this infatuated oracle — for oi-acle he is 
 thought by some —and the services of both him and his followers will 
 appear to posterity as ill-timed as the vain endeavours of those who, in 
 the later ages of idolatry, sought to oppose the subversion of a barba- 
 rous worship. The defect of Burke and his admirers is their blindness 
 to the fact that the world is undergoing as great a revolution as when 
 the popular mind was converted fi'om Paganism to Christianity. 
 
 Lady Augusta de Ameland received a pension of £1292 from 
 the 4^ per cent, fund to the period of her death in 1830. All we know of 
 her ladyship is that she was united to the Duke of Sussex, in Italy, by 
 a sort of Gretna-Green marriage, and afterwards repudiated in conse- 
 quence of that offspring of German pride and feudality — the royal mar- 
 riage-act. Next follow the five Misses Fitz- Clarence, £2500 
 — the natural daughters of the king, by Mrs. Jordan. The Duchess of 
 Gloucester, £1000; the Princess of Hesse-Homberg, £1000; Lord 
 Hood, £1500; Sir William Sydney Smith, £1250; the Earl of Chat- 
 ham, 3000 ; and, in trust for Lady G. Tekell, £300 ; and for the seven 
 children of Lady Lucy R. Taylor, £139 : 10 each. Lady Hester Lucy 
 Stanhope brings up the rear with a pension of £900 ; she is the niece of 
 the " Heaven-born minister," and the same lady, we believe, who 
 astonishes travellers by acting the Amazon, dressing in man's attire, 
 and living somewhere about Mount Sinai or Tadmor, in the deserts of 
 Arabia. 
 
 These, we apprehend, are sufficient for specimens. We have passed 
 over several names totally unknown to us, and, we believe, the public. 
 So eager have the higher orders been to be established on this fund, that 
 pensions have been granted upon it in reversion, and others charged 
 upon it have not yet become payable. Of this latter class is the memo- 
 rable provision for Lady Grenville, of £1500 per annum for life, in the 
 event of her surviving Lord Grenville. Since Lady Grenville obtained 
 this grant, she has succeeded to the great possessions of her brother, 
 Lord Camelford. Lord Grenville holds a sinecure of £4000 out of the 
 taxes as Auditor of the Exchequer. His eldest brother, the late 
 Marquis of Buckingham, besides his great estates, held the enormous 
 sinecure of the Tellership of the Exchequer, worth £30,000 per 
 annum. Lord Braybrooke and Lord Carysfort, who married sisters 
 of Lord Grenville, hold, each of them, through the interest of the 
 family, sinecures that are worth some thousands a-year ; and yet, after 
 all, the devoted planters of Barbadoes are to be mortgaged for £1500 
 more for life. As there has lately been a great strain upon the borough 
 establishment, we really wonder the Grenvilles have not been sum- 
 moned to its aid : there is no family on whose services the Oligarchy 
 has so just a claim ; for they are completely bound up with the system
 
 WEST INDIA CHURCH ESTABLISHMENT, 205 
 
 of the last forty years; and now that it is perilled all the veterans, 
 the Sidmouths, Eldons, and the rest, who have retired loaded with spoil, 
 ought to be again brought into active service— without pay! 
 
 The Avhole amount of pensions payable out of the Leeward- Island 
 duties is £27,466, and £15,338 more in salaries. The entire produce 
 of these duties from 1760 to the present is about £2,546,484, more than 
 two-thirds of which sum have been lavished on court favourites and the 
 members and supporters of the Oligarchy, Ministers having been fre- 
 quently rated concerning the application of this jobbing fund, an act 
 was passed, in 1825, prohibiting the grant of pensions from it in future, 
 and providing that the surplus should be appropriated to the support of 
 the ecclesiastical establisfuneni in the West Indies. By this transmu- 
 tation, nothing was gained to the public ; and the ministers lost no por- 
 tion of their influence, only their patronage became spiritual, instead of 
 secular. A scion of Mother Church was planted in a distant land, 
 which, no doubt, will emulate its parent in all her manifold virtues. As 
 we have omitted, in our exposition of the Chtirch of Engln7id, to give 
 an account of the staff, corps, and endowments of this distant branch of 
 the church establishment, we shall insert it in this place : — 
 
 Bishop of Jamaica £4,000 
 
 Archdeacon of Jamaica 2,090 
 
 Seven clergymen, at £300 each •• 2,100 
 
 £3,100 
 
 Bishop of Barbadoes • 4,000 
 
 Archdeacon of Barbadoes • • • 2,000 
 
 Archdeacon of Antigua 2,000 
 
 Thirteen clergymen, at £300 each . 3,900 
 
 Three catechists, at £100 each • • • • 300 
 
 12,200 
 
 £20,300 
 
 These worthy gentlemen, after ten years' ser\'ice, are to have retiring 
 alloicances: their salaries have hitherto been paid out of the taxes; the 
 4g per cent, fund being .so deeply mortgaged in pensions, there is no 
 surplus from it applicable to the purpose.* And the proceeds arising 
 from the smuggling transactions in sugar and ginger, in which the Wel- 
 lington ministers Aveie detected, do not appear to have been applied 
 either to the support of the West-India church-esta])lishment or any other 
 public object. But this is another of those secret modes of raising the 
 wind with which the public is totally unacquainted, and which it will 
 be necessary to explain. 
 
 It had been usual to remit the 4^ per cent, duty in the produce of 
 the Leeward Islands, in sugar and ginger; which, like other commo- 
 
 • Parliaiiii-'iitaiy Papjr, No. 561, Session 1830,
 
 206 MINISTERIAL SMUGGLING. 
 
 (litics from the British plantations, were sold for home-consumption 
 at the long price — the duty included ; and the duty paid over, as 
 by private merchants, to the customs. This continued until the year 
 1828; previously to which, it has been seen, the surplus of the 4.^ per 
 cent, duty had been appropriated to the support of the West- India 
 church establishment. Alinisters appear not to have relished the loss 
 of their old fund ; they had, it is true, exchanged lay for ecclesiastical 
 patronage, but they seem to have been anxious to secure both. For 
 this purpose, they hit upon a most extraordinary expedient. They 
 first submitted a case to the Attorney and Solicitor Generals, requesting 
 their opinion whether sugars, granted to the king' in kind, and not 
 specially subject to any duty, are liable to the payment of any custom- 
 duty ?* The lawyers, no doubt foi'eseeing what sort of answer would 
 be most agreeable to their clients, replied in the negative. Upon this, 
 directions were forthwith given to admit the sugars sent in payment of 
 the Leeward-Islands duty without charging the duty of customs, 
 which had been heretofore paid as on all other imported sugars. By 
 this contrivance, Ministers obtained the command of a fund unknown 
 to their predecessors, amounting to betwixt thirty and forty 
 thousand pounds per annum — the amount of duty remitted, and 
 precisely to the same amount the general revenue of the country 
 suffered by the defalcation in the produce of the customs appropriated 
 by parliament to the public service, To what extent this evasion of 
 the payment of parliamentary duties, and the raising of money by the 
 power of prerogative, might have been pushed it is impossible to 
 foresee. Ministers might not only have imported sugars in payment of 
 the 4^ per cent, duty, custom free, but they might, also, by stretching 
 their principle a little further, have imported sugars generally, ybr sale^ 
 duty free, and, by retailing them at the usual price, and appropriating 
 the duty, raised a fund for pensions and grants to any amount. 
 
 The more we reflect on this affair, the more we are astonished. 
 The idea of the ministers of a great country turning smugglers ; of 
 resorting to the age of the Tudors and Plantagenets for precedents ; of 
 seeking to evade, under shelter of the quibbling opinions of lawyei-s, 
 the payment of duties imposed by themselves, and devoted to the 
 national service, staggers belief. It establishes, with infinitely greater 
 force than any argument of ours, the vast importance attached, by the 
 servants of the Crown, to those secret and uncontrolled sources of 
 influence we have been exposing, and how essential they deem the 
 exclusive management of them to the working of the machinery of 
 government. To shew that our exposition of the transaction is not 
 exaggerated, we shall insert the opinion entertained of it by Sir James 
 Graham, and expressed in the following resolution submitted by him to 
 the House of Commons, on the 2d of July, 1830 : — 
 
 " That to exempt from duty any article of merchandize imported 
 for the Crown, but not intended for the use of the Sovereign, is an 
 
 * Treasury Minute, dated 15th April, 1828.
 
 SCOTCH CIVIL LIST. 207 
 
 extension of the King's prerogative of dangerous example; and that to 
 levy the parliamentary duties payable upon such articles when sold for 
 home-consumption, and appropriate the amount thereof tvithovt the 
 knowledge and consent of parliament, is an unconstitutional violation of 
 the privileges of this House." 
 
 It is impossible to ascertain all the funds considered at the irresponsi- 
 ble disposal of ministers during the long reign of the Tories. The 
 appropriation of the surplus of the French claims is another instance of 
 the power of a Treasury Minute to raise supplies in case of emergency. 
 In this case, a finance-committee ascertained that a sum of £"250, 000 
 had been, by a mere order of the treasury, paid over, without the 
 consent of parliament, to the commissioners of woods and forests, by 
 the commission for liquidating the claims of British subjects on the 
 French government, and subsequently expended in the alterations at 
 Buckingham House,* 
 
 We have little further to add respecting the 4i per cent, duties. 
 Mr. Creevy, the late member for Appleby, calculated that these duties, 
 from the accession of George III. to the year 1812, had produced 
 £1,600,000. A statement, by the same respected gentleman, of the 
 purposes to which this enormous sum had been applied, is not more 
 extraordinaiy, we believe, than correct; and with it we shall conclude 
 our account of one of the most famous jobbing- funds of the Crown: — 
 
 Pensions to persons in this country £740,000 
 
 Special and secret service-money 326,000 
 
 Salaries to the Governors of Leeward Islands* • • • 400,000 
 
 For civil list expenditure • • • • 170,000 
 
 To different Secretaries of the Treasury, supposed 
 
 for electioneering purposes 48,000 
 
 SCOTCH CIVIL LIST — GIBRALTAR DUTIES — LSCIIEATS — DUCIIILS 
 OF CORNWALL AND LANCASTER — FINKS AND TKNA LTIF.S. 
 
 The Scotch Hereditary Revenue forms ^fourth fund at the disposal 
 of ministers, over which, previously to the accession to office of lord 
 Grey's ministry, there was no legislative control further than when grants 
 had been irrevocably made from it, they were, pro forma, submitted to 
 parliament. It yields, annually, above £100,000, and accrues chiefly 
 from crown-rents, customs, hereditary excise, fines, and forfeitures. 
 About tico-thirds of the produce are paid in pensions, the remainder 
 in donations to the episcopal clergy, to the Caledonian hunt, for pro- 
 viding coach-houses and stables for the barons of the Exchequer, and 
 other objects of apparently no public utility. Scotland has lately got 
 rid of the Tory innibus by which she was long deluded and oppressed. 
 Prior to this relief she seldoni petitioned for political reform, and tho 
 sprino- of her scribbling and clamouring loyalty may be easily divined, 
 since in no other part of the United Kingdom was loyalty so well paid, 
 
 • Mr. Angelo Taylor, House of Comnious, June 23, 1828.
 
 208 GIRUALTAR DUTIES — ?:SCHEATS — TUOUTnACK. 
 
 for in no other part were there such ample funds to reward devotion to 
 ministers. The annual value of places and pensions shared among 
 Scotch freeholders and burg-hmongers was estimated at £1,750,000, 
 equal to half the rental of the kingdom. In the Third Report of the 
 Committee on Public Expenditure, in 1808, it is remarked that Scotch 
 pensions, which, at the commencement of the reign of Georg-e III. 
 amounted only to 19, in the year 1797 had swelled to [85, and, in 
 1808, to 351, two-thirds of these pensions being- granted to females! 
 
 A fifth source of royal income is the surplus of the Gibraltar 
 Deities. It is provided, by the original charter, granted to this place, 
 by Queen Anne, in 1704, that, for the augmentation of trade, no duty 
 or imposition shall be imposed upon any vessel trading or touching; at 
 the port ; and that the goods and chattels of the inhabitants shall enjoy 
 an immunity from taxation. In violation of these chartered pri\nleges 
 various taxes have been imposed, and the chief portion of the proceeds 
 therefrom, during the late reign, were paid over to Sir William 
 Knighton for the use of the king's privy purse. These taxes were 
 levied without the authority of parliament, merely on the authority of 
 the governor; and some recent impositions appear a tax on liberty 
 of conscience, — one being a capitation-tax, often dollars each, imposed 
 on Roman Catholics and Jews. Taxes have also been imposed on 
 licenses to sell spirits, fishing-boats, lighters, and billiard-tables. The 
 surplus of the Gibraltar Duties produced, over and above salaries and 
 charges from 1760 to 1830, nearly two hundred thousand pounds; 
 in the year ending 5th of January, 1830, they produced £11,498, of 
 which £5000 was paid into the privy-purse. The collector of these 
 imposts resides, we believe, in Lincoln's Inn, and executes his duty 
 by deputy. 
 
 The estates of lunatics, bastards, and others dying intestate and with- 
 out heirs, form a sixth branch of the casual revenues of the Crown, under 
 the denomination of Escheats. The proceeds from this source are 
 considerable, amounting, in the reign of George III. to £323,424.* The 
 King's share of the estate of INlr. Newport, a lunatic, amounted to 
 £l 13,000. Poor Troutback's money shared a similar fate — but here 
 " hangs a tale," which we must explain, and for which purpose we 
 shall first call in Mr. Waggoner. 
 
 " Mr. Frederick Matthew Waggoner called in and examined. 
 
 " Do you know any thing of the proceedings that have been had witii respect 
 to Mr. Troutback's ^vill? — I do; he bequeathed £2000 for erecting an Orphan 
 Hospital, and the whole of his money, amounting, with accumulations, to up- 
 wards of £100,000, to triislees, for erecting an additional wing, or separate 
 building, to the charity school of St. John of Wapping, and for maintaining and 
 educating poor children of that parish. 
 
 " Are there as many poor children as would require the funds to educate ? — 
 Yes ; more tcithin the parish. 
 
 " Do you think £5000 a-year would not educate the poor of the parish ? — The 
 will is for the education, clothing, and mai7itenance. 
 
 * Parliamentary Paper, No. 1, Session 1820.
 
 TROUTBACK, FORFEITURES, AND GREEN-WAX MONEY. 209 
 
 " What has been done with respect to it?— We understand that it has been set 
 aside by the Court of Chancery ; and that the testator having no next of kin, 
 the money has gone to the Crown."— Report of the Education Committee, 1816, 
 page 289. 
 
 Sure enough the " money has gone to the Crotvn.'' The will was set 
 aside by Lord Ei.dox, and the property applied to liquidate the royal debts. 
 It was a windfall to the Sovereign, of which, as Mr. Tierney remarked, 
 the public would never have obtained any knowledge, had not the civil 
 list been in arrear, and it became necessary to apply to parliament for 
 an additional allowance.* How the civil list became in arrear it may 
 be worth while explaining-. In 1816 the late King, then Regent, had 
 incurred an enormous debt in consequence of living, as he mostly did, 
 in a profuse and riotous manner. The Lord Chamberlain applied to the 
 Lords of the Treasury to know how this debt was to be discharged. The 
 Lords of the Treasury, after much consultation, determined that the 
 debt, amounting to £277,000, should be defrayed partly out of the 
 money bequeathed by Mr. Troutback, for charitable uses, partly out 
 of the Droits of Admiralty. f Thus, the money piously left to clothe, 
 educate, and maintain poor children, was applied to pay the furniture- 
 bills, tailor-bills, haberdasher-bills, and bills perhaps of a still less creditable 
 description, of the Prince Regent. It vexes one to see to what base 
 purposes the best of things may be perverted. How many poor children 
 of Wapping the money of Troutback would have preserved from the 
 gallows and transportation it is impossible to say; but it is certain, had 
 George IV. been more frugal, or a Prince who thought the welfare of 
 his subjects of more importance than vicious indulgence, the money of 
 Troutback, notwithstanding any informality in his will, would have been 
 suffered to go to the noble objects for which it had been so generously 
 bequeathed. 
 
 A seventh source of royal income is from the duchies of Cornwall 
 and Lancaster. When there is no Prince of Wales, or during his mino- 
 rity, and there is no Duke of Cornwall of a proper age to receive the 
 revenues amounting to £15,000 a-year, they are claimed by the crown. 
 The duchy of Lancaster yields an income to the King of £10,000 per 
 annum. Both sums are paid into the privy -purse — the nature of 
 which will be explained in the next chapter. 
 
 The remaining branches of the Crown-revenues are too unimportant 
 to claim particular exposition. They accrue principally from fines and 
 forfeitures in courts of justice, from green-wax money, from the sale 
 of spices in the Molucca Islands, and from quit-rents and confiscated 
 estates in the West Indies. We shall subjoin a statement of the produce 
 of these and other branches of the Crown-revenues during the entire 
 reign of Geo. III. from Parliamentary Paper, No. 1, Session 1820. 
 
 • Hansard's Pari. Debates, vol. SI, p. 272. 
 
 t Treasury IMinute, Pari. Paper, vol. 1, Session 1820.
 
 "ilO in:vKNUi:,s oi- iiiii ckown. 
 
 An Account of the Total Produce of all Funds at the Disposal 
 of the Crown, and deemed not to be under the immediate Control of 
 Parliament, from the Accession of George III. to the Year 1820. 
 
 Droits of the Adinirtilty and Droits of the Crown from 17C0 f «. d. 
 
 tol820 9,5G2,Gl.l 4 GJ 
 
 4J-per-Cent. West-India Duties, from 17«() to 1820 2,llG,48t 
 
 Amount of tiic surplus of Gibraltar Itevenues, remitted to 
 En>,'land, from 17G0 to 1820, after discharging garrison- 
 exi<enses 124,250 10 7 
 
 Scotch Civil-List Surplus, from 17G0 to 1820, now appropriated 
 as it may arise, under the Act 50 Geo. III. c. Ill, in aid of 
 the CivilList in England 207,700 
 
 Escheats to his Majesty, in cases of illegitimacy or otherwise, 
 
 from 17G0 to 1820 214,047 15 
 
 Escheats to his INIajesty, being the property of alien enemies. 
 
 from 17G0 to 1820 108,777 17 8 
 
 French West-India Islands, funds arising by sale of lands in 
 the islands; ceded at the peace of 1763 106,300 
 
 Minorca, Martinique, St. Croix, and St. Thomas, and from 
 the settlement of Surinam, while the same were in the 
 possession of his Majesty — Revenues arising from these 
 Islands 159,816 7 
 
 Quit-Kents, &c. in the British Colonies, and from all other 
 sources not before enumerated, from 17G0 to 1820 — casual 
 revenues arising from 104,865 3 2\ 
 
 Total £12,705,461 11 7 
 
 In the reign of Geoige IV. the same sources of casual income yielded 
 about a milHon and a half, forming, Avith the income from the Crown- 
 lands, during the period from 1760 to 1830, a total sum of at least 
 TiiiRTY-iivE millions. All this mass of unappropriated revenue was 
 left at the disposal of the minister of the day, and the parliament 
 exercised no control over it, further than that, for the last ten years, 
 it -was permitted, as matter of courtesy, annually or triennally, to look 
 at the accounts after the money had been expended or granted away. 
 The manner in which these great funds were managed and dissipated 
 has been, we trust, suificiently illustrated in the course of this chapter. 
 With the exception of the sums expended in metropolitan improvements, 
 they have been expended in additional grants to the royal family and in 
 pensions to the aristocracy, to ministers, their friends and supporters. 
 They have formed a practical branch of the Eng-lish government, of 
 which Mr. Justice Blackstone failed to give any account to his readers, 
 and we have little hesitation in affirming that they had no inconsiderable 
 influence in the ruinous policy of the late reigns. The royal expenditure 
 always formed a gulph which no man could fathom, and the hereditary 
 revenues were a never-failing source for supplying the prodigality of the 
 king and his servants. Of the studied mystery maintained on these 
 matters we shall cite an instance. In 1777, during the American war, 
 the king's debts amounted to £618,000; papers were produced contain- 
 ing a disguised statement how this incumbrance had been incurred: 
 vast sums were expended in secret service money, and half a million
 
 MlSAPl'LICA'llON OF HKUEDllAKV It I .\ CN U KS. J 1 I 
 
 was stated under the head of the hoard of works: but then, as ]Mr. 
 Belsham observes, no one could tell on what palace, garden, or park, 
 the money had been laid out. In short, there is too much reason to 
 suppose that the debts of George III. were mainly contracted in support 
 of the system of war and injustice in which ministers were engaged, in 
 obtaining the baneful influence which silences all opposition, which swept 
 away all traces of public libert)', and laid the foundation of present 
 distress and embarrassments. 
 
 The parliament of 1820 was guilty of a culpable dereliction of duty 
 in not seizing the opportunity, presented by the commencement of a 
 new reign, to bring under its immediate cognizance and control the 
 hereditary revenues. Instead of availing itself of the occasion, they 
 were left, as before, to the irresponsible disposal of ministers. After 
 what has been said, it will not be ditHcult to divine the re:isous for this 
 omission ; but the people had another and opposite interest. To the 
 misapplication of the Crown-revenues may partly be ascribed the long 
 postponement of the great measure of Parliaincntary Reform; and, 
 therefore, the public cannot help feeling grateful to William IV. in 
 having patriotically surrendered, during his life, to public uses, nearly 
 the whole of these abused funds, in lieu of leaving them to be lavished 
 on court favourites and hireling legislators.
 
 CIVIL LIST. 
 
 Having fully explained the nature, amount, and application of the 
 ancient hereditary revenues, we next come to the modern parliamentary 
 grant, substituted in lieu of them, denominated the Civil List, which is 
 a sum yearly set apart from the general income for the personal mainte- 
 nance of the sovereign, and to support the honour and dignity of the 
 Crown. 
 
 Since the Revolution of 1688, it has been usual, at the commence- 
 ment of a new reign, to enter into a specific arrangement with the 
 king-, by which the hereditary revenues of the Crown are surrendered 
 in exchange for an equivalent life-annuity. A similar course has been 
 pursued in respect of William IV. ; but before explaining the alterations 
 and arrangements introduced into the new civil list, it will be convenient 
 to premise some explanations of the chief departments of the royal 
 expenditure, — the king's household establishment ; the privy purse ; 
 pensions on the civil list, and other branches of disbursement; and 
 conclude with some observations on the character and policy of the 
 last two monarchs, and the total expense their profusion entailed on the 
 country. 
 
 The first and most important charge on the civil list is the royal 
 household. This forms a ponderous establishment, and affords, by a 
 reduction of useless offices and extravagant salaries, scope for retrench- 
 ment. It is the great nursery of indolence, parasites, and courtiers. It 
 is formed upon manners and customs that have long- since expired, — 
 upon old baronial customs and arrangements. It not only retains traces 
 of its feudal origin, but it is formed also on the principle of a body 
 corporate ; and has its own law-courts, magistrates, and by-laws. 
 
 In ancient times, these establishments were supported on a system 
 of purveyance and receipt in kind! The household was then vast, 
 and the supply scanty and precarious. The kings purveyor used to 
 sally forth from under the gothic portcullis, to purchase provisions, 
 not with money, but power and prerogative. Whole districts were 
 laid under contribution by the jackals of the royal table, who returned 
 from their plundering excursions loaded with the spoils, perhaps, of a 
 hundred mirkets, which were deposited in so many caverns, each 
 guarded by its respective keeper. Every commodity being received 
 in its rawest state, it had a variety of processes to pass through before
 
 king's household. 213 
 
 it was prepared for the king and his g'uests. This inconvenient mode 
 of receipt multiplied offices cxceedin<z;ly ; and hence has arisen the 
 butchery, buttery, pantry, and all that " rabble of places," which, 
 though profitable to the holder, and expensive to the state, are almost 
 too mean to mention. 
 
 Let us hear what Burke said on this subject, in his reforjning 
 days: — "But when (says he) the reason of old establishments is 
 gone, it is absurd to preserve nothing but the burthen of them. This 
 is superstitiously to embalm the carcass, not worth an ounce of the 
 g-ums that are used to preserve it. It is to burn precious oils in the 
 tomi): it is to oifcr meat and drink to the dead, — not so much an 
 honour to the deceased as a disgrace to the survivors. Our palaces 
 are vast inhospitable halls : there the bloak winds, ' there Boreas, and 
 Eurus, and CaurMS, and Argestes, loud,' howling through the vacant 
 lobbies, and clattering the doors of deserted guard-rooms, appal the 
 imagination, and conjure up the grim spectres of departed tyrants, — 
 the Saxon, the Norman, and the Dane ; the stern Edwards and fierce 
 Henries, — who stalk from desolation to desolation through the dreary 
 vacuity and melancholy succession of chill and comfortless chambers. 
 When this tumult subsides, a dead and still more frightful silence would 
 reign in the desert, if, every now and then, the tacking of hammers did 
 not announce that those constant attendants on all courts, in all ages, 
 JOBS, were still alive; for whose sake alone it is that any trace of 
 ancient grandeur is suffered to remain. These palaces are a true 
 emblem of some governments ; the inhabitants are decayed, but the 
 governors and magistrates still flouri;sh. They put me in mind of Old 
 Sarum, where the representatives, more in number than the constituents, 
 only serve to inform us that this was once a place of trade, and sounding 
 w'ith the * busy hum of men,' though now you can only trace the streets 
 by the colour of the corn; and its sole manufacture is in members of 
 parliament."* Therovil abodes at present, we apprehend, are neither so 
 p:hostly, chill, nor comfortless, as here described, otherwise the public has 
 been saddled w ith the enormous bills of Messrs. Wyattvillc, Nash, and 
 Seddon, to veiy little purpose. 
 
 The great branches of the household are under the direction of the 
 lord chamberlain, the lord steward, and the master of the horse. The 
 office of the lord chamberlain is to take care of all the officers and 
 servants belonging to the king's chambers, except those belonging to 
 the king's hod chamber, who are under the groom of the stole. He 
 lias the oversight of the officers of the wardrobe, of tents, revels, music, 
 comedians, handicrafts, and aitizans ; and, though a layman^ he has the 
 oversight of all the king's chaplains, heralds, physicians, and apothecaries. 
 It is his office to inspect the chai-ges of coronations, marriages, public 
 entries, cavalcades, and fiuierals ; and of all furniture in the parliament- 
 house, and rooms of address to the king. 
 
 • Works of Burke, vol. iii. y\i. 277-8.— Speech on licononiical Reform.
 
 214 civn. MST. 
 
 Tlie lord steward has the estiitc of the household entirely committed 
 to his care, ;ind all his commands in court are to be obeyed; his 
 authority reaches over all otHcers and servants of the king's house, 
 except those of the king's chamber and chapel. The counting-house, 
 (where the accounts of the household are kept,) the treasurer of the 
 household, comptroller, cofferer, and master of the household, clerks of 
 g-reen cloth, &c. are under his control. 
 
 The master of the horse has the charge and government of all the 
 king's stables and horses. He has also the power over equerries, pages, 
 footmen, grooms, farriers, smiths, saddlers, and all other trades any way 
 connected with the stables. He has the privilege of applying to his own 
 use one coachman, four footmen, and six grooms, in the king's pay, 
 and wearing the king's livery. In any solemn cavalcade, he rides next 
 behind the king. 
 
 Beside these officers, is the lord privy seal, whose office is to put the 
 seal to all charters, grants, and pardons, signed by the king Before 
 the privy seal is alfixed to any instrument, it receives the royal sign 
 manual; it then passes under the signet, which is a warrant to the 
 privy seal; after the privy seal, it receives the great seal from the lord 
 chancellor, which is the finale. The performance of these different 
 formalities costs the public, perhaps, £20,000 a-year, while the whole 
 of the duties might be discharged as well by any honest man and his 
 clerk for about £400 a-year. The remaining functionaries are the lord 
 president of the council, Avhose office is to manage the debates in council, 
 to propose matters from the king, and to report to him the resolutions 
 thereupon ; the commissioners of the treasury are also considered part of 
 the household : but these, as well as some of the preceding officers, 
 more properly appe'tain to the civil departments of government, and 
 have been so considered in the new arrangement of the civil list. 
 
 The little necessity for this immense household establishment was 
 evident during the limitations on the Regency. At that time the regent 
 discharged all the duties of the executive with only his establishment as 
 Prince of Wales. It did not appear then, no more than now, there was 
 any Avant of attendance to give dignity and efficiency to the first magis- 
 trate. Burke mentions, in his time, that at least one-half the household 
 was kept up solely for influence. He also mentions that one plan of 
 reform, set on foot by lord Talbot, was suddenly stopped, because, 
 forsooth, it would endanger the situation of an honourable member who 
 tvas turnspit in the kitchen ! Whether the duties of this important 
 office continue to be discharged by a member of the honourable house 
 we are not sure; but, in looking over a list of the household, we observe 
 that two noble lords occupy situations little inferior in dignity and 
 utility : the duke of St. Alban's is master of the haiuks, salary 
 £1372, and the earl of Lichfield is master of the dogs, salary £2000. 
 These offices sound rather degrading to vulgar ears ; but " love," as 
 the poet says, " esteems no office mean ;" and no doubt it is the love 
 *f tile sovereign rather than £3000 of the public money which actuates 
 these noble personages. In IS 11 there were no fewer than ttvcnty-six
 
 I'RIVY PURSE — COURT PENSION LIST. 21o 
 
 peers and /bjo- commoners who held situations in various departments of 
 the household. 
 
 The parade of iiseless offices is not less great, and still more ridiculous, 
 in the counties palatine of Durham and Chester, and the duchies of 
 Lancaster and Cornwall, and the principality of Wales. These have all 
 separate estahlishments, sufficient for the government of a kingfdom, 
 while their jurisdiction is confined to a few private estates. There are 
 courts of chancery, ecclesiastical courts, chancellors, attorney-generals, 
 solicitor-generals, privy councillors, registrars, cursitors, prothonotaries, 
 auditors, and all the other mimicry of royal government. They hring 
 nothing into the public treasuiy, but greatly add to the patronage of 
 the Crown, whose dignity they degrade. In one part of his kingdom 
 the sovereigii is no more than Prince of Wales ; g'o to the north, and he 
 dwindles down to th.e duke of Lancaster ; turn to the west, and he 
 appears in the humble character of earl of Chester ; travel a few miles 
 farther, the earl disappears, and he pops up again as count palatine of 
 Lancaster. Thus does the king, like Matthews in the play, perform all 
 the different characters in his own drama. 
 
 Before the reign of George IH. no such thing as a privy purse was 
 known. The king's income was always considered public property at- 
 tached to the office, but not to the person of the monarch. The first 
 time any mention is made of the privy purse, is in Mr. Burke's bill, in 
 1782, and then again in the 39th of Geo. III. ; but it was not till the 
 time of the regency, when it was vested in the hands of commissioners, 
 that it was recognised as a fixed annual sum, the private property of the 
 king. But though this anomaly has been only recently acknowledged 
 by any public act, it has been deemed a fixed charge on the civil list for 
 the last seventy years. When the sum of £800,000 was set apart for 
 the royal expenditure, the king was at liberty, with the advice of his 
 ministers, to apply what portion of it he thought proper for his private 
 use. The sum at first set aside for this purpose was £48,000 ; and the 
 king's family increasing, it was extended to £60,000. No part of thi.s 
 fund is applied to defray the expense of the household, nor of any other 
 function of the regal otfice ; it is limited entirely to personal expenses, 
 and mav be more properly denominated the king's pocket money than 
 his privy purse. AVhy it should be separated from the general income 
 of the civil list, unless to gratify a puerile avarice in the monarch, it is 
 not easy to conjecture. From this source, and the revenues of the 
 duchies of Cornwall and Lancaster, the private property of the king is 
 supposed to accumulate. 
 
 The next considerable charge on the civil list consists of pensions 
 pavable chiefly to servants of the household, and to the personal favo- 
 rites of the sovereign and his ministers Up to the time of the 22 Goo. 
 III. commonly called Mr. Burke's act, court pensions were granted 
 without limit and controul. In that act it was provided the amount 
 grunted on the English civil list should be reduced to £9.5,0(KI; the 
 same principal of limitation was subsequently applied to the Scotch and 
 Irish civil lists ; tiie pensions (o bo granted on the former being limited
 
 216 civil, 1.1 Si'. 
 
 to £25,000, and on tlie latter to £50,000, making the total amount of 
 pensions chargeable on the civil lists of the United King^dom £170,000. 
 At this amount the civil list pensions stood on the accession of the king-. 
 After the death of George IV. the Court Pension list was published, 
 and excited in the public mind a considerable sensation. Most of the 
 " splendid paupers" inscribed upon it had never been heard of beyond 
 the purlieus of the court ; two thirds of them were femdlcs ; many 
 were the late king's personal friends, or the apothecaries, relatives, and 
 attaches of successive viceroys of Ireland, and of the great burgh- 
 monger of Scotland ; some were the mothers, sisters, and nieces of 
 peers, ministers of state, and great borough proprietors in England : 
 but in the whole number there was hardly one (Robert Southey 
 perhaps excepted) eminent for science, literature, or the arts, or dis- 
 tinguished by any kind of public Avorth or claim. Worthless, however, 
 as the elect of court favour were, their annuities have been continued 
 to them during their lives, under an impression that to rescind them 
 might be productive of individual distress, and a departure from estab- 
 lished usage on the accession of a new sovereign. But in the sequel 
 it will be seen that the Court Pension list, in future, is not to exceed 
 £75,000 per annum. 
 
 The remaining charges on the civil list consist of certain ancient 
 payments for charity; a sum for special service at the disposal of the 
 lords of the Treasury; and the secret service money of the Treasury. 
 
 Other charges heretofore paid out of the civil list have been trans- 
 ferred to the consolidated fund ; such were the payments to the judges, 
 to the lords of the Treasury, to foreign ministers, to the speaker of 
 the House of Commons, to the universities, and various miscellaneous 
 items to the city of London, and corporations in the countiy. The 
 amount of these, and also the expenditure under the several heads of 
 the civil list Ave have described, will appear from the official documents 
 which will be subjoined to this article. At present let us give a brief 
 summary of the progress and augmentation of the civil list, and an ac- 
 count of its present settlement. 
 
 From the year 1804 to 1811, the average annual expenditure of the 
 civil list amounted to £1,102,683. On the commencement of the Re- 
 gency, this branch of expenditure increased enormously. From 1812 
 to 1816, the average annual expenditure of the civillist was £1,371,000, 
 being an increase of £268,317 over the expenditure of George ill. 
 This augmentation arose chiefly from the profusion in the i-oyal house- 
 hold ; from the expense of furniture and tradesmen's biils ; of up- 
 holsters, jewellers, glass and china manufacturers, builders, perfumers, 
 embroiderers, tailors, and lo on. The charge for upholstery, only for 
 three quarters of a year,- w^as £46,291 ; of linen-drapery, £64,000; 
 silversmiths, £40,000; wardrobe, £72,000. To provide for these 
 additional outgoings. Lord Castlereagh introduced the Civil-List-Re- 
 gulation-Bill of 1816. By this Bill, no check is imposed on the 
 profusion of the court ; it only provides that various fluctuating and 
 other charges, heretofore paid out of the civil list, should be transferred
 
 INCREASE IN CIVIL LIST EXPENDITURE. 217 
 
 to the consolidated fund, or provided for by new grants from parliament : 
 in other words, that the civil list should be augmented to the nmonnt 
 of its increased expenditure. By this arrangement, an additional 
 burden was imposed on the public, amounting to £255,768, being' the 
 total of the charges of which the civil list was relieved. 
 
 Among the charges transferred from the civil list was £35,000, 
 payable to the junior branches of the royal family, and which was to 
 be paid out of the consolidated fund ; also salaries, to the amount 
 of £3,268, to certain officers and persons. All the charges, for the 
 outfit of ministers to foreign courts, or presents to foreign ministers, 
 incidental expenses in the Treasury', deficiencies of fees to secretaries 
 of state, and in the law department, amounting to £197,000, were to 
 be provided for by new grants from parliament. Various charges for 
 furniture and other articles, heretofore provided by the lord chamberlain 
 for public offices ; the expense of collars, badges, and mantles for the 
 oiders of the Garter, Bath, and Thistle ; and all expenses for repairs 
 of public offices and buildings at the Tower, Whitehall, and West- 
 minster ; for works in St. James's Park and private roads, estimated 
 at £25,000, were to be provided for by new grants; the total deduction 
 of charges being, as before stated, £255,768. 
 
 Now it is obvious that to the amount of these charges the income of 
 the Crown was augmented, and that the scale of extravagant expen- 
 diture, in the first four years of the Regency, from 1812 to 1816, 
 formed the basis on which the civil list of George IV. was provided. 
 On the accession of the late king, in 1820, no alteration was pro])osed 
 in the Civil- List-Regulation-Bill of 1816 ; it passed, as is observed by 
 the writer of a ministerial pamphlet of the day, with " the entire 
 approbation of nil parties ; that is, " all parties," without inquiry or 
 examination, concurred in making a permanent addition to the king's 
 income of a quarter of a million over that enjoyed by his predecessor. 
 
 But to judge of the immense disproportion in the incomes of the two 
 sovereigns, it is necessary to advert to the alteration in the value of 
 money. The average expenditure of George 111. from 1804 to 1811, 
 was £1,102,683. The average price of wheat, from 1804 to 1811, in- 
 clusive, was 87s. dd. per quarter. The average price of wheat, during 
 the ten years of the last reign, from 1820 to 1830, was 58s. Ad. per 
 quarter ; indicating a rise in the value of money, as mea.sured by corn, 
 of above 33 per cent. The price of labour, profits, tithes, rents, and 
 interest, all fell in nearly the same proportion ; so that it would not be 
 too much to reckon an income of £67 equivalent to an income of £100 
 in the period selected for comparison ; and, conseqently, that the ex- 
 penditure. of George 111. of £1,102,6B3, in a depreciated currency, 
 was not more than an expenditure of £638,797 at the value of money 
 during the last reign. Had, therefore, the civil list of George IV, 
 been fixed at the same nominal amount as the civil list of George 111. it 
 would have been virtually 33 per cent, greater ; but, besides being fixed 
 at nearly the same nominal amount as that of his ])redccessor, one-fourth 
 less was to paij out of it ; so that the real addition to the income of
 
 218 riVIL LIST. 
 
 George IV. was not less than fifty-eight percent. — an arrangement, we 
 are told, with the " entire approbation of all parties." 
 
 The extravagant nature of the settlement of the civil list of George IV. 
 must be plain : we have compared it with the latest expenditure of 
 George III. and, allowing for the alteration in the currency and the 
 charges transferred to other funds, the difference was more than half a 
 million. George III. was by no means a cheap sovereign ; but in 
 considering his expenditure, it ought to be borne in mind that he vi^as 
 liable to many outgoings from which his successor was exempted. Of 
 this nature, were a large family — sums expended in the improvement 
 of Windsor-castle — the charge of furnishing and decorating the apart- 
 ments in the palaces for the princesses — their removal to and from 
 Windsor, estimated at £20,000 — the journeys to W^eymouth about 
 general Garth's aijfair — and furnishing apartments in Kensington-palace 
 for the Princess of Wales ; all which tended to swell the royal ex- 
 penditure in the seven years selected for comparison. 
 
 But it is proper to observe respecting this pattern-king, as many 
 considered George III., that his income never equalled his expenditure. 
 Allowing for the sums granted by parliament to liquidate the debts of 
 the civil list during his reign, amounting to upwards of three millioxs 
 AND A HALF, it renders the disparity between his actual expenditure 
 and that of his successor less than we have mentioned. George IV. 
 incurred no debts after the settlement of his civil list, and the course 
 adopted to avoid future incumbrances was Jirst, by relieving the civil 
 list of all public charges of an expensive and fluctuating amount ; and 
 secondly/, by granting to the king an allowance framed on the most ex- 
 travagant scale of expenditure ever known in this country, and such as 
 experience had shewn to be adequate to his most lavish demands. By 
 these precautions, and with the hereditary revenues always ready to meet 
 any vmexpected outgoing, it would have been wonderful had not the 
 scheme realised the expectations of the projectors. Another feature in 
 lord Castlereagh's bill w-as the appointment of a new oiScer under the 
 name of auditor of the civil list. The latter regulation can excite no 
 surprise, for it cannot be forgotten that in all attempts to economize by 
 Tory ministers they generally contrived to keep up the same amount of 
 patronage by new creations. An instance of this occurred on the aboli- 
 tion of certain sinecures in 1817, when a bill, the 57 Geo. III. was 
 immediately introduced to provide pendens in lieu of them. Another 
 instance was afforded in the consolidation of the revenue departments of 
 England and Ireland, when a vice-treasurer and his deputy were ap- 
 pointed, with a salary of £3000 a-year, apparently for no other object 
 than to keep up the patronage of the Treasury. Again, yvhen the 
 further granting of pensions from the Leeward- Islands- fund was pro- 
 hibited, ministers set up the West-India church-establishments. The 
 ostensible functions of the auditor of the civil list were to superintend 
 the accounts of the lord chamberlain, lord steward, and master of the 
 horse ; but certainly these were the duties which ought to have been 
 performed by the heads of these depaitmeats, and for whicli they receive
 
 ATIDITORSniP OF CIVIL LIST. 219 
 
 their salaries. Was it probable the public would be better secured 
 against profusion in the royal expenditure when confided to the watchful 
 vigilance of a commoner than when confided to three peers of the realm ? 
 The precaution was futile, but answered the purpose of a pretext for 
 dipping into the pockets of the people. Mr. Herries was the first au- 
 ditor appointed ; his previous office, commissary-in-chief, had been 
 abolished, and, we presume, ministers were at a loss hoAv otherwise to 
 dispose of him. 
 
 The Whig ministry have annexed the auditorship to the Treasury, by 
 which a saving of more than £1500 a-year has been effected. 
 
 CIVIL LIST OF WILLIAM IV. 
 
 Having adverted to the civil lists of the two last reigns, let us next 
 advert to the civil list arrangement concluded with the present King. 
 William IV. is so deservedly popular for his firm and enlightened 
 adherence to the great renoA'ating measure of parliamentary reform, that 
 we are sure the people will not begrudge his Majesty any income conducive 
 to his personal comfort and real dignity. But it is not our province to 
 act the part of parasites, who mislead monarchs and ruin empires, but to 
 submit to our readers the truth, and nothing but the truth. We shall 
 then briefly state the arrangement of the civil list established by 1 Will. 
 IV., c. 25., and which received the royal assent April 22, 1831. 
 
 The leading" principle of the framersofthe act was to relieve the civil 
 list of every charge not strictly connected with the royal expenditure. 
 Hitherto many expenses had been included in the civil list which had no 
 immediate connexion with the king's household or the regal office ; ex- 
 penses which, in fact, Avero the expenses of the civil government of the 
 country, and as such ought always to have been under the cognizance, 
 and subject to the control of parliament. All charges of this descrip- 
 tion have been dissevered and transferred to the consolidated fund, to be 
 provided for out of the general produce of the taxes. In lieu of the civil 
 list consisting of nine classes of payment, they have been reduced to the 
 five following; ^>s^,.the privy purse of the King, £60,000, and the 
 establishment of the Queen, £50,000, making the total sum allotted to 
 this class £110,000 per annum. Second, the salaries of the royal 
 household, including the departments of the lord chamberlain, £64,450, 
 lord steward, £36,500, master of the horse, £28,500, and master of the 
 robes £850, making the total sum allotted to this class £130,300. The 
 third class consists of the expeudituro in the several departments in the 
 second class, amounting to £171,500. The fourth class consists of 
 royal bounty, alms, payments to the poor of London, special service, 
 and home secret service money, amounting to £23,200. The fifth and 
 last class is pensions, whicli is limited to £75,000. The mode in which 
 the reduction has been effected under this head, was by consolidating 
 the three pension lists of I'lngland, Ireland, and Scotland in one alpha- 
 betical list, and by providing that pensions to the amount of £75,000
 
 220 CIVIL LIST OF WILLIAM IV. 
 
 on the first part of the alphabetical list should be char2:e(l on the civil 
 list, and the remainder, to the amount of £95,000, be charged on the 
 consolidated fund. By this arrangement the public will receive the 
 benefit of the pensions which fall in from that part of them which are 
 charged on the consolidated fund, while the King- has the advantage of 
 the vacancies which occur in those payable from the civil list. 
 
 RECAPITULATION. 
 
 £ 
 First Class. For their Majesty's Privy Purse .... 110,000 
 Second Class. Salaries of His Majesty's Household ••130,300 
 Third Class. Expences of His Majesty's Household. .171 ,500 
 
 Fourth Class. Special and Secret Service 23,200 
 
 Fifth Class. Pensions 75,000 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 £510,000 
 
 An important question now arises — What is the amount of saving 
 eft'ected by the new arrangement ? There has been a. shifting ofioeights 
 we have seen, there has been a transfer of charges from one fund to 
 another, but the vital question to the public is, how much less will the 
 support of the new king cost than the old. Let us enquire. 
 
 The civil list granted to William IV. is £510,000; the civil list 
 granted to his predecessor (the Irish civil Hst included) was £1,057,000; 
 the diftei'ence is £547,000. But the saving is by no means to the 
 amount of this difference. The civil list of the King has been relieved 
 of four entire classes of disbursement, the expenditure in which 
 amounted to upwards of £400,000, and which are now provided for by 
 annual grants from parliament. Notwithstanding this, we find, on com- 
 paring the corresponding classes of the two lists, that there has been an 
 absolute and positive reduction. In the second class the reductions have 
 been to the amount of £10,300; in the third class to the amount of 
 £37,500 ; in the fourth class to the amount of £3000 ; and in the fifth 
 class to the amount of £95,000. In the first class there has been an 
 augmentation to the amount of £50,000 on account of the establish- 
 ment of the Queen. The net reduction in the royal expenditure, below 
 the amount in the preceding reigns, is £95,000. 
 
 We have now submitted, as clearly and correctly as we are able, from 
 the official returns to parliament, the new arrangement of the civil list. 
 In our opinion, it is a material improvement on those which have pre- 
 ceded it, and does credit to Earl Grey's administration. It is simpler 
 in form and more economical. The cutting down of the infamous pen- 
 sion list is not only a saving, but a constitutional improvement in the 
 executive government, by destroying tlie miasm of the court atmosphere. 
 Other advantages have accrued : the masses of revenue, the nature of 
 which was explained in the last chaptei', have been withdrawn from the 
 irresponsible disposal of ministers. By the transfer of charges to the 
 consolidated fund, a sum of no less than £696,000 has, for the first
 
 DUCHIES OF CORNWALL AND LANCASTER. 221 
 
 time, been brought within the cognizance and control of parliament, and 
 whicli cannot fail, ultimately, to lead to a very considerable reduction of 
 expenditure. 
 
 Against the.se advantages we have only two di'awbacks to mention. 
 First, it does not appear from the civil list act, the revenues of the 
 duchies of Cornwall and Lancaster have been included in the surrender 
 of the hereditary and casual revenues of the crown. The income from 
 these royal appanages, we believe, is about £2.5,000 per annum. The 
 king enjoys the revenue of the former in the absence of a Prince of 
 Wales, and of the latter in his own right as Duke of Lancaster. They 
 are considered by some as the private property of the sovereign, and, as 
 such, not within parliamentary cognizance any more than the income of 
 his grace of Norfolk, or any other nobleman. But we cannot see the 
 reasons for this construction. The king is only known in his public 
 capacity of chief magistrate, and we apprehend the revenues of Lan- 
 caster and Cornwall might have been as legally surrendered as the casual 
 and hereditary revenues. The duchies are notoriously great nurseries of 
 abuse and sinecurism, and have long wanted bringing before the public. 
 
 The second objection we have to urge is, our apprehension lest the 
 hereditary revenues have ncrt been sufficiently secured from ministerial 
 grasp. In the twelfth section of the Civil List Act various powers are 
 reserved to the Ci'own, among others, to grant rewards out of the 
 admiralty droits for meritorious conduct. May not this leave a door 
 open for the future encroachments of the servants of the king on these 
 funds ? However, this is a contingency, which can only occur from 
 the supineness of the legislature. 
 
 We repeat, therefore, in spite of these drawbacks, that the Whig civil 
 list is a substantial improvement on its predecessors. Many, however, 
 will still think, and we think so too, that the allowance of more than half 
 a million per annum for the maintenance of one man is a very great 
 sum. But it is necessary to bear in mind the state and institutions of 
 the society in which we live. No one can reasonably expect that a king 
 of England should have a less annual income than the greatest of his 
 subjects. Before I'educing lower the royal income, we must reduce the 
 incomes of the grandees of the church and aristocracy, by the amputa- 
 tion of tithes and corn laws. Till then we do not imagine his Majesty 
 could well discharge the duties of his high station with a smaller revenue ; 
 especially while he has the gorgeous civil list of the citizen king of the 
 French to keep him in countenance. While, therefore, the monarchical 
 and aristocratic institutions of the country subsi-st, the people will be 
 compelled to make a great pecuniary sacrifice to mere state and graduated 
 rank, and be under the necessity of declining the tender of the worthy 
 Scotchman, who oftered to discharge all the duties of the regal office for 
 £300 a year, and find good security for the performance ! 
 
 ROYAL DEBTS AND EXPENDITURE DURING THE LATE REIGNS. 
 
 The state of the civil list has varied so much during the reigns of 
 George IIL and IV., that it may be useful to give a brief sketch of
 
 222 llOYAL UCliTS AND EX P EN DIT U U K. 
 
 the total amount of public money applied to the support of this depart- 
 ment of expenditure, and in extricating the Crown and the members of 
 the royal family from pecuniary embarrassments. 
 
 At the commencement of the reign of George III. the king accepted 
 the fixed sum of £800,000 per annum in lieu of the hereditary, tem- 
 porary, and other revenues. This sum was successively augmented by 
 parliament as follows : 
 
 1 Geo. III. c. 1 £800,000 
 
 17 Geo. III. c. 21. 100,000 
 
 44 Geo. III. c. 80. 60,000 
 
 52 Geo. III. c. 6. 70,000 
 
 Surplus of exchequer fees, applied by 23 Geo. III. c. 82. • • 50,000 
 
 Surplus of Scotch revenues, applied by 50 Geo. III. c. 87. . • 10,000 
 
 In 1804, when £60,000 was added, the civil list was relieved of 
 annual charges to the amount of £82,000. The debts of the king, paid 
 by parliament, were as follows : 
 
 In 1769 £ol3,511 
 
 1777 618,340 
 
 1784 60,000 
 
 1786 210,000 
 
 1802 990,000 
 
 1804 591 ,842 
 
 1805 10,458 
 
 1814 118,857 
 
 £3,113,061 
 
 Parliament granted, towards the extraordinary expenses of 1814, 
 £100,000, making £3,213,061 ; and in January, 1815, there was a 
 further debt on the civil list to the amount of £421,355. To these 
 grants to the king must be added the monies granted to the royal 
 family, and to defray those charges of which the civil list had been 
 relieved, amounting to £9,561,396.* Besides which there was applied, 
 either in aid of the civil list, or to liquidate arrears thereon, £1,653,717 
 out of the hereditary revenues. f So far brings the royal expenditure 
 to January, 1815. In the following year the civil list expenditure 
 amounted to £1,480,000; making tlie total expenditure, from the 
 accession of George III. to January, 1816, £64,740,032. 
 
 This brings us down to the period when there was a general parlia- 
 mentary investigation of the civil list ; and when it was settled on the 
 basis on which it continued, without material alteration, till the recent 
 demise of the Crown. As we have before explained the profuse cha- 
 racter of lord Castlereagh's settlement, and the vast augmentation the 
 
 * Pari. Report on the Civil List, Session 1815. — Ordered to be reprinted 
 July G, 1830. 
 t Ibid. p. 5.
 
 PROFUSION OF GEORGE IV. 2"23 
 
 civil list received, we shall not repeat our statement, further than by 
 recapitulating the chief provisions. 
 
 In 1816 the civil list was relieved of public chargres to the amount of 
 £255,768, and the future piovision for it was fixed at the sum of 
 £1,083,729. £100,000 more was granted for the support of the ■ 
 establishment of George III. at Windsor-Castle, and £10,000 per 
 annum to Queen Charlotte, afterwards continued to the Duke of York, 
 for superintendence. In the same year £60,000 was voted for the 
 establishment of the Princess Charlotte and Prince Coburg. ^^'ith the 
 exception of the saving of £10,000, by the premature death of the 
 Princess of Wales, in 1817, all these arrangements continued until the 
 accession of George IV. in 1820, when the civil list was fixed at 
 £1,057,000, and so continued to the end of that monarch's reign. 
 
 Having obtained the ordinary charges of the civil list, we next 
 inquire, what extraordinary aids flowed into this insatiable gulph. Like 
 his predecessor, George IV. was constantly receiving, in addition to his 
 regular income, refreshers out of the Admiralty droits, Gibraltar duties, 
 and other branches of the hereditary revenues, either in aid of the pri\y 
 purse, to defray travelHng expenses among his lieges, or to meet extra 
 outgoings in the household. Besides these, many items ordinarily in- 
 serted in that annual budget of miscellanies, the civil list contingencies, 
 ought in justice to be placed to the account of the sovereign. Then, 
 again, what masses of money have been swamped in the royal palaces. 
 Upwards of £600,000 has been already granted for the repair and im- 
 provement of the Pimlico residence. On Windsor-castle the sum already 
 expended amounts to £894,500;* and £190,670 more is requisite to 
 finish this gothic barbarism. It is said that the pavilion at Brighton 
 cost a million of money ; and on the cottage in the Great Park half a 
 million was expended. For the two last facts we have no official 
 authority, but they are traits of extravagance not improbable in a king 
 who, in one year, spent £5000 and more in the single article of robes ; 
 whose stud of horses, though he seldom journeyed beyond the limits of 
 his own pleasure-grounds, was upwards of 200 ; and whose old clothes, 
 white kid inexpressibles with white satin linings included, after his 
 death, actually sold in the heap for £15,000 ! Such are the blessings 
 conferred by a monarch of taste, who, through the agency of servile 
 ministers and a patient people, obtained ample means to gratify his 
 most fantastic desires. 
 
 Nothing has been yet said of the burthen imposed by the younger 
 branches of the royal family. The pensions of these are paid out of the 
 consolidated fund, and form a distinct charge from the civil list. Tho 
 annuities payable at the time of the late demise, exclusive of military 
 pay and ofiicial emoluments, amounted to £248,500 per annum. 
 
 Every change in the personal relations of the royal family entails 
 additional expense on the community, whether it be a marriage, a 
 christening, or a burial. In the first case, there is a grant for an 
 
 • Pari. Report, No. 27, Scs^s. 1S3I.
 
 224 SUMMARY or ROY A I, EXPENDITURE. 
 
 outfit ; in the second, a grant for support and education; and in the 
 last, a provision for the servants of the deceased. The pubhc is now 
 paying- upwards £30,000 per annum for the servants of George III., 
 Queen Charlotte, and Queen Caroline.* In 1825 an annuity of £6000 
 a-year was granted to the Duke of Cumberland, to support and educate 
 his son, Prince George-Frederick- Alexander-Charles-Erncst- Augustus 
 of Cumbeiland, (gracious heaven, what a long name this child has got) ; 
 in the same year a like annuity to the Duchess of Kent, for Alexandrina- 
 Victoria, which, in 1831, was augmented to her royal highness by an 
 additional grant of £10,000. One might suppose these high personages 
 had never been married, and the fact of having offspring was among the 
 accidents of life for which they were totally unprovided. 
 
 People naturally wonder Avhat becomes of the heaps of money ab- 
 stracted from them in taxes ; they are, in fact, only imperfectly 
 acquainted with the costliness of the institutions under which they live, 
 and the profusion with which the produce of their industiy and skill is 
 lavished: we shall, however, endeavour to open their eyes on the.se 
 subjects. Let us see, then, what has been the total cost of the two last 
 reigns ; after the preceding explanations the reader will be better able to 
 comprehend and verify the subjoined recapitulation. 
 
 Summary' of the Royal Exj)enditure, from the Accession of 
 George HI. to the Death of George IV. 
 
 From the accession of George III. to January 5, 1815, 
 the income of the civil list, and parliamentary grants 
 to liquidate debts thereon £51,023,564 
 
 Parliamentary grants to the royal family, and for 
 judges and other services, of the charge for which 
 the civil list was relieved 9,561,390 
 
 Monies applied out of the. hereditary revenues 1,653,717 
 
 Debts on the civil list, January 1815 421,355 
 
 Civil list expenditure for the \ear ending January 5, 
 
 1816 ■ 1,480,000 
 
 Total royal expenditure from the accession of 
 
 George III. to the year 1816 04,740,026 
 
 From 1810 to 1820, the income of civil list by 56 Geo. 
 
 III. c. 46 4,334,916 
 
 Windsor-castle establishment during the same period, 
 
 including allowance for custox 440,000 
 
 Parliamentary grants for pensions, salaries, and ser- 
 vices, of Avhich the civil list was relieved 1,338,072 
 
 Pensions and official salaries of the royal dukes and 
 princesses, including Prince Coburg and Queen 
 Caroline l,*535,344 
 
 Monies applied in aid of the king and royal family 
 
 from the hereditary revenues 350,000 
 
 Revenues of the Duchies of Cornwall and Lancaster . . 100,000 
 
 Allowance to Queen Charlotte to her death in 1818 . . 116,400 
 
 Total royal expenditure, from 1816 to 1820 8,034,332 
 
 Carried forward £72,774,358 
 
 * Annual Finance Accounts, Session 1830, p. 134.
 
 KXPENDITURK OF (lEORGK 111. AND IV, 225 
 
 Brought forward £72,77 1,358 
 
 From 1820 to 1830, the income of the civil list, by 
 
 1 Geo. IV. c. 1 10,570,000 
 
 Parliamentary grants for pensions, salaries, and ser- 
 vices, of which the civil list was relieved 3,397,680 
 
 Pensions, salaries, and allowances of tlie royal dukes 
 
 and princesses, including Prince Coburg 3,575,000 
 
 Monies appropriated to the use of the king and royal 
 dukes, out of Admiralty droits and Gil)raUar duties 150,000 
 
 Revenues of the duchies of Cornwall and Lancaster 
 
 paid into the privy purse 250,000 
 
 Allowances to the late servants of George III., Queen 
 
 Charlotte, and Queen Caroline 350,000 
 
 Expense of repairing and improving Buckingham-pa- 
 lace, to 1830 490,209 
 
 Grants for the alteration and impi'ovenient of Windsor- 
 castle, to January 5, 1830 527,500 
 
 Total royal expenditure, from 1820 to 1830 19,310,449 
 
 Grand 'J'oTALof (he Royal Expenditure, from the 
 accession of George III. to the death of 
 George IV , £92,090,807 
 
 The pensions and olUcial emoluments of the royal dukes, from first 
 entering- into public life to the year 1815, are not included ; and there 
 are various fees and perquisites of which they were in the receipt, and 
 annuities to the princesses on the Irish civil list, of which Ave have not 
 been able to obtain authentic returns. The total amount of the incomes 
 of the king- and royal l^imily, for the last seventy years, cannot have 
 been less than £100,000,000 sterling-, making the aveiage expenditure 
 of a single family £1,428,571 per armum. 
 
 The people of England have been so long familiarized to the lavish 
 expenditure of their rulers, that we fear they are unable to appreciate 
 the importance of one hundheu millions of money. The best way 
 to bring the mind rightly to estimate the magnitude of this sum, is, to 
 reflect for a moment on the amount of evil it might have averted, or 
 the good it might have accomplished, had it been judiciously appro- 
 priated to the attainment of objects of national utility. An annual 
 revenue of £1,428,571 is equal to one-third of all the sums levied in 
 poor-rates during the two reigns, and would maintain two millions 
 of poor people. By the saving of such a sum how many trumpery taxes 
 might have been repealed, which harass and impede the industrious 
 citizen ! What a fund it would form to mitigate the sufierings con- 
 stantly recurring from changes in the seasons and the vicissitudes of 
 commerce ! It is calculated that the annual application of a quarter of 
 a million would enable to emigrate the whole of the redundant industry 
 yearly accumulating from the progress of population. How much 
 more, then might be effected by the application of £1,428,571 per 
 annum. What an impulse it would give to our mercantile navy, by 
 creating employment for shipping in the conveyance of settlers : — 
 what stores — what implements of agriculture, and other necessaries, it 
 
 Q
 
 226 THE KIN(; EXEMPT fltOM TAXES. 
 
 Mould furnisli to families! Internal industry would 1)0 stimulated; 
 now communities founded ; the waste and desolate parts of the earth 
 reclaimed and peopled ; and by opening new channels of employment 
 and demand, some of the evils, which most embitter our social state, 
 alleviated. 
 
 A republican, perhaps, would conterKl that nearly the whole of the 
 hundred millions might have been saved to the community, and point to 
 the people of the United States of America for an example of frugal 
 government. Their king only costs five thousand a-year, instead of a 
 million ; and their other functionaries are equally cheap and reasonable. 
 As for lords of the bed-chamber, grooms of the stole, master of the 
 hawks, master of the robes, and other masters and lords, they have none 
 of these things. And where is the loss they have sustained ? Their 
 government never appeared deficient in dignity or efficiency at home or 
 abroad ; and the duties of the executive magistracy have been discharged 
 quite as well as in this country. 
 
 There is much truth in this ; but the British people seem to have a 
 taste for monarchy, and it is a point now hardly disputed, that every 
 community has a right to choose its own form of government. It is 
 true our chief magistrate is not the most efficient of public servants ; 
 neither fighting the battles of the country, conducting its negotiations, 
 nor personally exercising judicial administration. Still, we do not con- 
 sider him quite so useless in his station as " the gilded globe on the 
 dome of St. Paul's," to which the capital "of the Corinthian column" 
 has been rather absurdly compared. Every society must have a head — 
 a king, president, or dictator; and, in fixing the amount of his revenue, 
 it is necessary to have regard to the state and income of his subjects. 
 A richly endowed church and aristocracy demand a richly endowed king 
 to match : simultaneously with the curtailment of the income of the 
 monarch ought the revenues of the pi'iesthood and nobility to be cur- 
 tailed, by the abolition of tithes, the repeal of corn-laws, and a more 
 equal partition of national burthens. 
 
 The superior income of the sovereign, however, does not compiise all 
 the advantages he enjoys over his lieges. The king pays no house-rent 
 or taxes ; and if he travels he pays no turnpikes. If he marries there 
 is an outfit; if he has a child there is a portion; if he dies he is buried 
 at the public charge, his widow receives £100,000 a year out of the 
 taxes, and has two splendid mansions wherein to mourn her loss. Thus 
 all the relations and vicissitudes of life are so amply provided for that one 
 is at a loss to conceive what the king can have to pay, or on what objects his 
 immense income can be expended. Here is certainly a mystery. The 
 conclusion seems to be, that the functions of the regal office have 
 degenerated into etiquette ; and the exalted individuals who discharge 
 them have become, as one of the number observed, little more than a 
 cercmomjy whoso duties are nominal, and whose outgoings — great though 
 they be — consist only of trappings, attendance, and pageantry. 
 
 In what, for example, consist the duties of a king of the old European 
 fashion ? — At first sight they appear great and manifold : he holds courts
 
 CATECHISM or ROYAL DUTIES;, 227 
 
 and levee3 — opens and prorop;ues parliament — chooses ministers of state — 
 examines and sig-ns all public <^rant.s and documents. These functions 
 appear quite sufficient to occupy the attention of one individual ; but if 
 we examine them more closely, we shall find they are vain, shadowy, 
 and unimportant. 
 
 What, for instance, is a cou7't ? — A pageant, a farce, in which a 
 train of useless officers, gaudily attired, assemble, and those who have 
 obtained an appointment, a pension, or place, express their gratitude 
 by kissing the royal hands ! 
 
 What is a levee ? — A larger muster, a presentation of titled mendi- 
 cants and others, who move in procession before the king : they bow, 
 and he bows, and sometimes smiles ; they pass on, another and another, 
 as " great a fool as t'other ;" — and this is a levee. 
 
 How does the king authenticate public documents ? He writes 
 W, R., or W. Rex, at the top or bottom of a piece of parchment, vel- 
 lum, or paper: this was done by a machine in the lust reign, and many 
 were in hopes that it would have been retained, and a similar contri- 
 vance extended to other regal functions, by which the monarch would 
 have been able to retire on half-pay, or with a superannuation allow- 
 ance. 
 
 What is the opening of parliament ? — The king going in great state 
 to the house of peers; reading about a dozen lines prepared for 
 him by his ministers, containing nothing either rich or rare, and then 
 returning in the same state. 
 
 What is a prorogation ? — Much the same as the last ; with this differ- 
 ence, that the rogues are sent to kill partridges, instead of being called 
 together to talk, and talk, and nothing but talk. 
 
 Hou' does the king choose his ministers ? He does not choose them 
 at all ; they are chosen by a majority of the parliament, which is chosen 
 by one hundred and fifty-four individuals called boroughmongers, who 
 have been chosen by God knows whom, but Avho appear to have been 
 a visitation inflicted on the people as a punishment for apathy and 
 gullibility. 
 
 Are not kings the fathers of their people ? — They are so called, but 
 they are veiy unlike fathers, since, instead of feeding and protecting 
 their children, their children feed and protect them. 
 
 Kings are called the sovereigns of their respective states ? — They are 
 so styled, certainly, but this is another fiction of feudality and priest- 
 craft. The sovereignty is in the people ; and, as every day affords' 
 experimental proof of the truth of this position, there are now few to 
 call it in question. 
 
 Such is a catechism of the duties and attributes of what may be de- 
 nominated feudal kings: as to citizen kings, oxir experience of them is 
 yet too limited to decide whether or no they are an improvement. But 
 of the elder sort it may be truly affirmed they have little claim on the 
 gratitude of mankind : formerly they were great destroyers of flioir 
 species, and lattorlv they have been great consumers of victual. " When 
 we see," savs Rabelais, " the print of Garasantua, that has a mouth
 
 228 
 
 CIlAHACli:!} or 'illK l.A'IK HEHiNS. 
 
 US large as an oven, and swallows at one meal twelve hundred pounds 
 of bread, twenty oxen, a hundred sheep, six hundred fouls, fifteen 
 hundred horses, two thousand quails, a thousand barrels of wine, six 
 hundred peaches, five hundred pine-apples, &c. &c. who does not say — 
 ']'hat is the mouth of a King ?" 
 
 POLICY AND CHARACTER OF THE TWO LATE REIGNS. 
 
 Having dwelt so long on the pecuniary affairs of the late reigns, our 
 readers will, perhaps, have patience with us while we submit a few 
 strictures on their political and social bearing. 
 
 The personal character of George III., and the predominant maxims 
 of his reign, are too well known to require elucidation in this place ; 
 but one part of his policy has either not obtained the attention it de- 
 serves, or is not so generally understood. It is thought this prince, 
 like his predecessor, was held in thraldom by the boroughmongers : this 
 is an error. Although the intellectual endowments of the king were not 
 of a high order, he is entitled to the praise of being the first of his race 
 who, if he did not emancipate himself from, at least lightened, the yoke 
 imposed on the executive by the aristocracy. 
 
 The great families who had mainly contributed to the Revolution of 
 1688 claimed, for their services, an exclusive right to the government 
 of the kingdom ; having averted the despotism of the Stuarts, they 
 sought to establish a despotism in themselves, and transmit the divine 
 right of power, wrested from the monarch, to their own posterity. 
 Parliamentary reform had not been agitated ; and the people being of 
 little political importance, the sovereign was the only obstacle to this 
 oligarchical pretension. Hence their intrigues and encroachments were 
 exclusively directed against the Crown. They sought to render the 
 regal oince a mere name ; the king a puppet, to be moved by w-ires, of 
 which they held the strings, to be brought out, like the unfortunate 
 Montezuma, on show days, decked out in the habiliments of royalty, to 
 inspire the multitude with respect for authority. William III. groaned 
 under this system ; Queen Anne patronized its opponents ; the first and 
 second George, having little knowledge of our institutions, and by 
 nature not much qualified for the exercise of authority, submitted to it 
 quietly; but to the credit of George III., he openly rebelled against 
 aristocratic usurpation. The king perceived, and his mother, the 
 princess-dowager, in concert with lord Bute, demonstrated to him the 
 galling bondage in which his predecessors had been held by the arrogance 
 of the Devonshire, the Pelham, the Portland, and other towering families. 
 " George," said the princess, " be King ;" and the prince obeyed her 
 constant exhortation, and became so not only in name but reality. The 
 design was laudable, and even constitutional ; the king his prerogatives, 
 and the people their representatives, being the whole creed of reformers. 
 But it was only the first, not the second, the king regarded ; while 
 grasping at the prerogatives of the Stuarts, he was equally averse to the 
 rights of the Commons.
 
 ROYAL TRIUMPH OVER TIIK lACTlONS. '2'29 
 
 Lord Bute was appointed the first minister on the new system. Being 
 a man of little capacity, ig-norant of public affairs, and the mana'iii'eraent 
 of parties, he was compelled to retire. But the king did not abandon 
 his object. Partly by the untractableness of his own character, partly 
 by the adroitness Avith which he played the factions against each other, 
 but most of all from the immense increase in the power of the Croun, 
 from taxation, the augmentation of the peerag-e, the establishment of 
 the banking interest — aided with the money-jobbers, contractors, and 
 speculators, he succeeded in breaking the aristocratic fetters. His 
 independence may be dated from the American war. That contest was 
 purely his own. It is even said he first suggested the stamp duty. So 
 much, however, was it considered the king's personal quarrel, that 
 those who did not concur in it were branded as disloyal. 
 
 The last attempt of the aristocracy to reduce the king to a state of 
 pupilage was made in 1783, by the famous India Bill of Mr. Fox. Tliis 
 great measure, framed by Mr. Burke, was intended to establish a 
 counterpoise to the influence of the Crown, by vesting the patronage of 
 India in fifteen individuals chosen by parliament ; in other words, by 
 the coalition administration. Nothing could have been devised more 
 effectual for the purpose ; for it would h.ave placed the sovereign of 
 England at the mercy of the sovereigns of Bengal, and erected a mound 
 from which the palace of St. James's might always be maintained in 
 dutiful and respectful obedience. But the king penetrated the snare 
 that was laid for him ; and, by a vigorous exertion of court influence 
 and the artful excitement of popular clamour, the bill was thrown out, 
 and the Whigs, driven from power in disgrace, sunk into complete in- 
 significance. Their union with lord North exposed to the country the 
 profligacy and rottenness of their public principles. It was the death- 
 blow to party. " From the moment," says the bishop of Llandaff, " the 
 coalition Avas formed betwixt lord North and the men who for many 
 years had reprobated in the strongest terms his political principles, I 
 lost all confidence in public men. I clearly saw that they sacrificed 
 their public principles to private pique, and their honour to their ambi- 
 tion." The observations of Sir N. Wraxall are to the same purport. 
 Mr. Nicholls, in his" Recollections," says, " from the death of lord 
 Rockingham they became ?i fact ion y and their efforts Avere no longer 
 employed for the attainment of any great public object." These 
 writers speak from contemporary impression, and consequently repre- 
 s{;nt the general feeling excited by their conduct. 
 
 The subsequent history of this party is too fresh iu public recollection 
 to require illustration. There are some Whigs yet, as there are some 
 Jacobites, Bourlwnites, and Johannites; for sects and parties hardlv 
 ever become extinct, however absurd their dogmas. But upon the 
 whole, both Whiggism and Toryism may be considered defunct super- 
 stitions ; and the impostures having been unmasked, men are now only 
 shocked at the grossness of the idolatary by which they had Ixjon so long- 
 enslaved. 
 
 Upon the conduct of the Whigs, in their endeavours to controul fhc
 
 230 CHARACTER OF J 11 K LATE RFMGN. 
 
 GxecutiA'e, one or two observations may be made. That the influence 
 of the Crown, after its enormous augmentation during the American 
 war, required abridgement, there can be no question ; but the means 
 employed for this purpose were highly objectionable. The Whigs at- 
 tempted to throw the weight into the wrong- scale ; they saw the pre- 
 ponderance of the Crown, but were insensible or indifi'erent to the 
 humiliation of the People : they looked only to themselves, and instead 
 of raising- the popiilar branch of the constitution, sought only their own 
 aggrandizement, and, by providing sinecures and places for their 
 adherents, balancing- the patronage of the monarch. Hence the real 
 friends of the people viewed their policy not only with contempt but 
 abhorrence; for it contained no invitation to popular support — no gua- 
 rantee for public liberty, and was merely the selfishness of party 
 struggling for the influence and emoluments of regality. 
 
 Yet the Whigs have complained of ingratitude, of the people having 
 been deluded from their " Natural Leaders !" Butis not this a faith- 
 ful history of their conduct ? Is it not notorious, from the Revolution 
 to the end of the last reign, the people had no alternative, save des- 
 potism in the sovereign, or despotism in an oligarchy ? Is it surprising 
 that they revolted from both these propositions ; that they repulsed Avith 
 equal scorn the open partizans of absolute power, and those who, under 
 hollow and hypocritical professions, sought to inveigle them out of their 
 liberties, or render them the passive instruments of personal ambition ? 
 From such " natural leaders'' it was time the people separated, and 
 established a party for themselves. That the secession was at length 
 accomplished, may be ascribed to the persevering- and patriotic efforts 
 of sir Francis Burdett and the electors of Westminster, who were the 
 first successfully to erect the standard of revolt from aristocratical 
 domination. 
 
 These strictures on the aristocratical factions, it is needless to remark, 
 apply only to their public conduct during the period under review. 
 Both Tories and Whigs have recently imdergone a change for the 
 better ; the administration of lord Wellington was better than any 
 preceding- administration formed from the same class of politicians : many 
 Tories avow sentiments v.hich their predecessors would have repudiated 
 with horror ; and the existing Whig ministry Ave feel confident, from 
 all we can observe up to the moment we are writing, (December 22d, 
 1831,) is sincerely bent on reforming- the popular branches of our in- 
 .''titutions, on reducing the government expenditure, and on improving — 
 if that be possible — the condition of the great body of the people of 
 the United Kingdom. The fact is, there has been a progression (sir 
 C. Wetherell would say, a retrocession) of parties ; the more liberal 
 Tories have adopted the sentiments of the Whigs, and the Whigs have 
 adopted the sentiments of the more intelligent Radicals. But to what 
 is the change to be ascribed? Why solely to events — events too 
 obvious to be here enumerated. Had the people remained quiescent, 
 the Whigs would have continued Whigs still, and the Tories would have 
 been unchanged. But the people have become enlightened from ex-
 
 PROGRESSION IN POLITICAL PARTIES. 231 
 
 perience of the evils inflicted by bad government ; they have tasted of 
 the foihidden fruit of knowledge — of that fruit which many would gladly 
 have kept out of their reach ; they have, in short, read the Black Book, 
 and the consetpience is, they no longer continue the duped spectators 
 of the tnicasscries of faction ; they will no longer suffer the legislature 
 of a great empire, instituted solely for their service and benefit, to be 
 merely an arena for aristocratic contention, intrigue, and selfish am- 
 bition ; they care nothing about men — who is in or w ho is out, but 
 insist on the adoption of measures advantageous to themselves — and 
 these measures are an efficient reform of an insulting mock representa- 
 tion — of an oppressive church— of an absurd and plundering leg-al system 
 — of monopolies and taxes partial and unjust. More of these subjects 
 hereafter ; at present let us return to our task, from which we have 
 deviated in order to escape for a moment the tedium of statistical detail. 
 The great theme of the panegyrists of George III. is his private 
 virtues. For a king to discharge his duty to the people, it is not suffi- 
 cient that he is neither passionately addicted to wine, nor women, nor 
 gaming, and that he does not amuse himself occasionally, after the fashion 
 of the East, by cutting off the heads of his lieges. Betwixt private 
 men and those who fill important public stations there is a wide dif- 
 ference. The former may live and die as it has pleased Heaven to 
 make them, and society has no right to complain, provided they observe 
 the laws, and neither burthen the parish nor their friends. But the 
 condition of a king is widely different : he has no privilege to be inept ; 
 he is the retained servant of the community, who has grave duties to 
 discharge, and, his fees being enormous, it is not sufficient he is harm- 
 less and inoffensive, he ought to be actively beneficial. To judge of the 
 blessings accruing from the roign of George III. it A\ould be sufficient 
 to contrast the state of the country when he ascended the throne with 
 the condition to which it was reduced when his intellectual twilight 
 subsided into total darkness. It is hardly possible to imagine how any 
 career could have been more reckless, profligate, and regardless of idti- 
 mate consequences than that which entailed the paper currency, the 
 monstrous debt, the poor-rates, and a vastly increased population depen- 
 dent for subsistence on the uncertain demands of commerce and manu- 
 factures. Private virtues are a poor set-off against national calamities, 
 especially if produced by inveterate obstinacy and error, as was un- 
 questionably the case with the two great ruinous wars — those against 
 America and France — in which George III. was engaged. Allhough 
 the mental endowments of the king were very moderate, and he possessed 
 no strength or originality of mind to carry him beyond the notions of 
 religion and politics impressed during his education, yet, like others of 
 the same intellectual grade, he had a quick sense of whatever tended to 
 interfere with his own interests. He fully comprehended the etiect 
 likely to be operated on the status of his order by the French revolu- 
 tion. When that mighty movement began to manifest itself, he put 
 (says Mr. Nicholls) liurke's inccndiarv pid)licatiou into tlie hands of 
 every one he met. lie said to every courtier wiio ai)iM()a'.lied hiui, " H
 
 232 ClIAUACTERS O I' THE LATE REIGNS. 
 
 a stop is not put to French principles there will not be a king left in 
 Europe in a few years." In fact, he was the greatest alarmist in his 
 dominions. Mr. Burke and the duke of Portland were only second and 
 third to him. Mr. Pitt was averse to the war, but acquiesced from that 
 truckling love of place, which was the prominent feature of his 
 own character and that of most of his adherents. In like manner the 
 Grenville Whig administration consented to abandon Catholic Emanci- 
 pation, on the condition of royal service. But the renunciation was 
 not sufficiently explicit to satisfy the jealous scruples of the king. 
 
 To conclude, George III. was not a tool of the boroughmongers, but 
 a leading* and active partner in the Oligarchy. He left the Crown to 
 his successor in more complete sovereignty- — more independent of aris- 
 tocratic influence — disputed title — favouritism, or any other control, 
 than it had been held since the conquest. His reign (as Bishop Watson 
 observes) " was the triumph of Toryism. The Whigs had power for a 
 moment — they quarrelled amongst themselves, and thereby lost the 
 king's confidence, lost the people's confidence, and lost their power for 
 ever ; or, to speak more philosophically, there was neither Whigism 
 nor Toryism left ; excess of riches and excess of taxes, combined with 
 excess of luxury, had introduced universal selfism.''* 
 
 As we consider the next reign nothing more than an elongation of 
 that of George III. — the government being conducted on precisely the 
 same principles and maxims — we shall be very brief in our notice of it. 
 
 George the Fourth always appeared to us nothing m.ore than a man of 
 pleasure, whom the accident of birth had made a king. His means of 
 indulgence were ample, and he did not spare them. At first he affected 
 Whigism ; but this might arise from his favourite companions in horse- 
 racing, drinking, and intriguing being of that persuasion. Still he 
 appears to have been one of the orthodox sort ; for, like the party gene- 
 
 * Anecdotes of the Life of Bishop ^V'atson, p. 194. This work, with the 
 Blemoirs of Sir N. Wraxall, and the admirable Recollections of the Reign of 
 George III. by Mr. NichoUs, comprise valuable materials for forming a true 
 estimate of the public men and measures that distinguished the last century. 
 They have, we believe, been either unnoticed or greatly misrepresented by the 
 reviewers ; but this is a point of no great consequence, since Truth is in her 
 nature buoyant and insinuating, and must ultimately triumph over every dis- 
 advantage. The monopoly of the press, like every other monopoly opposed to 
 the general welfare, is fast tending to a consummation. The Memoirs of Lord 
 Waldcgrave is another useful publication for illustrating the factious nature of 
 the government fioni the Revolution, and the entire want of public principle in 
 the men who directed it. It is impossible to help commisserating the situation 
 of George the Second, surrounded by venal statesmen, not one of whom would 
 render him the least service witiiout first bargaining for a batch of places and 
 pensions for his relatives and dependents. Even Chatham, with whose name it 
 had been usual to associate better things, appears, from the noble author, to 
 have been no better than his compeers, and ready at any time to sacrifice his public 
 duty to his selfishness and ambition. These repeated disclosures must, at 
 length, convince the most incredulous; and all classes allow that the govern- 
 ment, for the last century and a half, has been the prey of mercenary adventurers, 
 whose sole objects were to plunder the people and tyrannize over the monarch.
 
 ( ASTLEllEAGH, CANNING, AND HUSKISSON. 
 
 233 
 
 rally, he only adhered to his Whig principles while out of place, and 
 became a Tory on his accession to power. But the politics of princes 
 and poets are seldom Avorth investigating ; whatever a King of England 
 may profess while heir-apparent, or whatever popular principles may 
 be held by a Whig lord while out of office, the only principles com- 
 patible with the borough system, and on which they can act on the 
 assumption of power, are those of Toryism — that is corruption and 
 intimidation; and this is no new discovery, since Mr. Pitt declared, 
 almost fifty years ago, that no honest man could carry on the govern- 
 ment without a reformed parliament. 
 
 In the choice of his ministers, as in other things, the king considered 
 his personal ease. At the commencement of the Regency, a slight 
 eflbrt was made to bring into the administration his early friends ; but, 
 finding them fastidious, pragmatical, and disposed to meddle in his 
 household establishment, the design was abandoned, and never again 
 seriously resumed. Castlereagh, Canning, Huskisson, and Sidmouth 
 were the most appropriate servants for a voluptuous monarch. These 
 men held no principles that could interfere with his most lavish desires; 
 their objects were limited to the enjoyment of power and its emoluments : 
 how little they cared about the general weal may be instanced in the 
 fact that, though they managed the affairs of the empire during a long 
 period of profound peace, they never set about reforming the most 
 glaring and admitted abuses in its public administration, not even en- 
 deavouring to reform the currencv, economize the expenditure, reduce 
 the debt, improve the laws, nor the commercial system, for even that 
 originated in another quarter. Their object was only to carry on the 
 government and enjoy the spoil, and this they were ready to do by the 
 aid of any shallow and temporarv' expedient, totally regardless of the 
 ultimate loss and misery it might entail upon the country. There is one 
 event connected with Canning deserving of notice, since it evinced both 
 discernment and firmness of mind in the sovereign. When the poor 
 drivelling statesmen, Eldon, Bathurst, and Melville — the Polignacs 
 and Peyronnets of the cabinet — refused to act with Mr. Canning as 
 First Lord of the Treasury, as much, we believe, from personal jealousy 
 as aversion to his more liberal ideas, the king stood manfully and mag- ' 
 nanimously by his minister; and it is due to some of the Whigs to say, 
 that they did not refuse their aid in the moment of peril. Mr. Canning- 
 was the best of his set, but not to be greatly admired for his patriotism : 
 he was clever and accomplished, but a political adventurer merely, 
 whose polar star was his own aggrandizement ; had he lived, he would 
 not, we apprehend, have been long premier, and, before his death, he 
 evinced symptoms that shoAved he would prove neither a very useful nor 
 very profound statesman. 
 
 It is not our intention to enter into any personal history or delineation 
 of George IV. ; for, in truth, we have nothing to communicate on these 
 points but what is known to all the world. He always appeared to us to 
 afford a striking confirmation of La vateii's theory — his physiogutuny 
 and conduct being in such admirable keeping. Some have imagined a
 
 234 CHAUACTER OF I.ATE UEIGNS. 
 
 resemblance between him and the Emperor Tiberius. f5oth disappointed 
 the expectations formed of them previous to their accession to power. 
 One lived secluded from the sight of his subjects at the island of Capri ; 
 the other at Windsor. Women, wine, and mere sensual indulf^ence 
 formed their chief employment and amusement. Neither of them knew 
 hoiu to forgive, 'oxiAhoih. were implacable in personal resentments. The 
 persecution, by the King, of the unfortunate Caroline, and all who 
 supported her, was mean, ungenerous, and unrelenting. His love of 
 dress and etiquette was coxcomical, and detracted from the regal dignity. 
 His love of seclusion is not difficult to explain : George IV. was a 
 spoiled child, who, through life, had been accustomed only to do what 
 ministered to his own gratification. In his latter days, neither his 
 vanity nor desii'es were likely to be flattered by a frequent appearance in 
 public ; age had deteriorated his charms and enfeebled his powers, and 
 to mingle among the " high-born dames" of the aristocracy, to select 
 an object to whom to cast the royal handkerchief, was not among his 
 urgent necessities. 
 
 To conclude: "God is just in all his ways!" George IV., Lord 
 Castlereagh, Mr. Canning, and Mr. Huskisson are all gathered to their 
 fathers, and will soon be forgotten. They lived for themselves, and 
 the public will not cherish any lasting or grarteful remembrance of 
 their memories. The monarch expired on a chaise jiercee — what a 
 death-bed for an " exquisite .'" Lord Castlereagh perished by his own 
 hands. Mr. Canning, after indulging in some unseasonable jokes on 
 the infirmities of poor Ogden — of which no doubt he repented — died of 
 internal inflammation. Mr. Huskisson's death was deplorable. But 
 what ought we to learn from these catastrophes ? — Neither to envy the 
 great, nor refuse sympathy to the unfortunate ! 
 
 CIVIL LIST ACCOUNTS. 
 
 No. I. 
 
 Expenditure in the Department of the Lord Steward of his late Majesty's 
 Household. — Pari. Paper, No. 17, Sess. 1830. 
 
 1820. 1823. 1826. 1829. 
 
 £ £ £ £ 
 
 Bread 1,422 .. 1,377 .. 1,946 .. 2,565 
 
 Kutter, Bacon, Cheese, and Eggs 2,405 . . 2,507 . . 4,204 . . 4,209 
 
 Vegetables 307 .. 382 .. 540 .. 079 
 
 Butcher's Meat 5,785 .. 4,741 .. 7,132 .. 7,283 
 
 Poultry 3,407.. 2,024.. 3,315.. 2,922 
 
 Fish 1,708 .. 1,574 .. 1,019 .. 1,325 
 
 Ale and Beer 2,491.. 2,438.. 2,746.. 2,406 
 
 "Wax Candles 3,011 .. 3,021 .. 3,092.. 3,813 
 
 TiiUow Candles 989 .. 003 . . 055 .. 720 
 
 Grocery 2.414.. 2,714.. 2,086.. 3,222 
 
 24,059 22,041 28,001 29,20-4
 
 CiVIL LIST ACCOUNTS. 
 
 235 
 
 £ 
 
 Drought over 24,059 
 
 Oiiory 1,518 
 
 Fruit and Confectionary (J22 
 
 Milk and Cream 718 
 
 AV'ines, Liqueurs, Spirits, i\iineral M a- 
 
 ters, Corks, Bottles, 6<;c 8,732 
 
 i^amps 7 ,0;tO 
 
 Washing Table Linen 1,702 
 
 Fuel 7,ll>4 
 
 Stationary 628 
 
 Turnery 2l)G 
 
 IJraziery, Ironmongery, and Cutlery . . 3()7 
 
 China, Earthenware, and Glass l,(j 11 
 
 Linen 3,:U7 
 
 The Royal Gardens 19,831 
 
 Maunday Expenses 283 
 
 Royal Yachts 1 ,107 
 
 H. "r. K. the Duke of Cumberland — 
 
 Board Wages to Servants 3,111 
 
 Travelling Expenses of ditto 480 
 
 Allowance for Table Beer 008 
 
 Salaries to Extra Servants, pay of hired 
 
 Assistants, &c 1 ,354 
 
 Board Wages to Yeomen of the Guard 2,230 
 Compensation in lieu of Articles for- 
 merly issued in kind 5,542 
 
 Sundries and Disbursements 12,495 
 
 £ 
 
 22,041 
 
 1 ,G0() 
 
 521 
 
 725 
 
 4,480 
 
 «,580 
 
 1 ,805 
 
 7,478 
 
 445 
 
 251 
 
 730 
 
 494 
 
 2 
 
 13,782 
 
 274 
 
 387 
 
 319 
 
 3,28G 
 
 3G1 
 
 427 
 
 2,004 
 2,315 
 
 3,549 
 7,492 
 
 £ 
 2 i,G01 
 1,134 
 
 445 
 1,04G 
 
 6,539 
 
 5,J84 
 
 2,290 
 
 6,314 
 
 572 
 
 272 
 
 093 
 
 l,04ii 
 
 34 
 
 15,187 
 
 274 
 
 3,283 
 318 
 4^9 
 
 1,900 
 2,230 
 
 3,183 
 8,213 
 
 £ 
 
 29,264 
 
 1,446 
 
 1,056 
 
 1,246 
 
 7,161 
 
 6,758 
 
 2,582 
 
 7,6(»5 
 
 697 
 
 340 
 
 769 
 
 860 
 
 337 
 
 13,309 
 
 272 
 
 3,313 
 3.57 
 301 
 
 2,622 
 
 2,230 
 
 2,783 
 8,212 
 
 Amount paid in each year 104,789 81,372 88,210 93,597 
 
 Board of Green Cloth, \5th Sept., 1830. 
 
 THOMAS MARRABLE. 
 
 No. II. 
 
 Expenditure incurred in the Department of his late Majesty's Robes. 
 
 1H20 £3,513 2i 
 
 1821 5,249 16 11 
 
 1822 4.G25 12 5 
 
 18::3 4,632 18 10^ 
 
 1824 G,I52 6 3^ 
 
 1825 4.773 15 2 
 
 1826 5,687 15 8 
 
 1827 6,819 19 6 
 
 1828 5,955 18 3 
 
 1829, ending 5th January, 1830 6,673 17 5 
 
 Office of Robes, Uth Sept. 1830. 
 
 TIM. BRENT.
 
 236 
 
 civil, LIST ACCOUNTS. 
 
 No. III. 
 
 Expenditure of the Master of tlie Horse's Department. 
 
 1820. 
 £ 
 
 Liveries 7,729 
 
 Forage 0,556 
 
 Farriery 1,566 
 
 Horses 0,082 
 
 Carriages 8,354 
 
 Harness 798 
 
 Saddlery 2,053 
 
 Bitts and Spurs 181 
 
 Whips 129 
 
 Lamps, Gaslights, 6<.c 505 
 
 Coals and V/ood 838 
 
 Stationary 99 
 
 Turnery Articles 152 
 
 Candies and Soap 105 
 
 Washing 120 
 
 Ironmongery , 48 
 
 Allowances for Lodging — 
 
 Sundry other small expenses* 637 
 
 Travelling expenses and disbursenientst 1,600 
 
 Post horses 649 
 
 King's Plates 2,126 
 
 Stud Bills 6,705 
 
 Hunt Ditto 3,054 
 
 Treasury and Exchequer Fees 586 
 
 51,932 
 Deduct Proceeds of useless Horses sold 915 
 
 Net Expense 51,017 
 
 Master of the Horse's Office, 1st Sept. 1830. 
 
 1823. 
 
 1826. 
 
 1829. 
 
 f 
 
 £ 
 
 £ 
 
 7,530 . 
 
 . 9,057 . 
 
 7,560 
 
 5,010 . 
 
 . 6,368 . 
 
 6,308 
 
 906 . 
 
 . 1,103 . 
 
 1,217 
 
 5,392 . 
 
 . 5,687 . 
 
 3,246 
 
 944 . 
 
 . 3,782 . 
 
 4,029 
 
 472 . 
 
 785 . 
 
 702 
 
 1,820 . 
 
 817 . 
 
 1,906 
 
 48 . 
 
 117 . 
 
 143 
 
 135 . 
 
 133 . 
 
 165 
 
 580 . 
 
 . 1,012 . 
 
 1,10H 
 
 1,076 . 
 
 . 1,299 . 
 
 1,251 
 
 53 . 
 
 48 . 
 
 57 
 
 208 . 
 
 190 . 
 
 196 
 
 158 . 
 
 172 . 
 
 167 
 
 121 
 
 132 . 
 
 140 
 
 105 . 
 
 05 . 
 
 79 
 
 439 . 
 
 367 , 
 
 477 
 
 576 . 
 
 607 . 
 
 649 
 
 1,487 . 
 
 . 1,984 . 
 
 1,701 
 
 652 . 
 
 . 1,488 . 
 
 1,130 
 
 2,126 . 
 
 . 2,330 . 
 
 2,338 
 
 621 . 
 
 . 1,666 . 
 
 1,196 
 
 3,673 . 
 
 . 4,313 . 
 
 4,588 
 
 400 . 
 
 494 . 
 
 641 
 
 34,532 
 
 44,024 
 
 40,991 
 
 2,179 
 
 2,856 
 
 1,226 
 
 32,353 
 
 41,168 
 
 39,768 
 
 R 
 
 W. SPEARMAN. 
 
 No. IV. 
 
 An Account of the Application of the Monies paid from Admiralty 
 Droits, Gibraltar Duties, and other Funds than Civil List, at the 
 disposal of the Crown, between 1820 and 1830. 
 
 £ 
 
 The expenses of his late Majesty's journey to Ireland 58,261 
 
 Ditto ditto to Scotland 21,439 
 
 Ditto ditto to Hanover 13,206 
 
 92,906 
 
 * These expenses are such as water-rent, pew-rent, sand, wheeler's work, 
 sweeping chimneys, blacking, spirits of wine, and in short all articles not in- 
 cluded in the foregoing heads. 
 
 t The disbursements included in the charge for travelling expenses are 
 those of the clerks of the stables, for women employed to clean the stable-ser- 
 vants' rooms, make the beds, ^.c. and the allowances to servants in lieu of hair- 
 powder, wigs, and silk stockings.
 
 PENSIONS OF THE ROYAL 1 •AMIl.'S. 237 
 
 £ 
 
 Brought over 92,900 
 
 The expense of filling up the state rooms at St. James's 54,947 
 
 The expense of certain repairs to tlie Royal Lodge in Windsor Great Park 1 l,9G6 
 
 The expense of repairing the stables at Brighton 7,113 
 
 The expense of furnishing tiie Royal Mews at Pimlico 10,083 
 
 The amount issued to liis late Majesty's privy purse 86,573 
 
 The amount issued by his late Majesty's command as contributions to 
 
 charities 17,648 
 
 The expense of furniture purchased for Windsor Castle 10,000 
 
 The expense incurred on account of the visit of the Queen of Wirtemberg 16,200 
 The expense of lifting up the apartments of his present Majesty as Duke 
 
 of Clarence 9,166 
 
 The amount advanced to the executors of H. R. H. the Duke of York . . 6,440 
 
 326,055 
 
 Of the foregoing Amount, there was applied, — 
 
 To Privy Purse « 86,573 
 
 To Charities 1 7,648 
 
 Services conducted by the Lord Chamberlain 11 0,024 
 
 Lord Steward 46,956 
 
 jNlaster of the Horse 14,459 
 
 Office of Works 22,080 
 
 For the Journey to Hiinover 13,206 
 
 Expenses of Yachts, Pursuivants, £cc. connected with the Journeys to 
 
 Ireland and Hanover 1,011 
 
 For expenses connected with the Joui-ney to Ireland, incurred by the 
 
 Irish Government o 7,653 
 
 To the Executors of H. R. H. the Duke of York 6,440 
 
 £326.055 
 
 ^\'hitehall. Treasury Chambers, ) GEO R DVWSON 
 
 26th October, 1830. i 
 
 No. V. 
 
 ROYAL FAiMILY. ^ 
 
 Return of all Sums of Money paid from the consolidated Fund to the 
 several Branches of the Royal Family, exclusive of the Civil List. — 
 Pari. Paper, No. 186, Sess. 1831. 
 
 Pension. Granted. 
 
 Duchess of Kent 6,000.. 58 Geo. III. 
 
 Princess Victoria for education 0,000. . Gio. IV. • 
 
 • By an act of the Session of 1831 an additional annuity of £10,000 is granted 
 to the Duchess of Kent; £4000 thereof to be paid during the life of her royal 
 highness, and £6000 during the life of the Princess Victoria. 
 
 The provision for the queen, by 1 and 2 Will. IV., c. 11, in case she survive.t 
 the king, is an annuity of £100,000; also Marlborough House and the ranger- 
 ship of I?u3hy Park.
 
 23(S nvii, r.isT accounts. 
 
 Duke of Cumbcrlaiul 0,000.. J J? ^eo' III! 
 
 mt >v«..|'j;;:°;n.'.' 
 
 Prince George for education 0,000 . . Geo. IV. 
 
 Duke of Sussex «.«00. • } ^? g^"; "I.- 
 
 »'"o lo,000.. j , Oeo.lV. 
 
 Duke of Cambridge 0,000 • • s ^j q^q" j [ [] 
 
 Itr nni, H^ GCO. III. 
 
 Ditto 0,000.. 1 Geo. IV. 
 
 Duke of Gloucester 14,000. . [ J^ qH' \\\[ 
 
 Duchess of Gloucester 9,000.. 52 Geo. III. 
 
 T.-.* A nnrt 5 50 Geo. III. 
 
 »>«o 4,000.. J iGeo.IV.* 
 
 Princess Elizabeth of Hesse Hombourg 9,000. . 52 Geo. III. 
 
 T^-.. 1 nnn 5 50 Geo. III. 
 
 D'tto 4,000.. J iGeo.iv. 
 
 Princess Augusta 9,000.. 52 Geo. III. 
 
 T«w 4 r.ftA fSG Geo. III. 
 
 I^'"« 4.000.. I iGeo.IV. 
 
 Princess Sophia 9,000.. 52 Geo. III. 
 
 !>"'» ".«»«•• {1g:°;!v: 
 
 Prince Leopold 50,000.. 50 Geo. III. f 
 
 Princess Sophia of Gloucester 7,000 • • ) 47 (^go III! 
 
 Total £210,000 
 
 No. VI. 
 
 WINDSOR CASTLE AND BUCKINGHAM PALACE. 
 
 Windsor Castle. 
 Expenditure for the building, which has already 
 
 received the sanction of parliament £594,000 
 
 Additional sum which has been sanctioned for 
 
 additional works by the report of the select 
 
 committee in 1830, is 177,000 
 
 For the building 771,000 
 
 • In case of the demise of any of the four princesses, or upon the marriage of 
 any one of them, on the payment of a marriage poi-tion of £40,000, the interest 
 of such princess so dying or being married shall cetise, and the annuity of 
 £30,000 shall accrue and remain in the three other princesses ; but none of the 
 above princesses can receive more than £ 12,000 each, under the provisions of 
 the Act 52 Geo III. c. 57, s. 2. 
 
 The Duchess of Gloucester and the Princess of Hesse Hombourg receive, in 
 addition to their annuities out of the consolidated fund, a pension of £1000 
 each out of the 4^ per cent. Leeward Island duties. — Purl. Paper, No. 284, 
 Hess. 1831. 
 
 f Prince Leopold resigned his pension in July, on accepting the crown of 
 Belgium ; stipulating for annuities for his servants, and the keeping up of 
 Claremout House.
 
 WINDSOR CASTLE AND BUCKINGHAM PALACT".. 239 
 
 Amount already granted for furniture, is .... £207,000 
 
 Furllicr amount required 13,070 9 2 
 
 For furniture . . 280,070 9 2 
 
 Tlie amount v/Iiich has been already granted 
 
 for tlie purchase of land and houses, is 33,500 
 
 Total sum required 1,08 J, 170 9 2 
 
 Tiie amount already granted being 891,500 
 
 There is still required 19>),070 9 2 
 
 On account of whic-h it is proposed to grant 
 in 1831, for the building as recommended by 
 tiie select committee of 1830 50,000 
 
 To pay the charge ah*eady incurred for furni- 
 ture beyond the grant 3,070 9 2 
 
 For furniture required for new rooms 10,000 
 
 03,070 9 2 
 
 Leaving to be granted in future years, according 
 
 to the report of the select committee of 1830 127,000 
 
 Buckingham Palace. 
 
 The amount required towards defraying the 
 
 charge incurred of debt for work, done and 
 
 contracts made prior to the appointment of 
 
 the select committee in 1831, is 100,000 
 
 Windsor Castle, as above 03,070 9 2 
 
 To be granted in 1831 103,070 9 2 
 
 Whitehall Treasury Chambers, 7 r> i- in »- ^,. 
 
 27th September, 1831. J Parhamentanj Paper, Ao. 271. 
 
 No. VII. 
 
 Ancient Payments heretofore charged on the Civil List of Eng^land, 
 Ireland, and Scotland, but now payable out of the Consolidatoil 
 Fund: with Notes on the Origin of some of these Annuities. 
 
 The Clerk of the Hanaper (expenses) 2,0;)0 
 
 The Chief Justice in Eyre, NorthofTrent 2,110 10 
 
 The Chief Justice in Eyre, South of Trent 2,155 10 10 
 
 The Chief Justices in Eyre are to be abolished on tlie ex- 
 l)iration of existing interests. 
 
 INhister of the Hawks 1,372 10 
 
 King James II. by Letters Patent, dated 5th July, in the 
 third year of his reign, granted to Charles Duke of St. 
 Alban's, and the heirs male of his body, the ollices of master 
 and keeper of the Hawks of his said IVIajesty, his heirs 
 and successors, after tiie decease of Thomas Felter and 
 William Chidinch, who then held those odices, and with 
 the same allowances as were enjoyed by tliem, vi/. .-fSO ])er 
 month of twenty-eight days, and lOs. a day ; and, also, £800 
 per annum, that is, .f 50 per aiiiium each for four Falconers, 
 and £000 for the pro\isiou and maintenauce of Hawks; 
 in all, £1,372 : 10s.
 
 89 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 ,230 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 851 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 95 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 13 
 
 8 
 
 37 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 37 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 379 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 189 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 13 
 
 8 
 
 37 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 37 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 379 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 189 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 IG 
 
 10 
 
 240 CIVIL LIST ACCOUNTS. 
 
 Kecijor of the Lions in the Tower, including extra itllowaticc fur £ n. d. 
 
 tlie maintenance of the animals 435 10 3 
 
 / The King having presented the Tower iSIenagcrie to the 
 
 Zoological Society, the public, in future, will be saved the 
 
 salary of the keeper; also the charge for extra allowance 
 
 to tlie animals. 
 
 Knight Harbinger (lo cease on expiration of the existing interest) 140 13 5 
 
 Keeper of the Tennis Courts (to cease on expiration of existing 
 
 interest) 
 
 Keeper of Records, Tower, including Clerks 1,230 
 
 Keeper of Records, Court of Exchequer 
 
 Mayor, Aldermen, and SheriflTs of London, for Imposts on Wine 
 University of Oxford; viz. 
 
 For a Preacher perpetuity ■ 
 
 Professor of Divinity ditto 
 
 — Law d itto 
 
 — Physic ditto 
 
 — History ditto 
 
 — Botany ditto 
 
 University of Cambridge ; viz. 
 
 On a perpetuity 
 
 For a Preacher 
 
 Professor of Divinity 
 
 — Law 
 
 — Physic 
 
 — History 
 
 — Botany 
 
 Emanuel College, Cambridge, perpetuity 
 
 These university endov.ments are royal grants, the earliest 
 instituted by Margaret, countess of Richmond, mother of 
 Henry VIL The professorships of history were established 
 by George I. and the professorships of botany by George 
 III. 
 
 Dean and Chapter of Lichfield, perpetuitj' 
 
 Vicar of Lichtield 
 
 Master of the Temple 
 
 Reader at Hampton Court Chapel 
 
 Fellows of Eaton, perpetuity 
 
 Dean and Chapter of Westminster, for French Ministers, Savoy 
 
 Ministers, Isle of Man 
 
 Charles II. by Letters Patent, in the 27th year of his 
 reign, granted an annuity of £100, to be paid for ever, to 
 the poor Ministers of the Isle of JMan, out of the Heredi- 
 tary Excise. 
 
 Bishop of Chester, for four Preachers 187 14 
 
 Queen Elizabeth established four Preachers in the county 
 of Lancaster, to be nominated by the Bishop of Chester for 
 the time being. Letters of Privy Seal have been issued 
 at the conmiencement of each reign ever since for the 
 payment of £200 per annum to the Bishop of Chester, for 
 the use of these Preachers. 
 
 Vicar of the Tower perpetuity 
 
 Minister of St. Botolph, Aldgate ditto 
 
 Churchwardens of St. John the Baptist, for the Poor, perpetuity 
 
 Ditto St. Michael, Cornhill ditto ditto.". 
 
 Ditto St. Magnus ditto ditto.. 
 
 Schoolmaster of Southwell, perpetuity 
 
 Corporation of Dartmouth . . . .ditto 
 
 The first grant to this Corporation was dated A.D. 14S1 ; 
 
 G 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 17 
 
 3 
 
 26 
 
 3 
 
 7 
 
 38 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 39 
 
 3 
 
 8 
 
 42 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 93 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 3 
 
 19 
 
 1 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 37 
 
 1 
 

 
 ANriENT CnAR(;E.S ON CIVIL LIST. 241 
 
 it was for the building (if a strong Tower, and for the fur- 
 nishing and keeping in repair a chain to secure the 
 harbour. 
 
 Major of ;MaccIesfieId 35 1 G 
 
 Macclesfield is a Chapelry in the large Parish of Prest- 
 bury. Tlie Chapel was built by Edward I. and endowed 
 by Edward VI. with £50 : G : 8 per annum for ever. James 
 I. in consideration of the smallness of the stipend, added 
 ±,'50 per annum during pleasure. The grant has been 
 renewed at the commencement of each reign, by letter 
 patent, directing £50 yearly to be paid to the ^layor for 
 a" preacher to instruct the people of the town of INIaccles- 
 fieM and the neighbouring villages in the true knowledge 
 of God according to the doctrine of t!ie Church of En- 
 gland." 
 
 Corporation of Lyme Regis 
 
 Ditto for repairing the Pier 
 
 Corporation of Berwick, for repairing a bridge over the Tweed.. 
 
 Christ's Plospital 
 
 College of St. David's 
 
 Representative of Sir John Hynde Cotton, perpetuity 
 
 Heirs of Colonel Fairfax ditto 
 
 A grant of (;harles II. dated in 1G60, and originally 
 charged ou the Custom Duties of Hull. 
 
 Heirs of Nicholas Yrttes, perpetuity 79 11 G 
 
 A grant of James 11. to Nicholas Yates and his heirs, 
 in consideration of Francis Yates and Margaret his wife, 
 having been particularly instrumental in the preservation 
 of King Charles II. from the hands of tlie Rebels after 
 the battle of M'orcester, and not having received any marks 
 of favour, by reason that the said Francis died soon after 
 the Restoration, leaving his son Nicholas an infant. 
 
 05 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 1)5 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 93 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 300 
 
 I 
 
 3 
 
 400 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 19 
 
 11 
 
 71 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 IKISII CIVIL LIST. 
 
 Clerk of the Crown and Hanaper 
 
 Deputy ditto 
 
 Constable of tlie Fort of Hillsborough (hereditary)* 
 
 Master of tlie Riding House 
 
 Physician to the Stale 
 
 Surgeon to the State 
 
 INlaster and Composer of Music 
 
 Deputy ditto 
 
 Attendant on Halls 
 
 Kettle Drummer 
 
 Serjeiint Trumpeter 
 
 5 Trumpeters at £17 : 7 each 
 
 7 Violins at 17 : 7 each 
 
 2 Tenors at 17 : 7 each 
 
 2 Hautboys at 17:7 eacli 
 
 2 French Horns at 17 : 7 each 
 
 4 Bass Viols at 17:7 each 
 
 Dulcimer 
 
 Tv-C. 
 
 12 
 
 4 
 
 9(i 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 21G 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 liOit 
 
 
 
 
 
 325 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 3-25 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 88 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 88 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 91 
 
 16 
 
 4 
 
 61 
 
 16 
 
 4 
 
 61 
 
 16 
 
 4 
 
 8G 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 121 
 
 9 
 
 t) 
 
 34 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 34 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 34 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 69 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 8 
 
 * All charges on the Irish Civil List which follow this, expire on the cessalioa 
 of existing interests. 
 
 II
 
 2GG 
 
 10 
 
 4 
 
 535 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 132 
 
 16 
 
 4 
 
 39 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 39 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 47 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 02 
 
 G 
 
 4 
 
 242 CIVIL LIST ACCOUNTS. 
 
 Usher to Council Chamber 
 
 House and Wardrobe Keeper, Dublin Castle < 
 
 Assistant ditto 
 
 Housekeeper of the Phoenix Lodge 
 
 Inspector and Director of the Gardens, ditto 
 
 The Chief Chamberlain 
 
 Chief Serjeant at Arms 
 
 Second ditto 35-1 17 8 
 
 Clerk of the Council 1,249 18 4 
 
 Compiler of Dublin Gazette 27G 18 8 
 
 Joint Solicitor in Great Britain 
 
 Keeper of Records, Birmingham Tower 
 
 Keeper of State Papers 
 
 Constable of the Castle of Dublin, including Lodgings 
 
 Constable of the Castle of Limerick 
 
 Constable of the Castle of Castlemain 
 
 Chairman of Committees, late House of Lords 1,332 
 
 3 Messengers, late House of Lords, at £G5 : 4 : 8 each 
 
 3 Doorkeepers. ditto 65:13 each 
 
 Housemaid 
 
 2 late Masters in Chancery, at £96 ; 4 each 
 
 Seneschal of his Majesty's Manors 
 
 Customer of Wexford > . . . c 
 
 Customer of Waterford 
 
 Searcher of ditto 
 
 Customer of Youghall and Dungarvan 
 
 Comptroller of Cork 
 
 Comptroller of Kinsale 
 
 Customer of Killybegs 
 
 Comptroller of ditto 
 
 Customer of Galway 
 
 Customer of Drogheda, Dundalk, and Carlingford 
 
 Searcher of Dundalk and Carlingford 
 
 Searcher of Carrickfergus 
 
 Searcher of Strangford and Donaghadee 
 
 Commissioner of the Board of Works 
 
 One other ditto 
 
 One other ditto 
 
 3G1 7 
 
 
 
 461 11 
 
 
 
 4G1 11 
 
 
 
 401 11 
 
 
 
 336 18 
 
 8 
 
 184 12 
 
 4 
 
 ,332 5 
 
 8 
 
 195 14 
 
 
 
 196 19 
 
 
 
 6 7 
 
 4 
 
 192 8 
 
 
 
 276 18 
 
 8 
 
 9 4 
 
 8 
 
 ]3 17 
 
 
 
 6 3 
 
 4 
 
 381 11 
 
 
 
 4G1 11 
 
 
 
 92 G 
 
 4 
 
 92 6 
 
 4 
 
 92 6 
 
 4 
 
 12 6 
 
 4 
 
 376 3 
 
 4 
 
 4 12 
 
 4 
 
 6 3 
 
 4 
 
 929 4 
 
 8 
 
 553 17 
 
 
 
 369 4 
 
 8 
 
 369 4 
 
 8 
 
 SCOTCH CIVIL LIST. 
 
 His Majesty's Commissioner to the General Assembly of the 
 
 Church of Scotland 
 
 The Hereditary Usher of the White Rod 
 
 Ten Chaplains at £50 each 
 
 Six Trumpeters at 16:16:4 each 
 
 Limner 
 
 Hereditary Keeper of the Palace of Holyrood House 
 
 Under Keeper of ditto 
 
 The Porter of the said Palace 
 
 Under Falconer 
 
 First Physician 
 
 Second Physician 
 
 Apothecary 
 
 Clock-maker 
 
 Master of the Wardrobe 
 
 First Underkeeper of ditto 
 
 1,950 
 
 
 
 
 
 242 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 500 
 
 
 
 
 
 100 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 276 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 45 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 50 
 
 
 
 
 
 37 
 
 15 
 
 G 
 
 50 
 
 
 
 
 
 97 
 
 
 
 
 
 50 
 
 
 
 
 
 40 
 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 53 
 
 
 
 
 
 .S7 
 
 10 
 

 
 ANCIENT CHARGES ON CIVIL LIST. 243 
 
 Second Underkeeper of Wardrobe 20 
 
 Deputy Keeper of Regalia 300 
 
 Clerk of the Stores 30 o 
 
 Historiographer 181 (* 
 
 Secretary to the Order of the Thistle 270 10 
 
 Dean of the Order of the Thistle 50 
 
 Usher to the Order of the Thistle 27 
 
 The Principal Masters and Professors of the University of St. 
 
 Andrew's 1,010 
 
 The Principal and Professors of the Marischall College in 
 
 Aberdeen 1,397 
 
 The University of Glasgow, for their Professors 1 ,360 
 
 The University of Edinburgh, for the Professors and for the 
 
 Botanic Garden and Museum 1,819 3 
 
 The Procurator for the Church, for defraying the charges of Church 
 
 afl'airs in Scotland, with the salaries of the Officers 1,100 
 
 Charities and bounties to such indigent and necessitous persons as 
 shall be approved of by the Barons of Exchequer in Scot- 
 land, and to be distributed amongst them quarterly; including 
 
 £120 as salary to the Almoner and Deputies 2,250 
 
 The General Assembly of the Church of Scotland 1,950 , 
 
 John James Edmonstone, Esq. retired allowance as late Sheriff 
 
 Depute of the Shire of Bute 138 5 
 
 King's Plate, to be ri;n for at Edinburgh 100 
 
 Ditto Royal Company of Archers, or Body Guard 20 
 
 Ditto Caledonian Hunt 100 
 
 For the Clerks of the Auditor, until the office shall be regulated 
 
 on the cessation of the existing interest 230 
 
 V/hifeliall, Treasury Chambers, } 
 30th March, 1831. i
 
 PRIVY COUNCIL, DIPLOMATIC MISSIONS, 
 
 CONSULAR ESTABLISHMENTS. 
 
 A BRIEF notice of these subjects will appropriately follow our preced- 
 ing exposition of the hereditary revenues and civil-list. The number 
 of members of the Privy Council is indefinite, and at the pleasure of 
 the king; the privy counsellors of William IV. amount to 192, com- 
 prising the royal dukes, the archbishops, the ministers, the chief officers 
 in the royal household, the heads of the law-courts, and all the principal 
 nobles and commoners who hold, or have held, the more important situa- 
 tions in the civil, military, and diplomatic service of the government. 
 They sit during life, or the life of the king who nominates them, sub- 
 ject to removal at his majesty's discretion. They are bound by oath to 
 advise the king, without partiality, aftection, and dread ; to keep his 
 council secret, to avoid corruption, and to assist in the execution of what 
 is there resolved. To assault, wound, or attempt to kill a pri^y coun- 
 sellor, in the execution of hisotiice, is felony. 
 
 Although the ostensible duties of the council are, to advise the king 
 in affairs of state, yet this duty is seldom discharged ; and a pri\y 
 counsellor, as such, is as little the adviser of the sovereign as a peer 
 of the realm, who is denominated the hereditary adviser of the Crown. 
 The really efficient and responsible advisers of the king are the ministers, 
 especially that portion of them constituting the cabinet. No privy 
 counsellor attends in council, unless expressly summoned for the occa- 
 sion ; and summonses are never sent except to those counsellors who, as 
 members of the administration, are in the immediate confidence of his 
 majesty. The privy council, then, is an institution of state, without 
 salaries and without duties ; and, as such, would require no notice in 
 this publication. Authors who amuse themselves and their readers in 
 describing that " shadow of a shade," the English constitution, make 
 a great parade of the grave functions and high privileg-es of " his ma- 
 jesty's most honourable privy council ;'' but practice is as widely dif- 
 ferent from theory, in respect of this, as in respect of the representative 
 branch of tiie government.
 
 EMOLUMENTS OF PRIVY roLNClI- 245 
 
 Altlioiigl) the privy council ex officio is little more than a nonentity, 
 yet, fiom extrinsic circumstances, it is a body of great interest, and 
 some account of it is strictly relevant to our purpose. Nearly the whole 
 of the privy counsellois do now, or have held important offices in the 
 state ; and, in consequence of these offices, have contrived to concen- 
 trate, in their own persons, a miscellany of pensions, salaries, sinecures, 
 and g'rants, which is almost incredible. The mass of taxes consumed 
 by George 111. and IV. having- been set forth, we may, as an appro- 
 priate sequel, set forth the mass of taxes annually consumed by those 
 " grave and reverend seignors," who were fortunate enough to enjoy 
 the greatest share of the favour and confidence of those monarchs. 
 
 Our task will be much abbreviated by the exposition, in the session 
 of 1830, of the present first lord of the admiralty. In a committee of 
 supply on the 14th of May, Siii Jamks Graham moved " for a return 
 of all salaries, profits, pay, fees, and emoluments, whether civil or 
 military, from the 5th of January, 1829, to the 5th of Januaiy, 1830, 
 held and enjoyed by each of his Majesty's most honourable Privy 
 Council, specifS'ing, with each name, the total amount received by each 
 individual, and distinguishing the various sources from which the same 
 is derived." After urging a variety of cogent arguments in support of 
 the propriety and utility of his motion. Sir James made the following 
 extraordinary statement, founded on documents in his possession, and 
 which statement was not contradicted. 
 
 " He had divided the Privy Counsellors into classes, excepting from each 
 the Royal Family, because they, having a certain income under the assignment 
 of Acts of Parliament, tliere was nothing mysterious about them ; and, in many 
 cases, these assignments had been made under the sanction of bills, which had 
 themselves undergone discussion in the House. He, therefore, excluded them 
 altogether from his calculations upon this occasion. The total number of Privy 
 Counsellors was HVJ, of whom 113 received public money. The whole sum 
 distributed annually amongst these 113 was £050,104, and t!ic average pro- 
 portion of that sum paid to each yearly was £.5,753. Of this total of £050,104, 
 £80,103 were for sinecures, £442,411 for active services, and £121,050 for 
 pensions, making toget;;er the total which lie had slated. Of the 113 Privy 
 Counsellors who were thus receivers of the public money, thirty were pluralists, 
 or persons holding more offices </ian ohc, whether as sinecurists or civil and niili- 
 tary oflicers. The amount received by the pluralists was £221,133 annually 
 amongst them all, or £7,331, upon an average, to each annually. The number 
 of Privy Counsellors who enjoyed full or half-pay, or were pens'oned as diplo- 
 matists, was twenty-nine, and the gross amount of their income from the public 
 purse was £120,175, or, upon an average, a yearly income to each individual of 
 £4,347 a year The whole number of Privy Counsellors who were members of 
 both Houses of Parliament was sixty-nine, and of those forty -teven were Peers, 
 whose gross income from the public ;mr«f m-<(.s £378,840, o», upon an average to 
 each, £8,000 a year. The remaining twenty-two were of the House of Com- 
 mons, and the gross amount of their receipts was £90,849, or, up(m an average 
 to each individual, £4, 128 a year. It appeared then that there were 113 Privy
 
 u& 
 
 FinVY (O UN CI I. 
 
 Counsellors receiving the public money, of whom sixty-nine were members of 
 either house of Parliament. He had already stated that sixty-nine were in the 
 receipt of public money by way of salary ; the total number of Privy Counsellors 
 in the House of Commons was thirty-one, and of these twenty-two were charf^ed 
 upon the public purse. In this analysis there might be some inaccuracj' ; but 
 if its accuracy were denied, his answer, short and conclusive, was — grant this 
 motion, and prove the error to the public satisfaction." 
 
 The motion was not granted ; in lieu of it the then chancellor of the 
 Exchequer substituted and carried a motion, of .his own, for a return 
 of salaries and emoluments above £250, held by all persons in the civil 
 departments of the United Kingdom. The honourable member had 
 moved for the return of the public emoluments of 169 individuals, and 
 Mr. Goulburn overwhelmed him with a return of 2000. It was serving 
 him, as Sir James remarked, when he called for a glass of wine, with 
 a glass of wine diluted with a bottle of water. 
 
 In fact, it was a complete avoidance of the object sought by the mem- 
 ber for Cumberland. Mr. Goulburn said it would be invidious to pro- 
 duce a return of the emoluments of the Privy Council alone. What ! 
 more invidious than to move for and obtain, as was the case in 1806, of 
 a return of tlie pensions and emoluments of the royal Dukes ! Or more 
 invidious than to seek and obtain, as Avas the casein 1822, a return of 
 the pensions and emoluments of the honourable members themselves ! 
 George IV. had often submitted to such invidious proceedings — his in- 
 come and expenditure too — the amount of his tailors' bills — his up- 
 holstery bills — the outgoings in his household — even down to the 
 consumption of pickles and potatoes — had all been sifted and over- 
 hauled, oftener than once, and no one thought it invidious. Receiving 
 annually a great mass of public money, which imposed a heavy burthen 
 on the people, they had a right to look into his majesty's affairs, just 
 in the same way as they had a right to look into the affairs of these 
 privy counsellors. But the chancellor of the Exchequer wished to 
 screen the most honourables, by mixing them up with the clerks, and 
 tidewaiters, and other subalterns, who serve not so much for present 
 pay, as the hope of obtaining higher and more lucrative appointments. 
 It was a dextrous diversion of the enemy's attack, worthy of the sublime 
 genius who framed the Irish Tithe Composition Act. Precisely the 
 same manoeuvre is resorted to by the apologists of the ecclesiastical 
 establishment to conceal the enormous revenues of the clergy. They 
 have a great repugnance to giving separate statements of the incomes 
 of the bishops, the dignitaries, and aristocratic pluralists ; they like to 
 see them all lumped together, those with high connexion and in- 
 fluence, and those with none, — and then, after exaggerating their num- 
 bers two-fold, they call upon you to look and sympathize at the miser- 
 able pittance allotted to the sor.s of IVIother Church ! But this will 
 not do. It is not the average but the disproportion that shocks public 
 fee'-ing. A friendless incumbent or poor clerk cannot make his miser- 
 able stipend go a jot farther in the purchase of the necessaries of life, 
 because there is some court bishop or court judge with ten or twenty
 
 SALARIES OF AMBASSADORS 
 
 247 
 
 thousand a year. What the community revolts at is the total burthen 
 imposed by the whole number of spiritual and lay placemen, chiefly by 
 the exorbitant emoluments of a few favoured individuals. 
 
 The first lord of the admiralty never published a list of the cormo- 
 rants of the Privy Council, many of whom still continue members of that 
 august body, in the full enjoyment of their ' blushing: honours ;' but, as 
 they have ceased to exercise the same influence on national affairs since 
 the accession of the Whig ministry, it is unnecessary to notice them here 
 individually, and we shall content ourselves with recording their names 
 in our Place and Pension List, 
 
 AMBASSADORS AND DIPLOMATIC MISSIONS. 
 
 There is, we will venture to aflSrm, no branch of our multifarious 
 civil services which required to be more keenly investigated, and more 
 unsparingly cut down than our foreign embassies. The WHiigs have 
 paired off a little of the exuberance of these dazzling employments; 
 but their reductions ought to have been carried still lower. The embassy 
 to the court of France is still continued at £l 1,400 ayear, independently 
 of a splendid house to live in, bought with the public money ; that to 
 Russia as much, with £1000 a year additional for house rent; to 
 Austria, £11,050; to Turkey, £7,350; to Spain, £7,350; and the 
 ministers to the new states of America have £4,000 ayear and upwards : 
 and these exclusive of allowances for outfits, for presents, for the charge 
 of journeys to and fro, for postage, for mourning-dresses, for birth-day 
 fetes, for illuminations, or any other casual outgoing. No other country 
 makes such extravagant allowances to her ministers. Few native 
 noblemen of any of the courts here enumerated are able to vie, in 
 household expense, with men possessing such princely incomes ; and it 
 cannot be politic in England to place her representatives in a point of 
 view so invidious towards the communities among which they sojourn. 
 In fact, it is said that hints have, at various times, been transmitted 
 to the government of this country upon the annoyance which is often 
 felt abroad at the unequalled revenues allowed by Great Britain to her 
 diplomatists at foreign courts, for the support of what she calls her 
 dignity. Now, the best kind of national dignity is that which renders 
 justice, and demands it — that which is upheld by the urbanity and 
 knowledge of the public officers who represent their nation amongst 
 foreigners ; and, after the common decencies of respectable life have 
 been furnished, little if any thing is gained, by mere extravagance 
 and ostentation, to the interests or dignity of a great people. America 
 allows her envoys and plenipotentiaries about £2000, and secretaries of 
 legation £3"21 per annum; and her dignity and interests are adequately 
 sustained and represented. 
 
 Nothing, indeed, can be plainer than if men of a high order of 
 talents, but of private station in society, were to be selected for foreign 
 missions, two good effects would follow. The national business would 
 be incomparably better done, and the extravagance of the diploni.itic
 
 248 AMBASSADORS AND DIPLOMATIC AflSSlONS. 
 
 service might be corrected without a murmur. It is far otherwise when 
 men of noble birth but mean capacity, make love to the appointment, 
 and are chosen : that is the secret of our vast expenditure in diplomacy. 
 The borough system has been at the bottom of this al)use, as of every 
 other ; and if the puppets of that system did not always succeed in 
 shiittinp,- the doors of Parliament against popular representatives, it is 
 ceitain that they kept the representation of the sovereign elsewhere very 
 snug-ly and comfortably to themselves. 
 
 In the whole range of the public seiTice, nothing accords so well 
 with the taste and acquirements of the aristocracy as this vice-regal 
 mimicry and ostentation. The chief qualifications of an ambassador 
 are that he should be able to bow gracefully, be six feet high, of portly 
 presence, and keep a good table for the entertainment of absentee 
 lords and ladies ; as to real business, it is done by the secretaries : and 
 if any thing- extra occurs, there is a special mission for the purpose. 
 Some of the most famous jobs in the history of corruption have been 
 got up under the pretext of an embassy. Witness the mission of the 
 late Mr. Canning to Lisbon. It is Avell known that the son of this 
 gentleman was in a declining state of health, and required a milder 
 atmosphere; when the father was sent ambassador to Lisbon, where there 
 was actually/ no court, at an expense to the country of eighteen 
 thousand pounds. Again, in 1821, when a negotiation was on foot to 
 bring the Grenvilles into the administration, one of the stipulations 
 was, that a member of the family, Mr. Henry Wynn, should be sent 
 on a mission to Switzerland, with a salary of £4,000, and this large 
 allowance was justified on the pretext that it was necessary to enable 
 the minister to maintain a liberal hospitality towards his countrymen 
 abroad. And sure enough the hospitable disposition of this young gen- 
 tleman was soon called into exercise, for he had scarcely arrived at 
 his destination before his brotlier. Sir Watkin Williams Wynn, Lady 
 Harriet Williams Wynn, and eight more Wynns repaired to Berne, to 
 share the hospitalities of the generous youth, provided out of the taxes 
 of the people of England ! 
 
 But even these jobs are nothing to those perpetrated in the latter daj's 
 of Toryism, under the pretext of missions to South America, and to the 
 particulars of which we shall introduce the reader from a parliamentary 
 paper, No, 318, of the session of 1830. 
 
 As a sample of the enormous charge of these diplomatic missions, 
 we shall first cite the Mexican embassy. In the year 1825, Mr. Morier 
 received, for five months' service as Mexican commissioner, £3,655 
 salary, and £1,070 expenses. In the next year, the same gentleman 
 received, for three months' service, £3,594; making a total of £8,917 
 for eight months in two years. This, one would think, quite enough 
 for the cost of one mission, but it was not so : Mr. Ward, the second 
 'commissioner, received a much larger remuneration for the same ser- 
 vices, in the same year, in the same place. In 1825, this gentleman 
 received £10,920; in 182G, £5,.598 ; in 1827, £2,523, exclusive of 
 £825 passage-money, making, with other items, a charge of not less
 
 WAnD, CHAD, TURNKR, AND COCKBUUN. 249 
 
 tlian £19,808 for twenty-dve months' services of Mr. Ward alone. But 
 even this did not inchule the entire cost— there was a secretaiy attached 
 to the mission. This gentleman was a Mr Thompson, who charged 
 £100 per month salary for his services, and actually, in addition, asked 
 for compensation — for Avhat? Why, for his salary as clerk in the 
 Audit Office while he Avas absent on other duties. The same modest 
 officer also charged £1,607 for the cost of a trip to Guatemala, which 
 he fiincied to take. This made an entire charge of £31,857 in two 
 years for one mission to Mexico. 
 
 One object of Mr. Ward's mission, according to the explanation of 
 Mr. Goulburn, was to ascertain ichat the expense of these Sozith 
 American embassies mifjht he; and it must be allowed that ]\lr. Ward 
 went the right way to work to make them very comfortable »])poiut- 
 ments for his successors, by not fixing the standard at too m(;agre a 
 scale ; and if the gentlemen who succeed him can only get up a book 
 beside, as their predecessor has done, they will be very productive ex- 
 cursions indeed. 
 
 The next mission deserving- attention is that to Columbia. Our envoy 
 there was a Mr. Cockburn, who, in 1825, received an outfit of £3,000. 
 In 1826, he went to South America, landed at the Caraccas, and never 
 advanced to Bogota : he remained three weeks at the house of the 
 consul, and then returned. For this excursion, he received a year's 
 salary, £6,000 ; allowance for house rent, £600 ; expence of conveying 
 him out, £450. Next year he started again for Bogota, never reached 
 his destination, returned to London after an absence of seven months, 
 to announce his own movements instead of transmitting despatches in 
 the usual way, charging £3,376 for this trip. He thus crossed the 
 Atlantic twice, at the public expense, without ever penetrating to the 
 capital to which he was officially appointed ; he was the first year three 
 weeks in America, and the second nine weeks; and for his services 
 altogether he received £13,000. It might be thought after this we had 
 done with this gentleman, but something remains — he applied for 
 farther remimcration, and actually received £1,664 to " complete his 
 allowance;" and then this highly efficient envoy extraordinary rested 
 from his labours on a pension of £1,700 a year. 
 
 Next we come to Mr. Chad, who Avas recalled from Dresden, to pro- 
 ceed forthv.ith to Bocota. He got £1,666 for an outfit in the year 
 1828, together with £1,374; and in 1829, £2,062, although he never 
 left London. Mr. Turner got, in 1829, £2,500 for this sime mission, 
 besides a large sum for house-rent, he never having been in Columbia 
 at all ; and £528 for his voyage out. In this manner Mr. Cockburn 
 received £15,000 for going out, but never entering the capital ; Mr. 
 Chad got £5,002 for preparing to go out, but never going at all ; and 
 Mr. Turner, £4,955 for undertaking the voyage: whether this last 
 gentleman has arrived at his destination, or absconded, or deviated into 
 a more pleasant tour through Switzerland or Italy, does not appear. So 
 much for the Columbian mission. 
 
 Next let us advert to the mission to Buenos Ayres. The first on the 
 roll is Lord Ponsonby, who received an outfit of £2,500, salary £5,000,
 
 250 CONSULAR ESTARLISllMCNTS. 
 
 and an allowance for house-rent £500. These allowances are a little 
 extravagant, but his lordship, unlike the Chads and the Coekhums, 
 did arrive at his post. Wc cannot say the same of his successor, 
 Mr. Henry Fox, the near relation of a well-known duchv sinecurist 
 Mr. Fox received an outfit of £1,500 for Buenos Ayres, in 1828, 
 at the time he was in Italy, in the receipt of a salary; and, in 1829, 
 an advance of £1,000, though it did not appear, when the return 
 was made, he had yet taken a step towards his American journey. 
 There is similar profusion in the missions to Brazil and Panama, but the 
 instances we have cited are sutficient specimens of the lavish proceedings 
 in this branch of the foreign department. It is to be hoped our Whig 
 ministers, who shoAved up these doings with great gusto tohile out of 
 jilace, will not follow the profuse example of their predecessors in 
 oifice. 
 
 CONSULAR ESTABLISHMENTS. 
 
 These form minor diplomatic appointments, ostensibly established to 
 watch over the interests of commerce, assist and facilitate the trans- 
 actions of merchants in foreign parts. The duties being light, and the 
 remuneration considerable, they form a favourite branch of ministerial 
 patronage, and situations therein are mostly obtained by individuals 
 connected with the aristocracy or possessing parliamentaiy influence. 
 At present the chief objections to the consular establishments are their 
 superfluous number — the expenses they entail on the country in extra- 
 vagant salaries, pensions, and superannuations — and the unfitness of 
 many persons forced into the situation from the operation of the influ- 
 ence to w hich we have adverted. In the United States of America, for 
 example, we have eight consuls, besides consuls-general, enjoying 
 salaries of £800 a-year. Both in America and Europe the office 
 of consul-general is unnecessary; at all events such a functionary 
 might be dispensed with, where we had a regular ambassador and his 
 staii" at an enormous charge. Where, for instance, can be the utility or 
 necessity of having a consul-general in Paris ? We have an ambassa- 
 dor there, with a salary of £10,000 a-year, a secretary of the embassy, 
 and many other individual? attached to the legation in that city ; and 
 amongst them, no doubt, a fit individual might easily be found to do the 
 duty at a salary of £500 per annum, for discharging which the present 
 consul-general receives £1200. At Naples we have a consul-general, 
 w-ith £1200 a-year, when the whole trade of the kingdom, with all the 
 ports in the world, does not exceed £1,000,000 per annum. But then 
 the climate of Naples is salubrious, and it is sometimes convenient to 
 have a sinecure retreat there for an indolent official or satiated epicure 
 of the " higher orders " The consul-general at Washington has a 
 salary of £1600 a-year. This appears wholly indefensible. In dear 
 countries there is some necessity for high salaries to meet the increased 
 expenditure ; but in cheap countries like America there can be no pre- 
 text for an exorbitant allowance. £1600 a-year is equal to the salary of 
 the chief justice of the United States, and this amount is paid to a 
 consul-general — an officer who, in fact, has nothing to do.
 
 DIPLOMATIC PER CENTAGE ON COMMERCE. 
 
 251 
 
 A change of questionable utility was introduced in 1825, in the mode 
 of remunerating" consuls ; in lieu of payment by fees, fixed salaries 
 were substituted: but, under some pretext or other, fees still continue to 
 be exacted, and the charges altogether imposed by these functionaries 
 on commerce are very considerable. The money paid to the consuls of 
 Columbia alone amounts to a charge of four per cent, on the traffic car- 
 ried on between the two countries. The whole amount of our exports 
 and imports to South America is about eleven millions ; and our consular 
 and diplomatic establishments in these states cost £60,521, the former 
 £27,241 and the latter £33,100. In the trade with some states these 
 expenses arc particularly exorbitant. For instance, the consular and 
 diplomatic per-centagc on our trade with Mexico is £l : : 7, on that 
 with Guatemala £10 : 17 : 2; our exports and imports to the former 
 amounting- to £731,000, the diplomatic cost to £4,400, and the con- 
 sular expense to £3000 ; while our trade to Guatemala amounts only 
 to £13,813, and the consular expense is £1500. There is no neces- 
 sity for these charges, which result solely from negligence and abuse in 
 the foreign department, from extravagant salaries, from the appoint- 
 ment of consuls to places where none are required, and from the plural 
 appointments of consuls, vice-consuls, and consuls-general, when a single 
 individual would be amply sufficient for the discharge of official duty. 
 
 The little duty these gentlemen discharge may be inferred from the 
 fact that many hold other situations, apparently requiring their entire 
 personal attention, while others hold the appointment of consul in 
 America or distant parts of Europe, and reside constantly in the 
 metropolis. In 1792 the total charge of our diplomatic and consular 
 establishments, including pensions, amounted to £113,927; in 1829, 
 the same establishments cost £366,000 ; and the charge of the consular 
 department alone was £121,820, being nearly £8,000 more than the 
 charge of both establishments just before the French revolutionary war. 
 We shall conclude the chapter with subjoining a few documents ab- 
 stracted from parliamentary papers, Avhich will illustrate and authenticate 
 our previous exposition, and show the present state of this branch of the 
 national expenditure. 
 
 Salaries and Pensions to Ambassadors and Consuls. — Pari. Paper, 
 No. 305, Session 1830. 
 
 Year. 
 
 Salaries to 
 Ambassadors. 
 
 Salaries to 
 Consuls. 
 
 I'ensions to 
 
 RctiiTcl Torcign 
 
 ftlinisteis. 
 
 Pensions lo 
 Consuls. 
 
 Cliiuse for 
 Dijilomatists 
 and Consuls, 
 
 1822 
 
 £144,135 
 
 £30,070 
 
 £52,200 
 
 £1,190 
 
 £305,772 
 
 1823 
 
 130,360 
 
 29,740 
 
 52,503 
 
 1,030 
 
 332,153 
 
 1824 
 
 130,511 
 
 33,091 
 
 53,547 
 
 890 
 
 301,728 
 
 1 825 
 
 132,301 
 
 52,025 
 
 55,938 
 
 1,308 
 
 418,037 
 
 1 820 
 
 142,584 
 
 49,975 
 
 63,450 
 
 3,370 
 
 459,538 
 
 1827 
 
 132,553 
 
 51,100 
 
 02,318 
 
 3,370 
 
 412.159 
 
 1828 
 
 133,103 
 
 50, 20 
 
 50,772 
 
 4,270 
 
 407,117 
 
 1829 
 
 132.149 
 
 49,342 
 
 54,719 
 
 4,870 
 
 300,004 
 
 1 '•
 
 252 
 
 (niARGKS Ol' liMJSASSlKS. 
 
 SAhAniv.s cmd Alloivanccs for House-rent of Diplonidlic Scrvuiits 
 abroad. — Parliamentary Report, No. 337, Sess. 1831. 
 
 Allowance 
 for 
 Residence. Character. , Salary. House-rent 
 
 France. Ambassador £10,000 
 
 Secretary of Embassy 1,000 
 
 First Attache 400 
 
 Russia. Ambassador 10,000.. £1,000 
 
 Secretary of Embassy 1,000 
 
 First Attache 400 
 
 Austria. Ambassador 9,000.... 1)00 
 
 Secretary of Embassy 900 
 
 First Attache 250 
 
 Turkey. Ambassador 6,500 
 
 Secretary of Embassy 800 
 
 First Attaclie 250 
 
 Spain. Envoy and Min. Plenipo 6,000.... 500 
 
 Secretary of Legation 550 
 
 First Attache 250 
 
 Prussia. Envoy and Min. Plenipo 5,000.... 500 
 
 Secretary of Legation 650 .... 500 
 
 FirstAttache .T 250 
 
 Washington. Envoy and Min. Plenipo 4,500. . . . 500 
 
 Secretary of Legation 550 
 
 First Attache 200 
 
 Naples. Envoy and Min. Plenipo c 4,000 400 
 
 Secretary of Legation 500 
 
 First Attache •■ 
 
 Portugal. Envoy and Min. Plenipo 4,000.... 400 
 
 Secrelary of Legation 500 
 
 First Attache 
 
 Brazil. Envoy and Min. Plenipo 4,000 500 
 
 Secretary of Legation 550 
 
 First 7\.ttache 250 
 
 Holland. Envoy and Min. Plenipo 3,G00.... 400 
 
 Secretary of Legation 500 
 
 First Attache 
 
 Belgium. Envoy and Min. Plenipo 3,600.... 400 
 
 Secretary of Legation 500 
 
 First Attache — — 
 
 Sweden. Envoy 3,000.... 400 
 
 Secretary of Legation 500 
 
 Denmark. Envoy 3,000.... 400 
 
 Secretary of Legation 500 
 
 Bavaria. Envoy 3,600. . . . 500 
 
 Secretary of Legation 500 
 
 Sardinia. Envoy 3,600 500 
 
 Secretary of Legation 500 
 
 GcrtnanVitt. Min. Plenipo 2,600 300 
 
 Secretary of Legation 400 
 
 Attache und (ierman Translator 200 
 
 WurtimbHrg. Rlin. Plenipo 2,000. . . . 300 
 
 Secretary of Legation 400 
 
 Su.vonif. Min. Plenipo 2,000 300 
 
 Secretary of Legation 200 
 
 Carried forward £103,550 7,800
 
 RESOLUTIONS ON DIPLOMATIC CHARGES. 2.33 
 
 Allowance 
 for 
 Residence. Character. Salary. House rent 
 
 Brought forward £103,550 .. 7,800 
 
 Tuscany. Min. Plenipo 2,000.... 300 
 
 Secretary of Legation 400.... 300 
 
 Switzerland. Min. Plenipo 2.000. . . . 250 
 
 Secretary of Legation 400 
 
 Greece. Minister Resident 2,000.... 200 
 
 Secretary of Legation 400 
 
 Mexico. Min. Plenipo 3,(i00 400 
 
 Secretary of Legation <iOO 
 
 First Attache 200 
 
 (olumbin. Minister Plenipotentiary 3,000.... 400 
 
 Secretary of Legation (iOO 
 
 First Attache 300 
 
 Buenos Ay res. Minister Plenipotentiary 3,000. . . . 300 
 
 Secretary of Legation 500 
 
 Albania. Agent 1,000 
 
 Salaries £124,150 9,950 
 
 These salaries and allowances for rent are exclusive of charg-es for 
 outfit, journeys out, postage, and other incidental expenses, which swell 
 to a considerable amount the civil contingencies of the year. After 
 three, four, or seven years service, it has been usual to g'rant retiring- 
 pensions to foreign ministers of £2000 or £1.500 a-year; but from a 
 letter of Lord Palmerston's, dated August 31, 1831, it appears ministers 
 have determined to act on the following- resolutions of Sir H. Parnell's 
 finance committee of 1828:—" 1. That no person whatever shall bo 
 entitled to receive a diplomatic pension until the expiration of fifteen 
 years from the date of his first commission, nor unless he shall have 
 actually served ten years. 2. That no person shall be entitled to a pension 
 of the first class (£2,000 a-year), unless he shall have actuallv served 
 three years as ambassador at some foreign court. 3. That pensions to 
 envoys and ministers plenipotentiary at the greater courts shall not 
 exceed 1500 a-year, and shall not bo granted until after five years' 
 residence in that capacity at a foreign court, 4. That pensions to 
 envoys and ministers plenipotentiaiy at other courts, and to ministers, 
 shall not exceed £1 000 a-year after a similar period of residence, 
 5. And last, that pensions in the remaining class shall not exceed £800 
 a-year under the same conditions as to time of residence." — Parlia- 
 mcntanj Paper, No. 337, Scss. 1831.
 
 ARISTOCRACY. 
 
 Almost imperceptibly to ourseh'es, we are drawn through the different 
 departments of our undertaking in heraldic order: first, we explored 
 the Church in all its ramifications ; next the revenues of the Monarch ; 
 afterwards the monarch's chief council, and his representatives in the 
 persons of his ambassadors, envoys extraordinary, and ministers pleni- 
 potentiary ; and now we come to the Aristocracy, which, according to 
 the established rules of precedency, ought to follow the Clergy and the 
 Crown. 
 
 Before entering on the more serious details of our present subject, we 
 cannot help pausing a moment, on the threshold, to felicitate ourselves 
 and readers on the triumphs already achieved by the progress of know- 
 ledge. Three centuries are only a step in the history of nations, yet, 
 within that period, how many fictions of feudality and priestcraft have 
 been dissipated, and which are now only reverted to as sources of amuse- 
 ment, like the delusions of witchcraft and demonology. Only think of 
 the supremacy of the Clergy, in the fifteenth century, Avhen they 
 enjoyed almost impunity for every crime, by exemption from secular 
 jurisdiction. It strikingly demonstrates the influence of mind over 
 ignorance ; for ecclesiastics, at that era, as much excelled the laity in 
 mental attainments as in the magnitude of their possessions. Such 
 pre-eminence is either lost or fast disappearing : in science and in- 
 formation they are manifestly behind other classes of the commu- 
 nity ; their moral influence is insignificant ; the chief advantag-es they 
 retain are their revenues, and the permanent enjoyment of these not 
 being founded on any claim of right or social utility, public conviction 
 has decreed against them, and the general verdict waits only to be 
 carried into execution. 
 
 Among- the fictions of Regality the most preposterous was the claim 
 of divine right, Avhich has become too common place a drollery even for 
 mirth. Still it cannot be forgotten, that, so recently as the last of the 
 Stuaits, this dogma had many disciples, and some remains of this 
 singular faith are now to be found. An attempt has been made to 
 erect a new idol in the pretensions of Legitimacy : but, in an age of 
 discussion, imposture cannot long maintain its ground, and this was 
 soon trampled under foot. Previously to the introduction of this idola- 
 tiy, the English had shown their contempt for hereditary right by the 
 transfer of the crown to the Prince of Orange ; the French subsequently
 
 ANCIENT IMMUNITIES OF ARISTOCRACV. 255 
 
 by the expulsion of Charles X. and the adoption of Philip I. ; and the 
 non-interference of the European powers in the mighty movement of 
 1830 has put an everlasting seal on this species of secular supersti- 
 tion. 
 
 Let us next advert to the fictions of the Third Estate : by some acci- 
 dent the English Aristocracy have contrived to retain a greater propor- 
 tion of their ancient influence and endoviments than any other privi- 
 leged order of the community. The circumstances to which this may 
 be ascribed appear principally the following. First, the English nobility 
 had the good sense to give up in time a portion of their more revolting 
 usurpations, by which they have been enabled to preserve entire, in a 
 more palmy state of enjoyment and for a longer term, the remainder, 
 than any similar class in Europe. Secondly, at an early period of our 
 annals they obtained a hold on popular support, by aiding the people in 
 resisting the encroachments of the clergy and the prerogatives of the 
 Crown. Lastly, and latterly, the more enlightened poition of them 
 have conciliated the favour of the influential classes by the adoption of 
 liberal principles, and by impressing them with the belief that a conser- 
 vative principle identifies the immunities of their 'order' with the general 
 peace and welfare. Some of these sources of respect and power are 
 manifestly losing ground in popular estimation. For what services the 
 Aristocracy have rendered to civil liberty they have been amply remu- 
 nerated by the long exercise of the political franchises of the People, 
 by the receipt of enormous rents, and by the absorption of public taxes. 
 The assumption of a community of interest with the People is partly 
 belied by their own legislative acts, in which they obviously consider 
 they have an interest difterent from that of other classes of society. In 
 short, the time has arrived, when the power and institutions of the 
 privileged orders may be fitly passed in review ; they have already con- 
 ceded many immunities, and it is not improbable the period has arrived 
 when they will be called upon to make further concessions to the spirit 
 of the age. 
 
 There wa.s a time, as every body knows, when lords were petty 
 despots on their- domains. They had their dungeon-castles, in which they 
 could, at their own arbitrai-y will, torture, imprison, and even execute, 
 their fellow-creatures. Tliey could, when it suited their sovereign 
 pleasure, sally forth on the public highways, and, with impunity, rob 
 and maltreat whatever luckless traveller they happened to meet. They 
 had even immunities still more revolting to human feeling. One, it 
 is true, can hardly bring the mind to believe that such monstrous usages 
 as those which gave rise to borough- Kitglish and child-wit ever ex- 
 isted ; yet that they did is unquestionable, and the memorials of these 
 customs, subsisting in the borough of Staftbrd, in the county of Essex, 
 and other parts of the kingdom, place the facts bevond dispute. By the 
 former usage the lord claimed tbe trifling perquisite, on the occasion 
 of a marriage on his estate, of sleeping the first night with the bride ; 
 and the latter designates a penalty which a woman had to pay who had 
 suffered herself to be begotten witli child without the JoriV s pervtission.
 
 236 A151SIOCRACV. 
 
 Thnnk lioavon our scignours have abated sometliing- of tlioir ancient 
 privilcij^os ; still the bare knowledge tliat such iisag-es once existed — that 
 they are associated with the yianie — is sufficient to make the mere titles 
 of lord, baron, and duke, an offence — an insult to human reason — an 
 abomination — which modern and civilized Europe ought no longer to 
 tolerate. 
 
 Having adveited to a few of the ancient impostures and usurpations, 
 chiefly to show to what a depth of degradation human nature may be 
 reduced, we shall proceed to illustrate the immunities and advantag-es 
 enjoyed by the Aristocracy, and which they have been enabled to ar- 
 rogate and maintain by a monopoly of political poAver. It is a subject 
 of vast importance, and one, we believe, when fairly placed before our 
 countrymen, about which there will hardly exist diversity of opinion. 
 
 In contemplating the English government, one peculiar feature may 
 be remarked in every branch of our civil and ecclesiastical polity : in each 
 branch there is an entire departure from the original object of its insti- 
 tution. In the ecclesiastical state, no such abuse as clerical sinecurists 
 was formerly known ; every order had some duties to discharge, for 
 A^hich they received their incomes : but now we find that the episcopal, 
 dignified, and one-third of the parochial clergy receive four ok tive 
 MILLIONS annually, for which it is hard to say any sendee whatever is 
 rendered to society. The House of Commons, originally intended to 
 represent the property, intelligence, and population of the state, has 
 become the mere organ of the Aristocracy ; who, according to the 
 constitution, ought not to have the least influence over its deliberations. 
 The executive, by the delegation of its powers to ministers and judges, 
 exhibits a similar dereliction from civil and military duties : and, lastly, 
 in the House of Peers we find a corresponding* abandonment of civil 
 functions; the dukes, earls, and barons had all, formerly, as their 
 names import, important duties to discharge in the commonwealth. 
 
 The object of reform is not to destroy the established church, pull 
 doAvn the two houses of parliament, nor invade the rigdits of the 
 Crown ; but to restore, as far as the altered state of society will allow, 
 those different orders to the exercise of their legitimate authority. 
 
 Of the different innovations on the ancient system, there is none 
 more flagrant than those of the Aristocracy : it has swallowed up not 
 only the rights of the people, and the prerogatives of the Crown, but 
 also the immunities of the church. At no former period of history 
 was the power of the Aristocracy so absolute, nor did they enjoy a 
 tithe of their present advantages. During the Norman Kings, and the 
 first kings of the house of Plantagenet, down to the passing of Magna 
 Charta, though the power of tlie Crown, in many instances, proved 
 but a feeble barrier to the encroachments of the barons, yet, when 
 united with the influence of the clergy, it was at all times able to set 
 some bounds to their authority. After the passing of the Great 
 Charter, the growth of manufactures, and the diffusion of knowledge 
 among the people, gave rise to the Connnons. This order, unknown 
 to the preceding period, gradually rose into great importance, and
 
 POLITICAL EFFECTS OV A I{ 1 STOCK AC Y. 257 
 
 ultimately became able not only to prescribe bounds to the Aristocracy, 
 but also to the Monarch. Under the tyranny of the Stuarts, the 
 Commons brought one monarch to the block, and abolished the House 
 of Peers. But its ascendancy was of short duration. The return of 
 Charles II. — the restoration of the rotten boroughs, which had been 
 struck out of the representation during the protectorship of Cromwell, 
 to the right of returning- members of parliament, — the introduction of 
 parliamentary corruption in the reig-n of Charles II. — more systema- 
 tically and openly practised under William III. and perfected under the 
 administration of Walpole, in the reign of George II. — completely 
 annihilated the powers of the Commons, and gave to the Aristocracy 
 its uncontrolled and irresponsible ascendancy. 
 
 Having- obtained the power, the Aristocracy have exercised it as un- 
 controlled power usually is exercised, namely, solely for their own 
 advantage : they have rid themselves of what duties were anciently 
 annexed to their order, and monopolized nearly all the honours and 
 emoluments of society. 
 
 The ancient nobility had not only to provide a suihcient military force 
 for the defence of the kingdom, but they had also the adminis- 
 tration of justice, the coining of money, and, in short, the whole 
 internal government of the country committed to their care.* On 
 such conditions, their estates Avere originally granted : these they retain ; 
 but as to the duties annexed, they have placed them on the shoulders of 
 the other classes of the community. It is the Commons now, who 
 either discharge, or pay for being discharged, all the duties of the 
 state. If we only examine the list of taxes, as we shortly intend to do, 
 we shall find that the aristocracy have, comparatively, exempted 
 themselves from impost, while the burthen falls exclusively on the 
 people. The duties imposed by the corn-laws are a tax paid directly 
 for the support of this order; while, with the exception of the land-tax, 
 a trifling impost, all other duties, the assessed taxes, excise, customs, 
 stamps, post-office duties, fall with disproportionate weight on the 
 middling and working classes, and scarcely touch the massive incomes 
 of the nobility. 
 
 This is one of the great evils resulting from the political supremacy 
 of the peerage. Instead of bearing the burthen of taxation, which, in 
 fact, is the original tenure on which they acquired their territorial posses- 
 sions, they have laid it on the people. Nothing can be more unjust and 
 oppressive. The comforts of one class ought never to be encroached 
 upon, while another class remains in the enjoyment of redundant 
 luxuries. It is the legitimate object of good government to prevent the 
 extremes of wealth and indigence, and diftuse equally, through all 
 classes, the bounties of nature. But the aristocratic system is the 
 reverse of this principle. It weighs chiefly on want and penury ; it 
 
 • Blackstone's Comment, b. iv.ch. iv. and v. and Smith's Wealth of Nations, 
 b. iii. ch. iv. where the nature of the ancient tenures is investigated. 
 
 s
 
 258 AlllSTOCRACY. 
 
 tramples on those already depressed ; and crushes, almost to annihilation, 
 the most useful classes by its unceasing exactions. 
 
 It is not our purpose to investigate the utility and origin of an here- 
 ditary privileged class. It is, no doubt, a questionable hypothesis— 
 not supported at least by the cotemporary illustration of many noble 
 families — that Avisdom and fitness for the administration of national 
 affairs are inheritable endowments. Besides which, men seldom take 
 pains to cultivate superfluous acquirements : consequently, it is a strong 
 objection to hereditary honours, that those born to them have no 
 necessity for cultivating the virtues by Avhich, perhaps, they were ori- 
 ginally acquired. A principal motive for the institution of hereditary 
 right has ceased to be of weight. Originally it was intended to guard 
 against disputed succession, and prevent the division of powers essen- 
 tial to the security of communities and property. But the introduction 
 of the representative principle in governments, the more general diffu- 
 sion of intelligence, of habits of order, of respect for individual claims, 
 has rendered these precautions no longer gssential to the maintenance of 
 social institutions. Leaving, however, the general discussion of the 
 question, we shall proceed to notice, categorically, the real and practical 
 grievances entailed on the commons of England by the advantages and 
 immunities of the Aristocracy. 
 
 I. RIGHT OF PRIMOGENITURE AND ENTAILS. 
 
 For the last ten years a great deal has been written and said, and 
 justly too, on the evils of monopolies ; but hardly any one has touched 
 upon the monopoly of land. Many, even of the Aristocracy, have been 
 zealous and persevering in their endeavours to establish unrestricted 
 freedom in commerce ; they perceived the advantages of liberty in the 
 exchange of commodities, but they have been indifferent or silent on 
 the advantages of liberty in the exchange of the soil. Yet, what is 
 the right of primogeniture and the law of entail, but a monopoly as 
 grievous and pernicious as that of the Bank of England and East India 
 Company? What right had an assembly of half- civilized men, some 
 five hundred years ago, to tie up the great estates of the countiy in 
 perpetuity ; to enact that, whatever changes of society might intervene, 
 they should never be subdivided, nor severed from their lineal heirs as 
 long as they endured ? Was not this creating a monopoly ? Did it 
 not interpose insuperable obstacles to the sale and division of property — 
 keep up the price of land to an artificial height — impede fair compe- 
 tition — limit the market of buyers — and impose restrictions on the 
 freedom of those who might be disposed to sell ? 
 
 Moreover, the statute De donis, or of " Great Men," as it is fre- 
 quently called, perpetuated a landed interest ; that is, an order of 
 men with interests distinct from those of the community, and who, 
 armed with the power of the state, have been able to treat with special 
 favor their peculiar class, by imposing* upon it lighter burthens, by 
 protecting it from competition, and other expedients Avhich tended
 
 PRIMOGENITURE AND ENTAILS 259 
 
 directly to their own greatness and emolument by the sacrifice of the 
 general welfare. 
 
 The motives which orip^inated this feudal institution, as before ob- 
 served, have, in great part, ceased to exist. In the disorderly era of 
 Edward I. the right of the first-born to the undivided possession of 
 his ancestor was a laxv of peace ; and, by consolidating indisputably the 
 power which the entire property gave in the hands of a single person, 
 it w (in a law of security . To divide the inheritance was to ruin it, 
 and to expose the dwellers upon it, who depended on the proprietor for 
 protection, to be oppressed and swallowed up in the desolating incur- 
 sions of neighbouring and ferocious rivals. In the existing state of 
 society no such pretexts can be urged. The poor as well as the rich 
 enjoy personal security, and the owner of a single acre of land is as 
 secure in the enjoyment as the owner of 100,000. The right of primo- 
 geniture, however, still subsists ; and as, of all institutions, it is the 
 most adapted to flatter the pride of great families, it will be tenaciously 
 upheld by the Aristocracy. In other respects it is an unmixed evil ; 
 it is even injurious to the real interests of the landowners ; for nothing 
 can be more contrary to the welfare of a numerous family than a right 
 which, in order " to enrich one, beggars all the rest of the children;" 
 and reduces them to the alternative of obtaining- subsistence either as 
 mendicants or depredators on the bounty and involuntary contributions 
 of the community. 
 
 The same reasoning applies to entails, which are the natural 
 consequence of primogeniture. They were introduced to preserve the 
 lineal succession of which primog-eniture first gave the idea, and to 
 hinder any part of the original patrimony from being conveyed out of 
 the proposed line, cither by gift, devise, or alienation, either by the 
 folly or by the misfortune of any of its successive possessors. When 
 great landed estates were a sort of principality, such curtailed inhe- 
 ritances might not be indefensible. Like what are called the funda- 
 mental laws of some communities, they might frequently hinder the 
 security of thousands from being endangered by the incapacity or 
 Gxtriivagance of one man. But, in the existing state of Europe, when 
 property is so well secured, when small as well as g-reat estates derive 
 their security from inviolable laws, nothing can be more absurd than 
 such defensive restrictions. They are founded upon the most absurd of 
 all suppositions, the supposition that every successive generation of men 
 have not an equal right to the earth and to all that it contains ; but 
 that the property of the present generation should be fettered and 
 regulated by barbarians who died centuries ago. Entails, however, 
 are still respected in England ; and it is only in particular cases, 
 by means of legal fictions, prompted by the spirit of commerce, 
 and new views of social expediency, that estates tied up by them can 
 be alienated.* They are deemed essential to the maintenance of the 
 monopoly of the aristocracy in the enjoyment of political power, 
 
 • Humphreys on the Laws of Real Proporfy, 2d edit. p. .11 .
 
 2G0 APaSTOCRACY. 
 
 honour, dignities, and offices ; having' usurped many advantages over 
 their fellow citizens, lest their poverty should render them ridiculous, it 
 is thought reasonable that they should have others. It is, however, 
 an oppressive and indefensible grievance. In the present state of 
 society there is no utility in guaranteeing to particular families the per- 
 petual enjoyment of vast masses of property — that this property shall 
 not be liable to the ordinary vicissitudes of life — that it shall not, like 
 personal estates, either be deviseable or saleable — and that all, except 
 members of the privileged order, shall be irrevocably interdicted from 
 ever becoming proprietors of the soil — of that soil which is the common 
 inheritance of the whole community. 
 
 Other evils result from this feudal institution. Primogeniture en- 
 riches one, and leaves all the other members of a family destitute. 
 Hence they are thrown, like mendicants, on the public for support ; 
 but they are unlike mendicants in this — that the public has no option, 
 whether they will support them or not. The Aristocracy, usurping- the 
 power of the state, have the means under various pretexts, of extorting, 
 for the junior branches of their families, a forced subsistence. They 
 patronize a ponderous and sinecure church-establishment ; they wage 
 long and unnecessary wars, to create employments in the army and 
 navy ; they conquer and retain useless colonies ; they set on foot ex- 
 pensive missions of diplomacy, and keep an ambassdor or consul, and 
 often both, at almost every petty state and every petty port in the 
 world ; they create offices without duties, grant unmerited pen- 
 sions, keep up unnecessary places in the royal household, in the ad- 
 miralty, the treasury, the customs, excise, courts of law, and every 
 department of the public administration : by these and other expedients, 
 the junior as well as elder branches of the great families are amply 
 provided for out of the taxes. They live in profusion and luxury ; and 
 those by whom they are maintained alone subsist in indigence and 
 privation. 
 
 It is only in the less civilized states of Europe, in Hungary, Bohemia, 
 Poland and Russia, that primogeniture is retained. Countries enjoy- 
 ing the benefits of political regeneration have abolished this remnant of 
 feudality, and introduced the law of equal partibility. The happy 
 effects of this reform are visible in the condition of France and the 
 Netherlands ; in the greater harmony subsisting among the different 
 classes of society — in the absence of the miserable jealousy and 
 exclusiveness that embitter domestic intercourse in England — in the 
 public spirit, unanimity, and personal independence of the inhabi- 
 tants, produced, no doubt, by a conviction of common interests, recipro- 
 cal obligations, and equal participation in all the advantages and enjoy- 
 ments of the social state. 
 
 II, PRIVILEGES OF PEERS. 
 
 There are other laws originating in the same aristocratic spirit, and 
 directed to the maintenance of similar exclusive privileges, a$ those
 
 PRIVILEGES OK PEEKS 261 
 
 described in tlie last section. Such are the Insolvent Laws. Lest the 
 dignity of a peer should be violated, his person is privileged from arrest 
 for debt. Why should this be tolerated? He is not ostensibly entrusted 
 with representative functions, like the members of the lower house. 
 He represents only himself, Avith the exception of the sixteen peers of 
 Scotland and the twenty-eight peers of Ireland. Why, then, should his 
 person be protected from imprisonment, if he is so inexcusably improvi- 
 dent, with all the advantages he enjoys, as to incur debts he cannot 
 pay ? A Scotch peer, though not one of those sitting in parliament, 
 is privileged from arrest, as appears from the case of Lord Mordington. 
 This lord, who was a Scotch peer, but not one of those who sat in 
 parliament, being arrested, moved the Court of Common Pleas to be 
 discharged, as being entitled, by the Act of Union, to all the privileges 
 of a peer of Great Britain; and prayed an attachment against the 
 bailiff; when a rule was granted to show cause. Upon this, the 
 bailiff made an affidavit, that when he arrested the said lord he was so 
 mean in his apparel, as having a worn-out suit of clothes, and a dirty 
 shirt on, and but sixteen-pence in his pocket, he could not suppose him 
 to be a peer of Great Britain, and, therefore, through inadvertency, 
 arrested him. The Court discharged the lord, and made the bailiff ask 
 pardon. 
 
 A peer, sitting in judgment, is not rcfjuired to give his verdict upon 
 oath, like a commoner, but upon his honour. What a stigma on the 
 other classes of the community ! Just as if a peer alone had honour, 
 and all others were base perfidious slaves, from whom truth could only 
 be extorted when they had been forced into the presence of their 
 Creator, 
 
 A member of the lower house is the deputy or representative of others, 
 and cannot delegate his powers ; but a peer represents only himself, and 
 may vote by proxy on any question, e\en though he has never been 
 present to discuss its merits. 
 
 If a thief breaks into a church, and steals the surplice or cushion, it 
 is not like stealing a ledger or cash-box from a shop or counting-house 
 — it is sacrilege. If a man scandalizes a peer by speaking evil of him, 
 it is not common scandal, it is scandalum magnatu?n, that is, great 
 scandal, subjecting the offender to indefinite punishment. 
 
 If a peer job in the funds, as many of them do; or if he get up 
 bubble companies, as some of them have done, to dupe credulous people ; 
 and if he involve himself in debt by these fraudulent practices, you 
 cannot imprison him to enforce payment; neither can you make him a 
 bankrupt, and sequestrate his estates. The property of a peer, like his 
 person, has a dignity about it, and must not be violated. You may 
 knock down Nathan Rothschild, though he is a very rich man, or a 
 worshipful alderman, or even a right honourable lord mayor, and the 
 justices will only charge you a few shillings for the liberty you have 
 taken ; but if you knock down a peer, though he is ever so insolent, 
 it is almost as bad as murder.
 
 262 AllISTOCJlACY. 
 
 Peers being great landowners, therefore land, as well as their 
 persons, enjoys immunities which do not attach to chattel property. 
 A noble lord may run into as much debt as he pleases, and then, with 
 impunity, defraud all his creditors. He may live in the utmost pro- 
 fusion ; he may borrow money to support his extravagance, or for 
 providing' portions for younger children, making the most solemn 
 promises, or even giving his written engagement to repay it ; or he 
 may raise loans, and with these loans buy houses and land, and when 
 he dies leave the houses and land purchased with this borrowed money 
 to whom he pleases : and in all these cases the lenders who have trusted 
 to the honour of a peer have no power to touch a shilling worth of his 
 real estates. 
 
 These are a few of the privileges of peers ; we shall proceed to illus- 
 trate other results of aristocratic legislation. 
 
 III. INJUSTICE OF ARISTOCRATIC TAXATION. 
 
 Nothing can demonstrate more incontestibly the necessity of the 
 different interests in society being represented in the general govern- 
 ment than the course of fiscal legislation. The political power of the 
 state, we need not repeat nor explain, is in this country consolidated in 
 the aristocracy. If we only glance at public burthens we shall see with 
 what admirable adroitness they have been distributed, so as to press as 
 lightly as possible on those who imposed them, and with disproportionate 
 weight on those who had no share in their imposition. Does not this 
 show better than all the general reasoning in the world the utility of 
 universal representation ; otherwise, whatever interest is unprotected 
 will assuredly be sacrificed, and this injustice will be perpetrated by 
 the dominant party, however exalted this dominant party may be 
 by birth, by station, by education, by wealth, or other adventitious 
 circumstance. 
 
 Let us appeal to facts in illustration of this principle. The landed 
 interest is the primary interest of the Aristocracy ; whatever tends to 
 enhance the value of land or its produce tends directly to augment their 
 incomes. Hence, their leading policy has been to protect agriculture, 
 to encourage husbandry, by abstaining from burthening it with imposts, 
 to impose no additional tax on land, and above all things to secure the 
 home market against competition from abroad. For this latter purpose 
 they have passed laws the most unjust and outrageous ; the importation 
 of some articles they have absolutely prohibited ; others they have 
 loaded with heavy duties ; so that they have been able to sell their own 
 produce at a monopoly price. 
 
 The following list of articles of foreign production, and the import 
 duties to which they are subject, will show to Avhat extent the land- 
 owners have availed themselves of political power to promote their own 
 interests, by excluding foreign competition.
 
 PROTECTION or A G R 1 C U LT l? U i: — CORN 
 
 £ 
 
 Bacon, per cwt. 1 
 
 Beer, per thirty-two gallons 2 
 
 Butter, per cwt. 1 
 
 Bristles, not sorted, per lb. 
 
 Bristles, sorted 
 
 Cider, per ton 21 
 
 Cheese, per cwt. 
 
 Cucumbers, ad valorem > . . . . 20 
 
 Eggs, for every 120 
 
 Hay, per load 1 
 
 Hair, cows and oxen, per cwt. 
 
 Hair-powder, per cwt. 9 
 
 Hops, per cwt. 8 
 
 Hemp-seed, per quarter 2 
 
 Hemp, undressed, per cwt. 
 
 Lard, per cwt. 
 
 Madder, per cwt. 
 
 Mules and asses, each 
 
 Horses, each 1 
 
 Oil, rape and linseed, per ton 39 
 
 Peas, per bushel 
 
 Perry, per ton 22 
 
 Potatoes, per cwt. 
 
 Seeds, clover, hay, &c. 1 
 
 Spirits, foreign, per gallon (I. M.) • • • • 1 
 
 Rum, per gallon 
 
 Tallow, per cwt. 
 
 Tares, per quarter 
 
 Timber, per load 2 
 
 1,A\VS. 
 
 263 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 10 
 
 4 
 
 10 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 13 
 
 8 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 Wheat 16s. 5d. a quarter to Is. according as the price rises from 
 61s. to 70s. a quarter. 
 
 Barley 13s. lOrf. a quarter to Is. according as the price rises, from 
 32s. to 40s. a quarter. 
 
 Oats 10s. 9(i. a quarter to Is. according as the price rises from 24s. 
 to 31s. a quarter. 
 
 Beef, lamb, mutton, pork, sheep, and swine are prohibited to be im- 
 ported, by 6 Geo. IV. c. 117. 
 
 While the landowners have been strenuously exerting themselves to 
 close, hermetically, if possible, the home market against foreign agri- 
 cultural produce, they have, with admirable consistency of policy, been 
 at the same time endeavouring to throw it wide open for the admission 
 of foreign manufactures. This places their conduct in a most con- 
 spicuous light. Surely, if a free trade in manufactures was for the 
 benefit of the community, so was a free trade in the produce of the 
 soil. But, then, our feudal Solons do not deal in cotton, nor silk, nor 
 hardwares ; they are only dealers in corn, aud that makes all tlie
 
 264 AKISTOCKACV. 
 
 difference. The working and effects of this abominable system has 
 been justly and spiritedly versified in the following lines: — 
 
 Ye coop us up and tax our bread. 
 
 And wonder why W(! pine ; 
 But ye're fat, and round, and red, 
 
 And fill'dwith tax-bought wine. 
 
 Thus twelve rats starve, while three rats thrive, 
 
 (Like you on mine and me) ; 
 when fifteen rats are caged alive 
 
 With food for nine and three. 
 
 Haste ! havoc's torch begins to glow, 
 
 The ending is begun ; 
 Make haste ! destruction thinks ye slow ; 
 
 Make haste to be undone ! 
 
 Why are ye cail'd * my Lord' and ' Squire,' 
 
 While fed by mine and me : 
 And wringing food, and clothes, and fire 
 
 From bread-tax'd misery ? 
 
 ?ilake haste, slow rogues, prohibit trade, 
 
 ProhilHt lionest gain ; 
 Turn all the good that God hath made 
 
 To fear, and hate, and pain. 
 
 Till beggars all^assassins all, 
 
 All cannibals we be ; • 
 
 And death shall have no funeral 
 
 From shipless sea to sea. — Corn-Law Rhymes. 
 
 It is not a difficult problem to ascertain the annual burthen imposed 
 on the community by the corn-tax. It appears, from the resolutions 
 submitted to the House of Commons by Lord Milton, that the average 
 price of wheat in this countiy, in the year ending February 1830, had 
 been 64s. 2d. per quarter. The average price on the Continent and 
 in America, during the same period, had been 46s. 3d. per quarter. 
 Now, if there were no restrictions on the importation of corn, the price 
 in England would be nearly the same as in Poland or in the United 
 States ; but, in consequence of the boroughmongers' tax, the price is 
 about 20s. per quarter higher : so that, if the annual consumption of 
 corn by the community be 48 millions of quarters, they' pay exactly 
 so many pounds additional, in order to swell the rents of the land- 
 owners.* 
 
 A tax upon bread is the most oppressive and unjust that could be 
 imposed on the industrious classes. A man with £50 a-year consumes, 
 
 • We suppose all our readers have read Colonel Thompson's Catechism of 
 the Cgrn Laws, price six-pence. His True Theory of Rent, price three-pence, is 
 another admirable publication. Tlie public is indebted to this gentleman for 
 having placed the science of Political Economy on its legs again : it now 
 stands much where it did when Adam Smith left it, after a perilous escape 
 through the thick cloud of darkness in which it had been enveloped by the 
 misleading subtleties of Mr. Kicardo and his followers.
 
 LAND — LEGITIMATL SOUUCli OI- TAXES. 265 
 
 individually, as much bread as a man with £50,000, and consequently 
 sustains as g^reat an annual loss by the artificial enhancement of its 
 price. All taxes on articles of ordinary consumption fall in the same 
 disproportionate manner. They are like a fixed per-centage on income, 
 levied indiscriminately on every person, without regard to large or 
 small revenues. Sugar, tea, and malt are articles of general use ; and 
 the labourer and artisan contribute exactly in the same proportion 
 as a lord on their individual consumption of those commodities. In 
 fact, it is to duties of this description the Aristocracy have always 
 shown a marked partiality; the excise, it is known, being the most 
 productive branch of the revenue. Mr. Pitt used to say that the high 
 price of labour in England arose chiefly from the excise ; three-fifths of 
 the wages of a poor man passing into the exchequer. But no such 
 proportion of the incomes of the Aristocracy flows into the public 
 treasury. 
 
 Yet it is the incomes of the landed interest, as we shall briefly 
 illustrate, which form the most legitimate and unexceptionable fund for 
 taxation. A person who employs himself in making a pair of shoes 
 or inexpressibles adds nothing to the value of the leather or cloth 
 beyond the price of his labour. Land, however, is a more profitable 
 material to Avork upon ; yielding not only a produce adequate to defray 
 the expenses of its culture, but also a surplus ; and this surplus con- 
 stitutes the landlord's rent. But the soil of every country belongs to 
 the people ; consequently, the rent or surplus revenue it yields is not 
 so much the property of a particular class of individuals as of the 
 whole community. It follows that the landowners are only so many 
 pensioners or sinecurists, paid out of a revenue which originally con- 
 stituted the sole fund out of which all the exigencies of state were pro- 
 vided. Instead of the " l^rds of the Soil" taxing every article we 
 eat and drink, and impeding, with vexatious imposts, every operation 
 of industry, they ought to have laid a direct tax on rent, which would 
 have been easily and economically collected. They have acted quite 
 the reverse. The Land-Tax continues to be levied at this day according 
 to the defective valuation in the reign of William III.; and, in 1798, 
 it was made perpetual at 4s. in the pound on the inadequate estimate of 
 the rental at the Revolution. In France the fancier, or land tax, 
 amounts to one-fourth of the whole annual revenue ;* in England it 
 does not amount to a sixtieth part. The proportion of our excise, cus- 
 toms, and assessed taxes to similar taxes in France, is as forty-five to 
 twenty ; while the proportion of the public revenue of the former to 
 that of the latter is as three to two. 
 
 Need we say any thing further to illustrate the tendency of aristo- 
 cratic taxation, or the selfish purposes to which the political power of 
 the Oligarchy has been perverted ? Yes, we shall briefly add a few 
 more facts. 
 
 • Lowe's Present State of England, p. 318.
 
 266 AlllSTOCIlACY. 
 
 When the income-tax was imposed, or rather when it was screwed 
 up by the Whigs, in 1806, lands and tenements were assessed at 25. 
 in the pound. Precisely the same assessment was laid on incomes 
 arising from professions, trade, or other vocation. Thus was as heavy 
 a tax levied on revenue not worth five years' purchase as on revenue 
 worth thirty years' purchase ; in other words, the tax was six times 
 heavier on the industrious than on the unproductive classes of the com- 
 munity. A merchant, attorney, tradesman, or shopkeeper, whose in- 
 come depended entirely on his personal exertions — which ceased at his 
 death — and by savings from which he could alone make a provision for 
 his children after his decease, was taxed six times to the amount of the 
 landowner, by whom the burthen was imposed — whose property was 
 entailed, and protected from all liability for debts however extravagantly 
 incurred. 
 
 If the Boroughmongers ever charge themselves with any burthens, 
 they are always prompt to get rid of them the first opportunity, though 
 they touch them ever so lightly, and have been rendered necessary by 
 their own infatuated measures. Thus, immediately after the peace, 
 before any reduction in the public establishments, or in the amount of 
 the monstrous debt they had contracted, the income-tax was abolished. 
 Again, the duty on horses employed in husbandry has been long since 
 repealed, but the malt-tax is still continued, and the beer-duty — the 
 most unfair and oppressive of all duties — was only repealed within these 
 two years. 
 
 From some duties the peerage is exempted altogether. A lord of 
 parliament sends and receives all letters free of postage ; he usually 
 franks the letters of all his relatives and friends; he enjoys, also, the 
 privilege of sending a letter from London by the post on Sunday — a 
 sort of sabbath-breaking which would be considered impiety or perhaps 
 blasphemy in another person. 
 
 It would be tedious to go through the whole roll of taxes, to show 
 how indulgent our legislators have been to themselves and how unjust 
 towards the rest of the community. If a lord by inheritance succeed 
 to an estate worth £100,000, he has not a shilling to pay to govern- 
 ment. If a rich merchant dies, and bequeaths as much to his children, 
 they are taxed to the amount of £1500, or, if there is 7io tvill, to the 
 amount of £2250. If a poor mpn buy a cottage for £10, he has 10s. 
 or one-twentieth part of the purchase-money, to pay for a conveyance. 
 If a nobleman buy an estate worth £50,000, the stamp-duty is only one- 
 hundred -aud-eleventh part of the purchase-money, or £450. A simi- 
 larly unequal tax is incurred in borrowing S7nall sums on bond or mort- 
 gage, while special favour is shown to those who borrow large sums. 
 If a man has eight windows in his house he is assessed 16s. 6d. ; if he 
 has one more he is charged 4s. 6d. for it. If a lord has 180 windows 
 he is charged £46 : 11 : 3 ; and if he has one more he is charged only 
 Is. 6d.; and he may have as many more additional windows as he 
 pleases at the same Ioav rate of assessment. If a poor man's horse, or 
 his ass, pass through a toll-bar there is something to pay, of course;
 
 EXAMPLES OF PARTIAL TAXES. 267 
 
 but if a lord's horse pass through, provided it is employed on the lord's 
 land, there is nothing to pay. If a cart pass through a toll-bar, loaded 
 with furniture or merchandize, there is something to pay for the cart, 
 and something extra to pay according as the wheels are broad or narrow ; 
 but if the cart is loaded with manure for his lordship's estate, the cart is 
 free, and the wheels may be any breadth the owner pleases without 
 liability to extra charges. If a stage-coach, or hackney-carriage, which 
 a tradesman sometimes indulges in, pass through a turnpike, it must pay 
 toll every time it passes; but the carriage of a lord or gentleman may 
 pass through 100 times a day, if he please, for once paying. The tax 
 on a nobleman's carriage is, per year, six pounds ; the tax on a glass- 
 coach, which a poor man keeps to get a living by, and which is hired by 
 those who cannot afiford to keep a carriage, is, per year, about £160; 
 the tax on a stage-coach, which is paid by those who cannot afford to 
 hire even a glass-coach, is, per year, about £260. A Paddington stage, 
 ruruiing eveiy hour, pays, daily, for mile-duty, \2s. ; while some stages 
 run more than 100 miles daily; if 100 miles, then the daily mile duty is 
 "25s., which must all be paid by the passengers who cannot ride in their 
 own carriages, which travel without duty. Riding or walking, eating or 
 drinking, there is inequality. If a poor person refreshes himself with a 
 glass of spirits (though beer would be better for his health and pocket) 
 he is taxed seventy per cent ; but if he takes a glass of wine, which is 
 a lord's drink, he is only taxed seventeen per cent. Lords do not smoke, 
 though they sometimes chew, therefore a pipe of tobacco, which is a poor 
 man's luxury, is taxed 900 per cent. If a poor servant-girl advertises 
 for a place of all work, she is taxed 3s. 6d. ; if a lord advertises the 
 sale of an estate he pays no more. The house-tax falls heavily on the 
 industrious tradesman, but lightly on the lord and esquire ; the former 
 must reside in town, and occupy spacious premises, which make his rent 
 largo, and the tax being proportionate, it deducts materially from 
 income, while the latter may reside in the country, occupy a fine man- 
 sion, and not be rented more than £50 per annum. Lastly, lords, 
 sinecurists, pensioners, and gentlemen may retire to Paris, Florence, or 
 Brussels, for any thing they have to do, or any good they are capable of 
 doing, by which they avoid house-tax, window-tax, and almost every 
 other tax ; but the tradesman and shopkeeper are ndscriptce ylcbce, — 
 they must stick to their counting-houses and warehouses, and expiate, 
 by toil and frugality, the follies and extravagance of their rulers. 
 
 These are a few specimens of our fiscal regulations, and must, we 
 imagine, demonstrate, practically, to merchants, copyholders, shop- 
 keepers, tradesmen, and the middling and Avorking orders generallv, the 
 advantages of having a friend at court — that is, of having political 
 rights — that is, of having real representatives — that is, of not being 
 taxed without their consent — that is, of having a reform in the Commons 
 House of Parliament, instead of leaving public affairs to the exclusive 
 management of noble lords and their nominees.
 
 268 AHISTOCRACY 
 
 IV. ARISTOCRATIC GAME-LAWS. 
 
 A salmon from the pool, a wand from the wood, and a deer from the hills, are 
 thefts which no man was ever ashamed to own. — Fielding's Proverbs. 
 
 \Vc learn from this old Gaelic apophthegm, — the sentiment is very 
 ancient, — that an exclusive right to game and other ferc^ naturce does 
 not rest on the same basis as property. Mankind will not be easily 
 convinced that stealing a hare or partridge is as criminal as stealing a 
 man's purse. While this continues the popular feeling, it is vain to 
 multiply acts for the preservation of game. Laws, to be etEcacious, 
 should be in accordance with public opinion ; if not, they only disturb 
 the peace of society, excite ill-blood and contention, and multiply instead 
 of diminishing offences. 
 
 Since the preceding edition of this work was printed in 1831, the 
 legislature, by the Game Act of last session, has torn out one of the 
 leaves of The Black Book: Ave then declared that, for this single object — 
 that of getting rid of the demoralizing, detestable, ferocious, and pre- 
 posterous game code ; we said " for this one object alone, without adverting 
 to the church, the rotten boroughs, the dead weight, or other national 
 grievance ; only to sweep away this one national stigma would be well 
 worth the three days' fiyhl of the Parisians, or even the four days' 
 battle of the Belgians." Our declarations may have hastened the 
 abatement of one of the most insolent oppressions ever exercised over a 
 civilized people, and accelerated the introduction of the new measure 
 by which qualifications to kill game are abolished, and game is allowed 
 to be sold like other commodities, by taking out a license. These con- 
 cessions have removed the chief objects of our former animadversion, 
 and, therefore, what we have to. say will be rather for the benefit of the 
 next than of the present generation ; our purpose will be to place on 
 record a specimen of the revolting tyranny exercised over the people of 
 England by an usurping Oligarchy even to the last days of its existence. 
 Be it known then that the Boroughmongers, down to the twelfth hour 
 of their reign, persisted in claiming for game greater protection than had 
 ever been awarded to property ; they persisted in having it considered 
 as something more inviolate and sacred than household goods ; they 
 arbitrarily fixed on certain fowls of the air and beasts of the field, and 
 these, in their sovereign pleasure, they decreed should be endowed with 
 peculiar privileges distinct from all others ; in a word, that they should 
 be aristocrats\\kQ themselves, and it should be highly criminal in any 
 base-born man to kill them, or eat them, or buy them, or sell them, 
 or carry them, or even to have them in his possession, or to have in his 
 possession any engine or instrument by which the dear and favoured 
 creatures might be slain, maimed, or injured. In pursuance of these 
 lordly whims they framed a code of laws to which we will venture to 
 say, in subtlety and refinement of insult, nothing equal could be found in 
 the records of the vilest despotism ever e.-^tablished to experiment on the
 
 FEUDAL GAME LAWS. 269 
 
 limits of human endurance ; we will venture to say that, in no other 
 country in the world, with the least pretence to freedom and civilization, 
 was there to be found a body of laws so partial, so repugnant to the 
 common sense and subversive of the common rights of mankind, as the 
 game laws of the English aristocracy ! 
 
 To enforce their haughty immunities the Boroughmongers fixed on 
 certain fantastic conceits, which they called qualifications to kill game. 
 These qualifications were not founded on any rational consideration of 
 wealth, intelligence, or social usefulness. A rich merchant or manufac- 
 turer had no right to kill game ; his warehouses might be filled with 
 valuable merchandize ; he might give employment to thousands of 
 people, as some of them do in the North, yet he had no privilege to 
 meddle with the aristocrats of the air nor of the field ! His wealth was 
 base — it was not feudal, it had not been acquired by war, plunder, and 
 confiscation, and did not qualify to spring woodcocks, no, nor even to 
 pop at a snipe, nor a teal, nor a quail, nor a land-rail. A "parson, 
 however, who had a living worth £150 per annum, though his estate was 
 only for life, might kill as much game as he pleased. 
 
 But the sages of the King's Bench (blessed be their names !) were 
 more indulgent than the boroughmongering parliament : they determined 
 that even plebeians should have a little sport, and accordingly ruled that 
 a qualified person might take out a tradesman, stock-broker, clothier, 
 attorney, surgeon, or other inferior person to beat the bushes, and see a 
 hare killed, and he should not be liable to penalty. But beware of the 
 man-traps and spring-guns of the law ; if any of the aforesaid ignoble 
 beings ventured to meddle, without first being invited by a lord or gen- 
 tleman so to do, he was fined, or else imprisoned in the House of Cor- 
 rection.* Ah, these boroughmongers, how^ they have stabbed us ! how 
 they have kicked us ! how they have laughed at us ! 
 
 Although an unqualified man was not allowed to kill game, it might 
 be thought, by a rational mind, he would be permitted to buy it of those 
 who Avere. No, he was not. What, the lords of the soil become 
 dealers and chapmen ! degrade grouse and black-cock into mere com- 
 modities of traffic, like broad cloth and calico ! Impossible ! Therefore 
 they passed laws that game should neither be bought nor sold ; that 
 higglers, victuallers, poulterers, pastry-cooks, and other mean persons 
 should not carry it, nor have it in possession, nor should any unqualified 
 person have in his possession any deadly or dangerous weapon for its 
 injury or destruction. If an unqualified person were suspected — barely 
 suspected, mind — of having game, or any dog, gun, or snare for killing 
 or wounding it, his house might be seakciied, and if any net or snare, 
 pheasant, partridge, fish, fowl, or other game were found, the offender 
 might be forthwith carried before a justice and fined, or sent to the 
 House of Correction, and there whipped and kept to hard labour. If a 
 man only happened to spoil or tread on the egg of a partridge, pheasant, 
 mallard, teal, bittern, or heron, he was fined or imprisoned. But if he 
 
 • 5 Ann, c. 14, and decisions thereon ; Loft, 178 ; L5 liast Keporls, 4G2.
 
 270 AIlISTOCllACY. 
 
 • 
 
 went forth in the night for the third time, with the full intent of catching 
 an aristocrat bird, a coney, or other game, he was transported beyond 
 the seas for seven years, or imprisoned, and kept to hard labour, in the 
 House of Correction for two years ; and if he ran away in order to 
 avoid this merciful infliction, or resisted the land-owner or his servants, 
 either Avith club, stick, or stone, rather than be apprehended, he was 
 guilty of a misdemeanour, subjecting him either to transportation or 
 imprisonment. 
 
 Now, mark the commentaiy afforded by the Nimuods themselves on 
 these arrogant and savage enactments. Within very few years three 
 parliamentary committees were appointed to inquire into the state and 
 administration of the game-laws ; the results of their inquiries wei-e — 
 that poaching' could not be prevented — that buying and selling game 
 could not be prevented — that the game-laws were the fruitful sources of 
 crime and immorality, and filled the gaols with delinquents,* and that 
 the only means of remedying the evils were by allowing game to be 
 openly sold like other commodities, and by altering the qualifications, 
 so that every owner of land might not only have the liberty to kill game 
 on his own estate, but be empowered to grant a similar indulgence to 
 any other individual. Instead of acting on the knoAvledge so commu- 
 nicated, or the suggestions recommended ; instead of repealing the 
 laws which were the sole cause of game being so highly prized, and of 
 the deadly nocturnal encounters between keepers and poachers ; instead 
 of doing any of these, the only measures that were carried — and which, 
 by the by, still remain in force— were the 7 & 8 Geo. IV. c. 29, and 
 the 9 Geo. IV. c. 69, which greatly augmented the sanguinary cha- 
 racter of a code already too ferocious, and the everlasting opprobrium 
 of the misnamed free and enlightened community by which it was 
 tolerated. 
 
 But observe what was disclosed respecting the sale of game,- about 
 which the descendants of the Normans appeared so extremely fastidious. 
 From the inquiries of the committee of the House of Lords, in 1828, 
 it was discovered that game A\as a regular article for sale in all the 
 principal markets of the metropolis : the penalties, indeed, which were 
 imposed on the traffic Avere easily evaded ; since, by one sapient and 
 moral act of our legislators, the 58 Geo. III. if a person, who had incurred 
 them to any amount, would only inform of some other person who had 
 bought or sold game within the preceding six months, his penalties 
 were remitted and he received the informer's reward, for this neigh- 
 bourly, and, as it was often practised, friendly treachery. One sales- 
 man sold, on the average, 500 head of game in a week ; in one year 
 he ■sold 9628 head of game. The sale was mostly on commission, at 
 two-pence or three-pence a head. It naturally excited surprise how all 
 these waggon loads of game could be conveyed to London, and by whom 
 
 * In England and ^Vales in 1830, the number of convictions for criminal 
 offences was 12,805. The ninnber of convictions under the Game Laics was 
 1987, being nearly one-sixth of the total number of offenders of every description.
 
 a(;rarian and spencean laws. 271 
 
 supplied. The poor labourer, mason, or weaver, who perilled his life, 
 his limbs, and his health, in the covert attempt to catch a hare or par- 
 tridge, Could not possibly be adequate to support a commerce like this. 
 No, it was not done by poaching exactly ; the wholesale dealers were 
 the law-makers themselves — those who had interdicted the traffic — 
 NOBLE LORDS and MEN OF TITLE, who had Condescended to supply 
 the London poulterers and salesmen with game, on commission, as a 
 means of augmenting their territorial revenues. 
 
 This perhaps is enough by way of record of the proceedings of the 
 boroughmongers and their game laws, which Mr. Justice Blackstone 
 denominated a " bastard slip of the forest laws." But the fact is, they 
 were a refinement in insult on the savage code of William Rufus. The 
 territorial jurisdiction of the forest-laws, though extensive enough in 
 all conscience, had its local boundaries ; at least, it did not extin- 
 guish the old common-law right every proprietor exercised to kill and 
 have all animals, ferce naturce, found on his own land. These inroads 
 on the most obvious rights of property and the common sense of man- 
 kind, were left for a much more recent period, — a period subsequent to 
 the glorious Revolution of 1688: for, though the Qualification Act 
 was passed in the reign of Charles II. the statutes which first made it 
 penal to sell game, or for an unqualified person to have game in 
 his possession, were not passed till the reigns of William III. and 
 George II. 
 
 V. INCOMES OF THE ARISTOCRACY. 
 
 We are not partizans of Agrarian laws, and we believe the number 
 of political reformers of any sect is extremely diminutive who wish to 
 see or who ever expect to see a Spencean division of property. In- 
 dustry, perseverance, sobriety, and prudence will mostly acquire wealth, 
 and deserve to acquire it, and to enjoy it, and to transmit the enjoy- 
 ment, after death, to those they most esteem. These are elements of 
 society which few, indeed, would ever wish to see violated. They are 
 primary laws of social organization, of which every one almost instinc- 
 tively feels the justice and utility. 
 
 Neither are there many, we apprehend, who wish to abolish civil 
 distinctions. A legislator sufficiently wise and experienced to discharge 
 his high functions; a judge or magistrate qualified by probity and learn- 
 ing to adjudicate civil and criminal wrongs ; a great public officer 
 meriting and filling a high civil appointment ; or a great commander, 
 able and brave, to direct the military power of the state : these are all 
 distinctions which every one must respect and venerate ; and if it be 
 necessary to distinguish the holders by other symbols than the official 
 titles — by a velvet cap, a coronet, or ermined robe, with two. throe, or 
 four guards, or a golden epaulette — they will respect and venerate these 
 too. Nay, there are not many, we believe, who care because there is 
 " my lord" this, or " his grace" of that, or the " most noble" t' other
 
 272 ARISTOCRACY. 
 
 thing; these are not matters of pith and moment — they are too childish, 
 we would hope, either to mislead the beholder, or corrupt the pos- 
 sessor. 
 
 It is not civil distinctions, but the nuisance of civil usurpations the 
 just and enlightened wish to see abated. An aristocracy of office, of 
 acquirement, and desert, is a natural aristocracy; but an aristocracy of 
 birth is a feudal barbarism which honours the shadow in place of the 
 substance, and dissevers merit from its just reward. Hereditary right 
 to property we can comprehend, but hereditaiy right to be legislators, 
 bishops, post-captains, military commanders, and secretaries of state, 
 shocks common sense. One is a private immunity, transmissible from 
 father to son ; the other are public functions, which can never be 
 alienated to any order of men ; they belong to the living, and cannot 
 be bequeathed and regulated by the dead ; they are adjuncts to the pre- 
 sent not to a past generation. 
 
 The claims of property are so self-evident, and have formed, in all 
 ages and in all places, (Sparta alone perhaps excepted,) so inseparable 
 an adjunct to the social state, that one would have thought their utility 
 would never have been called in question. Yet it is a fact — and it has 
 not escaped the observant attention of the Editor of the Morning 
 Chronicle — that there are many in both France and England who dis- 
 pute the advantages of so old fashioned an institution. The followers 
 of St. Simon and Mr. Owen are deeply impressed with the evils 
 resulting from the individual or competitive system, and to escape them 
 would fly to remedies by which they would be augmented a hundred 
 fold. Crime, penury, and ignorance exist to a frightful extent ; they 
 have always existed— but evils which are now partial would, under the 
 proposed " New State of Society," become universal. Without the 
 stimulus of property there could be no industry — no eminence moral 
 or intellectual. Who would sedulously devote themselves to the useful 
 arts, to agriculture, manufacture, medicine, or navigation, if superior 
 application, superior enterprize, or superior endowments were not 
 rewarded ? 
 
 For competition Mr. Owen would substitute co-operation. But do 
 not the several classes of society already co-operate to the common ad- 
 vantage of all ? One class is occupied in rural industry, another in 
 manufactures and commerce, another in science and letters. Each is 
 rewarded — not always perhaps, but mostly— in proportion t'o desert: 
 but the claims of merit would not be recognized under Mr. Owen's 
 system ; the indolent would reap the rewards of the industrious, the 
 vicious of the more deserving. This is not co-operation, it is corpora- 
 tion, the principle of the old monastic institutions and commercial mo- 
 nopolies — associations of whose stagnating, debasing, and injurious 
 tendency the world has already had sufficient experience. 
 
 We always respect the motives of men whom we see constantly 
 devoting their means and energies to the good of mankind, and should, 
 therefore, regret to utter any thing harshly of Robert Owen. There is 
 at all events no iinposture about him : his propositions are brought
 
 ROBERT OWEN AND ST. SIMON. 273 
 
 openly forwai*d, and he challenges inquiry and discussion : submitted to 
 such a test, good may result from them, but they cannot possibly be 
 productive of lasting evil. There is one suggestion we cannot help 
 offering to this gentleman, — namely, that if he were to aim at less, he 
 would accomplish more. The idea of abrogating the empire of the 
 laws, of abolishing- the right of property, and of resolving old commu- 
 nities into little bartering co-operative societies, are projects too wild and 
 puerile to be thought of a moment. But, if in lieu of these, Mr. Owen 
 would endeavour to improve the system of education throughout the 
 country by impressing on parents and teachers, more strongly than it 
 now is, the vast influence of external circumstances in the formation of 
 the juvenile character, some good might result from his zealous exertions. 
 
 We have thought it advisable to preface this section, by glancing at 
 some of the novel opinions abroad on a delicate subject, lest our pre- 
 sent purpose might be misconstrued. 
 
 Our intention is to say something of the possessions of the Aristo- 
 cracy, and we were apprehensive lest it might be imagined we meditated 
 spoliation, or beheld, with jealous eye, the magnitude of their acres 
 and rental. All such constructions we disclaim. It is nothing to us, 
 nor is it much to the public, that the marquis of Stafford has £360,000 
 per annum ; the duke of Northumberland, £300,000 ; the duke of 
 Buccleugh, £250,000 ; and that there are other dukes and marquesses 
 with nearly as much. Such magnificent revenues are not enjoyed by 
 noblemen alone. There are lords of the loom in Lancashire and York- 
 shire who have accumulated incomes nearly as great, and, perhaps, not 
 more humanely nor honourably. But, if such masses of wealth be 
 evils, they are evils which would remedy themselves, were they not 
 fostered and upheld by vicious legislation. Abolish the laws which con- 
 secrate these vast accumulations and minister to family pride and personal 
 caprice, and the mere diversities in the characters of succeeding posses- 
 sors would soon disintegrate the great properties. 
 
 It is neither the mansions nor parks of the peerage that excite po- 
 pular cupidity ; it is the hereditary monopoly — not by constitutional 
 right, but usurpation — of the political franchises of the people which be- 
 gets hostile feelings ; because it enables the privileged legislators to tax 
 others and not themselves — to engross all public honours, offices, and 
 emoluments — in a word, to make all the great social interests of a vast 
 community, of which, in number, intellect, and even wealth, they 
 constitute a most insignificant portion, subservient solely to the pur- 
 poses of their own vanity, folly, indulgence, and aggrandizement. 
 Here is the national grievance ; and let us inquire whether, from the 
 adventitious circumstance of property, they have any claim to inflict 
 this great wrong on society. 
 
 The most authentic data for ascertaining the distribution of the pro- 
 perty and revenue of the different classes of society are the returns under 
 the property-tax. But it is to be observed that these returns only in- 
 clude the annual value of property liable to the tax, and, consequently, 
 do not exhibit the annual value of the smaller incomes, nor the amount
 
 274 A It 1 STOCK A cv. 
 
 of that great mass of revenue accruing from the wages of labour. 
 Bearing this in mind, we shall submit a statement of the annual income 
 arising from property, professions, public annuities, profits in trade^ 
 pensions, and offices : and the amount of the gross assessments on the 
 several descriptions of revenue arising from the different sources of 
 income. The return is for the year ending April 5th, 1815 — the last 
 of the income tax — and is abstracted from the Parliamentary Paper, 
 No. 59, Session 1823. We have omitted shillings and pence, which 
 make some trifling inaccuracies in the totals, and, to render the state- 
 ment more intelligible, have added the titles of the schedules and rate 
 of assessment from the 48 Geo. III. c. 65. The rise in the value of 
 the currency has probably depressed the nominal amount of incomes 
 below the contemporary increase in produce and industiy; but, as this 
 change affected all classes alike, with the exception of annuitants and 
 those enjoying fixed money payments, it has not materially altered the 
 relative proportions of revenue, as exhibited by the returns of 1815, 
 possessed by the different divisions of the community. Here follows 
 the statement: — 
 
 Schedules. Annual Value. Gross Assessments. 
 
 (A.) — Lands, tenements, and hereditaments, for 
 
 every 20s. of the annual value 2s 00,138,330 5,923,486 
 
 (B.) — Occupiers of lands, dwelling-houses, and 
 
 tenements, Is. 6d. ; Scotland, Is 38,396,143 2,734,450 
 
 (C.) — Annuities and dividends arising out of 
 
 any public revenues, 2s 28,855,050 2,885,505 
 
 (D.) — Increase and profits from professions, 
 
 trade, or vocations, 2s 38,310,935 3,831,088 
 
 (E.) — Public offices, pensions, and stipends, 
 
 \s.6d 11,744,557 1,174,445 
 
 Total £177,451,015 £16,548,984 
 
 The most important item for our purpose is the property charged in 
 schedule A. consisting of lands and tenements which were assessed ou 
 the rack rents, and profits from mines and quarries. Under this head 
 the assessment charged on land, houses, mines, &c. appears, from the 
 parliamentary return, to which reference has been made, to have been 
 as follows: — 
 
 £ 
 
 Lands chargeable under the general rule 39,405,705 
 
 Houses so chargeable 16,250,399 
 
 Particular properties chargeable on the annual profits, viz. tithes, 
 manors, fines, quarries, mines, iron works, and non-enumerated 
 profits 4,473.224 
 
 £60,138,330 
 
 From this it appears that the entire rental returned in the last year of
 
 AGGREGATE REVENUES OF THE PEERAGE. 275 
 
 the property-tax was £39,405,705, and which has been reduced since 
 the peace, in the opinion of Mr, Lowe, to twenty-five millions. Now the 
 question is, what portion of this rental is received by the four hundred 
 and eighteen members of the House of Peers. The Scotch and Irish peers, 
 to the number of one hundred and eighty, who only sit in the Upper 
 House, by their representatives, we exclude from consideration; the 
 object being to get at the incomes of those who exercise the politi- 
 cal power of the empire. For this purpose it will be necessary to 
 analyze the component parts of the landed interests, and separate 
 the peers from those who share with them the territorial revenues of 
 the kingdom. 
 
 The number of baronets is 658, and many of them enjoy landed 
 incomes as g'reat or greater than lords. Then there is the squirearchy, 
 more numerous than Pharoah's host, who draw freely from the surplus 
 produce of the soil. To these must be added the great loan-contractors, 
 merchants, manufacturers, and others, appertaining to the monied, 
 mercantile, and trading- classes, many of whom possess extensive es- 
 tates, and who rival, and, in part, have superseded the ancient nobility. 
 Dr. Colquhoun supposed the gentry, and the classes we have enume- 
 rated, as enjoying large incomes, to amount to 46, 861, and their incomes, 
 from land and other sources, to amount to £53,022,1 10. Besides which, 
 allowance must be made for the estates of the younger children of noble 
 families, and for lands appertaining to lay and ecclesiastical coi-porations, 
 and to charitable foundations. From all these considerations we should 
 conclude that the rental of peers, sitting in parliament, does not exceed 
 three millions per annum. Some of the members of the Upper House, 
 we are aware, enjoy vast revenues, but the average income of each, 
 from the soil, does not exceed £7,177. 
 
 Mr. Hallam says the richest of the English aristocracy derive their 
 possessions from the spoils of the Reformation. He ought, also, to 
 have added the spoils of the crown-lands, for they have helped them- 
 selves freely to the possessions of both church and king, as well as the 
 people. The Bentinck, the Pelham, and other families inherit vast 
 properties from leases and alienations of the royal domains. The houses 
 of Cavendish and Russell, it is well known, made their acquisitions at 
 the Reformation. The foundation of the Fitzvvilliam estates was advan- 
 tageous purchases at the same era. The Lonsdales have dug- out 
 their wealth from coal mines. The Buccleugh property has been an 
 accumulation from heiresses, including' here in England the possessions 
 of the duke of Montague. The Gower estates have, also, mainly come 
 by marriages; but the grand augmentation was by the canal-property 
 of the late duke of Bridg'ewater, to which are now to be added the 
 Sutherland estates of the present marchioness — a principality in them- 
 selves. The Grosvenor riches came mainly from an heiress, who brought, 
 in marriage, the London building- land about two generations back. 
 The Northumberland estates are, principally, the old feudal inheritance 
 of the Percys. In the whole peerage there are only eighteen commer- 
 
 T 2
 
 276 ARISTOCRACY. 
 
 cial families, and these form the only houses which can be said to have 
 acquired their wealth by habits of peaceful and honest industry. 
 
 Granting, then, that by means of marriages, and other favourable 
 circumstances, some few of the nobility have accumulated vast revenues, 
 still there are others whose poverty is notorious, and, altogether, they do 
 not enjoy a landed revenue exceeding three millions per aimum. What 
 right, then, it may be inquired, have an Oligarchy of 418 persons, 
 possessing so small a share in the general wealth of the community, to 
 monopolize political power. Three millions per annum is not one- 
 hundredth part of the annual revenue of the kingdom.* Yet, to a body 
 of men, having so diminutive a stake in the general weal, are confided 
 the destinies of the empire. 
 
 The revenues derived by the peerage from the taxes and church re- 
 venues have been estimated to amount to £2,825,846 per annum, being 
 nearly equal to their territorial revenue. This vast addition to their 
 legitimate income they have been able to acquire from having usurped 
 the franchises of the people. Whether the sum they draw from the 
 church estates and the public is more or less, it is not our present pur- 
 pose to investigate. Our object has been to demonstrate that the wealth 
 of the peerage, of which they can justly claim the possession, is insigni- 
 ficant, when compared with the entire wealth of the country ; and that 
 the aristocracy, by direct or indirect means, exercising the political 
 power of the state, the government, as at present constituted, neither 
 represents the number, intellect, nor property of the community. The 
 two former propositions have been often demonstrated, but the latter was 
 a desideratum in general information. 
 
 There is another mode of viewing the distribution of the revenues of 
 society, which it will, perhaps, not be unpleasing to our readers, if 
 we submit to their consideration. The whole social fabric rests upon 
 the industrious orders, and, Ave believe, they are only imperfectly ac- 
 quainted with the magnitude of their power and resources. The late 
 Dr. CoLQUnouN, who was a bold, but, as experience has proved, a very 
 shrewd calculator, formed an estimate of the number and income of the 
 different classes into which the community is divided. From the data 
 exhibited by this gentleman, in his "Treatise on the Resources of the 
 British Empire," we have drawn up a statement which will afford a 
 curious insight into the subject about which we are occupied. It is 
 hardly necessary to remark that the Doctor's conjecture of the incomes 
 of the clergy is greatly below the truth. Indeed, it is to be observed 
 that all statistical tables, drawn up prior to the restoration of a metallic 
 currency, are chiefly useful in showing proportions, and do not e.xpress 
 the present numerical value of either income or property. 
 
 Lowe's Present State of England, App. p. 63.
 
 CLASSES AND INCOMES. 
 
 277 
 
 Different Classes of Society, and their respective Incomes, 
 
 Number of 
 
 DESCRIPTION OF PERSONS. JlSg their Totalln<ome 
 
 Families and of ciicli class. 
 Domestics. 
 
 Royalty 300 £ 501,000 
 
 Nobility 13,620 5,400,000 
 
 Gentry, including baronets, knights, 
 country gentlemen, and others 
 having large incomes 402,535 53,022,590 
 
 Clergy -.—Eminent clergymen 9000 1 ,080,000 
 
 Lesser ditto...' 87,000 3,500,000 
 
 Dissenting clerg}', including 
 
 itinerant preachers 20,000 500,000 
 
 State akd Revenue, including all per- 
 sons employed under govern- 
 ment 114,500 6,830,000 
 
 Pensioners, including those of Green- 
 ■\vich, Chelsea, and Kilmainham 
 Hospitals 92,000 1 ,050,000 
 
 Law : — Judges, barristers, attorneys, clerks, 
 
 &c. 95,000 7,600,000 
 
 Physic : — Physicians, surgeons, apotheca- 
 ries, &c. 90,000 5,400,000 
 
 Agricult.ure : — Freeholders of the better 
 
 sort 385,000 19,250,000 
 
 Lesser Freholders 1 ,050,000 2 1 ,000,000 
 
 Farmers • 1 ,540,000 33,600,000 
 
 Trade:— Eminent merchants 35,000 9,100,000 
 
 Shojikcepers, and tradesmen re- 
 tailing goods 700,000 28,000,000 
 
 Innkeepers and publicans, li- 
 censed to sell ale, beer, and 
 spirituous liquors 437,000 8,750,000 
 
 Working Classes : — Agricultural labour- 
 ers, mechanics, artizans, handi- 
 crafts, and all labourers em- 
 ployed in manufactures, mines, 
 
 and minerals 7,497,531 82,451,547 
 
 Paupers, vagrants, gipsies, rogues, 
 vagabonds, and others sup- 
 ported by criminal delinquency 1,548,500 9,871,000 
 
 The preceding statement aftords room for curious and important 
 inferences. The industrious orders may be compared to the soil, out 
 of wliich every thing is evolved and produced ; the other classes to the
 
 27<S ARISTOCRACY. 
 
 trees, tares, weeds, flowers, and vegetables, drawing their nutriment, 
 supported and maintained on its surface. Leaving out of consideration 
 the professions of medicine, law and religion, and the unproductive or 
 ornamental parts of society, let us attend to the number and incomes of 
 the following orders : — 
 
 Numbers. Incomes. 
 
 Freeholders of the better sort 385,000 .€19,250,000 
 
 Lesser freeholders 1,050,000 21,000,000 
 
 Farmers 1,540,000 33,000,000 
 
 Eminent merchants 35,000 9,100,000 
 
 Shopkeepers 700,000 28,000,000 
 
 Innkeepers and publicans 437,000 8,750,000 
 
 Working Classes 7,497,531 82,451,547 
 
 These may be considered the active machinery — the solid substratum 
 — upon which the social pyramid is based. When mankind attain a 
 state of perfectibility ; when vice, crime, and ignorance are more 
 circumscribed ; when we shall seldom require physic to cure diseases, 
 laws to punish offences, or the terrors of superstition to deter from 
 evil ; these will be the chief classes in existence. They are the chief 
 classes which ought to exist in a perfect state. The other classes have 
 mostly originated in our vices and ignorance. As mankind become 
 more perfect, or, which is the same thing, as knowledge is more ex- 
 tensively diffused, then will the honoraiy, legal, medicinal, and ecclesi- 
 astical classes disappear : having no employment, their name and office 
 will cease in the social state. 
 
 It is from the useful classes the public revenue, for the maintenance 
 of the army, navy, and general government is chiefly extracted. We 
 have before shown the iniquitous principle on which our fiscal regula- 
 tions have been framed, owing to the political ascendancy of the 
 Aristocracy. Nearly all our taxes are taxes on the ordinaiy transac- 
 tions of business, or on the ordinary articles of consumption; and press 
 on the industrious like an inquisitorial and remorseless income-tax, 
 levied without distinction of small or large revenues. It has been the 
 gradual working of this oppressive system that has mainly produced the 
 revolting extremes now observable in the condition of different classes 
 of the community, that has enabled one class to riot in profusion and 
 the wanton enjoyment of redundant incomes, while others have been 
 steeped in indigence, subjected to unceasing and unrequited toil, and 
 barely able to procure the commonest necessaries. That this is not 
 assertion merely, we will demonstrate by an appeal to facts ; we will show 
 that the imposts, vrhich constitute almost the entire revenue, are chiefly 
 levied on the property, avocations, and consumption of the working 
 and mercantile orders of the comnmnity. The produce of the customs 
 and post-ofiice is usually referred to as an exponent of commercial 
 activity ; that of the excise as the index of internal comfort and enjoy- 
 ment—and for this reason ; that the last, v»hich constitutes considerably 
 more than one-third of the public income, is chiefly contributed by the 
 great body of the people.
 
 TAXES PAID BY INUUSTttlOUS CLASSES. "279 
 
 Statement of the Gross Produce of Taxes for the Year ending 5th 
 January, 1831, chiefly paid by the Industrious Classes. — Annual 
 Finance Accounts, Session 1831. 
 
 Windows £1,185,478 8 A\ 
 
 Inhabited houses 1,361,825 5^ 
 
 Probates of wills and letters of Administration .... 903,938 10 
 
 Legacies 1,223,2(30 11 
 
 Bills of exchange 458,511 8 G 
 
 Bankers' notes, including compositions for duties 
 
 thereon 110,047 3 8 
 
 Receipts 220,9(J0 KJ 10 
 
 Marine insurances 220,007 15 <5 
 
 Fire insurances 708,855 6 9 
 
 Stagecoaches 418,604 9 G^ 
 
 Post-oflice 2,053,720 11 2\ 
 
 Tea 3,387,097 13 9^ 
 
 • Coflee 579,844 19 7 
 
 Sugar (exclusive of drawbacks) 4,770,508 
 
 Malt 3,505,453 14 7 
 
 Hops 121,451 8 li 
 
 Beer (duty ceased October 10th, 1830) 2,390,310 18 4^ 
 
 Spirits (British) 3,708,713 Gi 
 
 Spirits (Foreign) 4,081,281 11 3 
 
 Licenses 737,497 11 0* 
 
 Soap 1,513,149 19 9^ 
 
 Butter 102,881 18 10 
 
 Cheese 55,093 12 9 
 
 Corn, grain, meal, and flour 798,082 6 7 
 
 Eggs, bacon, and hams 20,700 14 
 
 Tallow 180,947 
 
 Tobacco and snufT 2,938.050 10 10 
 
 Winesof all sorts 1,575,438 6 9 
 
 Coals and culm, carried coastwise, (duty ceased 
 
 Marchl,1831) 979,197 5 6 
 
 Total £40,337,574 19 1\ 
 
 Thus on the gross receipt of revenue for Great Britain of £54,995,262, 
 the sum of £40,337,574, is levied either wholly or very disproportion- 
 ately on the necessaries of the industrious orders, and does not touch 
 the luxuries of the groat, unless the articles of wines, snuff", and tobacco 
 can be considered such. The duties on wills and legacies, on bills, notes 
 and receipts, on fire and marine insurances, on postage and stage coaches, 
 fall heavily on the mercantile and manufacturing classes. The taxes on 
 articles of daily use and consumption operate, as before observed, like an 
 undiscriminating" income-tax, augmenting in the exact ratio of every 
 individual's unavoidable expenditure. This monstrous state of our fiscal 
 system is solely owing to non-representation, and consequent monopoly 
 
 * The fustoin duties are for the United Kingdom ; the duties of oxcisp, taxes, 
 and stamps arc for Great Britain only.
 
 280 AUISTOCRACY. 
 
 of political power by the Aristocracy, Avhich has enabled them to throw 
 the public burthens on the productive classes. Those who are the chief 
 source of the wealth of the community, and who defray the charges of 
 the general government, have had no etficient control over .its adminis- 
 tration ; nay, have often not been treated with ordinary courtesy, and 
 by an usurping Oligarchy the inferior orders have been considered little 
 better than an ignorant rabble ! 
 
 '' Row various and innumerable 
 
 Are tliose wlio live upon the rabble ! 
 'Tis they maintain the Church and State, 
 Employ the priest and magistrate ; 
 Bear all the charge of government, 
 And pay the public tines and rent , 
 Defray all taxes and excises, 
 And impositions of all prices ; 
 Bear all the expense of peace and war, 
 And pay the pulpit and the bar ; 
 Maintain all churches and religions, 
 And give their pastors exhibitions !" 
 
 The aristocratic privilege of an exclusive right to impose taxes, and 
 comparative exemption from their pressure, is strikingly evinced in the 
 present partial mode of rating to the inhabited house duty, the splendid 
 seats of the nobility and gentry. In Chester, which contains many 
 residences of a very high class, there is but one mansion, (Eaton, we 
 believe,) assessed so high as £300 a-year. That magnificent palace 
 would be under-assessed probably at £10,000. In Westmoreland, 
 which contains Lowther Castle, as fine a place or nearly so as Eaton, 
 there is not one house assessed so high as £200. In Durham, which con- 
 tains Raby Castle, and Lambton Castle, and Wynyard, and Ravensworth, 
 and Brancepeth Castles — to say nothing of other mansions — the two first 
 we believe, nearly equal to either of those before mentioned — there is 
 not a single house assessed so high as £100, and but two above £70 
 per annum, which last is about the rate of assessment of our friend 
 Loudon in his little cottage at Baysvvater. In the rich and fine county 
 of Hereford, containing Eastnor Castle, there is not a single house 
 assessed so high as £90 per annum, and but three at or above £70. 
 In Leicestershire, which contains Belvoir Castle, there is not an assess- 
 ment so high as £200 per annum. In Northamptonshire, containing 
 Althorp and various other fine seats, there is but one house rated so 
 high as £110 per annum. In Northumberland, which contains 
 Alnwick Castle, there are but two assessments of £200 and upwards. 
 In Oxfordshire, which contains the stately and far-famed Blenheim, 
 there is but one assessment so high as £300. Lastly in Yorkshire, 
 which contains Wentworth Castle, and Harewood House, and Castle 
 Howard, to say nothing of other numerous and splendid seats, there is 
 not a single house assessed so high as £400 per annum, and but four so 
 high as £300. 
 
 Compare these assessments of the Aristocracy with the sums levied on 
 the Shopocracy, as the middle orders have been termed, in the metropolis
 
 AUGxMENTATIONS OF THE PEERAGE. 281 
 
 and manufacturing towns, and we shall find additional reasons for the 
 political representation of all interests in the great council of the nation. 
 
 VI. INCREASE OF THE PEERAGE. 
 
 The members of the Upper House, succeeding to legislative functions 
 by hereditary right, are exempt from the salutary influence which 
 controls the deliberations of a representative assembly. Their interests 
 are purely oligarchical, and severed from the general interests of the 
 community. It cannot, therefore, excite surprise that any augmenta- 
 tion in a body of exclusives like this —separated from the mass of 
 society by education, by family pride, by privilege, and usurped power 
 — should be viewed with dislike and apprehension. 
 
 Other reasons render an increase in the aristocratic branch of parlia- 
 ment inimical to general feeling. It has been ascertained that the 
 nobility afford a striking illustration of Mr. Malthus's theory of 
 population.* Possessing, in abundance, the comforts and conveniences 
 of life, they are placed in those circumstances most favourable to a full 
 development of the procreative principle, and it is a singular confirma- 
 tion of the doctrine of the enlightened writer that noble families are 
 actually as prolific as those of the United States of America. Peers 
 are mostly marrying men. After visiting the European capitals, and 
 committing a few follies and eccentricities, they usually settle down at 
 about twenty-five or twenty-eight years of age, and the results, on the 
 average, are a progeny of five children, or about twenty-five per cent, 
 more than other people. The eldest inheriting the estate, the rest would 
 be destitute, were not the parents, by means of their vote and borough- 
 interest, able to quarter them on the public. Hence it is the people 
 contemplate, with feelings corresponding to those entertained by an 
 Irish absentee who sees the increase of his cotter tenantry, any unavoid- 
 able addition to the peerage ; knowing that, in consequence of primoge- 
 niture and entail-laws, another family will be thrown upon them for 
 support, and that their own chance of honourable promotion in the army, 
 navy, civil departments, or other branch of national service, is impeded 
 by new rivals, with whom exists no prospect of equitable competition. 
 
 Having explained one or two of the popular objections to an increase 
 of the peerage, we shall briefly notice the extraordinary augmentation 
 it has undergone during the reigns of George III. and George IV. 
 
 A creation of peers generally takes place on the accession of a new 
 family, the commencement of a new reign, or when some political 
 measure is to be carried. On the death of Elizabeth, the peers only 
 amounted to fifty-six. James, being the first of a new dynasty, raised 
 the number to one hundred and five ; and Charles I. to one hundred and 
 thirty-five; Charles II. created fifteen dukes, (six of whom were his 
 natural children,) one marquess, thirty-seven earls, three countesses, 
 two viscounts, and twenty-nine barons. At the Revolution of 1688, 
 William III. to ingratiate himself with the great families, raised eight 
 
 * Edinburgh Keview, No. 162, p. 316.
 
 282 ARISTOCRACY. 
 
 powerful earls to dukedoms ; created eighteen earls, three viscounts, and 
 nine barons. Anne increased the peerage to one hundred and seventy. 
 The accession of the Hanover family rendered new creations necessary : 
 George I. either created or elevated no fewer than forty-nine peers. George 
 II. left one hundred and eighty-four. It is evident that the great increase 
 of the peerage was in the reign of George III. being more than doubled. 
 In 1777 a batch of peers was drafted from the Commons to the Lords, 
 to effect a ministerial majority. This expedient was frequently resorted 
 to by Mr. Pitt. In 1797 ten peers were made. He nearly created the 
 order of marquesses : he made ten marquesses in England where there 
 was but one, and nine in Ireland where there was none — all men emi- 
 nent, of course, for their services. Knighthood was still more profusely 
 lavished. In short, he was as prodigal in wasting the honours of the 
 Crown as the money of the people, and for a similar purpose. 
 
 The peers created during the reign of George III. have been classified 
 as follows : — 
 
 Landed commoners 40 
 
 Irish peers 56 
 
 Scotch peers 24 
 
 Law 25 
 
 State 25 
 
 Army 13 
 
 Navy 10 
 
 Younger sons and younger branches of peers 17 
 
 Renewals 7 
 
 Confirmations 7 
 
 Peeresses 5 
 
 235 
 Extinctions 74 
 
 Addition 161* 
 
 George IV. added 64 members to the Upper House. t In this 
 number are included individuals who have been raised to the peerage, 
 or in whose favour an abeyance has been terminated, as well as peers 
 of Scotland and Ireland Avho have obtained English baronies. No 
 notice, however, is taken of Scotch peerages which have been recently 
 restored, nor of the creations of peers of Ireland ; of claims to English 
 peerages which have been admitted, nor of elevations of English 
 peerages to higher honours. The average rate at which peers have 
 been created during the last two reigns has been about four per annum ; 
 and was the same rate of increase to continue for the next century, it 
 would double the existing number of parliamentary lords. 
 
 Toryism being the ascendant school of politics during the last reigns, 
 the character of the peers created was of course determined by that of 
 the minister from whom the honours were obtained. The effect of this 
 
 * Quarterly Review, No. 84, p. 314. 
 
 f Letter to the Duke of Wellington on creating Peers for Life.
 
 PEERS OF NEW AND OLD CREATION, 
 
 283 
 
 was strikingly evinced on the first introduction of the Reform Bill 
 into the House of Lords. Of the old peers of the United Kingdom, 
 there was a majority of two /or the socond reading of the bill. Of the 
 new peers of the United Kingdom created subsequent to 1792, the 
 majority was against the second reading of the bill, and their number 
 was only balanced by the creations under the Whig ministry. The 
 subject will be made clear from the following statement copied from a 
 recent publication.* 
 
 Peers of the United Kingdom created previously 
 to the end of 1792 
 
 Peers of the United Kingdom created subse- 
 quently to 1792 (including the creations during 
 the administration of Earl Grey) 
 
 Archbishops and Bishops 
 
 Representative Peers for Scotland 
 
 Representative Peers for Ireland 
 
 Royal Dukes 
 
 Voted against 
 the Bill. 
 
 79 
 
 66 
 21 
 12 
 19 
 2 
 
 199 
 
 Voted for 
 the Bill. 
 
 81 
 
 66 
 2 
 4 
 4 
 1 
 
 158 
 
 It thus appears that of 54 votes against the bill there were 43 which 
 were the votes of — 
 
 21 Bishops against 2 ; being above 10 to 1. 
 12 S' otch peers against 4 ; being 3 to 1. 
 19 Irish against 4; being nearly 5 to 1. 
 The inference from which representation is that the bill was defeated in 
 1831 by the bishops, and the Irish and Scotch peers, who had obtained 
 their promotions or been elected under Tory influence. 
 
 The necessity of an augmentation of the peerage to balance the anti- 
 reform interest created subsequent to 1792, became manifest; it Avas 
 not only essential to strengthen the ministry and carry the bill, but also 
 to effect those ulterior improvements in public administration of which 
 this great national measure is justly considered the parent. 
 
 The abolition of an hereditary peerage in France cannot fail to have 
 the greatest influence on the future status of the ' order,' and will pro- 
 bably load to the abolition of an institution in other countries so little 
 consonant to the existing state of society. Because one man is a great 
 lawyer, statesman, or commander, it is no pledge that his lineal 
 descendant will be gifted with the same endowments as those which 
 entitled his progenitor to the exercise of legislative functions. A senate, 
 or upper chamlier for life, consisting of individuals eminent for wisdom, 
 experience, or national services, is a defensible institution; but 
 to make them hereditary, and erect legislators into a caste, is quite 
 as preposterous as to make the functions of the astronomer royal heredi- 
 
 Letler to Earl Grey on the Adjustment of the House of Peers.
 
 284 AlUSTOCUACY. 
 
 tary, or the colleges of surgeons and apothecaries. Such manifest 
 irrationalities must speedily disappear from European communities. 
 
 VII. SOURCES OF ARISTOCRATIC MONOPOLY. 
 
 The magnitude of the territorial revenues of the Aristocracy is not 
 such as to be in extreme disproportion with the incomes of many others 
 in a community of great commercial opulence, and forms not any 
 portion of the vice of their institution. Whether some noble lords have 
 augmented their rental out of the spoils of the Church and the Crown 
 is a question merely of historical curiosity, and can never be of any 
 practical utility: it is occasionally adverted to as a set-off to oligarchical 
 pride and pretension; beyond which it has no available application. 
 By the law of England, the quiet possession of an estate for sixty years 
 g-ivcs a clear and valid title ; and we believe there are few noblemen 
 who cannot adduce legal proof of the undisturbed enjoyment of their 
 parks and mansions for a much longer period. So far, then, as the 
 acres are concerned they are perfectly safe ; whatever political changes 
 may intervene — and great ones are impending — the legitimate incomes 
 of the peerage can never be endangered, unless they blindly and 
 pertinaciously oppose a regeneration which the wants of the age render 
 indispensable; unless they emulate, in fatuity and crime, Charles 
 Capet and his guilty accomplices. 
 
 Aristocratic monopoly and abuse do not result from enormous landed 
 revenues, but from hereditary rights of legislation, from primogeniture 
 and entail-laws, and from nomination boroughs. None of these, how- 
 ever, are essential constituents of an upper chamber; only two-thirds 
 of the nobility are entitled, by birth, to seats in parliament; primogeni- 
 ture and entails are feudal barbarisms void of utility in modern society; 
 and the usurpation of the franchises of the people is such a manifest 
 subversion of constitutional immunities, so inimical to the general free- 
 dom and prosperity, that it cannot be defended on any pretext of justice 
 or expediency. Abolish these corruptions, and all things will work 
 together for good, without spoliation, Avithout civil convulsion; and the 
 Devonshires, the LansdoAvnes, and Northumberlands enjoy, undisturbed, 
 their wide-spread domains, and retain, without murmur or complaint, 
 their social distinction and supremacy. 
 
 The great fount of evil has been the decayed boroughs; these have 
 been the Pandora's box, from which have flowed national calamities, 
 desolating wars, lavish expenditure, and the monstrous debt and dead 
 weight. They have been the obstacles to every social melioration — 
 civil, commercial, legal, and ecclesiastical. By means of them, the 
 nobility have been enabled to double their private revenues, appropriating 
 to themselves the dignities and livings of the church ; pensions and 
 grants out of the public purse ; and filling, with their connexions and 
 dependants, every lucrative office in the army, navy, and public admi- 
 nistration. There are only two descriptions of offices, namely, those 
 requiring talent and industry, the duties of \\hich cannot be dis- 
 charged by deputy, that the boroughmongers have denied themselves.
 
 APPREHENSIONS OF THE "ORDER." 285 
 
 Unfit for the higher stations in courts of law, they have condescended 
 to fill the profitable situations of clerk, registrar, messenger, usher, or 
 receiver, and carry bags and wands in the trains of those whose ability 
 alone made them their superiors, and to whom they were compelled to 
 pay this homage as a penalty for their own indolence and cupidity. 
 
 In consequence of the boroughs, all our institutions are partial, 
 oppressive, and aristocratic. We have an aristocratic church, aristocra- 
 tic bar, aristocratic taxation, aristocratic corn-laws, aristocratic laws of 
 property, and, till recently, aristocratic game-laws; in short, the -^ 
 aristocratic spirit pervades every thing — all is privilege, prescription, 
 monopoly, association, and corporation. But why, it may be asked, 
 has it so long continued, — why did not a wealthy, spirited, and en- 
 lightened comnmnity exert itself long before to abate the general op- 
 pression? The chief reason was this — we had also an aristocratic 
 press! By this little key-stone was the entire Gothic arch of antiquated 
 abuse and imposture upheld. 
 
 How has it happened the Aristocracy have been so extremely sulky 
 in regard to the memorable events of July 1830; that they have kept 
 their purse-strings so tight ; that they kept aloof from all participation 
 in the general exultation? Did they consider, as Napoleon did, that a 
 " a revolution in France is a revolution in Europe?" This second — r 
 national uprising, however, was attended with no popular massacre, no 
 confiscation, no obtrusion of infidelity; all was brave, wise, and moderate 
 — merely a great community rising, with one accord, to defeat an insane 
 attempt to subject it to the yoke of despotism and superstition. Yet 
 they sent forth no carmen triumphale on the sublime occasion. Is it 
 possible that they contemplated, at a distance, the mighty swell which 
 was to submerge their own proud pretensions ? If it were so, does it 
 not show that their interests are personal ; that they are not in common 
 with the people ; that they are merely a corporation in the state, and 
 that they feel their corporate immunities imperilled ? But what is it « 
 which renders them insulated monopolists — strangers in the land? It 
 is not the magnitude of their estates, for they are not objects of popular 
 concern. No; it is not what they rightfully possess, but what they 
 have surreptitiously obtained — the franchises of the people, and the 
 money of the people, which make them fastidious and apprehensive. 
 Be just and fear not, is our advice, and they are still safe !
 
 LAW 
 
 COURTS OF LAW. 
 
 The independence of the judges has so long formed a current theme of 
 praise, that it appears almost presumptuous to call it in question. 
 Yet the diiierence between them and other functionaries is not so 
 apparent as is generally assumed. It is true, the judges hold their 
 situations for life, unless guilty of some flagrant impropriety; but the 
 same may be said of other appointments under the Crown, the possessors 
 of which are seldom disturbed, so long as they correctly discharge their 
 duties; or if they are, they invariably receive a superannuation allow- 
 ance, or compensation, equivalent to the loss they have sustained. As 
 respects, then, the tenure of office, the sages of the law cannot arrogate 
 a great pre-eminence over other placemen: as respects those causes 
 which ordinarily influence individual conduct — the lure of ambition — 
 the temptation of lucre — and the seduction of indolence — they have 
 still less to pride themselves. A judge, like a bishop, may be trans- 
 lated from a lower to a higher dignity — from a judgeship to a chief- 
 justiceship, from that to a peerage or a seat in the cabinet; he may be 
 removed from an office of £5,500 per annum to one of £10,000, and 
 boundless patronage : he may be taken from a court where he is over- 
 whelmed with the claims of duty, to one where the most important duty 
 he has to discharge is to receive his salary. How then can it be 
 alleged the judges are independent and exempt from ministerial influence, 
 when the ministers have similar alluring temptations to hold out to the 
 bench as other functionaries, and similar means of rewarding subser- 
 viency? 
 
 Other causes operate unfavourably on judicial appointments. Instead 
 of the individuals elevated to the bench being a selection from the entire 
 Bar, of men the most distinguished for ability, probity, and experience, 
 the choice of the ministry is limited to men of their own party. A Tory 
 minister never chooses a Whig judge; nor the contrary. This tends 
 to lower the character of the judges in public estimation, by clearly 
 evincing that politics, as well as legal fitness, have a share in minis- 
 terial promotions. It also instils into the minds of both expectant 
 judges, «,nd of men already on the bench, a party feeling fatal to strict
 
 ORIGIN OF COMMON LAW. 287 
 
 justice on political questions. So well established Ls this fact, lord 
 Brougham has remarked that it is notorious, whenever a question comes 
 before the tribunals, whether it be upon a prosecution for libel, or upon 
 any other matter connected with government, the council, at their 
 meetings, take for granted that they can tell pretty accurately the 
 leaning of the court, and predict exactly which way the consultations 
 of the judges will terminate. It is very unfortimate the judges should 
 be always on the ministerial side of politics; but there is no help for 
 this, while they continue to be selected on the exclusive principle. They 
 have their opinions on public questions as well as other men; they know 
 they fill a certain situation, and they cannot forget by whom thev were 
 placed there, or for Avhat reason. 
 
 With these remarks we shall leave the venerable occupiers of the 
 Bench, on whom we had no intention of offering any observation; but 
 in some way their situation obtruded itself on our notice, on first 
 entering on the consideration of the important subject of this chapter. 
 We shall now proceed briefly to notice the more prominent abuses in 
 the laws and their administration. 
 
 The whole body of English Law is divided into two kinds — the ) 
 Common and the Statute Law. The Common Law is founded entirely 
 on custom or precedent, and the decisions in the courts of justice. It 
 is not founded on Acts of Parliament, nor on legislative enactments; 
 it is recorded in no public document; the only memorials of its existence 
 are to be found in traditional maxims, records of pleas, books of reports, 
 or the treatises of men eminent in the profession. It is evident that 
 laws originating and preserved in this manner, must be vague, obscure, 
 often absurd, and even contradictory. The Common Law is, in fact, 
 a monument of the opinions, errors, knowledge, and ignorance of 
 every period of society ; it has flowed down the stream of time, accu- 
 mulating like a mighty river, and carrying along vestiges of the 
 learning and ignorance, folly and wisdom, of every age through which 
 it has passed. 
 
 How unworthy such an incongruous mass must be of the present age ; 
 how inapplicable to the usages of society; and how diflicult it is iPor 
 any individual to obtain a knowledge of such an onus cameloriim, it is - 
 unnecessary to describe. Unsuitable as such a system of law is, to fulfil 
 the ends for Avhich all laws were originally intended, it forms a very 
 considerable part of the laws of this country. It is in virtue of the — 
 common law that the eldest son inherits from his father; that property 
 may be purchased and tiansferrcd by writing; that a deed is void if not 
 sealed and delivered ; that money lent upon bond is recoverable by 
 action of debt; and that a breach of the peace is ])unishable with fine 
 and imprisonment. These are doctrines not established by any written 
 statute or any legislative enactment, but depend solely upon immemorial 
 usage. 
 
 So much for the Common or Unwritten Law; next for the Statute- 
 Law, which exhibits a still more frightful chaos. Statute-Law consists 
 of all those acts, edicts, and statutes, made bv the kin"-, with the
 
 288 LAW AND COURTS OF LAW. 
 
 consent of the lords and commons in parliament assembled. The oldest 
 of these now extant, and printed in the statute-books, is Magna 
 Charta, as confirmed in parliament by 9 Hen. HI. There wore doubt- 
 less many acts before that time, the records of which are now lost ; 
 and which most probably were the foundation of some of the maxims 
 in the old Common Law, 
 
 No man in England professes to be acquainted with the Statute-Law 
 — not even the Lord Chancellor nor the Lord Chief Justice. It is such 
 a prodig'ious compilation, that a knowledge of it is wholly unattainable. 
 No one knows exactly what is law in England ; though every individual 
 is presumed to be acquainted with it, and ignorance is admitted as no 
 excuse for its violation. Any one may become a legislator for the whole 
 country ; he has nothing to do but to turn to the statute-book ; he will 
 there find laws in abundance, of which no man has any knowledge ; he 
 may adduce them as the law of the land ; he cannot be contradicted, 
 unless some subsequent statute can be found by which it is repealed, 
 and which it would probably require a year's labour to discover. In some 
 respects the statute-book may be compared to the scriptures. It contains 
 many good maxims and excellent precepts ; but, as a whole, it is con- 
 tradictory, obscure, and inapplicable to the age. What one part affirms, 
 another part denies. Laws may be adduced from it, like texts from the 
 Bible, proving any thing and every thing, adapted to all times, princi- 
 ples, and occasions : one affords profitable employment for one hundred 
 thousand wrangling lawyers ; the other profitable employment for as 
 many polemical divines : one is termed the perfection of human wisdom ; 
 the other a bright emanation from the Deity ! 
 
 How ignorant the most eminent in the profession are on the subject 
 we may gather from a speech of the late Lord Stanhope, on the revision 
 of the Statute-Book. Some of the most striking facts mentioned by 
 his lordship we will here insert. Conformably with a motion of his 
 lordship, the judges were directed to prepare a bill, reducing into one act 
 all the acts imposing the punishment of pillory. At the end of the bill 
 the judges inserted some observations, stating that pillory was the 
 punishment for some offences not merely by statute but at common law ; 
 and also they could not say whether there might not be statutes on the 
 subject which had escaped their attention. Their surmise was just ; 
 for Lord Stanhope afterwards discovered two more statutes, passed in 
 the reign of Geo. II. which had wholly escaped their researches. Here 
 then was an instance of the twelve judges not being able to discover all 
 the acts inflicting a single punishment. 
 
 The same noble lord, wishing to ascertain hoAv far the judges were 
 agreed as to what was the law on several particulars, put to them various 
 questions. For instance, he asked whether a person digging the brick 
 earth from his own field, there manufactured into bricks, and sold, 
 thereby made himself a trader liable to the bankrupt-laws ? The judges 
 of the Common Pleas were clearly of opinion one way, the judges 
 of the King's Bench were as clearly of opinion another. Lord Thurlow 
 Mas reputed a most admirable conmion lawyer ; but he was worsted on
 
 EXPouNDiN'(; .or Tin: statutes, 289 
 
 one occasion, in a dispute which he had with Lord Stanliope, on the 
 subject of a statute ; Lord Stanhope proving to be ri^-ht, and old 
 Thrumbo wrong. This, says Lord Stanhopo, was a «;reat leather in my 
 cap. One day as these noble lords were sitting togctimr on tlie wool- 
 sack, Lord Tliurlow said, " I slioiild be ashamed of myself if I was not 
 accurately acquainted with the common law ; but as to your d — d statute- 
 book it is impossible to be acquainted with it." His lordship also 
 related another anecdote of the celel)rated Mr. Dunning, aftenvards 
 Lord Asbburton. Lord Stanhope consulted Mr. Dunning on a certain 
 statute regHilation relative to the excise, and his answer was, " Now I'll 
 tell you all about it; but I never do answer these general questions when 
 applied to by others. I always tell them, shew me the statute to which 
 you refer, and I will expound it for you, but that is all I can do." Now 
 this was doing about as much as we could do ourselves, or a.s much as 
 any person could do who has a tolerably clear head, and not much 
 distui'bed by worldly affairs. 
 
 The fact is, the lawyers and judges, in many cases, are as ignorant of 
 the law as their clients and suitors. When a statute is produced, they 
 can expound it, as Mr. Dunning terms it ; so perhaps may any person 
 w'ho can read and understand the English language ; but as to knowing 
 whether it is the law of the land, whether it has been repealed or modified 
 by any sul)sequent enactment, they are frequently as ignorant as the 
 gaping spectator who looks upon them as infallible and inspired guides. 
 We do not, however, accuse them of wilful ignorance; we do not say 
 that, like the Fellows of Eton College, they are xviilinyly ignorant of 
 the statutes ; they are generally men of laborious pursuits, who spare no 
 ])ains to obtain a knowledge of the law ; but we accuse them of a culpable 
 indifference to the defective state of the statute-book, of either by their 
 silence or open hostility opposing every attempt to reduce it into an 
 intelligible form, originating either iu a rooted prejudice against the 
 reform of any thing and every thing, or solely from a wish to maintain 
 the pecuniary interests of a multitudinous and rapacious profession. 
 
 When a legal question is brought belore the courts, deviating in any 
 degree from the ordinary routine, it is seldom decided instanter. The 
 counsel open theca.se, — they, in fact, instruct the judges, — they refer to 
 precedents and statutes, as they have been instructed by their attorneys, 
 who have, perhaps, been instructed by their clients ; the judges then 
 say they will take time to i-onsidcr ; and after going home and molcing 
 their way through a labyrinth of reports and acts of parliament, they 
 obtain a twinkling of light, return into court, and adjudicate the subject 
 in dispute to tlie best of their ability. 
 
 Such is the immense number of law-books and their ponderous size, 
 that it would require the age of the patriarchs to acquire a knowledge 
 of them. They are literally Ossa piled on Pelion, a huge unformed 
 mass, which no man can fathom. There is a little Aldine compilation, 
 Viner's Abridgement, comprised in twenty volumes folio, which it is 
 considered necei^sary for every lawyer almost to know by heart. Gracious 
 heaven ! only think of that ! Mind, too, this is a mere abridgrmcnt — 
 
 V
 
 290 LAW AND COURTS OF LAW. 
 
 bare memoranda of the great originals ; and had it been continued to 
 the present time, it would have amounted to more than one hundred folio 
 volumes, necessary to be carried either in the head or the pocket of every 
 English lawyer. The most condensed edition of the Statutes at Large 
 yet given to the public, occupies thirty-nine volumes in quarto ; seven 
 volumes and a half of which comprise the acts from Magna Charta to the 
 end of the reign of George II., the remaining thirty-one and a half being 
 filled with those of the two last reigns. Since the Union with Ireland, a 
 l)uge closely printed volume has been published every one, two, or 
 three years, and the average number of public acts passed in each of 
 the last twenty-eight years amounts to one hundred and forty. It 
 is calculated that at the end of the present century, the statutes will 
 occupy one hundred ponderous quarto volumes, and the number of public 
 acts will amount to fourteen thousand. The present generation com- 
 plain of being overwhelmed with law, but what will be the situation of 
 posterity ? 
 
 We have said nothing yet of Reports of Cases. These form an 
 indispensable part of a lawyer's knowledge. It is well known that 
 decisions in courts of justice become a part of the law ; and when a 
 point has once been decided, it must be determined in the same way 
 again, unless the precedent can be proved clearly erroneous. Reports 
 of these decisions are published annually; they already amount to 
 upwards of two hundred and eighty volumes, exclusive of those which 
 relate to election, admiralty, and ecclesiastical law. But this is not all : 
 they are going on increasing amazingly ; every year adds eight more to 
 the oi'iginal stock ; so that in twenty years there will be one hundred 
 and sixty, and within the century seven hundred and twenty additional 
 volumes, making one thousand volumes of reports, Avhich, with one 
 hundred quarto volumes of statutes, will form a lawyer's library, that it 
 is not only necessary he should read, but digest, and, if possible, 
 understand. 
 
 This is English law, the perfection of human wisdom ! Let us, how- 
 ever, pause a moment, to reflect on this mass of legal lumber, this 
 grossly absurd svstem of legislation. It is considered a settled maxim 
 in jurisprudence, that every state within the limits of its own territory 
 ought to exact, and its subjects to yield, obedience to all its laws. The 
 foundation of the obligation on the part of the people is that the legis- 
 lative authority on its part is presumed to have made the laws so clear, 
 that every member of the community either knows them or must be 
 culpably inattentive if he do not. This principle is undeniable. It 
 would never do to allow ignorance to be an excuse for the violation of 
 laws. But how can any person be acquainted with English law ? How 
 can the legislature have gone on for centuries legislating on such an 
 absurd presumption, and presuming that every individual in the empire 
 was acquainted with their enactments ? How can men of business read, 
 digest, and understand one thousand volumes of reports, and one 
 hundred quarto volumes of statutes ? How can the people understand 
 the law, when even the judges, whose whole lives are devoted to the
 
 LOCAL ACTS AND REVENUE LAWS. 291 
 
 subject, are in the most ' pitiable state of perplexity, uncertainty, and 
 contradiction ? Can any thing- in the whole world be imagined more 
 completely absurd and ridiculous ? Had the whole system been blindly 
 scraped together from eyery age, nation, and tribe in the uniyerse, from 
 the farthest extremity of Siberia to the remotest deserts of Garamantes, 
 it could hardly have presented a more confused and hideous jumble than 
 the Statute and Common LaAv of England. 
 
 One cause of this profuse, headlong, and inconsistent course of 
 legislation has been the reckless facility with which parliament has 
 multiplied laws on a giyen subject, when a general enactment might 
 haye been framed adequate to the several occasions. Since the begin- 
 ning of last century 4000 bills for enclosures of wastes in as many 
 parishes have been passed, proving to demonstration the want of a 
 general law on the subject ; while, in the whole of that time, not a step 
 has been taken towards enacting such a law, and so saving the com- 
 munity the prodigious waste of private funds and public time consumed 
 in the passing of so many different statutes. The same obserA'atiou 
 applies to the innumerable acts passed for lighting towns with gas, and 
 for the purposes of police and local improvements. Upwards of fifty 
 acts have passed relative to game ; forty-eight relative to parliamentary 
 elections ; and seventy-six indemnifying Dissenters for not qualifying 
 themselves for offices and employments. There are many acts of a 
 temporary and local nature. No fewer than sixty acts have passed for 
 the recovery of small debts in different parts of the country, and fifty 
 of them during the last two reigns. There are some acts relative to 
 the baking of bread, and prohibiting the bakers from selling it unless 
 it has been baked twenty-four hours. About the packing of butter 
 there are somewhere about a dozen different acts ; as though it were 
 necessary to instruct people to pack butter by act of parliament. One 
 act on this subject relates to the packing of butter at Malton, in York- 
 shire ; another to the packiiig of butter in the city of York, a few miles 
 distant ; and another on the same subject for Ireland. Innumerable laws 
 haye been enacted relative to the woollen, linen, and cotton manufac- 
 tures; the whale, cod, herring, and pilchard fisheries; cheese, lace, 
 sugar, glass, and almost eveiy article of wear or consumption has been 
 the object of parliamentary regulation. The whole of the statutes on 
 wool amount to 987 ; on the subject of gold and silver 290 ; on tobacco 
 460 ; on the fisheries 970 ; and on a variety of other subjects in 
 proportion. Relative to the poor there are 350 public acts; besides 
 135 local acts. By some of these acts the poor are farmed out, by 
 others flogged. Of these local acts five passed in the reign of 
 George II.; the remaining 130 in the roigns of George III. and 
 George IV. Besides the number of act.s, other causes of the confusion 
 and perplexity of the Statute-Book arise from the immense number 
 repealed and re-enacted, and then partly repealed again, with a "so 
 far as," and "so forth;" also from the mass of altering, amending, 
 and explaining acts; of acts, for instance, for "removing doubts," for 
 " rectifying mistakes," for " rclievinc- from the provisions," for " de- 
 
 u 2
 
 292 LAW AND COURTS OI LAW. 
 
 foning tlu! coniiiu'ncoment," for " fiicilitating tlio oxpcution," — to 
 say nothitifj^ of acts of total repeal. No fewer than 1874 acts were 
 repealed in the reip^ns of (Jeorp:e II. and III. ; 419 in the former; and 
 14.'35 in the reign of the latter; which made Lord Stanhope remark, 
 " they had been passing bills by waggon loads, and repealing them by 
 cart loads." 
 
 Some efforts were made during the reign of George IV., under the 
 auspices of Sir Robert Peel and the Marquis of Lansdownc, to reduce the 
 Statute-Law within more reasonable limits. The parliament, dissolved in 
 1826, repealed, modified, or consolidated upwards of 1000 statutes. One 
 act, the .3 Geo. IV, c. 41, repeals upwards of 200 statutes, or parts of 
 statutes, relative to the export and import of merchandize; the commerce 
 of aliens and denizens, the guaging of wine, and other mercantile regula- 
 tions. The Custom Act consolidated 4.50 acts of parliament into one; the 
 .lury Act 30; the Bankrupt Act 20; and the acts on larceny, malicious 
 mischief, and forgery, have effected a considerable compression. From 
 a table of repoalod acts prefixed to Evan's Collection of Statutes, it 
 appears that during the short interval from the 4th to the 10th of 
 George IV., 1,126 acts of parliament were Avholly, and 443 partly, 
 repealed, making a total of 1569 : of these 1344 related to the empire at 
 large, and 225 solely to Ireland. Still the evil is of such magnitude 
 that there is scarcely perceptible diminution in its amount ; nor do 
 we anticipate — for reasons we shall hereafter explain— any decided 
 improvements in jurisprudence, either from the consolidatory acts, or 
 from the other projects of legal reform now in progress. 
 
 Nothing has tended so nmch to swell the Statute-Book as the enor- 
 mous increase in taxation, and the consequent increase in the number of 
 Revenue-Laws. During each of the last twenty-eight years, the num- 
 ber of acts passed, which relate strictly to the revenue, has amounted to 
 forty ; and those which are connected with them indirectly, and but for 
 them would never have existed, to nearly twenty more ; which com- 
 prises about half the whole number of laws annually enacted. The acts 
 lately in force with regard to spirits alone amounted to 140 ; an 
 attempt has been made to consolidate them, but as new acts are 
 yearly being added, both as regards spirits and custom duties, the 
 merchant and trader will soon be involved in as great a labyrinth as 
 ever. The stamp-acts amount to more than 150, and they still remain 
 unconsolidated. So do the innumerable acts relative to the coin. 
 Soap, candles, and the distilleries are under excise lock and key ; 
 and, in many instances of exciseable manufacture, it is impossible to 
 carry on the different steps of the process with advantage, from the 
 delay and interruption from the visits of the excise. What a bungling 
 piece of legislation have been the attempts to regulate the malt-duties, 
 liackney-coaches, and the vend of coals ! 
 
 On the middling classes these laws are peculiarly oppressive ; — and 
 yet they have been unceasingly told, that a reform in parliament 
 would do no good! Would it not, we ask, relieve them from the 
 vexatious inquisition and endless interruption and resti-aint on the ope-
 
 LAWYERS MINDS ALIKN TO TRUTH. 
 
 293 
 
 rations of tiade under which they now labour ( Would it not, in short, 
 cause an entire revision of that cumbersome and absurd system of juris- 
 prudence which we have attempted to describe ; — reduce the Statute- 
 i5ook to one-hundredth part of its present bulk ; consolidate the almost 
 innumerable local acts into more general laws ; and abolish all those 
 unjust and impolitic enactments which interfere with industry and com- 
 mf>rce. Such numerous laws are no doubt useful to the profession ; they 
 aflord a fruitful and endless source of litigation ; they are glorious things, 
 as Lord Stanhope remarked, for attorneys, conveyancers, special pleaders, 
 barristers, and so forth, but most inglorious and calamitous for the people. 
 We shall only make one or two more remarks on Statute-Law, and 
 these refer to the language and manner in which acts of parliament 
 are drawn up. It is evident that all laws ought to be intelligible to 
 those on whom they are intended to operate ; otherwise, it is wilfully 
 creating an ignorance which will not be admitted as any excuse for their 
 violation. It is ditKcult to see why laws could not be so clearly and 
 simply worded as to be intelligible to ordinary capacities, without the 
 assistance of either attorney or lawyer. They involve no abstract 
 theorem of science ; they are a mere statement of facts, requiring 
 something to be done or not to be done ; which, really one would think, 
 might be made intelligible without the continual assistance of interpre- 
 ters, at an enormous expense. The obscurity and perplexity of statutes 
 arise principally from a perverse deviation from the ordinary language 
 of civil life, an overwhelming verbosity and endless repetition of " he, 
 she, they," " him, her, it, and them," the " aforesaid," and " so far as," 
 the "so forths," &c. which render the whole so involved and perplexed, 
 that one would suppose the legislature, instead of endeavouring to render 
 the laws as lucid as possible, had purposely involved them in tiie 
 greatest possible darkness. From the habitual indulgence of fiction and 
 tautology the minds of lawyers — for they are lawyers ^vho draw up acts 
 of parliament — become so inveterately alien to truth and simplicity that 
 they cannot be otherwise if they would ; and, accordingly, we find in 
 those cases, when their intention has really been to be intelligible, that 
 their language involves so much complexity — there are so many 
 crochets and puzzles — that they entirely fail in their purpose, and dofy 
 comprehension by ordinary minds. Wo shall give an instance of this 
 from one of Sir Robert Peel's consolidatory acts, the 7 & 8 Ge(t. IV. 
 c. 28 ; which is the more remarkable, because the express object of it is 
 to obviate obscurity and misa])prehension, by giving a simple ;and 
 general rule for the interpretation of criminal statutes. The clause to 
 which we allude is the 14tli, and expressed ;is follows: — "Whenever 
 this or any other statute relating to any oftence, whether punishablf! 
 upon indictment or summary conviction, in describing or referring to 
 the offence, or the subject matter on or with respect to which it shall be 
 committed, or the offender or the party affected or intended to be affected 
 by the offence, hath used, or shall use words importing the lingular 
 number or the masculine gender only, yet the statute shall be under- 
 stood to include several matters as well as one matter, and several
 
 294 LAW AND COUUTS OF LAW. 
 
 persons as well as one person, and females as well as males, and bodies 
 coi-porate as well as individuals, unless it be otherwise specially provided, 
 or there be something- in the subject or context repugnant to such con- 
 struction ; and wherever any forfeiture or penalty is payable to a party 
 aggrieved, it shall be payable to a body corporate in every case where 
 such body shall be the party aggrieved." 
 
 An unlearned person might possibly guess at the intended meaning 
 of this explanatory rule, and a lawyer no doubt — and this would be 
 deemed by him its chief excellence — would be able to draw from it 
 a dozen different interpretations, according as they best suited the pur- 
 poses of his client. 
 
 Things the most heterogeneous are frequently jumbled together in 
 the same act of parliament, and the title is often as remote as possible 
 from the subject matter of the statute. These are called " Hodge- 
 podge Acts," and are very numerous. Who, for instance, would expect 
 to find the regulations under which petitions may be forwarded to mem- 
 bers of parliament, in an act for laying an additional duty upon tea 
 and sugar ? The commencing clause of the statute, under which 
 Vauxhall and other theatres and places of entertainment are licensed, 
 is as follows : — ^' Whereas, the advertising a reward with no questions 
 asked, for the return of things lost or stolen, is one great cause and 
 encouragement of robberies, be it enacted," &c. Many may recollect 
 that Sir R. Peel, on introducing to parliament his bill for amending 
 the larceny-laws (March 9th, 1826), cited the title of one single act, 
 which embraces no fewer than the following bizarre miscellany : — the 
 continuing several laws therein mentioned ; the carrying of sugars in 
 British-built vessels ; the encouraging the importation of naval stores ; 
 preventing- frauds in the admeasurement of coals in the city of West- 
 minster ; and preventing the stealing or destroying of madder roots. 
 Another act he referred to forms a still more whimsical olio, and is 
 
 — intituled " An Act for better securing the duties of customs on certain 
 goods removed to London ; for reg'ulating the fees of otficers in His Ma- 
 jesty's customs in the province of Segambia, in Africa ; for allowing the 
 Receiver-General of Fees in Scotland proper compensation ; for the 
 better preservation of hollies, thorns, and quick-sets in private grounds, 
 and trees and underwood; and authorising the exportation of a limited 
 quantity of barley from the Port of Kirkgrow." Such acts run very 
 much like cross-readings in a newspaper, and those who wish for further 
 amusement of the sort will find it in Mr. Wickens's publication on the 
 Division of Labour in Civil Life, M^here the subject is pursued to a 
 greater extent than our limits will admit. 
 
 "• Notwithstanding the laborious and tiresome precision of statutes, 
 they frequently comprise the most egregious blunders. There is a sin- 
 gular instance of one in the 53d George HI. : by the 18th section, one 
 half the penalty is to go to the king and the other half to the informer ; 
 but the penalty happened in this case not to be a fine, but fourteen years' 
 transportation ; so that fourteen years' transportation were to be equally 
 divided between Messrs. Byers and Co. and his Majesty !
 
 HODGE-PODGE STATUTES — I'OKGEKY ACT. 295 
 
 Perhaps our readers may deem this too old a blunder to illustrate the 
 deliberative wisdom of the law-makers of the reign of William IV, 
 If so, we shall give them an example of legislative aptitude from one 
 of the most important acts of the session of 1830 — that for Consoli- 
 dating- and Amending- tlie Laws on Forgery. This statute was drawn, 
 we believe, by Messrs. Hobhouse and Gregson, and was some years in 
 preparation, under tlie auspices of Sir R. Peel; it received the tinkering 
 of Sir James Scarlett, between whom and the gentlemen by whom it 
 Avas framed, some diflerence of opinion respecting its provisions arose, 
 which could only be terminated by an appeal to Lord Tenterden, who 
 felt himself bound to decide, notwithstanding his well-known partiality, 
 against Sir James. Well, this act so patronised, elaborated, revised, 
 quarrelled about, and arbitrated, is at length brought forth, passed, and 
 is now the law of the land ; and we will venture to say a more defective 
 and bungling piece of legislation is not to be found in the great book of 
 conmidrums and absurdities itself. W^hat the public expected was an 
 act that would comprise the entire statute-law of forgery ; unless this 
 was attained, little benefit could result from adding- one more statute to 
 the 400 previously existing. Instead of consolidating the law, it 
 merely embodies the whole or part of the provisions of twenty-seven 
 statutes out of the mass ; all the acts relative to the forging of stamps, 
 seamen's warrants, plate-marks, and on the post-office, remain scattered, 
 as heretofore, through the boundless waste of the Statutes at Large, 
 to be applied or not, as it may happen, by judges and lawyers. In- 
 completeness is not the worst defect in this statute; some of its pro- 
 visions are obviously incompatible, and the commencing part of the act 
 seems to have been entirely lost sight of when the concluding part was 
 agreed upon. For proof of this compare the following sections, nearly 
 the first and last, in the statute. 
 
 " § II. And be it enacted. That if any person shall forge or counter- 
 feit, or shall utter, knowing the same to be forged or counterfeited, the 
 great seal of the United Kingdom, his Majesty's privy seal, any privy 
 signet of his INIajesty, his Majesty's royal sign manual, any of his 
 Majesty's seals appointed by the twenty-fourth aiticle of the Union to 
 be kept, used, and continued in Scotland, the great seal of Ireland, or 
 the privy seal of Ireland, every such oftender tshall be guilty of high 
 treason, and shall f^ufier death accordingly." 
 
 " § XXIX. And be it enacted. That this act shall not extend to any 
 offence committed in Scotland or Ireland." 
 
 Mere we see in the second section a specific punishment assigned 
 for the oommission of an oflence in Scotland ; and in a subsequent 
 section it is expressly declared the act shall not extend to any oflence 
 committed in Scotland or Ireland. What the judges will make of this 
 inconsistency, when it comes before them, it is impossible to foresee : 
 we suppose we shall have another act or two to " explain" or " amend," 
 &c. ; and so our legislature proceeds, heaping one act upon another, 
 making deliglitful work for Unvycrs, and " raining," as Mr. Bent ham 
 expresses it, " snares among the people. "
 
 295 LAW AND COIR 'IS Ol' LAW. 
 
 Sir James Scarlett, to be sure, is not a paragon of legislators any more 
 than of attorney-generals. The act for Improving the Administration 
 of Justice will not be soon fori!;-otten by the profession : this act, among 
 other changes, altered the period of commencement of the terms. But no 
 sooner was the act in force than it was discovered to be pregnant with 
 the most ludicrous erroi's ; the framer of the statute was clearly igno- 
 rant of the cltanrjes of the ynoon — of that common astronomical know- 
 ledge which is contained in every almanack ; the consequence was that 
 the courts would have been involved in the greatest confusion, had not 
 another statute been precipitately brought in to remedy the blunders of 
 the first. 
 
 One cause of such blundering legislation is to be found in the vicious 
 mode of transacting business in the House of Commons. It is well 
 known laAV-making is a sort of after-dinner amusement, which com- 
 mences when gentlemen have taken their wine — when the theatres 
 have closed— and the night-houses are thrown open for the reception of 
 customers. It cannot be matter of surprise if, under such unfavour- 
 able circumstances, the nocturnal occupations of the Collective Wisdom 
 exhibit strange examples of forgetfulness, haste, and confusion. We, 
 indeed, are often astonished things are not worse, when Ave reflect on 
 the course of parliamentary proceedings — no division of labour, or ex- 
 clusive devotion to legislative duty — all chance medley, belter skelter, 
 volunteer and amateur exertion — the chief manager straining every 
 nerve to get through public business before the setting in of the Dog- 
 days— stratagems to steal a march to avoid some economical proposition 
 for a reduction of the estimates — packing a house for a job or private 
 bill — jaded ministers dropping in late from their offices or a protracted 
 cabinet-council — country gentlemen from a tedious morning-waiting at 
 the Treasury for places and appointments — lawyers from the courts — 
 and the sons of riot reel in at midnight, from the saloons and club- 
 houses, in quest of divertisement — and thus business goes on, and a 
 house is formed of men distracted with their individual avocations, or 
 suftering from lassitude and over-excitement. Thev talk and talk, it 
 is true, Avithout end, as people mostly do Avhen not fully master of their 
 subject ; but their ideas are crude — there has been no preparation or con- 
 centration of thought — and all their doings bear evident marks of the 
 intellectual chaos from Avhich they spring-. We had a ludicrous illus- 
 tration of Avhat Ave are stating in the session of 1830: the House AA-as 
 in a committee, and had been hotly deb:iting, as usual, to no purpose, for 
 the space of six hours, Avhen the chairman got up, and Avith great 
 graA'ity said, " he should be extremely obliged by auA' honourable mem- 
 ber informing him Avhat they had all been talking about !" 
 
 Such mode of legislation has striking results : it impoverishes the people 
 by litigation, and multiplies and augments the emoluments of a mercenary 
 profession. In the number and magnitudeof inns of court, law institutions, 
 and other public buildings the legal classes riA'al the ancient religious 
 houses; and their unavoidable and constant intervention in all the affairs 
 and transactions of civil life giACS them an influence equal to that of the
 
 LAW-MAKING IN PARLIAMENT — LF.(iAL EMOLl MKNTs, "297 
 
 priesthood in the ages of superstition. In the metropolis are nine supe 
 rior courts, four ecclesiastical courts, twenty courts for reroverv of smal 
 debts, besides courts of oyer and terminer, courts of general and quarter 
 sessions, coroner-courts, and courts of petty sessions for the purposes of 
 police. Attached to these courts are eight hundred officers, exclusive of 
 judicial functionaries. To these may be added 500 barristers-at-law, 
 3000 certificated attorneys, 130 conveyancers and equity draftsmen, 67 
 special pleaders, 84 proctors, 40 public notaries, 6000 clerks and 
 assistants, besides doctors-at-lav, seijeants-at-law, and king's counsel, 
 making a legal phalanx, in the metropolis, of nearly 10,000. In the 
 country they are not so concentrated, but more numerous. From 
 " Clarke's Law List" it appears there are, in the country, including- 
 England and Wales, 4500 attorneys and conveyancers who have taken 
 out certificates. The number of clerks and assistants cannot be estimated 
 at less than 9000 ; so that the number of persons in the country, in the 
 leg-al department, is 13,500; and if we add 10,000 for persons of a 
 similar description in the metropolis, we have a total of '23,500 pei-sons, 
 whose sole employment is to render the laws intelligible, and justice 
 attainable to the people of England and Wales. 
 
 This estimate, we are persuaded, is a great deal below the trath : 
 many attorneys in town employ more than tMenty clerks, and the 
 majority of them employ three or four. Perhaps it would not be too 
 much to estimate the total number of counsel, attorneys, clerks, assist- 
 ants, &c. in England and Wales, at thirty thousand. In this enume- 
 ration are not included the justices of peace, amounting to 4,500, nor the 
 judges in the different courts, the sheriffs, nor any portion of the 
 magistracy, whose office it is to administer justice, and who employ an 
 innumerable number of clerks and assistants. The classes we have 
 mentioned form only that branch of the profession who owe their origin, 
 in a great measure, to defects and obscurities in our judicial admini- 
 stration. It is the duty of the legislature to render the laws so clear, 
 and the form of proceeding so simple, that persons of ordinary compre- 
 hension would generally be able to understand the one and pursue the 
 other, without the aid, in every case, of a legal adviser. 
 
 The adage says — Mciny hands make light work ; but the maxim is 
 reversed in law ; and the swarm of practitioners is a principal cause of 
 the multiplication of suits, their protracted duration, and consequent 
 pressure of business in the courts. 
 
 Dr. Colquhoun estimated the total income of the legal classes, when 
 the amount of property and professional practice was greatly less than 
 at present, at £7,600,000 per annum; and two-thirds, probaI)ly, of 
 this sum are absorbed by legalists resident in London. 
 
 However, this can be only considered a vague approximation. In 
 our list of places we shall give an account of the emoluuu-nts and 
 incomes of the chief justices, the lord chancellor, the judges, and several 
 other well-known individuals; but the incomes of the profession gene- 
 rally, of counsellors, sjjccial ])leaders, conveyancers, and attorneys, are 
 so various, that il is impossible to lix on any average amount. Sir
 
 298 LAW AND COURTS OF LAW. 
 
 Samuel Roinilly, it is credibly reported, netted £15,000 annually from 
 his professional avocations. There are other counsel who, probably, 
 make ten or twelve thousand a-year ; others, a half, a third, a fourth, 
 or twentieth part of that sum ; and others, again, who make nothing. 
 Sir James Scarlett has received as much as £400 with a brief on the 
 northern circuit; and Sir E. Sugden, we believe, received £3000 with 
 his brief, in the case of Small v. Atwood. In the incomes of attorneys 
 are great diversities. Some few, in London, make ten or eleven thou- 
 sand pounds a-year ; a great many more about three or four thousand 
 pounds; and some obscure practitioners do not clear more than £100 
 a-year. Their clerks experience similar variety of fortune. Some are 
 starving on a paltry £50 ; others living comfortably on £200 ; and others 
 sumptuously on a £500 salary. 
 
 The emoluments and salaries of the masters, registrars, and clerks in 
 Chancery ; of the judges in the Admiralty, and ecclesiastical courts, 
 and of the law-officers of the Crown, have been more than doubled since 
 the commencement of the revolutionary war. In 1792 the salaiy of 
 the chief justice of the King's Bench was £4,000 ; of the Common 
 Pleas £3,500 ; of the chief baron of the Exchequer, £3,500 ; all these 
 have been respectively augmented to £10,000, £8,000, and £7,000 per 
 annum; and the salaries of the puisne judges and barons of the three 
 superior courts have been raised from £2,400 to £5,500 per annum 
 each.* All the judges have patronage — that of the chief justice very 
 valuable ; they have, also, some fees remaining, though the principal 
 portion has been commuted. It has been related of these exalted per- 
 sonages, that, at the time sixteen journeymen boot-closers w'ere com- 
 mitted to Newgate for a conspiracy to raise their wages, they were 
 sitting in their chambers in Serjeant's Inn conspiring to raise their own 
 salaries, in consequence of the rise of the necessaries of life. This 
 anecdote reminds us of the fable of the Wolf and the Shepherd. A wolf, 
 says Plutarch, happening to put his head into a hut, where some shep- 
 herds were regaling on a leg of mutton, exclaimed — Ah! what a 
 clamour you would hare raised had you caught me at such a banquet! 
 The demeanour of the sages of the law would be something similar ; 
 they would declaim eloquently on the evils of coiispiriny when conmiitted 
 by workmen, though it might be done by themselves with impunity. 
 
 An important fact connected with legalists is, the enormous increase in 
 their number within the last ten years. In 1820 we were engaged in an 
 inquiry similar to the present; and we find, in the interval, the number 
 of attorneys in the metropolis has augmented ffty jter cent. There 
 has, no doubt, been a corresponding increase in the country, and in 
 other branches of the profession; and far exceeds the contemporary 
 increment in property and population. It arises, we presume, from the 
 increasing number and perplexities of the laws, which have rendered 
 additional guides, commentators, expounders, and interpreters indispen- 
 sable ; or, it may have arisen from the large fortunes suddenly amassed 
 
 ^ Parliamentary Paper, No. 532, Session 1830.
 
 HARVEST OF SPOIL FROM BANKRUPTCIES. 299 
 
 by dealers in legal subtleties, which have tempted more than a fair pro- 
 portion of the community to embark in so lucrative a calling. Whatever 
 may be the cause, it is not creditable to our judicial administration ; nor 
 is it a flattering symptom of social happiness and improvement. 
 
 The increase of litigation, and, consequently, of profit to the profes- 
 sion, is demonstrated by the increase of business in tlie superior courts, 
 as is shown by the following statement of the number of causes entered 
 for trial : — 
 
 Years. King's Bench. Common Pleas. Exchequer. 
 
 1823 .1474 445 162 
 
 1824 1 095 472 222 
 
 1825 2104 600 157 
 
 1820 3112 1021 245 
 
 The vast number of bankruptcies and insolvencies of late yeare 
 must have tended enormously to the emolument of the legal profes- 
 sion, and have rendered them the richest class in the community. 
 The number of persons who took the benefit of the Insolvent Act, 
 amounted in 1820, to 2482 ; in 1825, to 3665 ; and in 1830, 
 to 4379.* The number of bankrupts, in 1814, was 1612 ; in 1820, 
 1381; in 1826, 2582; in 1829, 1654.t All these breakings up yield 
 an abundant harvest of spoil to the gentlemen of the long robe. In 
 most bankruptcies the solicitors, the bar, the commissioners, the ac- 
 countants, and auctioneers divide the assets. Veiy few estates pay any 
 thing worth a man's while going after. Under the late administration 
 of the bankrupt-laws, a man had nothing to do but to get into credit to 
 as large an amount as possible — buy goods in every place — turn mer- 
 chant — ship off such goods to every quarter of the world — fly kites in 
 every possible way — keep no books, or those so confusedly that no man, 
 called in by the name of an accountant, could make head or tail of 
 them — carry this system of buying, and exporting-, and kite-flying to its 
 utmost extent — purchase goods on credit at any price, and for the 
 greatest length of time — declare his insolvency — go into the Gazette; 
 the solicitors, the bar, the commissioners, the accountants, and the auc- 
 tioneers would set to work ; the larger the amount of the man's debts so 
 much the better for the legal, accounting, and auctioneering agents. 
 In such case, the professional men called it a good fat bankruptcy : 
 and, if they could get it into chancery, so much the better; and, in 
 general, it was contrived that a good fat bankruptcy should get into 
 chancery. The result, in general was — ten or twelve years' meetings of 
 commissioners, actions, bills in chancery ; and at length, when the 
 legalists had absorbed the estate, they tired, and the creditors were told, 
 " Here, gentlemen, are the accounts !" 
 
 Mr. Montague justly characterised a commission of bankruptcy "a 
 tribunal in which the minimum of justice was administered at the 
 maximum of expense." All the commissioners were either very old or 
 
 * Parliamentary Paper, No. 141, Session 1831. 
 t Parliamentary Paper, No. 280, Session 1830.
 
 300 LAW AND (OIUTS OI LAW. 
 
 very young men, whose only pretensions were the friendship of the 
 chancellor, or the friendship of some friend of the chancellor, or others 
 connected with the government. They were all either counsel or soli- 
 citors, whose sole object was to gain as much money in as little time as 
 possible. Some of them understood the art of accomplishing this so 
 well as to have been known to boast of pocketing thirty guineas a day. 
 These, however, were only ignoble quarry, compared with the great 
 fee-gatherer himself. It appears, from a parliamentary return, that 
 the several sums sacked by the purse-hearer to the lord chancellor, in 
 the year ending 30th April, 1830, amounted to £4081.* In the same 
 year, the sealing of 4861 Avrits, at 3s. "id. each, produced £789, which 
 was shared between his lordship, chaff-wax, sealer, and porter. From 
 returns in the same year, the masters in chancery appear to net £4000 
 per annum, their chief clerk upwards of £1000, and the copying clerk 
 £500 and more. Mr. Wellesley, in a book lately published by him, on 
 the court of chancery, states that the litigation into which he had been 
 forced had cost him £20,000 in four years, and a sum of equal amount 
 had been paid out of the estates of his children. Mr. Davies, the late 
 tea-dealer, of Philpotlane, was put to an expense of £32,000 by a 
 chancery commission, appointed to ascertain whether he was in a sound 
 state of mind. Sir E. Sugden stated, not long since, that the equity 
 proceedings, under the will of Mr. Thelluson, had been as productive 
 to lawyei's as many principalities to their sovereigns. The cause of 
 Small V. Attwood, it is calculated, will swamp £100,000 in law ex- 
 penses. But we must return to the subject from Avhich we have digressed. 
 
 The fraud, impoverishment, and desolation resulting from the admi- 
 nistration of the Debtor-Laws are almost incredible. In the processes 
 issued against the person, lawyers and attorneys are the parties who 
 chiefly profit. From returns of affidavits of debts, it appears, in two 
 years and a half, 70,000 persons were arrested in and about London, 
 the law-expenses of which could not be less than half a million. f In 
 the year 1827, in the metropolis and two adjoining counties, 23,515 
 warrants to arrest were granted, and 1 1,317 bailable processes executed. J 
 Thus were eleven thousand persons deprived of their liberty on the 
 mere declarations of others, before any trial or proof that they owed a 
 farthing ! So gainful is the trade to attorneys, that they frequently 
 buy up small bills for the purpose of suing the endorsers, and bring 
 nine or ten actions on each. One house alone has brought five hundred 
 actions in this way, and most of them for sums under £20. 
 
 The sum on which arrest is allowed has been gradually augmented to 
 £20 ; but this is too small, and the consequence is, the prisons are 
 crowded with debtors for the most paltry amounts. The number of 
 persons committed to the five principal jnisons of the metropolis, exclu- 
 sive of crown debtors, and those imprisoned for contempt, averages 5000 
 
 • I'iuliainentary I'apc-r, \o. (320, Session 1H;>0. 
 
 t IMr. Hiiiue, House ot C oninwns, February 19, 18^7. 
 
 I I'arliaiuentary l'a])er, No. 149, Session 1627.
 
 WOUKINCIS OF THE REQUEST COURTS. 30l 
 
 per annum. Of these more than one-third are for su7ns under £~0. 
 In (he years 182G-'27, the Court of Requests for the city of Ix)n(lon 
 imprisoned 753 persons for various terms, from twenty to one luindred 
 days, for sums under £.5. In the same year, the Court of Requests 
 for Southwark ordered 9758 executions, and 1893 persons were actually 
 imprisoned for debts amounting only to £16,442.* From 1823 to 1831 
 the Southwark Request Court conunitted to the Borough compter and 
 county gaol 8096 persons; of these 3139 were for debts not exceeding- 
 tiuenty shillings.f 
 
 The minor tribunals for facilitating the recovery of small debts we do 
 not think entitled to the praise usiiallv awarded them. They foment 
 domestic animosities, promote law-suits, and encourage a trumpery 
 system of credit, which is ultimately ruinous both to the retail trailes- 
 man and his customers.]: Neither are they so economical a resource as 
 is generally imagined ; the costs of proceedings in them usually 
 amounting to a tax of tioenty-Jive per cent, payable either by creditor 
 or debtor. A debt can seldom be recovered in the Marshalsea or 
 Palace Court for less than £8, even if no resistance is offered. In the 
 several courts of request for the city of London, Middlesex, West- 
 minster, and the Borough, the expenses of recovering a debt of 40s. 
 or under, is at least lis.; above that sum, twice as much. Such a 
 system can be no advantage to trade ; it only tends to till the coffers of 
 attorneys and clerks of courts, by the ruin of the industrious classes. 
 Only think of the fees received in the request court of Southwark 
 amounting, in one year, to £42.55, of which £2475 arose from debts 
 of 40s. or under. In four years, the fees received, in the request 
 court of the City, amounted to £7322. § Our legal institutions are 
 chiefly beneficial to those under whose auspices their rules and modes 
 of procedure have been framed and regulated. Hence the circuity and 
 expense of law-suits. No prudent man ever thinks it for his interest 
 to sue for a debt below £15; the costs in prosecuting for a small debt 
 being equal to a large one, owing to the proceedings being the same, 
 and the jjleadings as voluminous for the recovery of a few shillings as 
 £100. In the King's Bench, the expenses of recovering a debt under 
 £5, even if no defence is made, and judgment goes by default, are not 
 less than £15; if defendant appear, and, as is not uncommonly the 
 case, puts in a dilatory plea, they are increased to £20; and, by taking- 
 out a writ of error, they are still further augmented. The following 
 receipt has been often given to debtors, who wish to be troublesome, 
 and to weary out their creditors by an expensive process: — 
 
 When arrested and held to bail, and after being served with a decla- 
 
 * Parliamentary Paper, No. 487, Session 1828. 
 
 t Parliamentary Paper, No. 210, Session 18:51. 
 
 t Treatise on tlie Police and Crimes of tlie Metropolis, by tlie Editor of tlio 
 Cabinet Lawyer, wliere the tendency of the debtor-laws is more fullv inves- 
 ti};;ate(l. 
 
 ■^ Report on Small Debts, Parliamentary Paper, \ol. iv. Session 1823.
 
 302 
 
 LAW AND COURTS OF LAW. 
 
 ration, you may plead the general issue, which puts you on for trial 
 sooner than any other plea ; but, if you wish to vex your plaintiff, and 
 put him about, put in a special plea ; if you are in custody, order your 
 attorney to plead in person, this will cost you £1:1, and run your 
 plaintiff to £30 expense. If you do not intend to try the cause, you 
 have no occasion to do any thing more till the phiintiff gets judgment 
 against you, which he must do the term after you have put in a special 
 plea. The plaintiff" is obliged to send you a paper book, which you 
 must return to his attorney with Is 6d. otherwise you will not put him 
 to more than half the expense. When he proceeds and gets judgment 
 against you, then order your attorney to search the Final Judgment 
 Office, in the Temple ; when searched, and found they have got final 
 judgment signed against you, then give plaintiff's attorney notice for 
 him and your attorney to be present with the master at the time the 
 plaintiff taxes the costs ; at which time your attorney must have a writ 
 of error with him to give to the plaintiff's attorney before the master, 
 at the time the master taxes the costs ; it will put the plaintiff to great 
 expense, which he will have to pay, or go the ground over again. The 
 writ of error will cost you £4:4 by a London attorney ; but, if you 
 W'ish to be more troublesome, make the writ returnable in parliament, 
 which will cost you £l : 1 more, and your plaintiff £100. If he has 
 the courage to follow you further, you may then file a bill in Chancery 
 or Exchequer ; if he does not then give his answer, your bill will get 
 an injunction against him : you may then get an attachment from the 
 court where your bill was filed, and take his body for contempt of court. 
 The costs incurred by plaintiff" and defendant, respectively, will then be 
 as follow: — 
 
 Plaintiff's Costs. 
 
 
 
 Answer to Special Plea . . 
 
 Ditto Writ of Error 
 
 Ditto Bill in Chancery. . . . 
 Ditto Bill in Exchequer .. 
 
 £ 
 
 30 
 100 
 100 
 
 84 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 £314 9 
 
 Defendant's Costs. 
 
 £ 
 
 Special Plea 1 
 
 Paper Book 
 
 M'rit of Error 4 
 
 Returnable in Parliament. • 1 
 
 To Bill in Chancery 12 
 
 To Bill in Exchequer .... 6 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 £54 19 6 
 
 This is a fine exemplification of law, and shows how much greater are 
 the advantages offered to finesse and knavery than to integrity and plain 
 dealing. Some restraints are laid on frivolous writs of error by 6 Geo. 
 IV. c. 96, but in other respects the above outline is a substantially cor- 
 rect exposition of the legal resources available to the unprincipled debtor 
 for harassing his creditor. 
 
 SUMMARY OF LEGAL ABUSES AND DEFECTS. 
 
 In the preceding exposition our principal objects have been to give a
 
 DEFECTS IN THE MAGISTRACY. 303 
 
 general idea of the laws of Eng-land ; secondly, of the number and g'ains 
 of the individuals engaged in their administration ; thirdly, of the abuses 
 and defects in those laws especially intended for the benefit of trade ; 
 and, lastly, we have brought together a multitude of facts, to exemplify 
 the emoluments and salaries of judges and the fees of lawyers and at- 
 torneys, in order to show the mass of interest-begotten prejudices that 
 must interfere with, if not be absolutely arrayed ag;ainst efficient reform 
 in the judicial system. After proceeding thus far, we still despair of 
 bringing the remainder of our subject within reasonable limits. Lord 
 Brougham, after an extraordinary speech of six hours' duration, was 
 compelled to leave various departments of legal delinquency unexplored, 
 though equally claiming the attention of his powerful mind. All that 
 our circumscribed space will permit is an indication or digest of the 
 more prominent defects, and this we shall endeavour to comprise in the 
 present section. Abuses often exist only because they are concealed, 
 and the first step to their reform is general publicity. 
 
 Justices of the Peace. — These are virtually appointed by lords 
 lieutenant of counties; for, though the lord chancellor issues the com- 
 mission, it is the lord lieutenant who designates the persons compre- 
 hended in it. Hence an important source of aristocratic influence ; 
 which is exerted in raising to the magisterial bench gentlemen who 
 have distinguished themselves by their political opinions or activity in 
 local contests. The tenure of office is fully as secure as that of the 
 judges; whatever be the conduct of a justice, he is seldom removed ; and 
 lord Eldon laid it down as an inflexible rule never to strike a magistrate 
 off the list, either for private misconduct or party feeling, until he had 
 been convicted of some offence by the verdict of a court of record, 
 and such conviction, it is notorious, is almost unattainable. Hence 
 these petty judges may be considered as so many irremoveable and irre- 
 sponsible functionaries, and the great power confided to them in the 
 administration of the game laws, the punishment of theft and assaults, and 
 the granting of licenses is very liable to be abused. Numerous instances 
 of abuse were cited by lord Brougham, in his groat speech of the 7th 
 of February, 1828. Still we do not agree with this eminent personage 
 in thinking, as he seems to incline, that a stipendiary magistracy, 
 consisting of lawyers, would, in lieu of the unpaid magistracy, afford 
 the best security for a pure and independent administration of justice. 
 Cos^/y justice, no doubt, is better than cheap injustice. But lawyers 
 have their prejudices as well as sporting parsons and sporting squires ; 
 and we think justice would be quite as corrupt when paid for as when 
 administered gratuitously, unless there were responsil)ility. This would 
 be best obtained by the entire publi(-ity of justiciary proceedings; — here 
 is the best guarantee against abuse in all functionaries of whatever rank 
 or degree. Clergymen might be disqualified for the magisterial otKce 
 as for other lay functions, and greater facilities afforded for removing 
 from the commission of the peace justices guilty of misconduct. With 
 these reforms the magistracy would be made a much less objectionable 
 branch of domestic judicature, especially as a material source of their
 
 304 LAW AND CO U UTS OF 1,AU'. 
 
 inisdoing-s has been curtailed by the opening of the beer tratlc and the 
 improvement of the g-ame laws. 
 
 Different Laws ix differemt Places. — Nothing- can be more 
 inconsistent than the diiierent modes of inheritance and tenure in the 
 diiferent districts of the country. In the county of Middlesex the 
 eldest son succeeds to the estate ; cross over the Thames, into Kent, 
 and all the sons succeed to the ancestor's inheritance in equal shares ; 
 proceed a little to the westward, and another law prevails, the youngest 
 son inheriting the land to the exclusion of the other children. What can 
 be the motive for perpetuating these divers usages— the relics of a bar- 
 barous age — in a country subject to the same general government ? But 
 even the customs of gavelkind and borough-English are not so inconve- 
 nient as those which regulate the customary tenures in a thousand 
 difierent manors. In one manor copyhold property is not devisable by 
 will; in another it may be so conveyed. In one manor a devise is not 
 valid, if made longer than two years before the testator's decease ; so 
 that it is necessary for wills to be renewed every two years ; in another 
 one year; in a third three years are the period; while in many there 
 are no such restrictions. In some manors the eldest daughter succeeds 
 to the exclusion of her sisters, as the eldest daugliter (in default of 
 male heirs) succeeds to the crown of England; in other manors all the 
 daughters succeed jointly, as co-parceners, after the manner of the 
 common law. In some manors a wife has for dower one-third of the 
 tenement, as in case of freehold. In others she has, for her free bench, 
 one half; and again, in some, she takes the whole for life, to the 
 exclusion of the heir. The lines on death or alienation vary ; the power 
 and manner of entailing or cutting oft' entails vary ; the taking of 
 heriots and lords' services varies.* There are as many or more of 
 these local laws than in France, in the Pays de Coutume, of which 
 four hundred have been enumerated, so as to make it the chief oppro- 
 brium of the old French law, that it dift'ered in every village. Is it 
 right that such varieties of custom should be allowed to have force in 
 particular districts, contrary to the general law of the land ? Is it 
 right that, in London, Bristol, and some other places, the debts due to 
 a man should be subject to execution for what he owes himself, while 
 in all the rest of England there is no such resource ; although in 
 Scotland, as in France, this most rational and equitable law is 
 univei'sal ? 
 
 All these varieties of tenure and diversities of liability ai'e only so 
 many traps to the ignorant and unwary, and so many impediments to 
 the transmission and circulation of property. They embarrass com- 
 merce, by making it difficult — in some cases impossible — for a man to 
 get the full value of his property, or dispose of it at all. For copyhold 
 property is not liable even for specialty debts, nor can it be extended 
 by elegit ; and thus, absurd and unjust as is the law which prevents 
 
 Lm-d Broiigliani, House of Connnons, Fel). 7, IS:.S, ininted speech, p. 4.").
 
 INEQUALITIES BETWEEN CROWN AND PEOPLE. 305 
 
 freehold property from being charged with simple contract debts, it goes 
 further in this instance, and exempts the copyhold from liability, even 
 to those of the highest nature, a judgment itself not giving the creditor 
 any right of execution against it. The obvious remedy to be adopted in 
 this case is to give all parts of the country the same rules touching 
 property ; and, therefore, lord Brougham, in his memorable speech, 
 proposed an assimilation of the laws, affecting- real estates, all over the 
 kingdom, to take place after the elapse of a fixed period. 
 
 Different Laws for different Persons. — Sir Wm.Blackstone 
 was very fond of asserting that the Crown and people were, in law, on 
 an equal footing, and that the King, in a court of justice, was no more 
 considered than a subject. This is not correct. It is true a person 
 injured, in his property, by the Crown, may proceed by a petition of 
 right, having first obtained the consent of the attorney-general ; but the 
 attorney-general may refuse his fiat, and then the sul)ject is without 
 remedy, except the hopeless resource of an impeachment of the officer 
 of the Crown. Again, in cases where the Crown is interested, the 
 Crown has a right, at the mere suggestion of the attorney-general, to 
 call for a trial at bar ; and thus the subject be obliged to bring all the 
 witnesses up, from Cornwall, perhaps, or some other remote county. 
 After all this expense is incurred, by reason of the Crown demanding a 
 trial in London, where the other party is not known, and not in Corn- 
 wall, Avheie both parties are known, the Crown may withdraw the case 
 from the consideration of the jury, after the examination of all the wit- 
 nesses, even at the moment that the jury arc, v.'ith their backs turned, 
 deliberating about their verdict. 
 
 But it is said the Crown pays expenses ; the subject, however, has 
 his own expenses to pay. As the Crown is above receiving costs, so it 
 is exempt from paying them. The reason of this practice it is not easy 
 to discover. One cannot see how the dignity of the Crown is exalted 
 by not receiving costs, when they reflect that, by the Crown, is meant 
 the revenue raised from the people for the public service, and that, 
 consequently, the non-payment of costs to the Crown is an increase of 
 the people's burthens. But, even if we admit the propriety of the 
 Crown's receiving none, it would by no means follow that it should pay 
 none to the subject, who is in a widely different predicament. All this, 
 however, arises out of notions derived from the feudal times, when the 
 Crown was in a situation the very reverse of that in which it stands at 
 present, its income then arising almost entirely from a land-revenue. 
 There is now no reason why it should be exempt from paying, or 
 disabled from receiving, in all cases where cost^ would be due between 
 common persons. Indeed, there has been of late years an exception 
 made in the crown-law on this head, but so as to augment the inequality 
 complained of. In all stamp prosecutions, the costs of the Crown are 
 y)aid by the iinsuccessful defendants ; so far does it stoop from its 
 former dignity ; but not so low as to pay the defendant a farthing of 
 ]iis costs, should he be acquitted. 
 
 We shall only mention one more case to illustrate the legal disparity 
 
 ,\
 
 306 LAW AND COURTS OF LAW. 
 
 between the King and tlio ])eo])lc. Whenever a special jury is sum- 
 moned in a Crown case, and all the twelve jurors do not attend, a tales 
 cannot be prayed to lot the cause proceed, without a ivarrant from the 
 attorney-general ; so that it is in the power of your adversary to 
 refuse this at the time it may be most for his advantage so to do ; while 
 you have no option whatever, in case it should be for his interest to 
 proceed, and for yours to delay. A singular instance of oppression, 
 under this usage, was related by Lord Brougham, in the celebrated 
 speech to Avhich we have referred. A person named Lowe, with four 
 smugglers, was prosecuted in the Court of Exchequer. The accused 
 were acquitted on the second trial, and Meade, one of the witnesses 
 against them, and others connected with him, were prosecuted for 
 peijury ; eighteen indictments were found at the sessions, and the 
 Crow^n at once removed the whole, by certiorari, into the Court of 
 King's Bench. There they were all to be tried. Meade was the first 
 tried, and clearly convicted. The other seventeen were then to be tried, 
 and Mr. Sergeant Jones called them on ; but the Crown had made the 
 whole eighteen special jury causes ; a sufficient number of jurymen 
 did not attend ; Mr. Sergeant Jones wanted to pray a tales, and the 
 Crotvn refused a warrant. "Thus," says lord Brougham, " an ex- 
 pense of £10,000 was incurred, and a hundred witnesses were brought 
 to London, all for nothing, except, after the vexation, trouble, and delay 
 already endured, to w'ork the ruin of the prosecutor, who had been 
 first harassed upon the testimony of the perjured witnesses. The 
 poor Yorkshire farmer, whom the villain had so vexed, had no more 
 money to spend in law ; all the other prosecutions dropped ; Meade ob- 
 tained a rule for a new trial, but funds were wanting to meet him 
 again, and he escaped. So that public justice was utterly frustrated, 
 as well as the most grievous wrong inflicted upon an individual. Nor 
 did it end here ; the poor farmer was fated to lose his life by the 
 transaction. Meade, the false witness, and Lowe, the farmer, whom 
 he had informed against, and who was become the witness against him 
 upon the approaching trial, lived in the same village ; and one evening, 
 in consequence, as was alleged, of some song, or madrigal, sung by 
 him in the street, this man (Meade) seized a gun, and shot Lowe, from 
 his house, dead upon the spot. He was acquitted of the murder, on 
 the ground of something like provocation, but he was found guilty of 
 manslaughter, and such w-as the impression of his guilt upon the mind 
 of the court, that he was sentenced to two years' imprisonment. A case 
 of more complicated injustice — one fraught with more cruel injustice to 
 the parties, I never knew in this country, nor do I conceive that worse 
 can be found in any other. We may talk of our excellent institutions, 
 and excellent some of them certainly are, though I could wish we were 
 not given to so much Pharisaical praising of them ; but if, while others, 
 who do more and talk less, go on improving their laws, we stand still, 
 and suffer all our worst abuses to continue, we shall soon cease to be 
 respected by our neighbours, or to receive any praises, save those we 
 are so ready to lavish upon oui"selves." — pp. 50-1. So much for the
 
 ABSURDITIES OF FINES AND RECOVERIES. 307 
 
 even-handed justice, lauded by Mr. Justice Blackstone, between the 
 Crown and the people ! 
 
 Fines and Recoveries. — It is well known if a person has an 
 estate in fee, that is, the absolute and unconditional possession of it, 
 he can sell or devise it as he thinks proper; but, if he has an estate in 
 tail, he cannot deal Avith it in this manner. He must first go through 
 certain foniis, in order to make himself absolute master of his estate : 
 he must levy a fine, as it is called, which destroys the expectant rights 
 of the issue in tail ; or he must, by means of a recovery, get rid of 
 those rights and of all remainders over. But this must be done through 
 the Court of Common Pleas, at certain seasons of the year ; — and 
 why, it may be asked, should there exist a necessity for going there ? 
 Why force tenants-in-tail into court for mere form's sake ? In case of 
 bankruptcy the necessity for these forms is not felt. A trader, who is 
 tenant-in-tail, commits an act of bankruptcy, and, by the assignment 
 under the commission, not only the interest vested in him is conveyed, 
 but all the remainders expectant upon it are destroyed for the benefit of 
 his creditors, and the estate passes to the assignees, free of all re- 
 striction. Why, then, may not the possessor of an estate do. that for 
 himself which the law permits to be done for an insolvent tradesman 
 and his creditors ? So, too, a man and his wife cannot convey an estate 
 of the wife without a fine or a recoverv ; neither can the wife be barred 
 of her dower without a similar proceeding. There is certainly nothing 
 very real in a fine, and, as to recoveries, they proceed upon a mere 
 fiction. They go upon the ground of compensation in value being made 
 to the remainder claimants, whose right they cut off, and who, but for 
 this fictitious suit, would have a right to take the estate after tlie 
 decease of the tenant-in-tail. They are said to recover compensation in 
 value ; and from whom do they recover it ? Why the common vouchee, 
 who is the crier of the court of Common Pleas, and who, like the 
 man at the Custom-House, obliged to take all the oaths other people 
 do not like, lies groaning under the weight of all the liabilities he has 
 incurred to all the claimants in tail since he became crier, and answer- 
 able for the millions of property, the rights to which, in remainder, have 
 been barred, he not being worth a shilling ! 
 
 The abolition of these ridiculous forms was recommended upwards of 
 one hundred and fifty years since, and still remained to be enforced by 
 the eloquence of lord Brougham. They have no earthly use but to raise 
 money by way of fees; and which, besides creating expense and delay, 
 and oftentimes preventing tenants-in tail from passing their property by 
 will, which they cannot do if they die before suffering the recoverv, 
 they give rise to questions inlaw, often puzzling, always dilatory and 
 expensive. The mere forms of fines and recoveries cost £70,0U0 per 
 annum over and above what deeds, operating in the same manner, 
 would cost ; and a round sum must be allowed for the litigation which 
 doubts on these assurances are yearly occasioning. Mr. Campbell in- 
 troduced a bill for abolishing fines ami recoveries, which has been 
 
 \2
 
 308 LAW AND fOUllTS OT LAW. 
 
 hanging" on the tenter-hooks during the two last sessions of parliament, 
 owing" to the rejection of the Reform Bill by the Lords. 
 
 Agueements tor Leases and Conveyances. — A pregnant 
 source of legal suits is the law with respect to sales, leases, and other 
 conveyances. Thus, if you agree with a person to give him a lease, 
 though he, under the agreement, becomes your tenant, he is your 
 equitable tenant only, but not your legal tenant. He may be possessed 
 of a w ritten agreement, signed and sealed, for a lease of ten years, and 
 may occupy under it, but he has no lease which a court of law can take 
 notice of; and, if an ejectment is brought, he must go out. He may 
 go into a court of equity on his agreement, if that is any comfort to 
 him ; he may apply for a decree against you to perform your agreement; 
 but till then his claims are not recognized in a court of common law. 
 If an injunction be brought, the expenses are further multiplied. Why, 
 it may be asked, should not the agreement, such as here described, be 
 as good as a lease; when, in substance, it is the very same thing, and 
 only wants a word added or left out to make it the same in legal effect ? 
 A case, illustiative of this subject, happened to lord Brougham, on the 
 York circuit. An agreement had been entered into, and possession 
 given ; but, because it did not contain words of present demise, it was 
 no lease, and therefore the tenant could not stand a moment against 
 the ejectment that was brought, but was driven into the Court of 
 Chancery, where the other party could just as little stand against him. 
 How much inconvenience, expense, and delay, then, might be saved, if 
 such an agreement were pronounced equivalent to a lease ! 
 
 Again, on the same principle of avoiding multiplicity of suits, why, 
 in ejectments, should two processes be requisite to give the plaintiff his 
 remedy? As things now stand, after a man has succeeded in one 
 action, and established his title to the possession, he must have recourse 
 to another, to recover that which he ought to have obtained by one and 
 the same verdict that established his title — the mesne profits. Why 
 could not the same jury settle the matter at once ? Why is an individual 
 driven to maintain two actions for the purpose of obtaining one and the 
 same remedy? Or why should not the jury that tries the right also 
 assess the damage? Mr. Tennyson's bill, which was intended to remedy 
 some part of this evil, is only permissive; it ought to have been 
 compulsory. It is partial, and it is only recommendatory, and its 
 recommendations are not always attended to, because the law'vers, 
 having the choice, do not think fit to pursue that which is the least 
 profitable; tliev choose the two actions, when one would suffice for the 
 interests of justice — for the interests of the plaintiff' and defendant — • 
 for all interests, except those of the practitioners. 
 
 Arrest for Debt. — Unless in cases of grossly improvident conduct, 
 or fraudulent concealment of property from the just claims of creditors, 
 imprisonment of the person for debt, either on mesne process or in 
 execution, seems not defensible. In practice, the power of arrest is 
 often perverted to purposes foreign to its ostensible object. It has been
 
 AllRKST — LIABILITIES OF i'ROPEUTY lOK 1)1- UT. 309 
 
 resorted to as a means not of recovering a just claim, but to prevent a 
 just claim being preferred ; and the same artifice of a false allegation 
 of debt has been frequently employed to remove a person out of the way 
 who happened to be troublesome, or that some criminal intention might 
 be eflected during his incarceration. But, however wicked or spiteful 
 the motives of any one in so employing the process of the law, there 
 being a probable cause of detention, and the process not boing abused, 
 no action lies against the wrong doer. If behave no accomplices, so as 
 to fall within the charge of conspiraaj , he is safe. To the wealthy all 
 these inconveniences are trivial ; but how does such a pi'oceeding 
 operate on a poor man, or a tradesman in moderate circumstances? He 
 has no facilities for obtaining bail; if he has, he pays one way or 
 another afterwards for the favour; and, if he cannot procure it, he 
 must go to prison. And on what ground of common sense does the law 
 in this matter rest? Why should it be supposed that a man, owing 
 twenty pounds, will leave his house, his wife, his children, his countrj', 
 his pursuits, and incur, voluntarily, the punishment awarded for great 
 crimes, by banishing himself for life? Yet the law always proceeds 
 on the supposition that a man will riin away the moment he has notice 
 given him of an action for debt. Some men might possibly act thus, 
 but their conduct forms the exception, not the rule; audit is neither 
 Avisdom nor humanity to denounce a penalty against all men in order to 
 meet a case not likely to occur once in a thousand times. Non- 
 payment of debt, if a crime at all, is a crime against ^ro/jrr^y only: 
 and, perhaps, it would be enough to allow property to answer for it: and 
 there is this peculiarity between it and other crimes against property, that 
 it is committed with the mutual consent of the parties. Goods sold 
 on credit are mostly charged extra; this extra charge is the premium 
 exacted by the creditor on account of the risk of repavment; and, 
 having thus fixed the equivalent for his chance of lo.ss, it seems supei- 
 crogatory^ in the law to grant him, in addition, the power of ex post 
 facto punishment, of the amount of which he is the sole judge, merely 
 because he has failed in a voluntary adventure, into which ho bad been 
 tempted to embark, from the prospect of reaping a greater profit than 
 is charged by the ready-money tradesman. Creditors rarely derive any 
 advantage from imprisonment beyond the indulgence of vindictive 
 feeling, which it is inconsistent with the true ends of public law to 
 encourage. Those who do benefit by it are usually the most unfair 
 and ungenerous, who, by a sudden arrest, often embarrass and prejudice 
 all the other parties interested. To the debtor, the consequences are 
 peculiarly hurtful — personal degradation — augmented incapacitv and 
 diminished inclination to satisfy his prosecutor — and the contraction 
 of habits inconsistent with future introgrity and industry. 
 
 Incoxsistent LiAi'.iLirii.s of Phopektv loii Dnr.TS. — In pro- 
 portion as, before the debt has been proved, the person and property of 
 the party charged should be free from all process not necessary to 
 prevent evasion; so, after judgment, ought tlu' utmost latitude bo 
 given to obtain satisfaction from all the defendant's property whatever —
 
 310 LAW AND COURTS OF LAW. 
 
 land, goods, money, and debts — for to himself they no longer belong. 
 To allow any distinction between one kind of property and another 
 seems the height of injustice. Yet this is of hourly occurrence in the 
 frustration of a creditor after he has obtained judgment, and taken out 
 execution. His debtor has a landed estate; if it be copyhold, the 
 creditor cannot touch it in any way w^hatever; if it be freehold, he may 
 take half by elegit, and receive the rents and proiits, but no more, in 
 the lifetime of his debtor. The debt for which he has received judg- 
 ment may be such that the rent of the land will not even keep down 
 the interest; still he can take nothing more; he cannot turn the land 
 into money: so that, when a man sues for a thing detained unlawfully, 
 (a horse, for instance,) you give him money which he does not ask ; 
 and when he asks for money by suing for a debt, you give him land 
 which he does not want. But if his debtor die before judgment can 
 be obtained, unless the debt is on bond, he has no remedy at all against 
 any kind of real property of any tenure ; nay, though his money, 
 borrowed on note or bill, has been laid out in buying land, the debtor's 
 heir takes that land wholly discharged of the debt ! 
 
 But not only is land thus sacred from all effectual process of cre- 
 ditors, unless the debtor be a trader^ the great bulk of most men's 
 personal property is equally beyond reach of the law. Stock in the 
 public funds — debts due in any manner of way — nay, bank-notes, and 
 even money — are alike protected. A man may owe a hundred tiiousand 
 pounds in any way, and judgment may have passed against him over 
 and over again; if he have privilege of parliament, live in a furnished 
 house or bote), and use hired carriages and horses, he may have an 
 income from stock or money lent, of tv/enty thousand a-year, and defy 
 the utmost efforts of the law; or if he have not privilege, he may live 
 abroad, or within the Rules, and laugh at all the courts and all the 
 creditors in the country. So absurd are the laws in this respect, that 
 if a person borrow a thousand pounds, and the creditor has obtained 
 judgment, the sheriff's otficer appointed to levy upon his personalty 
 may come into his room, and take a table or a desk; but if he sees the 
 identical thousand pounds lying there, he must leave it — he touches it 
 at his peril: — " For this quaint reason," says Lord Mansfield, " because 
 money cannot be sold, and you are required, by the writ, to take your 
 debt out of the produce of goods sold." 
 
 Lord Brougham, in concluding his obser\'ations on these barbarous, 
 absurd, and aristocratic laws, eloquently apostrophises — " who is the 
 innovator — he who would adhere to such rules in violation of the 
 manifest intent and spirit of our old law, or he who would re-adjust 
 them so as to give it effect ? In ancient times there w-ere none of those 
 masses of property in existence which are exempt from legal process. 
 When the law, therefore, said, " Let all a man's goods and chattels be 
 answerable for his debts," it meant to include his whole personalty at 
 the least. Things have now changed in the progress of society; trade 
 has grown up ; credit has followed in its train ; money, formerly only 
 used as counters, has become abundant; bankers' accounts have been
 
 EXEMPTIONS FROM DECTOll LAWS. 311 
 
 invented; paper currency and the funds have been created. Three- 
 fourtlis of the debtor's personalty, perhaps nine-tenths, now consist of 
 stock, money, and credit; and the rule of law, which leaves those out 
 of all execution, no longer can mean as before — " Let all his per- 
 sonalty be liable" — but, " Let a tenth-part of it only be taken." Can 
 there be a greater change made upon, or greater violence done to, the 
 old law itself, than you thus do by affecting to preserve its letter? The 
 great stream of time is perpetually flowing on; all things around us are 
 in ceaseless motion; and we vainly imagine to preserve our relative 
 position among them, by getting out of the current and standing stock 
 still on the margin. The stately vessel we belong to glides down; our 
 bark is attached to it; we might " pursue the triumph, and partake the 
 gale;" but, worse than the fool who stares, expecting the current to 
 flow down and run out, Ave exclaim — Stop the boat ! — and would tear 
 it away to strand it, for the sake of preserving its connexion with the 
 vessel. All the changes that are hourly and gently going on in spite 
 of us, and all those which we ought to make, that violent severances of 
 settled relations may not be effected, far from exciting murmurs of dis- 
 content, ought to be gladly hailed as dispensations of a bountiful 
 Providence, instead of filling us Avith a thoughtless and prepostei-ous 
 alarm." — Speech on the present State of the Law, p. 109. 
 
 But the imperfect recourse against the debtor's estate, although the 
 grand opprobrium of the debtor-laws, is by no means its only vice: the 
 unequal distribution, in case of insolvency, is scarcely a less notable 
 defect. Only traders, or those who voluntarily take the benefit of the 
 act, are compelled, when insolvent, to make an impartial division of 
 their property. All others may easily, and Avith impunity, pay one 
 creditor tAA'enty shillings in the pound, and the others sixpence, or 
 nothing. So, when a man dies insolvent, his representatives may, by 
 acknowledging judgments, secure one creditor his full payment at the 
 expense of all the rest. Thus, lax and impotent as the law is against 
 property, Avide as are its loop-holes for fraud and extravagance to escape 
 by, utterly poAverless as is its grasp to seize the great bulk of the 
 debtor's possessions, against his useless pkksox it is powerful and 
 unrekmting. The argument used is, that the concealed property may 
 thus be Avrung from him: the principle, hoAveA'er, of the laAv, and on 
 Avhich all its piovisions are built, is, that the seizure of the body Avorks 
 a satisfaction of the claim; and this satisfaction is gi\'cn alike in all 
 cases — alike Avhere there is innocent misfortune, culpable extravagance, 
 and guilty embezzlement. " Surely," says the groat Advocate, Avhose 
 words Ave are copying, " for all these evils the remedy is easy. 
 Let the AA-hole of every man's property, real and personal — his refil, 
 of what kind soeA'er, copyhold, leasehold, freehold ; his personal, of 
 Avhatever nature, debts, money, stock, chattels — be taken for the 
 payment of all his debts equally, and, in case of insolvency, let all be 
 distributed rateably; let all he possesses be sifted, bolted from him un- 
 sparingly, until all his creditors are satisfied by payment or composition; 
 but let his I'kuson only be taken when he conceals his (joods, or has
 
 312 LAW AND COURTS OF LAW. 
 
 merited punishment by extravagance or fraud. This line of distinction 
 is already recognised by the practice of the Insolvent Courts; but the 
 privilege of the Rules is inconsistent with eveiy principle, and ought at 
 once to be abrogated as soon as arrest on mesne process is abolished."* 
 
 Insecukity of Propeuty. — Our aristocratic legislators have 
 always manifested the greatest repugnance to admit the slightest change 
 in existing institutions, under an alleged apprehension it might endanger 
 the security of individual possessions. Nothing, however, can be 
 imagined less secure than the condition of real -property, as explained 
 by the Law Commissioners, in their report to Parliament. It staggers 
 one to comprehend how the law of any country could get into such a 
 state, or how it has worked or been so long tolerated. The deeds, it 
 seems, are endless, countless, and exceedingly complex, and, after all, 
 do not give a legal title to the subject. A lord chancellor has been 
 heard declare that there was scarcely a legal title to an estate in 
 England.^ This defect appears to be remedied by a system of trusts, 
 under which every thing, if not actually in the stomach, is at least 
 within the jaws of the great Leviathan of Chancery. Then there seems 
 to be no way in which the exact tenure of any piece of property can 
 be ascertained, except by getting and studying all the deeds which 
 may have ever been executed respecting it. And, after all, a flaw may 
 be overlooked, and a flaw once is a flaw for ever : for time cures little or 
 nothing in a legal title. 
 
 Laws of Marriage. — The contract of marriage can only be law- 
 fully entered into by strictly complying with certain religious ceremonies. 
 Unless a special license has been obtained, banns must be previously 
 published, and the nuptials must be solemnized in a church or chapel 
 of the establishment, and by a minister of the establishment. These 
 obligations sometimes entail great hardship on parties by whom they 
 have been unintentionally violated. Parents may rear families, and 
 honour them as legitimate, and afterwards discover they have been 
 living in concubinage, and nourishing a spurious offspring", merely from 
 having been mistaken in supposing a priest to have been ordained, or a 
 chapel to have been licensed. No allowance is made even for Dis- 
 senters, though their faith is tolerated ; they must join in the ritual of 
 the privileged worship, however repugnant to their conscience, on pain 
 of their marriages being invalid. But mark the inconsistency of the 
 law: parties have only to cross the border to Scotland, where marriages 
 may, with impunity, be contracted in contempt of English ceremonies 
 — without publication of banns — or the payment of surplice-fees, 
 and such marriages are recognized as lawful in an English court 
 of justice.]: 
 
 * This arrest, the end of which, it is to be hoped, fast approaches, was not 
 generally given by the common law. The capias ad respotidendum is given in 
 Debt and Delinue, by West, 2 (13 Ed. I.) cap. 11, in case only so late as 
 19 Hen. VII. c. 9. 
 
 t F.dinburgh Review, No. 101, p. 129. 
 
 J Lord Stowell's judgment, in Dalnjtnple v. Dalrtjmpk,
 
 MARRIAGE LAWS — INSECURITY OF PROPERTY — COSTS. 313 
 
 Another hardship may be mentioned, though it cannot be ascribed to 
 the ecclesiastical monopoly of marriages by the established clergy, but 
 to the decisions of the courts on the law of settlement. The hardshij) to 
 which we allude is the fact that an English woman, marrying a native 
 of Scotland or Ireland, loses all claim to parochial relief in England, 
 and may be passed, like an Irish or Scotch vagrant, to the birth-place 
 of the husband. — 7 Barmv. ^' Cress. 615. 
 
 Now, too, that religious disabilities are abrogated, measures ought 
 to be adopted to mitigate the severity of the law in regard to marriages 
 celebrated by Roman Catholic priests ; and, in certain cases, to render 
 valid marriages solemnized by ministers of that persuasion. In Ireland, 
 by the law as it now stands, a Catholic priest, in celebrating marriage 
 between a Protestant and Catholic, commits a capital felony, punishable 
 with death. By another statute, for the same offence, he is subject to 
 a penalty of £.'300 : so that, agreeably to the observation of a distin- 
 guished Irishman, a Catholic priest may be first hanged, and called 
 upon after to pay a line of £.500. The poor Irish, who flock over to this 
 country, from early habit mostly prefer being married by a Catholic 
 priest. Such marriage is invalid, even between two Catholics. The 
 consequence is, the husband may desert his wife when he pleases, and 
 leave his children utterly destitute ; for they have no claim on parochial 
 aid in England, not even if they have an English mother. 
 
 Costs of Law-suits. — It is related by Swift, of Captain Lemuel 
 Gulliver, that his father was ruined by gaining a law-suit. Notwith- 
 standing the imputed selfishness of mankind, their addiction to litigation 
 is a strong proof of disinterestedness, or at least shows they care less for 
 money than the indulgence of vindictive feeling, or the acknowledgement 
 of an unprofitable right. The doors of courts of justice are armed with 
 terrors, threatening destruction to all who enter therein, yet they are 
 beset with applicants for admission. Law, proverbially uncertain, is 
 morally (;erta*in of infiicting loss on all parties ; for, victor or vanf[uished, 
 wo are sure to be out of pocket. This singular issue I'esults from the 
 rule which allows no more than taxed costs to a successful litigant, 
 leaving him to pay the difference between them and the law-charges of 
 his legal adviser. It often happens that a person who sues for a debt 
 of £10 or £15 — and the majority of suits are for such diminutive sums 
 -^-and gains the day, with costs — is minus three or fourfold as much 
 for his own share of the expenses. But on this point we shall extract 
 a passage, the first sentence of which we are sure — coming as it does 
 from such high authority — is well worth the ordinary fee of 6s. Sd. 
 to every one with the least disposition to unnecessary litigation. 
 Speaking of the excess of costs which a suitor is obligeil to ])ay his 
 attorney, over and above what he can recover from his antagonist, 
 Lord Brougham says, — 
 
 " This is so certain, and so considerable, that a man sliull in v;iirj expect me 
 lo recommend liiin either to bring forward a rightful claim, or to resist an unjust 
 (h'mand (or any sucli snm as twenty, or even thirty \)oun(Is-— at least, upon a 
 calculatiou of his interest, I should presently declare to him he liad much better
 
 314 LAW ANJ> COURTS OF LAW. 
 
 saj notliiug in one case, and pay the money a second time in tlie other, even if 
 he had a stamped leceipt in his pocket, provided his adversary were a rich and 
 oppressive man, resolved to taiie all tlie advantages the law gives him. I have 
 hore before me some samples of taxed bills of costs, taken quite at random, and 
 far from being peculiar cases in any one respect. There is one of £42S, made 
 out by a very respectable attorney, and from which the master deducted £202 ; 
 of this sum £147 were taken off, which had been paid for bringing witnesses. 
 In this other, amounting to £217, £7G were taxed off; and, in a third, of £(j3, 
 there were nearly £1.5 disallowed ; it was an undefended cause, to recover £.50 : 
 liad the defendant been obstinate and oppressively inclined, he would have made 
 the extra costs a good deal more than the whole debt, although the suit was 
 in the Exchequer, where the taxation is known to be more liberal. Me had 
 lately, in the King's Bench, a bill of above £100, to recover £19, and probably, 
 of that £100 not above £60 would be allowed. As things now stand, a part of 
 this master evil is inevitable ; for if practitioners were sure of receiving all their 
 bills, they would run up a heavy charge wherever they knew the case to be a 
 clear one. But, as the fundamental principle for which I contend is to alter no 
 part of the law by itself, or without considering all the other parts, there can be 
 no difficulty, consistently with this doctrine, to enlarge the allowance of costs as 
 soon as other amendments have prevented the abuse of litigation by professional 
 men. Some erroneous rules of taxation may, even in a partial or insulated 
 reform, be altered. Whatever is fairly allowed, as between attorney and client, 
 should be allowed between party and party, except only such needless charges 
 as have been ordered expressly by the client himself. There can surely be no 
 reason for disallowing, as a general rule, all consultations, often absolutely 
 necessary for the conduct of a cause, generally more beneficial than much that 
 is allowed ; nor can it be right that so little of the expense of bringing evidence 
 should be given, and that the cost of preparing the case, by inquiries, journeys, 
 &c. should be refused altogether. The necessary consequence of not suffering 
 an attorney to charge what he ought to receive for certain things, is that he is 
 driven to do a number of needless tilings, which he knows are always allowed as a 
 matter of course, and the expense is thus increased to the client far beyond the 
 mere gain which the attorney derives from it." 
 
 Thus it appears attorneys are placed in a similar predicament to -what 
 medical men were, prior to Lord Tenterden's decision in their favour, 
 when they were compelled to seek a remuneration for attendance on 
 their patients, through the medium of unnecessary draughts, or exor- 
 bitant charges for drugs. It is due, indeed, to the respectable part of 
 the legal profession to say that they are not entirely to blame for the 
 monstrous bills they deliver to their clients. A shameful system of 
 extortion prevails in the courts, and many of the fees exacted by the 
 officers, during the see-saw of a cause, can be considered nothing 
 but legalized robbery of the suitor. In the Common Pleas, the protho- 
 notaries charg-e 8c?. per folio of seventy-two words, ou all pleadings 
 entered ; and if the declaration and issue, or declaration and judgment, 
 be of dift'erent terms, the 8d. is doubled. In the King's Bench 4c?. per 
 folio is charged. The entry, by them so called, is, in fact, nothing 
 more than imprinting a stamp by a clerk in the office ; the attorney 
 performing the drudgery of engrossing or entering the proceedings on 
 the roll. The charges for passing records and setting down causes are 
 a grievous burthen. They are passed by an officer, whose clerk 
 charges from 305. and upwards. If the cause is not tried on the day on 
 which it is set down, the marshal must be paid for his deputy marking 
 the cause as a remanet ; for the first of which he charges Qs. and for
 
 COURT FEES — DEBTOR AND CREDITOR. 313 
 
 till after the first 4s. After the holidays, a fee of 10s. 6d., 6s. Sd., or 
 3s. 4d., according to usage, is extorted, at each office, for opening 
 them. All these court-fees tend to swell an attorney's hill, though he 
 has advanced the money for them, as Avell as the lawyer's fee, out of his 
 own pocket. 
 
 Law of Debtor and Creditor. — If there was any country in 
 which a man, in order to recover a debt of £6 or £7, must begin by 
 expending £60 or £70 — where, at the outset, he had to run the risk of 
 throwing so much good money after bad — it would at once be said that, 
 whatever other benefits or advantages that country enjoyed, at least it 
 was not fortunate in its system of law. But if it were added that, in 
 addition to spending £60 or £70, a man must endure great difficulties, 
 anxiety and uncertainty, infinite bandying to and fro, and moving about 
 from province to province, and from court to court, before he could 
 obtain judgment, then our envy of the country where such administra- 
 tion of the law existed, would be further diminished. And if, in 
 addition to all this, after expending £60 or £70 in looking after the 
 recovery of £6 or £7, a man's adversary should have the power of 
 keeping his property out of the way, and beyond reach, so that, after 
 all, the plaintiff should not receive some part of his debt, the case 
 would be still worse. And further, in addition to this, if, in the same 
 country, in cases where a man was so circumstanced as to be able to 
 recover and receive his debt, and where the debtor was solvent, and 
 prepared to pay, the individual should receive, it was true, his £6 or £7, 
 but should not receive the whole £60 or £70, which he had spent in 
 costs, although there was judgment in his favour, but should receive the 
 amount wanting £20, so that he should have spent £13 or £14 out of 
 his pocket, over and above the amount of the debt which he recovered, 
 after being exposed to a variety of plagues, and the annoyances of these 
 })roceedings ; if he were told of such a case, would not the natural 
 inquiry be, " Whether it was possible that such a country existed ?" — 
 AV'e should immediately pronounce that, if so, it must be in a most bar- 
 barous state ; that it must be a pooi" country, for no commercial countr}', 
 having interests extensive and important, would endure such a state of 
 things. Nevertheless, the country Avherethis state of things exists is 
 that in which we now live ! — England !* 
 
 This pointed and forcible delineation of the working of the debtor- 
 laws— indisputably the worst in Europe — will be readily comprehended 
 from our previous illustrations. It is the substance — the bare bone 
 and muscle — of a splendid passage in Lord Brougham's second great 
 philippic on legal abuses. The abilities of this extraordinary man have 
 raised him to the head of the judicial administration, and few have profited 
 more than he has done by existing defects; yet it is to him, next to 
 Benthara and Romilly — posterior in time, but hardlj' in power — the 
 country is mainly indebted for the reforms in progress, and the improve- 
 
 Lord Brougham, House of Commons, April 29, 1830.
 
 316 LAW AND COURTS OF LAW. 
 
 ments vvliich must, ore long, be introduced throug;h the entire legal 
 system of the empire. 
 
 ABSUUniTIES AND DELAYS IX ADMINISTRATIVE JUSTICE. 
 
 Magna Charta says that justice shall neither be denied, sold, nor 
 delayed. With the single exception of guarding the country from 
 foreign aggression, the only object for which governments have been 
 instituted is the administration of justice. It is to attain this end that 
 all taxes and contributions from the people were originally intended. 
 They were not meant to support useless placemen and pensioners, nor 
 to maintain standing armies, nor to defray the interest of debts 
 contracted in unnecessary wars ; but to protect every individual in the 
 community from oppression. Justice ought not only to be speedy, but, 
 above all things, cheap. To render the expense of legal process exor- 
 bitant, is not delaying — it is absolutely denying justice to all but the 
 rich : it is aftording the protection of the law to those least in need of its 
 aid, and refusing it to those most exposed to oppression. 
 
 In England, justice is not only delayed, but, from its dearness, 
 often unattainable. These evils result from causes much too numerous 
 and complex to be here specified ; but the most palpable appear to be 
 the unequal distribution of business in the several courts of law — the 
 consumption of the time of the judges in mattei's either irrelevant or 
 derogatory to their more important functions — the monopoly of practice 
 vested in different classes of practitioners — the retention of useless, 
 absurd, and antiquated forms of procedure-— the confusion, obscuritv, 
 and inconsistencies in the law^s themselves — and, in short, from the 
 entire fabric of judicial administration being inadequate and unsuitable 
 to the Avants of the age, and only adapted to a state of society wholly 
 different from that which now exists. 
 
 To point out the manifold absurdities of the legal system we shall 
 make no pretension; still we cannot help noticing the more striking 
 anomalies. 
 
 If, for example, twelve judges Avere necessary to administer justice, 
 centuries ago, why not nearly double the number at the present ? 
 Consider the augmentation in wealth, commerce, and population ; con- 
 sider the increase of lawyers, attorneys, criminals, and suitors; why not 
 a corresponding increase in judges ? But then there were only twelve 
 apostles to preach the gospel, therefore there must be only twelve 
 judges to preach the law. What a reason for John Bull — yet he 
 swallows it.* 
 
 If circuits have been gradually altered from septennial to annual, and 
 from annual to twice in a year, and three times in the home circuit, 
 why not go on ? W^hy not have gaol deliveries as frequently in the 
 
 • Better late than never — In the Session of 1830, an additional judge was 
 added to eacli of the three superior cour!s of King's Bench, Common Pleas, and 
 Excliequer, but the auij;nieutation, we apprehend, is not coninieusurate to tlie 
 wants of the community.
 
 UIGKST Ol' LEGAL INCONGRUITIES. 317 
 
 country as in London ? Why should a man be confined six months 
 before trial in Yorkshire, and only six weeks in London ? Why, again, 
 should a person, charged with an oft'ence in one part of the metropolis, 
 be imprisoned only four or five weeks, while, under precisely similar 
 circumstances in another part, he is imprisoned two or three months ? 
 Are we never to have uniformitv in justice — are the claims of common 
 sense to be for ever stifled by the logic of lawyers, the allegations of 
 custom, antiquity, and local usage ? 
 
 If the lord-chief-justice require three or four assistants, why not a 
 lord chancellor similar aid ? Does it require more grave deliberation 
 to adjudicate trumpery suits of £10 or £1.3 than suits which can never 
 be commenced for less than £100 ? Does it require a greater mass of 
 collective wisdom to administer a written, fixed, and known law than 
 one only inscribed on sand — remarkable for complexity — often to fabri- 
 cate on the spur of the occasion — and having no immutable standard 
 beyond the varying conscience and intelligence of the judge ? Shame 
 on the legislature, which tolerates, year after year, a system so re- 
 pugnant to reason ! 
 
 If it be necessary to have circuits to administer common law, why 
 not equity ? This is the practice in some of the states of North 
 America ; and why should not the precedent be followed, although the 
 people of those countries be so deplorably unfortunate as neither to 
 have a national debt, an established Church, nor hereditary Peerage. 
 
 If the evidence of a Gentoo, a Jew, or a Turk may be received in 
 judicial administration, why should the judges suffer the ends of justice 
 to be defeated by rejecting the testimony of an Englishman who happens 
 not to believe in the divine authority of the Holy Scriptures, but who 
 is assuredly as good a Christian as the infidels we have mentioned ? 
 
 Why should justices of peace, in quarter sessions, have such great 
 power over the person and none over property ? Is it a less serious 
 thing to transport a poor man from his country, his wife, and his 
 children, for fourteen years, than to decide a few pounds' debt, a 
 trespass, tort, or other civil injury ? If the country magistracy are not 
 learned enough to administer the laws of property, why not simplify 
 them ? or, why not let them have the aid of an assistant barrister, and 
 thereby expedite justice, save enormous expense to suitors, and lighten 
 the pressure of business at the assizes ? Would not this be a more 
 practicable and economical improvement in domestic judicature than 
 tiie introduction of an entirely new macliinery of local tribunals, as 
 a great, but, as we humbly think, in this point, a mistaken man has 
 recently proposed ? 
 
 Again : the meaning of wills, bonds, and other legal insti-uments 
 being of such vast importance, why are they not punctuated and drawn 
 up according to the ordinary rules of composition, to prevent niisappre- 
 hension ? Is the contrary course followed as more conducive to 
 obscurity and litigation ( 
 
 Lastly, we may inquire, why do attorneys and solicitors delay their 
 suits and impoverish their clients by cramming their briefs into the bags
 
 318 LAW AND COURTS OF LAW. 
 
 of what are called king's counsel, or leading counsel, who are so over- 
 whelmed with business that they liave seldom time to read them — to 
 master the law respecting them — -or be present in court when the cause 
 comes on, while there are hundreds of worthy men at the bar, with 
 leisure, talent, and industry, but failing- opportunity, name, or con- 
 nexion, who are condemned to penury and obscurity ? Are lawyers all 
 aristocrats; aro they like the rich clergy, without bowels for the 
 more unfortunate brethren of their own order ? 
 
 These are a few of the incongruities in the administration of justice 
 which present themselves to the contemplation of an impartial obseiTcr. 
 But the Court of Chancery has unquestionably been the least defensible 
 part of our judicial system, and the most pregnant in abuse and delay. 
 Before this tribunal a cause might be pending for years, and, even after 
 it had gone through, and was so far matured as to be what the lawyers 
 call I'ipe for decision, it might wait three years for judgment. 
 Mr. Williams relates a singular instance of dilatoriness in this court: 
 the suit involved considerable property,- of which part was a windmill.* 
 A bill was filed in 1703 ; in 1796, the cause had progressed as far as 
 the master's office, where it was stationary till 181.5, when it was found, 
 on inquiry, the windmill had disappeared, and there was no longer any 
 trace of its existence. Time, it seems, had been at work, while equity 
 wes sleeping. The immense mass of property locked up in chancery 
 almost exceeds belief. In the year 1756, the amount of suitors' effects 
 fell short of three millions; in 1829, they had accumulated to 
 £38, 886, 135. t Of this enoi-mous sum there is more than one-third 
 which, from the procrastinated delay of suits, should either have 
 belonged to persons deceased without representatives, or persons living, 
 but ignorant, from the books not being open to them, of their claims 
 altogether, or, if acquainted with their claims, ignorant in what manner 
 or names their property is vested. 
 
 Now, to people living out of the atmosphere of corruption and in- 
 trigue, there appeared little difficulty in suggesting remedies for this 
 monstrous oppression. 1. By separating the political from the judicial 
 character of the lord chancellor, and clothing him with that independence 
 in the exercise of his legal functions, which is considered so great an 
 excellence in the status of the common-law judges. 2. By separating 
 the appellate jurisdiction in the House of Lords, and abolishing the 
 absurdity of appeals from the lord chancellor on the bench to the lord 
 chancellor on the woolsack. 3. By the relieving of his lordship of his 
 duties in bankruptcies, which was the more reasonable, since the exer- 
 cise of jurisdiction therein was comparatively of recent occur- 
 rence.]: Lastly, by a thorough reform in the offices of the masters and 
 registrars. 
 
 * House of Commons, Delays in Chancery, Feb. 24, 1824. 
 
 t Parliamentary Paper, No. 2S2, Session 1S30. 
 
 X The power of the lord chancellor to adjudicate in bankruptcy was granted 
 by a statute of Henry VHI. but it was never exercised till the time of Lord 
 Chancellor Nottingham.
 
 LORD brougham's BANKRUPTCY COURT. 319 
 
 These I'efornis were recommended over and over ngain by Mr. M. A. 
 Taylor, Mr. John WiUiams, and others during the ascendancy of the 
 Tories ; and the only reasons we could ever discover why they were not 
 adopted may be comprised in a very small compass. Our readers are 
 aware what a tempting acquisition the see of Canterbury is to all 
 aspiring churchmen ; and Avhat an itching the Philpotts and Blomfields 
 have to clutch the magnificent revenues and patronage of the arch-dio- 
 cese. Well, what Lambeth is in the Church, the Chancellorship is at the 
 Bar. It is the glittering prize of ambitious, intriguing, and time-serv- 
 ing lawyers ; it is the goal of desire to all gentlemen of the long-robe, 
 for every one has more or less confidence in his good fortune and 
 abilities, and few but hope to reach it at last. Hence there was little pros- 
 pect of effective reform in equity, while Tory law-craft was so predomi- 
 nant in the legislature. But the dynasty of the anti-reformers has ex- 
 pired in principle, if not in its personal representatives ; and the accession 
 to power of Earl Grey's ministry has been signalized by some vigorous 
 innovations on judicial abuses. Lord Chancellor Brougham was 
 pledged by his previously expressed opinions to the Herculean task, and 
 he has entered upon it by clearing off the vast arrear of business accu- 
 mulated by his predecessors, and by projecting efficient reforms in the 
 constitution of his court. The establishment of a Court of Bankruptcy 
 has removed one of the popular objections we have enumerated to the 
 practice in chancery; but this is only one of a series of renovating 
 measures intended to apply to the offices of the masters and registrars, 
 and other branches of the equity department. We shall conclude the 
 section with a few remarks on the economy, and next on the judicial 
 improvement effected by the first of Lord Brougham's legal reforms. 
 
 The bankrupt business of the metropolis has hitherto been trans- 
 acted by seventy commissioners, appointed for that purpose by the Lord 
 Chancellor, who held their offices during pleasure. They were paid by 
 fees out of the bankrupt estate. The average income from tliese fees 
 to every commissioner, by a return made to the House of Lords, was 
 £389 : 5 : or, according to the secretary of bankrupts' return, in round 
 numbers, £380. The total expense, therefore, of the seventy commis- 
 sioners, at an average of £380., was £"26,000. The other expenses 
 under the old system, together with the sum paid to the commis- 
 sioners, were estimated by Mr. Vizard at £70,000. 
 
 The salaries of the judges, commissioners, and registrars under Lord 
 Brougham's act are: — 
 
 Chief Jiulse £3,000 
 
 Three Puisnes, at £2,000 0,000 
 
 Six Commissioners, at £1,500 9,000 
 
 Two Registrars, at £800, (exclusive of fees) 1,000 
 
 Ei;iht Deputy Uep;istrars, at £000 4,800 
 
 Secretary of JSankrupts (exclusive of fees) 1,200 
 
 First Clerk 500 
 
 Second Clerk 300 
 
 Total £21,000
 
 320 LAW AND COUUTS Ol' LAW. 
 
 The office fees of suing out a commission under former practice 
 were as follows : — search for docket, Is. ; bond, 7s. ; petition for commis- 
 sion, lis.; fiat answering- petition, or filing aifidavit, £1:2; commis- 
 sion and hanaper fee, £6 : 2 : 8 ; tin-box, 2s. ; if a private suit, 
 £2:2:6; messenger, when the Chancellor was in the country, £I : .5 ; 
 office copy of petitioning creditor's aiiidavit, 3s. 2d. Under the new act 
 a Jiat is sul)stituted for a commission, for which the fee is £10, and 
 various other sums payable to secretary of bankrupts. A sum of £20 
 is payable to the secretary of bankrupts' account by the assignees. It is 
 impossible, however, to exhil)it an accurate comparison of the expense 
 of proceedings under the old and the new system ; some of the charges 
 are contingent, others terminable, and others depend on the nundjer and 
 length of copies, affidavits, folios, &c. Compensations are to be provided 
 for fees and offices abolished, and the remuneration to the official assig- 
 nees is discretionary in the commissioners. 
 
 The opinion of some persons is that the expenses of a proceeding in the 
 smaller bankruptcies, where the assests do not exceed £4000, will be 
 nearly equal to what they were under the former system ; but it is 
 impossible to arrive at an accurate conclusion on this point, till the new 
 machinery has been brought fairly into operation. It is certain, how- 
 ever, that there will be no future harvest of spoil, like that of Howard 
 and Gibbs, when £20,000, was netted ; nor even like that of Chambers, 
 when £10,000 was swamped by the legal, accounting, and assignee 
 agencies. 
 
 One striking advantage of the Bankruptcy Court is, that it substi- 
 tutes a tribunal effective for its purpose for one notoriously inefl'ective. 
 There will be also greater responsibility in the judges, as well as in- 
 creased despatch in their proceedings. A saving of time is a saving of 
 expense to suitors, as well as of that which is more painful than expense — 
 ■doubt and anxiety. So far the improvement is positive. But ought 
 not a tribunal, which costs £24,000 a-year in fixed salaries, to have 
 been final in its adjudications? Why such a gradation of appeals from a 
 commissioner to a Sub-division Court, from thence to the Court of 
 Review, and upwards — though the cases of such higher appeals are 
 limited by the act — to the Lord Chancellor and the House of Lords ? 
 
 The branch, however, of the new arrangement about which Ave have any 
 serious misgivings, is not the judicial, but the ministerial or accounting 
 department. Will the official assignees be less costly and more expeditious 
 than the creditor assignees have been ? May they not be as dilatory in 
 settling accounts as masters in Chancery ? or may they not in certain 
 emergencies employ the proceeds of the bankrupt estate in a stock- 
 jobbing or mercantile adventure in preference to the payment of them 
 promptly into the Bank of England? — Nous verrons, as the French 
 say.* 
 
 * The number of bankruptcies has declined of late years. It may be partly 
 ascribed to the less commercial speculation and adventure, and partly to the 
 enormous expense attending bankrupt proceedings. If the decline iu bankrupt-
 
 COSTS OF EXCISE INFORMATIONS. 321 
 
 OPPRESSIONS UNDER THE EXCISE-LAWS. 
 
 We have already made some remarks on the multiplicity and inquisi- 
 torial nature of the Revenue-Laws. Excise informations, of which we 
 are going to give some account, are the practical consequences of these 
 laws. 
 
 These informations are filed in the Court of Exchequer for real or 
 supposed frauds on the revenue. The prosecutions are almost invariably 
 instituted either on the testimony of hired spies or the Excise-officers. 
 They form a principal source of emolument to the law-officers of the 
 Crown. Every prosecution costs the country about fifty guineas. Of 
 this sum ten guineas are for a brief to the Attorney-General ; to the 
 Solicitor-General, ten guineas; to two counsel, eight guineas each; 
 to two other counsel, four guineas each. And to these sums must be 
 added another item of £7 : 13:6 for the court-crier. Let the case 
 be ever so simple, this is the usual array of counsel which appears for 
 the Crown; and against which the accused has to contend. In one 
 year there have been no less than 761 informations under the 
 Excise- Laws, and the law-expenses on each case were not less than 
 £120, making an annual sum of more than £120,000. The .solicitor 
 for the excise has almost unlimited power in these matters, and exercises 
 the functions of both judge and jury. The petitions that are sent to 
 the Board are referred to him ; and which for the sake of his own 
 emolument it is generally his interest to reject. The nature of such 
 proceedings will be best illustrated by examples, selected from many 
 others, which have been brought before the Parliament. 
 
 The first case we shall mention is that of Jeremiah Abell, a small 
 farmer, in Norfolk. This man was prosecuted by the Excise for 
 penalties to the amount of £1000, on account of an alleged smuggling 
 transaction. He was able to prove, most distinctly, by seventeen wit- 
 nesses, against the single testimony of the informer, that he was thirty 
 miles from the place where the offence was sworn to have been com- 
 mitted. When the case was tried, his counsel most unaccountably con- 
 sented to compromise the matter with the Board for £300, contrary to 
 the express injunction of the defendant. Aftervvards, the matter slept 
 for a yeai-, when Mr, Abell was taken into custody ; and, at the time his 
 case was mentioned in the House, he had been confined sixteen months 
 in Norwich goal. Of his innocence there could not be the slightest 
 doubt. He had the most satisfactory evidence to prove that the in- 
 former was at Norwich at the very time he had sworn to have been 
 thirty miles from that place, watching the defendant and six others 
 engaged in smuggling. 
 
 cies continue, the Court of Bankruptcy -will become little better than a sinecure 
 eslabli.shraent. But, perhaps, the greater cheapness and dispatch of the new 
 tribunal may augment the number of bankruptcies, hy aljstractinj; from the 
 business of the Insolvent Court, and lessening compromises between creditors 
 and ilcblors, which have been frequently resorted to, to avoid an expensive 
 procedure. 
 
 V
 
 322 LAW AND COURTS OF LAW. 
 
 fMr. Henty, another sufferer, and a most respectable gentleman of 
 Sussex, had a very narrow escape from a gang of wretches patronised 
 and employed by the Excise. He was found guilty of an attempt to 
 defraud the revenue, and sentenced to pay fines and costs to the amount 
 of £2400. The evidence on which he was convicted was of the most 
 infamous description, and such as none but the agents of an odious 
 system would ever think of employing. One of them was accused of 
 an atrocious murder at Greenwich ; others were afterwards convicted 
 of perjury ; some transported for robbery ; and others (there being 
 seven witnesses in all) we believe, were hanged. The conduct of the 
 Excise in this case was the more unjustifiable, because they had been 
 \ apprised of the characters of these miscreants : nevertheless, the 
 / solicitor commenced his prosecution against Mr. Henty, and on their 
 / evidence he was found guilty. When an indictment for perjury was 
 / preferred, the Excise came forward, and offered bail for them ; and 
 i no doubt they would have absconded, and Mr. Henty been deprived of 
 ? all means of proving his innocence, had they not been committed to 
 
 prison on a charge of felony. 
 '. Frequently, Excise prosecutions originate in the conspiracies of base 
 
 wretches, who, for the sake of the reward, or to gratify their malice, 
 unite to ruin particular individuals. As an instance of this sort, we 
 select the following: — A man took a range of obscure and dilapidated 
 buildings in London, for the pretended purpose of becoming a brewer of 
 ale, and immediately set to work to draw honest tradesmen into his 
 snares. By an act of parliament, a penalty is imposed on those who 
 sell treacle or molasses to brewers. This miscreant, to accomplish his 
 purpose, used to frequent those shops which were left under the super- 
 intendence of apprentices and children ; he procured a small quantity 
 of these articles to be sent to him, and then gave information that the 
 parties had sold them to a licensed brewer. Another case of the same 
 stamp : — A respectable and industrious tradesman of Colchester, 
 Mr. Underwood, had on some account or other incurred the hatred 
 of a notorious smuggler, who made a vow that by some means 
 he would accomplish his destruction. This, he thought, could not be 
 more effectually done than by putting him in the hands of the Excise. 
 He accused Mr. Underwood of being engaged in a contraband trade. 
 Two informations were filed in the Exchequer ; one for the condemnation 
 of Mr. Underwood's vessel, the other to recover the penalt^' of the bond 
 which all masters enter into not to be concerned in any smuggling 
 transaction. AVhen the case came to be heard, the smuggler admitted 
 that the information was false and malicious, and, of course, Mr. Un- 
 derwood was acquitted ; but he had incurred expenses to the amount 
 of £327 in triumphing over the malice of his enemy. He had no 
 redress for his loss ; and his only resource was to commence an unprofit- 
 able prosecution against the smuggler for perjury. At the same place, 
 a brewer, having lent a friend his copper, was prosecuted for that friend's 
 brewing a quarter of malt. The penalty for his fi'ieiids hip was .£100 ; 
 and the first intimation of it being incurred was an appalling bill of
 
 OPPRESSIONS UNDER EXCISE LAWS. 323 
 
 forty or fifty folios in length. He applied to the Board, who consented 
 to remit the penalty, provided he paid £30, and what small costs 
 might have been incurred in the prosecution. Three months after, 
 he received a bill from a solicitor, in which these small costs were 
 charged £46. 
 
 Persons are frequently dragged into the Court of Exchequer without 
 knowing for what offence, when it had been committed, or who is the 
 informer. In the case of Mr. Waithman, a handkerchief was brought 
 into his house not worth thirty shillings, by a person in his employ, at 
 the solicitation of a friend in the country. An information was laid 
 against him, and a penalty of £200 demanded, which was afterwards 
 softened down to £100, as a particular favour to the worthy alderman. 
 
 We shall only mention one more case of Exchequer process ; that of a 
 Captain Bryan. This gentleman was called on for a penalty of £200, 
 two years after he thought the transaction had been entirely settled. 
 On a petition to the Board, the penalty indeed was remitted ; but a bill 
 of costs was brought forward by the solicitor to a nearly equal amount. 
 The misfortune of this gentleman originated in mistake in the report of 
 the ship's cargo. The error was explained to the commissioners of 
 Excise, who appeared perfectly satisfied, and the Captain concluded 
 the matter was at an end. Two years were suffered to elapse, when 
 the unsuspecting Captain was surprised with an Exchequer process, 
 showing that an action had commenced against him to recover the 
 penalty for the infraction of the Excise-Laws. The Captain, as we 
 have said, petitioned ; the penalty was remitted : but the solicitor 
 brought in his bill of costs to the amount of £160 : 5, and his own 
 solicitor's costs amounted to £89 : 5 : 9 more. 
 
 A serious evil resulting from the Excise system is the power vested 
 in the Commissioners of Excise or Lords of the Treasury to mitigate 
 penalties or stay pi'oceedings against offenders at their discretion. This 
 enables them to make the most odious distinction between persons sup- 
 posed to be friendly or hostile to the government. We had a singular 
 instance of this in the case of Mr. Arbott, brewer and magistrate, of 
 Canterbury. This man had for a long time been selling, according to 
 Lord Brougham's statement, rank poison in the beverage of the people. 
 It appears he had been selling a liquor resembling beer, manufactured 
 from beer-grounds, distillers' spent wash, quassia, opium, guinea pepper, 
 vitriol, and other deleterious and poisonous ingredients. The ofiicei-s of 
 Excise having examined this worthy magistrate's premises, found 12 lbs. 
 of prepared powder, and 14 lbs. of vitriol or copperas, in boxes, which, 
 if full, would have contained 56 lbs. Proceedings were instituted 
 against him by the Board. The penalties he had incurred amounted to 
 £9000 ; and the case being notorious and atrocious, the Commissioners 
 appeared determined to levy them with rigour. Mr. Abbott, however, 
 was a loyal man and an active ma<jistrate ; and he prevailed upon 
 some other loyal men to write on his behalf to the Lords of the Treasury. 
 Among other persons who stepped forward in behalf of tliis virtuojis 
 magistrate, were the very reverend the Dean of Canterbury, Dr. Gerard 
 
 Y 2
 
 •^24 LAW AND COURTS O l" T-A\V. 
 
 Andrewos, Mr. Baker, M.P., and tlie late Sir William Curtis. All 
 these weie loyal men and true ; and, in their letters to the Lords of the 
 Treasury, spoke in the highest terms of the public and private virtues 
 of the good Mr. Abbott. Mr. Baker styles him " my much esteemed 
 and valued fiiend, Mr. Abbott." Sir William Curtis Avas still more 
 eloquent and touching- ; stating that he was a very long acquaintance of 
 fifty years, and a " most honourable and virtuous old man." The 
 reverend Dean went on in the same strain ; stating that he was a " good 
 neighbour of his, and an useful magistrate ;" and that he should regret 
 were his " usefulness and respectability diminished by a matter that 
 concerned ONLY ale-drixkers !" 
 
 Only think of this ! Here is a man, a very reverend dean, who re- 
 grets that a good neighbour of his should be dragged before the public 
 merely for poisoning ale-drinkers. Had Mr. Abbott been poisoning 
 wine-drinkers, we imagine his crime would have appeared very different 
 in the eyes of the reverend dean. It is related of a right reverend 
 ^ bishop, in the House of Lords, that he once remarked that he did not 
 ^ — 3- know what the people had to do with the laws but to obey them. One 
 is at a loss to conceive where these notions have been taken up ; they 
 certainly belong to another age, or at least to another country than 
 England. For our part, we can only ascribe this unseemly insolence 
 of the clergy to the undeserved respect which they have been accus- 
 tomed to receiA'e from the people, and which has begotten in them a 
 feeling of superiority to which, above all men, they have the least claim, 
 either on account of their knowledge or virtues, or any other qualifica- 
 tion useful or ornamental. The views of some of them in respect of 
 the people are very little more elevated than those of the nobles of 
 Russia towards their boors. We remember an anecdote of a Russian 
 officer travelling through Germany, who, on account of a trifling delay 
 or provocation, shot his postillion. The circumstance exciting some 
 noise, the officer was given to understand that, though such things 
 might do very well in Russia, they could not pass in Germany Avith im- 
 punity. The officer, considering the interruption impertinent, demanded 
 -JSL— ' the price of a German postillion, and said he would pay for him. 
 This was not much worse than Dr. Andrewes's notion of the social 
 importance of ale-drinkers. 
 
 To return, however, to the good Mr. Abbott : so many testimonies, 
 from such quarters, to his various excellences were not to be neglected. 
 The Treasury, without seeking any more evidence, but merely at the 
 instigation of their political friends, ordered the proceedings to be stayed, 
 and penalties to the amount of £9000 were softened down to £500. 
 
 The recent case of Leaf and Coles,* the extensive dealers in contra- 
 band silks, is an instance of the power of the Treasury to mitigate 
 penalties. The transactions of these persons had been to an enormous 
 extent, to the great detriment of the home manufacture of silk, and the 
 
 House of Commous, Dec. 9, 1831.
 
 I'KOSPECTS OF LEGAL UEIOKM. 
 
 325 
 
 ruin of the fair trader. The penalties Leaf and Company had incurred 
 by their illicit practices amounted to £ "25,000 ; the Treasury, or, more 
 correctly, the attorney-general, compromised with the delinquents for 
 £20,000, and returned them their smuggled silks valued at £5,000 
 more. It was no case for mercy; justice and the interests of commerce e 
 required that the utmost forfeiture should have been exacted. ' (^7~1 
 
 The examples we have given will, we apprehend, be sutHcient to ex- \ 
 emplify the nature of Excise informations. The proceedings of the 
 Court of Star Chamber, of the Inquisition in Spain, or Lettres de 
 Cachet in France, were not more diabolical and oppressive than those 
 which often occur in this countiy to uphold an oppressive system of 
 taxation. Much of the evil results from the endeavours of the Aristo- 
 cracy to throw a disproportionate share of public burthens on the 
 industrious classes, by taxing heavily all articles of general consumption. 
 Tea, spirits, and tobacco are the chief articles in which frauds on the 
 revenue are attempted; and these are respectively taxed 100, 520, and 
 900 per cent, on the cost price. It is the high amount of duties which 
 renders smuggling and adulteration so profitable that all attempts to 
 suppress them prove unavailing. Three-fourths of the whole quantity 
 of tobacco consumed in Ireland is smuggled ;* and one-third of the tea 
 sold in England is the produce of adulteration. What blessed ettects 
 are these of our fiscal regulations ; especially coupled with the f\ict that 
 the expense for the prevention of smuggling alone amounts to £700,000 
 per annum. 
 
 PROSPECTS OF LEGAL REFORM. 
 
 England is not less a law^-ridden than a priest-ridden country ; and 
 we regret that Lord Brougham cannot devise plans of reform having a 
 less tendency to increase the number and emolument of a profession 
 already too predominant. It has been remarked, by the venerable father 
 of jurisprudence in Europe, and we may add America — Mr. Bentham, 
 that lawyers oppose improvement from the same motives workmen 
 oppose the introduction of machinery, — they are apprehensive it 
 would lesseyi their employment. Undoubtedly it would have this 
 effect ; for the great object sought to be attained is to simplify and 
 expedite judicial proceedings, by which, unnecessary delay and expense 
 may be avoided. The late Mr. Roscoe, in his Life of Loo X. (vol. iv. 
 p. 179,) relates an anecdote of that pontiff which is applicable both to 
 the law and priestcraft of this countiy. Cardinal Bembo having on one 
 occasion quoted a passage from the Evangelists, he Avas interrupted by 
 his Holiness, who said " It is well known to all ages how profitable this 
 fahle of Christ has been to us." — Our lawyers may say the same: the 
 cart-load of legendary rubbish they profess to expound is, doubtless, 
 very profitable to them, but a serious loss and inconvenience to the 
 communitv. 
 
 * Sh Henry I'arncU on Financial IJeforni, p. 49.
 
 326' LAW AND COURTS OF LAW. 
 
 It by no means follows, because there are laws, there should be a 
 host of legalists to interpret them. The causes which render English 
 laws difficult and unintelligible are obvious, and have been explained. 
 It arises from the unfathomable chaos in which they exist, their multi- 
 plicity, their contradictions, and the uncouth and nonsensical jargon in 
 which they are expressed. All these are defects which would be 
 speedily obviated by a government that represented the mind, the wants, 
 and interests of society. The Statute-Book, and the mass of decisions 
 engrafted upon it, we verily believe, might be compressed into an octavo 
 volume, and rendered so plain and readable as to form an appropriate 
 class-book in eveiy seminary of education in the kingdom. Sad cala- 
 mity this for the gentlemen of the bai* ! Their occupation would be 
 curtailed ; their wigs and gowns cease to be venerable ; and all their 
 learned lore be as much out of date as the cocked hats and ruffles of the 
 last generation. Can we wonder, therefore, at their hostility to im- 
 provement? They have a great stake — not in the country, but the 
 law ; and w^e may generally reckon upon them for our opponents : 
 though it is rather too much that they should accuse (as some of them 
 do) the reformers of being irrational and visionary, while their own 
 mountebank profession is the reverse of both reason and common 
 sense. 
 
 Between jurisconsults in this country and on the Continent there is 
 a marked difference : by the latter, law has long been treated as a 
 rational science ; by the former, it is considered nothing more than a 
 mass of precedents, conundrums, forms, and technicalities — an art or 
 myster}', by dabbling in which men may soon become rich. A few 
 illustrious exceptions there are, no doubt, to this description ; but this is 
 the general character of the fraternity ; their object is to gather fees, 
 not study the principles of jurisprudence. Hence it is not from the 
 profession we anticipate a systematic and effective reform in our judicial 
 administration; — though, if ^ny unlearned person venture to suggest 
 improvements, the whole craft is in arms, and ready to devour him. So 
 far as the practice of the profession is concerned, lawyers are the fittest 
 persons to expound it ; but so far as regards any thing new, — a code, 
 for instance, or a different mode of administering justice, — they are 
 the last persons in the world Avho ought to be consulted. For our 
 parts, we should as soon think of advising with the disciples of 
 Ignatius Loyola about the institutions of the order of Jesuits as 
 with lawyers on the subject of legal reform. 
 
 Yet it is to lawyers the great work of legal amendment is confided, 
 and from them alone are the people to expect reform in our judicial 
 system. Nothing but disappointment, Ave fear, will flow from this 
 source. All the law -lords, with the splendid exception of Lord Chan- 
 cellor Brougham and, perhaps, Plunket, are opposed to reform. Sir 
 James Scarlett suggested some minor improvements, during his 
 attorney-generalship — the best of which was the limiting the power of 
 arrest for debt to £100 and upwards ; but it is evident he A'iews, Avith 
 no favourable eye, innovations on the great field of his triumphs. Only
 
 PROSPECTS OF LEGAL REKOKM. 327 
 
 tliiuk of this gentleman's defence of special pleading, the absurdities 
 of which are enough to make a horse laugh ; a drizzling maze of 
 empyiical inventions, circuitous procedure, and unintelligible fiction, 
 calculated for no purpose but to fortify monopoly and wraj) justice in 
 deceit and mystery. With such obstacles and prejudices what can be 
 anticipated but delay and evasion without end, and ultimate failure at 
 last? 
 
 The Common-Law Commissioners are not expected to conclude their 
 inquiries in less than three years, and the Commissioners of Inquiry on 
 the Laws of Real Property in less than twelve years.* At the exj)iration 
 of these periods what may be anticipated? The accumulation of innu- 
 merable volumes of reports, and the useful suggestions they contain, 
 buried in as impenetrable a mass as the laws whose abuses they are 
 meant to set forth; and, after all this expenditure of time, labour, and 
 money, it is ])robable no measures of reform will be founded upon them. 
 They will share the fate of the Chancery Report, made six years ago, 
 of the volumes without number of Reports on Public Charities, on the 
 state of Ireland, the state of the finances, the poor, and other national 
 subjects, in which there is much research and many useful suggestions, 
 but they are never reduced to practice. 
 
 Next let us advert to the reformatoiy labours of the late Secretary of 
 State. The consolidation acts of Sir Robert Peel are, no doubt, im- 
 provements ; but the progress of the Right Hon. Gentleman was much 
 too dilatory, and his plan of pi'oceeding deficient in comprehensiveness. 
 The entire body of criminal law ought to have been taken up at once by 
 a select body of individuals competent to the undertaking, and digested 
 into a simple and uniform code, accessible and intelligible to the whole 
 community. Granting, some thirty years hence, Sir Robert might have 
 finished his task, still it appears to us the criminal law would be nearly 
 in as great a state of obscurity, contradiction, and perplexity as at present. 
 We shall cite an example, from the Forgery Act, to illustrate the working 
 of this tinkering legislation. 
 
 In the twenty-third section of the act it is provided that the pu- 
 nishments of the 5 Eliz. c. 14, so far as they have been adopted by 
 other acts, shall be repealed, and other punishments substituted in lieu 
 of them. Now, as these othci- acts remain on the statute-book, without 
 reference to the 1 Will. IV. c. 66,' by which they have been altered, 
 how is it possible this fact should be known to any person who happens 
 to refer to them ? This appears to us a convincing proof of the per- 
 plexities which will pervade the criminal statutes after the pi'ocess of 
 consolidation has been completed. They will be a sealed book, as 
 heretofore, to all but lawyers and judges : in short, the legislature 
 appears to proceed on the principle that laws are framed for the benefit 
 of the profession only, not for the people ; but surely the penal code. 
 
 • Law Magazine for January, 1830.
 
 328 LAW AND COURTS OF LAW. 
 
 which affects every member of society, ought to be constituted for a 
 A'ery different purpose. Again, how little is the advantage of consoli- 
 dating' the statutes, if the decisions engrafted upon them, and which 
 are as valid a portion of the law as the statutes themselves, are not 
 incorporated ? It will be all labour in vain, and *' confusion worse 
 confounded !" 
 
 In our humble opinion a different course might be pursued with ad- 
 vantage in the great work of legal reform. In the first place, it appears 
 inquiries are not so much needed as remedies ; abuses in our judicial 
 system are not far to seek — they are obvious, and so are the means of 
 reforming them. Why, then, not dispense with those voluminous 
 reports and endless researches ? A commission might have been 
 appointed to consolidate and simplify the criminal law — another the civil 
 laAv — another the law of property — and another the laws which regulate 
 civil and criminal procedure, and each commission ought not only to have 
 incorporated the statutes relative to the several departments of jurispru- 
 dence, but also the decisions of the judges founded upon them, and 
 which have become part of the law of the land. When each commission 
 had finished its task, their labours might have received the fiat of the 
 legislature. It is only, w^e imagine, by some such effective measures the 
 laws of England can be made, within a reasonable time, worthy of 
 the opulent and enlightened community for whose benefit they are 
 intended. 
 
 But it is high time we concluded this long article. When the first 
 Conmion-Law Report was presented to the Duke of Wellington, his 
 only remark is said to have been — " Too much of it, — too much of it, — 
 
 a d d deal too much of it." We fear a remark of the same tenor 
 
 may escape some of our readers, owing to the . prolixity of our lucu- 
 brations. But the importance of the subject must form our apology. 
 The dearness and delay of justice are national grievances of long 
 standing. It appears, from Whitlocke's Memorials, Oliver Cromwell 
 presented a petition to the Collective Wisdom of his day, praying that 
 " a speedy consideration might be had of the great oppressions, by 
 reason of the multiplicity of unnecessary laws, with their intricacies 
 and delays, which tend to the profit of some particular men, but much 
 to the expence and damage of the whole." The Lord Protector, later 
 in life, triumphed over every difficulty ; but the lawyers gave him most 
 trouble, and he was constrained at last to acknowledge they were too 
 many for him. 
 
 *^* The subjoined statements are principally abstracted from Returns 
 to Parliament in the session of 1830 and 1831 , and will confirm and illus- 
 trate the preceding exposition of our judicial administration. In some 
 of the documents Ave have left out the shillings and pence to save room, 
 which makes trifling inaccuracies in the summing up.
 
 SALARIES Ol' .JUDGES — suitors' FUND. 329 
 
 JUDGES SALARIES. 
 
 Salary a«(Z Allowances received, i?i the Year 1792, by each of 
 the Judges of the Exchequer, King's Bench, and Court of 
 Common Pleas; and the Salary and Allowances paid in 1829. 
 
 1792. 1829. 
 
 King's Bench : £ £ 
 
 Chief Justice 4,000 10,000 
 
 Puisne Judges, each 2,400 5,500* 
 
 Common Pleas : 
 
 Chief Justice 3,500 8,000 
 
 Puisne Judges, each 2,400 5,500 
 
 Exchequer: 
 
 CMiiefBarou 3,500 7,000 
 
 Harons, each 2.400 5,500 t 
 
 la addition to the Salaries and Allowances paid in 171)2, the Judges of the 
 several Courts were remunerated by Fees, the amount of which, received by 
 each, is not known. The Judges derive no emolument from such source at 
 present. 
 
 COURT OF CHANCERY. 
 
 Return of the Total Amount of the Effects of the Suitors of the 
 Court of Chancery, in the Years 1756 to 1829 inclusive. 
 
 f S. (/. 
 
 In the year 1756 the total amount of suitors's effects was 2,864,975 16 1 
 
 1766 4,019,004 19 4 
 
 1776 6,602,229 8 6 
 
 1786 8,S18,535 7 11 
 
 1796 4 11,550,397 2 
 
 1806 21,922,754 12 8 
 
 1816 31,953,890 9 5 
 
 1818 33,534,520 6 10 
 
 1819 32,848,815 13 4 
 
 1820 33,258,897 17 1 1 
 
 1821 34,693.735 10 10 
 
 1822 35,683,034 5 6 
 
 1823 36,988.48119 9 
 
 1824 37,635,924 13 
 
 1825 38,224,834 18 4 
 
 1826 38,223,602 1 
 
 1827 38,060,055 4 1 
 
 1828 38,266,438 9 10 
 
 1829 38,386,135 19 5 
 
 • In addition to these salaries, the second judge of the King's Bench receives 
 an ancient fee uf £10 per term, or £40 per annum, in respect of his labour in 
 givins;; charge to the grand Jury, and pronouncin;i judgment against malefactors ; 
 payable out of the lines, forfeitures, penalties, and compositions in the Court of 
 King's Bench. 
 
 f The Chief Baron and Barons of the Court of Exchequer receive, in ad- 
 dition to the above salaries, an annual allowance of £17 : 10 : 8 for stationery, 
 l)ajable, by the I'slicr of the Exchequer, out of annual grantt- by parlianient.
 
 330 LAW AND COURTS OF LAW. 
 
 An Account of the several Sums of Money received hy the Purse- 
 Beaiiek to the Lord Chancellor, during Three Years, commencing 
 May \st, 1827 ; distinguishing the Amou?it received from Public 
 Seals and from Private Seals. 
 
 Years. Total. Public Seals. Private Seals. 
 
 £ £ £ 
 
 1828 .3004 481 3123 
 
 1829 37C6 .... 320 3445 
 
 1830 4081 390 3085 
 
 In the third coluuiu are included the receipt and docquet fees, which are paid 
 whether the instrument is sealed at public or private seal. 
 
 There were sealed, at private seal, from 1st May, 1827, to 30th April, 1828, 
 3704 writs, at 3s. 3d., amounting to £001 : 18 ; from 1st May, 1828, to 30th April, 
 1829, 4937 writs, at 3s. 3d., amounting to £802 : 5 : 3 ; and from 1st May, 1829, 
 to 30th April, 1830, 4861 writs, at 3s. 3d., amounting to £789 : 18 : 3. This sum 
 of 3s. 3d. is thus appropriated: — the Lord Chancellor, 2s. ; sixpenny-writ duty, 
 Gd. ; chaff-wax, 3d. ; sealer, 3d. ; porter, 3d. 
 
 MASTERS IN CHANCERY. 
 
 An Account of the Sums of Money received by blaster Stratford 
 and his Clerks, from his Office, in 07ie Year, ending in 1830. — 
 Pari. Paper, No. 361, Session 1830. 
 
 The Master : £ £ 
 For copies of papers and other proceedings, including parti- 
 culars 2071 
 
 Warrants 076 
 
 Swearing affidavits, answers, and examinations 48 
 
 Reports and certificates upon orders made upon petitions or 
 
 motions 200 
 
 Reports and certificates made upon hearing causes 184 
 
 Sales and other matters 84 
 
 3265 
 
 The Chief Clerk: 
 
 On copies of reports, &c , 118 
 
 On swearing affidavits, &c 
 
 On reports and certificates made upon petitions or motions 60 
 
 Ditto on bearing causes 46 
 
 Sales and other matters 2.58 
 
 Gratuities 583 
 
 The Copying Clerk : 
 For copies 431 
 
 For transcripts and ingrossments 17 
 
 1074 
 
 448 
 
 Total £4789 
 
 Tiie master's salary, received quarterly from the Exchequer, is £87 : 6 per 
 annum; and for robe-money, from the Hanaper-office, £6:8: 10 per annum. 
 
 The master's salary, received from the suitors' fund, in the Accountant- 
 General's Office, half-yearly, is £600 per annum. 
 
 The clerks have no salaries; they are remunerated solely by fees, partly 
 belonging officially to the chief clerk, and partly by a participation of the 
 master's fees, regulatt^d by usage or particular agreement between him and his 
 clerks ; and varying in ditlerent offices. 
 
 •^* Returns were made, to the House of Commons, of the emoluments of the 
 other Masters in Chancery ; but, as the sources whence they arise and their 
 amount are similar to Master Stratford's, we omit them, to save room.
 
 CHANCERY PICKINGS — CURSITORS. 331 
 
 An Account of the Sums paid in the Year 1829, and the Total 
 Sums paid from 1826, for Compensations for Loss of Fees, 
 under Authority of 6 Geo. IV. c. 96, intituled, *' An Act for 
 preventing frivolous Writs of Error." 
 
 Total, from 
 1829. 1826. 
 
 £ 8. d. £ s. d. 
 
 The Hon. Thomas Kenyon, filacer, exigenter, 
 and clerk of the outlawries in the Court of 
 
 King's Bench 5,463 7 0... .16,590 8 8 
 
 Henry Ediiell, Esq. clerk of the errors in the 
 
 Exchequer Chamber 2,521 10 11§.... 8,339 19 5 
 
 *Cursitors for London and Middlesex : 
 
 Robert Talbot, Esq 1,176 11 5^ 3,629 18 5f 
 
 Hon. Milliam Henry John Scott 1,176 11 SJ.... 3,629 18 5| 
 
 "William Villiers Surtees, Esq 1,176 11 5\ 3,629 18 5f 
 
 Richard Wilson, Esq 1,176 11 5§.... 3,629 18 SJ 
 
 Ushers of the Court of Exchequer : 
 
 Richard Grey ■\ 
 
 John ^Morris f ■,. , „ rn ir /• 
 
 William liroadhurst {^^ ^ ^••" ^^ ^^ ^ 
 
 Lewis M'illiams 3 
 
 William Stewart Rose, Esq. clerk of the pleas 
 of the Court of Exchequer 65 4 100 4 
 
 £12,771 15 3^.. £39,601 2 G 
 
 Filacer, exigenter, and clerk of the outlawries in the Court of King's Bench, 
 appointed by the Lord Chief Justice. 
 
 Clerk of the errors in the Exchequer Chambers, appointed by the Lord Chief 
 Justice of the Common Pleas. 
 
 Cursifors for London and ^liddlesex, appointed by the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 Ushers of the Court of Exchequer, appointed by the Chief Usher, who holds 
 his office in fee, under grant from the Crown, temp. Henry H. 
 
 Clerk of the Pleas of the C&urt of Exchequer, appointed by the Chancellor 
 of the Exchequer. 
 
 IMPRISONMENT FOR DEBT. 
 
 Number of Persons committed for Debt to the several Prisons of 
 the Metropolis in the Year 1827, and the Surns for which they 
 were committed. — Pari. Paper, No. 76, Session 1828. 
 
 For sums For sums For sums For sums In custody 
 
 above between between under Total. Jan. I, 
 
 £\m. £iOii.£\00. sebO&i<20. ^'20. leCs. 
 
 King's Bench Prison 474 354 550 213 1591 .. 674 
 
 FleetPrison 206 141 223 113 6S3 .. 253 
 
 Whitecross-street Prison 206 273 816 600 1893 .. 378 
 
 Marshalsea Prison 20 30 166 414 630 .. 102 
 
 Horsemonger-lane Prison ..57 68 134 923 1172 .. 105 
 
 Total 963 856 1889 2263 5969 ..1512 
 
 From Pari, paper. No. 632, Sess. 1830, it appears 1563 persons were 
 
 • We should like to be informed what course the cursitors intend to pursue, 
 in consequence of the alterations made by the act of 1830, for the more cflectual
 
 332 
 
 L A W A N U C < ) U U T S O I l. A W 
 
 committed to Whitecross-street prison for various terms from one to ten days ; 
 the total amount of their debts was £2,071 : 10 : 2; the amount of their costs 
 £7 IG : : G. 
 
 Nutnber of Persons DisciiAUGEn from Prison under the Acts for 
 the Relief of Insolvent Debtors since the constitution of the pre- 
 sent Court in 1820; arid the Number who have been ordered to 
 be Detained in CusTODv/or contravening the provisions of the 
 Acts for the Relief of Insolvent Debtors. 
 
 
 Ordcied to be Discharged 
 
 Ordered to be Discharged 
 
 
 
 Forthwith. 
 
 
 at some fuiure Period. 
 
 
 
 Ill 
 
 On 
 
 Before 
 
 
 In 
 
 On 
 
 Before 
 
 
 
 In the Year 
 
 London. 
 
 Circuit. 
 
 Justices. 
 
 TOTAL. 
 
 London. 
 
 Circuit. 
 
 Justices. 
 
 TOTAL. 
 
 lOTAL. 
 
 1820 
 
 830 
 
 
 
 1,495 
 
 2,325 
 
 61 
 
 — 
 
 96 
 
 245 
 
 2,182 
 
 1821 
 
 2,347 
 
 — 
 
 2,516 
 
 4,863 
 
 219 
 
 — 
 
 208 
 
 427 
 
 5,290 
 
 1822 
 
 2,074 
 
 _ 
 
 2,499 
 
 4,573 
 
 161 
 
 — 
 
 221 
 
 382 
 
 4,155 
 
 1823 
 
 1,811 
 
 — 
 
 2,047 
 
 3,858 
 
 181 
 
 — 
 
 202 
 
 383 
 
 4,241 
 
 1824 
 
 1,74.1 
 
 318 
 
 1,255 
 
 3,318 
 
 142 
 
 18 
 
 115 
 
 2:5 
 
 3,593 
 
 1825 
 
 1,955 
 
 1.342 
 
 73 
 
 S,370 
 
 126 
 
 161 
 
 8 
 
 295 
 
 3,665 
 
 1826 
 
 2,429 
 
 1,805 
 
 89 
 
 4,383 
 
 110 
 
 183 
 
 5 
 
 298 
 
 4,681 
 
 1827 
 
 1,929 
 
 1,988 
 
 89 
 
 4,006 
 
 90 
 
 128 
 
 10 
 
 228 
 
 4,234 
 
 1828 
 
 1,913 
 
 1,4.59 
 
 112 
 
 3,475 
 
 127 
 
 131 
 
 6 
 
 264 
 
 3,739 
 
 1829 
 
 2,0G7 
 
 1,580 
 
 100 
 
 3,747 
 
 1.58 
 
 1.52 
 
 10 
 
 320 
 
 4,067 
 
 1830 
 
 2,056 
 
 1,823- 
 
 111 
 
 3,990 
 
 189 
 
 191 
 
 9 
 
 389 
 
 4,379 
 
 1831 to 
 
 781 
 
 749 
 
 90 
 
 1,620 
 
 107 
 
 28 
 
 2 
 
 137 
 
 1,757 
 
 June30th 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 43,528 
 
 
 
 
 3,652 
 
 47,083 
 
 The commissioners in the remarks appended to this return, obser\'e 
 that " they have not the means of ascertaining the number of In- 
 solvent Debtors who have paid diindends" but they " communicate 
 the subjoined statements which may perhaps assist, in some measure, 
 towards the subject under inquiry: 
 
 " Total number of cases in which assignees have accepted 
 and taken their appointments 10,27 1 
 
 " Total of Assignees to whom money has been paid out of 
 Court 1,783 
 
 " N.B. Of 10,271 assignees, 8,492 have JiUd no accounts. Of the 
 accounts filed there are 932, in which a balance in hand appears 
 arising from monies not received out of Court." — Pari. Pap. No. 
 141, Sess. 1831. 
 
 Adniinistration of Justice in Eyigland and Wales. By that act, tlie cursitorinl 
 department of Wales is annexed to the four cursitors for London and Middlesex. 
 But surely these gentlemen, who, for several years, have been receiving an 
 annual compensation for the losses sustained by the Writ of Error Act, will 
 make some return to the jjublic from the additional gains accruing to them from 
 the new arrangement.
 
 WORKINGS OF INSOLVENT DEBTORS' COURT. 333 
 
 We believe the plain English of the above is that 47,083 persons 
 have passed through the Insolvent and Circuit Courts; that the average 
 expense of the discharge of each is £256 ; that their debts together 
 amount to at least four millions, and that the dividend received by 
 the creditors on this immense sum was about OXE farthing in the 
 POUND. What an admirable system of Debtor Laws for this commer- 
 cial, manufacturing, and trading community! ! ! 
 
 We are aware this statement is not strictly accurate, but it is an 
 approximation to the truth. There are no means of ascertaining pre- 
 cisely the average dividend realized from the estates of insolvents, since 
 there are no official returns of the sums received by assignees out of 
 court, nor of the amount derived from the property of insolvents ac- 
 quired subsequently to their discharge. But it is well known the 
 Insolvent Debtors' Act has degenerated into little more than a series of 
 unprofitable forms and ceremonies;* the cjetting-vp of the schedule is 
 such that very little accrues to the creditor from the assets ; and the 
 short imprisonment of the debtor operates neither as disgrace nor im- 
 provement. The act certainly empties the gaols ; but if this be an 
 advantage it would be much better policy never to fill them, rather than 
 resort to a preventive which does not correct the defaulter, and only 
 renders him a worse member of society. Offers of compromise are not 
 so frequent in consequence of the act ; and Sir Peter Laurie stated to a 
 parliamentary committee, that tradesmen charge ten per cent, more for 
 their commodities on account of the facilities it afforded to the escape of 
 debtors. This is a pretty heavy tax on the paying part of the commu- 
 nity — for those who do pay must make up for the loss sustained by those 
 who do not — tending greatly to lessen consumption, and consequently 
 the returns and profits of vendors. 
 
 Tradesmen are mostly inclined to severer laws towards debtors ; they 
 appear not to be aware that all laws would become unnecessary by a 
 sinuiUancous decline in the custom of credit. That credit can be avoided 
 entirely, even in retail trade, we do not believe : this is the opinion of 
 the best informed merchants and tradesmen of the metropolis ; persons 
 of the greatest respectability often take the longest credit, to the great 
 profit of their domestics : but what we reprobate is its universal practice ; 
 its not being the exception but the rule of trade — and then having- 
 recourse to oppressive and inefficient laws to supply the place of indivi- 
 dual prudence. 
 
 * Treatise on tlio Volice and Crimes of tlie Metropolis, p. 129. liy tlie Editor 
 of the Cabinet Lawi/cr.
 
 PROGRESS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 PUBLIC DEBT AND TAXES. 
 
 The annual income of a nation consists of the united produce of its 
 agriculture, manufactures, and commerce. Taxes are a certain propor- 
 tion of the annual income levied for the public service. In other words, 
 they are a certain proportion of the income of the labourer, the farmer, 
 the merchant, and manufacturer, abstracted for the use of the govern- 
 ment. The portion of income the diflFerent classes can appropriate to 
 this piu-pose, without creating national poverty and misery, is limited. 
 If taxation be carried beyond this limit, the necessaries of life of the 
 labouring classes will be abridged, the profits of trade and agriculture 
 will be so far reduced, that capital will diminish, or cease to be em- 
 ployed, or transferred to countries where it will be more productive. 
 England, in the privations of the people — the proti-acted stagnation of 
 industry, only interrupted by transitory gleams of prosperity — the 
 embarrassments of the agricultural, commercial, and manufacturing 
 classes — the emigration of capital — and the inability of the farmer, 
 unaided by the artificial high prices produced by corn-laws, to cultivate 
 the soil — exhibits all the evils of a country suflfering from the pressure 
 of overwhelming taxation. 
 
 Some, indeed, contend that taxation has no share in producing these 
 calamities. The fallacy of this will easily appear. Taxation being a 
 certain portion of the income of everj' indiTOlual, the evils it produces 
 will be obvious, by considering the different effects produced by this 
 portion of the annual income remaining in the hands of individuals, and 
 being paid to government. In the former case, the income of every 
 individual would be increased, the labourer and artizan would have a 
 greater command over the necessaries of life ; the profits of the farmer, 
 merchant, and manufacturer augmented ; their capital increased, con- 
 sequently commerce and the means of creating employment extended. 
 But this is not all; supposing public burthens reduced, there would be
 
 CAUSES OF PARLIAMENTARY WARS. 335 
 
 fewer placemen, pensioners, collectors of taxes, soldiers and sailors to 
 be supported. These classes might be returned to the plough or the 
 loom, and occupied in the pursuits of commerce and the cultivation of 
 the earth. There would be no want of capital for these undertakings. 
 The abolition of taxes would create capital. In short, the general 
 eflfect of a reduction of taxes is this : the power of production and con- 
 sumption, or, in other words, the quantity of employment and the means 
 of subsistence are augmented. 
 
 It is a favorite dogma with some, especially those who live on the 
 public, that taxes return to those from whom they are collected ; which 
 is about as good as the defence of a housebreaker, who, convicted of 
 carrying off a merchant's property, should plead he did him no injury, 
 for the money would be returned to him in purchasing the commodities 
 he dealt in. But it may be asked of those who maintain this position, 
 in what manner are the taxes returned ? Certainly, taxes arc paid in 
 money ; this money is again paid to the servants of government ; these 
 again pay it to the cultivator of the soil and manufacturer ; and in this 
 manner, it may be said, that taxes return to those from whom they were 
 collected. But on this latter part of the operation it must be observed, 
 that before either the cultivator or manufacturer can re-possess himself 
 of his portion of the taxes, he must part with a certain quantity of his 
 commodities in exchange ; so that tax-paying revolves itself at last into 
 the industrious giving' a certain portion of their produce for the main- 
 tenance of government. 
 
 Here is the true source of the privations and embarrassments of the 
 country. The portion of eveiy man's produce levied for the support of 
 government, of pensions, placemen, sinecurists, and standing armies, 
 has invaded the funds necessary for the comfortable subsistence of the 
 labourer, and for carrying on the trade, commerce, and agriculture of 
 the kingdom. 
 
 Having alluded to the general effect of taxation, let us consider 
 those measures by which the present enormous load of debt and taxes 
 has been incurred. The principles on which government has been con- 
 ducted have not varied since the Revolution of 1688 to the present time. 
 The wars waged have generally commenced for trivial and unattainable 
 objects, — and these objects have generally not been attained ; under 
 pretence of guarding against distant and improbable dangers, the country 
 has been involved in present and imminent ones; passion and pride, 
 rather than any views of national advantage, have been the actuating 
 principles of government ; and as they engaged in Avar rashly, they 
 persevered in it obstinately, and rejected more favourable terms of paci- 
 fication than they were afterwards under the necessity of accepting. In 
 short, our wars have been wars of ambition and oligarchical selfishness, 
 of pride, folly, and despotism, originating in, and carried on by, the 
 corrupt state of the representation. Let us endeavour to give some idea 
 of the cost of these parliamentary wars from the Revolution, as evinced 
 by the increase of taxation and the National Debt.
 
 336 PROGRESS OF DEBT AND TAXES. 
 
 William the Third's Reign, from 1688 ro 1702.* 
 
 The public income at the Revolution amounted to £2,001,855. At 
 the death of William it had increased to £3,895,205, being nearly 
 doubled. This augmentation arose from various new duties; especially 
 the excise on salt, the distillery, and the malt-tax. The other sources 
 of revenue were the customs, land-tax , poll-taxes, a tax on births, 
 marriages, and burials, hearth-money, the post-office, and other smaller 
 duties. The total sums raised by taxes and by loans, during this reign, 
 were as follow ; 
 
 Customs £13,296,833 14 6 
 
 Excise 13,649,328 5^ 
 
 Land-taxes 19,174,059 8 3^ 
 
 Polls ^ 2,557,649 7 7^ 
 
 Burials, births, marriages, and bachelors, &c. 275,517 18 1 
 Various articles, including permanent loans 
 
 and temporary loans unpaid 23,093,980 16 7| 
 
 £72,047,369 5 6| 
 
 Of the fourteen years of this reign, nearly ten were years of war. 
 The military and naval expenses amounted to £44,847,382, being more 
 than one-half the whole expenditure of government. After all the 
 blood and treasure expended by William, his ambition and revenge 
 remained unsatisfied ; and the ostensible object of the Avar, the curbing 
 the ambition of Louis XIV. unattained. Speaking of the conclusion of 
 this contest at the treaty of Ryswick, Smollett observes, — " Such was 
 the issue of a long and bloody war, which had drained England of her 
 wealth and people, almost entirely ruined her commerce, debauched her 
 morals by encouraging venality and corruption, and entailed upon her 
 the curse of foreign connexions, as well as a national debt, which wag 
 gradually increased to an intolerable burthen." — Continuation of Hume, 
 vol. i. p. 330. 
 
 The funding system, and the mode of raising money by lotteries and 
 exchequer-bills, commenced in this reign. 
 
 Queen Anne's Reign, from 1701 to 1714. 
 
 The revenue, at the commencement of this reign, amounted to 
 £3,195,205. At the period of the union with Scotland, in 1709, the 
 revenue of England amounted to £5,691,803. The sums received into 
 the Exchequer, during twelve years and three-quarters, were — 
 
 * The amount of revenue, and the estimate of the naval and military expenses, 
 from the Revolution to the end of the reign of George II. are taken from Dr. 
 ( olquhonn's Treatise on the Resources of the British Kmpire.
 
 COST OF WARS FROM Till; REVOLUTION. 337 
 
 Customs £15,113,811 
 
 Excise 20,850,909 
 
 Land-tax 12,285,909 
 
 Miscellaneous, including- Post-Oflice, Stamps, and 
 
 smaller loans of the Revenue 5,261 ,346 
 
 Amount of" Loans 59,853,154 
 
 Total £122,373,531 
 
 Of the thirteen years of this reign, twelve were years of war. The 
 military and naval expenses amounted to £58,560,581. The object of 
 Queen Anne's wars, like those of her predecessor, purely continental. 
 They were terminated by the disgraceful treaty of Utrecht, in 1712, 
 when our allies were ignominiously abandoned. The peace establish- 
 ment of this period is estimated at £1,965,605. 
 
 George the First's Reigx, from 1714 to 1727. 
 
 On the death of Queen Anne, the National Debt amounted to 
 £52,145,363 ; but though her successor enjoyed a period of uninter- 
 rupted tranquillity, no effort appears to have been made to reduce it. 
 On the 3 1st of December, 1727, the principal amounted to £52,092,235 ; 
 the interest to £2,219,551. The aggregate sum which passed into the 
 Exchequer of George L, during- a reign of twelve years, three months, 
 and ten days, amounted to £79,832,160. The revenue at the time of 
 his death amounted to £4,162,643. 
 
 George the Second's Reigx, from 1727 to 1760, 
 
 The prosperous state of the country, for the first twelve years of 
 profound peace at the commencement of this reign, might have admitted 
 of a considerable reduction of the debt, had not Sir Robert Walpole, a 
 profligate statesman, been minister. Instead of expending the surplus 
 revenue in the liquidation of the debt, it was employed in parliamentary 
 corruption. During ten years, from 1707 to 1717, secret service money 
 amounted only to £337,960. From 1731 to 1741 it cost the nation 
 £1,453,400. This augmentation is ascribed to the increased pay Sir 
 Robert g-ave to the honourable members for their votes and speeches 
 in support of his administration. The whole of the debt paid off in this 
 long peace, amounted only to £5,137,612, the interest of which was 
 £253,516. 
 
 The wars of George II. commenced in 1739, and were concluded at 
 the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, 1748. The total expense of these con- 
 tests is estimated, by Dr. Colquhoun, at £46,418,680. The nation 
 gained nothing by all this expenditure of treasure. The war originally 
 arose with Spain : that nation claiming the right of searching all
 
 338 PROGRESS OF DEBT AND TAXES. 
 
 English vessels navigating the American seas. This subject, which 
 formed the ground of the war, was never mentioned at the peace of 
 Aix-la-Chapelle no more than the right of search, which originated 
 the war with the United States of America, was mentioned at the 
 treaty of Ghent. The only advantage the English gained was the glory 
 of placing Maria Theresa, grand duchess of Tuscany, on the throne of 
 Germany, in opposition to the King of Prussia. 
 
 In the interval of peace, to the commencement of war in 1755, 
 there was a trifling reduction of the debt to the amount of £3,721,472, 
 and the interest of the capital was reduced from 4 to 3 per cent. 
 
 The expense of the second war, called the seven years' war, amounted 
 to £11 1,271,996. This contest first commenced about the respective 
 boundaries of the French and English in the deserts of Canada. It has 
 been called the war of catskins — the possession of a few furs being 
 really the object which involved the two countries in hostilities. On 
 this frivolous pretext commenced a war then unexampled in magnitude 
 and expense ; its ravages extended to Europe, and even to the other 
 .side of the globe in the East Indies. It is worthy of remark, too, that 
 on the continent, George II. took the part diametrically opposite to the 
 part he had taken in the former contest. The war of 1740 was for 
 the humiliation of the King of Prussia ; the war of 1 755 for his aggran- 
 dizement ! 
 
 It will be proper to notice particularly the state of the debt, finances, 
 and peace establishment at the conclusion of this reign. They are thus 
 stated by Dr. Colquhoun : — 
 
 Public Revenue. Peace Establishment. 
 
 Customs £1,985,376 Civil List £836,000 
 
 Excise 3,877,349 Navy 900,000 
 
 Stamps 263,207 Army 900,000 
 
 Land-tax, (deducting de- Ordnance 80,000 
 
 ficiencies) 1,737,608 Miscellaneous 50,000 
 
 Miscellaneous 6.50,000 
 
 Total £8,523,540 £2,766,000 
 
 Principal. Interest. 
 
 Debt at the conclusion of the peace of 1762 £146,682,843 £4,840,821 
 
 George the Third's Reign, from 1760 to 1820. 
 
 Mr. Coke, of Norfolk, when he characterized this monarch's reign 
 as the most sangniinary and disastrous of the English annals, was not 
 far from the truth. In the course of it were three principal wars: the 
 American war, the revolutionaiy war, and the war of 1815. All these 
 wars were waged against human liberty and happiness ; and the two 
 last commenced on a principle which we would fain hope is now dis- 
 claimed by every government in Europe— namely, the right of one 
 nation to interfere with another in its domestic affairs. We Avill state 
 the cost of each, as shown in the sums raised by taxes and loans.
 
 COST OF GEORGE THE THIRD's WARS. 339 
 
 American War. 
 
 Years. 
 
 Kevenue. 
 
 Loan. 
 
 1775 
 
 £10,138,061 
 
 
 1776 
 
 10,265,405 
 
 £2,000,000 
 
 1777 
 
 10,604,013 
 
 5,500,000 
 
 1778 
 
 10,732,405 
 
 6,000,000 
 
 1779 
 
 11,192,141 
 
 7,000,000 
 
 1780 
 
 12,255,214 
 
 ' 12,000,000 
 
 1781 
 
 12,454,936 
 
 12,000,000 
 
 1782 
 
 12,593,297 
 
 13,500,000 
 
 1783 
 
 11,962,718 
 
 12,000,000 
 
 1784 
 
 12,905,519 
 
 12,879,341 
 
 1785 
 
 14,871,520 
 
 10,990,651 
 
 £142,975,229 
 
 £93,869,992 
 
 The American war terminated in 1783; but as the loans of the two 
 following years were raised to wind up the expenses of that struggle, it 
 is proper they should be included. The total expense of the American 
 war will stand thus : — 
 
 Taxes £142,975,229 
 
 Loans 93,869,992 
 
 Advances by the Bank of England 11 0,000 
 
 Advances by the East-India Company 3,200,000 
 
 Increase in the unfunded Debt 5,1 70,273 
 
 £242,265,494 
 Deduct expense of a peace -establishment for eleven 
 
 years, as it stood in 1794 £113,142,403 
 
 Net cost of the American war £129,123,091 
 
 This, then, is the sum expended by the Boroughmongers in an 
 attempt to enslave the colonies. George 111. boasted that he was the 
 last man in his dominions to subscribe to the peace with America: he 
 left his people burthened with a debt of one hundred and thirty mil- 
 lions, as the price of the obstinacy of one man, and an abortive attempt 
 to impose on a brave people the tyrannical principle of taxation without 
 representation. 
 
 The second war was .still more atrocious than the first ; it was a war 
 not merely against liberty, but the principles of liberty ; it was a bar- 
 barous and gigantic effort of the privileged orders to prevent the 
 ameUoration of societv, and to render mankind the eternal victims of 
 
 ■£ 2
 
 340 PHOGRESS OF UF.UT AND TAXES. 
 
 ecclesiastic and aristocratic oppression. As the war of 1793 was more 
 diabolical in its objects than the contest with America, so w-e should 
 say, had its calamities only extended to its authors, has it been more 
 justly ruinous in its consequences. Let us endeavour to estimate the 
 cost of this liberticide and Vandal contest. We shall state the sums 
 raised by taxes, and the debt contracted each year from its commence- 
 ment, and then deduct the probable expenditure of the country, had no 
 such war existed. 
 
 The account of sums raised by taxes is taken from Dr. Hamilton's 
 Inquiry into the National Debt, p. 203, third edition. The amount 
 of debt contracted, including navy and exchequer bills funded, is also 
 taken from the same writer, p. 320. The short peace of Amiens, and 
 the interval betwixt the exile and return of Bonaparte from Elba, may 
 be considered rather a suspension of hostilities than a period of peace ; 
 therefore we have considered it as one uninterrupted war from 1 793 to 
 1815, having the same objects — the maintenance of the usurpations of 
 the Clergy and Aristocracy. 
 
 Years. Taxes. Loans. 
 
 £ £ 
 
 1793 17,6.56,418 25,926,526 
 
 1794 17,170,400 
 
 1795 17,308,411 51,705,698 
 
 1796 17,8.58,454 5QM5,5QQ 
 
 1797 1 8,737,760 25,350,000 
 
 1798 20,654,650 35,624,250 
 
 1799 30,202,915 21,875,000 
 
 1800 35,229,968 29,045,000 
 
 1801 33,896,464 44,816,250 
 
 1802 35,415,296 41,489,438 
 
 1803 37,240,213 16,000,000 
 
 1804 37,677,063 18,200,000 
 
 1805 45,359,442 39,543,124 
 
 1806 49,659,281 29,880,000 
 
 1807 53,304,254 18,373,200 
 
 1808 58,390,255 13,693,254 
 
 1809 61,538,207 21,278,122 
 
 1810 63,405,294 19,811,108 
 
 1811 66,681,366 29,244.711 
 
 1812 64,763,870 40,743,031 
 
 1813 63,169,845 54,780,324 
 
 1814 66,925,835 63,645,930 
 
 1815 69,684,192 70,888,402 
 
 £952,929,653 £764,859,036 
 
 After making some deductions on account of the operations of the 
 loyalty loan, and the transfer of annuities, the total debt contracted
 
 COST OF FRENCH RE VO LLTION A U Y WAR. 341 
 
 from 1793 to 1815, amounts to £762.537,443. If to this sum be 
 added the increase in the unfunded debt during that period, and the 
 additional sums raised by taxes in consequence of hostiUties, we shall 
 have the total expenditure, owing to the French war, as follows : — 
 
 Debt contracted from 1793 to 1815 £762,537,445 
 
 Increase in the unfunded debt, ditto 50,194,060* 
 
 War- taxes ditto 614,488,459t 
 
 Total expense of the French war • .£1,427,219,964 
 
 Two objections may be made to the fairness of this statement. First, 
 the amount of debt redeemed during the war, by the operation of tho 
 Sinking Fund, ought to be deducted from the amount of debt con- 
 tracted. The second objection arises from the mode of negotiating 
 loans. In each loan, the capital funded exceeds the sum actually 
 advanced to government. In some loans, government acknowledges 
 itself debtor £100, when only from £54 to £60 is actually received. 
 Hence it follows that, from the debt contracted since 1793, ought to 
 be deducted the difference betwixt that debt and the sums which passed 
 into the Exchequer. 
 
 After admitting deductions from the charges of the war on this 
 account, and the operation of the sinking fund, we must be aljowed to 
 make a trifling addition. The loans raised for Ireland, guaranteed by 
 Britain, amounted to £103,032,750 : the sums actually received on 
 account of these loans to £64,750,000. The revenue of Ireland, in 
 1791, amounted to £1,190,684. Owing to the increase of the 
 Irish revenue during the war, the war-taxes of Ireland cannot be es- 
 timated at less than £80,000,000. After these deductions and addi- 
 tions the account will stand thus : — 
 
 Sums raised on account of loans £506,081,267 
 
 Sums raised on account of Irish loans 64,750,000 
 
 War-taxes in England 61 4,488,459 
 
 Ditto in Irelnnd 80,000,000 
 
 Increase in the unfunded debt 50,194,060 
 
 1,255,513,786 
 Deduct sums paid to tho Commissioners for 
 
 the reduction of the debt 1 73,309,383 
 
 Total £1,082,204,403 
 
 • Tlie unfunded debt in 1793 fl4,0(l2,G35 
 
 Dilto 1H15 (j5,()y(},G'J5 increase as above. — Dr. 
 
 Hamilton's Intiiiiry, p. 338. 
 
 t Tliis sum is oljtaincd by deduclinj;, from the totnl amount of f;i\es during 
 tlie war, the taxes wiiicli would iiave been raised liad tlic expenditure of 1793 
 continued.
 
 342 RESULTS OF WARS OF THE ARISTOCRACY. 
 
 The statement is now divested of every extraneous item, and, re- 
 ducing it to its lowest amount, one thousand and eiyhty-tiuo millions 
 two hundred and four thousand four hundred and three pounds 
 remains as the sum actually received and expended on account of the 
 war with France, from 1793 to 1815. On an average of the twenty- 
 two years, from 1793 to 1815, it is a war expenditure of nearly fifty 
 millions ; and this is the sum which the tax-ridden, law-ridden, priest- 
 ridden, deluded people of England yearly contributed out of the produce 
 of their industry, agriculture, and commerce, to prevent an independent 
 state altering the form and meliorating the abuses of its government. 
 
 Can we wonder, after the tremendous sacrifice in pursuit of this un- 
 righteous object, at the terrible calamities with which the country is 
 afflicted ? Can we wonder at our exhausted, impoverished, and embar- 
 rassed condition ? More than one hundred millions expended in an 
 abortive attempt to enslave the American colonies ; more than one 
 thousand millions expended to re-establish feudal and ecclesiastical 
 tyranny in France. This forms the financial history of the public debt 
 and taxes — of the eleven hundred millions expended in the 
 wars of despotism. And what has been the result of this lavish waste 
 of national resources ? The answer is — the three immortal days of 
 Paris — the triumph of Belgium — the regeneration of Europe — and 
 the complete — the full — the glorious establishment of those very prin- 
 ciples the English Aristocracy vainly sought to exterminate. 
 
 When we look back to the history of the last century — the wars of 
 madness, ambition, and tyranny which have been waged ; when we 
 reflect on the millions expended in these wars — the fruits of unex- 
 ampled industry, skill, and enterprise ; Avhen we think of our present 
 situation — the piercing privations of the bulk of the community — the 
 discontent and disunion among all classes^the abuses pervading every 
 department of our social and general administration — Ireland on the 
 point of rebellion or separation ; — when we think, we repeat, on these 
 things, and contrast them with the situation of glory and happiness 
 England might have attained under a wise and honest government, 
 administering her exhaustless resources in the promotion of the arts of 
 peace, instead of slaughter, bondage, and devastation ; we feel not less 
 indignant at the wickedness of our rulers than the apathy which has so 
 long' tolerated their folly and their crimes.
 
 EXPOSITION 
 
 FUNDING SYSTEM. 
 
 Although tlie feudal system was a barbarous social institution, it 
 possessed the advantage of entailing on the fomenters of war its 
 unavoidable cost and calamities. The old barons used to arm them- 
 selves and vassals at their own expense, and support them during the 
 contest. There was then no standing army nor permanent revenue, — 
 those who tilled the land fought the battles of the country. Under 
 such a system, wars could neither be very long in their duration, nor 
 very remote in their objects. Foreign expeditious suited as little to the 
 national resources as the avocations of the people. The only time that 
 could be spared to settle public quarrels was between seed-time and 
 harvest, and the only treasure they could bo provided with before-hand 
 was the surplus produce of the preceding year. Hence, wars were 
 generally either carried on languidly, or were of short duration. Their 
 operations were fiequently interrupted by tiuces, and sometimes dis- 
 continued through mere feebleness. A warlike leader was often stopped 
 short in his victorious career, either from the want of resources, or the 
 necessity of allowing his followers to return home to provide subsistence 
 for the following season. 
 
 The state of the sovereign was as little favourable to protracted con- 
 tests as the condition of his lieges. His revenue was derived partly 
 from lands reserved as a royal demesne, and partly from feudal casual- 
 ties, aiid aft'orded a slender provision for maintaining the royal dignity, 
 and defraying the ordinary expenses of government, but was altogether 
 inadequate to the support of numerous and permanent armies. Supplies 
 from tlie people weie obtained to a certain extent; but the people 
 neither jjossessed the means, nor, happily, had acquired the habit of 
 granting liberal supplies. Princes, under any emergency, real or 
 supposed, or actuated by any sclieme of ambition, had recourse cither to 
 borrowing or paioning. The loans which they raised were partly com- 
 pulsory, and, as the repayment was ill secured, the rate of interest was 
 high. Sometimes the jewels of the crown were pledged, and sonjetimes 
 the crown-lands were mortgaged. In this manner, the revenues of 
 most of the powers of Europe were anticipated and encumbered. 
 
 A new state of society introduced a new mode of supporting war. 
 Instead of borrowing on tlicir oxen credit, sovereigns learnt to borrow
 
 344 FUNDING SYSTEM. 
 
 on the credit of posterity. Tiie issue of war no longer depended on a 
 single battle or successful irniption, but on the length of the public 
 purse. It was not money, however, that formed the sinews of war, 
 but credit. Credit superseded money, and modern policy found out 
 the expedient of supporting wars for temporary objects, and entailing 
 the burthen of them on future generations. This system possessed too 
 many facilities to be abandoned, or not to be carried to the utmost 
 extent of which it was capable. And, accordingly, we find wherever 
 the system of borrowing and funding has been introduced, it has gone 
 on with an accelerated velocity till the payment of the principal became 
 quite chimerical, and governments were obliged to compound with their 
 creditors for the interest. 
 
 The debt of this country, which was inconsiderable at the Revolution, 
 has increased, in less than a century and a half, to its present magni- 
 tude. The increase during eveiy reign, except the pacific reigns of 
 George I. and George IV. has been greater than the preceding. The 
 increase, during every war, has been greater than during the preceding. 
 The increase, during the latter period of every war, has been greater 
 than during the earlier period. The increase, by every hostile inter- 
 ference or Avarlike demonstration, has been greater than administration 
 held forth when the measure was undertaken. The part of the Debt 
 paid off, during peace, has borne a small proportion to that contracted 
 by the preceding war. 
 
 These are the general characteristics which have marked the progress 
 of the funding system: it has been the national spendthrift vice that 
 has operated on the pviblic welfare like the addiction to some baneful 
 passion in an individual ; indulgence augmented appetite, till, at length, 
 the malady has reached a state of virulence which precludes all hope of 
 cure or alleviation. As to the liquidation of the debt, that is an idea 
 we believe not a single person to entertain ; all that the most reasonable 
 look forward to is postponement, until such a crisis in public affairs 
 occurs, as will demonstrate to all parties the expediency of coming to 
 terms — of a compromise, for mutual safety and advantage. We are 
 now in the seventeenth year of peace, and, comparatively, no portion 
 of the debt has been redeemed by actual payment; the reduction in the 
 annual charge has been chiefly effected by the conversion of stocks of a 
 high into those of a lower denomination, — a mode of procedure accom- 
 panied with serious suffering to particular classes of annuitants, and 
 accomplished by ministerial combinations in the money-market, for arti- 
 ficially forcing up the prices of stocks, hardly justifiable. Before, how- 
 ever, adverting particularly to the redemption of the debt, let us give a 
 few explanations of the funds and government paper. 
 
 By the term Fund is usually meant a real sum of money or store of 
 treasure, reserved for a specific purpose, but so far as the term is 
 applicable to the debt of England, it is purely an abstraction. In lieu 
 of calling the Debt the Funds, it is more correct to call it the Public 
 Annuities or the National Annuities. The obligation to pay a perpetual 
 annuity of an enormous amount is, in fact, all that remains of that vast
 
 UNFUNDED DEUT — EXCHEQUER BILLS. 34J 
 
 mass of capital swallowed up and lost under the donomination of the 
 Debt, and which has been dissipated in the ruinous foreig'n wars and 
 domestic profusion detailed in the last and preceding chapters. 
 
 The Sinking Fund — of which we shall, by and by, give a curious 
 history — means a sum of money set apart for the pui^jose of discharging 
 the public debt. Generally speaking, we mean, by the Funds, those 
 large sums which have been lent fo government, the record of which is 
 preserved in the books of the Bank of England, and for Avhich the 
 lenders, or their assigns, receive interest from the public revenue. The 
 term Stock is used nearly in the same sense; but is more strictly appli- 
 cable to the different branches of the Debt, bearing different or the 
 same rate of interest; as the 3 per Cents Reduced, or the '3h per Cents, 
 and which together constitute the aggregate public debt. It is, also, 
 applied to the sums which form the capital of the Bank, the East- India 
 Company, the South-Sea Company, and other public companies, the 
 proprietors of which are entitled to a share of their respective profits. 
 
 Although the public creditor cannot demand payment of the capital 
 debt, the mode of transferring it, even in small sums, is so conveniently 
 arranged, and the dividends so regularly paid, that it is considered an 
 eligible property. The value of the Funds is liable to considerable 
 fluctuation. It depends chiefly on the proportion bet',veen the interest 
 they bear and the profit which may be obtained by applying capital to 
 other purposes. It is influenced by the plenty or scarcity of money; 
 and it is impaired by any event which threatens the safety or weakens 
 the credit of government. It is always much higher in time of peace 
 than in time of Avar; and is affected by every event, and even by every 
 report, in time of war, favourable or unfavourable. False reports are 
 frequentlv raised by knavish people for that purpose. 
 
 In the early part of the Funding System, a separate account was 
 kept of each loan, and of the tax imposed for payment of the interest. 
 This method was afterwards found inconvenient, as the produce of some 
 of the taxes fell short of the expected sum, while that of others exceeded 
 it, and the multiplicity of funds produced confusion. To obviate this 
 inconvenience, the different funds were united, and to each various 
 branches of revenue were approj)riated, charged with the payment of 
 the annuities. 
 
 Besides the funded debt, is a large sum due by government under the 
 name of the Unfunded Debt. It arises from any national expense, for 
 which no provision has been made, or the provision has proved insuffi- 
 cient, or not forthcoming at the time wanted. During the latter periods 
 of the late war, and for a few years following the return of peace, its 
 amount considerably exceeded fifty millions; in 1815 it was at the 
 highest, and had reached a sum greatly beyond the entire amount of 
 the debt at the accession of George II., being more than 67 i millions. 
 Of late years the amount of the unfunded or floating debt has not 
 exceeded half that sum. The form in Avhich it mostlv exists is that of 
 Exchequer hills. These were first issued in 16!Hi, and bcint^ intended 
 as a temporary substitute for money during the recoinage at that period,
 
 346 I'LNDING SYSTJiM. 
 
 some of them were so low as £10 and £5. There are none issued now 
 under £100, and many of them are for £500, £1000, and still larger 
 sums. They bear interest, at a certain rate per day, for £100; and, 
 being distributed amoni^ those who are willing to advance their value, 
 they pass from hand to hand like bank-notes. After a certain time, they 
 are received in payment of taxes, or other moneys due to government ; 
 and the interest due on them, at the time, is allowed in the payment. 
 The Bank often engages to receive them to a certain extent, and thereby 
 promotes their circulation ; and the daily transactions between the Bank 
 and the Exchequer are chiefly carried on by bills of £1000 deposited in 
 the Exchequer by the Bank, to the amount of the sums received by 
 them on account of government. New Exchequer-bills are frequently 
 issued in discharge of former ones; and they are often converted into 
 funded debt, by granting capital, in some of the stocks, on certain 
 terms, to such holders as are willing to accept it. 
 
 Besides Exchequer-bills there are Navy-bills issued from the Navy- 
 Office, to answer any purpose in that branch of public expenditure; and 
 they bear interest after a certain date, if not discharged. Ordnance- 
 bills or Debentures are issued from the Ordnance-Office, for supplying 
 deficiencies in that branch of expenditure. Victualling and Transport 
 Bills are issued from the respective offices in the same manner. In 
 addition to the principal branches of the unfunded debt, there is always 
 a number of demands on the public for bills accepted by the Treasur}', 
 army charges, and miscellaneous services of various kinds. These are 
 daily fluctuating, and their amount at any particular time cannot be 
 easily ascertained. 
 
 Our next object will be to exhibit a brief statement of the progress of 
 the Debt, and its successive augmentations and diminutions during dift'e- 
 rent reigns and periods of w^ar and peace, and the total amount at the 
 present time. 
 
 Summary of the Progress of the Debt from the Commencement of 
 the Funding System, at the Revolution, to the 5th January, 1831. 
 
 Principal. Interest. 
 
 National Debt at the Revolution of 1688- . £ 664,263 £ 39,855 
 Increase during the reign of William III. 15,730,439 1,271,087 
 
 Debt at the accession of Queen Anne- •• • 16,394,702 1,310,942 
 Increase during the reign of Queen Anne 37,750,661 2,040,416 
 
 Debt at the accession of George I. 54,145,363 3,351,338 
 
 Decrease during the reign of George !.• • 2,053,128 1,133,807 
 
 Debtat the accession of George II. 52,092,235 2,217,551 
 
 Decrease during the peace • • • • 5,137,612 253,526
 
 SUMMARY OF PROGRESS OF THE DEBT. 347 
 
 Debt at the commencement of the war of 
 
 1739 46,954,623 1,964,025 
 
 Increase during the war 31,338,689 1,096,979 
 
 Debk at the end of the war, 1748 £78,293,312 £3,061,004 
 
 Decrease during the peace 3,721,472 664,287 
 
 Debt atthe commencement of the war, 1755 74,571,840 2,296,717 
 
 Increase during the war 72,1 1 1,004 2,444,104 
 
 Debt at the conclusion of the war, 1782 . • 146,682,844 4,840,821 
 
 Decrease during the peace 10,739,793 364,000 
 
 Debt at the commencement of the Ameri- 
 can war, 1776 135,943,051 4,476,821 
 
 Increase during the war 102,541,819 3,843,084 
 
 Debt at the conclusion of the American 
 
 war, 1783 238,484,870 8,319,905 
 
 Decrease during the peace 4,751,261 143,569 
 
 Debt at the establishment of the Sinking 
 
 Fund, 1786 249,175,323 10,774,398 
 
 Increase from 1786 to 1793 5,131,112 94,577 
 
 Debt at commencement of the war of 1 793 254,306,435 1 0,868,975 
 
 Increaseto the peace of 1801 293,591,441 12,438,767 
 
 Debt at the peace of Amiens, 1801 547,897,876 23,307,742 
 
 Increase during the peace 81,569,653 3,735,883 
 
 Debt at the renewal of the war, in 1803.. 629,467,529 27,043,625 
 
 Increase during the war 49 1 ,940,407 1 6,940,954 
 
 Debt atthe peace of 1815 1,121,407,936 43,984,579 
 
 Increase during the peace, to 1819 •••• 108,987,631 5,202,771 
 
 Debt, January 5, 1819 1,230,395,567 49,187,350 
 
 Deduct Debt redeemed by Sinking Fund 389,637,049 15,815,001 
 
 Net unredeemed Funded . Debt of the 
 
 United Kingdom, January 5, 1819 .. 840,758,518 33,372,349* 
 Net unredeemed Funded Debt of the 
 
 United Kingdom, January 5, 1831 •• 757,486,996 27,399,575t 
 
 • Parliamentary Paper, No 35, Session 1819. 
 
 t Annual Finanre Accounts, p. 145, Session 1831.
 
 348 FUNDING SYSTKM. 
 
 The unfunded debt, consisting- of Exchequer-bills, amounted, 
 January 5th, 1831, to £27,271,650, the interest of which, added to 
 the interest of the funded debt, and the charges of management make 
 the aggregate annual charge on account of the funded and unfunded 
 debt, £28,349,754. 
 
 The diminution in the annual charge of the Debt, during the seventeen 
 years of peace, may be ascribed, in a considerable proportion, to the 
 reduction of the rate of interest on the 5 and 4 per cent, stocks, and on 
 Exchequer-bills, and to the falling in of terminable annuities. A further 
 diminution was effected in the session of 1830, by the conversion of the 
 New Fours into a three-and-a-half per cent, stock. Altogether, the 
 savings effected by these conversions amount to three millions and a half 
 per annum; and the total reduction in the annuity, payable to the 
 public creditor, amounts to four millions and a half.* It appears, then, 
 the diminution in the annual charge of the Debt has not been the result 
 of ministerial economy and retrenchment., but of the internal state of 
 the country — the redundancy of unemployed capital, which by lower- 
 ing the rate of interest, and thereby enhancing the price of the funds, 
 enabled government to ofter to the holders of stock, of a high denomi- 
 nation, the option of being either paid ofil at par, or the acceptance of 
 a loAver rate of interest. 
 
 A desirable fact to ascertain is, the permanent charge entailed on the 
 community by the war of 1793. From the extensive inquiries of the 
 Finance Committee of 1828, this subject may be correctly illustrated. 
 The annual augmentation of the permanent charge of the debt, between 
 1792 and 1816, was £22,744,360.t To this must be added, the 
 charge for the half-pay and pensions of the army and navy and civil re- 
 tired allowances, called the dead weight, amounting to £5,363,640 per 
 annum. We must, also, allow for the increase in salaries, in civil and 
 colonial establishments, which were a consequence of hostilities. The 
 results will be best expressed in a tabular form. 
 
 Permanent Burthen e)itailed on the Country by the Revolutionary 
 War, from 1793 to 1815. 
 
 Interest of the debt contracted during the war £22,744,3(iO 
 
 The annual charge for half-pay, pensions, and superannuation al- 
 lowances, amounting, in 1830, to £5,363,640 ; but consisting 
 almost all of life annuities, may be computed equal to a perma- 
 nent burthen of 2,250,000 
 
 Exclusive of this last item, tlie expenditure of the army and navy is 
 greatly augmented since 1792, partly from the extension of our 
 foreign possessions, and partly from the augmented military force 
 kept up in Ireland and Great Hntain. — On account of the war, 
 
 say 2,500,000 
 
 Increase of Civil List, salaries and pensions 2,000,000 
 
 Other charges not enumerated 1,000,000 
 
 Total £30,404,300 
 
 • Viscount Goderich, House of Lords, Mayo, 1830. 
 
 t Fourth Report of Select Committee on Public Income and Expenditure, p. 20.
 
 ORIGIN OF SINKING FUND. 349 
 
 Such is the amount of the annual hurthen entailed on the country by 
 the last war of the Aristocracy. Yet the Olitrarchy have the meanness to 
 refuse £250,000 a year for the purposes of emigration. They have even 
 the baseness to complain of the amount of poor-rates ; they grumble to 
 pay a few millions per annum for the relief of the aged, the infirm, and 
 destitute, while they have wantonly burthened the community with a 
 perpetual incumbrance of upwards of thihty millions per annum in 
 war and devastation. Although they have thus mortgaged for ever 
 national resources, happiness, and enjoyments, they aggravate the 
 calamities they have created, by clinging with the grasp of deatii to 
 enormous salaries, sinecures, and unmerited pensions. Can any one 
 who has a head to think, or heart to feel, suppress indignation in con- 
 templating this unexampled record of infatuation, injustice, and op- 
 pression ? 
 
 PLANS FOR THE REDEMPTION OF THE DEBT. 
 
 Having given a general illustration of the nature of the Funds, and 
 of the progress and present amount of the Debt, our next object will be 
 shortly to notice the empyrical projects set on foot and countenanced by 
 the Aristocracy for its redemption. 
 
 Although the Sinking Fund, established under the auspices of Mr. 
 Pitt, was founded on an egregious misapprehension, yet, if we examine 
 the subject attentively, we shall find that ministers had similar reasons 
 for adhering to it that they had for adhering to any other branch of ex- 
 penditure. First, the keeping up of a Sinking Fund was a pretext for 
 keeping up taxation. Secondly, the management of the fund was a 
 pretext for keeping up a certain amount of patronage, fees, and emolu- 
 ments. Lastly, the Sinking Fund left a surplus sum at the disposal of 
 ministers, ready to be applied to any casual object they might think 
 expedient. They might employ it to subsidize foreign despots, to enter 
 on new wars, or to supply deficiencies in the civil list, or any other 
 dej)artment of expenditure. That the money was voted for other pur- 
 poses formed no security that it would not be so applied ; exjjerience 
 having shewn that ministers never hesitated to encroach on the Sinking 
 Fund when it suited their necessities. 
 
 These, we apprehend, formed some of the reasons for maintaining 
 the Sinking Fund, long after its fallacy had been demonstrated. Some 
 reluctance, too, was no doubt felt to abandon a scheme of finance 
 which had been panegyrized by many distinguished individuals; and, in 
 fact, the history of the Sinking Fund is the most striking proof of the 
 gullibility of our " great men," that can any where be found; and it 
 is chiefly for the purpose of illustrating the superlative abilities of here- 
 ditary legislators, that we are induced to devote any space to the expo- 
 sition of such a barefaced subject. 
 
 Mr. Pitt's plan of a Sinking Fund was, to set apart a portion of the 
 surplus revenue, to accumulate by compound in((rcsf, and, after the
 
 350 FUNDING SYSTEM. 
 
 expiration of a certain period, to apply the agpreg^ate amount of interest 
 and principal to the liquidation of the debt. To show the fallacy of this 
 scheme, it will be necessary to premise a few explanations on the nature 
 of interest. 
 
 Interest is of two kinds, either simple or compound ; simple interest 
 is that which is allowed for the use of the principal only ; compound 
 interest, called also interest on interest, is that which is allowed for the 
 use of both principal and interest taken together. If money be lent at 
 simple interest, suppose five per cent, per annum, it will double itself in 
 twenty years ; that is, if the interest be forborn that time, it will equal 
 the principal. If money be laid out at compound interest, on the same 
 terms, it will double itself in little more than fourteen years: so that 
 the different rate at which money increases by simple and compound 
 interest is very considerable To illustrate this by an example, we will 
 suppose £100 lent at five per cent, compound interest, for one hundred 
 years. At the expiration of the first founteen years (omitting the frac- 
 tion of a year) it would amount to £200 ; at the expiration of the second 
 fourteen years to £400 ; at the expiration of the third fourteen years to 
 £800 ; and so on, doubling itself at the expiration of every fourteen 
 years, till, at the expiration of the one hundred years, it would have 
 increased to the sum of £14,112 ; while, had the .same money been put 
 out at simple interest, it would have amounted only to £600 ; £500 
 being the interest of £100 for one hundred years, at five per cent, per 
 annum. 
 
 Now, it is on this power of money to accumulate, at compound 
 interest, that the Sinking Fund was established. Dr. Price, an expert 
 arithmetician, calculated that a penny, or a farthing, we forget which, 
 laid out at compound interest at the birth of Christ, would, at the 
 time he wrote, have accumulated to several globes of gold, each globe 
 as large as the earth. This was really prodigious ; and the Doctor 
 was so pleased with the result, that he thence conceived the idea of 
 redeeming the national debt. He thought that if a sum of money, no 
 matter how small, could only be once laid out at compound interest, it 
 would, in a century or so, amount to a sum equal to the debt itself, 
 and by means of which the debt might be discharged. All the Doctor 
 wanted was time ; money he did not want, except a farthing or a 
 penny to begin with. Nothing could be more alluring; to pay off the 
 debt by so small a sum as one penny, seemed, next to a sponge, the 
 cheapest way imaginable. 
 
 Doctor Price communicated his scheme to Mr. Pitt, who appears to 
 have been as much captivated as the Doctor with the discoveiy. This 
 was in 1786 ; a time favourable for the experiment, the country being 
 at peace with all the world, commerce and agriculture just recovering 
 from the depression of the American contest, and, what was more, there 
 was a surplus revenue of nearly a million to begin with. This sum, it 
 was resolved, should be set apart to " fructify" by the miraculous powers 
 of compound interest, agreeably to Dr. Price's calculations. Commis- 
 sioners were appointed to take charge of the sacred deposit, which, on
 
 FALLACY OF SINKING FUND. 351 
 
 no pretext, was to be violated : and thus did the Sinking Fund, which, 
 like little David, was to bring down the Goliah of the debt, commence. 
 
 All at once, however, the people were seized with a strange panic ; 
 from entertaining the most gloomy apprehensions that the debt would 
 never be paid , they began to fear it would be paid too soon ; the globes 
 of gold had so bewildered the public mind, that it was apprehended, from 
 the sudden payment of the debt, the country would be overwhelmed 
 with money and unemployed capital. To avert so dire a calamity, Mr. 
 Pitt announced his intention to pay off £4,000,000, annually, and no 
 more. Here the subject rested for some years, and we must beg leave 
 to rest also. Having stated fairly the principle of the Sinking Fund, 
 we must now expose its fallacy as applicable to the reduction of the 
 debt. It is due, however, to Dr. Price to observe that there was 
 nothing wrong in his principles, that the effect of compound interest 
 was correctly as he had calculated, and that he was only wrong, like 
 many other well-meaning theorists, in his application of them. 
 
 The first objection to the scheme of Dr. Price was the length of time 
 that must elapse before it attained its object. Any plan for the reduc- 
 tion of the debt, founded on an adherence to a particular system of 
 finance, the continuance of a certain amount of taxation, or the duration 
 of peace, was hardly likely to be realized in practice. These were all 
 liable to change ; yet a permanency in them was necessary to complete 
 the original plan of the Sinking Fund. The sum set apart was on no 
 pretext to be violated ; war might arise demanding additional sacrifices, 
 the ability of the country to support taxation might decrease, or there 
 might arise new chancellors of the exchequer with new schemes of 
 finance, yet none of these were to interfere with the fund. That a 
 plan depending on such contingencies should be realized appears highly 
 improbable. 
 
 Waving, however, the objection as to ti7nc, we will suppose the plan 
 in actual operation ; we will suppose a million set apart to accumulate 
 by compound interest, till it equal in amount the debt it is intended to 
 liquidate. Now, it is obvious, if the debt be very large, the Sinking 
 Fund must be very large also ; but, supposing the debt amounts to 800 
 millions, one cannot conceive how any Sinking Fund, long before it 
 equals in amount the debt it is intended to discharge, can bo employed, 
 or in whose hands it can be invested. Suppose the fund amounts only 
 to 200 millions, how can any government employ such a sum ? To 
 whom are they to lend it? If they lend it to individuals they will want 
 security, not only for the interest but the principal. But the only 
 adequate security would be land ; commercial security would hardly be 
 satisfactory; and, it is obvious, if landed security alone be accepted, 
 the advance of 200 millions would make government the mortgagees of 
 nearly all the land in the kingdom. Such a state of things is chiuicrical, 
 and, consequently, any Sinking Fund founded upon it must be chime- 
 rical also. 
 
 Instead of reducing the debt in this way, it is easy to conceive 
 another far more economical and equally efficacious. Suppose the
 
 352 FUNDING SYSTF.M. 
 
 money forming' the fund had not heen raised in taxes, but left in the 
 hands of the people to be employed in trade and manufactures; then 
 suppose, at the expiration of a certain time, a sum is levied in taxes 
 equal in amount to what the Fund would have attained ; it is obvious, 
 on this supposition, the debt would be equally reduced ; but, in this 
 case, there would be no Sinking Fund, — no commissioners, — no draw- 
 ing money in shape of taxes, and returning it again in shape of loan ; — - 
 in a word, there would be no delusion. 
 
 Though the pnnciple here illustrated is that on which the Sinking 
 Fund was founded, it is not that according to which it has been con- 
 ducted. The money forming the fund has never, in fact, been lent to 
 individuals, but employed in the purchase of stock at the market-price. 
 The interest of stock so purchased has been added to the fund, and the 
 total employed in the purchase of more stock ; so that, by continually 
 adding the interest of the debt redeemed to the principal of the fund, 
 the effect has been the same as money accumulating at compound inte- 
 rest. If we compare this mode of employing a Sinking Fund with the 
 former, we shall find that, if the first was chimerical, the second was 
 useless, serving no object further than entailing an unnecessary expense 
 on the public for management. 
 
 Suppose at the end of the year there is a surplus revenue of one 
 million in the Exchequer; then, agreeably to the system pursued by 
 our statesmen for many years, this million is paid to commissioners, 
 who employ it in the purchase of stock, the stock so purchased and 
 interest forming together the Sinking Fund. But, instead of the million 
 being vested in Commissioners, suppose it is employed by the Chancellor 
 of the Exchequer in the purchase of stock, where, it may be asked, 
 would be the difference ? In both cases the same amount of debt is 
 redeemed, and the interest of the redeemed debt, being laid out in the 
 purchase of more stock, accumulates in a compound ratio. 
 
 It is in the latter way the Americans have managed the reduction of 
 their debt; and by which they have almost effected its extinction. 
 When there is a surplus in the treasury, after defraying the charges 
 of government, it is applied directly to pay off' such portions of the debt 
 as have been advertised to be paid off, and on which the interest after- 
 wards ceases to be paid. Indeed, the principle is so plain that it is 
 astonishing how it can ever have been misapprehended. It is obvious 
 to the meanest capacity that, if a sum of money be owing, on which 
 interest is payable, the gain is equal, whether we pay a part of our debt, 
 or lend, to a third person, a sum of equal amount. Government, how- 
 ever, acted as if there were some substantive difference in the two cases, 
 and they were supported for years in the egregious blunder by the 
 " Collective Wisdom of the nation." 
 
 We have not yet conducted the reader to the chief absurdity in the 
 Sinking Fund. We have been all along supposing an actual stirphis 
 revenue, and considering the most advantageous mode of employing 
 this surplus ; but the fact is, there never was any such surplus, except 
 during the first few years after the establishment of the fund. Every
 
 OnJECTlONS TO A SURPLUS HKVENUE. 353 
 
 year government incurred debt, and this debt it attempted to pay by 
 borrowed money ; that is, it borrowed money of A to pay B, and in this 
 consisted the grand bubble of the Sinking Fund. 
 
 The late Professor Hamilton was tlie first writer who exposed the 
 delusion of the Sinking Fund, and showed incontrovertibly that it was 
 by the application of a surplus income only that the debt could be 
 reduced. By persisting in the financial error we have endeavoured to 
 explain, an enormous expense was incurred in the charges of manage- 
 ment, and this was not the extent of the evil. The Sinking Fund was 
 a principal cause of the augmentation of the debt. So enormous was 
 the blunder, that no one felt any concern about the increase of this 
 national incumbrance ; whatever might be the amount, it was concei\'ed 
 the Fund would be adequate to its redemption. Hence public credit 
 became as unlimited as public credulity. Men, in other respects en- 
 lightened, were deceived, and it would be easy to cite, from the speeches 
 of distinguished living statesmen, the most extravagant encomiums of 
 this great fiscal deception. But the subject has ceased to be of intense 
 interest, and is chiefly valuable as an additional testimony of those 
 epidemic aberrations to which human nature, in all ages, has been 
 exposed. Even Lord Grenville has lived to discover and acknowledge 
 he was deceived by the Sinking- Fund ; and this appears not the only 
 error of the Pitt system, of which his lordship appears likely to survive 
 the refutation. 
 
 ^^'e have still left the more lamentable part of the business un- 
 noticed ; the public has not only incurred a great loss from the charge 
 of managing- the Sinking Fund, but also from the additional sums bor- 
 rowed for its maintenance. 
 
 In every loan the contractors have a profit at the expense of the 
 public, and the greater the loan the greater their gain, and conse- 
 quently the public loss. From 1793 the Sinking Fund Avas supported 
 by borrowed money ; besides the loan for the public service, an addi- 
 tional sum was raised for the Fund. Had there been no such Fund, 
 the annual loans would haAC been less by the amount of the sum paid 
 to the commissioners for the redemption of the Debt. The question 
 then is, supposing the sum borrowed for the Fund, since 1793, be 250 
 millions, how much has the public lost by the operation ? 
 
 Professor Hamilton answered this question. He ascertained the total 
 loss to the public, by annually borrowing additional loans to support the 
 delusion of the Fund, at thirty millions. The interest of thirty 
 millions, at five per cent, per annum, is a million and a half. A million 
 and a half then is the gain of the loan -contractors, and the annual loss 
 entailed on the country by the farce of a Sinking Fund. 
 
 A question may be here asked, — If we had had no Sinking Fimd, in 
 what way were we to look forward to the redemption of the Debt? Our 
 opinion is that, in case of a surplus revenue, it ought to have been 
 applied to the purchase of stock at tlie market ])rice, and a ])ortion of 
 the Debt cancelled equal to the amount of stock purchased. But we 
 are not much in favour of government having a surplus revenue to 
 
 •2 v
 
 354 FLNU1N<; SYSTEM. 
 
 dispose of, but think it better that taxes should be remitted to the amount 
 of the surplus ; or, in case the times are favorable to an effort for the 
 reduction of the Debt, that it should be made by a direct assessment on 
 the community expressly for the purpose. The advocates of a surplus 
 revenue think it tends to support public credit ; but the surest mode of 
 supporting public credit is to contribute, in all possible ways, to promote 
 public prosperity. Public credit obviously depends on the abundance of 
 public wealth ; in other words, on the ability of the community to 
 support the burthens necessary to pay the intei'est, or ultimately the 
 principal of the debt ; and this ability is augmented, not by taking money 
 from the people, but by leaving it in their pockets : it is not by tying 
 up capital in a sort of mortmain, in the hands of government commis- 
 sioners, that national wealth is amassed, but by leaving it to be em- 
 ployed in the extension of commerce, manufactures, and agriculture. 
 Every shilling levied in taxes takes from productive capital, thereby 
 impoverishing the country, and lessening the security of the public 
 creditor. 
 
 In short, we trust the people have learnt wisdom by experience, and 
 they see the policy of keeping every administration in a kind of strait 
 waistcoat, neither suffering them to have a surplus revenue, nor surplus 
 military force, nor surplus power of any kind, beyond the current 
 exigencies of the state, at their disposal. Without this precaution, the 
 country is sure to be drawn into some wanton and profligate crusade. 
 AH governments are prone to war, because it augments patronage and 
 emolument, and gratifies pride, insolence, and ambition. If we have 
 not been involved in hostilities ere this, it has been more owing to the 
 protecting J^gis of our pecuniary embarrassments than the absence of 
 inclination in our rulers. Can it be supposed we should not have been 
 embroiled about Portugal, Turkey, France, Italy, or Belgium, had not 
 the Exchequer been empty ? A surplus revenue, however, under the pre- 
 text of a Sinking Fund, at all times supplies the needful, and it is easy 
 to foresee, from past experience, were such a fund tolerated, it would be 
 dissipated in domestic profusion or foreign aggression. As to really 
 applying the fund to the redemption of the debt, it is mere delusion : 
 the Oligarchy, notwithstanding the solemn ejaculations of many of them 
 about preserving, inviolate, public faith, have got a more efficient 
 receipt for reducing the Debt than paying it off, as soon as the neces- 
 sities of their unprincipled system demand the application. 
 
 DEAD-WEIGHT ANNUITY PROJECT. 
 
 We are induced shortly to notice this project, because it is the most 
 recent, and, we believe, the last attempt which will ever be made to play 
 tricks of legerdemain in matters of finance. 
 
 In the year 1822 a plan was adopted for relieving the country, in 
 some degree, from the immediate pressure of the Dead Weight, by ex- 
 tending the payment of it over a longer series of years than the natural 
 duration of the lives of the individuals holding half-pay, pensions, and
 
 DRAU WEIGHT IMKJ.IECT — LIFE ANNUITIES, 355 
 
 allowances, under this denomination, would extend to. For this purpose 
 an annuity of £2,800,000 was appropriated, out of the existing reve- 
 nue, for 45 years, and vested in trustees for the discharge of the then 
 payments, which, for that year, were estimated at £4,900,000, subject 
 to yearly diminution by the death of annuitants. It was computed, 
 that, according to the ordinary duration of human life, these annuities 
 for the lives of the then holders would be equal to the annuity of 
 £2,800,000 for forty-five years. The trustees, were, therefore, em- 
 powered to sell, from time to time, such portions of this annuity as 
 would provide the funds required for the payment of the dead weight, 
 according to a computation made of the amount which would, probably, 
 be due in each year. The act by which this arrangement was sanctioned 
 took effect froni the 10th of October, 1822. 
 
 The trustees failed iu their first negotiation, which was entered into 
 with some public companies, and ultimately made an engagement with 
 the Bank of England, for supplying the funds required for six years, 
 by the transfer to that corporation of an annuity of £58.>,740, part of 
 the above £2,800,000. The terms of the sale were settled by actuaries 
 on either side, according to the current value of the public stocks. The 
 sum which the Bank undertook to provide in the period specified was 
 £13,089,419, the last payment upon which was made in July, 1828. 
 
 Now, to the measure of raising money by the sale of a temporary 
 annuity there is no objection, when practised by the state, no more 
 than by an individual : it may be resorted to, in order to meet an ex- 
 traordinar)' charge ; and to diffuse the charge at a diminished rate, for each 
 year, over a longer space of time. But the framers of the dead weight 
 expedient sought by the means of it to create an addition to the 
 income of the state, whereby a Sinking Fund of five miUions might 
 be provided, notwithstanding a considerable reduction of the taxes then 
 existing. It was in this the delusion consisted. The money for the 
 reduction of debt was certainly forthcoming, by the sale of the annuity, 
 and, therefore, positively applicable to the purchase of stock in the 
 market ; but the sale of the annuity was itself a creation of debt, and 
 it was, therefore, not correct to call that a Sinking Fund which only 
 served to extinguish, in one shape, a debt which it established in 
 another. 
 
 Such an intricate contrivance was evidently a revival, in a new shape, 
 of the fundamental error of the Sinking Fund, namely, an attempt to 
 extinguish debt by horroiccd money, and, Hkc that famous juggle, it 
 entailed an unprofitable charge on the country for management. As 
 the objectionable part of the project has been abandoned, under the 
 recommendation of Sir Henry Parnell's Finance Committee, it is not 
 necessary further to expose its fallacy. We may, also, congratulate 
 our readers on the virtual relin(iuisliment of the Sinking Fund ; since, 
 by the 10th Geo. IV. c. 27, which came into operation July the 5th, 
 1829, it is provided that the sum, in future, applicable to the reduction 
 of the debt, shall be merely what happens to lie the actual annual sur- 
 plus revenue above the expenditure of the United Kingdom. The actual 
 
 2 A 2
 
 356 FUNDING SYSTEM. ^^T^ 
 
 surplus revenue, for reasons assigned in the last section, will, we trust, 
 be kept at a minimum, at which point, or below, it seems to have ar- 
 rived ; being at present (Jan. 1832) something worse than nothing, or, 
 as algebraists term it, a " negative quantity." 
 
 A mere detail of the fiscal b-'unders and oversights of the Oligarchy 
 would form a most ludicrous display of human folly and presumption. 
 It can never be forgotten that the Omnipotent Parliament of 1810 actu- 
 ally passed a resolution that a pound note and a shilling were equal in 
 value to a guinea, though the latter was openly and publicly sold for 
 twenty-eight shillings! Then think of the conduct of the " Guardi- 
 ans of the Public Purse" in granting annuities on lives. The Tory 
 statesmen of Oxford and Cambridge appear to have been wholly 
 ignorant that the average duration of human life, especially in females, 
 had greatly extended of late years; and, in consequence, up to the year 
 1829, and until they were apprised of the circumstance by a private 
 individual, continued to grant life annuities on the most disadvantageous 
 terms, and by which, for many years, an annual loss of £100,000 was 
 sustained by this tax-paying community. 
 
 It would be easy to cite similar examples of the Avaste of public 
 treasure through mere incapacity in our rulers ; but it is necessary to 
 conclude. Our exposition of the origin and downfal of the great 
 Sinking Fund bubble, which deluded the country for nearly half a 
 century, cannot fail to be amusing and instructive. If we revert to the 
 history of the Boroughmongers, we shall find that their system has been 
 carried on for many years by a series of moral, political, and financial 
 bubbles. The French war was all a bubble. It commenced under the pre- 
 text of protecting property and averting infidelity and immorality. These, 
 however, Avere mere bubbles ; the real objects being to prevent reform 
 in the representation, the administration of justice, and the tithe 
 oppression. Abuses in all these were endangered by the principles of 
 the revolution ; but then, government could hardly go to war on the 
 barefaced pretext of supporting them, so they went to war on the pre- 
 text of supporting religion and social order. New circumstances require 
 new delusions. The country is now at peace ; but we shall be mar- 
 vellously surprised, if some ne^v bubble is not blown to justify inter- 
 ference Avith the regenerated states of the Continent and the New World. 
 
 XEAV SUGGESTIONS FOR HQUICATIXG THE DEBT. 
 
 All idea of liquidating the Debt, by the operation of the Sinking Fund, 
 being abandoned, it may be concluded this great national incumbrance 
 is destined to be a perpetual burthen entailed on succeeding generations. 
 This, it must be confessed, holds out a discouraging prospect for the 
 future. Let us, hoAvever, inquire if it be not possible to imagine a 
 course of public affairs Avhich A\'ould tend to the just and natural extin- 
 guishment of the Debt ; or, secondly, let us inquire if such changes in 
 the monetary system of Europe may not supervene, as AAOuld constitute 
 an equitable claim for a reduction in the amount of the annuity payable
 
 NEW SUGGESTIONS FOR EXTINGUISHING THE Df.IJT. 357 
 
 to the public creditor. Although there are few questions in public 
 economy that have excited more intense inquiry than the progress and 
 final issue of our funding system, still we think there are one or two 
 views of the subject which have been overlooked by political writers, 
 and Mhich we shall beg leave briefly to submit to our readers' consi- 
 deration. 
 
 Lord Goderich has justly remarked, (House of Lords, May 7, 1830,) 
 that it is not the magnitude of the capital of the debt, but the amount 
 of the dividends which form a question of interest. A public creditor is 
 not, like a private creditor, entitled to demand pavment of both princi- 
 pal and interest : all to which ho has compulsory claim is the regular 
 payment of his dividend. A greater amount of capital is only impor- 
 tant to the public inasmuch as it imposes a heavier burthen in the charges 
 of management payable to the Bank of England. The vital con- 
 sideration is the amount of the perpetual annuity entailed on the country : 
 whatever tends to lessen this charge relieves the public ; and let us see 
 what system of policy would most eftectually promote so desirable a con- 
 summation. 
 
 The interest of money has been gradually falling for centuries; and, 
 from the augmentation of capital, it is not possible to assign the mini- 
 mum ; — it may be depressed to one, or even a half per cent. ; or money 
 may become so redundant, that, instead of the payment of interest for 
 the use, a premium may be given merely for its safe custody. How 
 far this reduction may be still carried depends entirely on the manage- 
 ment of public afiuirs. Let us suppose our rulers have resolved, all at 
 once, to carry on the government on principles of justice and wisdom, 
 without regard to the partial interests of the Church, the Aristocracy, or 
 any other section of society ; let us suppose they are resolved to give full 
 scope for the augmentation of national wealth, by the abolition of com- 
 mercial and charted monopolies — by the repeal of the Corn Laws, and 
 of all such taxes and restrictions as impede the development of industry : 
 let us suppose that government is resolved to make all reasonable con- 
 cessions for the attainment of internal quiet and contentment, by the 
 extension of the elective franchise — the improvement of the judicial 
 administration — the abolition of partial and oppressive laws — the reduc- 
 tion of exorbitant salaries, the extinction of sinecures, the rescinding 
 of unmerited pensions, and the relinquishing of unprofitable and useless 
 colonies : let us further suppose that government is resolved to pursue 
 a system of impartial justice towards Ireland, remove all prett-xt for 
 popular agitation, and cultivate, to the utmost advantage, her vast re- 
 sources : lastly, let us suppose that government is so wholly intent on 
 promoting the general welfare, that they are resolved to remove all 
 restrictions on the freedom of discussion, and allow the utmost latitude, 
 without regard to considerations personal -to themselves, for the free 
 investigation of every question in the least relevant to the public happi- 
 ness ; especially of such questions as elucidate the causes of tbe poverty 
 and privations of the great body of the community. 
 
 Now, supposing such a liberal and enlightoned policy to be pursued 
 by the government, the consequences would be most extraordinary.
 
 358 FUNDING SYSTEM. 
 
 Contentment and confidence would pervade all, and every obstacle to 
 the full development of industry removed, commerce, manufactures, 
 and agriculture attain an unexampled state of prosperity. The countiy 
 would be inundated with wealth, and the mass of unemployed capital 
 would be so great, that interest would be merely nominal. But would 
 not ministers take advantage of such a favourable crisis in national 
 affairs to reduce the Debt ? Assuredly they would. All the stocks 
 would rise above par, and they might either pay the public creditor his 
 principal, or compel him to accept a lower rate of interest. It is in 
 this way, merely by the operation of good government, by adopting 
 measures to promote internal concord and prosperity, that the Three per 
 Cents might be reduced to two, one, or even a half per cent. ; and this 
 is what we call the just and natural extinguishment of the Debt ! 
 
 The unsettled state of Europe may postpone for a time the decline in 
 the interest of money ; but such is the intelligence and desire of accu- 
 mulation pervading all classes, that we consider it an event of certain 
 occurrence. Under this impression, we do not concur in the wisdom 
 of the plan adopted by the Chancellor of the Exchequer in 1830, for 
 the conversion of the Four per Cents. Agreeably to Mr. Goulbourn's 
 scheme, an option was given to the holders of the New Fours to 
 accept a Five per Cent, stock, irredeemable for a long term of years. 
 The chief saving to the public from this arrangement was a diminution 
 in the amount of the capital of the debt ; but this, as before remarked, 
 is an unimportant consideration, and only affects the amount of per 
 centage payable to the Bank for management. The great object for a 
 financer to aim at is a reduction in the public annuities ; but this re- 
 duction is foreclosed, by creating an irredeemable fund; and the country 
 is precluded from deriving advantage from the augmentation of national 
 wealth and consequent declension of the interest in money. 
 
 Let us next advert to the other contingency to which we alluded, as 
 likely to operate, an equitable reduction in the monetary charge of the 
 debt — namely, a rise throughout Europe in the value of the precious 
 metals. That such a rise is in progress is highly probable, for the 
 following reasons : — 1. The unsettled state of South America during the 
 last twenty years, and consequent interruption to the working of the 
 gold and silver mines. 2. The increased consumption of the precious 
 metals, from the diffusion of greater w'ealth and luxury. 3. The in- 
 creased demand for them, owing to the increase of population, commerce, 
 and commodities. 4. The general substitution of a metallic for a paper 
 currency in England, America, and the continental states. All these 
 causes obviously tend to enhance the value of the representative medium ; 
 and, should they continue to operate, they must eventually work a dis- 
 solution of money engagements ; for it cannot be supposed that if a 
 pound weight of silver attain as great an exchangeable value as in the 
 reign of the Edwards, that either nations or individuals shall be bound 
 by contracts made under circumstances so widely different. Such a revo- 
 lution in the instrument of exchange, or even an approximation to it, could 
 never have been foreseen, either by creditor or debtor ; and the fulfil- 
 ment of his obligations by the latter being rendered impracticable, by
 
 CATASTROPHE OF FUNDING SYSTEM. 359 
 
 vicissitudes which he could neither foresee nor control, hoth equity and 
 reason would relieve against them. 
 
 The practical application of this reasoning;, to the reduction of the 
 Debt, is too obvious to need explaining. It is a crisis wholly distinct 
 from such as occur froui the issue or withdrawal of Bank paper, or the 
 rise or fall of mercantile credit. These are the local and ordinary 
 fluctuations of the commercial world with which all mankind are 
 familiar; but a rise or fall in the universal standard of value, from the 
 general causes mentioned, is an event of a diflerent nature. It i$ 
 unnecessary, however, to pursue the subject further till the fact of a 
 general rise in the value of the instrument of exchange has been ascer- 
 tained, and the returns which the JMarquis of Lansdow'ne moved for in 
 the session of 1830, relative to the produce of the American mines, will 
 tend far to its elucidation. 
 
 We have thus shortly explained the two sources whence, by pos- 
 sibility, relief may come to this tax-paying community ; but we candidly 
 confess we have not much fiiith either of them will be realized. That 
 the Oligarchy will ever pursue such a course of policy as is most likely 
 to diffuse general intelligence, contentment, and wealth, is inconsistent 
 with all expeiience of their former conduct. Unfortunately, the govern- 
 ment, in its unreformed state, only embodies the partial interests of the 
 Aristocracy, and those interests are incompatible with the general 
 interests of the community. Hence we conclude, the Manichaean 
 principle of the constitution will triumph to the end of the chapter, and 
 that the funding system will ultimately terminate by a violent death. 
 The nature of its final dissolution, the hypocrisy and injustice by which 
 it will be preceded, and the calamities it will entail on the country, we 
 shall set forth in the next and concluding: section. 
 
 CATASTROPHE OF THE FUNDING SYSTEM. 
 
 The natural and inevitable tendency of debt, either in nations or 
 individuals, is bankruptcy. Efforts will be made, by the Oligarchy, 
 to avert, as long as possible, this lasting reproach of their unprincipled 
 policy ; they will try to economize in this, and retrench in that ; they will 
 be like beasts of prey environed by the hunters, they will seek escape on 
 all sides, but, finding every outlet closed against them, they will then 
 resort, as the only refuge from the difficulties in which they have wan- 
 tanly involved themselves, to their last expedient — an attack on the 
 funds. Perhaps it will not be this session of parliament, nor the next ; 
 but, that the period is approaching, we feel as confident as that we are 
 now writing. It is the most feasible of all projects : it would attack a 
 muss of property, and of individuals that are incapable of resistance, 
 who are not represented, and who would sink as silently as a stone 
 dropped into the great deep. Moreover, it would be the salvation of 
 the system ; it would not touch the Church, iu)r the Aristocracy, nor 
 the llotten Boroughs, nor the Sinecures, nor the Barracks ; all the
 
 360 CATASTUOl'lIK OK ]• UN 1)1 NO SYSTEM. 
 
 abuses of administration would bo saved and perpetuated, for the 
 affliction of the world and posterity. We do, however, trust tiiere is 
 sufficient justice and humanity in the nation to avert the perpetration of 
 this national crime, which would afford complete impunity to those 
 whose mal-administration has, alone, rendered it necessary. The man 
 who first suggests a confiscation of the funds, under the pretext of 
 equitable adjustment, unaccompanied with a radical change in our 
 institutions, ought to be ejected from political communion as the worst 
 enemy of Reform and the People. Let us, however, shortly consider 
 the degree of injustice, the extent of suffering, and the misgovernment 
 that would be perpetuated by the adoption of such a mean of sur- 
 mounting the public difficulties. 
 
 Three points present themselves for consideration : 1st. The obli- 
 gation imposed on the community to keep faith with the public creditor. 
 2d. The extent of distress and suffering which would be occasioned by 
 a breach of this obligation. 3d. And lastly. The facilities it would 
 afford for the pei-petuation of an usurped and pernicious power. 
 
 With respect to the Jirst, it is certain that funded property stands on 
 a higher and more legitimate basis than any other description of pro- 
 perty in the kingdom. It is created by recent acts of parliament, of 
 the meaning and import of which there can be no difference of opinion : 
 the present possessors of this property hold it by fair and lawful assign- 
 ment, and the whole nation are living witnesses of the contract and 
 execution. The estates of the Church, of the Aristocracy, and even of 
 individuals, are not secured and attested by such strong and solemn 
 authority. The Church has, at least, only a life-interest in its pos- 
 sessions, and this under the express stipulation of discharging the 
 religious duties of the community. The estates of the nobility are of 
 extremely dubious origin, mostly obtained by plunder and confiscation, 
 and then held under the tenure of defending- the country in war, of 
 coining money, administering justice, and preserving the peace ; all 
 which duties they have long ceased to discharge. Next, as to the 
 estates of individuals : they have, in many instances, been obtained 
 without valuable consideration, or are held by a fraudulent and imper- 
 fect title ; none of Avhich can be alleged against funded property. It 
 follows from this that there is no description, even of real property, 
 which might not be seized with a greater semblance of justice than 
 that of the fundholder, and that any the least encroachment on the 
 funds would be a more flagrant outrage on all those ties by which 
 property is made sacred and secure, than could in any other way be 
 perpetrated. 
 
 We come next to the second consideration, — Tlie extent of distress 
 and suffering consequent on a breach of faith with the national 
 creditor. 
 
 It is a most mistaken idea to suppose that the great mass of funded 
 property belongs principally to monied men and capitalists. These have 
 rarely much property in the funds ; if they have, it is only a portion of 
 their unemployed capital, which they occasionally lodge there for a few
 
 PUBLIC ANNUITANTS — SAVINGS' BANKS, ETC. 361 
 
 days or weeks, to accomplish some stock-jobbing- speculation, or till 
 they find for it a more })rofitable investment. Neither has the Aristo- 
 cracy or Church considerable deposits in the funds : most of the former, 
 from waste and extravagance, are steeped in debt and mortgage, and, 
 notwithstanding their enormous incomes, from rents, tithes, and taxes, 
 they have hardly a shilling to spare for necessary expenses ; and the 
 rich Clergy, from similar want of prudence and economy, are in a not 
 less embarrassed predicament. The g-reat bulk, therefore, of property 
 permanently invested in the public securities is trust-property ; property 
 left for charitable uses ; property belonging to suitors in Chancery ; 
 small sums belonging to officers retired from service in the army and 
 navy ; the funds of friendly societies and savings' banks ; and a vast 
 number of small annuitants, consisting of minors, orphans, widows, 
 old maids, bachelors, and families retired from business and the world, 
 whose sole dependence is on the receipt of their half-yearly or quarterly 
 dividends, and who having vested the whole proceeds of a weary life 
 on the faith of the nation, any attack on the funds would, to them, be as 
 sudden and overwhelming as a stroke of lightning'. 
 
 On this part of the subject Ave have authentic data to proceed ; we 
 know, from accounts laid before parliament, the number of public an- 
 nuitants, and the amount of property vested in the funds on account of 
 benefit societies, savings' banks, and suitors in Chancery. From a par- 
 liamentary paper, (No. 41, Session 1830,) it appeas the total number 
 of persons receiving half-yearly dividends, on the different stocks, con- 
 stituting the Public Debt, amounts to 274,823 ; of which number there 
 ai'e who received, — 
 
 Not exceeding- £5 83,609 persons. 
 
 Not exceeding 10 42,227 ditto. 
 
 Not exceeding .50 97,307 ditto. 
 
 Not exceeding 100 26,316 ditto. 
 
 Not exceeding 200 15,209 ditto. 
 
 Not exceeding- 300 4,912 ditto. 
 
 Not exceeding 500 3,077 ditto. 
 
 Not exceeding 1 000 1 ,555 ditto. 
 
 Not exceeding 2000 450 ditto. 
 
 Exceeding... 2000 161 ditto. 
 
 Several annuitants have property in two or more separate stocks, as 
 in the three per cents, and tlireo-and-a-half per cents, so as to receive 
 dividends quarterly: suppose nearly one-third are of this description, 
 and, instead of 274,823, there are only 200,000 national creditors, 
 who share among- them the whole interest of twenty-eight millions, 
 payable on the public debt; in which case each receives, on an average, 
 only £140 a-ycar. 
 
 Think of the consequence of extinguishing, or even abridging these 
 petty incomes ! What impoverishment and destitution it would create 
 among widows, orphans, the aged, and infirm. How many funds, 
 destined for charitable uses, or for mutual assurance against misfortune,
 
 362 CATASTROPHE OF FUNDING SYSTEM. 
 
 and amassed with difficulty out of the earnings of the industrious, 
 Avould be violated ! From official returns, in 1829, it appears there are, 
 in the United Kingdom, half a million of contributors to Savings' Banks, 
 whose deposits amount to upwards of 1 7 millions. In 1830 the number of 
 depositors in Savings' Banks in England only, was 367,812; their total 
 investments £13,080.255, averaging £34 to each depositor. The 
 number of members of Friendly Societies, in 1815, amounted to 
 925,429 ;* and the property belonging to them, vested in the funds, 
 amounted to 40 millions. These funds have been raised and guaranteed 
 by special acts of parliament, so that to encroach on them would be a 
 shameless and flagrant violation of the public engagements. 
 
 It is not, however, the public annuitants only that would sufter by 
 the measure we are considering ; the calamity in its direct and indirect 
 consequences would fall almost exclusively on the middling and indus- 
 trious orders. Nearly the whole interest payable on the Debt is 
 expended in support of the domestic trade, manufactures, and agri- 
 culture of the kingdom. A large portion of the revenue of the higher 
 classes is consumed abroad, in the support of menial servants, or in 
 articles of luxury, which create hardly any traffic or employment ; 
 whereas the incomes of the public annuitants are chiefly spent among 
 ourselves, in the employment of the artisan and labourer, and in dealings 
 with the grocer, baker, butcher, linen-draper, victualler, builder, car- 
 penter, &c. It follows that any diminution in a revenue so expended 
 would inflict incalculable mischief on the whole internal trade and 
 economy; it would be the most hurtful of all remedies that could be 
 applied to our embarrassments ; for there is no other description of pro- 
 perty, the violation of which would cause such wide-spread miseiy, 
 distress, and mercantile stagnation. A man, therefore, who brings 
 foi-nard such a scheme must not only be an enemy to the general 
 welfare, but he must be thoroughly depraved, and an alien to all those 
 principles of justice and feelings of humanity which fit an individual for 
 social communion and intercourse. 
 
 We come to the third and last consideration, namely, — The facilities 
 a breach of national faith loould afford for the perpetuation of 
 usurped and pernicious power. 
 
 If established authority be adverse to the general interests, whatever 
 tends to its continuance and support is pernicious; — whatever adds to 
 the power of the weak and unprincipled is criminal. If the government 
 of this country be so administered as to be unjust and oppressive, what- 
 
 * Parliamentary Report, No. 522, Session 182.5. From Mr. Pratt's Tables for 
 1831 it appears there are 4,117 Friendly Societies in England, and probably the 
 number of members, since 1815, has augmented to 1,500,000, with a correspond- 
 ing increase of funds. It is gratifying to observe the progress of Friendly 
 Societies and Savings' Banks in both Great Britain and Ireland. Their success 
 must be satisfactory to those who consider the working people deficient in pru- 
 dence and foresight. Tiie truth is, they only require to be made acquainted 
 with their real interests, and then, like the more educated, they would doubtless 
 pursue them.
 
 ATTACK OF THE OLIGARCHY ON THE FUNDS. 363 
 
 ever tends to avert its reform or prolong its existence must be repro- 
 bated by every patriotic mind. Now it is certain that to tolerate any 
 the least attack on the funds would place an uncontrolled and almost 
 unlimited power at the mercy of the administration. Should ministers 
 be once allowed openly to reduce or to tax the public annuities, or to 
 encroach upon them imder any form, they would possess an inex- 
 haustible resource for domestic profusion and future war. The whole 
 interest of the Debt would be at their mercy, and, in gradually reducing 
 it, they would have the means, for a century longer, to pursue the same 
 career of folly and injustice which they had pursued in the century that 
 is past. Thus the Debt, instead of an incumbrance, would be a real 
 treasure, to which they could resort on every emergency. No matter 
 how small the tax at first imposed ; if the principle be once admitted, 
 they might gradually augment their exactions on the public creditor ; 
 the machinery would be made, and would only require working ; in a 
 word, it would be merely retaining the money in their own hands, 
 instead of paying it half-yearly to the fundholder. 
 
 The first step in this proceeding would be the most delicate, and 
 require great caution and considerable hypocrisy in the execution. 
 First, probably, only a tax of one per cent, or even a quarter per cent, 
 would be proposed, accompanied with deep expressions of regret on the 
 imperious necessity that had rendered necessary such a painful alter- 
 native. Having got the handle to the axe, they would proceed with a 
 slow but sure step, screwing up the fund-tax, like the income-tax, till 
 at length it equalled, in amount, the dividends, or, in a word, expunged 
 the Debt ! 
 
 Such a villainous procedure would, doubtless, raise a great outer)'; 
 many would exclaim against the violation of public faith, and of the 
 injustice of sacrificing a part for the whole ; but ministers would easily 
 find excuses. They would first eat up all their former declarations on 
 the great advantages of national integrity, and would expatiate on 
 the great advantages of national bankruptcy. They would plead the 
 alteration in the currency as one pretext for their injustice ; they would 
 urge the great law of self-preservation, which forbids either individuals 
 or nations to bind themselves to their own desti-uction ; they would 
 enlarge on the impolicy and unreasonableness of adhering to engage- 
 ments that would destroy the sources of productive industry, and, 
 ultimately, entail ruin on all classes, even the annuitants themselves. 
 Lastly, they would plead the example of other states, of their " magna- 
 nimous and august allies," — the members of the Holy Alliance and 
 Protocol conferences, — all of whom had been once or twice bankrupt, 
 and necessitated to compound with their creditors. The knavery and 
 sophistry of such reasoning would be apparent to all; but the majority 
 being benefited by the injustice, it is probable they would be inclined to 
 wink at the transaction, and the jwor fundholder become the scape-goat 
 of the community. 
 
 It may appear imjjrobablo, at first sight, that a government, founded 
 cm the basis of a regard to " property, morality, religion," and an
 
 364 CATASTROPHE OF THl:; FUNDING SYSTEM. 
 
 abhorrence of " blasphemy," shouhl resort to such a disgraceful expe- 
 dient, to such unprincipled sophistry ; especially, too, as a breach of 
 national faith would be a violation of the principle to which they have 
 been accustomed, on all occasions, to ascribe the prosperity, glory, and 
 independence, of the empire. This, certainly, at first view, appears 
 improbable ; but, if we examine the subject more closely, we shall find 
 that it is not without precedent, and that it would be less inconsistent 
 with former practices than former pi'ofessions of our rulers. 
 
 First, there is the Bank Restriction Act of 1797. This measure, 
 in its nature, was full as unprincipled an attack on the rights of private 
 property and the sacredness of previous engagements as a breach of 
 national faith could possibly be. Secondly, there are various suspen- 
 sions of the Habeas Corpus Act — the passing of bills of indemnity for 
 all sorts of crimes — the forging of French assignats — the attack of 
 Copenhagen — the blowing up of the Spanish ships, and the affair of 
 Terceira : all these measures are so atrocious, so repugnant to every 
 principle of law, humanity, and justice, that it would be chimerical, in 
 the highest deg-ree, to suppose that the men who could advise and par- 
 ticipate in them, would be scrupulous in the observance of their engage- 
 ments with the public creditor. 
 
 Yet the shame, the disgrace, the infamy of a breach of faith would 
 be so great ; it would lay bare so completely the unprincipled policy of 
 the last forty years ; it would so entirely unmask the principles of the 
 Oligarchy, exposing them to such execration and derision, that we may 
 expect it to be staved oft to the last day ; and when, at length, it is 
 attempted, it will be disguised, under a thousand pretexts, to hide its 
 deformity from the world. Come, hoAvever, it must ; for there is no 
 other alternative likely to be adopted ; the contest is betwixt rent and 
 tithe, and high othcial emoluments on one hand, and the payment of 
 the dividends on the other ; to pay the latter the former must be 
 sacrificed. But can any one doubt the issue of the conflict ? Can it 
 be doubted which party will go to the wall, should the Borough pro- 
 prietors continue to monopolise the franchises of the people ( The 
 lords of the soil possess all political power ; they have the boroughs, 
 the barracks, and the powder-mills at their command ; they will take 
 care of THEMSELVKs ; and, judging from the facts we have enume- 
 rated, there is no reason to suppose their love of justice is so extreme 
 as to induce them to abandon their all to preserve inviolate public 
 faith. 
 
 Before, however, the fuudholders are sacrificed, all other classes will 
 be degraded : so loth will be the Borouglimongers to touch their great 
 stalking-horse of public credit, that they will endeavour to support it 
 on the ruins of the other orders of society. First, probably, as being 
 most exposed to their attacks, the poor-rate will be attempted ; next in 
 order come the other unrepresented interests of the community, the 
 profits of all the productive classes — the farmers, merchants, and trades- 
 men. If the degradation of these classes, if the appropriation of the 
 whole of their revenue, except that portion necessary to a bare subsist-
 
 THE DEBT THE BEST ALLY OF THE PEOPLE. 363 
 
 ence, bo insufficient, then the fundholder will be assailed, rather than 
 rent and tithe should be materially reduced. This is what we call the 
 CATASTROPHE OF THE FUNDING SYSTEM. Without a parliamentary 
 reform all classes Avill be sacrificed to the preservation of the Aristocracy. 
 When the full payment of the dividends encroaches on the sources of 
 their own incomes, they will be forcibly reduced, and the only favour 
 shown to the fimdholder will be that of being last devoured! 
 
 We have thus briefly traced what appears likely to be the catastrophe 
 of the funding system, the consequence of an attack on the funds, its 
 flag:rant injustice, the distress and suffering it would occasion, and the 
 lasting impunity it would afford to corruption and misgovernment. We 
 were anxious to do this at the present moment, because if by any unfore- 
 seen event the hopes of the nation should be a second time shipwrecked 
 in regard to the " Bill," and the Tories regain their ascendancy, it is 
 not improbable the desperate expedient of robbing the fundholder would 
 be tried, in order to silence the cry of a starving population for economy 
 and reform. We tru.st, however, the public will be on its guard agamst 
 this horrible project; like all frauds, it will be clandestinely and insidi- 
 ously introduced ; therefore it behoves them to be constantly on the alert. 
 So long as the Debt is safe, it is the best ally of the People, but the 
 mon-ient it is violated, it is the best ally of Corruption. 
 
 If a general sacrifice be required to save the country, a change in the 
 representation is an indispensable preliminary. The House of Commons, 
 in lieu of representing the people, represents only the government which 
 it ought to control, in the various branches of the executive, the aris- 
 tocracy, the church, the army, navy, and public offices. Embodying' 
 such partial interests, the general weal must be invariably compromised, 
 and no equitable settlement can be made. Admit the intelligence and 
 jjroporty of the nation to have their due weight in the public councils, 
 and the best and most salutary measures must necessarily be adopted, 
 and equity and .safety found for all. 
 
 This is all the people require; they do not want pity nor charity ; 
 and those who, during their periodical sufferings, are constantly preach- 
 ing PATIENCE to a fjimishing population, would do well to change the 
 word for justice from their rulers. Justice from oppression is a 
 virtue ; patience under undeserved suffering a crime !
 
 TAXATION 
 
 GOVERNMENT EXPENDITURE. 
 
 GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF TAXATION AND FINANCE. 
 
 We cannot do better than preface the subjects of this chapter by stating 
 a few general principles of taxation and finance ; they are principally 
 taken from Adam Smith and Dr. Hamilton, and for the most part are 
 so self-evident that it is superfluous to adduce any argument in their 
 support or elucidation ; and the others may be inferred by a very obvious 
 train of reasoning. Yet measures inconsistent with them have not only 
 been advanced by men of reputed abilities, but have been acted on by 
 successive administrations, annually supported in parliament, and ex- 
 tolled in political publications. This may create a necessity for a few 
 explanatory observations, and which we shall subjoin in a separate 
 paragraph immediately after each consecutive proposition. 
 
 I. The annual income of a nation consists of the united produce of 
 its agriculture, manufactures, commerce, and industry. This income 
 is the source from which the inhabitants derive the necessaries, com- 
 forts, and luxuries of life ; distributed, according to their stations, in 
 various proportions, and from which the public revenue, necessary for 
 civil government and external administration, is derived. 
 
 In every nation a part of the annual income must be withdrawn 
 from the inhabitants for the support of the army and na^y, the adminis- 
 tration of justice, and other public purposes. The sum thus withdrawn, 
 however reasonable and necessaiy, is abstracted from the funds which 
 supply the wants of the people, and, consequently, lessens their means 
 of enjoyment. Taxation, therefore, though necessary, is a positive 
 evil, and it is a poor set-off to allege against this evil that it may, when 
 gradually augmented, operate as a motive to greater industry and eco- 
 nomy in the people. The natural desire of advancement in life and to 
 participate in its pleasures, are sufficient inducements to frugality and 
 industry without the artificial goad of the tax-gatherer. But taxes have 
 not only encroached on luxuries, but on the comforts and necessaries of 
 the productive classes, and it is mere sophistrs' to allege that they are
 
 EFFECTS OF EXCESSIVE TAXES. 367 
 
 either harmless or beneficial ; that they either return hy other chan- 
 nels, or are a spur to industry. That which is taken and consumed 
 can never be returned by any channel ; and that can never form a spur 
 to industry, which lessens the rewards by which industry is excited and 
 put in motion. 
 
 II. The portion of national income, which can be appropriated to 
 public purposes, and the possible amount of taxation, are limited ; and 
 we are apparently advanced to that limit. 
 
 That the amount of taxation is limited, and that we have reached 
 that limit, is pretty evident from the generally low rate of profits and 
 wages. The burthens which peculiarly press on productive industry 
 have been enumerated (p. 279). " When," says Mr. M'Culloch, " the 
 taxes which aft'ect the industrious classes are increased, such increase 
 must either immediately fall wholly on profits or wages, or partly on 
 the one and partly on the other. If it fall on profits, it makes, of course, 
 an equivalent deduction from them ; and if it fall on wages, it pro- 
 portionally depresses the condition of the great body of the people."* 
 We have arrived at the anomalous state in finance when two and two do 
 not make four. Were additional taxes imposed, instead of increasing, 
 they would pj-obably diminish the total amount by impairing the sources 
 from which they would be derived. The effect of augmented taxes 
 beyond national ability was finely exemplified in the case of Ireland. 
 The revenue of Ireland, in 1807, amounted to £4,378,000. Between 
 that year and the conclusion of the war taxes were imposed, which, ac- 
 cording to the calculations of chancellors of the exchequer, were to 
 produce £3,400,000, or to augment the revenue to the extent of 
 £7,700,000. What was the result ? Why, that in the year 1821, when 
 that amount oug-ht to have been paid into the Treasury, the whole 
 revenue of Ireland amounted only to £3,844,000, being £553,000 less 
 than in 1807, previously to one farthing of these additional taxes having 
 been imposed. Take another example of the effect of a seasonable 
 reduction of taxes in the United Kingdom. Between the years 1823 
 and 1827 taxes were repealed to the amount of £9,182,571, but the 
 nettloss sustained by the revenue was only to the amount of £3,308,316 : 
 the enormous difference of £5,874,255 being made up by increased 
 consumption. The W^hig ministry repealed duties to the amount of 
 £4,477,000 in 1831, but the depression in all the great branches of 
 national industry has prevented the loss sustained by the revenue from 
 being supplied by increased consumption in the proportion experienced 
 by their predecessors. 
 
 III. The subjects of every state ought to contribute towards the sup- 
 port of the government as nearly as possible in proportion to their 
 respective abilities ; that is, in proportion to the revenue which they 
 respectively enjoy under the protection of the state. The expense of 
 
 • Principles of Polilirul F.ronomy, 2n(l Fdit. p. 493.
 
 368 GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF TAXATION AND FINANCE. 
 
 government to individuals is like the expense of management to the 
 joint tenants of an estate, Avho are all obliged to contribute in proportion 
 to their respective interests in the estate. In the observance or neglect 
 of this maxim consists what is called the equality or inequality of 
 taxation. 
 
 IV. The tax which every individual is bound to pay ought to be cer- 
 tain and not arbitrary. The time of payment, the manner of payment, 
 the quantity to be paid ought all to be clear and plain to the contributor 
 and to ever)' other person. When it is otherwise, the tax-payer is put 
 more or less in the power of the tax gatherer, who can either aggravate 
 the tax on any obnoxious contributor, or extort, by the terror of such 
 aggravation, some perquisite or advantage to himself. 
 
 The Assessed Taxes, especially the inhabited house duty, and most 
 duties of Excise, contravene this principle. 
 
 V. Every tax ought to be so contrived as both to take out and keep 
 out of the pockets of the people as little as possible, over and above 
 what it brings into the public treasury of the state. A tax may either 
 take out or keep out of the pockets of the people a great deal more than 
 it brings into the public treasury in the four following ways : — First, 
 the levying of it may require a greater number of officers, whose salaries 
 may eat up the greater part of the produce of the tax, and whose per- 
 quisites may impose another additional tax upon the people. Secondly, 
 it may obstruct the industry of the people, and discourage them from 
 applying to certain branches of business Avhich might give maintenance 
 and employment to great multitudes. While it obliges the people to 
 par, it may thus diminish, or perhaps destroy, some of the funds which 
 might enable them more easily to do so. Thirdly, by the forfeitures 
 and penalties which those individuals incur who attempt unsuccessfully 
 to evade the tax, it may frequently ruin them, and thereby put an end 
 to the benefit which the community might have received from the em- 
 plovment of their capitals. Fourthly, by subjecting the people to the 
 frequent visits and odious examination of the tax-gatherers, it may ex- 
 pose them to much unnecessary trouble, vexation, and oppression; and 
 though vexation is not, strictly speaking, expense, it is certainly equi- 
 valent to the expense at which every man would be willing to redeem 
 himself from it. 
 
 Our Excise and Custom Duties, which form the great sources of public 
 income, are mostly a ^-iolation of this principle of Dr. Smith. The two 
 principal objects of our aristocratic legislators have been, first, to tax 
 necessaries, not luxuries ; secondly, to tax industry, not property. 
 Thus they have been cutting away, not at revenue, but the sources of 
 revenue ; they have been reaping the seed, not the ripened fruit, and 
 have finally exemplified the Fable of the Goose Avhich laid golden eggs. 
 Those who recommend a direct tax on property are right ; nothing- less 
 will enable the country to meet its pecuniary difficulties, and get rid oi" 
 the waste and folly of our fiscal administration. 
 
 VI. In time of war taxes may be raised to a greater height than can
 
 ORNERAL PRINCIPLES OP TAXATION AND FINANCE. 369 
 
 bo easily borne in peaceable times ; and the amount of the additional 
 taxes, together with the surplus of the peace establishment, applied for 
 defraying the expense of the war. 
 
 It is not intended to affirm that the power of a nation to bear taxes 
 is increased in consequence of its being engaged in war. The contrary 
 is always the case. Labour, agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, 
 are the sources from which all revenue is derived. Some of them may 
 be ameliorated, but they are depressed on the whole, and do not attain 
 the Holid prospcrihj they would have attained, had not war intervened. 
 Rut the necc'ssitv of the war, real or imaginary, has a powerful influ- 
 ence on the public mind, and reconciles the conununity to submit to 
 privations, which, in peaceable times, would be accounted insuppor- 
 table. The latter is the sense in which the proposition is intended to be 
 understood. 
 
 VII. The expense of modern wars has been generally so great, that 
 the revenue raised within the year has been insufficient to pay it ; hence 
 the necessity of having recourse to the system of funding, or antici- 
 pation. 
 
 Various causes may be assigned for the increased expense of modern 
 wars : the nature of our military weapons ; the entire separation of the 
 character of the soldier from that of the citizen ; the system of colonies 
 and foreign settlements, in consequence of which a contest, that a few 
 centuries ago would have been decided by a battle on the frontiers of 
 the contending nations, now extends the ravages of war to every part 
 of the globe: and, since the imaginary system of the balance of power 
 has prevailed, large sums have been granted by states, like England, 
 more opulent than luise, as subsidies to others, supposed to be interested 
 in the common cause. While these causes have led to great expense, 
 the increase of national wealth has supplied the means, and the Rulers 
 of this nation, in particular, by artfully supporting the illusion of a 
 Sinking Fund, and a well regulated system of transfer of stock, have 
 been able to draw forth a larger proportion of the wealth of the people 
 than any other govei'nment in the Avorld. 
 
 VIII. In every year of war, where the funding system is adopted, 
 the amount of the public debt is increased ; and the total increase of 
 debt, during the war, depends on its duration, and the annual excess 
 of the expenditure above the revenue. 
 
 IX. In cveiy year of peace, the excess of the revenue above the ex- 
 penditure ought to be applied to the discharge of the national debt ; 
 aud the amount discharged during any ])eriod of ])eace depends upon 
 the length of its continuance, and the amount of the annual surj)lus. 
 
 X. If the periods of war, compared with those of peace, and the 
 annual excess of the war expenditure, compared with the annual savings 
 during the peace establishment, be so related, that more debt is con- 
 tracted in every war than is discharged in the succeeding peace, the 
 consequence is a. perpetual increase of debt; and the ultimate conse- 
 quence must be, its amount to a magnitude which the nation is unable 
 to bear. 
 
 2 B
 
 370 GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF TAXATION AND FINANCE. 
 
 XI. The only effectual remedies to this danger are the extension of 
 the relative lengths of the periods of peace ; frugality in peace estab- 
 lishments ; lessening the war expenses ; the increase of taxes, whether 
 permanent or levied during war. 
 
 XII. If the three former of these remedies be impracticable, the last 
 forms the only resource. By increasing the war taxes, the sum required 
 to be raised by loan is lessoned. By increasing the taxes in time of 
 peace, the sum applicable to the discharge of debt is increased. These 
 measures may be followed to such an extent, that the savings, in time 
 of peace, may be brought to an equality with the surplus expenditure 
 in time of war, even on the supposition that the periods of their rela- 
 tive duration shall be the same, for centuries to come, that they have 
 been for a century past. 
 
 The diiBculty, and even impossibility, of a further increase of taxes 
 has been considered. Every new imposition, as the limit to taxation 
 approaches, becomes more oppressive and more unproductive ; and if 
 Government adhere to an expenditure beyond the ability of the country 
 to support, it is impossible to escape national, or more properly (/oierre- 
 ment bankru'ptcy . So long as the practice was followed of defraying 
 almost all the war expenses by loans, and imposing taxes only for the 
 payrnent of interest, the burdens of war were so lightly felt, that the 
 promptness of the Aristocracy to engage in war was scarcely under any 
 restraint. Had the supplies been raised within the year, and most of 
 them by direct taxation, the pressure would have been so great, that 
 it would have probably stimulated the people to restrain their rulers from 
 engaging in hostilities for remote and delusive objects. Justice to pos- 
 terity required this. Every generation has its own struggles and con- 
 tests. Of these and these only it ought to bear the burden ; and the 
 great evil of the Funding System is, that it enables nations to transfer 
 the cost of present follies to succeeding generations. 
 
 XIII. When taxation is carried to such an extent that the supplies 
 adequate to meet a war expenditure are raised within the year, the 
 aflFairs of the nation will go on under the pressure of existing burdens, 
 but without a continual accumulation of debt, which would terminate 
 in bankruptcy. So long as taxation is below this standard, accumula- 
 tion of debt advances ; and it becomes more dilficult to raise taxation 
 to the proper height. If it should ever be carried beyond this standard, 
 a gradual discharge of the existing burdens will be obtained ; and these 
 circumstances will take place in the exact degree in which taxation falls 
 short of or exceeds the standard of average expenditure. 
 
 XIV. The excess of revenue above expenditure is the only real Sink- 
 ing Fund by which public debt can be discharged. The increase of 
 the revenue and the diminution of expense are the only means by which 
 this Sinking Fund can be enlarged, and its operation rendered more 
 efiectual ; and all schemes for discharging the National Debt, by Sink- 
 ing Funds operating by compound interest, or in any other manner, 
 unless so far as they are founded on this principle, are illusory. 
 
 Both these propositions have been sufficiently established in our expo- 
 sition of the Funding System.
 
 EXPENSE OF PULLir oFFicns. 371 
 
 ABUSES IN THE EXPENDITUUE OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 The labours of Mr. Hume and Sir Henry Parnell are an instance 
 of what the ability and perseverance of a few individuals may accomplish. 
 It is not, however, so much the good effected as the evil prevented that 
 entitles them to the gratitude of the country. Under the long- leaden 
 and unprofitable administration of Lord Liverpool, all the great branches 
 of public expenditure had been annually augmenting ; and how far this 
 progression would have extended, had not Mr. Hume, supported by a 
 small phalanx of honest persons, commenced his exposures, it is im- 
 possible to say. His mode of attack could not be parried : though an 
 unofficial man himself, he showed as intimate acquaintance with the 
 details of the public accounts as John Wilson Croker, Peregrine 
 Courtenay, or any other veteran placeman. Even Sir T. Gooch and 
 Lord Wharncliffe were constrained to admit the value of his ser^nces, 
 and the reductions effected in the public departments, prior to the for- 
 mation of Earl Grey's ministry, are chiefly attributable to him and the 
 gentleman wc have mentioned. 
 
 In the course of this section we purpose to bring together some of 
 the more palpable abuses in the government expenditure, and for a 
 knowledge of many of which the public is indebted to a valuable work 
 of Sir Henry Parnell, O71 Financial Reform. We intend to avail our- 
 selves of this gentleman's publication, though we cannot say the member 
 for Queen's County is an object of our exclusive admiration : he is too 
 much of a doctrinaire for us, and appears to repose too implicit con- 
 fidence in the dogmas of the Ricardo school, — the disciples of which 
 know as much about the internal state of the countrj', and the causes 
 and remedies of its embarrassments, as the natives of Kamschatka. 
 But this infirmity of the honourable Baronet does not impair the utility 
 of the facts he has published, nor depreciate the important information 
 collected by the Finance Committee of 1828, over which he so ably 
 presided. 
 
 The following is Sir Henr)' Parncll's list of the several departments 
 entrusted with the business of expending the public money, pureuant to 
 the general appropriation of it by parliament : — 
 
 1. The Treasury, iucluding the Commissariiit Department in 1827,^80,542 
 
 2. The Exchequer 48,000 
 
 3. The Audit-Office in 1828 32,977 
 
 4. The Bank of England, do 207,507 
 
 5. The ('oinmissioners of the Sinking Fund, do 10,350 
 
 6. Tlie Civil Department of the Army, do 1 08,837 
 
 7. Do. of the Navy, do ". 179,047 
 
 8. Do. of the Ordnance (tlie Tower and Pall Mall,) do 57,961 
 
 £779,911 
 
 The expense of the Treasury department was, in 1797, only £44,066; 
 so that it has nearly doubled; although the revenue, the superintending 
 of which constitutes the chief business of the treasury, was as great as 
 
 2 B 2
 
 372 ABUSES OF THE PUBLIC DEPARTMENTS. 
 
 in 1827. Does not this show the profusion with which salaries have 
 been increased, and offices multipHed? There are no fewer than fifteen 
 clerks in the treasury, who receive salaries amounting- to £1000; five 
 of these fifteen receive £1,500 a-year each and upwards. Thuir duties 
 are little more than nominal; they seldom attend their offices hut to 
 look over the newspapers; many of them hold two or more offices and 
 sinecures; yet with all their official appointments, so little are they 
 eng-aged in the public service, that they may be mostly seen driving 
 about town in their stanhopes, and whiling their time in the club-houses. 
 
 The Exchequer. — This is one of the most absurd and lucrative 
 establishments under government. As the chief duty of the exchequer 
 is that of superintendence, in taking care that there are no issues of 
 public money by the Treasury contrary to parliamentary direction, it 
 ought to be discharged by a very few officers, or altog-ether abolished. 
 However, neither economy nor common sense are objects sought to be 
 attained. The forms by which business is carried on are extremely anti- 
 quated and ridiculous, and as remote from modern practice as the con- 
 veyance of merchandize by packhorse and bells is from the cheapness 
 and despatch of a rail-road. Our limits will only admit of a brief 
 description of the constitution of this office, and the mummery and 
 nonsense daily perpetrated there. 
 
 The Exchequer is divided into seven different departments ; the 
 tellers, the pells, the king's remembrancers, the lord treasurer's, the 
 auditor's office, the tally-court, and the pipe-office. The pipe-office 
 alone has seven subsidiary absurdities; among these are the clerk of the 
 nichills, the clei'k of the estreats, and the cursitor baron; besides 
 which, are eight sworn attornies, two board-end clerks, and eight 
 clerks attached to the sworn attornies. From the inquiries of a parlia- 
 mentary corn-mission, it seems these are nearly all sinecurists. Two of 
 the witnesses examined had been in the office, one eight and the other 
 twenty-five years, and they stated, during that time, five out of the 
 eight attornies never came near the office, living' in the country at a 
 considerable distance from London. The duties of their clerks were 
 not more onerous. Three of them were at school long after being 
 appointed to their situations. One of them admitted that, subsequently 
 to his nomination, he was five years at school at Chelsea, two years in 
 a conveyancer's office, and that he now practised as a barrister, and 
 might look into the office once in a mouth. The board-end clerks 
 laboured under similar lack of duties; and as to the clerk of the nichills, 
 the name is sufficient to indicate his heavy and responsible functions. 
 
 One of the duties of the Exchequer is, yearly to send down five great 
 rolls of parchment to the sheriffs, containing accounts of supposed 
 debtors to the crown during the last 300 years. The sherift" is bound 
 to summon a jurj-, in order to ascertain what money is due to the crown 
 on the roll. The sending of the roll down and up again, occasions 
 considerable expense, and is as useless a task as the labours of Sisyphus. 
 The farcical ceremony of piissing the sherifls' accounts is of a piece with 
 the rest, and resembles a game on the draught-board. Under the pre-
 
 THE GREAT EXCHEQUER JOB. 373 
 
 tence of testing- the account, the practice is to throw, in the presence 
 of the cursitor baron, small copper coins behind a hat, from one little 
 square of the cloth on the table to another; ^vhen the sheriffs' accounts 
 are correct, a person cries out " tot ;" when inaccurate, another person 
 cries " nel;' and according as these words are uttered, the copper 
 coins are shifted from one part of the chequers to another. All these 
 antics were, probably, of use prior to the invention of arithmetic and 
 book-keeping, but are now as irrelevant as the idle pag-eant of a coro- 
 nation or lord mayor's show. 
 
 The manner in which the public money is paid in to the tellers is a 
 similar burlesque on real life. There are four tellers, and each has a 
 little pew or cabin, in which he or his deputy sits, with a suitable com- 
 plement of clerks, for the purpose of receiving the produce of the taxes 
 nominally paid to him, but in reality to the clerks of the Bank of Eng- 
 land, three of whom attend in an adjoining room to receive the money 
 paid out of the Bank to be paid into the Bank again. The tellers, 
 under the mockery of receiving the stamp, excise, and other duties, 
 sign a parchment, written in a mixture of Latin or Saxon, or other 
 jargon, which is as unintelligible to any one but a teller as the unknown 
 tongues of Mr. Irving. They next pass a roll through a pipe into a room 
 below, and there it is cut into a particular shape, and carried to the 
 auditors of the Exchequer. A wooden tally was formerly used, which, 
 within the last two years, has been exchanged for one of parchment. 
 But the inconvenience and absurdity of the formality is so great, that 
 Exchequer payments have been lately abolished, and they are now 
 managed by clerks of the Treasury. 
 
 From Madox's History of the Court of Exchequer, it appears, 
 scarcely any alteration has been made in this department since the reign 
 of Henry II. The rea?on is obvious enough. There are vested rights, 
 claims of seniority, and reversionary interests in the v.ay; and no reform 
 can be introduced till all these expectancies are satisfied, and it has been 
 the policy hitherto to take special care such expectancies never shall be 
 satisfied, by promptly filling up every vacant appointment the moment 
 it occurs. The most valuable" sinecures in the Exchequer are held by 
 peers and their relatives, and the emolument, fees, and patronage are 
 so great, that it can hardly excite surprise the carnival doings we have 
 described have been so carefully preserved. 
 
 For the gratification of tax payers we subjoin a statement of the 
 sums annually swamped in the " great Exchequer job." 
 
 Auditor's Office £ s. d. 
 
 Salaries , 13,004 9 2\ 
 
 Continj^encies unknown from the want of documents, in an office 
 profcs^insc to check all the other departments of the state. 
 
 Fells'" Office. Salaries f7,00f. 910 
 
 ("outingencies 70 15 U 
 
 7.G77 5 I 
 
 Ciuricd forward.... fiOGS I 14 3^
 
 374 THE AUDIT OFIICi:. 
 
 Brought forward £20,«S1 14 3^ 
 
 Tellers' Olfices. 
 
 Marquis Camden's Salaries 5,700 
 
 Contingencies 312 2 11 
 
 0,012 2 II 
 
 Earl Bathurst's Salaries 5,800 
 
 Rt. Hon. Charles Vorke's Salaries 5,768 5 4 
 
 Spencer Percival, Esq. 's Salaries 5,390 14 
 
 ■ Four Money Porters 1,020 4 
 
 Contingencies of the four departments, exclusive of station- 
 ery, the expense of which is unknown ^^^ ^ ^ 
 
 £44,792 4 9^ 
 
 Of this sum about one-fourth is paid for sinecures, so complete, 
 that in the words of the return, " the Teller is empowered by his patent 
 to appoint a deputy, who transacts all the business of the office. The 
 Teller himself does not, nor has it been usual for him, to e.xecute any 
 part of it whatsoever." 
 
 The Auditor is virtually a sinecure; the money porters, who perform 
 the heavy drudgery of carrying slips of paper and parchment, are paid 
 indifferently well; and there are five heads of offices who have deputies 
 to act for them " in the general superintendence of the office during 
 any occasional absence." 
 
 The following gives an account of the salaries received for " respon- 
 sibility," and of those paid for work. 
 
 £ s. rf. 
 
 Total expense in salaries 41,290 2 A\ 
 
 Four Tellers at £2,700 per annum £10,800 
 
 OneAuditor 4,000 
 
 Five Heads of Departments 5,400 
 
 Four Money Porters £1,020 4 
 
 Deduct as wages 320 4 
 
 700 
 
 C for Sinecures or " Responsibility" 20,900 
 
 Salaries? 
 
 <forWork 23,396 2 4^ 
 
 The Commissioners of 1831 recommend that the whole of the present 
 machineiy should be entirely swept away, and suggest the erection of 
 a new office upon a new system — but then, agreeably with the established 
 routine in such cases, the public will have to provide double — salaries 
 for the new, and pensions and compensations for the old officials ! 
 
 The Audit Office. — This is as snug and delightful a retreat as any 
 in the public departments. Were a proper system adopted in keeping 
 the public accounts, this office might be dispensed with. In 1806, an 
 attempt was made to improve the audit department, and the way this 
 was set about is a very apt specimen of the mode of reforming govern- 
 ment abuses in those days. A chairman of the Board was created,
 
 ARMY DEPARTMENT — ARMY AGENTS, 6vC. 375 
 
 salary £l ,500 ; four new members, each £1 ,200 ; a secretary, a foreigner, 
 £1,000; six inspectors, each £600; and eight additional examiners; with 
 numerous other appointments, Avhich increased the expense from about 
 £14,000 to £38,000; and after all the establishment was made less 
 efiicient than under the old and less expensive system. 
 
 Civil Department of the Army. — The office of paj'master of the 
 forces is a sinecure. The business is performed by a deputy and three 
 cashiers. As each of these persons has a power of drawing- money out 
 of the Bank of England on his own order, the effect of the office being 
 a sinecure is to diminish considerably the security of the public* It is 
 also attended with this further inconvenience, that it multiplies the num- 
 ber of imprest accountants, and thus augments the difficulty of establish- 
 ing a proper system of keeping the public accounts. 
 
 The account called Ariny Extraordinaries is liable to great abuse 
 and mystification. Under this head, pavnients are made which have 
 nothing to do with the army ; the sums voted by parliament seldom ex- 
 ceed £900, while the sum expended commonly amounts to three mil- 
 lions. This scheme serves to conceal from the public a great deal of 
 wasteful and illegal expenditure ; for instance, the sum paid at home to 
 colonial agents, and the sum drawn from abroad for colonial expenses, 
 although they are wholly for civil colonial purposes, are paid as army 
 extraordinaries, and without any previous vote of parliament ; which is 
 thus, according to the testimony of Sir H. Parnell, mislead by the annual 
 production of an account with " a perfectly false title." 
 
 The employing of Commissioners of Accounts abroad was suggested 
 in consequence of the great accumulation of accounts during the war ; 
 but, since the conclusion of it, the motives which originated the plan 
 have gradually ceased to have any force, and therefore the public ought 
 to be saved the expense of such useless functionaries. AVborc too is the 
 necessity for incurring the expense of having army agents ? The ac- 
 counts of the paymasters of regiments are examined at the War-office, 
 and not by the agents ; and all the agents do for the public is to re- 
 ceive money from the paymasters of the forces, and to pay with it the 
 drafts of the regimental paymasters: the other duties are private, and 
 for the benefit of officers of the army. 
 
 Royal Military Academy, Woohvich. — This establishment might 
 be appropriated to much better purposes than the nursing of some dozen 
 or so artillery' and engineer officers. Long after the peace the Academy 
 was maintained at an annual expense of £20,000 and upwards ; the 
 average cost to the public of the cadets admitted to commissions in 
 the army, in 1820, was £920 each. The charge for civil officers, pro- 
 fessors and masters, for the year ending in 1831, was £3402. Even 
 this is too much ; especially as the knowledge taught at the Academy 
 is quite elementary, and might just as well be learnt at any private mili- 
 
 Sir H. rariull on Financial Rrfonn, \t. III.
 
 376 NAVY AND l)OCK-YAlU)S— PAYMASTER OF MARINES. 
 
 tary school. If instruction were made to begin at the Academy just 
 where it stops at present, that is, when the cadets are seventeen or 
 eighteen years old, then there niiglit be some reason in keepinf? it up; 
 because the instruction aiibrdcd to officers might be of sncli a description 
 m the higher branches of military art, as could not be attained else- 
 where. 
 
 Department of the Navy and Dock Yards. — The first lord com- 
 missioner of the admiralty has a salary of £4, .500, with an official resi- 
 dence, and four other commissioners £1,000 a-year with an official resi- 
 dence each; the first secretary £3,000, the second do 1,500; the 
 comptroller of the navy has £2,000, with a residence, the deputy-comp- 
 troller of ditto, £1,200; besides which, are an immense number of com- 
 missioners of the navy, and commissioners of the dock yards with sala- 
 ries of £1,000 each. A most objectionable office kept up by the Tories 
 was the treasurership of the navy — a mere sinecure ; it has been conso- 
 lidated by the Whigs with the vice-presidentship of the Board of Trade. 
 
 The expenditure in the Royal Dock-yards and arsenals is most lavish 
 in storekeepers, clerks, chaplains, surgeons, measurers, master-atten- 
 dant, master-shipwright and others, many of whom are apparently kept 
 up for mutual superintendence, and forming a gradation of office and 
 multiplication of expense wholly unnecessary. Not a single trade is 
 carried on without a master; there is a master-smith, bricklayer, sail- 
 maker, rigger, rope-maker, painter, and others ; they have each £250 
 a-year, and many of them have not above four or five men under their 
 superintendence. How differently private and public business is con- 
 ducted, was strikingly shown in the evidence of Mr. Barrow. There is 
 a private builder who employs 250 shipwrights : he has one foreman, 
 one measurer, two clerks, and ten labourers. In Woolwich yard, which 
 comes the nearest to it, there are 248 shipwrights, eighteen clerks, six 
 masters' of trades, eight foremen, eight measurers, eleven cabin-keepers ; 
 besides surgeons, boatswaift, wardens, and other people. The whole esta- 
 blishment of the officers, clerks, and other salaried persons at the dock- 
 yard, amcmntsto £155,000, and the amount of wages paid for work done 
 by artificers and labourers, &c. is £502,000. It thus appears that for 
 every three pounds and a quarter paid to the men, there is a pound paid 
 for superintendence. 
 
 The Paymaster of the Marines has a salary of £1,000, for the dis- 
 charge of duties which might be very well annexed to the Navy-office. 
 '• As to the reasons," says Sir H. Parnell, " that are given to the con- 
 trary, they are so plainly nothing more than ingenious pretexts for main- 
 taining a lucrative office, that it would be a waste of time to notice 
 them." 
 
 The naval accounts, as indeed all the accounts of the public offices, 
 are kept on a confused and most inconvenient principle, from the 
 want of a well-arranged plan of book-keeping. Each description of 
 expenditure has its distinct set of books, making* thirty-throe in all, 
 and tending greatly to the increase of expense by the multiplication of 
 clerks. At present the payment of officers and seamen's wages is made
 
 PEACE ESTABLISHMENTS — SETTLEMENT OF EUROPE. 377 
 
 in the presence of four clerks, in order to have three clerks checking 
 the accuracy of every sum paid hy the fourth. As these clerks are 
 selected from different branches, and as each keeps a book, so many 
 books are kept in triplicate, that they amount, in the whole, to 1580 
 supernumerary volumes. 
 
 Increase in Peace Establishments. — The followinp: comparison of 
 the peace establishments of 1792 and of 1831 is very instructive. 
 
 Year 1792. Irarl831, 
 
 Army ±'2,:$30,349 £ (J,9ai,lG3 
 
 Navy 1 ,<)8.5,4S2 r,;Mn),cor, 
 
 Ordnance 4U,«(i:J l,(ii:i,908 
 
 Total cluir>?e £4,7()0,G91 £I:{,014,G7G* 
 
 If. thus appears the peace establishment of 1831 exceeds that of 
 1792 nearly threefold, and that, since 1815, upwards of 250 millions 
 have been exjxinded on soldiers, sailors, ships, and artillery ; although 
 ue have been all the lime in a state of general tranquillity. The only 
 ground on which it is attempted to justify the expenditure, so enormous- 
 ly great in comparison with that of any former peace establishment, is 
 the expediency of being; at all times -prepared for war. So that after 
 expending- upwards of eleven hundred millions in the purchase of a 
 secure and lasting peace ; after sacrificing millions in fortifying- Belgium 
 against French ag-gression ; after erecting- s])lcn(lid and costly monuments 
 to commemorate the glorious triumphs of Waterloo : after all these 
 efforts, glories, and sacrifices, we cannot yet sit down in safety, 
 without bristling- on all sides with cannons and bayonets. Is this, we 
 ask, any proof of progression in human affairs? Is this the boasted 
 " settlement of Europe ?" Are these the blessings of legitimate and 
 constitutional monarchies ? Are nations, in their relations to each other, 
 always to exemplify the condition of man in a state of nature, with 
 couched lance, watchful eye, and trembling heart, fearing to be the 
 victim of beasts of prey or of the tomahawk and scalping-knife of his 
 not less savage fellow-creature ? If these are all the guarantees of 
 social happiness Avhich aristocratic governments can give, we say, — 
 Away with them ! let us try new men, new principles, and new insti- 
 tutions ! 
 
 A principal cause of the vast increa.=;e in the military expenditure of 
 the country is the number and est;iblishments of the army. From the 
 inquiries of the Finance Committee, it appears that, in 1792, the 
 number of all ranks in the army was 57,251 ; and that, according to 
 the statement of Sir H. Parnell, they were distributed as follows : — 
 
 * Annual Finance Accounts, p. 21. Sess. IbJl.
 
 378 
 
 EXPENSE OF THE IIOUSEIIOLU TUOOPS. 
 
 Officers and Men 
 
 Great Britain „.. 17,007 
 
 Ireland 1 1 ,901 
 
 East Indies 10,700 
 
 Canada, Nova Scotia, and liermuda 6,061 
 
 Gibraltar 4,221 
 
 West- India Islands 6,880 
 
 New South Wales 475 
 
 57,251 
 
 In 1828, the number of all ranks was 116,738 ; the distribution'was 
 as follows : — 
 
 Great Britain 29,610 
 
 Ireland 23,969 
 
 Colonies 37,037 
 
 East Indies 26.116 
 
 116,738 
 
 The chief part of the increase is accounted for as under : — 
 
 Increase in the New Colonies 17,112 
 
 Increase in the Old Colonies 849 
 
 Increase in Great Britain 9,094 
 
 Increase in Ireland 1 0,363 
 
 Increase in the East Indies 14,287 
 
 51,705 
 
 Allowing that the extent of our foreign possessions has rendered 
 necessary an increase in the army, this does not apply to the household 
 troops, as they are never sent abroad in time of peace. Yet it is in this 
 branch of the service, and in dragoons, that there has been the greatest 
 augmentation. The following statement shows the increase of life and 
 foot guards and cavalry at the two periods : — 
 
 
 RANK and FILE. 
 
 Officers and Non- 
 commissioned 
 Officers in 1830. 
 
 Total of Men 
 
 and Officers in 
 
 IS30. 
 
 Increase in Rank 
 
 
 1792. 
 
 1830. 
 
 and File in 
 1S30. 
 
 Life Guards .... 
 Horse Guards . . 
 Dragoon Guards . 
 
 Dragoons 
 
 Foot Guards .. .. 
 
 411 
 261 
 696 
 
 2,080 
 3,126 
 
 688 
 
 344 
 
 2,L68 \ 
 
 5,152 *, 
 
 5,760 
 
 187 
 86 
 
 1,506 
 
 848 
 
 875 
 430 
 
 9,326 
 
 6,608 
 
 277 
 
 83 
 
 0,972 
 
 2 3,072 
 
 2,634 
 
 Total Number . . 
 
 0,574 
 
 14,212 
 
 2,627 
 
 17,239 
 
 8,038 
 
 These are the most expensive classes in the army, and chiefly kept 
 for domestic use. The sums saved by the reduction of the cavalry
 
 EXCESS OF NAVAL EXPENDITURE — COLONIES. 379 
 
 force would be very considerable, since the expenses of every horseman 
 are nearly as great as those of the junior clerks in the public offices, 
 some of whom have been so unsparingly reduced that their superiors might 
 enjo)'^, undiminished, their overgrown emoluments. The expense of a 
 dragoon and horse, exclusive of forage, &c. is £57 a year, and of a life 
 and horse guardsman £75 a year ; whilst the charge for infantry of the 
 line is only £31 per man. 
 
 The guards are chiefly intended for the maintenance of the peace 
 in the metropolis, for the protection of the Bank, the Tower, and 
 roval palaces. But there can be less need of this expensive corps now 
 we have a military police, for the security of property and persons, and 
 ready to aid the established authorities in case of civil commotion. Surely 
 4000 constables, trained, organised, and barracked, and under the 
 entire control of Ministers, might enable them to dispense with at least 
 one regiment of the household force. 
 
 Many millions have been unnecessarily ex])ended, since the Peace, 
 on our maritime establishments. In 1830, 30,000 seamen were 
 voted, and £1,657,601 to defray the charges of their wages and 
 victuals. With the exception of Russia and the United States, the 
 naval force of every other power is less than at the breaking out of 
 the war in 1793. Neither Spain nor Holland has any navy of conse- 
 quence ; and France, which at the commencement of the Revolution 
 had eighty efficient ships of the line, has now not more than forty. 
 What occasion, then, can there be for Great Britain to expend annually 
 £1,300,000 on her dock-yards, and incur a naval expenditure, 
 altogether, of more than five millions ? 
 
 Expenditure of the Colonies. — These are a tremendous burthen on 
 the resources of the mother country, chiefly to provide governorships, 
 secretary.ships, registrarships, agencies, and sinecures for the Aristo- 
 cracy and their connexions. No parliamentary document shews what 
 the whole expense is that is paid by English taxes on account of the 
 colonies. It is generally estimated that from two to three millions are 
 paid for the army, navy, and various civil charges ; but in addition to 
 this the public pay full two millions more for sugar and timber than 
 they ought to pay, in consequence of the increased prices occasioned by 
 the protection given to the colonists by the higher duties imposed on 
 these articles when imported from foreign countries.* 
 
 There are only three ways that the Colonics can be of any advantage. 
 1. In furnishing a military force; 2. In supplying the parent state 
 with a revenue ; 3. In atTording commercial advantages. 
 
 Instead of furnishing a military force, the colonies are always a 
 great drain upon our military resources, particularly in war, when 
 thoy occupy a large portion of the army and fleet in their dci'once. 
 With respect to revenue, it has been declared, by the act of the 18 
 Geo. III. that no taxes or duties shall be levied on the colonies, except 
 
 * Sir Henry ParncU on Finatitial Ucfomi, p. 234.
 
 380 LOSSES BY TERRITORIAL ACQUISITIONS. 
 
 for their use. As to commercial advantages, if the colonial trade 
 were quite free, our commercial relations with the colonies would re- 
 semble the intercourse between ourselves and independent countries ; 
 and, with our unrivalled superiority in capital, manufactures, machinery, 
 and skill, what have we to fear from unrestricted competition ? What 
 have we lost by the independence of the United States ? Nothing : the 
 nobility have lost provincial governorships ; but the population of both 
 countries has been enriched and benefited by the vast augmentation in 
 their mercantile intercourse. 
 
 The rage for colonies has been one of the great big blunders of our 
 national policy, originating in the vain glory of conquest and aristo- 
 cratic cupidity. England has neither conferred nor "derived social 
 ha])pincss from territorial acquisitions. We may have imparted strength 
 to others, but have I'eceived in return only the disease of monopolies 
 and vast individual accumulations. How, indeed, could the results have 
 been more favorable ? A great nation, possessing within herself the 
 resources of wealth and civilization, what advantage can she derive 
 from exhausting her enei'gies in rearing to maturity and fostering' 
 ingratitude in the unfledged offspring of future empires? Between 
 old and infant communities there is not reciprocity of interest ; the 
 latter participate in the benefits of the experience, laws, institutions, 
 warlike power, and riches of the former without yielding counteiTailing 
 advantages : it is strength allying itself to weakness — the full-grown 
 oak bending to the palsying embrace of the creeping ivy. 
 
 So convinced are we of the fatuity of our conduct in this respect, 
 that we are sometimes inclined to think that we should have been a 
 happier community had our sway never extended over the border. 
 Scotland has benefited by the Union : her soil has been fertilised by 
 our capital, and her greedy sons have enriched themselves by sinecures 
 and pensions, the produce of English taxes; but Avhat has England 
 gained from the connexion ? The generous and intellectual character 
 of her Saxon race has not been improved by amalgamation Avith Scotch 
 metaphysics, thrift, and servility. Again, what benefits have we 
 derived from the conquest of Ireland ? Her uncultivated wastes, too, 
 w'ill be made fruitful by English money, unless the connexion be 
 prematurely severed : but what boon in return can she confer on 
 England ? Her miserable children have poured out their blood in our 
 wars of despotism ; our rich Aristocracy have been made richer by the 
 rental of her soil ; and the aggregate power of the empire has been 
 augmented : but we seek in vain for the benefits communicated to the 
 mass of the English population. Certainly we do not recognise them 
 in the degraded situation of the " men of Kent," depressed by compe- 
 tition Avith the Hibernian peasantry ; neither have the moral habits of 
 our rural and manufacturing population been bettered by commingling 
 with the Avretched and half-civilized emigrants from Munster and 
 Connaught. 
 
 But these, at best, are only unprofitable lamentations ; it is vain to 
 re])ine at remediless evils ; the union of England, Scotland, and Ire-
 
 COLONIES FOR THE ARISTOCRACY. 
 
 38] 
 
 land, is, wc presume, indissoluble : we are married, as the saying is, 
 for better and worse, and we must make the best of an unprofitable 
 alliance. 
 
 The cliief advantage to be derived from colonies is in rendering' them 
 a desirable refuge to a redundant population. But the Aristocracy 
 decline making: them subservient to the purposes of an extensive plan of 
 emigration, because of the expense ; it would be a sacrifice not for the 
 benefit of themselves, but of the industrious orders, and this they 
 bogiudgc ; they prefer subduing the clamours of a starving people by 
 special commissions and improved inan-trnps rather than by providing 
 the means by which the unemployed labourer and artisan may transpoit 
 hie superfluous industry to the baidts of tlie St. Lawrence and the shores 
 of Australia. 
 
 Although the Oligarchs are so parsimonious when the welfare of the 
 people is concerned, they are reckless enough about expense when it 
 ministers only indirectly to their own gratification and ambition. It 
 appears, from the inquiries of the Finance-Committee, that the collective 
 expenditure of five of our colonies has exceeded, on an account of ten 
 and more years, the colonial revenues applicable to the discharg-e of it, 
 so as to have constituted a deficiency of £2,524,000, and that this 
 deficiency was paid by the Treasury, although the surplus expenditure 
 had been incurred without previous communication with ministers ; nor 
 does it appear ministers had any previous knowledge either of the amount 
 of the colonial revenues or the charges upon them. Can any thing- 
 more strikingly show the careless and lavish system on which the 
 affairs of the nation have been conducted ? We subjoin an abstract of 
 the returns to parliament of the colonies to Avhich we have alluded. It will 
 be scon that the surplus revenue of the crown colonies above the civil ex- 
 penditure amounted to £1,453,842, and this was all which remained 
 a])plicable to a military expenditure of £3,733,939, leaving- £2,280,097 
 to bo paid out of the assessed ta.xes, the excise, and custom-duties of 
 the people of England. 
 
 Statemciit of the Revenue and Expenditure of Five Croivn Colonics 
 referred to in Mr. Herriess Letter to Mr. Wilmot Norton, of the 
 24th March, 1827.— Pari. Paper, No. 352, Sess. 1830. 
 
 Colonics. 
 
 Ceylon 
 
 Mauritius 
 
 Cape of Good Ilo}; 
 
 Malta 
 
 Trinidad 
 
 Years. 
 
 13 
 12 
 11 
 10 
 
 Reveaue. 
 
 Civil 
 Expenditure. 
 
 4,384,407 
 1,723,114 
 1,333,441 
 2,378,114 
 405,513 
 
 10,224,589 
 
 3,097,571 
 1,829,508 
 1,062,670 
 2,384.197 
 396,711 
 
 8,770,747 
 
 Military 
 Expeuditure. 
 
 2,570,107 
 
 795,575 
 
 277,015 
 
 88,994 
 
 2,248 
 
 3,733,939
 
 382 SLAVE-TRADE— THE FACTORY SYSTEM. 
 
 Of these colonies, three of them — Ceylon, Mauritius, and the Cape of 
 Good Hope — are chiefly of use to the East- India Company, who ought 
 to defray the chai'ges of their military protection. Many other of our 
 colonies are equally valueless as objects of national utihty. Of what 
 use is the retention of the Ionian Islands, with Malta and Gibraltar in 
 our hands ? The settlements at Sierra Leone and on the west coast of 
 Africa ought to be abandoned, having- entirely failed in the attainment 
 of the object intended. No reason can be shown why Canada, Nova- 
 Scotia, and other possessions on the continent of America, would not 
 be as available to British enterprise, if they were made independent 
 states. Neither our manufactures, commerce, nor shipping would be 
 injured by such a measure. On the other hand, what has the nation 
 lost by Canada? According to Sir H. Parnell, fifty or sixty millions 
 have been already expended ; the annual sum payable out of English 
 taxes is full £600,000 a-year ; and there has been a plan in progress 
 for two or three years to fortify Canada, at an estimated cost of three 
 millions. Either the Boroughmongers or the people must have been 
 absolutely mad to tolerate for so many years such useless waste of public 
 resources. 
 
 The Slave-Trade. — On this subject Sir H. Parnell says, — •* The 
 great sum of £5,700,000 has already been expended in carrying into 
 effect the measures of g-overnment for co-operating with other countries 
 in putting" down the slave-trade, and the annual current expenses 
 amount to nearly £400,000. But the attempt appears to have altoge- 
 ther failed. The governments of France, Spain, and Portugal, accord- 
 ing to the Parliamentary Papers, make no efforts whatever to enforce 
 the laws for putting down the traffic ; and the persons in authority in 
 Cuba and Brazil not only neglect to execute the laws, but in some 
 cases have been engaged in it themselves. So that our treaties and 
 laws, where such parties are concerned, are so much waste paper, and 
 spending money to try to give effect to them is perfect folly. The African 
 Institution say, in their twentieth report, ' The slave-trade has increased 
 during the last year ; and, notwithstanding the number of prizes taken, 
 it continues to rage with unabated fury.' Surely here are sufficient 
 reasons for saving £400,000 a-year, now expended to so little pur- 
 pose." — Financial Reform, pp. 231, 232. Human suffering is equally 
 painful to bear, whether inflicted on this or the other side of the globe, 
 on black or white men, and we should be sorry, even for the sake of 
 economy, that any measures should be adopted tending to revive the 
 hellish traffic in Negroes. But, after all, we ought to look at ho7ne. 
 The horrors of the ' middle passage ' did not transcend those of the 
 infernal factory system: in the former adults were the chief victims 
 sacrificed to the Moloch of wealth ; in the latter it is helpless infancy. 
 If one remonstrate with any of the Crcesuses of the North on the 
 cruelty of exacting such long and severe hours of labour from children 
 and apprentices, their only defence is, — " If we did not do it, others 
 would — we should be undersold in the market." So with them it is a 
 mere question of political economy — of profit and accumulation of capi-
 
 IRELAND — VICE-PtEGAL GOVERNMENT. 383 
 
 tal — not of humanity. But we shall take leave to tell these lords of the 
 loom that they have another alternative ; they might be content with 
 amassing- something less, as a passport into the aristocratic circle, than 
 a million or a million and a half of money hy mutilating, misshaping, 
 and abridging the lives of God's creatures : but this they Avill not do ; 
 they will persist in realizing their cent, per cent., and rather than forego 
 it will have their ' pound of flesh,' — they will see orphans' eye-balls start 
 from their sockets, and their tendons crack, through unwholesome long- 
 protracted toil — and this too in a country where society is hourly threat- 
 ened with dissolution — where internal peace and the security of property 
 are endangered by the multitude of unemployed artizans ! 
 
 Expense of Civil Government. — The expense of conducting the civil 
 government of the country, including the king, the three secretaries of 
 state, lord-lieutenant of Ireland, the Mint, and judicial establishments, 
 is about £2,000,000. The progressive increase of expense, in some 
 departments, is as follows : — 
 
 Year 17O6. Year I8Q9. 
 
 Home Department •• £14,423 £31,916 
 
 Foreign Department 34,495 65,68 1 
 
 Colonial Department 9,111 39,824 
 
 £58,019 £137,221 
 
 Thus, it appears, the charge of these three departments has more 
 than doubled since 1796 — a period of hostilities. 
 
 Lord-Lieutenatit of Ireland. — The vice-regal government of Ireland 
 costs the country £100,000 per annum. This is extravagant, as it is 
 well known that Irish affairs are chiefly managed at Whitehall. The 
 keeping up this mimic sovereign tends to keep up those symbols of se- 
 paration and hostility which a more rational policy would endeavour to 
 obliterate. For any other purpose, in the present state of intercourse, 
 we might as well have, once more, a lord-president at York — a king in 
 Edinburgh — or a separate court for the marches of Wales, at Ludlow, 
 or Monmouth. What then can be urged to justify the lord-lieutenancy ? 
 It has been alleged indeed by Irish secretaries, who receive £4000 a-year, 
 that it is beneficial to the tradesmen of Dublin, among whom the money 
 granted for the vice-regal establishment is expended. So then the com- 
 munity must be robbed of £100,000, that the Dublin shopkeepers may 
 profit the odd farthings. This is the favourite round of arguing by cor- 
 ruptionists ; they always deem it a sufficient justification for piUaging 
 the people, if a portion of the spoil be returned to them in the way of 
 alms or Christmas doles. By acting on this principle, the pride and 
 interests of aristocratical government are both favoured ; and the people, 
 injured by its rapacity, are insulted by its compassion. But in this \vay 
 the influence of the lord -lieutenant's salary is, as regards the prosperity 
 of a great city, contemptible : his whole salary, if spent in Dublin, is not 
 equal to half the receipts of one of the ten thousand gin-shops in London.
 
 384 ARSUUniTIES and F.XPENSE or COItONATIONS. 
 
 If, however, the effect was greater, the process is dishonest. If the 
 lord-lieutenancy is necessary as an instrument of f>overnment — which 
 has never heen satisfactorily proved — it ought to he retained; if not, 
 there is no carthlj^ reason why the shopkeepers of Duhlin should he 
 supported by taxing- the shopkeepers of the other towns of the empire. 
 The viceroyship is a precious jewel in the eyes of the Aristocracy, and 
 that it will not willingly l)e abandoned, we believe ; but where pretexts 
 are seen through easily, it is, perhaps, prudent to abstain from them. 
 The man who merely robs you, does not offend you so much as the man 
 who both robs you and insults your understanding by an awkward 
 attempt at deceiving you. 
 
 Expmses of a Coronation. — The ministers of George IV. asked 
 Parliament for a grant of only £100,000, to defray the expenses of his 
 coronation; but the ceremony turned out something like palace-building, 
 the actual cost greatly exceeding the estimate, amounting" to £238,000.* 
 The jewels of the crown were valued at £65,000, and 10 per cent, in- 
 terest was paid to Rundell and Bridge for the loan of them. Either for 
 the gratification of the monarch or his courtiers, the crown was kept 
 four years, at an annual charge to the public of £6500 ; and it was only 
 in consequence of a seasonable motion of Mr. Hume the royal bauble 
 was at last divested of its borrowed plumage. 
 
 Upon the coronation of William IV. the Whigs certainly curtailed 
 materially both the folly and expense of the feudal pageant, to the no 
 small mortification of the antiquated admirei-s of chivalry. Punch, and 
 Bartholomew fair. But it is time the oiling and kissing and other 
 tom-foolery, perpetrated in the Abbey by the right reverend bishops, 
 were omitted, and the whole reduced to a simple and economical process 
 of inauguration. The king, the magistrates, and public officers take 
 tlie needful oaths on the accession, and a coronation confirms nothing ; 
 it affords no stronger guarantee either on the part of the king' 
 or the people ; it is an unmeaning ceremony, fit only to be ex- 
 hibited among slaves, or a priest-ridden rabble, by an Eastern despot. 
 It is something still more objectionable. Formerly it might be of use, 
 when it was really what it professed to be — a solemn compact between 
 the king and his lieges ; but it has since degenerated into a mere mockery 
 of sacred things, of religious rites, vows, and pledges. 
 
 Kingly governments are sinking fast in general estimation, and it is 
 bad policy to depieciate monarchy lower by obtruding it in its most 
 absurd and revolting forms. Instead cf expending a large sum on a 
 senseless spectacle, we would beg in lieu to suggest that the com- 
 mencement of every new reign be commemorated by the building of a 
 bridge, the construction of a rail-road, the completion of a Thames- 
 tunnel, the foundation of an university, or any other undertaking of 
 national utility. 
 
 * Hansard's Parliamentary Debates, New Series, vol. ix. p. 1107.
 
 FRAUDS IN THE SOAP DUTIES. 385 
 
 WORKINGS OF TAXATION. 
 
 An important circumstance has been remarked by sir H. Parnell 
 connected with the pressure of taxation, namely, the effect of monopoHes 
 and protections in raising the prices of commodities which are the sub- 
 jects of them. These monopolies and protections impose, by increased 
 prices, burdens on the public Avhich neither fill the exchequer, nor for- 
 ward any purpose of national utility, but support favoured trades. If 
 the effect of the corn laws is, at least, to raise the price of corn five 
 shillings a quarter, this advance on the annual quantity consumed, 
 taken at .50,000,000 quarters, creates a charge on the public of 
 £12,500,000 a year. If the protecting duties on East India and 
 foreign sugars advance the price of sugar only one penny a pound, this 
 advance on the quantity annually consumed, namely 380,000,000 
 pounds, is, on the public, £1,500,000 a year. If the East India 
 Company's monopoly makes the price of tea (exclusive of duty) double 
 what it is at New York and Hamburgh, as is the case, it imposes a 
 tax of at least £2,000,000 a year in the form of increased price ; and 
 the monopoly of the timber trade, enjoyed by the shipowners and 
 Canada merchants, costs the public at least £1,000,000 a year: so 
 that by these monopolies and protections 17 millions a year are taken 
 from the pockets of the people, just as if corn, sugar, tea, and timber 
 were taxed to that amount, and the produce paid into the Treasury. 
 
 Relief to the country is not so much to be expected from a reduction 
 in the amount of taxation as the adjustment of its pressure. The taxes 
 which have been repealed are considerable, and further reductions, with 
 the present scale of expenditure, might render loans necessary to supply 
 the deficiency. The people, however, may be greatly benefited by a 
 commutation of taxes, and by imposing those essential to the expendi- 
 ture of government on the classes and interests best able to support 
 them. We shall in this section shortly notice a few of the taxes which 
 require either to be repealed or modified. 
 
 To begin with Soap, which, as the cholera spasmodica has 
 reached our shores, is rendered more than ever essential to health and 
 cleanliness. On hard soap (the revenue on soft soap is next to nothing) 
 the duty is three pence per pound, or 110 to 130 per cent., in some 
 cases more. The duty is too high, and the regulations for collecting it 
 lead to frauds of the grossest description. There is no duty in Irclnnd, 
 and it is notorious that a large quantity of soap is smuggled back again 
 from that country into England. There is no fixed ride for the collec- 
 tion of the tax : there are no less than seven different modes of levving it: 
 in London there is one way, in Liverpool another, in Hull a third, and 
 so on. This is meant to avoid fraud, and the result is to invite it, and, 
 of course, to harass the fair trader. Mr. Thomson mentioned two 
 Liverpool houses (House of Commons, March 26, 1830) which con- 
 trived to carry on an extensive business with government capital, by a 
 dexterous management of the drawback allowed on the exportation of 
 .soap to Ireland. 
 
 2 c
 
 386 HEMP, SILK, MALT, GLASS, PAl'EU AND PAMPHLET DUTIES. 
 
 The duty of £4 : 10 per ton on Hemp is injudicious; for it is a tax 
 on a raw material not produced at home, and of the first necessity for 
 shipping and domestic uses. But while we tax the article in its raw 
 state, we admit it in a manufactured form for the use of the marine, if 
 purchased and manufactured abroad : thus giving a premium to the 
 foreign manufactuier and discouraging our own. The timber duties are 
 liable to similar objections, but the subject has been so frequently before 
 the public we shall pass on to the Silk Duties, which, as justly re- 
 marked, are a fine specimen of fiscal absurdity. 
 
 First, there is a duty on manufactured silk, to protect the weaver ; 
 then, there is a duty on thrown silk, to keep him down, and to protect 
 the silk-throwster; then, there is a duty on raw silk, to contract the 
 operations of both weaver and throwster. Common sense would say, 
 abolish thg raw silk-duties at all events ; but Common Sense has never been 
 finance minister, and indeed very seldom in the Cabinet in any capacity. 
 
 The Malt Laws will of course be revised. It is an act of justice 
 due to the malster, to the public, and to the agriculturist. The duty on 
 Tea must stand over till the East India Company's charter is settled, 
 when we may expect something better tlian an infusion from sloe- 
 leaves to breakfast ; prior to the settlement of the Charter any 
 reduction in the duty would only tend to augment the dividends of 
 the proprietors. The duty on Glass does not admit of delay; the 
 gross produce is about one million, but nearly half of this sum is 
 either returned or lost in the charges of collection. Lord Althorp 
 proposed to repeal the glass duty, but having been bothered out of the 
 tax on stock-jobbing by Messrs. Goulburn and John Smith, he was 
 compelled to retain it, as also the duty on tobacco. 
 
 The duties on dift'erent kinds of Paper vary from 50 to 150 per cent. 
 They form a portion of the mass of taxes imposed on knowledge and the 
 diffusion of information. The payment of the duties is the least part of 
 the evil ; the paper-maker is harassed like the malster by an infinity of 
 forms — in giving notice to the exciseman — in reweighing the paper 
 before the supervisor — in lettering the rooms of his manufactory — in 
 numbering his vats, chests, presses and engines — in taking out licenses — 
 and in procuring and pasting labels on every ream — and for neglect of 
 any of which he is liable to ruinous penalties. Why is the paltry 
 Pamphlet Duty retained? It produces only about £1,000 per 
 annum, which is much less than might be obtained by compelling noble 
 lords and honourable members to pay the postage of their private cor- 
 respondence. Yet for this insignificant sum the booksellers throughout 
 the kingdom are hampered with foinis of entry at the Stamp Office, 
 which, if they do not observe, they must pay forfeit, or what is worse, 
 memorialise the Honourable Board, alias the Honourable Solicitor of 
 Stamps. The duty on Advertisements ought to be regulated, but in 
 what way we are unable to suggest. It is certainly unfair that a short 
 advertisement should pay as much as a long one, or that an advertise- 
 ment for a place, office, or employment should pay as much as one for a 
 loan of money, or the sale of an estate.
 
 SEA POLICIES, FIRE INSUR A NCE, A N O STAMPS — IRELAND. 387 
 
 The produce of the duty on Sea Policies has diminished, although the 
 amount of ship's tonnage entered inwards and outwards has increased. The 
 high rate of duties has driven insurers to make their policies in America, 
 Holland, and Germany, where they could insure at a cheaper rate. 
 In these times of low profits a difference in price of one-quarter or one- 
 half per cent, is sufficient to influence the determination of commercial 
 business.* The case of Fire Insurances is still more flagrant. The 
 premium in London on common risks is Is. 6d, and upon that 3s. duty 
 must be paid to government. A tax of 200 per cent, obviously prevents 
 many from insuring; those who are willing to pay Is. 6d. per cent, to the 
 offices do not like to pav twice as much more for pensions and palace 
 buildings. The consequence is that it is only the great properties which 
 are insured, the smaller are left to Providence. A man with a large 
 house and valuable furniture insures, but a man with a cottage does not: 
 thus prudence is taxed where it ought to be specially encouraged. 
 
 The unequal mode of assessing the mhabited house duty has been 
 before alluded to ; also the mileage duty on stage-coaches (pp. 267-280) 
 and the unfair advantage possessed by real over chattel property. The 
 estates of the aristocracy pass to their descendants without payment of 
 either jn-obate or legacy duty ; but the property of the merchant, 
 trader, or mechanic, being mostly personal, is subject to both, and cannot 
 be left to children and friends without payment of a tax, varying from 
 one to ten per cent. The whole of the Stamp Duties require regula- 
 tion, and the public has long indulged a hope that the task ere this 
 would have been accomplished. The duty on deeds and other legal 
 instruments should be more regular in its ascent, and not fall so heavily 
 on property of small value. The representatives of a deceased person 
 must swear to the amount of his property without deducting debts ; 
 and although the duty is afterwards returned (but with considerable 
 trouble and expense), it frequently inconveniences the poorer classes, 
 who may not have the immediate means of paying the probate duty, 
 without which they cannot act. The license duties fall very unequally; 
 many classes, and these best able perhaps to bear a deduction from their 
 incomes, an; wholly exempt. Then why should an attorney be subject 
 to an annual duty, while the barrister, physician, and medical practi- 
 tioner escape altogether ? Or Avhy should the large fundholder, or the 
 army and naval half-pay, and civil superannuation people, receive their 
 dividends and pensions without giving a stamp, especially as government 
 will not receive its own taxes without charging the payer with the receipt- 
 duty. 
 
 Ireland has been so impoverished by tithes and absenteeism th<at her 
 contributions to the wants of the state have been personal rather than 
 pecuniary . She was exempt from the property tax, and still is from 
 the assessed taxes. Why, however, the gentry should escape direct 
 taxation as well as agistment tithe, cannot be so easily explained, unless 
 from the circumstance of Ireland having been till lately a close borough. 
 
 • C. P. Thomson, House of Commons, March 26, 1830. 
 
 2 c 2
 
 388 TAXKS ON NEWSPAPERS, 
 
 There may be valid grounds for exempting a poor country from duties 
 on articles of consumption ; but income arising from property is really 
 more valuable (will go farther) in a poor country than in a rich one. 
 
 Taxes on Newspapers. — The heavy duty on newspapers, whether 
 considered as a source of revenue, or, in its injurious tendency, to restrict 
 the diffusion of intelligence, is the most objectionable part of our fiscal 
 system. A fourpenny stamp, on an article which sells for sixpence, is a 
 tax of 200 per cent. Some of the weekly papers endeavour to evade 
 this onerous impost, by selling a larger paper at a higher price, which 
 reduces the per centage, the duty not being an ad valorem one ; but 
 they are subject to the disadvantage of a more limited sale, owing to the 
 higher price of their publications. 
 
 A reduction in the duty would be more than compensated by an in- 
 crease in the circulation of papers ; but then the object of the government 
 has been not so much to realize revenue as to control public opinion. 
 Our limits do not admit of our treating this subject so fully as it de- 
 serves ; nor is it necessary, after the able and conclusive exposition it 
 has undergone in other publications ; w'e shall, however, submit a few 
 brief observations : — 1. On the influence of the high stamp-duties on 
 the state of the newspaper press. 2. On the consequences of restricting 
 the sale of cheap political pamphlets, subjecting them to the same duty 
 as the regular journals. Our arguments will be addressed to those who 
 feel an interest in social improvement, not to those who seek only to 
 thrive by abuse and oppression. 
 
 The first and most obvious effect of the high duty is, by enhancing 
 the price, to curtail the benefit of newspapers, whether as the source of 
 innocent amusement or useful instruction, to the more opulent classes. 
 But the newspapers depending for support upon what may be termed 
 the proprietary of the country, they will, of course, be conducted on 
 such principles and in such spirit as is likely to be most agreeable to the 
 interests, the prejudices, and passions of their subscribers. Hence the 
 predominant character of the press has been aristocratic : and 
 it seldom compromised the favour of its chief patrons by the fearless 
 exposition of any political abuse, superstitious error, commercial or 
 chartered privilege, private vice, or public oppression, in which they 
 were especially interested. 
 
 But the Press being* under the influence of the opulent, it leaves the 
 indigent, as we shall term them for brevity, without protection. They 
 may be calumniated with impunity, as they often are ; their motives, 
 views, and conduct may be distorted, and they have no effective means — 
 no organ — by which they can set themselves right with the community. 
 Hence it is that the great mass of society — the industrious and trading 
 classes — those numerous and useful orders, which constitute the bone 
 and muscle of the social state — are no more represented — their interests 
 are no more maintained, by the daily journals, than they are by the 
 Commons' House of Parliament. 
 
 Of late years a great deal has been said of the advantages of 
 commercial freedom and unrestricted competition ; but is a monopoly of
 
 THE PRESS, A FOURTH ESTATE. 389 
 
 knowledge less pregnant with mischief than a monopoly of corn or other 
 article of general consumption ? The exclusive privileges of Oxford 
 and Cambridge have been objected to as well as of the Bank and East- 
 India Company ; but hoAV does it happen there is so little outcry against 
 the Press? The reason is obvious enough; the Press is the comvion 
 crier ; but, though loud and prompt in proclaiming the abuses of others, 
 it has been marvellously silent concerning its own. How much the 
 monopoly of the great brewers was reprobated, even by most of the 
 journals; but the public injury, from this source, was limited and 
 unimportant, contrasted with that originating- in the monopoly of the 
 Press. No doubt the beverage of the people was diluted and adulterated, 
 but this evil, at the worst, was local in its effects ; it was not like 
 the Press, whose despotic authority is not limited to the metropolis, nor 
 the provinces, nor even the empire, but extends to every corner of 
 the globe. 
 
 The provincial press takes its tone and character from the London 
 prints ; some of the country papers follow in the wake of the Times., 
 some the Morning Chronicle, some the Sun, some the Courier, 
 and some other journals ; but all have their guide and prototype in the 
 metropolis, from whom they cut or copy their opinions. From this 
 sort of paternity and connexion arises a most portentous danger to the 
 liberties and prosperity of the empire. The Press has been designated 
 a four til estate, next in influence and importance to Kinp;, Lords, and 
 Commons. 13ut, Great God ! only think of what this fourth estate 
 consists — twelve daily papers established and carried on solely for g^ain — 
 whose proprietors are unknown — whose editors are unknown — whose 
 reporters are unknown — in short, belonging and attached to which 
 there is not the slighest thread of responsibility, whatever may be the 
 character and magnitude of their delinquency. Upon this vacillating and 
 intangible pivot one-fourth — aye, a g'leat deal more — of the government 
 of this great emjiire depends. What nonsense it is to complain of the 
 Treasury boroughs, of Ciatton, or Midhurst, or of rotten boroughs with 
 only a dozen electors, while an overwhelming influence like this is 
 toleiated ! What dolts ministers would have been, had they exclusively 
 concerned themselves about the influence to be derived from these 
 sources, and not availed themselves of the more potent agency which 
 might be derived from the Press. And do we suppose that (Government 
 alone nmy avail itself of this power; that great commercial companies, 
 loan-mongers, speculators in the funds, and getters up of bubble com- 
 {)anies may not resort to similar aid ? Assuredly not ; for we know the 
 contrary; we know that the Press has ticen the great agent not only in 
 the oppressions of the Oligarchy, but in the fraudulent devices by which 
 one portion of the community has plundered another. 
 
 Only place at our disposal, out of the secret service money, £20,000 
 per annum; a few judgeships and offices in the Colonics; a few leases 
 of houses and crown lands in the metropolis ; a few livings and dignities 
 in tlie Church ; a few places in the Customs, Excise, and judicial 
 administration ; and a few appointments to the magistracy and shricv-
 
 390 PROPOSAL TO MANAGE TIIL .1 i: UN A I,S. 
 
 allies in the country : let us, we rej)eat, have these things in our gift, 
 and we will engage to make the boasted fourth estate of this realm 
 as subservient as the most corrupt and despotic minister could desire. 
 We do not mean to affirm we would render the Press undisguisedly 
 prostituted to the Government; we would further its ends in a much 
 more adroit and eflective manner ; nor would we g-o openly with bribe in 
 hand, for, in that case, the sly rogues would bruit our offer, knowing 
 they would gain more by proclaiming it, and boasting of their incor- 
 ruptible integrity, than accepting our tender : we would not adopt any 
 such vulgar mode of procedure ; nevertheless, we would accomplish our 
 employer's purpose. If the premier wished to interfere with France, or 
 Belgium, or to get up a war of any sort, we would render the under- 
 taking popular to his heart's content ; if he wished to set his face 
 against the reform of domestic abuses, we would convince ninety-nine 
 out of every hundred that our institutions had stood the test of ages, 
 and are the best the wit of man ever devised ; if he wished to hunt 
 down a troublesome individual, we would render the caitiff an exile 
 from all decent and respectable society ; if he wished to destroy all 
 public spirit in the people, we would throw such discredit on every 
 meeting and association for a patriotic object, that the parties thereto 
 should appear nothing better than gaping idiots or poverty-stricken 
 knaves, whose sole purpose was the plunder of the rich ! 
 
 All this we would do, and more, and the great beauty of our doings 
 would be that they should be so dexterously managed that they would 
 neither bring- scandal on ourselves, our employer, nor the agents of our 
 Diabolism. The only machinery necessary to put in motion would be 
 simply a well-directed mensomge, with which gentlemen connected 
 Avith the " respectable part of the Press" are well acquainted. It 
 would consist of an artful and incessant grinding of paragraphs — an 
 amplifying and improving, or, if an opponent, a garbling, curtailing, 
 and suppressing of speeches— the omission, misrepresentation, or bla- 
 zoning, as the case might be, of all public meetings and proceedings — 
 in short, in picturing every thing- and person on the broad sheet in 
 such a way that they should be viewed through a multiplying glass, or 
 the right or wrong end of the telescope, as might best suit the purpose 
 of our employer. 
 
 AU this we should be able to effect without fear of detection or ex- 
 posure : we would manage the Press with less noise than the famous 
 William Holmes in the olden time managed the orgies of St. Stephen's; 
 the close monopoly affords every facility for biibery and concealment ; 
 and though these diverging rays of intelligence, the country papers, 
 would partake, equally with the rest, of the impulse given at the primal 
 source, they would be as unconscious of the presence, as unparticipant 
 in the favours of the great operator at the focal point. 
 
 Perhaps our almost allegorical description of the relation in which 
 the journals stand to the community may not be fully comprehended 
 by all our readers; but it would be a more invidious task than we should 
 like, to ilkistrate our .subject by practical examples. What we have
 
 I.M'LUENCE OF THE TIMES N E WS 1' A 1' EH. 3^1 
 
 said applies to the Press in its corporate and irresponsible capacity ; of 
 the individuals connected with it, they are, we believe, as estimable as 
 any other class ; and some there are, we know, animated by an almost 
 enthusiastic devotion to popular rights and social happiness. It is not 
 their faults exactly that they are placed in a. false position, in respect of 
 society; that from the operation of the stamp duty excluding competi- 
 tion, they have been raised into great and hazardous undertakingrs, 
 which renders it almost madness, and something like breach of trust to 
 the proprietors, to indulge their private sentiments at the risk of com- 
 promising the partial interests on which the prosperity of the journals 
 confided to their management notoriously depends. 
 
 This is the most that can be said in extenuation of their timid, see- 
 saw, and compromising conduct ; and after all, it does not lessen the 
 magnitude of the evil under which the public suffers. That this evil 
 exists, and to an enormous extent, Ave shall establish, from the present 
 state and management of The Times. This journal exercises an irre- 
 sponsible power, dangerous to the interests of society ; and were this 
 power exercised in opposition to the government —which, by the by, is 
 not likely, as this journal has evinced a fixed determination to stick to 
 the dynasty dc. facto, whether Tory or Whig — it would be dangerous 
 even to the government. Had we the option, whether, as an instru- 
 ment of the general happiness, we would prefer the return of 100 
 honest members to parliament from the unrepresented towns, or we 
 would have the Times at our beck, we should unhesitatingly say, give us 
 the beldame of Printing-house-square, with her good name, her Medusean 
 front, her quiver of poisoned arrows, her subtlety, literary tact, expe- 
 rience of town, and general acquaintance with all the springs of life 
 and action. The influence she is enabled to exercise over public opinion 
 is incredible, and can only be appreciated by those habituated to observe 
 social movements, and the agency by which they are produced. 
 
 It is because a newspaper has such power, which may be directed to 
 a beneficial or malignant purpose, that we consider the state of the 
 Press objectionable. Irresponsible authority is as objectionable in the 
 gentlemen of the Press as in the Boroughmongers, and for the remedy 
 of this literary usurpation we know nothing so Vvcll adapted as the oprn- 
 inci of the trade, by means of minor publications. The suppression of 
 th(> cheap political pamphlets by lord Castlereagh alwavs appeared to us 
 both unjust and im|)olitic. Sedition and licentiousness might have been 
 effectually restrained witiiout destroying an instrument Avhich, ultimate! v, 
 might have been m;vde subservient to the attainment of the most salu- 
 tary ameliorations. It is the imposition of the stamp dntif, not the 
 demand of security of which we complain; the former completely inter- 
 dicting, to a vast majority of the community, a source of amusement 
 and intellectual improvement. 
 
 Some of the most dangerous popular errors, we are convinced, wore 
 eradicated solely by the agency of the cheap tracts. Among these we 
 reckon the prevailing opinions on Catholic Emancipation. Before the 
 establishment of the weekly pamphlets the mass of the population was 
 decidedly anti-catholic, and hardly less obstinate in their prejudices than
 
 392 BENEFITS FROM POLITICAL PAMPHLETS. 
 
 Lord Eldon or Sir C. Wetherell. A prodigious change was effected in 
 the character of the people in another respect. During a scarcity, or 
 high prices, the rage of the labouring classes was mostly vented on the 
 butcher, baker, and farmer ; such senseless outrages are now never heard 
 of. The introduction of machinery , for obvious reasons, was opposed 
 by the mass of the people. It was impossible they should at first be 
 reconciled to inventions Avhich, though tending to the general advantage, 
 by the multiplication of commodities at a cheaper rate, yet, if they did 
 not deprive some classes of the means of subsistence, degraded them 
 into lower stations. It was natural, therefore, they should resist this 
 innovation; and, in so doing, we believe, they did no more than the 
 legal, ecclesiastical, or any other class would have done, had their inte- 
 rests been sacrificed, though that sacrifice were made for the general 
 good. It was necessary, however, the principle should triumph. The 
 people resisted ; severer laws were made against frame -breakers, and a 
 terrible sacrifice was made at York : but all this would have been ineffec- 
 tual, had not another cause interfered. This cause, we verily believe, 
 was the introduction, by Mr. Cobbett, of the two-penny trash ; which 
 demonstrated that, however injurious the employment of machinery 
 might be to particular branches of industry, yet, inasmuch as it aug- 
 mented the supply of food and clothing, consequently rendered them 
 cheaper to all classes, it must be ultimately beneficial. We are con- 
 vinced if pamphlet writing had continued unchecked during the last 
 twelve years, the effects of the knowledge it would have spread, and the 
 discussion it would have excited, would have saved the country from 
 the ' Swing Jires,' and those outrages against the machinery and pro- 
 perty of individuals who suffer as much as their unfortunate work-people 
 from the manifold difficulties in which we have been involved by a long- 
 course of misgovernment. 
 
 Much has been said about the pernicious, dangerous, and absurd 
 doctrines which were propagated. It might be the case ; Avith im- 
 portant truths, error also might be inculcated ; ideas beneficial to society 
 might be accompanied with others of a contraiy tendency. This, how- 
 ever, was matter of opinion ; and a more proper subject for discussion 
 than coercion. Admitting that cheap publications were injurious as 
 well as beneficial, it afforded no argument whatever for their suppres- 
 sion. The same objection might be made to plays, novels, romances, 
 and almost every other publication ; the same objection might be urged 
 against the amusements of the theatre : all these, no doubt, are pro- 
 ductive of evil as well as good to the community; but who ever, on that 
 account, thought that they ought to be suppressed ? Who ever expects 
 to see any improvement unaccompanied with some countervailing disad- 
 vantage ? The only principle in this, as in every other case, is to ba- 
 lance the good against the bad ; and it was on this principle the fate of 
 the cheap publications ought to have been determined. 
 
 It is unnecessary, Ave think, to say anv thing more in defence of 
 political pamphlets. We were desirous of submitting a few observations, 
 because it is generally understood Ministers have some measure in con- 
 templation by which the future state of the Press is to be regulated.
 
 PUESS NOT INJURED BY ABOLITION OF STAMP-DUTIES. 393 
 
 There appear only two courses open to them to pursue ; either we must 
 have a restricted or free trade in politics. Public opinion has declared 
 against the former, — it would require a literary preventive service to 
 enforce it, and after all the people would obtain the contraband commo- 
 dity, though, perhaps, both dear and deleterious ; whereas, by open com- 
 petition, the cheapest and best, in the long run, would possess the market. 
 
 We have not dwelt much on the fiscal part of the subject ; it has 
 been better done by others than we could do it, and, moreover, is ex- 
 hausted ; beside we have not so bad an opinion of Ministers as to think 
 that the loss or gain of the revenue will form a material item of consi- 
 deration when the question is whether a great community shall be 
 informed, or remain in ignorance of its real and permanent interests. 
 
 There is one point we have omitted to notice ; namely, the opinion 
 entertained that the reduction of the stamp-duties would inflict serious 
 pecuniary loss on the newspaper press. We cannot foresee such result ; 
 our impression is, that both the public income and the newspaper 
 proprietary would gain by the alteration. Under the existing system 
 the circulation of the journals is chiefly confined to the opulent; were 
 the price reduced one-half many would take in two or more papers who 
 only take in one : hundreds of thousands who are restricted to an hour's 
 inconvenient and hasty perusal, or obliged to resort to a coflFee-house, 
 news-room, or alehouse, would become subscribers to a paper for their 
 exclusive use, or for the morning, after-dinner, or evening amusement of 
 their families. The consequence would be a prodigious increase of sale, 
 and, of course, revenue. The Times, which now circulates 7000 or 
 8000, would circulate 20,000 or 30,000, and the Morning Chronicle 
 and other journals would have a corresponding augmentation of demand. 
 That there would be increased competition we believe, but it would be a 
 competition of opinion rather than of profit. The old journals would 
 retain their supremacy, — the result of great capital — admirable business 
 arrangements — literary connexion — valuable correspondence in every part 
 ot the globe — and long established channels of circulation. Against such 
 advantages new rivals might contend, but they would contend with tlie 
 odds greatly against them, and if they succeeded, their success would be 
 the result rather of the special favour of the gods than of any other 
 favouring ciicumstance. 
 
 To conclude, we think, by a reduction of the newspaper duties, a vast 
 social benefit would be conferred, without inflicting loss on any class of 
 individuals, or even the Chancellor of the Exchequer. It would be like 
 the discovery of some new and useful invention, which brings within the 
 reach of the whole community an article of luxury or comfort that had 
 previously been confined to the richer classes. Were newspapers sold for 
 threepence, every respectable family could afford its daily journal, and 
 every working man his weekly one ; their circulation would be as great 
 in England, in proportion to the reading population, as in France or the 
 United States. The advantages that would result — moral, social, and 
 political — are too obvious to be enforced.
 
 EAST-INDIA COMPANY. 
 
 Among the monopolies and privileged communities Avhicl) impede indi- 
 vidual enterprise and national prosperity, the East-India Company and 
 the Bank of England stand pre-eminent : these have formed the out- 
 works, the strongholds, of the Borough System ; and, by their 
 connexions and interests, added greatly to that mass of influence by 
 v;hich the latter has been supported. Both these powerful associations 
 have become more like petty states, acknowledging a feudatorv depen- 
 dence to the supreme power, than companies of traders, originally 
 incorporated for commercial purposes. Both have risen from A'ery 
 humble beginning-s, and perhaps it would not be easy to strike the 
 balance of turpitude by Avhich their power has been respectively ac- 
 quired. Both have been nurtured under the fostering care of the 
 Oligarchy, to which, under particular emergencies, they have been 
 indebted for assistance; and, probably, it is from a knowledge of this 
 paternal obligation, that these chartered bodies feel such a lively in- 
 terest in the permanency of the existing system, and that whenever any 
 popular movement indicates proceedings hostile to the government, they 
 are instantly alarmed, and the Bank and the India-House immediately 
 placed in a defensive attitude. 
 
 Both the Bank and the East-India Company claim particular attention, 
 from the period having arrived about which their charters expire ; and 
 the legislature, either in the session of 1831 or the following year, will 
 have to determine their future immunities, and the relative position in 
 which they are to stand to the government and the community. 
 
 Before entering on the exposition of the present state of the East- 
 India Company, it will be proper to give a brief outline of the history 
 of this powerfid association, and briefly indicate those extraordinary 
 events by which a few traders in mace, nutmegs, and ginger, have 
 been able to extend their sway over 120 millions of inhabitants, whose 
 happiness depends on their wisdom and justice. In giving this notice, 
 we shall enter into no detail of Asiatic triumphs, of battles and >ieges. 
 We have little taste for these things at best, but still less when the 
 combatants are unequally matched, — when we should have to present a 
 counterpart to the conquest of Peru and Mexico by the Spaniards, — 
 exhibit the conflicts of wolves and sheep, and show how a handful of 
 crafty, hardy, and unprincipled Europeans wrested a mighty empire 
 from the feeble grasp of the artless and effeminate Hindoos. Leaving
 
 IIISTOUICAL SKETCH OT T H K COMPANY. 395 
 
 out, tlierefore, with one or two exceptions, military details, which 
 in justice ought never to have formed part of the history of the East- 
 India Company, we shall confine ourselves principally to the civil trans- 
 actions of this association. 
 
 The first attention to the India trade appears to have been attracted 
 by the success of the Dutch merchants. These rapacious traders, hav- 
 ing supplanted the Portuguese in that part of the world, had an entire 
 monopoly of the trade, and availinci^ themselves of the exclusive posses- 
 sion of the market, exacted exorbitant prices for the productions of the 
 East. To frustrate their avarice, and obtain some share in this lucrative 
 traffic, the merchants of London despatched a mission to the Great 
 Mogul, to obtain from him a grant of commercial privileges to the 
 English. The success of this mission was not known till the year 1600 ; 
 but, in the mean time, the lord mayor, aldermen, and otlier principal 
 merchants of the city, to the number of 101, assembled in Founders' 
 Hall, and established an association for trading to India, for which they 
 subscribed a capital of £33,133. To this society, and in the year men- 
 tioned, Queen Elizabeth granted the first charter of incorporation, with 
 the exclusive privilege to trade to all parts of Asia, Africa, and 
 America, for fifteen years, and the company to be managed by a 
 chairman and twenty-four directors chosen annually. The capital of 
 the corporation amounted to £70,000. They fitted out four ships of the 
 burthen of 240, 260, 300, and 600 tons. The value of the ships' 
 stores and provisions, of the merchandize forming the cargoes, and of 
 the bullion, was estimated at £68,373. 
 
 This expedition was tolerably successful, brought home valuable car- 
 goes of merchandize, and succeeded in establishing factories at Bantany, 
 and on the Molucca Islands. But, notwithstanding the success of this 
 undertaking, no great effort was made to follow it up, and for several 
 years after, the trade and capital of the Company gradually declined. 
 In 1606, only three ships were fitted out. In 1608, the Company 
 having subscribed a capital of £33,000, for a fourth voyage, the whole 
 of their ships were either wrecked in India, or on their voyage home. 
 Next year they were more fortunate, and their ships bringing home a 
 valuable cargo of mace and nutmegs, they divided a profit of 211 per 
 cent. Encouraged by this success, the Company solicited the renewal 
 of their charter, and seemed resolved to push the trade with spirit. 
 They built the largest ship that had ever been constnicted in England 
 for commercial purposes, being no less than 1000 tons burthen. King 
 James and his court attended the launch, and named her The Trade s 
 Increase. 
 
 Unfortunately this vessel was lost, and Sir Henry Middleton, her 
 commander, soon after died of grief. The trade subsequently declined, 
 for which various causes may be assigned. The rivals of tlie Company, 
 the Dutch and Portuguese, made use of every expedient avarice 
 and treachery could suggest, to impede their success ; besides which, 
 we may add, the erroneous principles on which the different voyages 
 were undertaken. Instead of the trade being conducted upon a joint-
 
 396 EAST-INDIA COMPANY. 
 
 stock on account of the Avhole Company, every individual was privileged 
 by the charter to subscribe as mucli or as little as he pleased, or 
 nothing" at all, for every voyage The disadvantages of this system in 
 an incipient and ditficult undertaking became apparent; and, in 1612, 
 it Avas determined to have no more separate voyages, but to open a 
 subscription for a joint capital to continue for four years. Upon this 
 principle tlie affairs of the Company assumed a new aspect; and in a 
 very short time they had established more than twenty factories, in dif- 
 ferent parts of the Mogul's dominions, and the islands in the Indian seas. 
 
 In 1616, when they proposed to raise a new capital, all ranks 
 crowded into the subscription, which, at the time of closing it, amounted 
 to £1,629,040, being- the largest capital that had ever been subscribed 
 in any part of Europe for a joint-stock trade. Among the subscribers 
 were 15 dukes and earls, 13 countesses, 82 knights, including judges 
 and privy counsellors, 18 widows and maiden ladies, besides clergymen, 
 physicians, merchants, tradesmen, and others without any denomina- 
 tion ; in the whole 954 subscribers. The stock of the Company sold for 
 203 per cent. The total value of their property, at this time, was 
 estimated at £400,000. And it was stated by the deputy-governor, 
 that they gave employment to 10,000 tons of shipping, 2500 seamen, 
 500 ship carpenters, and 120 factors in India. 
 
 In 1652 the Company obtained considerable privileges in Bengal 
 through the skill of their surgeons, in curing a certain disease in the 
 Mogul court, and which disease was little known in Europe, though 
 afterwards of frequent occurrence in sea-ports and large capitals. In 
 1655, the trade was thrown open for three years, but closed again in 
 two years on it being alleged that evils had resulted from the free-trade. 
 In 1669 the Company received two canisters containing 143.2 pounds 
 of tea, which is supposed to have been the first importation of this 
 article from any part of the Indies. It was partly given away in pre- 
 sents, and partly consumed in the India-House for the refreshment of 
 the committees. 
 
 In 1676, the trade of the Company having been very successful for 
 many years, they were enabled, out of their accumulated profits, to 
 double their capital to £739,782, upon which the market price of their 
 stock, which had been under par, nnmediately rose to £245 per cent. 
 The ships in their employ amounted to from 30 to 35, of from 300 to 
 600 tons, and carrying from 40 to 70 guns. In the year 1680, the 
 company sent a ship to trade with China. The whole of that trade had 
 heretofore been monopolized by the Dutch and Portuguese. About this 
 time they acquired the privilege to coin money, not resembling British 
 money, at Bombay and other places in India. The Company consisted 
 of 600 members, who were entitled to votes in proportion to their 
 shares ; hence it happened that some had to the amount of sixty votes : 
 — every member, moreover, had liberty to carry on trade on his own 
 private account, to the extent of one-fifth of his stock in the Company's 
 capital. 
 
 In 1698, the English factory obtained permission to purchase three
 
 ORIGIN" OF CALCUTTA. 397 
 
 small villages, extending in all about three miles along the east bank of 
 the Ganges, and about one mile back from it, for which they agreed 
 to pay annually to the Nabob 1195 rupees. This diminutive acquisition 
 was the handle to the axe and commencement of the territorial aggran- 
 dizement of the Company, by which they were afterwards enabled 
 to hew down the entire Mogul empire. The ground on which these 
 villages stood forms the site of the great city of Calcutta, containing 
 600,000 inhabitants. 
 
 Some jealousy, about this time, began to be entertained at the in- 
 creasing powei" of the Company; and the Government intimated to the 
 association that a large sum would be expected for the public service, 
 in consideration of a parliamentary confirmation of their privileges. 
 They offered to advance £700,000 at an interest of 4 per cent, pro- 
 vided their charter was fully confirmed by parliament. Meanwhile 
 several opulent individuals offered to advance £2,000,000, provided 
 they were invested with all the privileges of the India trade, as hereto- 
 fore enjoyed by the Company. Parliament accepted the larger sum, 
 though at double interest, and a bill was ordered to be prepared for 
 incorporating the subscribers. The Company, not to be outdone by 
 their opponents, then proposed a loan of £2,000,000, but this availed 
 them nothing. The government was favourable to the opposing interest, 
 and it prevailed. So great were the advantages anticipated by the 
 nation from the new association, that the subscription of two millions 
 was filled up within a few days after the books were opened. The 
 greatest part of this sum was subscribed by foreigners. The king him- 
 self was an adventurer to the extent of £10,000. 
 
 The charter of the original Company had not yet expired, and a most 
 ruinous contest ensued betwixt the rival associations. More than sixty 
 ships are said to have been employed by the contending interests in tlie 
 India trade. The glut of India goods, joined to other causes, produced 
 by this rivalship, reduced the value of the stock of the old Company, 
 which had been as high as 500 per cent., to 39 per cent. Both parties 
 at length seem to have discovered the ruinous tendency of this contest, 
 and an union was effected in 1702, by a tripartite indenture, wherein 
 Queen Anne, the old Company and the new Company were partners. 
 According to this instrument, the two Companies bind themselves to 
 have at least one-tenth of their exports in English manufactures, and 
 after the expiration of seven years they are to be called " The United 
 Company of Merchants of England trading to the East Ifidies," 
 which is their present designation. 
 
 In 1766, the Company, in consequence of their territorial acquisi- 
 tions, raised their dividend from 6 to 10 per cent, and .shortly after to 12^ 
 per cent. In India this year, their power was exposed to hazard by the 
 abolition of the double hat ta, or allowance to ofiicers in the field : it 
 originated a serious mutiny in the army, but was subdued by the firm- 
 ne.ss of Ix)rd Clive, and many ofiicors cashiered. The celebrated Hvder 
 Ali, who from a subordinate rank had raised himself to the throne of 
 Mysore, began about this period to menace the sway of the Company.
 
 398 EAST-INDIA COMPANY. 
 
 In 1779, the time for the renewal of the charter approaching, the 
 Company prudently prepared for that event, by a present to the public 
 of three seventy- four o:un ships, besides a large sum of money in 
 bounties to 6000 seamen. Notwithstanding this bonus, in 1781 notice 
 was given to the Company by Government, that on the expiration of 
 the charter their exclusive privileges should cease, unless they would 
 agree to pay £1,000,000 into the exchequer, restrict their future divi- 
 dend to 8 per cent, and pay three-fourths of the surplus profits, over 
 and above that dividend, into the Treasury. After much discussion, 
 the demand for the renewal of the charter was reduced to £400,000, 
 the other conditions remaining unaltered; and the Company were re- 
 quired to submit all political despatches to ministers, who Avere to decide 
 on all questions relative to peace and war. 
 
 In 1789 the decennial settlement of lands commenced in Bengal and 
 Bahar, and was completed in 1793, when the settlement was made per- 
 petual. By this settlement, which produced such an important change 
 in the landed tenure of a vast territoiy in India, the zemindars, who 
 were in fact the revenue agents of the Mogul government, usually 
 hereditary and possessed of great power and influence, but not owners 
 of the soil, which they could neither sell nor alienate, were declared the 
 actual land-owners, and from them the principal revenue of India Avas to 
 be derived in the shape of land-tax. The poor ryots or peasantry, 
 who were, next to the sovereign, the real oAvners of the land, as much 
 as the feudal nobility of England or HungarA', and Avho could not be 
 dispossessed of it so long as they paid their public assessments, Avere at 
 once transmuted into the tenants of the zemindars or tax-gatherers. 
 The objects of this SAveeping innovation were, financial and of disastrous 
 issue. The zemindars, obliged to go through the legal formalities to 
 collect their IcA'ies from the ryots, were unable to pay their taxes to the 
 gOA^ernment, Avhose proceedings were summary. Their lands AA'ere gradu- 
 ally sold for the arrears of taxes, and passed into the hands of absentee 
 landlords ; in a feAv years almost all the zemindars disappeared. No im- 
 provement took place in the condition of the ryots, who were more 
 oppressed by the middlemen aboA'e them than they had been by the tax- 
 gatherers of the Mogul. 
 
 About this period, the affairs of the East-India Company, and the 
 transactions in Hindustan, began deeply to interest the public, and every 
 session of parliament produced new investigations on this important sub- 
 ject. From merchants, the Company had risen into soA-ereign princes, 
 and, instead of being occupied with the ginger and pepper trade, they 
 were AvhoUy absorbed in schemes of territorial aggrandizement. Oc- 
 cupied unceasingly in Avar — buving and exchanging territory — making 
 treaties of partition — hiring troops to the natiA-e princes — establishing 
 monopolies — and fomenting hostilities among the nabobs and subahdars, 
 that these short-sighted princes, after weakening each other by their 
 animosities, might fall an easy prey to the superior policy of the com- 
 mon invader. These avocations ill comported with the commercial 
 character, and it Avas a little inconceivable how men, Avhose knowledge.
 
 DISSOLIJTION OF THE MOGUL EMPIRE. 399 
 
 it may be supposed, was principally confined to making out invoices, 
 bills of lading-, or book-keeping by double entry, could discharge these 
 royal functions. 
 
 In 1783, Mr. Fox introduced his famous India Bills, the general 
 objects of Avhich were to divest the company of their administrative 
 functions — to prohibit them from making war, unless in self-defence — 
 from making treaties of partition — hiring troops to the native princes — 
 and every illegal present was to be recoverable by any person for his 
 own benefit. These provisions sufficiently indicate the preA-^alent abuses. 
 They were opposed by Mr. Pitt, then out of place, an oppositionist and 
 reformer. The question agitated the whole nation ; and such was the 
 outcry raised by the Company against the pretended violation of their 
 charter — representing such a precedent as endangering the security of 
 all the corporations in the kingdom, — that they finally prevailed, 
 and the bills, though passed in tbe Commons, were rejected by the 
 Lords. 
 
 Next year a dissolution of parliament and change of ministers having' 
 taken place, Mr. Pitt introduced a new bill for the better government of 
 India. Many of the provisions of this bill were .similar to those of the 
 bill of Mr. Fox. The most important difference related to the appoint- 
 ment of the Board of Control. The commercial affairs and territorial 
 possessions of the Company were to continue in their hands, subject 
 to the superintendence of a board of commissioners appointed by the 
 Crown. 
 
 The next subject of any interest is the trial of Warren Hastings. 
 This gentleman ha^ presided over India thirteen years, and arrived in 
 England on the 16th of June, 1785. On the 26th of the same month, 
 Mr. Burke, Avho had brought heavy accusations against him in the pre- 
 ceding- session, gave notice of his intention to impeach him for high 
 crimes and misdemeanours, alleged to have been committed in India. 
 After long debates in this and succeeding sessions, the prosecution was 
 sanctioned by the Commons, and, in 1787, articles of impeachment were 
 sent to the Lords. The trial Avas protracted from year to year, till the 
 23d of April, 1795, when the accused was acquitted, on the payment 
 of his fees, of all the charges preferred against him. The Company, in 
 consideration of the services of this officer, discharged the expenses he 
 had incurred by the prosecution, amounting to upwards of £70,000, and 
 settled upon him an annuity of £5000. 
 
 In 1793 the charter of the Company was renewed, and their exclu- 
 sive privileges continued to them imtil the first dav of March, 1814, 
 In this act a clause was inserted to restrain the belligerent propensities 
 of the Company's servants, but it appears not to have been much 
 regarded. In 1792 Tippoo Saib was despoiled of half his dominions, and 
 compelled to deliver two of his sons into the hands of the Marquis 
 Cornwallis, as hostages for the performance of a treaty bv which he 
 engaged to pay £1,600,000 in money to the Company. In 1799 this 
 prince was again attacked by Lord Mornington, now Marquis Welleslov, 
 under pretext of having entered into negotiations with the French, and
 
 400 EAST-INDIA COMPANY. 
 
 some of the native princes, for the entire expulsion of the Eng-Iish from 
 India. This war completed the destruction of the sultan. His capital 
 of Sering-apatam was taken by assault, himself slain in its defence, and 
 his dominions dismembered. His descendants are now supported by 
 pensions payable by the ci-devant dealers in mace and cloves. 
 
 The Company having obtained possession of the different members 
 of the Mogul empire, in 1803, completed their conquests by attacking 
 the Mogul himself in his capital of Delhi. This monarch and his 
 family were also placed upon the pension-list of the Company. 
 
 We shall only mention a few more facts connected with the Com- 
 pany's histoiy till the opening" of the trade in 1814. By the act of 
 1784 the fortunes acquired in India were to be ascertained on the 
 return of each servant of the Company to England ; this clause was 
 repealed two years after by 26 Geo. III. c. 57. By the 29 Geo. III. 
 c. 65, they were authorised to add one million to their capital stock. 
 The new stock being subscribed at 174 per cent, produced £1,740,000, 
 which raised their joint-stock to five millions. In 1793 they were 
 authorized to add another million to their capital by subscription, making- 
 it £6,000,000, its present amount. This additional stock produced 
 £2,000,000, being subscribed at 200 per cent. 
 
 In 1797 valuable concessions were made to the Americans with 
 regard to the India trade. They were permitted to carry on trade with 
 the Company's territories in India, in articles not prohibited by law, on 
 paying only the duties paid by British vessels. These advantages Avere 
 not neglected by the Americans. In a few years the trade of the 
 United States in India equalled nearly one half the trade of the Com- 
 pany. It was singular policy to admit a foreign state to the participa- 
 tion of the India trade while our own merchants were excluded. 
 
 In 1803, during the alarm of an invasion, the Company, at a general 
 court, came to a resolution to present to government 10,000 tons of 
 shipping to guard the coast, and to be maintained at their own expense. 
 In the years 1808 and 1809 the Company lost four outward-bound 
 and six homeward-bound ships. The value of the ships and cargoes 
 was estimated at two millions. 
 
 We have now mentioned the more important facts in the history of 
 the East-India Company to the year 1813, when the exclusive privi- 
 leges of this association were in part abolished. Prior to that time 
 private traders were not wholly excluded from the India trade. By the 
 17th clause of the act of 1793, the Company were obliged to appropriate 
 3000 tons of shipping for carrying out goods belonging- to private mer- 
 chants and manufacturers. The act of 1813 continues to the Company 
 the revenue and territorial acquisitions in India, and the exclusive 
 monopoly of the China trade ; but the trade to India, subject to certain 
 restrictions and regulations, is thrown open to the enterprise of indi- 
 viduals. These immunities were conceded to the Company until the 10th 
 of April, 1831, absolutely, and afterwards, until three years' notice 
 be given by parliament, and the debt due from the public to the 
 Company be paid.
 
 TERRITORIAL EXTENT AND POPULATION OF INDIA. 401 
 
 INDIAX WARS AND TERRITORIAL ACQUISITIONS. 
 
 No external dominion in the East can endanger the security of the 
 Ang-lo-lndian empire. All the native princes have either been absolutely 
 conquered, reduced to a state of dependence, or have been so completely 
 humiliated and divested of oft'ensive power, as to render entirely hope- 
 less every chance of successful opposition to the Biitish government . In 
 1815 the Ghorkas, who possess the kingdom of Nepaul, on the northern 
 frontier of Hindustan, made a show of contesting the sovereignty of 
 the Company, but they were completely defeated by Lord Hastings, and 
 compelled to purchase peace by the cession of a large tract of territory. 
 The Burmese were the last nation who gave us any uneasiness. They 
 have been represented as a warlike people, and at one time meditated 
 nothing less than an eruption into the province of Bengal. Rangoon, 
 their capital, was occupied by a British force; and in 1826, after a 
 teasing warfare, they submitted to the terms imposed by the invading 
 army, by which the Company has become possessed of the provinces of 
 Arracan and Tenasserim, including nearly the whole line of coast which 
 previously belonged to the Burman empire. 
 
 Of the Mahratta chiefs, Scindia alone retains the full military as 
 well as civil government of his territory. The courts of Holkar and of 
 Guicowar, the rajah of Berar and of the smaller principalities, exer- 
 cise the civil functions of royalty, but are not tolerated in the possession 
 of an armed force. They have each, by the cession or conquest of a 
 part of their territories, purchased military protection from the Company. 
 The Rajpoot chiefs, who occupy the north-west frontier of Hindustan, 
 are tributary either to the Company or to the states of Scindia and 
 Holkar. Of the Mahometan governments, the king of Oude, the 
 Nizam, the rajahs of Mysore and Travancore, and the nabob of Bhopaul, 
 are the principal states whose civil independence is recognized, and 
 these are in such a defenceless condition as to be entirely dependent 
 on the forbearance of the Company for the continuance of their 
 sovereignty. 
 
 From foreign rivalry and interference the English have no cause of 
 apprehension. The only colonies which now belong to other European 
 nations are Pondicherry and Chandernagore, to the French ; Goa, to 
 Portugal : Tranquebar and Serampore, to the Danish government ; and 
 Chinsurah, to the Dutch. 
 
 The population of the territories directly subject to Great Britain has 
 been estimated at 80,000,000 of souls ; while the population of those 
 states which enjoy civil independence, but have been deprived of a 
 military force, has been computed to amount to 40,000,000. The 
 territory extends over an area of 585,000 square miles ; and the total 
 territory dependent, directly or indirectly, upon the Company, amounts 
 to about 1,180,000 square miles. Such is the mighty empire, for the 
 government and interests of which parliament will be shortly called 
 upon to legislate. 
 
 '2 D
 
 402 EAST-INHIA COMPANY. 
 
 Wo have not yet advortcil to the means by which this vast dominion 
 has been acquired. In our narrative of the commercial progress of the 
 Company we forbore to enter into the black page of Indian wars and 
 politics. Unparalleled crimes, violated treaties, blood, treachery, and 
 devastation, form the chief materials of Indian history: — -crimes, 
 abhorrent even to a nation of barbarians,, disgraceful to a civilized state, 
 and horrible when perpetrated by the agents of a Christian countrj". 
 There was not a single state, we are assured by Burke, prince, or poten- 
 tate, with whom the Company had come in contact, that they had not 
 sold ; not a single treaty they had ever made, that they had not broken ; 
 not a single prince or state, who ever put any trust in the Company, 
 who was not utterly ruined ; and that none were, in any degree, secure 
 or flourishing, but in the exact proportion to their settled distrust and 
 irreconcilable enmity to this nation. 
 
 Indian delinquency is of no grovelling kind ; it soars far above all 
 precedent of ancient or European turpitude. Faith, justice, and 
 humanity, were mere pretexts for rapine and violence. When these 
 would not serve for the spoliation of the native powers, imaginary crimes 
 were laid to their charge. Plots and rebellion, which, in England, have 
 often been the pretexts for destroying the liberties of the people, in 
 India were the pretexts for plunder and devastation. These, when no 
 other offered, were the standing resources of the Company. When 
 money had been thought to be heaped up any where, its owners were 
 invariably accused of treason, and the only security for their allegiance 
 was sought in reducing them to indigence. In England poverty is 
 considered symptomaticof a traitorous disposition, in India it was riches; 
 and the native prince had no chance of living free from the endless 
 accusations, exactions, and even torture,* of his oppressors, till he had 
 stripped himself of the sordid wealth which excited their cupidity. 
 
 The most profitable merchandize of the Company was the nabobs and 
 subahdars or viceroys. These princes, the rightful sovereigns of Hin- 
 dustan, were sold and re-sold like cattle in a fair ; even the Great 
 Mogul himself, the descendantof Tamerlane, was included in the general 
 traffic. This potentate, venerable for his years, and accomplished in all 
 the oriental literature, was sold to his own minister. He was knocked 
 down for the revenue of two provinces. Some princes were sold to their 
 own children; the Company, exciting the children to a parricidal war 
 against their parents, put them in possession of their dominions, on con- 
 dition of hereafter being tributary and dependent on the Company. We 
 could mention several instances of this mode of carrying on the royal 
 slave-trade, but we will pass them by, in order to relate a more sweeping 
 sale of Governor Hastings. 
 
 * After taking possession of the palace of the Begums — the mother and 
 grandmother of our ally, the nabob of Oude — in 1782, two old domestics of the 
 Begums were tortured to elicit an account of the Begums' treasure. Above 
 £500,000 was paiil, but the ill treatment continued, Avith (he hope of extracting 
 more money, when, it being found unavailing, they were set at liberty.
 
 INDIA WARS — IMPOSTURK OF INDIA COVERNMENT. 40ri 
 
 This man, who on one occasion received a present of £100,000 from 
 the nabob of Oude, was the great salesman of Indian territory. We have 
 seen that all the expenses of his prosecution were paid, and he was 
 rewarded with an annuity of £.5000 per annum iov his faithful services 
 in India. The province of Bengal, over which he presided, and the 
 territory annexed to it, is larger and more populous than France, and 
 formerly contained a landed interest, composed of a numerous nobility 
 and gentry, of freeholders, lower tenants, religious communities, and 
 public foundations. Under the English administration, these provinces 
 had fallen into great decay, and a strong representation was made of its 
 causes. Mr. Hastings, instead of administering any remedy to the 
 disorders, determined, at one blow, to dispossess all the ancient pro- 
 prietors. The incredible fact is, he set up the whole landed interest of 
 a kingdom larger than France to public auction. He set up, says 
 Burke, the whole nobility, gentry, and freeholders to tlie highest 
 bidder.* No preference was given to the zemindars, the ancient pro- 
 prietors. They Avere compelled to bid for their own property against 
 every usurer, jobber, speculator, or European servant; or they were 
 obliged to content themselves, in lieu of their extensive domains, with 
 their house and such a pension as the state auctioneer thought fit to 
 assign. Several of them, in lieu of their hereditary lands, contented 
 themselves with a pension, of which, under a new stretch of rapacity, 
 they were subsequently deprived. 
 
 For the calamities inflicted on this devoted region by avarice and 
 ambition, few compensatory advantages have been rendered. Scarcely a 
 single trace is to be found of the superiority of our civil administration, 
 nor a record of usefulness and generosity. Almost every village in 
 England attests the former sovereignty of the Romans by the ruins of 
 some work of power or utility ; but the future Hindoo will in vain seek 
 for mementos of our sway, in the bridges we have built, the navigations 
 we have opened, or the highways we have constructed. All former 
 conquerors of Hindustan — the Arab, the Tartar, and the Persian, left 
 behind them some monument of either state or beneficence; but were 
 we to be driven out of India this day, nothing- would remain to tell that 
 it had been possessed, during the inglorious period of our dominion, by 
 any thing " better than the ourang-outang or the tiger." Our only 
 principle of government has been a system of imposture, and our 
 countrymen have visited India not to benefit the natives, but themselves. 
 Their object is to amass fortunes, and they resort thither in endless 
 flights, like birds of prey and passage. All discussion, all enquiry, all 
 familiar intercourse with the people they prey upon is discouraged, lest 
 it should betray the secret of our strength, and the delusion upon which 
 the Indian empire is established. 
 
 Our military triumphs have been as void of true glory as our civil 
 administration. The feeble and indolent Hindoos were an unequal 
 
 Works of Edmund Burke, vol. iv. p. 85. 
 
 2 n 2
 
 404 F.AST-INDrA COMPANY. 
 
 match for the eneroy, artilleiy, and tactic combinations of Europeans; 
 the greatest obstacles they could oppose to their invaders were the 
 fatigue of long marches and a destructive climate. To meet them in 
 the field was synonymous with defeat, dispersion, or capture. Hence 
 our most signal victories, in the East, have been little more than so 
 many battiis — the " slaughter of some hundred deer." 
 
 In the " Life and Correspondence of Sir Thomas Munro," recently 
 published, we have striking- illustrations of Indian warfare. The 
 Mahrattas were always reckoned among our most formidable opponents, 
 and the battle of Assaye, the most brilliant of the eastern triumphs of 
 the Duke of Welling'ton. Yet it appears these warriors, in this famous 
 conflict, kept so far aloof from close collision with our troops, as to 
 inflict no wound either with bayonet or bullet. Speaking of this battle, 
 in a letter to Colonel Read, Sir T. Munro says, " At the battle of 
 Assaye, the severest that took place in the course of the war, I do not 
 recollect, among all our killed and wounded officers, one that suffered 
 from a musket-ball or a bayonet, a convincing proof that the Mahratta 
 infantry made very little serious opposition. Its discipline, its arms, 
 and uniform clothing I regard merely as the means of dressing it out 
 for the sacrijice." 
 
 In the " Correspondence" are several letters from the Duke of 
 Wellington, then Colonel Wellesley, which throw an instnictive light 
 on the reckless, plundering, and destroying system which marked our 
 Asiatic triumphs. In one letter Colonel Wellesley recommends, in 
 dashing style, the " cutting tip" and " htinting out" the natives. To 
 be sure these were thieves, and it might be quite in keeping with Indian 
 justice to do execution upon them without trial, judge, or jury. 
 
 In another letter Colonel Wellesley signalizes the exploits of a 
 brother officer, by the following graphic description : — 
 
 " Colonel Montresor has been very successful in Bulum ; has beat, burnt, 
 plundered, and destroyed in all parts of the country. But I am still of opinion 
 that nothing has been done which can tend eflectually to put an end to the 
 rebellion in Buhim, and that the near approach of the rains renders it im- 
 possible to do THAT, which alone, in my opinion, will ever get the better of 
 Kistnapah N'aig."* 
 
 We may recognize, in these military sketches, the same fierce and 
 determined spirit which so promptly turned Huskisson to the right about, 
 and dismissed from the Irish viceroyship that gallant soldier the Marquis 
 of Anglesey. Bonaparte was certainly as regardless of human life as 
 any pestilent conqueror that ever desolated the face of the earth ; but 
 there is one letter of Colonel Wellesley, Avhich, it must be allowed, 
 evinces as much barbarous indifference to the common feelings of hu- 
 manity as ever Napoleon did in the worst of his Egyptian slaughterings. 
 We shall give the letter entire. The colonel was at the time pursuing 
 his operations against Dhoondee. 
 
 * Supplement to the Life of Major-General Sir T. Munro, vol. iii. p. 120.
 
 EXPLOITS OF COLONEL WELLESLEY. 40o 
 
 " Camp at Soodnetly, Aug. 1st, 1800. 
 
 *' Dkar Munro, — I have received your letters of the 22d and 23d; I have 
 sent orders to the commanding oflicers at HuUiliall and at Nuggar to furnish 
 ammunition in moderate quantities, on the requisition of your amildars ; in 
 any quantities you please, on your own. Don't press HuUihall too much, as I 
 know they are not very well supplied there. Take what you please from 
 Nuggar. I have taken and destroyed Doondiah's baggage and six guns, and driven 
 into the Malpurha (where theij were droicned ) about five thousand feopi.e: / 
 stormed Dummull on the 2Gth July. Doondiah's followers are quitting him apace, 
 as they do not think the amusement very gratifying at the present moment. The 
 war, therefore, is nearly at an end ; and another blow, which I am meditating 
 upon him and his bunjarries, in the Kentoor country, will most probably bring 
 it to a close. I must halt here to-morrow, to refresh a little, having marched 
 every day since the 22d July ; and on the 30th, the day on which I took his 
 baggage, I marched twenty-six miles ; which, let me tell you, is no small affair 
 in this country. 
 
 " My troops are in high health and spirits, and their pockets full of money, 
 the produce of plunder. I still think, however, that a store of rice at Hullihall 
 will do us no harm, and, if I should not want it, the expense incurred will not 
 signify." 
 
 The man Avho could write this deserves that his name should be 
 inscribed on the same roll with Attila and Zinghis Khan. It is only, 
 however, a proof of the brutalizing tendency of war ; for we never 
 heard that Colonel Wellesley had either less or more humanity than the 
 usual run of conquering heroes. But how horrible to boast of having 
 driven five thousand people into a river, where they were drowned ! 
 Then witli what gusto the future Prince of Waterloo talks of 'plunder, 
 and of burning, and destroying. These excerpts are enough to illus- 
 trate Asiatic triumphs. 
 
 GOVERNMENT AND PATRONAGE OF INDIA. 
 
 The present frame of India government was established under the act 
 of 1784, and modified, by subsequent acts for the renewal of the charter, 
 in 1793 and 1813. Under the authority of these acts, by the insti- 
 tution of the Board of Control, such superintendence of the affairs of 
 India is vested in the ministers of the Crown as precludes misgovern- 
 ment without their concurrence. The Board is appointed by the King, 
 and consists of twelve commissioners, of whom the two Secretaries of 
 State and the Chancellor of the Exchequer are ex officio members ; the 
 president of the Board is the responsible officer, but the assistance of two 
 other members is necessary to render its proceedings valid. The Board 
 is invested with a control in all matters relating to the government of 
 India, whether civil, military, or financial. It has access to all records, 
 and may require abstracts and statements respecting all affairs not 
 strictly commercial. No despatches relating to government or revenue 
 can be forwarded to India without its appioval. It may even originate 
 instructions, and the Court of Directors, though tliey may remonstrate,
 
 406 
 
 EAST-INDIA COMPANY. 
 
 cannot alter them. All despatrhes received from India must be imme- 
 diately submitted to the Board ; nor can any public disclosure of their 
 contents take place, except under its authority. No war can be under- 
 taken in India without its sanction. It may grant licenses to individuals 
 to reside in India, and to ships to trade, when such licenses have been 
 refused by the Directors. So extensive, indeed, have been the powers 
 committed to it, that, whatever may have been the complexion of the 
 Company's measures in India, their responsibility is shared by the Board 
 of (Jontrol, and, through it, by the king's ministers at home. 
 
 Subordinate to the Board of Control are the administrative bodies 
 emanating from the Company. The first in responsibility and power is 
 the Court of Diiectors, consisting of twenty-four members. They are 
 elected by the General Court of Proprietors, who meet four times 
 a-year, and to whom it belongs to declare the dividend, to appoint a 
 committee to frame by-laws, to control all grants above a certain 
 amount, and to receive reports from the Directors respecting the 
 general state of the Company's concerns. No proprietor is entitled to a 
 vote unless he be possessed of £1000 East-India stock; and the quali- 
 fication of a Director is £2000 stock. Six Directors go out annually 
 in rotation, so that four years is the period of service for eacli Director ; 
 no Director can be re-elected until he has been out of the direction for 
 at least one year ; thirteen Directors form a Court, and the presence of 
 that number is necessary to give effect to all orders and instructions 
 which do not emanate from the secret committee. The business of the 
 Company is chiefly conducted by committees and sub-committees, to 
 which are permanently allotted certain defined duties, and \\hich are 
 composed of Directors appointed in the order of their seniority. 
 
 In India, the administration of each of the three presidencies of 
 Calcutta, Madras, and Bombay is vested in a Governor and Council, 
 consisting of three members. The Commander-in-Chief may be a 
 member of Council, without regard to the term of his residence; but 
 no civil servant of the Company can become member of Council until 
 he has served ten years in India. The Government of Calcutta is 
 supreme over the other governments in matters relating to peace, war, 
 and revenue. All the proceedings of the governments in India must 
 be recorded by minutes, with a statement of the reasons upon which 
 they have been founded, for the purpose of checking maladministration. 
 The governments are entrusted with the entire control over the army, 
 and Avith the imposition of taxes, in all the dominions of the Company, 
 except the towns of Calcutta, Madras, and Bombay ; and their regu- 
 lations have the authority of law, until reversed by instructions from 
 home. The Governor-General is empowered to apprehend all suspected 
 persons, and either to send them home to be tried in England, or, 
 having forwarded copies of all depositions in their case, to retain them 
 for judgment in India. Except in case of invasion, or of the most 
 urgent necessity, the Governor-General is restrained from declaring 
 war until the sanction of the Diiectors and of the Board of Control 
 has been received. The commercial and financial concerns of the
 
 company's rOLlTICAI, AD.MIMSTUATION. 4U7 
 
 Company in India are superintended by a Board of Trade and a Board 
 of llovenue. The co lection of the revenue is conducted by British 
 collectors, aided by British assistants ; but all the inferior business of 
 this department is transacted by natives. 
 
 There are three diflVrent classes of courts of justice in India. In the 
 first are the King's Courts, or Supreme Courts of Judicature, uhosc 
 jurisdiction extends to all British-born subjects residing in the provinces, 
 but, in suits between natives, is liuiited to the immediate vicinity of the 
 presidencies. The courts which administer justice in those cases in which 
 the natives are concerned are of two kinds, civil and criminal. Each 
 kind consists of a supreme court, with courts of circuit and subordinate 
 tribunals, down to institutions analogous to our Courts of RcMjuest and 
 petty sessions. Jn all the courts Europeans preside, except those of 
 the lowest description, in which there are native judges. Justice is 
 administered according to the Mahummudan law, modified by a regard to 
 Hindoo usages and by the regulations of the British Government. 
 The natives have lately been rendered capable of sitting- on juiies, and 
 it may be hoped that the introduction of this institution will tend to 
 exalt the character of the people, to curb that disposition to pervert 
 justice which is the great political vice of the East, and to supply the 
 deficiencies under which an European judge must always labour, in 
 Aveighing (he evidence of a people with whose habits and ideas he can 
 Le only partially acquainted. 
 
 Such is a brief outline of the system under Avhich the Indian emj)ire 
 is administered. Like most constitutions, it sounds well on paper, and 
 docs not appear liable to serious objections; but the general government 
 at home is a striking instance how widely the principles of a constitution 
 may differ from its practical administration. It is only an intelligent 
 Hindoo, or some one actually cognizant of our India policy, who could 
 give adequate testimony to the good or evil it confers on the native 
 population. Unfortunately the authorities at Calcutta do not tolerate 
 the jiublication of an Extraordinary Black Book there, nor liardly a 
 Times newspaper, otherwise one might become acquainted with the 
 working of the Lcadenhall administration. 
 
 One of the best criterions of good governniont is the excellence of 
 the judicial system. That of India has always been represented cor- 
 rupt and oppressive. The administration of justice is tlK> most lucrative 
 profession in the east as well as in England. According to a statement 
 of Mr. Hume, in the House of Commons, suitors in India are obliged 
 to pay to g-overnment on the sum sued for from .GO to 7 and (i per cent, 
 and a fine is levied on all debts sued for, decreasing as the amount 
 increases ! Every document requisite to the progress of a suit, the 
 citations, examinations, and depositions of witnesses, arc all to be 
 written on stamped ])aper ; thereby increasing: the expenses to an 
 enormous total. These expenses amount to a virtual denial of justice, 
 and, in the course of a long: I'fe, <v nian could scarcely expect to see 
 any termination of suits ; in a word, it is the English chancery 
 system— that admirable contrivance for spunging clients— operating in
 
 408 EAST-INDIA COMPANY. 
 
 India. The police is established on the Sidmouth or Villele system. 
 A corps of spies is attached to every preventive establishment, and there 
 is no Habeas Corpus Act to expedite judicial sentences. Persons 
 are frequently taken up, and months elapse before any information is 
 exhibited against them. In the interval they are confined in crowded 
 and unhealthy prisons, where death not unfrequently overtakes them ; 
 or, after enduring the aggravated misery of imprisonment, nothing 
 whatever appears against them, and they are liberated. For these 
 blessings the Hindoos pay annually about £1,785,000, which is a 
 greater expense than all the law-officers in Europe. 
 
 Leaving for the present any further strictures on the general govern- 
 ment of India, let us advert to the important subject of India influence 
 and patronage. 
 
 The whole patronage of India, civil and military, is vested in the 
 Court of Directors, with the exception of the appointments of bishops, 
 and of the judges of the Supreme Courts of Judicature. The 
 Governors in India and the Commander-in-Chief are named by the 
 Company, but their appointment must be sanctioned by the king. The 
 king also possesses the power of removing any civil servant from his 
 office in India. With these exceptions, the entire civil, naval, and 
 military patronage of India vests in the Company, and exceeds in amount 
 the patronage of the Crown before the French revolutionary war. Of 
 the extent of this patronage we may form some idea from the number 
 of persons in the Company's service. We have no means of stating 
 exactly the number of persons employed by the Company, but the fol- 
 lowing is an estimate when the revenues and possessions of the east 
 were much less than at present. 
 
 Persons either in the service of the Company or 
 ( connected with and employed in their affairs 
 
 \ in England 2,14ti 
 
 Civil S r ice ^ Persons in India employed in the judicial, cleri- 
 
 \ cal, diplomatic, commercial, and revenue 
 
 J departments 1,050 
 
 f Seamen employed and reared in the Company's 
 
 service in 115 ships, about 25,000 
 
 British military officers in the Company's ser- 
 vice commanding European troops 1,000 
 
 British officers and cadets in the Company's ser- 
 
 Military and Naval J vice commanding native troops 3,000 
 
 Service. J British non-commissioned officers and soldiers 
 
 in the service of the Company 16,000 
 
 British officers in the Company's naval depart- 
 
 ■ ment in India 113 
 
 z' Natives employed in various departments in the 
 
 Natives in the ser- 1 civil service of the Company 12,362 
 
 vice of the Com-< Natives employed in the Indian armies 140,000 
 
 pany. i Natives employed in the naval service estimated 
 
 V at about 800 
 
 Total 201,477 
 
 I
 
 SALARIKS — OUTFITS — SUPERANNUATIONS. 409 
 
 All the salaries in India are on a much more extravagant scale than 
 in England. Of the above 201,477 persons in the service of the 
 Company, at least 6000 in the civil and military departments at home 
 and abroad, enjoy emoluments from £'200 to £10,000 a year, exclusive 
 of the Governor-General. The salary of the Governor-General of 
 Bengal is £25,000 a year, and three counsellors with a salary of 
 £10,000 a year each. The salary' of the Chief Justice of the Supreme 
 Court of Judicature at Calcutta is £8000 a year, with three other 
 judges at £bO00 a year each. By the act of 1813, the salary of a 
 bishop in India is £5000 a year, and of three archdeacons £2000 a 
 year each. The expense of outfit, &c. of different officers was fixed 
 by the same act, as follows : — 
 
 Governor-General of Fort William, in Bengal £5000 
 
 Eacli of tiie nieinbers of council there 1200 
 
 Commander-in-Chief of ail the Forces in India 2500 
 
 Chief Justice of the Supreme Court at Fort W illiam 1500 
 
 Each of the Puisne Judges there 1000 
 
 Governor of Fort St. George 3000 
 
 Each of the iMenibers of Council there 1 000 
 
 Coniniander-in -Chief there 2001) 
 
 Chiet Justice of the Supreme Court there 1200 
 
 Each of the Puisne J udges there 1 000 
 
 (jovernor of Hoiiibay 2500 
 
 I'ach of the members of council there 1000 
 
 Commander-in-Chief there 1500 
 
 Recorder there 1500 
 
 Governor of Prince of Wales's Island 1200 
 
 liecorder there 1000 
 
 Bishop 1200 
 
 Each of the Archdeacons 500 
 
 The allowance for the outfit, &c. of those officers is about one-fourth 
 the amount of their salaries, exclusive of other emoluments. Accord- 
 ing to a statement in the East-India Ikcgistcr, the allowances per 
 month to general and regimental oflicers when in the field, were on the 
 Bengal establishment, as follows : — 
 
 General officer on the staff ±'GG2 10 
 
 Colonel not on the stall' 15U 5 
 
 Lieutenant-Colonel 123 15 
 
 Major 9:$ 15 
 
 Captain 51 7 f. 
 
 Captain-Lieutenant 13 17 G 
 
 Lieutenant 31 15 
 
 Ensign 25 (I 
 
 Adjutant 2H 7 G 
 
 Uuartcr-Master 1112 G 
 
 Surgeon 51 7 (> 
 
 Assistant ditto 31 15 
 
 The allowance to officers on the Fort St. George and Bombay I-lsta- 
 blishmcnts, was nearly the same as the above. The sums grantt-d by 
 way of superannuation allowance to officers and servants of the Com- 
 pany are very considerable. They are fixed according to the following 
 scale, by the 53d George lH. c. 155.
 
 410 KAST-INDIA COMPANY. 
 
 rrnponion of talarj'. 
 If an oflicer or servant sliall have served with diligence and \ 
 lidelity in the Company's service for ten years, and being f q „ fu- i 
 under GO years of age, shall be incapable, from infirmity of /" 
 mind or body, to discharge the duties of office ) 
 
 If above 10 years and less than 20 One-half. 
 
 If above 20 years Two-thirds. 
 
 If such otHcer or servant shall be above 60 years of age, and i 
 
 he shall have served 15 years or upwards, without inlirmity J Two-thirds, 
 of mind or body ) 
 
 If 6.5 years of age, or upwards, and he shall have served J ry, r- -• 
 
 40 years or upwards J 
 
 If 65 years of age, and he shall have served 50 years or ; •„,, , , 
 •' , ^ ' ■'J The whole, 
 upwards ) 
 
 From the preceding details, some idea maybe formed of the immen.sc 
 vahie of India patronage, and the wide field it opens for providing for 
 children, relatives, and dependents. The trade of the Company has 
 never been an object of so much importance as the military appointments 
 to an army of 150,000 men, the filling up of vacancies in the judicial 
 and police departments, and the numerous situations in the collection 
 and expenditure of a revenue of 24 millions per annum. It is the 
 annual value of these different situations which constitute the real profit 
 of the Company. 
 
 It is evident that the excellence of our administration in India will 
 depend upon the employment of individuals recommended by integrity 
 and talent. In theory this principle appears to have been admitted by 
 the Directors in 1793, when, by one of their by-laws, it was enacted 
 that each Director, ten days after his election, should take oath to 
 receive no emolument, perquisite, or pecuniary gratification, for any 
 appointment in India. Little regard was paid to this obligation, and so 
 early as 1798 it was notorious that a very extensive and systematic 
 traffic was carried on for places in India. Several attempts were made, 
 real or pretended, by Committees of the House of Commons, also by 
 committees appointed by the Court of Directors, to discover the indi- 
 viduals implicated in these practices. On one occasion it was proposed 
 that each Director should take oath he had not received any reward for 
 any appointment he had made ; but this was rejected by a large majority, 
 and the sale in offices continued by public advertisement and otherwise, 
 till at last an office was openly established for the sale and purchase of 
 India patronage. 
 
 The practice was shameless and notorious ; hut it does not appear to 
 have been completely laid bare, till the memorable disclosures in 1809, 
 relative to Mrs. Clarke and the Duke of York. In that year it was 
 discovered that the improper disposal of India patronage had not been 
 confined to the honourable Directors, but extended even to the right 
 honourable President of the Board of Control. The then president 
 was Lord Cnstlereagh. Tl;is minister, by the agency of a common 
 place-broker, attempted to purchase, for a writership in India, a seat in 
 parliament for his friend Lord Ciancarty. Here was corruption three 
 deep. It was a dereliction of his duty as a minister of the Crown ; a
 
 PATRONAGi: — SALE OF OFFH^ES NABOB OF ARCOT. 411 
 
 sliameless abuse of his trust as President of the Board of Control ; and 
 a daring- attack on the purity (bah !) of the Commons' House of Par- 
 liament. Such was the description of this transaction given by the 
 hite Lord A. Hamilton. Lord Castlereagh, however, was defended on 
 the ground of the notoriety of the practice. Some of the members 
 said that selling' seats in the House of Commons was as notorious 
 as the sun at noon-day : this could not be denied, for it was well 
 known that the Secretary of the Tieasury was in the constant prac- 
 tice of buying seats for the adherents of ministers. This being the 
 case, there appeared injustice in making an example of the President 
 of the Board of Control ; and the motion was got rid of by moving 
 the order of the day. 
 
 The fact of I^rd Castlereag-h having a writership at his disposal to 
 purchase a seat in the House of Commons, shows how ministers may 
 avail themselves of even subordinate appointments in India. The Di- 
 rectors have the patronage of the East at their disposal ; but, indirectly, 
 ministers participate in its advantages. The latter Ave have seen have a 
 negative on the appointments of the principal servants of the Company, 
 besides which the general superintendence they exercise over India 
 affairs, through the medium of the Board of Control, renders it highly 
 improbable the Directors should neglect to provide for any individual 
 backed by a ministerial recommendation ; more especially as the favour 
 might be so easily returned. 
 
 We may conclude this part of our subject with remarking that the 
 whole patronage and influence of India is so much added to that of the 
 general government of the empire. The India-House is little more than 
 a branch of the general administration, where a part of the business of 
 the Government is transacted, and with which it is almost as much 
 connected as with the Home-office or Treasury department. The case 
 of the notorious Paul Benfield strikingly illustrates the reciprocal 
 workings of the two systems. This man, whose " offal," Burke said, 
 " ought to have fed the region kites," had at one time no fewer than 
 eight members in parliament, and he attempted to bring in one of his 
 agents for the City of London. These members were returned at Ben- 
 field's expense to support the Pitt Ministry ; and in return for this sup- 
 port Mr. Pitt allowed Benfield to set up some imaginary and exaggerated 
 pecuniary claims against the Nabob of Arcot.^ 
 
 The great mass of influence arises from appointments in India, but 
 the political influence of the Company is ver^ considerable from the vast 
 number of individuals employed in their different warehouses and esta- 
 blishments in London. All the influence they possess is employed in 
 
 • The commissioners appointed to investigate lliedebtsof this Nabob tinislied 
 tlieir labours in the course of 1830, liiivinj; consumed in tlie inquiry exactly a 
 ([uartcr of a century. One of the principal commissioners died abnost iniine- 
 (liately after concluding; this notable job. The claims set up aivniiist the Nal)ob 
 amounted to £30,401,911) ; the cummib.iioucrs allowed i'.'jGbti, llti. — i'ur/. Hep. 
 No. 114, Si'ss. 1S30.
 
 412 EAST-INDIA COMPANY. 
 
 support of their parliamentary interest. Whenever a labourer comes 
 into the service of the Company he is required to state for what place 
 he has a vote for a member of parUament : his name is then registered 
 with this specification ; and on an election he is told that he will be 
 spared from his situation to give his suffrage, if he will vote according to 
 orders ; disobedience being supposed to be punished by dismissal from 
 his office. The number of individuals thus kept in political subjection 
 to the Company is about four thousand. 
 
 This practice needs no comment. It sufficiently identifies the East- 
 India Company with Government, and we may consider the revenue of 
 Hindustan, as well as the revenue of England, as fonning a part of that 
 immense expenditure by which the Borough System has been supported. 
 
 TERRITORIAL REVENUES OF INDIA. 
 
 The fiscal system of India is distinguished by a peculiarity which is 
 without parallel in Europe. The rental of the soil, in lieu of being 
 monopolized by an oppressive aristocracy, is applied to defray the charges 
 of government, the support of a military force, and the expense of the 
 judicial administration. The Hindoos are, happily, unacquainted with 
 the custom-duties, the excise-duties, and assessed taxes, which weigh 
 down industry and abridge enjoyments in England. In the East, the 
 state takes about one-fifth of the gross produce of the land, and that 
 satisfies nearly all its wants. Other taxes are inconsiderable ; as the 
 transit-duties, stamps, licenses, and judicial fees. The monopoly of 
 salt and opium is also a source of income. But the principal source of 
 revenues is the land-tax, w^hich constituted the only rent payable by the 
 cultivators of the soil, under the Hindoo and Mohummudan sovereigns. 
 
 The gross revenues of India, in the year 1827, amounted to 
 £23,383,497 ; the expenditure, inclusive of the interest of the debt, 
 to £23,323,179. The chief items of expenditure are the military, 
 civil, and revenue establishments ; salaries, pensions, superannuation- 
 allowances, and stipends payable to deposed princes. 
 
 The total amount of territorial debts in India, in the same year, was 
 £42,870,876 ; the interest of the debt £1,749,068. By some writers 
 the debt of India is considered to operate in the same way as the 
 debt in England ; by rendering a large class of persons interested in 
 the permanency of the British power. This is a one-sided view of the 
 question, which it is hardly worth while stopping to answer. Creditors 
 may feel an interest in their debtors, of the same kind as that which 
 subsists between a lord and his vassal ; but this sort of relation does 
 not tend to increase mutual attachment. A government, by incurring 
 debt, may create a partial interest in its stability, but this advantage 
 must be far more than counterbalanced by alienating the vast ma- 
 jority, in consequence of the additional burthens which the debt renders 
 necessary ; and, in the foreign transactions of such a government, 
 its power and influence are weakened by a knowledg-e of its financial 
 encumbrances.
 
 REVENUES. — COMMERCE WITH CHINESE. 413 
 
 Leaving, however, this matter, as irrelevant to our immediate puipose, 
 let us continue the inquiry into the finances of India. The Company 
 have never been able to realize a surplus revenue from their territorial 
 possessions. All the income they have derived from Indian taxation 
 has been expended in defraying the salaries of their servants, in the 
 maintenance of a numerous army, and other establishments necessary 
 to the preservation of their power. The only source of surplus income 
 for the payment of the interest of their capital stock, and other out- 
 goings, has been the comtnercial profits arising from their exclusive 
 privileges. The nature of these profits it will be proj)er to explain, as 
 well as the mode in which the China trade is conducted, in order to 
 prepare the way for a few observations on the renewal of the Company's 
 charter. 
 
 COMMERCIAL IXTEKCOUKSE WITH THE CHINESE. 
 
 The foreign trade with China is restricted to the port of Canton by 
 the Chinese government. It is a source of consideraljlc revenue to the 
 government of China, and of the most valuable patronage, which is sold 
 by the government to the highest bidder. Hence it follows that the 
 local authorities are greatly interested in maintaining the trade, which, 
 from the same cause, is subjected to heavy taxes and extortions. The 
 inhabitants, also, of Canton and its neighbourhood, as well as the 
 numerous classes employed in the culture and manufacture of tea, have 
 a deep interest in the trade ; every interruption of which causes great 
 individual distress. 
 
 Foreigners are interdicted by Chinese regulations from going within 
 the walls of Canton. The place of their aTaode is a small suburb, and 
 their residence there is authorized only for the period of the shipping 
 season ; but these limitations are not rigorously enforced, the Company's 
 servants going when they please to Canton, and some private merchants 
 residing there throughout the whole year.* Security must be given for 
 the payment of the custom-duties before a ship is permitted to trade, and 
 this security also includes responsibility for the good conduct and sub- 
 mission to the laws of the ship's company. The only persons whom the 
 Chinese government accepts as security is a sort of mercantile cor- 
 poration or fraternity, called the " Hong merchants," formerly ten in 
 number, but reduced by bankruptcies to seven. These become security 
 for the Company's ships in rotation ; the whole of the Company's trade 
 being apportioned among the seven Hong in shares. 
 
 Besides the members of the Hong, other persons, designated as " Out- 
 side merchants" and " Shopmen," are allowed to trade with foreigners ; 
 their traffic is chiefly with the officers of the Company's ships, private 
 traders, and the Americans. They are not allowed to trade in certain 
 
 • Report of the Select Committee of the House of Commons on India Affairs, 
 Sess. 1830, Nos. 275 to 277.
 
 414 
 
 EAST-INDIA COMPANY, 
 
 articles, as tea, raw silk, cloths and woollens, all of which are, by Chinese 
 edicts, reserved exclusively to the Hong, 
 
 The Hong merchants are by law mutually responsible to each other 
 for a limited amount, but this regulation is not invariably enforced. They 
 are stated to be fair and liberal in their conduct. A similar opinion, 
 though with less confidence, has been expressed respecting the outside 
 merchants. No one is responsible for the debts of the latter, and foreigners 
 are warned of this by official notifications. 
 
 The Company's trade at Canton is managed by an establishment 
 of supercargoes and writers, twenty in all, with two inspectors, whose 
 duty it is to examine into and report upon the qualities of all teas 
 offered for sale to the Company. Three or four of the senior super- 
 cargoes are annually formed into a Select Committee, who, under the 
 orders of the Court of Directors, conduct the w'hole of the Company's 
 affairs in China. 
 
 Most of the witnesses examined by Parliamentary committees concur 
 in stating that business at Canton may be conducted with greater facility 
 and expedition than in almost any other part of the world ; much of 
 which is said to be owing to the transactions connected with each ship 
 being all managed by the same person, the security merchant. It was 
 further stated that the Hong had occasionally aided the operations of 
 commerce by advancing money on loan to foreigners. 
 
 COMMERCIAL PROFITS OF THE COMPANY. 
 
 The commercial profits of the Company are chiefly derived from their 
 monopoly of the trade in tea. The following statement shows the dif- 
 ference between the prime cost of tea at Canton and its price at the 
 East-India sales in London, from which an estimate may be formed of 
 the profit on this article : 
 
 Tea purchased at Canton. 
 
 
 
 Prime cost. 
 
 Average price per 
 
 Years. 
 
 lbs. 
 
 £ 
 
 
 lb. 
 
 1824-25... 
 
 •28,697,088... 
 
 ..1,900,866... 
 
 .Is. 
 
 4d. nearly. 
 
 1825-26... 
 
 .27,821,121... 
 
 ..1,729,949... 
 
 • Is. 
 
 Hd. „ ' 
 
 1826-27... 
 
 • 40,182,241... 
 
 ..2,368,461... 
 
 .Is. 
 
 2d. „ 
 
 1827-28... 
 
 .33,269,333... 
 Sales 
 
 ..2,086,971... 
 i7i England. 
 
 • Is. 
 
 3d. „ 
 
 
 
 Sale price. 
 
 Average price per 
 
 Years. 
 
 lbs. 
 
 £ 
 
 
 lb. 
 
 1825-26... 
 
 .27,803,668... 
 
 ..3,872,685... 
 
 .2s. 
 
 lOrf. nearly 
 
 1826-27... 
 
 .27,700,978... 
 
 .3,485,092... 
 
 .2s. 
 
 6d. ,, 
 
 1827-28... 
 
 .28,120,354... 
 
 .2,358,955... 
 
 .2s. 
 
 5d. „ 
 
 1828-29... 
 
 .28,230,383... 
 
 .3,286,272... 
 
 .2s. 
 
 Hd. „ 
 
 It thus appears the Company charge considerably more than 1 00 per
 
 COMMERCIAL PROFITS OF THE COMPANY. 4l5 
 
 cent, additional to the prime cost on all the teas consumed in the king- 
 dom. It is almost the only article of traffic in which they realize a 
 profit. Their exports to China consist principally of woollens, by which 
 branch of trade they sustain an annual loss, though, as we shall show 
 presently, this loss, by an evasion of the Commutation Act, is thrown upon 
 the British public. 
 
 The Company has lately sent little merchandize to India, except mili- 
 tary stores, Avhich, being* charged to the territorial account, do not 
 enter into a statement of commercial profits. It imports, however, to a 
 considerable amount, from that country, raw silk, indigo, and other 
 articles. Whether there is profit 'or loss in the trade it is difficult to de- 
 termine from the accounts submitted to parliament.* 
 
 In addition to the profits on its trade, the Company is entitled to a 
 certain duty upon goods imported by the private and privileged trade, 
 warehoused and sold through its medium. From the gross profits 
 arising from this trade, a large deduction is to be made for the expense 
 of freight and demurrage, amounting, in 1829, to £062,964. After 
 paying all the other expenses of the commercial establishment, interest 
 on the bond debt, &c. the dividend remains to be provided. The capital 
 stock of the Company is £6,000,000; so that at 10.^ per cent, it 
 requires a net profit of £620,000 per annum to pay the dividend. 
 
 Now these preliminaries bring us to the consideration of a very im- 
 portant issue between the public and the East-India Company. The 
 Company, we have seen, has not realized a surplus revenue from their 
 territorial acquisitions ; that has been all expended in the charges of war 
 and government. Commercial profits, then, are the only source from 
 which the Company has a surplus-revenue to pay the dividends and 
 support their home-establishments. But, it appears, the profits of the 
 Company on the several branches of trade, are either none at all, or 
 very unimportant, except in the single article of tea. So that, in fact, 
 it is the people of England who pay the dividends of the proprietors, 
 and other outgoings, in the monopoly price of their teas. Let us in- 
 quire whether this is conformable to the agreement between the Company 
 and the public. 
 
 The Comnuitation Act, the 24th Geo. III. c. 38, provides that there 
 shall be at least four sales in every year, at which there shall be put up 
 such quantities of tea as shall be judged equal to the demand ; that the 
 tea so put up shall be sold, without reserve, to the highest bidder, pro- 
 vided an advance of one penny per pound shall be bid upon the prices 
 at wliich the same shall he put up ; and that it shall not be lawful for 
 the Company " to put up their tea for sale at any prices which shall, 
 upon the whole of the teas so put up, at any one sale, exceed the prime 
 cost thereof, with the freight and chart/cs of importation, together with 
 lawful interest from the time of the arrival of such tea in Great Britain 
 
 ■ Considerations rehitivc to tlie Kenewal of tlic Company's Cliaiti'r. l\v 
 W. S. O'Drkn, M.P,
 
 416 EAST-INDIA COMPANY. 
 
 and the common premium of insurance, as a compensation for tlie sea- 
 risk incurred therein." 
 
 Here are the terms of the contract between the community and tlie 
 merchants of Leadenhall : the latter are to supply the former with a 
 quantity of tea adequate to their demand, and, to })revent extortion in 
 the price, all the items of charge which the Company, in addition to 
 the prime cost, are allowed to include in the put-up price, are distinctly 
 specified ; but there is no item for the Company' a dividends, and it 
 was certainly never intended they should be paid out of the profits of 
 the tea-trade. All the legislature contemplated was to reimburse the 
 Company the prime cost of their teas and reasonable charges, but never 
 that they should be enabled to realize an exorbitant profit applicable 
 to their general expenditure. That this profit has been realized is 
 proved from a statement submitted to the Committee of the House of 
 Commons, which shows that the profits on the China trade for the last 
 fifteen years amounted to £16,971,316. Had the trade with China 
 been open, the Company must have been satisfied with the ordinary 
 mercantile profit ; they could not have taxed the public to the amount 
 of upwards of one million per annum, to provide a fund not only for 
 the payment of the dividend upon India Stock and the interest of 
 their bond debt, but also materially to aid their wasteful Indian ex- 
 penditure. 
 
 There is another transaction, though not so important as the pre- 
 ceding, on which the principle of the Commutation Act has been con- 
 travened. The Company have long taken credit for having persisted 
 in the export trade to China at a considerable loss ; and this their 
 advocates would have the community to believe has been done for the 
 sake of promoting the sale of British manufactures. From the state- 
 ments of Mr. Marjoribanks (Report on the China Trade, page 32) it 
 appears the losses on the Company's exports, from 1820 to 1829, aver- 
 aged about £17,000 per annum, and that for the twenty-six preceding 
 years they amounted to £64,000 per annum. But at whose expense 
 does the reader imagine these losses have been incurred ? Why, at the 
 expense of the people of the United Kingdom. The way this has been 
 effected is by adding the losses on exports to the price of the tea in 
 China ; thus if the Company export goods to the value of £1000, which, 
 when sold in China, produce only £800, the quantity of tea purchased 
 with this sum is valued by them at £1000, and this amount is charged 
 in the upset price ; although, as we have ssen above, that they are 
 restricted by Act of Parliament from putting up their tea at more than 
 " prime cost." There cannot be a more direct violation of the statute, 
 which seems to have been framed with the express view of guarding- 
 against such practices. The servants of the Company endeavour to 
 justify these proceedings on the ground of the exports being made for 
 the express purpose of providing funds in China for the purchase of 
 tea ; but this is no apology for the infringement of a positive contract. 
 Besides, there can be little doubt that the loss on the export trade results 
 from the wasteful and injudicious manner in which it is conducted;
 
 SUCCESS OF THE PRIVATE TRADE TO INDIA. 417 
 
 Otherwise how does it happen that the Americans carry on the same 
 trade in the same commodities with a profit ? 
 
 In 1813 the trade to India was thrown open to private merchants, but 
 was still, in some measure, impeded by enactments which required that 
 all ships passing to the eastward of the Cape of Good Hope should 
 exceed 350 tons of burthen, and which rendered it necessary to procure 
 a license to trade from the Court of Directors, or, upon tlieir refusal, 
 from tiie Board of Control. They also proAnded that certain articles 
 of Indian produce should be brought to the port of London alone. 
 British ships were still prevented from trading between ports without 
 the kingdom, and places within the limits of the East-India Company's 
 charter. These restrictions wei'e much relaxed in 1823. The export 
 of military stores to India is reserved to the Company, but ships, 
 w^ithout limitation to burthen, may clear out, unlicensed, for any place 
 eastward of the Cape of Good Hope, except for minor poits between 
 the Indus and Malacca. A license is still necessary to proceed to any 
 other except the four principal settlements — Calcutta, Madras, Bombay, 
 and Prince of Wales's Island, Avithin these limits. Vessels returning 
 from India may now be admitted to entry in any of the Avarehousing 
 ports of Great Britain, and trade is permitted betAveen foreign ports and 
 places Avithin the limits of the Company's charter. 
 
 The Company reserve to themselves all the trade betAvecn the United 
 Kingdom and China, excepting only a small portion alloAved by Avay of 
 privilege to the commanders and oilicers of their ships. Licenses are 
 granted by the Company to all Indian ships, denominated " Country 
 Ships," to trade between India and China, and to export from China a 
 limited quantity of tea, Avith permission to dispose of it to any inter- 
 mediate port between China and the port in India to Avhich the ship 
 may be destined. These licenses do not include the Cape of Good 
 Hope, the Company themselves supplying that settlement Avith teaat high 
 prices, notAvithstanding the agreement they made some years since to 
 put up their teas for sale at the Cape at an advance not exceeding six 
 per cent, on the costs and charges of importation.* 
 
 Let us now advert to the different results arising from the different 
 j)rinciples on Avhich the trade to India and China has been conducted. 
 
 Tiie effect of opening the trade to India has been greatly to increase 
 its amount. The highest value of goods exported to India in any year 
 between 1792 and 1811 did not exceed £2,475,987 (the exports of 
 1808). It Avill be seen, hereafter, that this amount is less than one 
 half of the value of the present exports. The increase has cliiefly 
 taken place in the export of cotton-manufoctured goods. Previous to 
 1813 the amount of cotton goods exported to India Avas very trifling. 
 They noAv fall A'ery little short of £2,000,000 in Aaluc annually. This 
 augmentation may partly be attributed to the extraordinary improvement 
 ^^hich has taken place in our manufactures, attended by a great rcduc- 
 
 • Kpport of Commons' ('onimitlee, Scss. 18»0, Nos. 405, C27, 207S. 
 
 2 I
 
 418 KAST-INDIA COMPANY. 
 
 tion of prices, and to the extension and consolidation of the British 
 
 power in India. 
 
 The following statements show at once the comparative exports and 
 imports of the Company and the freu and privileged trade in their trans- 
 actions v;ith India and China. 
 
 Exports by the Private Trade. 
 
 Years. Total to India and China. By the Private Trade. 
 
 £ £ 
 
 1825 3,918,071 2,574,660 
 
 1826 4,468,883 2,625,888 
 
 1827 5,201,.599 3,903,006 
 
 1828 5,212,353 4,085,426 
 
 Exports by the East-India Company. 
 
 Years. Merchandize for Sale. Stores. Total. 
 
 £ £ £ 
 
 1825-26 7.54,832 501,518 1,256,3.50 
 
 1826-27 826,055 907,833 1,733,888 
 
 1827-28 494,922 807,354 1,-302,276 
 
 1828-29 636,441 462,369 1,098,810 
 
 Imports from India and China, 
 
 Years. By the Company. By the Private Trade. Total. 
 
 £ £ £ 
 
 1825 5,375,492 - 5,178,925 10,.554,417 
 
 1826 5,076,360 5,162,509 10,688,869 
 
 1827 6,148,077 4,514,661 10,662,738 
 
 1828 5,576,905 5,643,671 11,220,576 
 
 These statements show clearly the benefits which have resulted to 
 the community from the opening of the trade to India, and the outlet it 
 has aft'orded to British industry and manufactures. From the first, it 
 appears, the exports by the private trade to the East nearly doubled in 
 four years ; while from the second it appears the exports of the Company, 
 during the same period, and under similar favourable circumstances, 
 have declined rather than augmented. What more can be required to 
 establish the advantages of free trade, and the greater results which 
 may be anticipated from the frugality, activity, and enterprise of 
 individuals than from the expensive, negligent, and drowsy proceedings 
 of chartered monopolies ? 
 
 It is worthy of observation that the most enlightened servants of the 
 Company doubted whether the natives of India would ever be brought to 
 consume largely European manufactures. Experience has falsified their 
 representations. Similar results may be confidently expected from the 
 opening of the trade to China. 
 
 RENEWAL OF THE CHARTER OF THE EAST-IXDIA COMFAXV. 
 
 Such improvements in the national representation, as would insure 
 an honest and enlightened government, would render unnecessary any
 
 DEFECTS AND ADVANTAGES OF INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 419 
 
 great changes in the scheme of our Indian administration. Ministers, 
 liaving- the control of the affairs of India, are responsible for their 
 management; and, provided the people of England had an adequate 
 control over them, there would be little risk of misgovernment, either 
 in Great Britain or her great dependency. But if a system is tolerated, 
 which admits of the accession to power of corrupt and incapable men, 
 the calamity is felt in every part of the empire. Hence, the happiness 
 of tlie vast population of Hindustan, no less than that of the United 
 Kingdom, is identified in the great question of parliamentary reform. 
 
 The government of India, it appears to us, must always be so con- 
 stituted as to be subordinate to the general government. Equality 
 woidd generate rivalry; rivalry, hostility; and this last be the source 
 of mutual weakness and annoyance. All these evils are obviated by tlie 
 supremacy of tiie Board of Control. The sovereigns of Leatlenhall-street 
 can never compete with the sovereigns of Downing-street; yet, though 
 the dependence of the former is secured, it is not so far merged in the 
 latter as to preclude them from the exercise of a distinct and separate 
 administration. 
 
 Another advantage results from the existing system in the division of 
 India jxitronage. Supposing the Company deprived of their territorial 
 authoritv, by whom could the immense patronage of India be exercised ? 
 It was the principle of the India bills of Mr. Fox to vest the patronage 
 of India in a Board, emanating from parliament and independent of the 
 Crown ; but, in the present constitution of the House of Commons, this 
 was only adding to the power and emolument of the Aristocracy. 
 Again, to vest India patronage in ministers would be not less objection- 
 able ; it would form an enormous addition to the overwhelming intiuence 
 of the Ci'own. The Court of Diiectors, however, though they have 
 some intei'ests in common with the Oligarchy and executive government, 
 are )iot diiectly identified with either ; they are a different povver, based 
 on different interests; their constituency are neither pot-walloppers, bur- 
 gage-holders, nor freeholders — they are proprietors of India Stock ; and 
 this is a qualification from which neither the peerage nor the House of 
 Commons derive their ascendancy. Under this arrangement a diversion 
 of iniiiience is obtained, and the danger to public liberty, which might 
 result from consolidating the patronage of India with that of the United 
 Kingdom, is in some measure averted. 
 
 In our ojiinion, then, the Company ought to retain their political 
 sovereignty, and for this plain reason — that we do not see by what 
 other constituted authority their functions could be discharged with less 
 danger to the community. But though we think the general plan of the 
 Indian government cannot be greatly improved, we are not insensible 
 to the defects in its practical administration. The different departments 
 of the Company's administration, we have little doubt, are more preg- 
 nant with abuse, if that be possible, than the borough system itself. But 
 this is a question wholly distinct from that we have been investigating, 
 and into the merits of which we are not prepared to enter. There are, 
 however, a fcAv points bearing on this branch of the subject so notorious, 
 
 ■ '2 i: 2
 
 420 EAST-INDIA COMPANY. 
 
 that we cannot forbear noticing- tlieni, trusting that they will receive 
 modification in the a{)proaching renewal of the Company's charter. 
 
 For instance, it appears a monstrous abuse that the Directors, who 
 are only chosen for four years, should virtually exercise their functions 
 for life. Of the twenty-four directors, six are obliged to retire every 
 year in rotation ; but, instead of withdrawing entirely, they secede for 
 one year only, being sure, as a matter of course, of being re-elected for 
 another four years when the period of probation expires, and so on to the 
 end of their lives, through the influence of their co-directors ; for which 
 purpose their names are enrolled on what is termed the " House List," 
 in Leadenh all-street. 
 
 The number of proprietors of India-Stock is about 2,200. In the 
 choice of directors, £1,000 stock gives one vote ; £3,000 stock two 
 votes; £6,000 stock three votes; and £10,000 stock four votes. This 
 is the principle of the select-vestry system^ without the same justifica- 
 tion. There is nothing analogous to it in the election of members of 
 parliament, and it is as unsuitable in the choice of the governors of an 
 empire, as if the members of the House of Commons were each to have 
 votes proportioned to the magnitude of their rent-roll. 
 
 Among the prerogatives which the Company exercise, one is justly 
 objectionable, namely, the power of denying to British subjects per- 
 mission to reside in India. By the 53d Geo. III. c. 155, heavy penal- 
 ties are imposed upon any British subject who shall proceed to India 
 without license from the Directors or Board of Control. The local 
 governments are also empowered, if they see fit, to send home any 
 European residing there, even though in possession of a license. It is 
 also enacted that no British subject shall reside in the interior, at a 
 greater distance than ten miles from the presidencies, without a certifi- 
 cate of leave from the local authorities. Till a very late period, no 
 European was allowed to hold lands either as proprietor or upon lease. 
 By a recent regulation, however, of the present governor-general, the 
 indigo planters have been permitted to take leases of lands from the 
 natives for the cultivation of the plant. 
 
 Such restrictions are an arbitrary abridgment of the rights of loco- 
 motion and enterprise, for which we have never seen any adequate 
 justification. No danger can possibly result from the free settlement of 
 Englishmen in India, The whole European community scattered 
 through this vast region, exclusive of those in the service of the com- 
 pany, does not exceed 3,000, and any increase in their number, so as 
 to excite apprehension, is wholly improbable. Were it not so, the Com- 
 pany can have no right to exercise an authority injurious both to their 
 fellow subjects and the native population, merely for the sake of perpe- 
 tuating their own power. 
 
 Neither is there policy nor justice — if such principles can ever be 
 disjunctive — in keeping in a state of civil and political disfranchisement 
 that numerous and respectable class denominated " East-Indians." 
 These are Christian men, born of English parents, or the descendants 
 of English parents; yet not being considered " British subjects" in the
 
 COLONIZATION — EAST-INDIANS — PRESS OF INDIA. 421 
 
 decisions of the Supreme Court, are withheld from the benefits of the 
 laws of England.* Their thraldom is most irksome and anomalous. 
 In conformity with the tenor of parliamentary enactments relative to 
 Hindustan, professors of the Hindoo religion are governed in their civil 
 relations by Hindoo law ; professors of the Mohummudan religion by 
 Mohummudan law ; and both Hindoos and Mohummudans are subject 
 in criminal matters to Mohummudan law — both civil and criminal being- 
 modified by the regulations of the East-India Company. But the un- 
 fortunate East-Indians do not fall within the circle of any of these 
 codes of jurisprudence. Not being Hindoos they cannot regulate social 
 duties by Hindoo law ; not being- Mohummudans they cannot regulate 
 them by Mohummudan law ; and not being- British-born subjects they 
 cannot enjoy the benefits of English law. They are, in fact, placed 
 without the social pale, and governed in the relations of life by what- 
 ever rule any judge may frame on the spur of the occasion. But this 
 does not include the whole of their grievances : they are proscribed from 
 all superior and covenanted offices in the Civil, Military, and Marine 
 services ; they are not considered eligible even to those subordinate em- 
 ployments in the Judicial, Revenue, and Police Departments, which 
 are open A\ithout reserve to the Hindoo and Mohummudan. We cannot 
 fjclieve the charter of the Company will be renewed without these unjust 
 distinctions being modified, and the East-Indian race considered, as they 
 ought to be, by the double ties of civil rights and consanguineous claim, 
 the connecting link between the parent state and native population. 
 
 Lastly, the operations of the Press in India require a more consti- 
 tutional guarantee than the fiat of the governors and governor general. 
 During- the viceroyship of Lord William Bentinck, the literary and 
 politicid press of Calcutta has made rapid progress, and has not been 
 disturbed by the arbitrary interference of government. But this is too 
 important an engine to bo dependent on the uncertainties of individual 
 character. Those who have embarked their property in the India press 
 ought to have a more valid protection than a system of licenses and 
 censorships, which may be granted or refused — enforced or suspended, 
 as suits the varying purposes of the j)resident and council. 
 
 Having shortly noticed the political part of the India question, let us 
 come to the commercial branch of the subject. This is the main point of 
 interest to the people of Great Britain. Comparatively to tliem, the 
 future territorial government of Hindustan is unimportant,, but every 
 inhabitant of the United Kingdom is deeply interested in a free trade to 
 ('hina; and we sincerely trust this interest will not be compromised — 
 that there will be no renewal of the Company's charter, without an 
 entire abolition of their commercial monopoly. 
 
 A defen(;e of some kind may be always devised by artful persons for 
 every abuse and every oppression ; but we cannot collect from the 
 inquiries of the Parlianuntiiry Committees that the least plausible case 
 has been made out to justify the commercial ])rivileges of the Comi)anv. 
 
 • Second Petition of the East-Indians, Alexander's East-India Magazine, 
 Jiinuary, 1832.
 
 422 EAST-INDIA COMPANY. 
 
 There is nothing in the constitution of the Chinese government, in its 
 peculiar policy, in the local usages of the natives, nor in their anti- 
 commercial spirit to interdict the opening of the trade. 15oth the public 
 officers of China and the people are a thrifty race, and the same 
 motiA'es of interest which actuate the British merchant, concur to 
 induce them to desire a more extended mercantile intercourse with this 
 country. 
 
 Why then should this spirit — the mutual interests of two empires — 
 be cramped by the costly and cumbersome incubus of Leadenhall-street? 
 The Court of Directors have sufficient to engage their attention in the 
 discharge of their political functions, without being fettered by mercan- 
 tile pursuits ; and the sooner they divest themselves of the remnant of 
 their commercial character, the better for both England and Hindustan. 
 The Company has become a great political government, and is no more 
 adapted to the pursuits of commerce than the imperial parliament. 
 
 The trade with China neither requires the capital nor united action 
 of a privileged association. The French, the Dutch, the Swedes, the 
 Danes, the Austrians, and Americans, all resort to Canton, and none 
 of them carry on the intercourse through the intervention of an exclu- 
 sive company. The Dutch trade, which is the most important, used 
 to be conducted by a privileged company, but it is now thrown open. 
 The free trade of the Americans with China has greatly augmented 
 since 1814; — and, what is most extraordinary, they actually export to 
 Canton British manufactures — manufactures which the English merchant 
 is interdicted exporting, and which the Company cannot export with a 
 profit, owing to their circuitous and costly mode of transacting business 
 — to the unfitness of their institutions for commercial purposes. 
 
 But any over-weening conceit in which the Company may have in- 
 dulged as to the superior advantages resulting from their exclusive 
 management of the China trade, must be destroyed by their existing 
 differences with the Chinese authorities. It is not the Americans, nor 
 the Dutch, but their own establishment at Canton which is embroiled 
 with the native government. So far as information has yet been com- 
 municated, the fault appears all on their side ; the Chinese, by the 
 reduction of one-third of the duties on British ships, in 1830, and by 
 taking oft' an additional duty imposed on cotton, have manifested a 
 strong desire to cultivate the friendship of England. These concessions, 
 however, have been met by a series of insults and encroachments on 
 the part of the Company's servants, which are the more provoking, 
 because they appear to have been wanton, puerile, and unnecessary. For 
 instance, they have persisted in the use of sedan chairs, and the intro- 
 duction of " foreign women" into Canton, contrary to the express 
 usages of the country, and the rules laid down by public proclamations.* 
 The dignity and firmness with which the gentlemen of the " Select 
 Committee" endeavoured to support these innovations have been quite 
 in keeping with the innovations themselves. They first issued a " pro- 
 tocol" — yes, by the powers, a protocol in China! — intimating their deter- 
 
 * Lord Ellenborough, House of Lords, December 13th, 1831.
 
 DISPUTES Willi THE CHINESE. 423 
 
 mination to suspend all commercial intercourse with the Chinese, August 
 4th, 1831 : but this announcement failing to make the expected im- 
 pression on " the Celestial empire," they issued another, intimating 
 their intention 7wt to suspend commercial intercourse at the period 
 mentioned. We believe the desire of the " Select" now is to have a 
 couple or two of British frigates at their disposal, to bombard Canton ; 
 or — if that be possible — to throw a few Congreve rockets into Pekin, or 
 against the Great Wall. But the Emperor may be perfectly easy on 
 this head ; if his Celestial Majesty' knew as well as we do how essential 
 an ingredient his tea-plant is in the dividends of the East-India pro- 
 prietors, he would laugh — if such a movement be consistent'with Chinese 
 gravity — at the fulminations of Messrs. Lindsay and his brethren, who 
 appear to have performed, at the British factory, the parts of Captain 
 Bobadil and Ben Jonson's " Angry Boy" with marvellous precision. 
 
 After such experience of the mercantile abilities of the Company, and 
 of their address and wisdom in managing their Chinese intercourse, we 
 imagine it cannot be any longer a question whether their commercial 
 privileges ought to be renewed. We think decidedly not. Tlie inte- 
 rests of the public are directly opposed to the monopoly. For years we 
 have been paving double the prices for our teas we ought to pay; double 
 the prices that are paid on the Continent and America ; where there are 
 no privileged associations. And for what purpose are the people of the 
 United Kingdom subjected to this extortion ? Why, in addition to our 
 other burthens, should we be made to pay two millions per annum for 
 the benefit of the Companv ? We are becoming a sober people — a tea- 
 drinking nation, and why should this improvement in national cha- 
 racter be obstructed by overgrown monopolists ? The reason is this : 
 The finances of the Company are embarrassed. They cannot pay their 
 DIVIDENDS out of fair mercantile profits, and they seek to pay them 
 out of the produce of a poll-tax levied on the people of England ! 
 
 Here is the gist of the matter at issue between the Company and the 
 public. The question is not the policy of fi free- trade with China ; on 
 this point no well-informed person can entertain a doubt : the interests 
 of commerce, the interests of the people at large, and the public re- 
 venue of the country would all be promoted by free trade ; but then how 
 are tiie Company's dividend, the interest of their bond debt, and other 
 out-goings to be paid ? They have no surplus territorial revenue ; the 
 profits of the tea-tkadf, are the sole dependence of the proprietary. 
 This is the rub! But what, it mav be asked, have the community to 
 do with the pecuniary difiicultics of a junta of ambitious and improvident 
 speculators? What is India to I'^ngland ' Some thousands of adven- 
 turers have amassed princely fortunes there by rapine and extortion, 
 and have returned to spend them in this country, to add to the aristo- 
 cracy of wealth already too predominant. Beyond this we have derived 
 no advantage fn)m our eastern acqiiisitions^neither true glory nor na- 
 tional happiness. Why should we then be called upon to make a sacri- 
 fice ? If the Company cannot maintain their association without public 
 support; if they cannot carry on trade to advantage, without privileges
 
 424 EAST-INDIA COMPANY. 
 
 hurtful to the community ; if they cannot enter into fair competition with 
 individuars, let them retire from the contest — let them dissolvk, and 
 leave commerce to be pursued by others on more prudent and econo- 
 mical principles. 
 
 Only think of the situation of that most patient of all animals, the 
 British public, in this business. The boroug'hmongers levy a hundred 
 per cent, lax on tea for the support of extravagance and the payment 
 of their dividends, and the Company a monopoly tax to the same amount, 
 and for similar purposes. How finely is John Bull crucified between 
 the exclusives of Leadenhall and the oppressors of Downing-street ! If 
 to these agreeables, we add the extra sugar-tax he is compelled to pay 
 for the benefit of the West-India flaggellants, with what gusto he 
 must needs swallow his moining and evening beverage ; what feiTent 
 ejaculations he must utter over his cups for their prosperity and the 
 permanence of oligarchical government ! 
 
 There is, however, one resource to the Company, in lieu of the pro- 
 fits of the exclusive trade to China — they may retrench. Like 
 their prototype, the Borough-System, they are embarrassed from 
 a long course of war and prodigality, and they must economize. 
 The people of England will never submit to be taxed for the mainte- 
 nance of their territorial sovereig-nty and patronage. They must reduce 
 still further than they have yet done their military, civil, judicial, and 
 revenue esta"blishments ; they must curtail enormous salaries, and their 
 " dead iveight ;" be less lavish in g-ranting pensions, superannuations, 
 and allowances to relatives and dependents. And if all this is not enoug-h, 
 they must reduce their dividend, and instead of bartering offices and ap- 
 pointments in India for the benefit of themselves, sell them openly and 
 fairly to meet their expenditure. At all events, they may rely upon it, 
 that they will not be allowed to tax the community, neither one, two, 
 nor three millions per annum after the 10th of April, 1834. 
 
 In support of the allegations at the close of this article, we ought 
 to have mentioned a few facts confirmatory of our opinions, which 
 we were well enabled to do from the inquiries of parliamentary com- 
 mittees. 
 
 We have said that we are becoming a " tea-drinking nation ;" 
 here is the proof from the statement submitted to the Commons' 
 Committee, by Mr. Crawford, of the comparative consumption per 
 head, of tea and coffee in Great Britain, France, and the United 
 States. 
 
 Tea. Coffee, 
 
 lbs. oz. dwts. lbs. oz. dwts. 
 
 Great Britain 17 8 10 14 
 
 France - - - . o 9 13 
 
 United States 9 4 2 1 11 
 
 ScA'eral statements were submitted to the Committee, with a view of 
 showing the amount of the tax entailed on the community by the 
 Company's exclusive privilege ; by one witness it was estimated at
 
 FACTS RELATIVE TO THE INDIA QUESTION. 42a 
 
 £1,500,000 per annum; by another at £l,7'27,934, and bv a third 
 at £2,588,499. 
 
 For a comparative statement of the prices at which teas are sold by 
 the Company, and on the continent, and in America, we must refer to 
 the statement of Dr. Kelly, No. 4709, of the Lords' Committee. The 
 prices at the Company's sales in London, exclusive of government duty, 
 are about double those in the countries mentioned. 
 
 From a statement of Mr. Melvill, auditor-general to the Company, 
 it appears, the gross revenue of Bengal, Madras, and Bombay in the 
 year 1828, was £22,551,617; of this revenue, £15,384,528 was the 
 produce of the land-tax : the charge of collectimj the revenue, pensions, 
 &c, £5,524,728, and this enormous charge although three fifth parts 
 of the revenue arise from the direct tax on land ! The charge for col- 
 lecting the revenue of the United Kingdom — Avhich is justly considered 
 extravagant enough — amounted, Jan. 5th, 1831, on the gross income of 
 £59,308,872, to £3,713,944. 
 
 The following returns, by the auditor-general of the Companv, ex- 
 hibit a statement of the military charges, the general civil charges, and 
 the judicial charges of the three Presidencies for the year 1828 : — 
 
 Militarv Charges. General Civil Charges. Judicial Charges. 
 
 Bengal £4,747,224 £1,791,508 £1,247,430 
 
 Madras 3,926,267 360,484 377, lJ8 
 
 Bombay 2,111,222 542,202 312,222 
 
 Total £10,784,713 £2,694,204 £1,836,810 
 
 Can any one believe the Company will not be able to find resources 
 from such lavish outgoings, without a monopoly profit on the consump- 
 tion of tea ? 
 
 As every information which relates to the Company will speedily be 
 of intense interest, we subjoin a few more statements ; they were pre- 
 pared by the Company for the Parliamentary Committee on East India 
 aftairs, and laid before that committee. It will be seen from the 
 estimates of the auditor that the charges of the Company at the expira- 
 tion of their charter will exceed their revenues by £827,300 ; so that 
 there will be no surplus to pay the dividends without the monopoly pro- 
 fit on tea. But, we again beseech the sovereign Directors not to " lay 
 that flattering unction to their souls," but to look to their wasteful ex- 
 penditure, especially the civil branches of it. 
 
 It appears from the returns of the revenue of the United Kingdom 
 for Jan. 1832, that the expenditure exceeds the income by £21,000 ; 
 and from the depression in all the great branches of national industry, 
 there is little prospect of the country being able to support adilitional 
 burthens. How then can it be expected, the people will suffer them- 
 selves to be heavily taxed to support the Indian empire — a foreign de- 
 pendency, chiefly valuable for the patronage it vests in 24 merchants. 
 Rather than such a sacrifice should be made, it would be better to aban- 
 don Hindustan to its native sovereigns — the Mogul, the Nabobs and 
 Subahdars.
 
 426 
 
 EAST-INDIA COMPANY. 
 
 Estimate of the Revenues and Charges of India, under the several 
 heads, -whether payable in India or in England, as they will 
 probably stand at the expiration of the Company's Charter. 
 
 REVENUES. 
 
 CQ 
 
 Mints, Post-office, stamps, 
 judicial 
 
 Land revenue 
 
 Customs 
 
 Ceded territory, (including 
 the Burmese cessions) 
 
 Salt 
 
 Opium 
 
 Marine 
 
 Subsidies 
 
 Bank profits 
 
 431,250 
 
 6,785,000 
 697,910 
 
 479,167 
 
 1,820,832 
 
 1,427,917 
 
 29,709 
 
 £ 
 80,895 
 3,127,931 
 458,403 
 
 314,590 
 
 5,877 
 
 308,579 
 
 7,191 
 
 11,671,785 4,303,466 1,921,327 39,639 
 
 K 
 
 £ 
 53,939 
 1,501,047 
 334,365 
 
 16,705 
 15,280 
 
 Tolal estimated revenues in India 
 
 
 £ 
 39,638 
 
 £ 
 
 566,075 
 11,453,617 
 
 1,490,678 
 
 479,167 
 
 2,152,127 
 
 1,427,917 
 
 50,866 
 
 308,579 
 
 7,191 
 
 17,936,217 
 
 The rate of exchange observed in this account is Is. lid. the Sicca rupee. 
 CHARGES. 
 
 Civil charges (including 
 provinc. battalions), &c. 
 
 Mints, Post-office & stamps 
 
 Judicial •■.... 
 
 Land revenue and customs 
 
 Ceded territory (including 
 Burmese cessions) .... 
 
 Salt 
 
 Opium 
 
 Marine 
 
 Buildings, &c 
 
 Military 
 
 Amount which it is esti- 
 mated will be annually 
 set apart to meet the 
 claims upon the Tanjore 
 revenues 
 
 Interest on debts 
 
 CQ 
 
 £ 
 
 687,846 
 
 145,592 
 
 855,906 
 
 1,331,145 
 
 103,500 
 730,360 
 560,587 
 72,525 
 327,922 
 3,258,536 
 
 8,073,919 
 1,967,966 
 
 £ 
 246,441 
 45,876 
 281,135 
 
 839,428 
 
 64,901 
 
 14,120 
 
 62,170 
 
 2,249,012 
 
 57,500 
 
 3,860,584 
 177,086 
 
 10,040,985 4,037,570 2,676,913 
 
 £ 
 
 406,440 
 
 32,268 
 
 213,226 
 
 486,620 
 
 145,885 
 
 99,701 
 
 1,274,719 
 
 2,658,859 
 18,054 
 
 
 £ 
 93,798 
 
 14,583 
 
 £ 
 
 1,434,526 
 
 223,736 
 
 1,350,267 
 
 2,657,193 
 
 103,500 
 795,261 
 560,587 
 232,530 
 489,793 
 6.796,150 
 
 57,500 
 
 108,3811 14,701,743 
 2,162,206 
 
 108,3811
 
 ACCOUNTS OF THE COMPANY. 
 
 427 
 
 £ 
 
 Total estimated charges in India 10,803,949 
 
 Expense of St. Helena 90,054 
 
 Political charges incurred in England, including invoice amount of 
 
 stores consigned to India 1,720,405 
 
 Cost of remitting funds from India to meet the territorial advances 
 in England, being tlie dillerence between Is. lid. per Sicca rupee, 
 the rate which it is here supposed the remittances would realize, 
 and the average rate at which the advances in England are made 
 (N. B. — These advances are estimated at £1,000,000 per annum, 
 and are exclusive of the political charges defrayed in England.) 
 
 Grand total of charges 1 
 
 Deduct revenues 1 
 
 Estimated excess of charge 827,300 
 
 89,109 
 
 ^,703,517 
 r,930,217 
 
 The following are the 'proportions of the above Charges, which may 
 be payable in England : viz. — 
 
 Interest on debts, part of tiic £2,102,200 stated under £ £ 
 
 that liead 875,000 
 
 Expenses of St. Helena 90,054 
 
 Political charges incurred in England 1,720,405 
 
 2,085,459 
 
 (Errors excepted.) 
 East-India House, James C. Mei.vill, 
 
 29lh July, 1831. Auditor India Accounts. 
 
 TERRITORIAL DEBT OF INDIA. 
 
 Prospective Estimate of the Territorial Debt of India at the close 
 of the Company's present Term, calculating the Sicca rupee at 
 Is. lid. instead of the rates of exchange Jixed by the Board of 
 Commissioyiers for the Affairs of India. 
 
 
 Bengal. 
 
 Madras. 
 
 Bombay. 
 
 Total. 
 
 Debts at 4 per cent 
 
 Ditto 5 ditto 
 
 £ 
 
 208,275 
 
 28,453,287 
 
 8,021,874 
 
 44,237 
 
 1,773 
 
 125,851 
 
 £ 
 
 28,3.59 
 
 2,440,420 
 
 273,090 
 
 377,508 
 
 £ 
 292,22 
 
 182.951 
 
 170,881 
 
 £ 
 
 328,854 
 
 30,899,707 
 
 9,077,915 
 
 592,020 
 
 Ditto ditto 
 
 Ditto 8 ditto 
 
 Ditto 10 ditto 
 
 1,773 
 
 
 125 851 
 
 
 
 Total debts bearing interest. . . . 
 Debts not bearing interest .... 
 
 37,455,304 
 6,321,933 
 
 3,125,377 
 831,230 
 
 440,052 
 429,102 
 
 41,020,733 
 
 0,5h2,i7 1 
 
 Total territorial debt 
 
 42,777,237 
 
 3,950,013 
 
 875,154 
 
 47,009,004 
 
 East -India House, 
 
 29lh August, 1831. 
 
 (Errors excepted.) 
 
 James ('. IMr.i.vii.i., 
 
 Auditor India Accounts.
 
 BANK OF ENGLAND. 
 
 There is a class of politicians in this country with just one idea; and 
 that idea is, there is nothing good in public economy unless it be 
 conducive to the accumulation of capital. The distribution of wealth 
 is a consideration of no importance ; their only object being to heap it 
 up in masses, no matter how disproportioned, provided the total amount 
 is augmented. For this purpose, they have been always recommending 
 the indefinite enlargement of farms, the substitution of machinery for 
 manual labour, and the establishment of banks of credit and paper- 
 money. That their principles are true in the abstract, and that the 
 application of them, within certain limits and under certain circum- 
 stances, would be beneficial, we have little doubt; but their unquahfied 
 and precipitate adoption would, in our opinion, be productive of dis- 
 astrous consequences. In every case, we believe, they tend to augment 
 the aggregate wealth of the community, but not the aggregate amount 
 of social happiness. National happiness, however, is more important 
 than national wealth ; and a system which would compromise the 
 former for the attainment of the latter, sacrifices the end to the means. 
 The direct tendency of the principles of the Economists is to destroy 
 the intermediate links of society ; or, more correctly, to consolidate 
 them in one end of the chain ; — to replace the feudal aristocracy, from 
 which Europe has suffered so much, with a monied aristocracy more base 
 in its origin, more revolting in its associations, and more inimical to 
 general freedom and enjoyment. 
 
 The history of banking affords an apt illustration of the practical 
 tendency of the unqualified dogmas of the Ricardo school. Banking 
 has always been the favourite invention of these theorists, as tending 
 most effectually to the extension of credit, the development of industry, 
 and accumulation of capital. These are its natural results ; but such 
 advantages may be more than counterbalanced by an alloy of accom- 
 panying evils. In England, we consider the system of credit founded 
 on bank paper to have been the chief auxiliary and main stay of the 
 reckless and unprincipled government of the last forty years. It was 
 this which enabled ministers to build up the baseless superstructure of 
 the Funds, which must ultimately fall, not on its guilty authors, but on 
 those who have unwarily confided in their delusive representations. It 
 was this which enabled them to destroy the currency of 1797, to sub-
 
 PRINCIPLES OF THE POLITICAL ECONOMISTS. 429 
 
 stitute, for 26 years, in place of the universal medium of exchangG, a 
 forced inconvertible representative, Avhich raised prices to an unnatural 
 heig'ht, altered the standard of value, by which all existing contracts 
 and eng-agements were violated ; and then, when the profligate errors 
 so committed were to be repaired, the countiy was again dragi^ed 
 throug;h a series of chang-es and calamities not less unjust and ruinous 
 than those it had previously suffered. These are not the only evils of 
 the banking system ; it has demoralized the countiy and exercised a 
 hanefid influence on internal economy, by giving: «iri undue ascendancy 
 to particular branches of industry — the commercial and manufacturing-, 
 for instance ; it has given an artificial impulse to population, — multi- 
 plying the number of the people beyond the means of permanent em- 
 ployment and subsistence ; it has created a vast monied interest, Avhose 
 sole element is war, gambling, and speculation ; it has been a principal 
 cause of over-trading, of mercantile revulsions and vicissitudes, and the 
 endless source of frauds, litigation, arrests, insolvencies, and bank- 
 ruptcies. 
 
 These evils, it will be alleged, are not inherent in banking, but have 
 been the consequences of banking not being conducted on sotnid prin- 
 ciples. What the sound principles of banking are the professors of the 
 " science of exchanges" have not yet distinctly laid down. One of the 
 sound principles of the Bullionists in 1810 was that bank paper should 
 always be convertible into coin at the will of the holder. But experi- 
 ence proved that this was no effectual guarantee against over-issues. 
 The paper of the Bank of England and of the provincial banks was so 
 convertible in 1 825 ; but it did not avert the commercial crisis which 
 arose out of the redundant issue of their notes and bills of exchange. 
 The fact is, the political economists are wise aftci- the event, like many 
 other people with much less pretensions to depth and comprehensiveness. 
 While the banking system was in its full career of fallacious prosperity, 
 they never forewarned the community of its disastrous consequences; 
 they were as little gifted with foreknowledge as others, and, like others, 
 only learnt from experience. Similar results have flowed from other 
 branches of their science. They discovered that a saving might be 
 effected by farming on a great scale, and by manufacturing on a great 
 scale ; but they could discern nothing further : they could not discern 
 the political, the social, and moral calamities which would flow from 
 the aggregation of great capitals in agricultural and manufacturing 
 industry. 
 
 It is this want of foresight of practical evils which ought to make 
 us cautious in adopting the maxims of the Economists. France has 
 recently passed through the same ordeal as England. During the 
 sumnicr of 1830, she suftered from precisely the same causes as those 
 which produced such wide-spread distress in this country in 1811, 18 1,5, 
 and 1825 ; and the sudden collapse of an extensive system of banking, 
 credit, and mercantile paper, by occasioning great pecuniary embarrass- 
 ments, threatened, at one period, to impede the full triumph of her 
 glorious revolution.
 
 430 RANK or ENGLAND. 
 
 We shall, however, leave these general topics to come to our more 
 immediate ohject, — the origin and present state of the powerful corpo- 
 ration in Thrcadneedle-street — the great foster-parent of banking, 
 credit, and paper-money in tins country. In treating of the Bank of 
 England, there appear to bo three objects particularly deserving of 
 attention. First, a brief outline of the history and connexion of the 
 Bank with government. Secondly, the enormous profits it has derived, 
 and the immense wealth it has accumulated from that connexion. 
 Thirdly, its present state and influence. We shall treat on these sub- 
 jects as briefly as possible, so as to put the reader in possession of the 
 most important facts necessary to a knowledge of them. 
 
 The 13ank had its oiigin in war and taxation ; and was originally 
 projected by one Paterson, a Scotch speculator, who was afterwards 
 engaged in the disastrous project of colonization at Darien. William III. 
 who introduced standing armies, the excise-laws, the funding system, 
 and other calamities, wanted money to carry on a vigorous war against 
 the French. An act passed, inviting people to make voluntary advances 
 to the amount of £1,500,000; and, for securing the payment of the 
 interest, taxes xvere laid upon beer, ale, and other liquors. Upon condition 
 of £1,200, 000 of this sum being advanced within a certain time, the sub- 
 scribers were to be incorporated; and, this being done, the incorporation 
 took place, and the subscribers were formed into a trading company, 
 called, " The Governor and Company of the Bank of England." The 
 charter of corporation was executed July 27, 1694; and directs, among 
 other things, that a governor or deputy-governor, and twenty-four 
 directors, shall be chosen for conducting the establishment; that thirteen 
 or more of them (the governor or deputy-governor being always one) 
 shall constitute a court for the management of the affairs of the Com- 
 pany ; that the qualification of the governor siiall be at least £5000 
 stock ; deputy-governor £3000 ; directors £2000 each ; and every elector 
 £500 ; that four general courts shall be held every year, when the 
 majority of electors present may make bye- laws for the government 
 of the corporation ; and that " no dividend shall at any time be made by 
 the said governor and Company saA^e only out of the interest, profit, 
 or produce arising by or out of the said capital, stock, or fund, or by 
 such dealing as is allowed by the act of parliament." For the £1,200,000 
 lent to government, they were to receive yearly £100,000 ; £96,000, 
 the interest at eight per cent, and £4000 for the charges of manage- 
 ment. Their loan to government might be redeemed on a year's notice; 
 and, in that case, the charter and company to expire. 
 
 Such is the origin and constitution of the Bank ; on which, one or 
 two remarks may be made. It is clear, from the act of incorporation, 
 (the 5 & 6 William and Mary,) that nothing more than the establish- 
 ment of a company of traders, or pawnbrokers, was intended ; and that 
 it never Avas surmised that they would ever form a part of, or have any 
 dominant influence in, the government. The act specifies, very parti- 
 cularly, the sort of trade they were to carry on : they were not to trade 
 in goods or merchandise, but to employ their capital in advancing money
 
 CHARTER — HISTORICAL FACTS. 431 
 
 on goods and pledges * in discounting bills of exchange, and the buj'ing 
 and selling of gold and silver bullion ; with a permission, however, to sell 
 such goods as were mortgaged to them, and not redeemed within three 
 months after the expiration of the time of redemption. 
 
 But, still further to confine these traders and pawnbrokers to their 
 province, and prevent any further connexion with the executive, of 
 which the parliament of that day appears to have been somewhat appre- 
 hensive, the same law of William and Mary imposes a penalty upon 
 the Directors if they purchase, on account of the corporation, any 
 crown lands, or if they advance to his Majesty any sum of money, by 
 way of loan or anticipation of any branch of the public revenue, other 
 than on such funds only on which a credit is or shall be granted by 
 parliament. Contrary to this clause, and notwithstanding the penalty, 
 the Directors continued to make advances from time to time, on treasury 
 bills, to the year 1793. In that year, Mr. Bosanquet was governor; 
 he had some doubt of the legality of these advances, and applied for a 
 bill of indemnity : the Bank having then become an essential part of 
 the government, this was easily obtained ; and an act Avas passed to pro- 
 tect the governor and company from any penalties they had incurred, or 
 might incur in future, on account of any advances to government. 
 
 There are few facts in the early history of the Bank meriting par- 
 ticular notice. During the great re-coinage of 1696, the company was 
 involved in considerable ditficulty, and was even compelled to suspend 
 payment of its notes, which were at a heavy discount. Owing, how- 
 ever, to the skilful management of the directors and the assistance of 
 government, the Bank got over this crisis. But it was at the same 
 time judged expedient, in order to enable the copartners to withstand 
 any subsequent pressure, to augment their capital to £2,201,171. 
 
 In 1745 the alarm occasioned by the adv'^ance of the Highlanders 
 under the Pretender, led to a run on the Bank ; and, in order to gain 
 time, the Directors resorted to the expedient of paying in shillings and 
 sixpences ! During Lord George Gordon's riots in 1780, the Bank 
 incurred considerable danger. Had the mob attacked the establishment 
 at the commencement of the riots, before it was put into a state of de- 
 fence, the consequences might have been fatal. Subsequently a military 
 force has been nightly placed in the Bank as a protection in case of 
 emergency. 
 
 The next circumstance deserving notice is the increase in the denomi- 
 nation of the notes issued by the Company. For above sixty years, no 
 notes were issued for a less sum than twenty -pounds ; and these were 
 made payable to the bearer on demand ; and for the amount of which 
 
 • It was only during the commercial crisis of 1826 that Lord Liverpool 
 discovered the Rank was empowered to make advances on goods and nier- 
 cliandise ; tlie Directors, it appears, were as little aware of this dormant privi- 
 lege as his Lordship, having been too mucii occnpied with liieir more ostenta- 
 tious and profitable dealings with the Treasury, to attend to (he Jinmble avoca- 
 tion set forth by the three halls.
 
 432 RANK OF ENGLAND. 
 
 notes, in tlic Icg^al coin of the realm, the Company was liable to be 
 sued and arrested. As the Bank enlarged its advances to government, 
 it became necessary to lower the denomination of its notes. A different 
 reason has been assigned ; but this, no doubt, is the true one. It 
 is clear, indeed, that the real capital of the Bank being a limited 
 sum, it could only have money to lend to government by increasing its 
 fictitious capital ; in otiier words, by extending its issue of paper ; 
 which again could only be done by lowering the denomination of its 
 notes. While £20 notes alone were issued, their circulation, from their 
 amount, being limited to the commercial and trading classes, no 
 great quantity of paper could possibly be emitted ; but when notes of 
 the value of 15, 10, 5, and 1 pound were issued, their circulation 
 extending through all classes of the community, the issue of Bank 
 paper would proportionately increase. Government, -therefore, in order 
 to obtain advances from the Bank, readily permitted the issuing of notes 
 of smaller value. In the war of 1 755, the Bank began to put out 
 notes of the value of £15; and before the conclusion of that war, 
 notes of the value of £10. At the commencement of the Anti- 
 Jacobin war, in 1793, they were still further indulged, and allowed to 
 issue £5 notes; and, lastly, in the year 1797, came the £1 and £2 
 notes. Rents, wages, salaries, taxes, and every thing else, could now 
 be paid in Bank paper ; and the Restriction- Act having protected the 
 Bank from the necessity of taking up their own notes, they were issued 
 in prodigious quantities ; and in exactly the same proportion the Bank 
 enlarged its advances to Government. Ihe following statement, ex- 
 tracted from the report of the Committee of the House of Lords, in 1819, 
 of the amount of Bank paper in circulation in different years ; and of 
 the amount of the sums advanced to government on exchequer-bills, 
 and other government securities, will show the connexion which has 
 subsisted between the issue of paper and advances to government: — 
 
 Bank Notes. Advances. 
 
 1794 £10,963,380 £ 8,786,514 
 
 1795 13,539,160 11,114,230 
 
 1796 11,030,110 11,718,730 
 
 1814 25,51 1,012 33,607,300 
 
 1815 27,155,824 27,156,000 
 
 1816 26,681,398 26,042,600 
 
 1817 27,339,758 25,399,510 
 
 1818 27,954,558 27,002,000 
 
 Having shown the causes which led to the issue of small notes, and 
 the connexion betwixt the issue of Bank paper and advances to govern- 
 ment, we shall now mention some other points connected with the histoiy 
 of this Company. 
 
 Without the assistance of the Bank the immense fabric of debt and 
 taxation could not have been reared. Of this government appears to 
 have been soon sensible, from the numerous laws enacted for its pro-
 
 LEGAL TENDER — FORCED GOVERNMENT PAPEK. 433 
 
 tection and encouragement. To prevent competition from the Mine 
 Adventure Company, which had commenced banking, and began to issue 
 notes, it was provided by the 6th of Anne that no other banking com- 
 pany of more than six persons, should issue notes payable in less than 
 six months. Innumerable acts have passed, imposing the penalty of 
 death for forging Bank notes ; others, the punishment of transportation, 
 on persons uttering', or having- them in their possession. The English 
 code has been made the bloodiest in the world, in order to uphold the 
 Oligarchy and the paper system, and its laws more savage than those of 
 Draco. But of these, and also the Restriction Act, we shall speakshortly ; 
 let us now only attend to those laws for upholding the credit of its 
 paper. 
 
 After the Restriction-Act, the Bank ceased to be an independent com- 
 pany ; it might be considered a government olhce, of which the 
 governor and directors had the management ; and which issued a forced 
 government paper. Paper issued under such circumstances would 
 necessarily depreciate ; and this was an evil which it was of import- 
 ance to government, as far as possible, to prevent. Having by force 
 kept bank-notes in circulation, it seemed a slight extension of the same 
 desperate principle to attempt also by force to maintain their credit. 
 Various laws were passed for this purpose. After the Restriction- Act, a 
 law passed to protect debtors from arrest, who tendered payment in 
 notes, though they still continued liable to a common action for debt, to 
 compel payment in guineas. This was the first attempt of the borough- 
 mongers to render Bank-paper a legal tender, and equivalent to gold. 
 In 1810, when paper had depreciated 30 per cent., and guineas sold for 
 from 25s. to 28s. in bank-notes, a law passed to punish persons pur- 
 suing this traffic, and imposing penalties on those who sold them for 
 their real value in paper. Tenants, who offered notes for rent, were 
 protected from distress, though liable to a common action of debt or 
 ejectment. At length, in 1811, Lord King having given notice to his 
 tenants to pay their rents in guineas, the legal coin of the realm, an 
 act passed to protect persons, tendering payment in notes, from all 
 further proceedings. This was nearly the climax. Bank paper was 
 now a legal tender to all intents and purposes; and by the fiat of the 
 Oligarchy, old rags were metamorphosed into gold. Even this was not 
 enough to satisfy the omnipotent parliament ; they actually passed a re- 
 solution, declaring a one-pound bank-note and a shilling equal in value 
 to a guinea, though the latter was openly selling for twenty-seven 
 shillings ! 
 
 Let us now revert to the capital part of Bank legislation — the Re- 
 striction-Act. By turning to the preceding page, and observing the 
 amount of the Bank advances to government in the year 1796, and 
 reflecting on the various laws enacted in favour of the Company, it will 
 appear that an intimate connexion and mutual dependence had been 
 created betwixt the Bank and Government, before the Restriction- 
 Act, in 1797; that law, however, fairly incorporated the Bank with 
 church and state. The cau.ses which produced tiio .stoppage wore
 
 434 BANK OF ENGLAND. 
 
 briefly these: — From the commencement of the year 1797, great 
 apprehensions were entertained of a French invasion : the people were 
 ahumed for the stability of the government : consequently for the 
 stability of the Bank, which depended upon the government : a run upon 
 the Bank ensued ; the credit of the establishment was endangered ; and 
 suspicion, which Paine justly denominates credit asleep, was now 
 awakened. The run on the Bank continued hourly to increase, till 
 Saturday the 25th of February, 1797. This was the last day the Bank 
 was compelled to pay their notes on demand, agreeably to the tenor of 
 their notes, and the conditions on which they had been issued. The 
 alarm not being likely to subside, and the run continuing to increase till 
 the latest hour the Bank was open, on the next day, Swiday, an order 
 was issued from the Privy Council, requiring the Bank to forbear is- 
 suing any more cash, till the sense of parliament could be taken on 
 the subject. This order, as might be expected, was instantly obeyed, a 
 few days more would have drawn out of the Bank coffers the last far- 
 thing of cash and bullion. The Company wished anxiously to conceal 
 the amount of specie in their possession at the time of the stoppage : 
 but, by an ingenious calculation of Mr. Allardyce, this point was subse- 
 quently ascertained almost to a certainty. It appears, that, on the 
 25th of February, the last day of pajanent, the notes in circulation 
 amounted to £8,640,250, and the total amount of cash and bullion in 
 the Bank, to only one millio?i tivo hundred and sexeniy two thousand 
 pounds. 
 
 The Bank, like true traders, has always manifested great anxiety 
 about the credit of the house, and endeavoured to make it appear that 
 the stoppage did not originate in the necessities of the Bank, but the 
 necessities of the government. In the resolutions of a court of directors, 
 on the 25th March, 1797, affixed to the second report of the Bank 
 committee of 1819, it is said, "That the restriction on cash payments 
 was altogether a measure of state necessity ." Whether it originated 
 in the necessities of the Bank, or of the boroughmongers, or both — • 
 the latter appears most probable — it is not very material to inquire : 
 but it appears that on the last day of payment the Bank had little 
 more than a million of cash and bullion to pay more than eight 
 viillions of their notes ; and how, under such circumstances, the Bank 
 could have met their creditors, or what could have protected them from 
 arrest for debt, but the interference of government, it is not easy to 
 conceive. 
 
 But the fact is, the stoppage was concerted betwixt Mr. Pitt and the 
 directors. Sometime before the order in council was issued, Mr. Bo- 
 sanquet and other directors had had repeated interviews with that 
 minister to consult how the run could be stayed, and the Company 
 saved from impending bankjoiptcy. The last interview was on the 22d 
 of February ; the Directors were then in a terrible fright ; they told the 
 minister they were " alarmed for the safety of the house;" and asked 
 him, when " he would think it necessary to interfere." Pitt interfered 
 on the following Sunday ; a singular day for the consummation of this
 
 STOPPAGE OF 1797 RESUMPTION OF PAYMENTS. 435 
 
 extraordinary transaction. Immediately after, the Bank had recourse 
 to a great deal of dissimulation to disguise their insolvency from the 
 public. On the 2d of March, six days after the stoppage, a court of 
 proprietors was called. Mr. Bosanquet, who waited on the Minister to 
 express his fears for the " safety of the house," and to know when 
 Government would interfere, was present. After expatiating on the thex 
 prosperous state of Bank affairs, this gentleman told the proprietors 
 that he earnestly hoped they would soon be permitted to pay their 
 notes, as usual, in cash. Thanks were then voted to the directors for 
 complying yKiih. the order in council, which empowered them to violate 
 their engagements to the public with impunity, and refuse payment for 
 their notes. All this was excellent. Mr. Bosanquet " earnestly hoped" 
 that they would be permitted to do that which he had earnestly peti- 
 tioned Mr. Pitt they might be protected from doing ; and the proprietors 
 gravely thanked the directors for comjdying with their own earnest 
 request! 
 
 The Order in Council, requiring the Bank to issue no more cash, 
 was issued on the 26th of Febi-uaiy. The Restriction-Act received the 
 royal assent on the 3d of May, and was to continue in force till the 
 24th of June, that is, only for fifty-two days. On the 22d of June, 
 two days before the expiration of the original act, it was renewed till 
 one month after the next session of Parliament. This was t\ie first 
 renewal; i\\e. second renewal was in 1798, to continue iiW one month 
 after the signing of a definitive treaty of peace. Peace came in 1801 ; 
 but, before the expiration of the month, the third renewal was passed, 
 to continue till the 1st of March, 1803 ; before that time, notwith- 
 standing peace continued, a, fourth renewal passed to continue till six 
 weeks after the next session of Parliament. In the interim war broke 
 out; the fifth renewal followed as a matter of course, and to continue 
 till th« singing of a definite treaty of peace. In 1814, plaguy peace 
 came again to put these delusions to the test ; but before the expiration 
 of the six months, the sixth renewal passed, to continue only one year. 
 In 1816, the country being at peace, every one expected the law would 
 expire : when lo ! it was renewed the seventh time, for two years ! 
 In 1818, it was again renewed, for the eighth time, for one year ; 
 and in 1819, it Avas renewed for the niyith time, and the Bank pro- 
 tected from payment of its notes in statutable coin for four years. 
 
 This was the last renewal, the Bank in 1823 resuming payments in 
 specie, after a suspension of twenty-six years. It was thought by 
 many, and confidently predicted by some, such an event could not 
 possibly happen. These views were fallacious, originating in miscon- 
 ception ; all that was requisite to enable the Bank to fulfil its engage- 
 ments were a general peace, public confidence, and such a favourable 
 state of the exchanges as would enable it to obtain a supply of the 
 precious metals adequate to meet the probable demand for gold in lieu 
 of paper. These circumstances concurring at the period fixed for the 
 resumption of cash-payments, the Bank resumed its ancient course of 
 business, and an event to which such undue importance had been pre- 
 
 2 f2
 
 436 BANK OV EN(;LANI), 
 
 vioiisly attached, was actually consummated without exciting the least 
 interest or attention. 
 
 One of the greatest calamities resulting from the suspension of cash- 
 payments by the Bank, and consequent inundation of the country with 
 small notes, was the vast increase in the number of prosecutions for 
 forgery. It appears, from returns to parliament, that, in the interval 
 from 1797 to 1818, the Bank instituted 998 prosecutions either for 
 forging, uttering, or having forged notes in possession. The results of 
 these prosecutions were a dreadful sacrifice of human life; and it has 
 been calculated that four hundred victims were offered up in the space 
 of twenty-one years to the Moloch of paper money. Ac a set off 
 against this terrible calendar, it is proper to mention that there was an 
 abatement in the number of Mint prosecutions. 
 
 Another evil may be justly charged to the vast amount of paper 
 issued by the Bank of England ; the great extent of their circulation 
 gave them a complete control over the national currency, which enabled 
 them, at their own arbitrary discretion, merely by contracting or 
 enlarging their issues, to determine the 'prices of all articles of con- 
 sumption and merchandize. Thus was a company of traders, without 
 responsibility or peculiar fitness for so grave a function, and whose 
 conduct experience proved not to be always influenced either by absolute 
 wisdom or disinterestedness, empowered to entail on the body of the 
 people a plenty or scarcity of the necessaries of life, and on the com- 
 mercial public the most sudden and disastrous vicissitudes. 
 
 Our next object will be to give an account of the Bank profits, and 
 the enormous wealth it has acquired since the suspension of cash-payments. 
 
 The profits of the Bank arise from various sources. First, from the 
 interest of their notes in circulation, which, in some years, as in 1817, 
 amounted to more than twenty-nine millions. Secondly, from balances 
 of public money. These balances arise from the public dividends, pay- 
 able by the Bank, but unclaimed, and from the produce of different 
 taxes paid into the Bank, and which have not been dra\\Ti out for the 
 service of government. On an average of ten years, from 1806 to 
 1816, the balances amounted to £11,000,000, on which the Bank 
 gained an interest of five per cent, per annum. The amount of public 
 balances has since fallen considerably; in 1825 they amounted at an 
 average to £5,247,314; and in 1829 to £3,862,656. 
 
 The third source of profit is the interest on their capital and savings. 
 The Bank's permanent capital amounts to £14,686,800, lent to govern- 
 ment at an interest of 3 per cent. Tlie fourth source of profit is from 
 the management of the public debt. From a late act for the manage- 
 ment of the debt, the Bank is paid £340 per million per annum, 
 when its amount shall be 400 millions, and not exceed 600 millions : 
 and £300 per million on such part of the debt as exceeds 600 millons. 
 
 Besides these sources of profit, the Bank derives a profit from its 
 trade in bullion, the destruction of its notes, and the private deposits 
 of individuals. It also has a profit, at the rate of £805 : 15 : 10 per 
 million, for receiving subscriptions on loans contracted for by govern-
 
 OUTGOINGS AND EXPENSES OF THE ESTABLISHMENT. 437 
 
 ment.* All these form the gross profits of the Bank; from which, in 
 order to form an estimate of their annual g-ain, it is only necessary to 
 deduct the amount of their expenses, the stamp-duty on their notes, 
 and the interest of their cash and hullion, ^vhich constitute their un- 
 productive capital. 
 
 First, as to the expenses of the Bank. The Committee of Public 
 Expenditure stated, in their Report in 1807, " that the number of 
 " clerks employed in the Bank, exclusively or principally in the public 
 " business was, 
 
 " Inl786 243 
 
 " 1796 313 
 
 " 1807 450 
 
 *' whose salaries, it is presumed, may bo calculated at an average 
 " between £120 and £170, for each clerk, taking them at £135, 
 " which exceeds the average of those employed in the South-Sea 
 
 " House, the sum is ^ • £60,750 
 
 " at £150, the sum is 67,500 
 
 " at £170, the sum is 76,500 
 
 " either of which two last sums would be sufficient to provide a super- 
 " annuation fund." 
 
 The total expense for managing the public business, the salaries of 
 the governor, directors, &c. as stated by the same report, are as 
 follows : — 
 
 Salaries to governor, deputy-governor, and directors £8,000 
 
 Incidental expenses, about 15,000 
 
 Additional buildings and repairs ' 1 0,000 
 
 Law expenses, and loss by frauds and forgeries, about 10,000 
 
 Largest estimate for clerks • 76,500 
 
 Total £119,500 
 
 Owing to the increase of Debt and other causes, Mr. llicardo 
 supposed that the number of clerks employed in the public business 
 had increased from four hundred and fifty to between five and six 
 hundred. The expenses estimated by the committee, in 1807, at 
 £119,500, he calculated to have increased, in 1816, to £150,000. 
 He states, the total number of clerks employed by the Bank in the 
 whole of their establishment, at one thoii.sand. Half of this number is era- 
 ployed in the public business, and the other half in the private ])usiness 
 of the Bank. The expenses of the Company may be suppo.sed to bear 
 some proportion to the whole number of clerks employed. And, ac- 
 cording to this rule, Mr. Ricardo says that, " as £150,000 has been 
 calculated to be the expense attending the em])loyment of five hundred 
 clerks in the public business, we may estimate a like expense to be 
 
 * During llie continuance of the income-tax, the Jiank had an allowance of 
 £1250 \)cr million, or one-ci^lUh jicr cent, for rcceivin;; thi- iiroclurc of that 
 impost. U had also another source of prolit from lotteries; for i.ssuiiiic the 
 tickets an. I pio inj; the prizes it received £1000 lor each lottery.
 
 438 BANK OF ENGLAND. 
 
 incurred by the employment of the other five hundred, and therefore 
 the whole expenses of the Bank, at the present time, about £300,000, 
 including all charges whatsoever." — Secure and Economical Cur- 
 rency, p. 71, 2. 
 
 This estimate includes every charge : the expense of managing the 
 public business, the salaries of the governor, directors, and clerks : 
 stationery, incidental expenses, additional buildings, and repairs ; together 
 with law-expenses, loss by frauds, forgeries, and every other expense 
 incurred in conducting the business of the establishment. 
 
 The next subject forming a part of the outgoings of the Bank is 
 the stamp-duty. The Bank, till lately, has always been particularly 
 favoured in the composition which they paid for stamp-duties. In 1791 
 they paid a composition of £12,000 per annum, in lieu of all stamps 
 either on bills or notes. In 1799, on an increase of the stamp-duty, 
 this composition was advanced to £20,000, and an addition of £4000 
 for notes issued under £.5, raised the whole to £24,000. In 1804, an 
 addition of not less than 50 per cent, was made to the stamp-duty ; but, 
 although the Bank circulation of notes under £5 had increased from one 
 and a half to four and a half millions, the whole composition was only 
 raised from £24,000 to £32,000. In 1808, there was a further in- 
 crease of 33 per cent, to the stamp-duty, at which time the composition 
 was raised from £32,000 to £42,000. In both these instances the in- 
 crease was not in proportion even to the increase of duty ; and no allow- 
 ance whatever was made for the increase in the amount of the Bank 
 circulation. 
 
 It Avas not till the Session of 1815, on a further increase of the stamp- 
 duty, that the new principle was established, and the Bank compelled 
 to pay a composition in some proportion to the amount of its circula- 
 tion. The composition is now fixed as follows : — Upon the average 
 circulation of the preceding year, the Bank is to pay at the rate of 
 £3,500 per million, on their aggregate circulation, without reference 
 to the different classes and value of their notes. The establishment 
 of this principle it is calculated caused a saving to the public, in the 
 years 1815 and 1816, of £70,000. By the neglect of this principle, 
 which ought to have been adopted in 1799, Mr. Ricardo estimated the 
 public to have been losers, and the Bank consequently gainers, of no 
 less a sum than half a million. 
 
 The last subject for which an allowance is to be deducted from the 
 gross profits of the Bank, is for their unproductive capital, namely, their 
 cash and bullion. At the stoppage in 1797, the Bank stated in their 
 accounts, laid before parliament, that their cash and bullion, and their 
 bills and notes discounted, together amounted to £4,196,080. They 
 also gave a scale of discounts from 1782 to 1797, and a corresponding 
 scale of the cash and bullion in the Bank for the same period. By 
 comparing these numbers with each other, and some parts of the evi- 
 dence, Mr. Allardyoe discovered the whole secret the Bank wished to 
 conceal — namely, the amount of cash and bullion in their coffers. Ac- 
 cording to this gentleman's calculation, as before mentioned, the cash
 
 PROriTS FKOM THE PITT AND PLUNDER SYSTEM. 439 
 
 and bullion of tVie Bank, on the 26th February, 1797, was reduced as 
 low as one million two hundred and seventy-two thousand pounds. 
 Subsequently the Bank increa.sed its stock of cash and bullion ; and on 
 the average of the eiprhteen vears, from 1797 to 181.5, Mr. Ricardo 
 conjectured it amounted to about three millions. 
 
 We have now mentioned all the circumstances necessar^' to form an 
 estimate of the net profits of the Bank. We have mentioned all the 
 sources whence the gross profits are derived, and also the different item.s 
 of their disbursements. Proceeding on these principles, Mr. Ricardo 
 calculated the clear gains of the Bank from the time of the suspension 
 of cash payments, in 1797, to the year 1816. The results of his cal- 
 culations were communicated to the Bank Committee of the House of 
 Lords in 1819. We shall insert his statement, exhibiting at one view 
 the amount of bonuses and increase of dividends to the proprietors, the 
 new stock created, and the increased value of the original capital. It 
 is Mr. Ricardo who is interrogated. 
 
 " Do you believe the followiug account to be an accurate account of the 
 profits of the Hank since the Restriction, namely, 
 
 In bonuses and increase of dividends 1'7,4'il ,136 
 
 New Bank-stock (£2,910,6f)0) divided £unon^ the proprie- 
 tors 7,276,500 
 
 Increased value of capital of £11,642,000, (which on an 
 average of 1707, w£is worth £125, and which is now 
 worth £250,) that is 14,553,000 
 
 Making in all, on a capital of £ll,642,000,a gain in lOyears of £29,280,636 
 
 " I have no reason to doubt it ; I believe it is accurate as far as I recollect." 
 — Minutes of Evidence, p. I'Jl. 
 
 This statement, we conceive, needs no explanation. In bonuses and 
 an increase of dividends, the Bank gained £7,451,136. The new 
 Bank-stock created, at £-250 per cent, is worth £7,276,500. The 
 original capital of £1 1,642,000, has increased in value £14,553,000. 
 The total gain of the Bank on a capital of eleven millions, is more than 
 twenty-nine Tnilliona. This is the Bank prize-money, the spoil OF 
 wAii, the clear gains from the loans, lotteries, and taxation of the 
 " Pitt and Plunder system." The brief history of the Bank, for 
 nineteen years after the stoppage in 1797, is this: they have hanged 
 and traiispf)rted about eight hundred peusons, and in addition to 
 their old dividend have made a profit of near tiikee hundred per 
 
 CENT ! 
 
 CoLQUHOUN had some reason when he said the Bank was the richest 
 establishment in the world. We here see the amount of its vast profits 
 during twenty veans of blood, rapine, and inju.<tice. Tlie ability of the 
 Bank to expend nearly a quarter of a million in hanging and tranr-
 
 440 BANK OK ENGLAND. 
 
 porting their fellow -creatures can no longer excite surprise. At the con- 
 clusion of the war in 1815, the Bank could have divided more than one 
 hundred per cent, without encroaching on their permanent capital: in 
 other words, they could have granted £100 to every holder of Bank- 
 stock to the amount of £100, and yet not encroached on the original 
 capital of the Company. If thoy made a division of one hundred per 
 cent, honus, they would still have had an unappropriated income of 
 £542,000, which would have enabled them to increase their permanent 
 dividend from ten to fourteen and a half per cent. If they had divided 
 only a bonus of seventy-five per cent, they would retain a surplus 
 capital exceeding that of 1797, and an unappropriated income of 
 £673,000, which would enable them to raise their dividend from ten to 
 fifteen and a half per cent. If the profits of the Bank had continued, 
 and no addition been made to the present dividend of ten per cent, the 
 accumulation, of the surplus profit in forty years would have given to 
 the Bank a disposable fund of more than one hundred and twenty 
 millions* 
 
 According to the charter, all profits and advantages arising out of 
 the management of the Bank ought to be divided, from time to time, 
 among the proprietors, in proportion to each person's share and interest 
 in the stock of the Company. This law has never been observed by the 
 Directors : the concern has been carried on, and no statement of its 
 aft'airs, nor the surplus savings, has ever been submitted to the pro- 
 prietors. ]Mr. Allardyce, in 1801, and subsequently IMr. Young and other 
 proprietors, have attempted at difterent times to compel the Governor 
 and Directors to make a declaration of the affairs of the Bank ; but 
 these gentlemen appear to have considered it more prudent policy to 
 conceal, as far as possible, their gains from the public. The rotten- 
 boroughs have not been more intimately identified with the past system 
 of misgovernment than tie Bank of England. It is to the war, com- 
 menced by the Oligarchy in 1793, the Bank is indebted for its enor- 
 mous wealth and inordinate gains. It is to this war the Bank was 
 indebted for tlie Restriction-Act, which enabled it to raise the cir- 
 culation of its notes from 12 millions to 27 millions. It was the war 
 which raised the unredeemed public debt from 220 to 850 millions; of 
 this debt the Bank has had the management, and for which it has 
 received from the public about £300,000 per annum, whereas the 
 receipt on account of the debt in 1792 was only £99,800. It is to the 
 war, too, the Bank was indebted for the increase in the amount of 
 public deposits. In 1792 the deposits were probably less than four 
 millions. In and since 1806, to the peace, they exceeded eleven 
 millions. From this source alone, Mr. Ricardo calculated that, in the 
 ten years from 1806 to 1816, the Bank gained £5,500,000. It is to 
 the war the Bank has been indebted for an annual dividend and bonus 
 on its capital to the amount of 10, 12, and in some years as high as 17 
 
 " Ricardo on a Secure and Economical Currency, p. b4.
 
 CH ARTE us— TRANSACTIONS WITH THE GO V ERN M EN T. 441 
 
 per cent. Lastly, the Bank is indebted to the war for clear savings, 
 from the year 1797 to the year 1816, to the enormous amount of 
 £29,280,636. 
 
 We are not greatly in favour oi ex post facto laws, nor bills of pains and 
 penalties, but should there ever be any thing like an equitable adjust- 
 ment, a refunding or surrendering of surreptitious gains, the Bank will 
 certainly have to yield up the most freely next to the Church and the 
 Aristocracy. 
 
 At the end of this article are inserted several accounts laid before Par- 
 liament by the Bank in 1 830, exhibiting their own statements of their past 
 proceedings, the profits they have realized, and their existing transactions 
 with the Government. Between the estimate of the Bank of the amount 
 of their profits and the estimate of Mr. Ricardo, we do not find any 
 material discrepancy. The Bank make their aggregate gains, exclusive 
 of their ordinary dividend of 7 per cent. £16,619,526. If to this sum 
 we add the difference between the value of their capital of £1 1 ,642,400 
 in 1797, and the value of their present capital of £14,553,000, 
 we shall find that the prosperous career of the Bank has not been 
 exaggerated. 
 
 The charter of the Bank, when first granted, was to continue for 
 eleven years certain, or till a year's notice after August 1st, 1705. The 
 charter was further renewed in 1697. In 1708 the Bank having ad- 
 vanced £400,000 for the public service, without interest, the exclusive 
 pl'ivileges of the Corporation were prolonged till 1733. After further 
 renewals, in consequence of advances in 1800, the charter, having then 
 twelve years to run, was prolonged till the expiration of twelve months' 
 notice to be given after August 1st, 1833, and till the payment by the 
 government of the debt owing to the establishment. The last renewal 
 is by 40 Geo. III. c. 29, and in consideration of an advance to the 
 public of three million!? for six years without interest. 
 
 It is reasonable to expect the Bank charter will not be again renewed 
 without an entirely new arrangement far more favourable to the public 
 interests than that now subsisting. The Bank annually receives about 
 £257,000 for its trouble in paying the dividends. It holds balances of 
 public money, free of interest, averaging three or four millions. These 
 balances are employed in discounting bills at the rate of four per cent, 
 yielding a revenue of £160,000, which, being added to the £257,000, 
 makes an annual sum of £417,000 derived from its dealings with the 
 Treasury. This has been always deemed a most extravagant remune- 
 ration, and has never been defended even in the House of Commons, 
 except on the groundless plea, that it was binding on the public so long 
 as the present charter had to run. 
 
 These do not constitute the whole of the advantages of this long- 
 favoured establishment : it enjoys various exclusive privileges in carrying 
 on the trade of banking. By the act of Anne, before cited, no corporate 
 body or ])artnership, consisting of more than six persons other than the 
 Bank of England, is allowed to carry on the business of banking. After
 
 442 BANK OF ENGLAND. 
 
 the panic of 1826, this privilege was so far relaxed as to allow the 
 establishment of banking- firms of more than six partners, at places 
 exceeding- the distance of sixty miles from London ; provided such 
 firms had no establishment as bankers in the metropolis. 
 
 Why should these restrictions be tolerated in favour of an overgrown 
 corporation, which has already profited so much by its exclusive immu- 
 nities ? They form, moreover, the chief obstacle to the improvement 
 of the system of banking in both the country and metropolis, by dis- 
 courag-ing- the establishment of joint-stock associations. Could banking 
 firms be opened in the metropolis with an indefinite number of partners, 
 on the plan of the Scotch banks, their credit would rest on such a 
 sure and extended basis, that they might fairly compete Avith the es- 
 tablishment in Threadneedle-street for a share of the public business ; 
 Government would be relieved from its dependence on a single frater- 
 nity ; and, in lieu of paying the Bank £257,000 per annum for the 
 payment of the dividends, it is not improbable the whole sum might be 
 saved, and the business transacted for the sake of the profit which might 
 be realized from holding the balances of the public money and un- 
 claimed lottery prizes and dividends.* 
 
 The Bank has never conducted its affairs either on such liberal or 
 enlightened principles as to become entitled to peculiar favour from the 
 community. Notwithst'dnding the enormous profits of this great cor- 
 poration, it has constantly manifested an eagerness for gain, and im- 
 patience for the profitable employment of its capital, which could hardly 
 have been exceeded by a private establishment. In 1822, with a view 
 of extending- their discount, they lowered the rate of interest from five 
 to four per cent., and extended the term of discount from sixty to ninety 
 days. In 1823, they contracted for a portion of the dead-weight 
 annuity, by imposing upon themselves the obligation of advancing- an 
 annual loan for several years ; which engagement was clearly at variance 
 with the legitimate principles of banking. At the close of the same 
 year, they announced their intention to lend money on mortgage, which 
 was a deviation from one of their oldest established rules. Lastly, in 
 1825, they came forward with a proposition to lend money on govern- 
 ment securities, and upon their own stock. 
 
 By these expedients they wei-e enabled greatly to extend the cir- 
 culation of their notes ; but their resources, contrary to all sound 
 maxims, were tied up in inconvertible securities, so that they were less 
 able to discharge their proper functions as bankers. What was worse, 
 the greedy example was followed by the country bankers ; and thus the 
 race commenced between them, which could push out the most paper, 
 till they brought upon the country the disastrous mercantile revulsion 
 of 1825-6. 
 
 * Memorial of Country Bankers, addressed to the Lords of the Treasury, 
 May 9, 1828.-- Parliamentary Paper, No. 328, Sess. 1828.
 
 ESTIMATE OF THE WEALTH OF THE ESTABLISHMENT. 443 
 
 THOUGHTS ON A NEW BANK OF ENGLAND. 
 
 Notwithstanding the errors of business and of political meddling with 
 which the Bank Directors may be justly charged, it may be doubted 
 whether the country would be benefited by any attempt to set up a rival 
 establishment. A banking firm of undoubted stability is essential to the 
 functions of government for the receipt and disbursement of the public 
 revenue, and for the management of the national currency. But would 
 it be possible to form an association, better adapted for these pur- 
 poses than the Bank of England ? In the first place with respect to the 
 circulating medium. The Bank enjoying the exclusive privilege of 
 issuing notes in the metropolis, it possesses a complete control over the 
 circulation directly in London and indirectly in the provinces ; and it 
 can only arise from a mistaken cupidity or culpable remissness of duty 
 in the Directors if the general circulation is either redundant or deficient 
 — if it is not maintained precisely in that state which the wants of com- 
 merce and the course of the exchanges require. But such corrective 
 power over the currency can only be advantageously exercised by a single 
 association. Supposing two chartered bodies had concurrent authority 
 in the issue of notes, they would either pursue their business in opposi- 
 tion or concert : if the former, then would there be a contest between 
 them, which could get out the greatest amount of paper; if the latter, 
 then the case would not be altered from what now exists — it would still 
 be virtually one body, only acting under two denominations, the NeAV 
 Bank of England and the Old Bank of England. 
 
 Next as to experience in banking business. In this the Bank could 
 not possibly be excelled by a new establishment. The Direction, it 
 cannot be denied, consists of the elite of the commercial world ; more- 
 over they inherit, in virtue of their offices, all the wise saws, maxims, 
 and precepts accumulated by their predecessors for the last hundred and 
 forty years, and which, we presume, are carefully treasured up for 
 reference in the Bank parlour, inscribed on tablets or other tangible 
 record. 
 
 The last and most important consideration, with respect to any new 
 association, which should undertake to be the national banker, would be 
 the security it could aflford. A sum of four or five millions, which is 
 the average amount of the government balances, ought not to be entrusted 
 to any mushroom establishment. On this head the Bank appears wholly 
 unexceptionable. Just let us see by fair appraisement how much the 
 " Old Lady" would yield, providing all her eft'ects were brought under 
 the hammer of alderman Farebrother. Lot the first, is that solid capital 
 of £14,686,800, lent to Government at three per cent, and which at the 
 present market price of £195 per hundred pound stock is worth 
 exactly £29,619,260. The second lot is the surplus of profits, &c. after 
 paying all outstanding demands ; owing to the extreme reserve of the 
 Old Girl the value of this assortment cannot bo stated — common report 
 says betwixt two and three millions : according to her Ladyship's invcn-
 
 444 BANK OF ENGLAND. 
 
 toiy in 1819 (No. II. at the end of this article,) she had a nice balance 
 in her favour of £5,202,320. Supposing we take the Old Dame at 
 hervvord — hereare two articles alone worth £34,821,580. Besideswhich, 
 is the immense pile in Threadneedle-street, consisting of innumerable 
 vaults, rotunda, cashier, court, committee and tellers' rooms, and a 
 floor of apartments more spacious and intricate than the Cretan labyrinth, 
 together with the site of eig-ht acres, fittings up and Corinthian 
 columns included — all which could not be appraised at a less sum than 
 two millions, and with the preceding constitutes a substantial security to 
 the amount of nearly thirty-seven millions, and must be amply sufficient 
 to satisfy the most scrupulous tax-payer in the kingdom. 
 
 Though the Bank of England possesses the recommendations we 
 have mentioned to the office of national banker, yet the Government is 
 not dependent upon or at the mercy of the Corporation. When the 
 charter has expired, the Bank proprietary become nothing more than a 
 common partnership trading upon a joint-stock. Government, by granting 
 a charter of incorporation to a new association, and transferring to 
 it the exclusive privileges of issuing notes, of retaining the public ba- 
 lances, and of paying the public dividends, might, at one blow, destroy 
 two-thirds at least of the business and revenue of the Threadneedle- 
 street establishment. This we advert to lest it might be thought on tHe 
 renewal of the Bank charter, the Directors had power to prescribe their 
 own terms to Government : the power is all on the other side — in the 
 hands of ministers, and if they do not exercise it for the public benefit, 
 they will not have faithfully discharged their duty to the community. 
 The relation in which the Bank stands to the public is nothing more 
 than that of a number of private individuals entitled to no special fa- 
 vour ; whatever privilege they enjoy, they ought to pay for ; for whatever 
 work they perform, they ought not to receive more than a reasonable 
 compensation. Upon this principle let us inquire what ought to be the 
 main conditions of the future contract between the Bank and Government. 
 
 First, the Bank ought to account to the public for the profits arising 
 from the exclusive privilege of issuing notes, after deducting a reasonable 
 sum for trouble and incidental expenses. 
 
 Secondly, the Bank ought to pay a per-centage for the average 
 amount of public balances it holds and employs in banking. 
 
 Thirdly, if the composition paid by the Bank in lieu of stamp duties 
 be inadequate, it ought to bo augmented. 
 
 Fourthly, the Bank ought not to charge a greater sum per million for 
 the payment of the dividends than is an equitable consideration for 
 trouble and loss of time. 
 
 Fifthly, the Bank being invested with important public trusts, and 
 having the contiol of the national currency, and as any error of judg- 
 ment committed by the Directors, might be productive of disastrous 
 consequences, it is highly expedient their affairs and proceedings should 
 be at all times known, so as to be constantly open to public and par- 
 liamentary observance and discussion. 
 
 Sixthly, if the suggestion which has been made and appears judicious, be
 
 CONDITIONS OF THE RENEWAL OF THE CHARTER. 445 
 
 adopted, of making- a Bank of England note a legal tender when offered 
 by the country banks, the concession of so great and advantageous a 
 privilege would justly claim a bonus from the Bank to the public ; 
 especially as it would tend to augment the circulation of their notes, and 
 accelerate the spread and establishment of their branch institutions.* 
 
 Lastly, the Bank charter ought only to be renewed for a short term 
 of 3^ears. For this three reasons may be assigned. First, it would tend 
 to keep the Bank dependent upon and under the control of the legislature. 
 Secondly, the peculiar and changing state of the country at the present 
 moment is a strong objection both against granting and accepting- long- 
 leases by public bodies. Thirdly, there is no public reason for renewing- 
 the charter for a long- term. In this respect the Bank and Ea.st India 
 Company materially differ; the affairs of the former are all at home, 
 and may be wound up any time in six months ; the affairs of the latter 
 extend to the other side of the globe, and require years. 
 
 Upon the conditions we have thus shortly sketched, the Bank charter 
 might be renewed, with advantage to the Corporation, the Government, 
 and the community. 
 
 Dividends on Bank Stock, from the Establishment of the Company to the 
 
 present time. 
 
 Years. 
 
 Dividend. 
 
 
 Years. 
 
 Dividends. 
 
 1694 
 
 8 per cent. 
 
 Lady-day 
 
 1747 
 
 5 per cent. 
 
 1697 
 
 9 — 
 
 Ditto 
 
 17.53 
 
 H - 
 
 1708 7 
 1729:; 
 
 Varied from 9 
 
 Michaelmas 
 
 1T53 
 
 5 — 
 
 to 5| per cent. 
 
 Lady-day 
 
 1754 
 
 4§ - 
 
 Lady-day 1730 
 
 G — 
 
 Michaelmas 
 
 1764 
 
 5 — 
 
 ftlichaclmas 1730 
 
 6i - 
 
 Ditto 
 
 1767 
 
 •H - 
 
 Lady-day 1731 
 
 6 — 
 
 Ditto 
 
 1781 
 
 6 — 
 
 Michaelmas 1731 
 
 ->h - 
 
 Lady -day 
 
 1788 
 
 7 — 
 
 Lady -day 1732 
 
 6 — 
 
 Ditto 
 
 1807 
 
 10 — 
 
 Michaelmas 1732 
 
 51 - 
 
 Ditto 
 
 1823 
 
 8 — 
 
 * The private bankers in London and in the country have reason to be jealous 
 of tlie increasing business and importance of the liank of England. The branch 
 banks must ultimately prove dangerous rivals in the large provincial towns. 
 In the metropolis the number of private accounts that have been opened wi^h 
 the Company since the great commercial crisis of 1825 is immense. Many who 
 continue to keep accounts with the private firms only do so to the extent of what 
 may be termed their circulating cash ; ti>e mass of their unemployed capital 
 being deposited in the more secure and unfathomable vaults of Threadneedle- 
 street. By tliis divisionof conlidence the private banks get only the most trouble- 
 some and least proOtuble part of the banking business.
 
 446 
 
 BANK OF ENGLAND. 
 
 No. 1. 
 
 A RETURN of the Number of Persons convicted of Forgery, or 
 passing Forged Notes and Post Bills of the Bank of England, 
 in each Year, from 1791 to 1829, inclusive. 
 
 Years. 
 
 Capital Convictions. 
 
 Convictions lor having 
 
 Forged Bank Notes 
 
 in possession. 
 
 Total Number of 
 Convictions each Year. 
 
 1791—1796 
 
 nil. 
 
 nil. 
 
 nil. 
 
 1797 
 
 1 
 
 . 
 
 1 
 
 1798 
 
 11 
 
 . 
 
 11 
 
 1799 
 
 12 
 
 . 
 
 12 
 
 1800 
 
 29 
 
 - 
 
 29 
 
 1801 
 
 32 
 
 1 
 
 33 
 
 1802 
 
 32 
 
 12 
 
 44 
 
 1803 
 
 7 
 
 1 
 
 8 
 
 1804 
 
 13 
 
 8 
 
 21 
 
 1805 
 
 10 
 
 14 
 
 24 
 
 1806 
 
 nil. 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 1807 
 
 16 
 
 24 
 
 40 
 
 1808 
 
 9 
 
 23 
 
 32 
 
 1809 
 
 23 
 
 29 
 
 52 
 
 1810 
 
 10 
 
 16 
 
 26 
 
 1811 
 
 5 
 
 19 
 
 24 
 
 1812 
 
 26 
 
 26 
 
 52 
 
 1813 
 
 9 
 
 49 
 
 58 
 
 1814 
 
 5 
 
 39 
 
 44 
 
 1815 
 
 8 
 
 51 
 
 59 
 
 1816 
 
 20 
 
 84 
 
 104 
 
 1817 
 
 33 
 
 95 
 
 128 
 
 1818 
 
 62 
 
 165 
 
 227 
 
 1819 
 
 33 
 
 160 
 
 193* 
 
 1820 
 
 77 
 
 275 
 
 352 
 
 1821 
 
 41 
 
 93 
 
 134 
 
 1822 
 
 16 
 
 - 
 
 16 
 
 1823 
 
 6 
 
 - 
 
 6 
 
 1824 
 
 5 
 
 _ - 
 
 5 
 
 1825 
 
 2 
 
 - - . 
 
 2 
 
 1826 
 
 18 
 
 > 4 
 
 22 
 
 1827 
 
 24 
 
 . ' . 
 
 24 
 
 1828 
 
 10 
 
 . 
 
 10 
 
 1829 
 
 13 
 
 1 
 
 14 
 
 The Bank of England does not possess the means of stating or dis- 
 tinguishing the punishmenls inflicted for the said crimes.
 
 ACCOUNTS OF THE BANK. 
 No. II. 
 
 447 
 
 An Account of the total Amount of Outstanding Demands on the 
 Bank of Eiigland, and liketvise the Funds for discharging the 
 same; 30th Jan. 1819. 
 
 Dr. - - The Bank, - 
 
 £. 
 To Bank Notes out . . . 26,09 1,430 
 To otlier Debts; viz.^ 
 Drawing Accounts j 
 
 Audit Roll I 
 
 Exchequer Bills de- J> 7,800,150 
 
 posited 
 
 And various other | 
 Debts J 
 
 30th January, 1819. 
 
 Cr. 
 
 33,894,580 
 
 lialance of Surplus in 
 favour of the Bank 
 of England, exclu- 
 sive of the Debt 
 from Government, 
 at f3 per cent. 
 £11,086,800 .."^ 
 
 And the Advance to [ 
 
 Government, per 56 
 
 Geo. HI. cap. 96. 
 
 at £3 per cent. \ 
 
 £3,000,000 J 
 
 > 6,202,320 
 
 £ 39,096,900 
 
 Bank of England, 
 22d February, 1819. 
 
 £. 
 
 >• 8,438,060 
 
 By Advances on Go- 
 vernment Securi- 
 ties; viz. 
 
 On Exchequer Bills,") 
 on Malt, &c. 1818. I 
 
 Bank Loan, 1818 .. I 
 
 Supply, 1816, at £4 { 
 per cent 
 
 Growing Produce of i 
 the Consd.Fund to 
 .5th April, 1819, 
 and Interest due, 
 and Loans to Go- 
 vernment on Un- 
 claimed Dividends J 
 By all other Credits, 
 viz. 
 
 Cash and Bullion ..') 
 
 ExchequerBills pur- 
 chased, and Inter- 
 est 
 
 Bills and Notes dis- i „„ „,„ „,„ 
 . 1 > 30,658,240 
 
 counted ' ' ' 
 
 TreasuryBills for the 
 Service of Ireland 
 
 Money lent, and va- 
 rious otherArticles J 
 
 39,096,900 
 
 By the permanent Debt 
 due from Govern- 
 ment, for the Capital 
 of the Bank, at £3 
 per cent, per annum . 
 
 By the Advance to Go- 
 vernment, per Act 
 56 Geo. III. cap. 96, 
 at £3 per cent, per 
 annum 
 
 11,686,800 
 
 •3,000,000 
 
 AViLLiAM Dawes, 
 
 Accountant General. 
 
 * The Bank capital, on which the shareholders divide, has been increased from 
 £1,200,000 in 1694 to £14,553,000 in 1832. This increase has been eflected 
 either by additional subscriptions of stock, or by adding to their capital accu- 
 mulated profits. In 1781 the Bank added to their capital, from prolits, 8 per 
 cent, or, £862,400 ; in 1816, which was the last addition, 25 per cent, was 
 added, or, £2,910,600, raising their capital to the present amount of £14,553,000.
 
 448 BANK OF ENGLAND. 
 
 No. III. 
 
 An Account of Money ■paid or -payable at the Bank of England, 
 for the Management of the Public Debt, in the year 1829, together 
 with an Account of all the allowances made by the Public to the 
 Bank, or charged by the Bank against the Public, for transacting 
 any Public Service in the year 1829, describing the nature of the 
 service, and the Amount charged thereon in the said year, and 
 including any Sum under the denomination of House-money , or 
 House Expenses ; and also, any Sum under the denomination of 
 Charges of Management on South-Sea Stock, and stating the 
 aggregate amount of the whole. 
 
 Charge for Management of the Unredeemed Public Debt for £. s. d. 
 one year, ending the 5th April, 1830, being the annual 
 period at which the accounts are made up, as directed by 
 the Act of 48 Geo. 3, c 4 248,417 17 2| 
 
 Ditto, ditto, for one year ending ditto, on sundiy Annuities 
 transferred to the Commissioners for the Reduction of the 
 National Debt, for the purchase of Life Annuities per Act 
 of the 48 Geo. 3, and subsequent Acts 2,922 11 9 
 
 Charges of Management, being part of an entire yearly fund 
 of £100,000 enjoyed by the Governor and Company of the 
 Bank of England, originally by the Act of the 5th and 6th 
 of William and Maiy, c. 20, confirmed to the said Governor 
 and Company by several subsequent Acts, and lastly, by 
 the Act of the 39th and 40th Geo. 3, c. 28, as per return 
 made to the Honourable House of Commons, on the 21st 
 ofJune,1816 1,000 
 
 Ditto, ditto, on £4,000,000 South Sea Stock, purchased by 
 the Governor and Company of the Bank of England of the 
 South Sea Company, and transferred by them to the said 
 Governor and Company, in pursuance of the Act of the 8th 
 Geo. 1 c. 21, and which charges of management were as- 
 signed by the said South Sea Company, to the said Governor 
 and Company, out of a Sum of £8,397 : 9 : 6 per annum, 
 then paid by the Public to the said South Sea Company, for 
 charges of management on their funds, as per Return made 
 to the Honourable House of Commons, on the 21st June, 
 1816 1,898 3 5 
 
 £257,238 12 45 
 
 Bank of England, T. Rippon, 
 
 11th ot Marcli, 1S30. Chief Cashier.
 
 ACCOUNT OV 1?ANK PROFITS. 449 
 
 x\o. IV. 
 
 An Account of all dibtiil>ution.s made l>v the Bank oJ Enc:!and 
 among'st the proprietor.s of Dank Stock, whctiier by nioaey payments, 
 transfer of 5 per cent, annuities, or otherwi.se, under the heads of bonus, 
 increase of dividend, and increase of capital, betwixt 25th February, 
 1797, and Slst March, 1S30, in addition to the ordinary annual dividend 
 of 7 per cent, on the capital stock of that Corporation, existing in 
 1797, including- therein the whole dividend paid since June, 1816, on 
 their increased capital ; stating the period when such distril)utions were 
 made, and the ag'gregate amount of the whole. 
 
 In June, 1799: 
 
 f 10 per cent. Uonus in 5 per cents. 1797, on £11,042,100, is £1,104,240 
 May, 1801 : 
 
 £o per cent ditto, in Navy 5 per cents, ditto 582 120 
 
 Novemljer, 1802 . ' 
 
 £2^ per cent, ditto, ditto, ditto 291 OGO 
 
 October, 1804 : ' 
 
 £5 per cent, ditto, Cash, ditto 582 120 
 
 October, 1805 : ' 
 
 £5 per cent, ditto, ditto, ditto 582 120 
 
 October, 1800: 
 
 £5 per cent, ditto, ditto, ditto 582 12 J 
 
 From April, 1807, to Oct., i /''Z^^''' °f Dividend at the rale 
 
 1822, both inclusive. >+,, 5?o Fna •'"'", r ^'^' ''°"""' **" 
 
 ' C ±11,042,400, IS, 16 years 5,588,352 
 
 From April. 1823, to Oct, S ^"crease of Dividend at the rate 
 
 1829. both inclusive. i 1 , f ^ Fnn •''"'"^ P"" '''"""'" "^^ . , . n.o 
 
 f £11,042,400, IS, 7 years 814,008 
 
 In June, 1810 Increase of Capitfil at 25 per cent, is 2,910,000 
 
 rroin Oct, 1810, to Oct., ^ Dividend at the rate of £lo per 
 182.', bo h inclusive. J '■""^- ?;''•/"•""'» on £2,910,000, in- 
 
 ' I creased Captul, is, 0§ years 1,891,890 
 
 From April, 1823, to Oct.,^ Dividend at the rate of £8 per 
 1829 botii inclusive. > ^«"'- Pf':/^"':""' or^i.2,9l0,bi)i), in- 
 
 ' ( creased Capital, is, 7 years 1,029,930 
 
 Aggregate amount of tlie whole £10,019,520 
 
 Annual Dividend pa^'able on Bank Stock in 1797, on a Capital of 
 
 £11,042,400, at the rate of £7. per cent per annum 814,908 
 
 Annual Dividend payable since June, 1816, on a Capital of 
 £14,553,000, to October, 1822, inclusive, at the rate of £10 per 
 cent, per annum 1 ,455,300 
 
 Annual Dividend payable from April, 1823, to Slst March, 1830, 
 both inclusive, on a Capital of £14,553,000. at the rate of £8 per 
 cent, per annum 1,104.210 
 
 ^\'Il.LIAM Smi:e, Dcpy. Aoct. 
 r.ank of Eiis:lion}, 20^/i April, 1830.
 
 4.'.0 
 
 HANK OF i: NCI. AND. 
 
 No. V. 
 
 An AccotNT of the Amount of Bank Notes in Circulation on the 
 undermentioned Daija ; distintjnishing the Dank Post Bills, and 
 the Amount of Notes under Five Pounds, with the Aggregate of 
 the whole. 
 
 1792 February 26 
 Aufjust 25 
 
 1793 February 20 
 Auffust 20 
 
 1794 February 20 
 August 2(j 
 
 1795 February 26 
 August 20 
 
 1790 February 20 
 August 20 
 
 1797 February 25 
 August 20 
 
 1798 February 20 
 August 25 
 
 1799 February 20 
 August 20 
 
 1800 February 25 
 August 20 
 
 1801 FebruaiT20 
 August 20 
 
 1H02 February 26 
 August 20 
 
 1803 February 20 
 August 20 
 
 1804 February 25 
 August 25 
 
 1805 February 20 
 August 20 
 
 1806 February 25 
 August 20 
 
 1807 February 20 
 August 26 
 
 1808 February 20 
 August 20 
 
 1809 February 25 
 August 20 
 
 1810 February 20 
 August 25 
 
 1811 February 20 
 August 20 
 
 1812 February 20 
 August 20 
 
 1813 February 20 
 August 20 
 
 1814 February 26 
 August 26 
 
 1815 February 25 
 August 20 
 
 Notes of £5. 
 and upwards. 
 
 10,394,106 
 10,281,071 
 10,780,043 
 10,103,839 
 10,079,165 
 10,000,248 
 12,908,707 
 10,939,880 
 10,200,501 
 8,981,645 
 8,107,949 
 9,109,614 
 10,856,188 
 9,997,958 
 10,570,510 
 1 1 ,200,075 
 13,100,308 
 12,221,451 
 12,975,206 
 11,715,665 
 12,038,970 
 12,801,740 
 11,790,424 
 12,413,924 
 12,054,943 
 11,706,028 
 11,403,290 
 11,182,188 
 11,994,350 
 14,141,510 
 12,274,629 
 15,077,013 
 13,746,598 
 12,440,930 
 12,730,999 
 13,255,599 
 13,050,592 
 16,078,390 
 15,110,088 
 15,203,611 
 14,523,049 
 14,873,705 
 ll,o07,L'67 
 14,975,479 
 15,632,250 
 18,000,180 
 10,394,359 
 10.332,275 
 
 Bank Post 
 Hills. 
 
 £. 
 
 755,703 
 
 725,898 
 
 647,738 
 
 074,375 
 
 618,769 
 
 567,972 
 
 570,450 
 
 518,502 
 
 043,133 
 
 549,090 
 
 474,615 
 
 524,587 
 
 551, .549 
 
 553,236 
 
 607,907 
 
 653,700 
 
 723,000 
 
 823,300 
 
 951,982 
 
 759,270 
 
 803,499 
 
 772,577 
 
 820,039 
 
 776,030 
 
 848,894 
 
 743,841 
 
 1,029,580 
 
 718,610 
 
 725,730 
 
 702,425 
 
 724,485 
 
 725,202 
 
 742,671 
 
 795,102 
 
 944,727 
 
 880,104 
 
 907,620 
 
 1,145,832 
 
 1,133,419 
 
 1,016,303 
 
 1,059,854 
 
 987,880 
 
 1,034,882 
 
 1,015,010 
 
 1,091,242 
 
 1,240,479 
 
 1,184,459 
 
 1.115,079 
 
 IJank Notes 
 under £5. 
 
 9,34,015 
 1,442,384 
 1,039,831 
 1,451,728 
 1,345,432 
 1,400,708 
 1,690,561 
 2,647,526 
 2,495,386 
 2,616,407 
 3,312,790 
 2,900,469 
 3,840,005 
 4,073,515 
 4,813,525 
 4,801,590 
 4,395,480 
 4,428,300 
 4,228,958 
 4,200,230 
 4,231,837 
 4,103,785 
 4,129,234 
 4,338,951 
 5,221,538 
 5,871,069 
 7,221,953 
 7,140,726 
 7,573,201 
 7,415,294 
 7,621,525 
 7,705,322 
 8,033,774 
 8,371,923 
 9,067,217 
 9,094,6.52 
 9,576,695 
 
 £. 
 11,149,809 
 11,000,909 
 11,428,381 
 10,838,214 
 10,697,924 
 10,628,220 
 13,539,103 
 1 1 ,458,382 
 10,909,694 
 9,531,335 
 8,601,904 
 10,508,216 
 12,850,085 
 12,191,025 
 12,030,145 
 13,259,873 
 15,236,076 
 14,735,378 
 10,577,514 
 14,970,321 
 15,458,870 
 16,887,113 
 15,570,932 
 17,035,959 
 17,577,352 
 17,323,994 
 17,234,400 
 16,296,178 
 17,148,446 
 19,072,893 
 27,205,344 
 20,034,112 
 18,593,054 
 17,305,266 
 18,014,677 
 19,357,241 
 20,429,281 
 24,446,175 
 23,384,8:i3 
 23,723,115 
 22,998,197 
 23,482,910 
 23,307,471 
 24,024,869 
 25,095,415 
 28,979,876 
 26,673,370 
 27,024,049
 
 riRCULATION OF BANK PAl'KH. 
 NO. V. CONTINUED. 
 
 461 
 
 
 Notes of £.5 
 
 Bank Post 
 
 Bank Notes 
 
 
 
 and upwards. 
 
 Bills. 
 
 under £5. 
 
 TOTAL. 
 
 181G February 26 
 
 15,307,228 
 
 1,336,467 
 
 9,036,374 
 
 ' 25,080,069 
 
 August 26 
 
 16,686,087 
 
 1,286,429 
 
 9,103,338 
 
 1 27,075,854 
 
 1817 February 26 
 
 17,538,656 
 
 1,376,416 
 
 8,143,506 
 
 27,058,578 
 
 August 26 
 
 20,388,502 
 
 1,712,807 
 
 7,998,599 
 
 30,099,908 
 
 1818 February 26 
 
 19,077,951 
 
 1,838,600 
 
 7,362,492 
 
 28,279,043 
 
 August 26 
 
 17,465,628 
 
 1,627,427 
 
 7,509,782 
 
 20,602,837 
 
 1819 February 26 
 
 16,307,000 
 
 1,622,330 
 
 7,317,360 
 
 25,246,690 
 
 August 26 
 
 1(^,972,140 
 
 1,468,920 
 
 7,216,530 
 
 25,657,590 
 
 1820 February 26 
 
 15,402,830 
 
 1,421,160 
 
 6,745,160 
 
 23,569,150 
 
 August 26 
 
 16,047,390 
 
 1,6.33,730 
 
 6,772,260 
 
 24,453,380 
 
 1821 February 26 
 
 14,372,840 
 
 1,615,600 
 
 6,483,010 
 
 22,471,450 
 
 August ' 26 
 
 16,095,020 
 
 1,634,260 
 
 2,598,460 
 
 20,327,740 
 
 1822 February 26 
 
 15,178,490 
 
 1,609,620 
 
 1 ,384,360 
 
 18,172,470 
 
 August 26 
 
 15,295,090 
 
 1,610,600 
 
 862,650 
 
 17,768,340 
 
 1823 February 26 
 
 15,751,120 
 
 1,742,190 
 
 683,160 
 
 18,176,470 
 
 August 26 
 
 17,392,260 
 
 1,763,650 
 
 550,010 
 
 19,705,920 
 
 1824 February 26 
 
 17,241,940 
 
 2,198,260 
 
 486,660 
 
 19,929,800 
 
 August 26 
 
 18,409,230 
 
 2,122,760 
 
 443,970 
 
 20,975,960 
 
 182.'* February 26 
 
 18,308,990 
 
 2,334,260 
 
 416,880 
 
 21,060,130 
 
 August 26 
 
 17,091,120 
 
 2,061,010 
 
 396,670 
 
 19,548,800 
 
 1826 February 26 
 
 21,100,400 
 
 2,487,080 
 
 1,367,560 
 
 24,955,040 
 
 August 26 
 
 18,172,160 
 
 2,040,400 
 
 1,175,450 
 
 21,388,010 
 
 1827 February 26 
 
 18,787,330 
 
 2,052,810 
 
 668,910 
 
 21,508,550 
 
 August 26 
 
 19,253,890 
 
 2,270,110 
 
 483,060 
 
 22,007,060 
 
 1828 February 26 
 
 19,428,010 
 
 2,329,880 
 
 416,890 
 
 22,174,780 
 
 August 26 
 
 19,016,980 
 
 2,417,440 
 
 382,860 
 
 21,817,280 
 
 1829 February 26 
 
 17,402,470 
 
 2,444,660 
 
 357,170 
 
 20,204,300 
 
 August 26 
 
 17,164,940 
 
 2,030,280 
 
 334,190 
 
 19,529,410 
 
 1830 February 26 
 
 17,862,990 
 
 2,281,520 
 
 320,550 
 
 20,468,060 
 
 Bank of England, 
 
 
 
 Wm. Sa 
 
 JEE, 
 
 11th March, 183 
 
 0. 
 
 
 D 
 
 ep. Acct. 
 
 POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 Our strictures on the Bank of England have been thought a little too 
 severe. It is hardly necessary to remark that we have spoken of the 
 Directors in their corporate, not in their individual capacities. The 
 Bank has frequently been controlled by circumstances which it had little 
 share in producing, and the ultimate consequences of which, actual ex- 
 perience could alone demonstrate. The Directors are often placed in 
 an awkward dilemma, in which their duty to the proprietors, whose 
 servants they are, prescribes one thing, and the interest of the public 
 another ; it is not surprising, then, if it sometimes happen that the 
 common weal suffers in order that the dividends may be augmented. 
 What we are now stating applies with equal propriety to the East-India 
 Company. We should just as soon think of charging the present 
 Directors of either association with the delinquencies of their predeces- 
 sors, as of laying on William IV. the crimes of Richard III. or Henry 
 VI 11. The able men mostly chosen for the management of both com- 
 panies, and the successful manner in which their affairs have been 
 conducted for the benefit of their respective constituencies, often appears 
 to us a strong argument in favour of that principle of represcntatiou 
 for which the nation is now contending. 
 
 2 G 2
 
 MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS, 
 COMPANIES, GUILDS, AND FRATERNITIES. 
 
 Tii E boroughs, the church, and corporations, have long formed the feet 
 of clay, on which the Tory Oligarchy has been borne up. It has had 
 other supports in judicial abuses and commercial monopolies, but these 
 have been the main pillars of its strength. Now, however, that 
 Gatton and Old Sarum arc on the eve of being divested of their mys- 
 terious influence, it is not improbable that the kindred nuisance of 
 municipal bodies, of town-councils, guilds, fraternities, and brotherhoods 
 will be abated, either by intire abolition, or thorough reform in their 
 institutions. They have had their day and their use : at present they 
 are only shadows of former power — historical landmarks which, like the 
 remains of a Roman encampment or baronial residence, serve to indicate 
 an age, that witii its customs, manners, and establishments is fast 
 <lescending into " the tomb of the Capulcts." 
 
 The public mind, however, is not likely to be a precipitate innovator 
 cither on corporate or other institutions consecrated by " hoar antiquity." 
 In addition to the strength they derive from early associations, they are 
 fortified by the ditlicully of concentrating general attention on a specific 
 object. More than half a century was consumed in discussion and 
 exposition to prepare the people for the removal of the disabilities of the 
 Catholics, and upwanis of two centuries in rousing such an united 
 expression of feeling as is essential to the attainment of Parliamentary 
 Reform. Tiie stream of popular opinion is of immense volume, re- 
 quiring enorootic and long-continued ellorts, to direct it into new and 
 more fertiHzing channels. 
 
 Decayed boroughs and corporations, where they are not identical, may 
 be justly deemed of twin origin, and resemble each other in their chief 
 characteristics. Formerly tiie commonalty of bodies corporate, in' the 
 same manner as the parliamentary electors of a borough, included the 
 whole of the free inhabitants, who represented the property, intelMgence, 
 and population within their jurisdictions. But this municipal concen- 
 tration of wealth and power has ceased to subsist; corporations no longer
 
 COliroiJATIONS, (, UII.DS, A .\ D COM I' A N 1 ES. 453 
 
 «?mbn(ly the opulence, numbers, or respectability of tbo cities and towns 
 in wliich thoy arc placed ; they have do9;enoratod into incro juntos, 
 having- no more community with the people than the votei-s of Malms- 
 bury or Calne with the general mass of the inhabitants. Such is the 
 state of the corporations of London, Dublin, Edinburgh, Bristol, Bath, 
 J.ivei-j)ool, and Leeds; they consist of little knots of persons, not 
 uniformly of the first class either for wealth or intelligence, who have 
 succeeded to their corporate immunities by right of paternity, convi- 
 viality, congeniality of politics or religion, or some other claim very 
 (iifl'erent from that of popular suffrage. So constituted, they form petty 
 olig-archies in the midst of their respective communities, with which 
 ihev wage a constant war of oppression and annoyance, and to whose 
 welfare tiiey are often as much opposed as the i^rcat parent oligarchy 
 of (he Boroughmong;.rs has long been to that of the nation. 
 
 The late elections offer a striking example of the hostile interests 
 which separate corporations from their feliow citizens. In all the places 
 mentioned above, the municipal bodies made the most strenuous efforts 
 to return anti-reform candidates. It was the same at Oxford and Cam- 
 biidg-o, the clerical corporations of the Universities not yielding- to their 
 lay-brethren in the expression of aversion to " the Bill." 
 
 Now, whence does this arise ? How does it happen that the privi- 
 leges of the chartered bodies are always felt to be at variance with the 
 general weal, and that corporators and boroughmongers are always 
 found in close alliance ? A common danger ordinarily unites men in a 
 common defence, and this, we apprehend, is the cause of the coalition. 
 Both parties are sensible of their social insignificance ; both are con- 
 scious of having long monopolized the rights of others ; and both feel 
 that reform would be destructive of their exclusive interests and preten- 
 sions. Hence tlioir confederacies on all occasions. Abuse nuist ever 
 depend upon abuse for support. The compact is a diabolical one, — it is 
 the same which sometimes bands together the outcasts of society, — a 
 g'eneral consciousness of turpitude, with a consciousness of the necessity 
 of fraternizing for common stifety. 
 
 It is not merely as the uniform opponents of civil and religious liberty, 
 nor as the petty local oppressors and ])rosecutors w ithin their precincts, 
 nor as the vexatious enemies of the freedom of indiistr)', that corporations 
 are to be charged as arch-delinquents to society. They are justly 
 obnoxious to imputations of a darker complexion. It is well knoAvn that 
 corpoi-ate bodies are the principal trustees of charity estates all over the 
 kingdom; they arc, also, the trustees of town and church-lands, of 
 loan-monies and of immense funds bequeathed for the purposes of educa- 
 tion, and for the clothing and maintenance of tlie orphan, the ag-cd, and 
 infirm. It js in tliese capacities their chief malversations consist, in the 
 jobbing;, peculati(m, and wasteful administration of the vast funds en- 
 trusted to them for pious and charitable uses. But before adverting' to 
 this j)art of the subject and to tiic general abuses of corporate establish- 
 ments, it will be convenient to ])remisc a few observations on the origin 
 of municipal institutions, and al^o of those subordinate associations deno- 
 minated guilds and fraternities.
 
 454 CORPORATIONS, GUILDS, AND COMPANIES. 
 
 ORIGIN OF CORPORATIONS, GUILDS, AND FRATERNITIES. 
 
 According to Dr. Smith, the origin of municipal corporations was very- 
 little posterior to that of cities and towns. After the fall of the Roman 
 empire the proprietors of land generally lived in fortified castles on their 
 own estates, while the towns were chiefly inhabited by tradesmen and me- 
 chanics, who appear to have been of servile or nearly of servile condition. 
 This is apparent from the tenor of many ancient charters that concede 
 to townspeople the right to give away their daughters in marriage, 
 and bequeath their property to their children without consent of their 
 lord, and which could hardly have been deemed immunities to any class 
 of people had they been previously raised above the condition of bonds- 
 men or villains. Their occupations were not more elevated than their 
 social state, and consisted in travelling with their goods from place to 
 place, and fair to fair, like hawkers and pedlers of the present times. 
 In these peregrinations, they were subject to various exactions by the 
 lords of the manors, through which they passed under the denomina- 
 tion of passage, pontage, lastage, and stallage. Sometimes the king, 
 sometimes a great lord Vv'ho had, it seems, upon certain occasions autho- 
 rity to do this, would grant to particular traders, especially those living 
 on their own demesnes, a general exemption from taxes. Such traders, 
 though in other respects of base condition, were upon this account de- 
 nominated free-traders. They in return usually paid to their protector 
 a sort of annual poll-tax ; for, in those times of barbarous violence, 
 protection was never aftbrded without compensation. 
 
 Under the favouring auspices of the monarch, the townspeople, by 
 successive encroachments, emancipated themseh^es from the yoke of 
 personal servitude to the barons. They also commuted the various 
 imposts to which they were liable for a fixed tribute or rent, for the due 
 payment of which the burghers were jointly and severally responsible. 
 Nor was this all. They were generally, at the same time, erected into 
 a commonalty or corporation, with the privilege of having magistrates 
 or town-council, of making by-laws for their own government, of 
 building walls for their own defence, and of reducing all their inhabi- 
 tants under a sort of conserv^ative discipline, by obliging them to watch 
 and ward. These immunities had become essential to their new condi- 
 tion of freedom ; for having cast off the yoke of former masters, they 
 were left to provide for their own internal order and security. 
 
 It would be neither compatible with our limits, nor is it essential to 
 our purpose, to continue at greater length the history of corporations. 
 Those who are desirous of more detailed information, may consult 
 Madox's " Firma Burgi," and Brady's " Treatise of Cities and 
 Boroughs." There can we apprehend be little doubt of the republican 
 character of their first institution ; every free burgess being a member 
 of the corporation, and participating either directly or by representation 
 in municipal government. They also shared in the general government 
 of the country, by the privilege conceded to them in the thirteenth 
 century of sending citizens and burgesses to parliament. The successive
 
 SUHVERSION OF THE RIGHTS OF COUPOKATE BODIES. 455 
 
 steps by which their immunities were principally curtailed were, 1. The 
 Mortmain Acts, which interdicted the bequest of property, both to lay 
 and ecclesiastical corporations, for charitable uses ; 2. The restriction 
 of monopolies in the sale of manufactures and commodities — which had 
 become extremely oppressive to the rural population, and enabled the 
 burgesses to indemnify themselves for the exactions they had suftered 
 in a preceding- ago under the sway of the feudal proprietaiy; 3. and 
 lastly, was the introduction of the statute of Quo Warranto in the 
 reign of Edward the First, which compelled corporations to produce the 
 charter or title under which they exercised their jurisdiction. The 
 popular constitution of corporate bodies was ultimately destroyed through 
 the agency of this law. Its professed object was to restrain the undue 
 assumptions and remedy the disorders and irregularities in the exercise 
 of municipal privileges ; but it was perverted into a fruitful source of 
 revenue by succeeding monarchs, especially by Charles II., who by 
 compelling the surrender of all the charters in the kingdom, and gran- 
 ting for money new powers to select bodies in corporations, introduced 
 or confirmed all these usurpations which are still maintained against the 
 common rights of the people. 
 
 This was not the only result; for, by a manoeuvre of the Collective 
 Wisdom of the day, the chief part of the inhabitants of cities and towns 
 were deprived of their political, as well as municipal franchises. A book 
 was written, by Dr. Brady, to prove that the word commonalty in a char- 
 ter meant corporation, or the " governing part" of the people ; and, in 
 pursuance of this new doctrine, the committees of the House of Com- 
 mons, in the course of about twenty years, deprived the body of the 
 people of a great number of boroughs of their elective rights, and con- 
 fined the franchise to a small corporation, consisting generally of less 
 than twenty-four persons. One part of the injustice is likely to be re- 
 medied by the Reform Bill, which will deprive close and self-elected 
 juntos of the power they have long exercised with great profit to them- 
 selves, of making members of parliament, and restore to the inhabitants 
 generally their ancient privilege of choosing representatives. 
 
 Let us next advert to the origin of the Guilds, Companies, or Fra- 
 ternities, which still exist in the principal cities and towns, especially 
 in London, Bristol, Preston, and Newcastle ; and which form a 
 curious and interesting branch of our domestic history. These societies, 
 or mysteries, are of very ancient institution, and may be traced with 
 certainty to a period anterior to the Conquest. In the British Museum 
 are preserved several Saxon deeds which Dr. Hickes has transcribed 
 into his Thesaurus, exhibiting the ordinances of two Saxon guilds. 
 From these ancient documents, it would appear, that guilds were origi- 
 nally established by the mutual agreement of friends and fellow-work- 
 men, and had no further object than the relief of the brethren in times of 
 distress, and perhaps, the protection of the associated meml)ers against 
 the lawless attacks of powerful neighbours. Certain pious offices, 
 however, were the never-failing concomitants of these institutions, and 
 they were mostly dedicated to some pation saint. After the Conquest,
 
 45G COUI'OKATIONS, (iUlLlJS, AND COMPANIES, 
 
 they Avere established for the express promotion of reh'ti^ion, c-harity, or 
 tra(h!, and were supported either by specific contributions from the 
 members in money or goods, or by lands assigned to them by the 
 founder.* In order to erect a corporation, no other authority in ancient 
 times was requisite in many parts of Europe, but that of the town cor- 
 porate in which it was to be established. In England, indeed, a char- 
 ter from the king was likewise necessary. But this prerogative of the 
 crown seems to have been reserved, rather for extorting money from 
 the subject than for the protection of the common liberty against such 
 exclusive companies. Upon paying a fine to the king the charter 
 seems generally to have been readily granted ; and when any particular 
 class of artificers or traders thought proper to act as a corporation with- 
 out a charter, such adulterine guilds as they were called, were not 
 always disfranchised on that account, but obliged to fine annually to the 
 king for permission to exercise their usurped privileges. + The imme- 
 diate inspection of all corporations, and of the by-laws which they 
 might think proper to enact for their own government, belonged to the 
 town-corporate in which they were established ; and whatever discipline 
 was exercised over them proceeded commonly not from the king, but 
 from the parent corporation of which these subordinate ones were only 
 parts or members. 
 
 The rules of several of the ancient fraternities are preserved, and they 
 obviously include the same objects of mutual assurance against the mis- 
 fortunes of life which now form the basis of the institutions of Friendly 
 Societies. Sir F. Eden, indeed, appears strongly inclined to trace the 
 origin of benefit clubs to the guild foundations. The following ordi- 
 nances of St. Catharine's guild at Coventiy, which was founded in the 
 reig'n of Edward III affords strong confirmation of this conjecture, and 
 are well deserving the attention of the antiquarian. They are cited at 
 length by Dugdale, who speaks of them as very memorable, and 
 " manifesting the decent government, ceremony, devotion, charity, and 
 amity of those times." 
 
 " If a member suffer from fire, water, robbery, or other calamity, 
 the guild is to lend him a sum of money without interest. 
 
 " If sick or infirm through old age, he is to be supported by his 
 guild, according to his condition. 
 
 " No one notorious for felony, homicide, lechery, gaming, sorcery, 
 or heresy is to be admitted. 
 
 " If a member fall into bad courses, he is first to be admonished, 
 and if found to be incorrigible, he is to be expelled. 
 
 " Those who die poor and cannot afford themselves burial, are to be 
 buried at the charge of the guild." 
 
 The chaplain is not to frequent common taverns. Mass was said, 
 everyday, and there were four .solemnities or feast days every year. 
 
 * lilomelield's History of Norfolk, vol. iii. p. -194. 
 t Madox Firma Bui\!(i, p. 2().
 
 CUSTOMS AND INSTITUTIONS OF GUILDS. 457 
 
 The guilds Avcro encouraged by persons of rank. From the North- 
 umberland Household Book, we learn that the Earl and Countess of 
 Noithumberland and their eldest son were members of St. Christopher's 
 Guild, at York ; and paid annually each 6s. 8d. They each received 
 yearly from the guild two yards of cloth ; whether this was an article 
 usually allowed to the members of such societies, or whether it was 
 merely a compliment to a person of distinction cannot be ascertained. 
 
 The ancient associations, whether distinguished by the name of 
 Guild, Fraternity, Mystery, Company, or Brotherhood, seem to have 
 been no less addicted to feasting and conviviality than their descendants 
 of Merchant Tailors' or Drapers' Hall. They generally assembled once a 
 year, for the puipose of acting some interlude or pageant. There is a curious 
 description in the Liber Niger of the anniversary feast of the guild of 
 the Holy Cross at Abingdon ; from which Blomefield prol)ably took the 
 following account which he has given of that festival. He says '' the 
 fraternity held their feast yearly on the third of May, the invention of 
 the Holy Cross ; and then they used to have twelve priests to sing a 
 dirige, for which they had given them four pence a-piece ; they had 
 also twelve minstrels, Avho had 2s. "id. besides their dyet and horse- 
 meat. At one of these feasts, (A.D. 144.'5,) they had 6 calves 
 valued at 2s. 2r/. a-piece; 16 lambs, \1d. a-piece; 80 capons, 3f/. a- 
 piece ; 80 geese, 2c?. a-piece ; 800 eggs, which cost Pid. the hundred ; 
 and many marrow bones, creame and lloure ; besides, what theyre 
 servants and others brought in : and pageants, plays, and May-games, 
 to captivate the senses of the zealous beholders." Nor were the Guild- 
 halls, of which vestiges may be found in many of our most insignificant 
 villages, exclusively appropriated to the festivities celebrated at the 
 expense and under the patronage of the companies. As most of these 
 common-halls were well provided with household utensils, especially 
 those requisite for culinary purposes, it was not uncommon for the inha- 
 bitants of a village, upon weddings and christenings, to hold their 
 feast at the Guildhall.* Sometimes, however, the smaller parochial 
 guilds were so poor, that they could not afford to have a mustering- 
 place, but met at the members' houses. In general they were in a 
 better condition and possessed or hired a hall near the church, which. 
 Sir John CuUum remarks, was " convenient for them, as their business 
 was to pray as well as eat." 
 
 However, we have not yet adverted to the main objects for which the 
 fraternities were instituted, and which were neither convivial, pious, nor 
 charitable ; they were meant for the advancement of trade, and the per- 
 fection of the mechanical arts. It was for these purposes the numerous 
 companies in the city of London were first incorporated ; exclusive 
 privileges being granted to them, that they might perfect themselves in 
 their respective mysteries or occupations, so tliat the public might bo 
 guarded against fraud and adulteration, and not suffer either from the 
 knavery or unskilfulness of traders and workmen. In the early stashes 
 
 * Sir Frederick Edcu's Uistury oi° tiie Poor, p. 51>b.
 
 458 CORPORATIONS, liUlLJJS, AND COMPAMES. 
 
 of industry and commerce such a policy might be defensible. It tends, 
 by a recognized division of labour, to improve useful vocations ; and, 
 moreover, as the members of these associations were also united on the 
 principles of a Friendly Society, that circumstance gave them a claim 
 to the protection of authority. But the immunities conceded to them 
 ought to have been limited to a term of years, and not made perpetual ; 
 they ought to have been terminal, and granted on the same principle as 
 the rights of a patentee, or of an author of a literary production. 
 Without this precaution the incorporated companies were sure to dege- 
 nerate into so many combinations against the public ; whose interests 
 and policy would be to preserve to themselves an exclusive market, to 
 guard against competition from superior and cheaper workmen, and to 
 retail their own industry and commodities at monopoly prices. These 
 results were, in fact, speedily experienced, and we find the trade 
 societies at a very early period notorious for the fraud and extortion 
 they practised on the body of the community. For instance, we read 
 that in the year 1285 Edward I. took away the charter of the city of 
 London, and dismissed the mayor from office for taking bribes of the 
 bakers to permit them to make their bread short of weight ; but, it is 
 added, the city soon after recovered it, by making concessions and pre- 
 senting the king with a purse of money. It is not an easy task to 
 maintain individuals at all times in a course of honesty, but it is far 
 more difficult Avhen they are confederated. The example just cited was 
 anciently a frequent mode of replenishing the royal treasury ; the 
 charters were seized under the pretext of some delinquency, and then 
 returned after a pecuniary mulct ; the offenders being allowed to resume 
 their iniquitous career. 
 
 Although the civil immunities of the guilds are nearly worn out, we 
 sometimes meet with attempts to annoy the public by re-asserting them, 
 both in the country and the metropolis. An effort of this kind was 
 made some years since by the Merchant Tailors of Bristol, which 
 terminated in the ruin of their society. The history of the Company is 
 singular, and, as it will illustrate our subject and exemplify the present 
 state of many similar fraternities in the kingdom, we shall shortly 
 advert to it. 
 
 The company of Merchant Tailors derived its origin from a charter 
 of Richard II., dated 16th October, 1399. It was granted to two bur- 
 gesses of Bristol, in consideration of their having founded a chapel to 
 celebrate divine service for the good of the king and the brotherhood. 
 The fraternity was incorporated, Avith power to choose a master from 
 their number, and to purchase lands and tenements for the maintenance 
 of the society's chapel. In the hall of the company are preserved the 
 various deeds by which its possessions have been conveyed down from 
 the original trust to the present feoffees. The last conveyance of the 
 buildings, estates, and other property was in 1802, and was executed, 
 among others, to Mr. Isaac Amos, who is the only surviving member. 
 This gentleman, who is a resident housekeeper in Bristol, gives the 
 following reasons for the condition into Avhich the society has fallen.
 
 MERCHANT TAlLOKs' COMPANY OF BRISTOL. 459 
 
 About forty-five years ago the association, which was then composed 
 of a great number of members, insisted that every person carrying on 
 the trade of a tailor in Bristol was under a legal obligation to become a 
 freeman of the company, for which the fee of 40s. was payable by such 
 as were qualified by apprenticeship or birth, and £30 by others who 
 purchased their freedom. This claim was resisted, and a suit instituted 
 by the company to try the question, which was determined against them. 
 From that time it has ceased to be an object to become a member of the 
 company, which has accordingly received no accession to its number, 
 and Mr. Amos has outlived all the old members. 
 
 The company having lost all claim to fees, its sole dependence has 
 been the rents and premiums accruing from estates. These are con- 
 siderable, and situate in several parishes of Bristol ; they have been 
 demised on leases of 99 years, with heavy premiums, and the reserved 
 rents amoimt only to £.55 per annum. An almshouse has been esta- 
 blished for the reception of the decayed members, and is supported out 
 of the funds of the society. The hall, formerly the scene of the festive 
 celebrations of the worshipful fraternity, has been converted into a source 
 of profit, by being let out for the use of any ephemeral pageant — 
 lectures on astronomy — the French players — or a sparring exhibition; 
 and the spacious kitchens are hired to dress dinners for the ancient lodge 
 of Freemasons, the society of Odd Fellows, or some other of the whim- 
 sical associations which are found among the Bristolians. The last 
 public act of the society was to let a piece of ground in Horsefair, for 
 which a rent of 10s. was resented, and a pi-emium of £200 received ; 
 what became of the premium cannot be ascertained, as the practice has 
 been to destroy the accounts immediately after being audited. Indeed, 
 it is a curious incident in the latter days of the company, that 
 Messrs. Palmer and Amos were for some time the only surviving mem- 
 bers, and that until the death of Mr. Palmer, they were alternately 
 master and treasurer, and each, in his capacity of master, audited the 
 treasurer's accounts ! 
 
 We have thus shortly adverted to the history and present state of one 
 of the ancient guilds, and some curious legal questions here present 
 themselves, namely, in what capacity does the society now exist, and 
 to whom do its possessions belong ? Whether the Merchant Tailors' 
 Company has existed at all as a corporation since the dissolution of such 
 religious fraternities under 39th Henry VIII. may, perhaps, be a sub- 
 ject of doubt, as there appears neither a re-grant nor recognition on the 
 part of the Crown to set up the civil part of the establishment in its 
 corporate capacity. If the company is to be considered as a corporation, 
 it is apprehended that, as a corporation aggregate, it must have become 
 dissolved by the death of all its members but one; and, in such case, 
 as the use was limited so as to become vested in the corporation, an 
 escheat of its property may be considered to have taken place. If it is 
 not to be considered as a corporation, but a mere self-constituted com- 
 munity of individuals, it seems doubtful whether the legal estate was 
 carried out of the feoffees, and whether the trust has not entirely failed
 
 4G0 CORPORATIONS, GUILDS, AND COMPANIES. 
 
 and become cxtingnishcd by the non-cxistonce of the object for wbicb it 
 was created, namely, the Company of Tailors; nnd hence arises the 
 diliiculty in whom the title to the ])r()perty, hitherto regarded as belong- 
 ing to the company, has legally A'ested. These points can only be resolved 
 by a competent tribunal, and we doubt not their decision would involve 
 the existence of many similar associations in the kin<>'dom. 
 
 MANAGEMENT AKD HEVENUES OF THE CITY COMPANIES. 
 
 In the city of London are upwards of seventy companies of an origin 
 and institution analogous to the Merchant Tailors of Bristol. The 
 several professions and tiades in the city are incorporated into distinct 
 fraternities, consisting mostly of a livery and freemen, governed by a 
 master, wardens, and court of assistants, which last appears an encroach- 
 ment on the rights of the freemen : indeed, courts appear to iiave been 
 unknown prior to the accession of the Scottish dynasty, when they were 
 obtained probably thiough corruption or intrigue. Persons exercising 
 any trade in the city, not free of one of the companies, are liable to 
 penalties. The livery are chosen from the freemen, and enjoy important 
 j)rivileges in the election of members of parliament and the principal 
 city officers. Refusing to serve on the livery subjects to a penalty, 
 and a fine is payable by each person taking up his livery, varying froni 
 £3 to £200. 
 
 The power of the incorporated trades to inflict penalties for not being; 
 of their fraternity is, occasionally, productive of hardships, for which 
 it is impossible to discover any pretext of utility. Not long since a poor 
 old Irishman was getting a scanty living in the city by shaving and 
 liair-cutting, but not being a freeman, for the profits of his trade were 
 inadequate to the purchase of that qualification, he was proceeded 
 against by the ancient Coi'poration of Barbers. The fine was inflicted ; 
 and the worshipful Company actually took their imfortunate brother of 
 the soap-suds in execution, and kept him in prison about four months. 
 How much longer he would have been an inmate of the " stone jug," 
 as the gaol is called, cannot be conjectuied, had not Mr. Barrett made 
 several applications to the clerk of the company, and procured his 
 liberation. Another instance is worth mentioning, but in doing so we 
 do not mean to cast any imputation upon the company exercising the 
 power of exclusion, which they undoubtedly possess. A poulterer was 
 sued in the Mayor's Court for having a stand in Leadenhall-market — 
 not because he was not a freeman of London, but because he was not a 
 freeman of the Poulterers' company — and the customary penalties were 
 ordered to be paid. Whitecross-street prison became the refuge of the 
 unsanctioned poulterer, who still remains locked up for the infi-action of 
 the company's by-laws. 
 
 Such arbitrary interferences with the freec^om of industry are wholly 
 indefensible at this ])eriod ; and we are glad to learn that Sir James 
 Scailelt intends to bring before the Legislature the subject of corpora- 
 tion abuses. Undoubtedly the companies were originally instituted for
 
 SOURCr.S OF THF. REVENUES OF THE flTY C'O^f P AN I ES. 401 
 
 tlie double purpose of protecting; the r<immunity ng^inst fraud, and their 
 respective mysteries from deterioration ; with the exception, however, 
 of the Apothecaries and Goldsmiths these duties have ceased to be exer- 
 cised. Indeed, as the companies are now constituted, it is impossible 
 such functions could be discharged ; in many of them not a single 
 member is of that trade the name of the company imports, which, we 
 believe, is the case of the Merchant Tailors' and Mercers', most of 
 whom are merchants of the first class, bankers, and insurance-brokers. 
 Like ancient bodies generally the duties have been suffered to expire, 
 while the appropriation of the revenues, salaries, and fees has been 
 carefully preserved, or enormously augmented. 
 
 The revenues of the city compani(!s are very great, and principally 
 arise from the management of charitable trusts. The aggregate 
 incomes of the twelve principal companies is supposed to amount to 
 £.500,000 per annum. Out of these revenues the splendid halls of the 
 fraternities have been erected, sumptuous entertainments given, and the 
 enormous emoluments of their clerks, amounting in some instances to 
 £'i,000 or £4,000 a-year, paid. As trustees they have the letting;' of 
 a largo portion of the houses, offices, wharfs, and warehouses in the 
 metropolis ; in the country they have numerous manors and estates, 
 messuages, tenements, church livings, and impropriate tithes, and vast 
 sums vested in the public funds. Tbe masters, wardens, and assistants 
 are the virtual disposers of this property ; they have the letting- of the 
 lands and tenements ; they contract for repairs, alterations, and ina- 
 provements ; they present to the livings and receive the tithes and 
 dividends. They also select the objects of their charities; and inter- 
 pret the will, deed, or letter patent by which they were created. The 
 commonalty of the Companies have no share in these functions ; the 
 power is engrossed by the parties mentioned, who elect themselves, 
 forming- a secret and perpetual conclave, into which no one is admitted, 
 unless connected by ties of friendship or consanguinity. 
 
 It is the arbitrary exercise of these unauthorized powers that has 
 tended to generate the hostile spirit which now subsists between the 
 governing; juntos and the liveries of several of the companies. Some 
 intellig-ent and spirited gentlemen of one of the princip-al companies, 
 the Merchant Tailors', have, in fact, hoisted the standard of rebellion 
 against their oppressors, and are fully intent, either by leiral or more 
 etVective means, of obtaining- a restitution of usurped rights. From 
 what we know of the chartered privileg:es of some of the companies wo 
 arcAvell convinced of the validity of the claims of the non-contents, and 
 we heartily wish them success in their laudable exertions. It would, 
 indeed, be a lasting reproach to the general body of the livery of 
 London, and not at all in accordance with the reputation they bear for 
 intelligence and independence, if, while the g-reat Oligarchy of the 
 state is about being- reformed, they suffered the little miniature types 
 among- themselves to continue, without undergoing- a similar process 
 of regeneration. But it is not merely the recovery of just rights, 
 they have objects of substantial utility to attain. The trust-revcuues
 
 462 CORPORATIONS, (iUILDS, AND COMPANIES. 
 
 of the companies are enormous ; for want of due responsibility in the 
 administrative committees they are, for the most part, lavishly and 
 improvidentially squandered ; in lieu of being judiciously appropriated 
 to the objects for which they were charitably bequeathed, they are 
 expended in personal indulgence, in political intrigue, in conciliating the 
 favour of strangers, and in providing* lucrative appointments for 
 relatives and dependents. The courts too oug"ht to be opened, and self- 
 elected cabals no longer have the power of passing oppressive by-laws, 
 of declaring new forms of eligibility, of arbitrarily accepting or rejecting 
 candidates for their livery, or imposing upon them new and exorbitant 
 fines. 
 
 Constituted as these bodies are, no opportunity is afforded to detect or 
 punish their delinquencies. They form, in short, a great blot in our 
 social economy, which, by some oversight, has escaped those gradual 
 reforms that have been partially, at least, introduced into other depart- 
 ments of public administration. Of the power and constitution of the 
 several branches of the general government, and of the way in which 
 the functions of each is administered, ample information, for the most 
 part, is laid before the public ; but of the proceedings of corporations 
 no one knows any thing. There is no publicity— no control — nor re- 
 sponsibility any where. All that is known of them is that they have a 
 perpetual generation among themslves — that they have many good 
 things in their gift, which they either appropriate to their own use, or 
 bestow on those with whom they are intimately connected — that they 
 have much feasting and banquetting at other people's cost, and that they 
 maintain a reserved and pompous demeanour towards those from whom 
 they originally derived their power, and for whose benefit they were 
 created. 
 
 The members of the Merchant Tailors' Company, to whom allusion 
 has been made, have endeavoured, through the medium of the press, and 
 by instituting proceedings in a court of law, to reform the abuses of 
 their Company, and to stimulate the members of the other incorporated 
 trades to corresponding exertions. From a statement published by 
 these gentlemen in The Free Inquirer it appears that the annual re- 
 venues of the twelve principal companies of the city of London exceeds 
 Jive hundred thousand ■pounds ; one hundred thousand of which is 
 expended in luxurious entertainments, by a select class, called coun- 
 cillors or assistants ; and near forty thousand pounds is divided yearly by 
 the Twelve Legal Pillars, who condescend to stand for and act as clerks, 
 to the no small annoyance of those who make inquiry into their own 
 corporate property. 
 
 In addition to the twelve Avorshipful brotherhoods, as they are de- 
 signated, there are sixty minor companies — the Stationers, Apothecaries, 
 Dyers, Armourers, Sadlers, Cordwainers, &c. whose united incomes 
 yield another half million ; the disbursement of which no one hears of, 
 no printed account has ever been known to be circulated, and no answer 
 is ever made to any but the privileged class ; as this revenue cannot be 
 allowed much longer to remain in such profound secrecy, and in such
 
 SUPINENESS OF THE CITY LIVERY. 463 
 
 corrupt hands, Mr, Franks has suggested that it be formed into a gene- 
 ral fund for the education of the youth of both sexes, and the support of 
 the poor of the city. 
 
 The chief facts to be borne in mind relative to the city companies 
 are the following : — 
 
 1. — That the whole of the companies, with the exception of the Gold- 
 smiths, Stationers, and Apothecaries, have ceased to exercise any 
 control over the trades they bear the title of, or to which they 
 may be considered allied. 
 
 2. — That nearly the entire site of the cit)' of London belongs to these 
 powerful and disgracefully-conducted monopolies. 
 
 3, — That most of the property has been jobbed or under-let to the pri- 
 vate friends of the respective courts. 
 
 4. — That the courts of the companies are mostly controlled by stock- 
 jobbers, parsons, and lawyers. 
 
 5. — That the whole of the bequests, in lands, houses, and money, left in 
 the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries, has increased 
 from fifty fold to a hundred fold. 
 
 6. — That the population of all the parishes within the jurisdiction of the 
 city of London amounts only to 123,198. 
 
 7. — That the annual revenues of the City Companies exceed £1 ,000,000. 
 
 Of these Companies, there is scarcely one in the immunities of 
 which the liveries at large are allowed fairly to participate, and in which 
 the election of the master, warden, and courts are made conformably 
 with the constitutional laws and charters. They are mostly managed by 
 cabals, consisting of two or three families and their favourites, who have 
 succeeded to the possessions and privileges of their societies, with a re- 
 gular, and, apparently, as indefeasible a claim as any legitimate despot 
 succeeds to his sovereignty. To these authorities the liveries have 
 hitherto bowed, with the patience of serfs, and submitted not only to be 
 deprived of the more substantial enjoyments of their respective cor- 
 porations, but also to be disseized of their elective franchises, in the 
 appointment of masters, wardens, assistants, and committees. 
 
 The chief reason which can be alleged for this supineness, is the 
 ignorance in which the liverymen have been kept of the rights and 
 powers they legally possess. With one or two exceptions, the charters 
 of the companies have never been published, but, for reasons too ob- 
 vious to mention, have remained under an impenetrable veil, either 
 among the records in the Tower of London, or the strong boxes of the 
 several courts of assistants, Avhose uncoiirtcous demeanor, together with 
 that of their clerks and underlings, to members seeking information, is 
 only equalled by the patient endurance of the latter, in submitting for so 
 long a period to their usurped authority. The advantages that would 
 result to the liverymen and freemen by the restitution of their ancient 
 rights, those rights of superintending their fiscal administration, and of 
 choosing their officers and courts, (if the last be a legal part of their 
 institution) are both numerous and important.
 
 464 CORPORATIONS, GUILDS, AM) COMPAMILS. 
 
 In the first placo, the p^overnors would !«' made responsible to the 
 governed, and a few individuals no longer be allowed to pervert the 
 revenues and influence of the societies to their own private pui-poses of 
 favouritism, intrig'ue, and aggrandizement. 
 
 Secondly, and agreeably to their original institution, every member 
 Avould be equally and alike a brother of the fraternity, eligible to elect 
 and be elected to all places of trust, patronage, and emolument. 
 
 Thirdly, exclusive and disqualifying by-laws, intended to de])rive the 
 general body of the liverymen of their rights, could not be enacted ; 
 neither could arbitrary and oppressive fees on apprenticeships, freedoms, 
 and liveries, be enforced : these unjustifiable extortions have been often 
 screwed up and levied, merely to minister to a lavish expenditure in 
 objects wholly foreign to the interests of the fraternities. 
 
 Finally, an efficient and watchful control w'ould be established over 
 the management of the numerous charitable trusts, and ample revenues 
 of the companies. 
 
 The last would be one of the most important advantages resulting 
 from the re-establishment of the general rights of the fraternities. The 
 'practice of self-audiciiig and self-election has long precluded the mem- 
 bers of the companies from a knowledge of their own affairs ; and it is 
 only by the recent inquiries of the Charity Commissioners, that au- 
 thentic information has been obtained of the magnitude of their revenues, 
 patronage, and possessions. From these inquiries it appears that nearly 
 the whole of the land and houses in London has been left in trust of 
 the City Companies, for charitable uses ; that they also possess, in the 
 same capacity of trustees, in the country, numerous manors, estates, 
 messuages, church livings, and tithes of parishes ; that the revenues 
 arising from this property amount, in several instances, to £20,000 or 
 £30,000 per annum, and that not one-twentieth part of this income is 
 expended on the poor, or other objects for which it was benevolently 
 bequeathed. It is seldom the courts increase the amount of their elee- 
 mosynary disbursements ; notwithstanding the vast augmentation of 
 value in the trust-property, they neither multiply the objects of their 
 charities, nor increase the allowances originally fixed by the donors, in 
 total ignorance of the future produce of their bequests. The objects on 
 which the suqjlus revenues are principally expended, consist of the 
 expenses of committees, law-agency, and surveyors' charges ; in pre- 
 tended repairs and improvements ; in ostentatious buildings ; in luxurious 
 feasting for the parties and their friends ; and in extravagant pensions 
 and gratuities to favourite servants and dependents. For these pur- 
 poses the revenues are never too much — generally too little, — and they 
 are compelled to resort to the monstrous expedient of taxing their dis- 
 franchised brethren, to supply the deficiency. 
 
 CORPORATIONS OF CITIES AND TOAVNS. 
 
 A reform of municipal institutions is an undertaking only second in 
 importance to that of the general government. The power of the barons
 
 CORPORATION OF LONDON. 465 
 
 against which corporations were directed, has yielded to that of tiic 
 state, and the remnants of these confederacies, by the assertion of ancient 
 immunities, tend to disturb the peace and order of the realm. They 
 are too insulated amidst the general wealth and population to strengthen 
 the executive power. They represent no great social interest ; the real 
 aristocracy of cities and towns keeps aloof from them, either from dis- 
 gust at their petty cabals, or contempt for their paltry duties. Instead of 
 being- the enlightened governors within their respective limits, they are 
 only oppressors ; instead of bein;^ faithful trustees, they are notorious plun- 
 derers of the widow and orphan ; instead of being the centres of local go- 
 vernment, of police and judicial administration, they are the sources of dis- 
 order, tumult, and prosecution. \\ herever we find a corporation, we 
 may generally rely on finding a town ill-governed — the inhabitants di- 
 vided into rancorous parties — the prisons dilapidated and without dis- 
 cipline — the quarter and petty sessions of the peace ill-conducted — and 
 every office of dignity or authority, from the worshipful recorder to the 
 turnkey, filled up, not from the fitness of the individuals selected, 
 but from personal connexion or influence. All these evils have mostly 
 their origin in one source — the absence of popular control : A\ith hardly 
 an exception the members of all coi-porations are self-elected ; hence 
 their interests are partial, not public ; hence every office is made a job 
 of, every magisterial function, whether the granting of a license or the 
 adjudication of an assault, is made a favour or an offence. 
 
 That these prefatory criminations have some foundation, we shall 
 endeavour to show by briefly glancing at the constitution and manage- 
 ment of some of the principal corporations. Our notice will necessarily 
 be ver)' brief, and not at all proportioned to the magnitude of the sub- 
 ject ; but perhaps we shall be able, aided by our previous representa- 
 tions, to give a general idea of the existing state of municipal institutions, 
 which may lead to more perfect and comprehensive inquiries. We shall 
 commence with the corporation of the city of London, not only because 
 it is under our more immediate observance, but because it is the first 
 in rank, antiquity, and importance. 
 
 The corporation of London, we believe, is more popular in its con- 
 stitution than any other in the empire. It is formed, as is well known, 
 on the model of that of the state, consisting of three orders ; but it is 
 superior to the state, in the absence of those gross incongruities in its 
 constituent bodies which impair the excellence of parliamentary repre- 
 sentation. AVe may also observe respecting the city corporation, that 
 it is more pure and perfect in its practical administration than any other 
 municipal bodv of the kingdom. We are well aware what we are now 
 stating ; Ave make the assertion with a full knowledge of city jobbing — 
 of the London Bridge committee — of the Gresham Lectures — of Mansion 
 House dinners — and of the well known fact that from £4,000 to £5,000 
 per annum is expended by the committees of the Common Council alone ; 
 still we affirm that in no other corporation, nor in the general govern- 
 ment, nor in the Colonies, is so much work performed at so small a 
 cost. The duties of the corporation are very great, not only in matters 
 
 '2 II
 
 466 CORPORATIONS, CJIJILDS, AND COMPANlIiS, 
 
 relative to the magistracy, police, and local improvements of the city, 
 but also in those which relate to the commerce, navigation, and shipping 
 of the port of London ; and in the due discharge of many of which the 
 kingdom at large, as w-ell as the metropolis, is deeply interested. That 
 these functions should be all executed without expense, without remu- 
 neration direct or indirect, is what no reasonable person can expect. 
 
 Notwithstanding these excellences, the metropolitan corporation is 
 full of anomalies, or, if the reader pleases, defects. We cannot stop 
 to enumerate all these, nor to comment upon them, but we will men- 
 tion the two principal. 
 
 First, as regards the local boundary or civil jurisdiction of the cor- 
 poration. This comprehends only the nucleus or inner circle of this 
 vast metropolis; all the living portion, the great mass of the opulence, 
 respectability, and population of the capital, is placed without the cur- 
 tilage of corporate authority, Avhich includes within its legislative cog- 
 nizance little more than an assemblage of shops, counting-houses, 
 offices, wharfs and warehouses. The evils that result from this cause, 
 whether as respects the conflicting pow-ers of the county and city magis- 
 trate, the police, or the composition of the elective bodies of the city, are 
 too well known to require description. 
 
 The second great anomaly we shall notice, is that which respects the 
 qualification of the city constituency. As this is now regulated by the 
 statute of the 11th George I. neither residence nor householdership 
 confers the right of suffrage either for a member of the corporation or 
 of the House of Commons. Freemen and liverymen constitute the only 
 two classes of electors, the former of the aldermen and common council ; 
 the latter of members of parliament, lord-mayor, and chief city officers. 
 Now it certainly appears indefensible that a householder should not 
 share equally in the local government with the freemen and liverymen. 
 The rights of both freemen and liverymen may be obtained without any 
 direct or permanent interest in the weal of the city. Freedoms are ac- 
 quired by purchase or gift, as Avell as by birth or apprenticeship. The 
 rights of the livery or badgemen depend on still less valid qualifications ; 
 they are conferred or not at the pleasure of the courts of assistants ; or 
 the franchises of the livery may be acquired by purchasiog a certain 
 dress, in some companies at an exorbitant price, and in others no 
 money will purchase it, unless the party be known to have imbibed a 
 certain p-litical or religious faith.* 
 
 If there be injustice in withholding elective rights from householders, 
 the civic disfranchisement of resident freemen is still less defensible. 
 Several of the livery companies were only made such within the last 
 century. None of the companies form a part of the corporation ;t nor 
 is it necessary the liverymen should be resident in the city ; yet in 
 them is exclusively vested the power of choosing the city officers and 
 the members of parliament. Such an anomaly exists in no other city 
 
 * Evidence in support of the Franchise of Resident Freemen, p. 2G. 
 f Newell's Evidence, &c. p. 10.
 
 CORPORA'PION Ol UKISTOl.. 467 
 
 in England. Of the twenty-four cities represented in parliament, there 
 is not one, with the exception of London, where the freemen are dis- 
 qualified by statute from choosing tiieir representatives. 
 
 The utility of the existence of many civic imnmnities at all is very 
 questionable ; they are often an obstacle to the general prosperity and 
 the free exercise of industry. According to the present law of tlie 
 corporation respecting resident housekeepers carrying on trade in the 
 city of London, they are called on to pay £34 : 1 1 ; they cannot con- 
 tinue without being" also free of a company, which increases the amount 
 of money paid to £50. The Reform Bill, by conferring the parliamen- 
 tary franchise on householders, will correct some portion of the injustice 
 we have represented. 
 
 Corporation of Bristol.— rThxa corporation ranks the second in the 
 kingdom, and its defective constitution has been practically exemplified 
 during the late tragical proceedings. The civil government of the city 
 is vested in the corporation, consisting of a high steward, the mayor, 
 recorder, aldermen, sheriffs, common council, town-clei"k, chamberlain, 
 and subordinate functionaries. The mayor and sheritfs are chosen 
 annually on the 1 5th of September. The sheriffs are elected from the 
 members of the common council, which body is limited, by the charter 
 of Queen Anne, to forty-two. There are twelve aldermen chosen by 
 the twelve wards into which the city is divided. They are constituted 
 preservers of the public tranquillity, with the power of justices of the 
 peace, and enjoy all the privileges and authority of the aldermen of 
 London. 
 
 In point of opulence, the Corporation of Bristol is supposed to rank 
 among the most wealthy bodies corporate of the kingdom. In 1778, 
 Mr. Barrett estimated the annual income of the Corporation at £14,000, 
 arising from the several estates they possess, from those for which they 
 act in trust, with the rents of the several markets, the profits arising 
 from town duties, and other sources of income. It has subsequently 
 increased, Mr. Evans conjectures, in his History of Bristol, to £18,000. 
 There is little doubt it is a great deal more from the augmented value of 
 property, and the Corporation having abandoned, without the city, the 
 former practice of letting their estates on lives, with merely fines for 
 renewals. A considerable portion of the city estate is derived from 
 the charter of John, and claimed by them under the title of " lords of 
 the waste," and including what is now Queen-square, Princes-street, 
 King-street, and part of St. Augustine's Back, the Key, Grove, and 
 the Back. Out of the Corporation income £1,500 is annually given to 
 the mayor for the better support of the dignity of his office, and £500 
 to each of the sheriffs. Between £3,000 and £4,000 is expended in 
 salaries and other expenses incidental to the municipal government of 
 the city. The finances of the Corporation are managed by the cham- 
 berlain of the city, which office is one of considerable trust and im- 
 portance. He gives a bond of £3,000 for the execution of his duties 
 with care and fidelity, and is obliged, by the statute, to render an 
 
 '1 II 2
 
 4G8 CORPORATTONS, GUILDS, AND COMPANIES. 
 
 account of the revenues of the Corporation, together with their applica- 
 tion, in one month after the feast of St. Luke. 
 
 Bristol is a county corporate ; that is, besides the city properly so 
 called, certain lands and districts adjacent are comprised within its 
 jurisdiction. The freedom of the city is obtained by hereditary right, 
 by serving an apprenticeship of seven years if the indenture be registered 
 at the council-house, by marrying a freeman's daughter, and by pur- 
 chase. The last charter granted to the city of Bristol is dated the 24th 
 of July, 1710, by which the former grants and privileges are confirmed, 
 and the mayor and other otficers of the Corporation allowed to execute 
 their respective offices without the approval of the Lord Chancellor, 
 which by the charter of Charles IL was ordered to be first obtained. 
 Had the constitution of the Corporation been popular enough to conci- 
 liate the confidence of the citizens, it is impossible the civic authorities 
 should have been so void of resources as they appear to have been 
 during the late riots. Beside, the Corporation is accused of not admi- 
 nistering their numerous charitable trusts either wisely or faithfullv. 
 The Free Grammar School in Unity-street is a monstrous abuse.* It 
 was endowed by Robert Thome, for the " better education and bringing 
 up" of the youth of the city. Under the auspices of the Corporation 
 it has been perverted into a splendid boarding-school establishment, to 
 the great emolument of the Rev. Dr. Goodenough, and accommodation 
 of the children of the magnates of Bristol. 
 
 Corporation of Liverpool. — Liverpool is an ancient borough bv pre- 
 scription, but incorporated by a series of charters granted from the reign 
 of King .John in 1208, to the reign of George ILf By the latest 
 charter it is provided that the body corporate shall consist of forty-one 
 persons, composing the common council, out of whom shall be annually 
 chosen a mayor, recorder, and two bailiffs. All who have passed the 
 chair are styled aldermen. The mayor, recorder, and aldermen are 
 magistrates for Liverpool, and the four senior aldermen are coroners. 
 
 Previously to the reign of Charles IL the freemen at large exercised 
 the right of choosing their own corporate officers ; but since that period, 
 here, as in many other places, the corporate body assumed the power of 
 filling up all vacancies within themselves. The free burgesses have, 
 however, reclaimed part of their rights. t Members of parliament are 
 chosen by the free burgesses not receiving alms. All persons who are 
 born free, who have served an apprenticeship under freemen, or who 
 have obtained their freedom by grant or purchase from the corporation, 
 
 * Abridgement of the Reports of the Royal Commissioners on Public Charities 
 by the Editor of tlie Cabinet Lnicijer. This work lias been called " national "' 
 and may be had of the publisher of the Black Book. From the valuable notes 
 and comments of the editor we have been indebted for much of our information 
 relative to the present state of corporations. 
 
 f Account of Liverpool, by Smithers, p. 47. 
 
 I Aikin's History of Manchester, p. 3-15.
 
 COIJI'OKA riONS Ol LIVEHPOOL AND HATH. 4G9 
 
 have the right of voting. A freeman of Liverpool is also a freeman of 
 Bristol, and of Waterford and Wexford in Ireland. 
 
 The principal points that have, from time to time, been in dispute 
 between the burgesses and corporation are these: — 1. The right of 
 making- by-laws by the common council, without the assent or partici- 
 pation of the burgesses. 2. The plan adopted by the common council 
 of electing their own members, or filling up vacancies in their own body. 
 3. The balancing of the corporation accounts without public audit by 
 the burgesses at large.* These points have been the subject of expensive 
 litigation ; the right of making by-laws was decided in favour of the 
 burgesses by the verdicts of two juries at Lancaster; on which occasion 
 Mr. Erskine was their counsel. A third trial was moved for by 
 the corporation, w hich the Court of King's Bench, on what grounds does 
 not appear, thought proper to grant. But the expenses incurred in 
 these proceedings, which were sustained by individual burgesses, added 
 to the consideration that the law has prescribed no limit to the authority 
 of a court in remandinc: a cause for trial whenever it is not satisfied 
 Avith the verdict, deterred the burgesses from further prosecution of 
 their claim ; and the common council, notwithstanding the opinion of 
 the two juries, still continue to exercise the exclusive power of the 
 corporation in the same manner as before these proceedings were 
 instituted, f 
 
 Annual accounts, however, of the corporation receipts and expenditure 
 are now regularly published. The income of the corporation amounts 
 to £60,000, chiefly from fines for renewal of leases, rents, town dues, 
 anchorage, weighing machine, &c. The mayor, the recorder, and 
 the aldermen are magistrates for Liverpool, and the four senior aldermen 
 are coroners for tlie time being. 
 
 Corjjoration of Bath. — The civil constitution of this city as now 
 administered was established by the charter of Queen Elizabeth, dated 
 the 4th of September, 1590, by which the municipal government 
 is vested in a mayor and four aldermen at the least, and not exceeding 
 ten at the most, assisted with twenty of the chief citizens, to be called 
 a common council, and a majority of these (whereof the mayor for the 
 time being is to be always one) may make laws, let the city lands, 
 impose fines, and create, from among the inhabitants, free citizens 
 and burgesses, whom they may bind with an oath to obey all lawful 
 commands. On Monday before tlie feast of St. Michael, the mayor, 
 aldermen, and common council, are to choose from among themselves 
 the mayor for the ensuing year, and also elect a recorder, commcm 
 clerk, chamberlain, constables, and other inferior officers, with two 
 sergeants of the mace. Persons refusing to take these offices (except 
 those of recorder and town-clerk) may be fined. The mayor is consti- 
 tuted coroner of the city and clerk of the market. 
 
 • Sinither's Account of Liverpool, p. 59. 
 t Aikin's History of Manchester, p. G07.
 
 470 CORPORATIONS, GUILDS, AND COMPANIES. 
 
 Previous to this charter all preceding grants to Bath were vested in 
 the whole of the citizens, who enjoyed the privilege, of attending all 
 meetings for making regulations for the internal government of the city, 
 of being consulted in the formation of local institutions, of assenting to 
 the appointment of parliamentary representatives, and of investing 
 strangers with the rights and privileges of citizenship. These powers, 
 for greater convenience, were usually delegated to a chosen body of 
 themselves, the mayor always presiding at their head. But, in the 
 course of time, the body so chosen to represent the citizens assumed a 
 prescriptive right to the exercise of their delegated powers, independent 
 of the suffrages of their fellow-townsmen, and, in order effectually to 
 fortify their usurpation, they obtained the charter of Elizabeth, by 
 which the popular constitution of Bath was subverted, and instead of it 
 was substituted a perpetual oligarchy of self-elected individuals. 
 
 From this time the freemen of Bath were divided into two classes ; 
 the smaller one, which included only those who were of the community , 
 (after Elizabeth's charter denominated the Corporation,) and the more 
 numerous class, distinguished from the stranger or inhabitant of other 
 places by the grant of some trifling local privileges ; of these the chief 
 seems to have been a certain interest or privilege of pasture in the grange 
 of Barton or Bath-common. 
 
 The freedom of the city is obtained either by servitude or 'purchase, 
 or both. The term oi servitude must be seven years, under a freeman, 
 residing in the city, who is to cause the indenture to be registered 
 within one month after the sealing of the same, in default whereof the 
 apprentice does not gain his citizenship at the conclusion of the term. 
 The freedom by p«rcAase can be granted by the corporation, on the pay- 
 ment of a sum not less than £5 (£70 is, we believe, generally paid) 
 into the coffers of that body ; of this, however, the resident freemen do 
 not participate. 
 
 The income of the corporation arises from several sources ; such as 
 the private baths in Stall-street ; the rent of the pump amounting to 
 £840, {Warner s History, p. 337 ;) assessments for supplying the 
 inhabitants with water from the adjoining hills : fines on the renewal of 
 leases; and the profits of the weighing machine in the Saw-close. 
 
 The ecclesiastical patronage is confined to the rectorship of Bath, with 
 Widcombe annexed, and the mastership of St. John's Hospital, both 
 valuable benefices. 
 
 The mayor is allowed the sum of 400 guinens to defray the expenses 
 of his mayoralty, chiefly incurred in support o^ ancient hospitality. 
 
 The inhabitants of Bath are not represented in parliament, but the 
 corporation, whose members are usually kept belotv the number to 
 which they are restricted by their charter, returns two representatives. 
 
 About the middle of last century, the different trades exercised in 
 Bath were in the hands of distinct fraternities, the members of which 
 wore gowns, had their processions and feast-days, and claimed exclusive 
 privileges in the pursuit of their respective vocations. These societies 
 had all sprung up about the year 1600, without charter or act of par-
 
 CORPORATIONS 1- PRESTON AND LICHFIELD. 471 
 
 liament. In 1765, they were all extinguished by the firmness of ono 
 Glazeby, a tailor, who persisted in following* his calling within the pro- 
 hibited jurisdiction. A trial ensued in a court of law, when it was 
 determined these mushroom companies had no leg^al existence. 
 
 There have been some royal grants to Bath subsequent to the charter 
 of Elizabeth, but their provisions do not materially affect the constitution 
 of the city as then established. In 1794, the number of city justices 
 was augmented fi'om two to nine, and power was granted to two alder- 
 men, during the sickness, absence, or inability of the mayor, to appoint 
 another alderman to act in that capacity.* 
 
 Corporation of Preston. — Preston is a market town, borough, and 
 parish. It was incoi-porated bv Henry II. in 1160, and the privileges 
 and free customs granted by this and subsequent royal grants were con- 
 firmed by charter of 36th of Charles II. 
 
 The body corporate consists of a mayor, recorder, seven aldermen, 
 and seventeen capital burgesses, who, together, form the common council 
 of the borough. The mayor, and two town-bailiffs, and two sergeants 
 are elected annually, upon the Friday preceding- the festival of 
 St. Wilfrid, who v/as formerly lord of this town, and they are invested, 
 on the 12th of October following, by a jury of twenty-four guild bur- 
 gesses. The members of the council, with the exception oi the mayor, 
 retain their seats for life, or during the pleasure of a majority, and 
 vacancies are supplied by the remaining members. The town sends 
 two representatives to parliament, and affords the nearest | ractical ex- 
 ample of universal suffrage in the kingdom ; every male inhabitant, 
 whether housekeeper or lodger, who has resided six months in the 
 town, and who has not, during the last twelvemonth, been chargeable 
 to any township as a pauper, having a right to vote for two candidates 
 at elections. This principle Avas established by a decision of the House 
 of Commons, on an appeal, in the year 1766, and has ever since been 
 acted upon. 
 
 The burgesses are entitled by the charter of Henry II. to have a 
 Guild Merchant, with the usual franchises annexed, of safe transit 
 through the kingdom, exemption from toll, pontage, and stallage ; liberty 
 to buy and sell peaceably ; and power to hold a guild for the renewal of 
 freedom to the burgesses, the confirming of by-laws, and other purposes. 
 This privilege is still made the occasion of g-reat festivity. For a long 
 time after their first institution, the guilds were held at irregular periods, 
 but they have now for more than a century been celebrated every 
 twentieth year; the last was held in 1822. The several trades of 
 Preston are incorporated. Twenty-five chartered companies go in pro- 
 cession on the guild festival. 
 
 Corporation of Lichfield. — The city of Lichfield was anciently 
 governed by a guild and guild-master, which had their first establish- 
 ment in the reign of Richard II. in the year 1 387. Soon after the dis- 
 
 * Abridgement of llie Chitrity Reports : Notes of the Editor, p. 237.
 
 472 
 
 COUl'OUA riONS, GUILDS, AM) COMPANIES. 
 
 solution of the guild, by act of parliament, 2 Edward VI. a charter of 
 incorporation was granted to this city by the same king; which was to 
 consist of two bailiffs and twenty-four burgesses ; twelve of whom had 
 been masters of the guild. Several other charters were granted by 
 succeeding sovereigns, the provisions of which were confirmed by that 
 of Charles II. and the constitution of the city as now existing deter- 
 mined. 
 
 This charter, dated November 5, 1 664, directs that two bailiffs shall 
 be annually elected by the brethren on St. James's day; that the senior 
 bailiff shall be nominated by the bishop, keep a part of the seal and be 
 eschcator ; that the bailiff's, at the expiration of their offices, shall be 
 justices the succeeding year, and shall, together with the then bailiff's, 
 hold courts of record, &c. have the use of fines and dues ; that there 
 shall be twenty-one brethren elected from among the citizens, and so 
 called to aid and assist the bailiffs, as the common-council of the city ; 
 that the bailiff', or any of the brethren, shall be liable to be removed by 
 a majority of the body ; and upon the death or removal of any, others 
 shall be elected by the like authority. It empowers the bailiffs 
 and brethren to hold courts of gaol delivery ; to award judgment of 
 death or other punishment ; and also to elect a recorder, steward, and 
 common clerk : but none of these officers are to act without having 
 first obtained the approbation of the Crown. They may also annually 
 elect a sheriff, and any one refusing to serve may be fined or imprisoned, 
 and excluded from all the privileges of the city. 
 
 Under the authority of the charters granted to this city, the several 
 fraternities and Companies were formed of saddlers, glovers, whittawers, 
 tanners, smiths, bakers, coopers, cutlers, &c. A list of these and their 
 by-laws may be found in Harwood's History of the " City and An- 
 tiquities of Lichfield." 
 
 Corporation of Stafford. — The earliest incorporation of this borough 
 was by charter of King John, in 1208. This charter was confirmed, 
 and new privileges granted, by that of Edward VI. under which the 
 government is constituted of a mayor, recorder, ten aldermen, ten com- 
 mon-councilmen, a town-clerk, and two sergeants-at-mace. The 
 borough sends two members to Parliament, and has done so since the 
 23d of Edward I. The right of election is in the mayor, aldermen, and 
 resident burgesses, not receiving parochial relief. The sons of burgesses, 
 and those who have served apprentice seven years in the borough, have a 
 right (upon the demand thereof) to be made burgesses. Though the 
 electors claim to be independent of the personal influence of a patron, 
 it appears, from the declarations of a lately elected member, they are 
 accessible to an influence of a not less undignified description. The 
 ancient custom of Borough English, bv which the youngest son suc- 
 ceeds to property, in preference to the elder children, prevails in 
 Stafford. 
 
 Corporation of Northampton. — Northampton is both a to^vn incor- 
 porate and a borough. It was first incorporated by Henry II. and since 
 confirmed by several successive charters under different reigns, and the
 
 CORPORATIONS OF STAITOKD AND NORTFI AM PTO N. 473 
 
 privileges of the town mucli enlarged. By a charter granted in the first of 
 King John, the burgesses were freed from all toll, lastag'e, and murao-e 
 throughout England, with the privilege of enjoying' these and other 
 liberties in as ample a manner as the citizens of London, paying into 
 the king's exchequer £120 at Michaelmas, in every year. These liber- 
 ties were continued and enlarged by further grants of Henry III. and 
 Edward I. By charter of Henry VII. the mayor and his brethren, 
 late mayors, are to name and choose forty-eight persons of the inhabi- 
 tants, which forty-eight persons, together with the mayor and his 
 brethren, and such as have been mayors and bailiffs, should hereafter 
 yearly elect all the succeeding mayors and bailiffs. Before this period, 
 it is stated, in Whalley's History of Northamptonshire , vol. i. p. 433, 
 that the mayor and bailiffs were elected by all the freemen in St. Giles's 
 church-yard, the election being often attended with tumults and quar- 
 rels. By charter, bearing date 3d August, loth Charles II. the govern- 
 ment of Northampton is committed to the mayor and two bailiffs, and 
 such as have been mayors and bailiffs, and a common council of forty- 
 eight burgesses, usually called the company of forty-eight ; and of 
 these, together v.ith the recorder, chamberlain, and town-clerk, the cor- 
 poiation now consists. Those who have served the office of mayor are 
 called aldermen. The recorder and town clerk are usually continued 
 for life, but are re-chosen every year, and at their first appointment 
 must be approved by the king. The mayor for the time being, with 
 the last mayor, and one other member of the corporation, elected by the 
 mayor, aldermen, and bailiffs, are justices of the peace within the 
 town for that year. Freemen not resident may be elected to offices in 
 the corporation, and must pay a fine if they refuse to serve. 
 
 Northampton sends two representatives to parliament. The electors, 
 by prescription, arc every freeman of the town, whether resident or 
 not, and every inhabitant householder not receiving alms. By a reso- 
 lution of the House of Commons, persons receiving an annual dona- 
 tion at Christmas are disqualified from voting. This, Oldfield remarks, 
 in his History of Boroughs, vol. ii, p. 3'29, is not only repugnant to 
 what may be called the common law of committees, but expressly con- 
 trary to the decisions on the Bedford petitions in 17.55 and 1792 ; when 
 it was determined that persons receiving charity were not thereby 
 disqualified from voting, but that receiving alms was a disqualification. 
 
 Corporation of Gloucester. — The town of (Gloucester was erected 
 into a city and bishopric, in 1542, by charter of Henry the Eighth. The 
 inhabitants obtained several other charters before and subsequently to 
 this period ; but that by which the city is now governed was granted by 
 Charles the Second, in 1672, and cost the citizens upwards of £600. 
 By this charter, the corporation must consist of thirty members at the 
 least, but not to exceed forty, of which the mayor and aldermen are 
 twelve, and the rest form the common council. Vacancies are to be 
 filled up by the remaining corporators ; and this principle of self- 
 election seems to have been generally introduced into the cliartcrs of 
 municipal bodies granted in this and the thi'ce preceding roigns, and was 
 intended, as the charters allege, lo avoid the tumults which had
 
 474 CORPORATIONS, tJUlLDS, AND COMPANIES. 
 
 heretofore accompanied elections on more popular principles. The mayor, 
 baililTs, and chamberlain, are chosen by twenty electors, consisting of the 
 mayor, aldermen, senior sheriff, and senior members of the common 
 council. The other principal officers of the city, either by charter or 
 prescription, are the high steward, the recorder, the two members of 
 parliament, the town-clerk, and the twelve aldermen, out of whom the 
 mayor is chosen. That alderman who was last elected is g-enerally 
 coroner, and president of the hospitals. 
 
 Every soon of a burgess is free-born, and, as such, is entitled to his 
 freedom. Each burgess has free common all the year in the Townham 
 and in Portham, after the hay is carried away, which franchise was pur- 
 chased of the abbey of St. Petor, a.d. 1237: also in Oxclose, Mean- 
 ham, and Little Meadow, after the first vesture is taken off. The free- 
 men had also, anciently, certain exclusive privileges of fishing" in the 
 Severn. 
 
 Corporation of Leeds. — Leeds was first incorporated by Charles L 
 in 1626. A second charter was given to it by Charles IL in 1661, 
 and a third by James II. in 1684. But, in 1689, the second charter 
 was restored by William III. under which the town is at present 
 governed. The corporation consists of a mayor, twelve aldermen, and 
 twenty-four common-councilmen, who fill up the vacancies in their 
 body, and annually elect the mayor from the aldermen by a majority of 
 votes ; but the election is merely pro forma, as the senior alderman is 
 always chosen. There are also a recorder and town-clerk. The mayor 
 and aldermen are justices of peace within the borough, which is co-ex- 
 tensive with the parish, and divided into ten chapelries or townships, in- 
 cluding the towm properly so called. 
 
 The character of the Corporation of Leeds does not form an exception 
 to that of municipal bodies throughout the kingdom ; it is ex- 
 clusive and intolerant : latterly it has received a slight infusion of 
 Whiggism ; still we believe the great and influential body of Dissenters 
 have failed to derive any advantage from the abrogation of the sacramental 
 test, and continue excluded from all part and parcel in its councils and 
 proceedings. The relation indeed in which the Coiporation stands to 
 the inhabitants at large, precisely corresponds to that of the general 
 government to the people of the empire. It is placed in the midst of a 
 numerous, intelligent, and opulent population, of whose interests and 
 sentiments it has long ceased to be the organ or I'epresentative ; the 
 same want of reciprocity between the governors and the governed is the 
 pervading characteristic of the sway of the Oligarchy. We need not 
 add that both require to be adjusted. 
 
 It is unnecessary, we apprehend, to extend our enquiries to other 
 corporate bodies ; those of which we have given an account will be suffi- 
 cient to afford an insight into the general state of municipal franchises 
 and institutions. Our preceding exposition may not be strictly correct 
 in every particular, but Ave have had access to and availed ourselves of 
 the best information open to the public. There is one circumstance 
 indeed peculiar to all these privileged confederacies — and it is a verv 
 suspicious one, to .<;ay the least of it — they arc all apprehensive of in-
 
 SUGGESTIONS FOR UEFOKM 1' COlvPOJiATE BODIES. 475 
 
 vestigation into their ("liartered immunities. We had an instance of 
 this in the treatment the Rev. Mr. Sever received from the Bristol 
 Corporation. This gentleman was desirous of publishing a correct ver- 
 sion of the cliartcrs of that city, apparently for no other purpose than as 
 a literary or antiquarian curiosity. He applied to the corporation for 
 permission to inspect the originals in their possession ; the question was 
 debated in common-council, and the application refused. Who could 
 tell what might be the result ? The citizens might claim some obsolete 
 franchises, or the worshipful body lose part of their revenues. The 
 example of Newcastle-upon-Tyne was relied upon. After Mr. Brande 
 had publislied the history of that place, the corporation lost a large 
 portion of the town-duties. It is true the Corporation of Newcastle 
 had ivronyfulbj levied these duties — but what of that ? They had 
 always been received, and paid without grumbling, till they incautiously 
 permitted the historian to look into their archives, and expose their 
 injustice. 
 
 We shall conclude with submitting two propositions for the reform — 
 for we would not have them abolished — of Corpoiate Bodies. 
 
 First, we would apply to corporations the same talisman of pubmcit Y, 
 both as respects their proceedings and finances, which has contributed so 
 much to improve the administration of national affaiis. An act of par- 
 liament for this purpose, we are convinced, wc-iild be attended with the 
 most l)eneficial consequences. We are aware of no good reason why 
 corporate bodies should be exempt from the obligation imposed on the 
 king's ministers. The corporation of a city or town stands in the same 
 relation to the inhabitants as the imperial government to the people of 
 England. The Chancellor of the Exchequer brings fonvard his annual 
 statements of debts and credits, of income and expenditure, and lays 
 them before the nation, and the same duty ought to be discliarged by 
 every chamberlain, or other equivalent otlicer, to the whole city, borough, 
 guild, or fraternity, by which he is ajipointed. Such a reform would 
 check negligence and abuse, and maintain a spirit of inquiry into the 
 administration of all corporation funds. 
 
 Secondbj, we would abolish the system of sklf-kleciion, and 
 render corporations responsible to the intelligence and proprietary of the 
 communities of which they have assumed the control and government. 
 The practice of breeding-in is as unfavourable to the growth and im- 
 provement of public bodies as of animals and vegetables. A mutuality of 
 feeling, a reciprocration of favour and obligation, are necessary between 
 the different classes of every society, from that of a city or town to tlie 
 entire kingdom. As it is, corporations form so many petty oligarchies, 
 scattered through the country — the mere cesspools of all that is cor- 
 rupt, servile, and intolerant— and the exercise of whose sway, within 
 their respective local jurisdictions, is more insulting and oppres.sive than 
 that of the feudal lords, whose domination they have supplanted. 
 
 These changes may be considered by the apostles of an expiring fac- 
 tion as a violation of chartered rights, or " corporation lobbery," i)ut 
 happily we have reached a crisis when eloquent declamation on these 
 topics can no longer command a numerous audience.
 
 476 CORPORATIONS, GUILDS, AND COMPANIES. 
 
 THE CITY'S ESTATE. 
 
 The Chamber of London annually makes a return to parliament 
 of the income and expenditure of the corporation. We subjoin an ab- 
 stract of the receipts and expenditure of the city, as published by the 
 auditors, Messrs. Williams and Barrett, for the year ending December 
 31st, 1828. 
 
 ABSTRACT OF THE RECEIPTS. 
 
 £. s. (1. 
 
 r.alance in hand on the 31st December, 1827 549 10 8| 
 
 Uents and Quit Rents 10,833 19 10 
 
 ftlaikels. Tolls, Offices, and Requests, heretofore called 
 
 Rent Farms «2,301 7 4J 
 
 Brokers' Rents and Admissions 2,5i57 
 
 Freedoms Sold 8,900 
 
 Freedoms, Enrolments, &c 1 ,391 110 
 
 Casual Receipts 1,851 13 5^ 
 
 Rents and Navigation of the River Thames 1,272 11 G 
 
 Sales and Alienations of Offices 50 
 
 Fines for Leases 1,79110 8 
 
 Insurances of Officers' Lives 301 10 9 
 
 Interest on Government Securities 1,055 19 ll 
 
 Sale of Premises 82 10 
 
 Money borrowed 16,000 
 
 £174,902 8 OJ 
 
 ABSTRACT OF THE PAYMENTS. 
 
 £ s. d. 
 
 Orphans' Fund 11,500 
 
 lieiits and Quit Rents, Taxes, &c 2,:i59 15 1| 
 
 Mansion-House Expenses 2,904 5 
 
 Expenses of Magistracy and Police 9,938 7 5 
 
 Expenses of the several Prisons 20,290 4 1 
 
 Conservancy of the River Thames 4,281 18 9 
 
 Arlificers' and Tradesmen's Bills 0,350 1 1 4 
 
 Market Charg;es 3,794 7 10 
 
 Law and Parliamentary Expenses 5,907 II 2 
 
 Return of Duty on Corn imported 559 3 3 
 
 (Charitable Donations, Pensions, &c 1,75 7 2 5 
 
 Salaries and Allowances 22,744 H I 
 
 Disbursements — Court of Aldermen 395 19 10 
 
 Disbursements — Court of Common Council 9,704 19 10§ 
 
 Purchase of the Right of Alienation of the Olficers of the 
 
 Lord Mayor's Household 7,719 9 10 
 
 Bequests 7SG 5 
 
 Interest and Annuities 13,090 19 2 
 
 Purchase of Securities 1,879 2 10 
 
 Debts discharged 10,250 
 
 Removal of Fleet Market 31,000 
 
 Balance in hand, 31st December, 182S 173,970 17 
 
 985 10 Gi 
 
 £174,962 8 0> 
 ll, Clakk, Chumbeilain.
 
 ANCIENT CLAIMS OF CORPORATIONS, 477 
 
 DR. Brady's interpretation of communitatis. 
 
 At page 455 we alluded to the interpretation given by Dr. Brady of 
 the word " commonalty," and the use made of that interpretation to 
 deprive burgesses at large of their elective rijrhts. So far as this matter 
 is connected with the existing state of corporate bodies we do not attach 
 much importance to it ; for we think the merit of public institutions 
 ought to be tried by their aptitude to present circumstances, without 
 reference to antiquity or their derivative authority ; and whether 
 corporations claim the power they exercise from right or usurpation, is 
 of comparative indifference. The real question is, can they be reformed 
 and made more conducive to social utility ? Other persons view these 
 subjects in a different light, and it is for them we refer to Dr. Brady's 
 commentary. It was made the foundation of a sweeping measure of 
 disfi-anchisement, and still continues the only legal defence of munici])al 
 oligarciiies. The subject will be readily understood by the following 
 quotations. 
 
 Warwick. 
 
 ''1628. 3Iay 31, Mr. Hackwiil reported from the Committee of 
 Privileges the case for this borough : 
 " Question, 
 
 " Whether the election to be made hij the Mayor and Common 
 Council, or by the Commons in general? 
 '' Upon the Question it teas resolved, 
 
 " That the rv^ht of election for the Toun of Warwick belongs to 
 the Commonalty." 
 
 Commons' Journals, 4 (has. I. 
 
 Tiic following are Dr. Brady's remarks on this decision of the Com- 
 mittee of the House of Commons : 
 
 " The ground of this pojiular error was. That this Committee (notwith- 
 standing the (wo great antiquaries, Sir Robert Cotton, and Mr. Selden, 
 and the oracle of law [so called] Sir IMward Coke, were members of it) 
 did not truly understand the meaning: of the words communitatis civiia- 
 lum et burgorum, the comn.onalty of cities and burghs; which always 
 signiiied the mayor, aldermen, and common council, where they were to 
 be found, or the steward or bayliff, and capital burgesses, or in short the 
 governing jiart of cities and towns, by what persons soercr thei/ were go- 
 verned, or names and titles they were called and known, which hath been 
 sufficiently erinccd by what has been said before in this Treatise, on that 
 subject. So that, if the con)niUDities of cities and burghs had been truly 
 understood, the Committee ought to have determined, and the House re- 
 solved, That the right of election in very many, if not in most, or all cities 
 and burghs, ought to hare rested in the governing part of them, which is 
 always a select number." — Treatise of Cities and Uoroiighs, V>y liobert 
 r.r.idv. Doctor in Phv-ick, 17(H.
 
 478 coupon ATioNs, guilds, and com im nils. 
 
 Dr. Brady possessed considerable shrewdness, and his situation of 
 Keeper of the Records in the Tower afforded him opportunity for 
 learned research, but it did not become him to speak contemptuously of 
 such men as Cotton, Coke, and Selden ; nor had he good grounds for 
 the inference he made, as appears from the following extract from another 
 part of his " Treatise :" — 
 
 " In the 29th of Edward the First, John Blund teas chosen Mayor per 
 Commune Consilium Elye Russell tunc Majoris, and the Aldermen there 
 named, and the Sheriffs, per asseusura Duodecim proborum honiiuum 
 singularum Wardarum, by assent of Twelve good Men of every Ward. 
 In the ^\st of the same King, also in the 32d and 33d, John Lincoln and 
 John Blund were the third and fourth time chosen, by Twelve bonos & le- 
 gales homines de qualibet Warda summonitos ; twelve good and lawful 
 men summoned out of every Ward." — Ibid. p. 22. 
 
 By a reference to page 12 of Newell's " Evidence of the Elective 
 Franchise in London," it will be seen that Brady has not given the 27th 
 and 28th of Edward the First, because both those records prove that 
 those elections were made by the whole commonalty ; he also puts the 
 31st of Edward I. in the sleight of hand way, — In the 31 st of the same 
 King — and there leaves it, for the reader to suppose that the election 
 in that year was made in the same way as in the 29th, while he must 
 have known that the record of that year shews, that the election was made 
 by the mayor, aldermen, sheriffs, and the whole commonalty . He also 
 states that John Lincoln and John Blund were a third and fourth time 
 chosen, whereas John Lincoln never was a mayor at all. This is quite 
 enough for the accuracy and authority of this learned " Doctor in 
 Physick."
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, 
 
 COMPENSATIONS, REVERSIONS, 
 HALF-PAY, AND SUPERANNUATIONS. 
 
 So far we have penetrated into the recesses of the Oligarchy ! Our 
 first entrance was into Holy Church, passing, with fear and trem- 
 bling, through the venerable cathedrals, the collegiate establishments, 
 the stalls, chapters, cloisters, and parsonages — glancing, as we proceeded, 
 at the lawn sleeves, silk aprons, shovel-hats, surplices, hat-bands, and 
 gloves. Next we ventured into the precincts of royalty, surveyino- 
 the pomp and gorgeous pageants of courts and palaces ; loiterin"-, as we 
 went along, in the pleasant retreats, in the woods and forests, the 
 manors, chases, and crown-lands ; afterwards we entered the domains 
 of feudality, looking over the inheritances and possessions of the Percys, 
 the Wentworths, Cavendishes, Pelhams, and other lords of the soil. 
 Next, we plunged into the rookery among the wigs and gowns, the 
 owls and owlets of Westminster ; passing over thence into the treasury', 
 the exchequer, and admiralty ; from which we proceeded eastward into 
 the purlieus of the India House and Threadneedle-stroet ; and finally 
 concluded our exploratory researches among the muniments, charters, 
 trusts and revenues of Companies, Guilds, and Corporations. 
 
 After all this long and devious tour, without mentioning sundry oft'- 
 sets and ramblings by the way, our readers, we fear, are only yet im- 
 perfectly acquainted with the System ; they comprehend only its geo- 
 graphy — its general departments and divisions — and know nothino* 
 of the various living creatures — the birds and beast?, and creeping 
 things it contains. Our next object, therefore, will be, to introduce 
 them into the menagerie of placemen, pensioners, sinecurists, revor- 
 sionists, compensationists, superannuationists, and what not; first, de- 
 scribing- their classes, genera, and sp'^cies ; and, afterwards, concluding 
 with a catalogno of their names and qualities. This department of our 
 work will be found a museum of rarit;''s, embracing- every link in the 
 human creation, every description of men, women, and rhildren. l.ike 
 the ark of Noah, there has been nothing too great or mean in naturr to
 
 480 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECUHES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 find admission. It exhibits all the vice, the caprice, and injustice, of 
 aristocratic government : the highest services to the state almost without 
 notice, and the greatest g'ifts of the Crown lavished on profligacy, ser- 
 vility, and intrigue. It exhibits indolence and luxury devouring the 
 bread for which poverty and industry have toiled, and for Avhich they 
 are now starving. It exhibits the strength, arcana, and machiner}' of 
 the English government. It is a real picture of our boasted constitu- 
 tion — if not by law, as by practice established ; and is a source whence 
 a foreigner may draw far more correct notions of the checks, balances, 
 and supports of the government, than from the visionary and panegy- 
 rical descriptions of Blackstone and De Lolme. 
 
 Befoi'e giving a list of the public cormorants, let us briefly describe 
 their orders and degrees, beginning wnth the host of placemen filling 
 the public offices. 
 
 From returns to parliament, it appears there are 22,912 persons em- 
 ployed in the public departments, whose salaries amount to £2,788,907.* 
 This does not include the immense number of persons employed in 
 courts of law, the royal household, nor the colonies, and which, if 
 included, would almost double the number of functionaries and their 
 emoluments. The following exhibits a statement of the principal 
 branches of revenue, in which this vast army of tax-gatherers and col- 
 lectors is distributed, and a comparison of their relative numbers and 
 emoluments in 1797 and 1827. 
 
 YEAR 1797. • YEAll 1827. 
 
 Offices. Ko. of Persons. Salaries. No. of Persons. Salaries. 
 
 Customs United Kingdom ... C,004t.. £333,648 .... 11,346 .. £964,750 
 
 Excise Ditto 6,580 413,281 6,491 768,795 
 
 Stamps Ditto 521 78,746 .... 519 134,065 
 
 Taxes Ditto 291 58,331 347 74,190 
 
 Post-Office. .Great Britain 957 .... 54,030 1,377 85,970 
 
 Ditto Ireland 153 .... 9,278 .... 333 . . . . 21,961 
 
 An important consideration is the comparative remuneration of place- 
 men in 1797 and at present. In the year 1797 there were 16,267 
 persons employed in the public departments ; and they received 
 £1,374,561 a year. In 1827 there were 22,912 persons, and they 
 received £2,788,907 : the average income of each individual was £84 
 in 1797, and about £121 in 1827, being at the rate of thirty-three 
 "per cent, increase of salary. 
 
 • Parliamentary Paper, No. 552, Session 1828. 
 
 t The Custom returns for this year are incorrect, owing to the returns for the 
 Port of London having been destroyed by fire in 1814. Tlie persons employed 
 in the Port of London, in 1815, were 2,043. The return of the amount of sala- 
 ries, at the two periods, is accurate. To obviate another objection, it must be 
 observed, that in 1806-7, and 18, fees to the annual amount of £40,000 were 
 abolished, and equivalent salaries substituted. This, however, accounts only 
 for a very small part of the enormous increase in the charge of this department.
 
 INCREASE IN OFFICIAL SALARIES. 481 
 
 Now, can any just cause be assigned, why the whole mass of sahi- 
 ries should not be reduced to the rate of 1797, thereby efiecting a 
 saving of upwards of one-third in an expenditure of £2,788,907 per 
 annum. All the reasons which have ever been alleged for an augmen- 
 tation in the pay of public servants have ceased to exist. The price of 
 wheat in consequence of the corn laws is rather higher in 1832 than in 
 1797 ; but manufactured articles and articles of domestic use are mostly 
 oue-third or two-thirds cheaper than in 1797. How much better 
 circumstanced are placemen now than in 1810; in that year there 
 were 22,931 persons receiving £2,822,727, averaging about the same 
 income as in 1827 : but, at the former period, wheat was 105s. a quar- 
 ter ; while, at present, it is 61s. a quarter. Why should those who 
 live on the taxes enjoy such advantages over those who pay them ? 
 Rents, profits, wages, every description of income, the produce of 
 industry and capital, has fallen at least one-third since 1810, and why 
 should not those who are paid by the public be compelled to retrench in 
 an equal ratio ? Do not let a suffering community be insulted by the 
 declaration, that there is no room for retrenchment — that it has 
 already been carried to the utmost limit. Here is the proof to the con- 
 trary ; here it is shown that, without the least injustice to individuals, 
 in the single item of salaries, one million per annum might be 
 saved, which is nearly equal to the produce of the window-duties, 
 and more than double the produce of all the taxes on newspapers, adver- 
 tisements, and knowledge ! 
 
 After all, it is not the clerks — the mere underlings of office — that we 
 wish to see exclusively curtailed ; it is the vultures of the system wbom 
 Ave wish to see scotched — the chairmen of boards — the commissioners 
 of stamps, of the excise, the customs, and assessed taxes — the joint 
 secretaries of the Treasury — the tellers of the Exchequer — the great 
 officers of the king's household — the judges, masters, registrars, secre- 
 tary of bankrupt, prothonotaries, filacers, and custos brevium in the 
 courts of law — the comptrollers, paymasters, treasurers, solicitors of 
 taxes, and solicitors of stamps: it is these, the great birds of prey, 
 whom we first wish to be brought down, and then the inferior race may 
 be pounced upon. 
 
 The increase in salaries is not confined to civil offices ; it extends 
 equally to militaiy, naval, and ordnance pay and allowances. In all 
 these branches of service, there has been a great augmentation in conse- 
 quence of the rise in the price of provisions, which is a reason that can 
 be no longer urged against reduction. In 1792, the pay of a private 
 soldier in the regular infantry was only £9:2:6 for 365 days ; it is 
 now £18 : 5. The pay of the regular cavalry has been increased in 
 the same proportion. The pay of a commander in the navy, in 1792, 
 was 20s. per diem ; in 1829, 60s. per diem. The allowance to the 
 widow of a colonel, in 1792, was £50 per annum ; in 1827, £90 per 
 annum.* A similar scale of augmentation has been applied to almost 
 
 • I'arliamenlary Paper, No. 594, Session 1830. 
 
 2 1
 
 482 I'l.Al'KS, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 every otlier class ; but the time has arrived when they ought all to be 
 reduced to the rate before the war. The productive orders of society 
 have long- since been compelled to retrograde, and those who live on 
 the produce of their industry must follow them. While the tide was 
 at flood all officers and placemen were wafted too high on the beach ; 
 now the tide has fallen, they must either voluntarily g'lide or supinely 
 wait to be forced into the common channel. 
 
 One of the greatest abuses in the public service is pluralities. 
 When a single individual can adequately discharge the duties of half a 
 dozen difterent offices, the duties of these offices must be either very 
 small or unimportant, and consequently some of them might either be 
 abolished or united, and the salaries saved or reduced. It is unneces- 
 .sary to cite examples of either civil, judicial, or military pluralities ; 
 they will be found in abundance in our List of Places. The Whig 
 ministers have consolidated some offices : they have also abolished some 
 offices, and reduced the salaries of others : the changes they have intro- 
 duced or contemplated we shall notice in a separate section ; but it does 
 not appear they have determined to act on the general principle of 
 reducing all salaries and emoluments to the standard existing prior to 
 the war. There is, however, no good reason Avhy this course should 
 not be followed. Look at the enormous fall in the prices of Sheffield 
 cutlery and Birmingham hardwares recently published ! All articles 
 of domestic use and consumption, except bread, have fallen in a 
 corresponding- proportion, and many of them have fallen greatly below 
 the prices they were at in 1797. In 1797 the average price of sugar, 
 per-cwt., was 60s.; in 1832 it is only 23s. per cwt. ; in 1797 coffee 
 was 124s., in 1832 it is 33s. 6d. ; sheeting- calicoes in 1797 were 
 Is. 6d. per yard, in 1832 sixpence; broadcloth 22s. 6d. per yard in 
 1797, in 1832 nine shillings; iron per ton in 1797 £23, in 1832 
 £5 : 10. While the prices of these articles have fallen from 60 to 75 
 per cent, below what they were in 1797, the price of corn has risen. 
 In 1797, the average price was 44s. per quarter at Mark-lane; in 
 January 1832 it was 61s. 6d. These are the different results oi free 
 and restricted trade — free, as respects manufactures — restricted as 
 respects the produce of the soil. 
 
 The price of tea has been kept up from the same cause — monopoly 
 in the East India Company. The high price of corn is no reason 
 whatever for not returning- to the standard before the war, because the 
 high price is voluntary — the result of the selfish and pernicious policy 
 of the Aristocracy — of those who chiefly profit not only by the exorbitant 
 price of corn, which they have artificially created, but by exorbitant 
 salaries. 
 
 MILITARY AND NAVAL HALF-PAY AND CIVIL SUPERANNUATIONS. 
 
 The sums expended under the head of Dead Weight, consisting- of 
 retired full-pay, half-pay, civil superannuations, and allowances to the 
 army and navy, are equal to the revenue of many powerful states. The
 
 MILITARY AM) NAVAL HALF-FAV. 483 
 
 number of military officers, on full-pay, is 6,173: the number of 
 military officers on half-pay, is 6,009. In the nav}', there are 5,528 
 officers : of this number, 200 are admirals, of whom only ten are in 
 actual service ; 803 are captains, of whom only seventy-nine are em- 
 ployed ; 836 are commanders, of whom only seventy are employed ; 
 and 3,689 are lieutenants, of whom only 669 are employed. The total 
 sum annually paid in retired full-pay, half-pay, superannuations, pen- 
 sions, and allowances to officers in the army and ordnance ; to militia- 
 adjutants, local-militia-adjutants, and serjeant-majors ; to foreigners on 
 half-pay, and to foreigners receiving pensions, &c. is £3,314,632:17:7.* 
 The total sum annually payable under similar heads in the navy, is 
 £1,583,797:16:10. The Dead Weight altogether, including' the 
 superannuations, grants, and pensions, in the Metropolitan Police, 
 Excise, Customs, Treasury, Stamp, Tax Offices, Revenue, and Mili- 
 tar)' Boards, £5,363,640 : 7 : 1 l^.f 
 
 Such, in addition to the public debt of eight hundred millions, the 
 conflagrations and special commissions, is the fatal bequest of aristo- 
 cratic government ; of that government which vainly sought to avert 
 domestic reform by foreign war and intervention ! 
 
 There is, however, something so peculiar in the Dead Weight, that 
 it deserves more particular investigation. It might have been thought, 
 during a period of peace and reduced establishments, and more espe- 
 cially by the deaths of annuitants, that the burthen imposed on the 
 community under this head would have been lightened. But it is not 
 so ; the Dead Weight is too good a thing for the Aristocracy to be suf- 
 fered to expire, and it seems likely to be, at least, co-existent with the 
 system which created it. In 1822, this precious entail of the Borough- 
 mongers' war expenditure amounted to £5,289,087,+ which is only less, 
 by £74,553 per annum, than it was in March, 1830. All the time go- 
 vernment was loud and unceasing in professions of economy, of a desire 
 to reduce every possible charge, — to make ever}' possible saving ; yet, 
 in face of all this, one great and most objectionable branch of 
 expense, under circumstances most favourable for reduction, was actually 
 suffered to increase ! 
 
 All the extravagance of which we complain has resulted from a 
 negligent — not to say deliberate— and indefensible system of profusion. 
 We do not complain of the expense of maintaining those who are 
 actually worn-out or disabled in the public service, no more than we 
 complain of supporting, by a poor-rate, the aged and infirm in civil life ; 
 but we may justly complain of supporting those who are in health and 
 strength, — who never served their country, and have no claim on its 
 gratitude. The half-pay of the Army and Navy, on the present plan, 
 is decidedly objectionable. It is not a remuneration for past scrmce ; 
 since ever}' holder of a commission, though he has held it only for a day 
 or an hour, is as much entitled to claim half-pay, when not actually 
 
 * Parliamentary Paper, No. 18.5, Session 1830. t Ibid, pap;e 5. 
 
 f Pfulianuntarv Paper, No. 421, Session I8"2b.
 
 484 PLACES, PF-NSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 employed, as another who has served for twenty years. Such being 
 the rule of the service, ought not government to have adopted every 
 precaution against the multiplication of claimants ; ought it not to have 
 guarded against new admissions into the naval and military departments, 
 while there remained officers in abundance on half-pay able to fill up 
 every vacancy ? Their conduct has been the reverse of so obvious a 
 principle. Thousands of new commissions have been given away in the 
 Army and Navy, while, at the same time, we had upwai-ds of 16,000 
 officers in both branches of service totally unemployed. Hence the 
 perpetuity of the Dead Weight. The Aristocracy look upon the 
 Army, the Navy, the Church, and Public Offices, as so many branches 
 of their patrimony, and that a reduction in them would les.sen the 
 amount of patronage, diminish the funds for the maintenance of 
 younger children, illegitimate offspring, collateral relatives, favourites, 
 and dependents. 
 
 Besides the granting of first commissions, other causes have operated 
 to keep up the amount of the Dead Weight. Previous to the year 
 1820, no half-pay was payable to officers holding any other office, civil 
 or military, under the crown ; but this regulation did not extend to 
 officers on full-pay, the receipt of which was compatible with the 
 holding of civil employment. Another regulation, previous to 1818, 
 was that widows should not be allowed pensions, unless their husbands 
 had been on full pay ; and all widows having pensions ceased to receive 
 them if they married. Further, in the Navy, a widow lost her pen- 
 sion if her income from any other source equalled twice its amount. 
 All these regulations have been abrogated;* and the consequence has 
 been an annual increase of charge to the amount of £147,624; and a 
 loss to the public from 1818 of upwards of £1,300,000. 
 
 What we have . said will, we apprehend, be sufficient to enable our 
 readers to comprehend the nature of the Dead Weight, and the causes 
 of its longevity. We shall proceed with other subjects, first referring 
 to the Appendix for a more detailed statement of the Half-Pay and 
 Superannuation Expenditure. 
 
 SINECURES, REVERSIONS, AND PENSIONS. 
 
 Sinecures are offices Avithout employment ! The bare description is 
 sufficient to decide the fate of appointments like these ; but how in- 
 fatuated the government must be, which obstinately retains them amidst 
 a discontented and famishing population. Let us shortly inquire into 
 the origin and present state of these corruptions. 
 
 Sinecures have mostly originated from changes in the usages of so- 
 ciety, from alterations in the management of the revenue, the admi- 
 nistration of justice, and partly from the unions of the three kingdoms. 
 They ought all to have ceased with the duties attached to them ; but 
 
 * Third Report of the (Committee on Public Income and Expenditure, Par- 
 liamentary Papers, vol. v. Session 1828.
 
 LEGAL SINECURES — KINg's BENCH — COMMON PLEAS. 485 
 
 have been kept up for sake of patronag;e. Of the first description of 
 sinecures, the office of master of the hawks, in the royal household, 
 held, with a salary of £1,392, by the Duke of St. Albans, is an ex- 
 ample. The chief-justices in Eyre, with salaries amounting to £4,5^0, 
 have been kept up for centuries, after such a mode of administering' 
 the laws had teraiinated. In Scotland ahd Ireland is a host of offices 
 of which the holders, without employment or responsibility, have only 
 to receive their salaries and emoluments. Of this class are the offices of 
 Vice-admiral of Scotland, held by general Lord Cathcart; the Keeper 
 of the Privy Seal of Scotland, held by the late first Lord of the Ad- 
 miralty, Lord Melville; the offices of Keeper of the Signet and Register 
 of Sasines, held by the brother of Lord Melville ; the office of Chan- 
 cellor of Scotland, held by lieutenant-general the Earl of Rosslyn ; and 
 the office of .Justice general of Scotland, held by the late Lord Cham- 
 berlain, the Duke of Montrose. All these are absolute sinecures, with 
 salaries varying from £1500 to £.0000 per annum. The offices of Chief 
 .Ju.stices-in-Eyre, now held by Lord Clarendon and the Right Hon. 
 T. Grenville, are to cease with existing interests ; but when that will 
 be no one can tell, since many of these lucrative appointments have 
 been made hereditary in particular families, or patent offices granted 
 for a long term of years. 
 
 Ne.xt to absolute sinecures are offices of which the salaries are vastly 
 disproportioned to the employment, and of which the duties are dis- 
 chaig-ed wholly by deputy. This forms a very numerous class. As 
 specimens may be mentioned, the Auditorship of the Exchequer, held 
 by Lord Grenville, with a salary of £4000 ; the Registrarship of the 
 Admiralty, held by Lord Arden, with an income, during the war, of 
 £10,500; the four Tellerships of the Exchequer, each with salaries of 
 £'2700; and the four Clerksliips of the Pells, with salaries of £1500, 
 held by the Bathursts, Dundasses, and Percevals. In the departments 
 of the Army, the Navy, and Revenue, are numerous sinecures, a\ hich 
 ought to have been long since extinguished. 
 
 But the COURTS OF JUSTICE present the most rank and unweeded 
 garden of lucrative offices without employment, or of which the em- 
 ployment is executed by deputy. Among the foremost of these is Loi'd 
 EUenborough, who is clerk in the Court of King's Bench, with an in- 
 come of £9,(J'25 ; he is also custos hrevium of the same court. This 
 poni])ous man threw out an in.solent threat, last session, on some com- 
 ment being made on the heavy contributions levied by legal sinecurists 
 on suitors for justice. Lord Kenyon is joint custos brevium with Ix)rd 
 EUenborough, with an income of £'2,696; and his lordship's brother, 
 the Hon. Thomas Kenyon, is filazer and clerk of outlawries, with 
 emoluments averaging £7,000 a year. Next, is the Duke of Grafton, 
 sealer in the King's Bench, £2,888, though we dare say his grace never 
 sealed a writ in his life, nor ever once entered the dark and dirty hole in 
 Inner Temple Lane, where that function is j)erforniod by his repre- 
 sentative. Charles Short, clerk of (he rules and orders of the King's 
 Bench, receives from fees, £5,172 per annum. What can be the
 
 486 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECUUES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 grave and responsible duties of Mr. Short to entitle him to this enormous 
 tribute, we cannot precisely state. Again ; there is John Waters, clerk 
 to the chief justice, from fees, £2,169. Lord Tenterden receives 
 £10,000 a year as chief judge of this court; but his lordship's office is 
 no sinecure, whatever may be the offices held by his son and nephew, 
 who receive, respectively, £2,985, and £1,000 per annum. 
 
 Let us next step into the Court of Conwion Pleas ; we pass over the 
 judges, whose salaries are well known, and perhaps not greatly to be 
 complained of. Not so with others. The three prothonotaries have 
 returned thoir emoluments at £7,800, " or thereabouts'' arising from 
 " ancient fees, payable solely by suitors."* Mr. Mansfield, filacer of the 
 court, receives £1,450 for filing Avrits and affidavits, taking bail, and 
 other small matters. Keene Fitzgerald, Esq. clerk of the warrants, 
 £1,252; W. Woodroffe, Esq. associate of the chief justice, £1,198; 
 the custos breiium, Sir E. Mostyn and partners, from fees on actions, 
 £1 ,122 ; and last, and not least, William R. H. Brown, Esq. warden of the 
 Fleet Prison, " £2,000, or something upwards," — the words of the 
 return. The Court of Chancery has been called the " Mint of justice ;" 
 but it is, in fact, a mint for coining into enormous fees the effects of 
 minors, legatees, bankrupts, widows, orphans, and lunatics. The office 
 of the chief fee-gatherer of the court is about to be regulated ; that is, in 
 lieu of gleaning £15,000 a-year from Avrits, petitions, supersedeas, &c. 
 the Lord Chancellor is to be paixl a fixed salary to an equal amount. 
 The emoluments of the Rev. Thomas Thurlow amounted, in the year 
 1830, to £8,502, as patentee of bankrupts ; and the emoluments of the 
 same Reverend Person, in the same year, as clerk of the hanaper, 
 amounted to £2,500. The sinecures, or offices nearly sinecures, in this 
 court, are so numerous, that we must be content with indicating them in 
 clusters, referring to the List of Places for particulars. The ten 
 masters, whose chief duties consist in three or four hours' attendance 
 per day, in adjusting accounts and swearing affidavits, receive each, on 
 the average, £4,500 per annum; and their chief clerks, each, £1,400 
 a-j'-ear. The Sir Clerks, as they are termed, are nothing more than 
 sinecurists, and their incomes average £ 1 ,200 each. The Registrar levies 
 £4,861 in fees, for copying proceedings in equity, and the master of 
 the Report Office as much, thoug-h his duties -are of the same humble 
 description, performed by hireling quill-dri\ers, who receive less than a 
 curate's stipend. Our task would never be finished, were we to pursue our 
 inquiries minutely through the entire labyrinth of law in the United 
 Kingdom. Edinburgh presents similar enormities in judicial administra- 
 tion, in the fees and emoluments of keeper of sisfnet, and register of 
 sasines, the clerks of sessions, sheriffs' clerks, &'c. Dublin has also her 
 flight of vultures perched on the temple of Astrpe, under the denomination 
 of masters in chancery, prothonotaries, clerk of the hanaper, and clerks of 
 papers, and what not. In the provinces justice is impeded bv clerks of the 
 peace, appointed by lords lieutenant of counties, and who have princely 
 
 * Parliamentary Paper, No. 55. Session 1830.
 
 COURTS OF JUSTICE — FORTS AND GARRISONS. 487 
 
 emoluments. Then what purheus of sinecurism there are in the counties 
 palatine and duchy courts of Lancaster, Durham, and Cornwall, in the 
 nominal capacities of chancellors, registrars, receivers, attorney and 
 .solicitor-generals, auditors, king's counsel, ushers, and other mimicry of 
 the regal and imperial government ! 
 
 Knowing, as we do, what a gradation of pillage the course of 
 justice is in this country; knowing how the unfortunate suitor is fleeced 
 at every step of his proceeding, by the harpies of the law; knowing all 
 this, we do often wonder at the proneness of our countrymen to litiga- 
 tion, and cannot behold, without both surprise and indignation, the 
 readiness with which they furnish pabulum to the monstrous legal ex- 
 tortions we have shortly indicated. We hear much said about the " hells" 
 of St. James's-street, and of the " hells " of Bond-street, where brainle!<s 
 creatures are stripped of their fortunes ; but are these more ruinous and 
 plundering than others, under a very different name, in the vicinity of 
 Chancery-lane, Temple-bar, and Palace-yard ? 
 
 We pass on to another description of sinecures, under the titles of 
 governors, lieutenant-governors, town-adjutants, town-majors, consta- 
 bles, gunners, wardens, lord-wardens, and God knows what beside, of 
 the cities, towns, forts, castles, garrisons, &c. of Great Britain and 
 Ireland. Berwick-on Tweed, Chester, Hull, Blackness-Castle, Dover- 
 Castle, Edinburgh-Castle, Walmer-Castle, and Tilbuiy-Fort, are ex- 
 amples of these appointments, and which cost the country upwaids of 
 £35,(JU0 per annum.* Numerous commissioners of revenue, comp- 
 trollers, inspectors of taxes, and distributors of stjxmps, are little more 
 than sinecurists, the duties, where any exist, being discharged by 
 deputies. But the chief nidus of sinecures is in the Colonies. The 
 duties of nearly all oflices in the West Indies, civil or judicial, are dis- 
 charged by deputy, while the principal resides in England. They form an 
 immense branch of patronage to the crown. It is impossible to esti- 
 mate correctly their total value, the incomes being paid in fees, received 
 by the deputy, who stipulates to pay a fixed annual sum to the principal . 
 The total value of colonial sinecures, exclusive of those at the Cape 
 of Good Hope, the Isle of France, and Malta, has been estimated 
 at £76,546. 
 
 The subjoined statement, taken from the Supplementary Report of 
 flic Connnittee of Public Expenditure in 1809, shews the net value of 
 the principal sinecures in the gift of the Crown, and otherwise. It is 
 now twenty-two years since this report was made ; and during that long 
 interval, we doubt whether the profits of a single sinecure have been 
 saved to the public: some which we have noticed are to cease on the 
 termination of existing interests. The oflices of patentee of bankrupts, 
 and clerk of the hanaper, and of justice-general in Scotland, and a few 
 more, have been abolished; but then the holders are to have conijunsa- 
 tions ; so that, we repeat, we doubt whether, by the extinction of sine- 
 cures, the community has been saved a farthing; and this monstrous 
 
 * rarliamentaiy Taper, No. 120, Session 1826.
 
 488 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 abuse is just as flagrant as ever, to the everlasting reproach of the mem- 
 bers of both houses of parliament, who have not raised their voices, not 
 only once but many times, against the further toleration of this shame- 
 less robbery, under any shape or pretext. Here is the return to which 
 we have referred: — 
 
 Sinecures in the English Law Courts, mostly in the gift of the f 
 
 J udges 62,462 
 
 Sinecures in England, not in Law Courts 115,589 
 
 Ditto in Scotland 25,523 
 
 Ditto in Ireland 76,435 
 
 To which add Colonial Sinecures 76,546 
 
 £356,555 
 
 Having- spoken of Sinecures, we come next to their natural off- 
 spring — Reversions. It was very natural that the holders of situa- 
 tions, to which large emoluments and no duties were attached, should 
 not Only wish to preserve them during their lives, but also, if possible, 
 transmit them to their relatives and friends after death : hence originated 
 grants in reversion. Another reason, however, may be assigned ; 
 ministers not having situations in sufficient abundance to satisfy all their 
 adherents, endeavoured to satisfy them by anticipation. Those for whom 
 they could not immediately provide, they satisfied by obtaining grants 
 from the king, making them the heirs of places at the death of the 
 present possessors. Sometimes these reversions were granted to two or 
 three persons at once ; first to one, and if he or she should die, to 
 another ; and if he or she should die, to another ; in this way have been 
 granted most of the places on the Irish establishment for sixty or seventy 
 years to come, and many of the most valuable legal sinecures in 
 England. 
 
 The absurdity of this practice is sufficiently obvious. Nothing could 
 be more ridiculous than to appoint persons to offices who were, perhaps, 
 yet in the nursery, and of whose future capabihties it was impossible 
 to have any knowledge. To be sure, many of these reversionary situ- 
 ations had no duties attached to them, and, of course, it could not be of 
 much importance by whom they were discharged. 
 
 From the large emoluments of Sinecures, and the granting them in 
 reversion, have originated some ludicrous incongruities. Many noble 
 lords and their sons, right honourable and honourable gentlemen, fill 
 the offices of clerks, tide-waiters, harbour-masters, searchers, gaugers, 
 packers, craners, wharfingers, prothonotaries, and other degrading situ- 
 ations. Some of these offices are filled b)' women and some by chil- 
 dren. The Countess of Mansfield receives £1000 a year from the 
 Barbadoes planters; and the duchess doivager of Manchester £2928 
 a-year, as late collector of the customs outwards ! Not long since 
 a right honourable lady, a baroness, was s%uecper of the Mall in 
 the Park ; another lady was chief risher in the Court of Ex- 
 chequer ; and the Honourable Louisa Browning and Lady B. Martny
 
 AMOUNT OF THE PENSION-ROLL. 489 
 
 were cusfos brevium : some of these offices, we see, from the 
 Laiu List, have been recently merged in and executed by the hus- 
 bands and children of these high-born dames. Then of noble Lords ; 
 the Beresfords hold the appropriate offices of wine-tasters, storekeepers, 
 packers, and crancrs, in Ireland ; the Duke of Grafton, and Lords 
 EUenboroughand Kenyon, with deputies to help, are clerks, sealers, 
 and keepers of writs. Lord Henley is master in chancery ; the 
 late lord Walsingham was in the petty office of comptroller of 
 first fruits in the Court of Exchequer; and Lord Wm. Bentinck, now 
 located in India as governor-general of Bengal, is clerk of the pipe, part 
 of whose office it is to attend or assist the man who holds up Lord Chan- 
 cellor Brougham's train ! 
 
 We could enumerate a great many more, but they will be noticed in 
 our List ; we shall pass on to Pensions. 
 
 As nearly as can be collected from the various official returns sub- 
 mitted to Parliament, it would appear there are upwards of fifteen hun- 
 dred pensioners, who receive about £805,022 per annum. This is ex- 
 clusive of colonial pensions, and of all grants, allowances, half-pay, and 
 superannuations for civil, military, and naval services. We sub- 
 join a statement of the objects and sources from which this vast sum 
 is paid. 
 
 Pensions payable out of the consolidated fund of England and £ 
 
 Ireland 455,444 
 
 Pensions payable out of the hereditary revenues of the Post Office 
 
 andExcise 22,439 
 
 Pensions to American loyalists 5,056 
 
 Pensions to Toulonese and Corsican emigrants 14,380 
 
 Pensions to St. Domingo sufferers and Dutch naval officers 1,820 
 
 Pensions to ambassadors and other foreign ministers charged on the 
 
 civil list 57,377" 
 
 Court pensions on the English civil list, about 95,000 
 
 Pensions on the Irish civil list, about 75,000 
 
 Pensions on the Scotch civil list 35,000 
 
 Pensions to Spanish refugees, who had co-operated vpith the 
 
 British armies in the Peninsular war 18,040t 
 
 Pensions payable out of the 4 J per cent. Leew.ird Island duties . . 27,166 
 
 Total of Pensions £805,022 
 
 The funds out of which pensions are paid are so numerous that we 
 are not sure, though we have all the official returns about us, some of 
 
 * This and the preceding items are taken from the Fourth Report of Sir H. 
 Parnell's Finance Conmiittee, page 67, Session 1828. 
 
 t Parliamentary Paper, No. 127, Session 1830. This item, perhaps, ought 
 lo be omitted, being only, we pivsumc, a temporary allowance to individuals, 
 many of whom liad just claims on the hospitality of the country.
 
 45H) I'l.ACIiS, I'KNSIONS, SI N EC L RES, AMI (IRA NTS. 
 
 tiiein. have not escaped our researches. However, we had rather he 
 uikUm- the mark than l)e accused of exaggeration. Exclusive of sine- 
 cures, and the millions expended on objects nearly as unjustifiable, 
 a Pension Roll, in times like these, to the amount of £805,022, is 
 enough to make a man start from his seat, especially if he reflect, for 
 one moment, on the dreadful state of the labouring population of the 
 empire. In our humble opinion the salaries of public servants ought to 
 be their only reward, and the granting of pensions is altogether un- 
 justifiable, unless for casualties in the service of the country ; but when 
 they are squandered on persons of whom the public knows nothing, nor 
 for what, they are an unbearable grievance. Who, for instance, 
 knows any thing of the services of the Giffords, the Cockburns, the 
 Bathursts, Arbuthnots, Hays, Fitzhums, and scores more who are living 
 on the earnings of the industrious. Foreigners, too, are on the Pen- 
 sions List; men have been brought from all parts of the earth, from 
 America, from Germany, from France, and myriads frdm Scotland, 
 to eat our bread, and devour the wages of labour and the profits of tj'ade 
 and agricultuie. 
 
 It would be quite impossible, within reasonable limits, to enter into 
 an analysis of the Pension List ; but there is one class of pensioners 
 who have got upon our backs in such a peculiar way, and they have 
 such peculiar claims on national gratitude, that we must needs crave the 
 reader's patience while we shortly describe their origin and preten- 
 sions. 
 
 In the year 1817, there was a pretty general call for retrenchment, 
 and a Select Committee of Finance, consisting mostly of placemen and 
 pensioners, recommended as a sort of tub to the whale, the abolition of 
 a few of the more obnoxious sinecures. Three acts were accordingly 
 introduced to abolish certain useless offices ; as supervisor of his Ma- 
 jesty's printing-press, compiler of the Dublin gazette, master of the 
 revels, chief justices in Eyre, clerk of the pipe, receiver of the bishop's 
 rents, and some others were to be abolished : all which are subject to 
 existing interests. But mark the sequel : having recommended the 
 abolition of these sinecures, the committee next recommend the crea- 
 tion of others ; having cut down the places without any duties to per- 
 form, they create so many new pensions of retirement and superannua- 
 tions, as actually to entail a greater burthen on the country after this 
 mock retrenchment than before ! 
 
 With this view, the 57th Geo. III. c. 65, was introduced. The act 
 begins by reciting that, " the abolition and regulation of various offices, 
 which deprive the crown of part of the means by which his Majesty 
 has been heretofore enabled to recompense the service of persons who 
 have held high and efficient cicil offices T and it modestly enacts, that, 
 from henceforth and evermore, all the high and low " efficient jmblic 
 officers' of the country, from the first lord of the treasury down to the 
 secretaries of the treasury, under-secretaries of state, clerk of the 
 ordnance, first and second secretaries of the Admiralty, all included, 
 shall be supported by pensions paid out of the pockets of the people
 
 l'U()\ ISION FOR I'All'Ki; MIMSrKKS. 491 
 
 Tliis was reforming with a vengeance ! A committee, appointed 
 expressly to abolish useless places, finishes by recommending the 
 purchase of them, and the establishing of a perpetual fund to reward 
 the holders thereof; most of the members of the committee them- 
 selves being the parties to be benefited by this admirable mode of retrench - 
 ment. 
 
 This truly extraordinar)' Pension Act assumes, as a principle, that 
 the difierent sinecures are the absolute property of our hereditary legis- 
 lators and their dependents ; and thence concludes, because these 
 ofKces are ai)olished, they have a claim to be provided for in some other 
 way. " Here is a considerable mass of property," they say, " taken 
 from our grasp, and it must be made up to us by equivalent pensions." 
 This is exactly the principle, and what must the constitution of tlie 
 government be which sanctions, by its authority, so monstrous an 
 ttssumption ? 
 
 What right had these " high and efficient public men" to compensa- 
 tion at all ? The sinecures were abuses, and they ought to have been 
 swept away without equivalent. If other classes are injured by reform 
 or improvement, what compensation do they receive for their loss ? The 
 workman suiters by the substitution of machinery, the merchant and 
 manufacturer by the vicissitudes of commerce, and the farmer by alter- 
 ations of the currency ; but they receive no equivalent ; no fund is 
 provided to make up the loss of their capital and industry. How many 
 individuals have been ruined by the introduction of the steam-engine ; 
 yet no one thinks of making up the loss of the sufferers. No one 
 thinks of establishing a perpetual fund to compensate the loss of the 
 stocking-weavers, printers, cloth-dressers, or coach-proprietors : no one 
 would tliink of compensating the loss of the publicans and brewers, from 
 the throwing open of the beer trade. Yet the rights of all these classes 
 are as sacred as those of the pensioners and sinecurists. They have all 
 fes/c<^/ «n<e/'/?s^s in their pursuits ; they have all served a])prenticeships 
 or laid out their capital : and if the sacrifice of their property be a pub- 
 lic good, they are as much entitled to compensation as the " high and 
 ethcient public men." 
 
 Absurd as the principle is, it pervades the whole system : all abuses 
 nre private propcrt I/, and you cannot reform them without raising an 
 outcry that the interests of some class or other are violated. If you 
 meddle with tithe, you are violating the property of the church. If you 
 attempt reform in courts of justice, you are attacking the emoluments 
 and patronage of the judicial classes. If you attack the rotten bo- 
 roughs, you are accused of invading the property of the aristocracv. 
 And, lastly, if you touch sinecures, they are the property of our " /ligh 
 and efficient public' men. 
 
 Under such a system there can be no rrforju ; there can be only 
 transformation of abuse; you can only transmute a sinecure info a pen- 
 sion, or an enormous salary into a superaiuiuation ; but, as to extirpat- 
 ing the evil altogether, it is chimerical. That can only be done by a
 
 492 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 reformed Parliament, which shall have no vested interests in the abuses 
 it undertakes to remove. 
 
 Having explained the orig-in and principle of the Pension Act, let us 
 next glance at some of the worthies who, up to this time, under the 
 designation of " high and efficient public men," have fastened their 
 greedy talons on the earnings of the industrious. First on the list is 
 Lord Sidmouth, £3000 a year for life: his lordship, besides, has Rich- 
 mond-park Lodge, and for many years has been receiving, as deputy- 
 ranger, from £1000 to £2000 per annum, out of the rents and profits of 
 the crown lands. The sinecure of clerk of the pells was many years 
 held by his son ; and there are several other Addingtons in the church, 
 and on foreign missions. Altogether £5000 a year may be put down 
 as the reward of the famous circular, the memorable letter of thanks, 
 to the Manchester magistrates, for the massacre of the 16th of August, 
 and other high and efficient public services of Henry Viscount Sid- 
 mouth. 
 
 The next is the honourable Robert Ward £1000, late auditor of the 
 civil list, we believe, and who has run through various ranks and degrees 
 as clerk of the Ordnance, M.P. for Haslemere, &c. This gentleman 
 is only to receive half his pension, if he hold office of less annual value 
 than twice its amount. 
 
 The right honourable Henry Goulbourn £2000, the Duke's luminous 
 and most efficient chancellor of the Exchequer. Then follows a Mr. 
 Hamilton £1000, of whom we know nothing, unless he be a late consul 
 or clerk of the Treasury. Afterwards we have Thomas Peregrine 
 Courtenay, M.P. for Totness, colonial agent for the Cape of Good 
 Hope, and late secretary of the India Board. This is the "family man," 
 with a wife and fourteen children, for whom Canning once made so melt- 
 ing an appeal to the guardians of the public purse ; — they must be pro- 
 vided for. Mr. Courtenay is the cousin of a peer — let him be put down 
 for £1000, and his sons have the first vacancies in the Mint, the Trea- 
 sury, or Exchequer ! 
 
 Now, right honourable John Wilson Croker, come forth ; don't be 
 ashamed ; who can begrudge any thing to the paymaster of the widows' 
 charity, and a twenty-one years' secretary of the Admiralty, with 
 £3000 per annum. Put John down for £1500 a year for life — but 
 stop; do not let him receive his pension, any more than his brother 
 pamphleteer, Peregrine Courtenay, if he hold offices yielding £3000 a 
 year. 
 
 Joseph Planta, Esq. we congratulate you ; enrolled among the high 
 and efficient public men ; a Secretary of the Treasury, with £3500 
 a year, and a pension for life of £1000 a year. Mr. Planta, you are 
 a happy man ; your calling and election are sure, and you are now 
 placed beyond the risk of accident, by " flood or field." Next to 
 Castor and Pollux, whom you have so good a right to follow, you have 
 been one of the most humble and industrious labourers in the borouyh 
 vineyard.
 
 MUSTER-ROLL, RETIRED JUDGES — COMPENSATIONS. 493 
 
 We pass over Canning" and Hnskisson ; at the time of their death, 
 each was down for £3000 ; they were amongst the most g-reedy and au- 
 dacious of corruptionists ; but they are gone to their audit elsewhere ; — 
 not, however, without leaving long trails of calamities behind, of which 
 more hereafter. 
 
 Next is a Hobhouse £1000 ; but we pass over him also to come to 
 the last and greatest of our " high and etficient public men," the right 
 honourable Lord Bexley. How ought a statesman like this to be re- 
 warded : the great Sieur Vansittart, the steadfast coadjutor of the 
 "Thunderer," the astounding financier, the man of infinite resource, 
 who, in the period of our greatest tribulations, did, by the mere force of 
 native genius, make a pound note and a shilling equal to a guinea, when 
 the former was depreciated thirty per cent. Put Nicholas down for 
 £.3000 a year for life, and make him a Lord ! 
 
 Here ends the muster-roll of" high and eflBcient public men. " There 
 are other names ; but these are enough to illustrate the application of 
 the Pension Act of 1817, and the supplementaiy act to it in 1825, and 
 which acts ought to have been long' since repealed by the Whig- 
 ministry. 
 
 There is another description of pensioners whom we must shortly 
 touch — the noble and learned lords: — Here is Lord Eldon still preying' 
 upon us, at the rate of £4000 a year. Surely £15,000 a year, and 
 upwards, for more than a quarter of a century, and a disposition 
 naturally parsimonious,- afforded the means of making a comfortable 
 provisionTor old age. Lord Manners, another ex-chancellor, draws 
 £3,892 a-year ; Wynford £3,756. Then there is lord Tenterden im- 
 pending, and Bayley and others menace us in the distance. Lynd- 
 hurst for a time hung out a flag of distress, but, after receiving 
 £505 : 14 : 11^ {Finance Accojints, p. 122) as temporary relief, he 
 retreated into the court of Exchequer. Brougham, or his friends for 
 him, have put in a claim for £6,000 as a retiring pension, — but avast 
 there, good lord ! Surely such doings must have an end ! At this 
 rate the whole Bar may file through the judgeships, and come upon 
 us, after a quarter's service, for pensions for life, each of which, at the 
 present rate of labourers' wages, w-ould maintain eight hundred persons. 
 
 COMPENSATIONS AND RETIUKD ALLOWANCES. 
 
 A most indefensible principle has long been acted upon by the Govern- 
 ment, — namely, if a person has only once been so fortunate as to have 
 had the fingering of the public money, he shall for ever after be sup- 
 ported out of the public purse. It is exactly the principle of the poor- 
 laws ; let a man obtain a settlement, and he thenceforward claims sub- 
 sistence from the parish, and let a placeman once get into a govern- 
 ment office, and he immediately, and for ever, sets up the pauper's 
 claim of being fed and clothed at the charge of the community. 
 
 Exactly upon this principle was framed the infamous Act of 1817 ; 
 most of the pensions, we have seen, were granted conditionally; pro- 
 vided the parties were not in office, then they should receive their
 
 494 PLACKS, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 £1000, £1500, or £3000 per annum, as a trifling- allowance, to keep 
 the poor creatures from stai'ving- while unemployed ! What a pity suclfc 
 old and faithful servants should perish of hung'er, especially as they 
 could not possibly have had an opportunity, from the lowness of their 
 wages, to lay up a store for a rainy day ! Still we like even-handed 
 justice to all mankind. Many object to that mode of administering- the 
 poor laws, which allows a labourer in health and streng-th his parish- 
 pay, merely because he happens to be out of work. But why not 
 extend the same rule to state paupers ? Why should such able-bodied 
 men as Croker, Planta, and Courtenay entail upon the industrious 
 classes such heavy rates, merely because they are just now in want of 
 a job ? 
 
 The practice of granting- compensations and retiring allowances is 
 just as indefensible as granting- pensions. We have now before us two 
 official returns of the session of 1 830, the bare titles of which are enough 
 to make one sick : one is — " Returns of all Persons who receive Com- 
 pensation Allowances for the loss of their Offices until otherwise pro- 
 vided for ;" the other a " Return of the Number of Clerks and Officers 
 who have been superannuated, and who have been again introduced 
 into the service." 
 
 What practices are these ? on what principle can they be justified ? 
 A merchant or banker retires from business, reduces his establishment, 
 or is forced into the Gazette, by alterations in the currency, or com- 
 mercial vicissitudes, and what compensation does he g-ive to his clerks 
 and servants thrown out of employment ? None : nor do they expect 
 any, haidng previously received salaries equivalent to the value of their 
 services. Let us revert to our former illustration ; suppose that, by the 
 discovery of a new machine, a certain manufacture can be carried on 
 at a cheaper rate, and, of course, the public be benefited by its sub- 
 stitution for manual labour, owing to the less price at which they could 
 obtain the manufactured articles. Again ; suppose that, by some new- 
 mode of managing the business of government, a number of offices may 
 be abolished, and, of course, their salaries saved to the community. 
 Here, then, are two cases exactly similar ; in one, a number of working 
 people are thrown out of employment ; and, in the other, a number of 
 the officers of government. The public is benefited alike in both cases : 
 in one, by saving of salaries ; and, in the other, by the less price at 
 which it purchases commodities. But how differently these two classes 
 of sufferers have been treated. One receives a pension or compensation, 
 perhaps to the amount of his salary ; and the other is suffered to perish 
 for want of employment, and his privations aggravated by contributing 
 to the maintenance of persons whose claims at all events are not greater 
 than his own. 
 
 The same gross injustice is perpetrated in lord Brougham's Bank- 
 ruptcy Court Act. Under this act, the monstrous sinecures of patentee 
 of bankrupts and clerk of the hanaper, held by the Rev. Thomas Thur- 
 low, and yielding £11,000 a-year. are abolished ; but then the reverend 
 sinecurist is to be compensated during hi.> natural life by an equivalent
 
 15ANKRUPT SINECURES — PURSE-BEARER — IRISH UMO\. 495 
 
 annuity, payable out of bankrupt estates. This is not the worst part of 
 the arrangement. Lord Eklon had granted these valuable sinecures in 
 reversion to his son, Willium Henry John Scott, or ^^ illiam Henry 
 Scott, (for with admirable precision he is called by both names in the 
 52d clause of the statute,) on the death of Thomas Thurlow ; and thus 
 during two lives the public will have to pay £11,000 per annum, 
 without even the pretext of service, and when these lives drop, probably 
 some device will be hit upon for inserting a third, in the same manner as 
 the Dead Weight and other government annuities are perpetuated. 
 Even the commissioners of bankrupts, many of whom had only just 
 finished eating their commons, and whose very names were oftensive as 
 synonymous with all that is sponging, imbecile, and parasitical — even 
 these are to receive pensions for life. And last, and not least, the 
 purse-bearer to the Lord Chancellor is to be compensated by an equi- 
 valent life annuity. Only think of this, the lord chancellor having a 
 purse or sack-bearer to carry his fees — just as if we lived in the time of 
 the Henries or Edwards, and such a contrivance as batik notes had 
 never been heard of. Really v/e are startled at the Gothic barbarisms of 
 the system at eveiy turn, whether we look into the laAv-courts, the 
 Exchequer, the royal household, or the Church Establishment, and we 
 almost despair of ever seeing it brought into usefulness and symmetry. 
 
 Much as we desire to see legal reforms, we had rather they were altoge- 
 ther postponed than accompanied with such interminable incumbrances. 
 A bill is now in the house for abolishing lines and recoveries, but a long 
 train of vested interests and expectances are to be satisfied aud compen- 
 sated before it can be cairied. Our opinion is, we had better stop at once 
 than proceed at this rate; we are evidently in a slough, and the further 
 we go, the deeper Ave are in the mire. It is obviously better policy to 
 leave abuses in a state of sufferance than to sanction tlieir existence by 
 act of parliament. 
 
 It was chietiy by a profuse grant of pensions and compensations to 
 the members of the Irish parliament — which immaculate body Mr. 
 O'Connell is so anxious to see revived — that Mr. Pitt, through the agency 
 of loid Castlereagh and marquis Cornwallis, was enabled to accomplish 
 the Union. From page 48S, it appears that more than £75,000 is 
 annually paid to peisons for the loss of office, in consequence of that 
 legislative movement. Sir Jonah Barrington relates that, " Among 
 other curious claims for Union compensations, appears one from the 
 Lord-lieutenant's rat-catcher at the castle, for decrease of employ- 
 ment ; another from the nee essary -icoman of the privy council of 
 England for the increased trouble in her department ; with numerous 
 others of the same quality." Besides compensations, there was super- 
 added a liberal grant of peerages, and £1,500,000 was raised to 
 compensate, refiactory members for loss of boroughs ; Lords Ely, 
 Shannon, Clanmorris, Belvidere, and Sir Hercules Langrishe, received 
 £143,000, the first noblemen being paid £90,000 for their six 
 members ! 
 
 It is, however, to the fatal wars of the Aristocracy wc are principally
 
 496 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 indebted for the immense number of compensations, as well as every 
 other national calamity. The vast extent of our establishments, durinp^ 
 the period of hostilities, and their reduction since the peace, has made 
 one very considerable portion of the community sinecure dependents on 
 the other for support ; and the extent to which the public is now bur- 
 thened, in providing for non-effective services, is almost incredible. 
 
 It appears from the inquiries of Sir H. Parnell's committee, that the 
 non-effective of the army, navy, and ordnance costs the country 
 £4,904,499 a-year ; while the effective of the same costs £15,616,354 : 
 so that nearly one-third, or thirty-three per cent., is paid for no manner 
 of service whatever. Again, in the civil departments of the g-overn- 
 ment, the sum of £4,371,000 is paid for salaries, and other effective 
 services ; and £440,000 for compensations, and other non-effective ser- 
 vices, the latter being actually one-tenth part of the former.* 
 
 Such a monstrous system could never have grown up, except under 
 a most negligent and lavish administration, directly interested in the 
 corruptions it tolerated. It would be easy to cite examples of the most 
 shameless abuses, in granting compensations and retired allowances. 
 The attempts to fasten the sons of Earl Bathurst and Lord Melville 
 on the public, under these denominations, must be still remembered. 
 In the official returns, to which we have alluded, we find Mr. Penn, a 
 clerk of the customs, Avas superannuated upon £750 a-year for his im- 
 portant services; but though superannuated for the customs, he was 
 made agent for Ceylon, at a salary of £1050. In 1822, Alfred John- 
 son, agent-victualler at the Cape of Good Hope, retired on a pension of 
 £400, and reappeared in 1826 as secretary to the commissioners of the 
 navy at Plymouth. Thomas Alexander, store-keeper at Martinique, 
 was superannuated in 1815, at £175 a-year, and just ten years after 
 debouched again as store-keeper at Mauritius, at £400 salary. f 
 
 Of those who are receiving compensations until otherwise provided 
 for, the following may be taken as specimens. Henry Hallam, Esq. 
 late commissioner of stamps, £500 a-year ; Charles Jolly, examiner of 
 taxes, £230 ; J. D. Smith, landing waiter, £375 ; Alexander Cleg- 
 horn, inspector of imports, £416 ; John Hughes, an unattached bar- 
 rack-master, £182 ; W. R. Marshall, clerk of survey, Woolwich, £450; 
 Pierce Edgecumbe, clerk, Chatham-yard, £416. Separately these 
 •pro tempore allowances are not of much consequence ; but when the 
 number of them comes to be considerable, it raises the total amount to 
 a serious sum. After] all, it is not clerks and other small fry whom 
 we first wish to see cut down ; it is the great consumers of taxes — the 
 high Aristocracy, who, with extensive domains, enjoy valuable sinecures, 
 and receive enormous salaries, and especially such pensioners as Eldon, 
 Bexley, Grenville, Wynford, Sidmouth, and others of that calibre, 
 whom we desire to see curtailed. 
 
 * Third Report on the Public Income and Expenditure ; Parliamentary 
 Papers, vol. v. Sess. 1828. 
 t Parliamentary Paper, No. 450, Sess. 1830.
 
 SALARIES AND PENSIONS AHOVE £1000. 497 
 
 Cojumissioners of Inquiry. — ^These form a numerous and burthen- 
 6ome class, most of them receiving salaries of from £1000 to £1500. 
 They aie a sort of servants of servants ; being set on foot by those 
 who ought to be the seivauts of the people, to do the Avoi-k which 
 they themselves have been deputed to perform. The ostensible objects 
 of most of the commissions now in operation are, to inquire into the 
 laws and judicial administration, to inquire into the state of public 
 charities, the national records, the duties, salaries, and emoluments 
 in courts of justice in Ireland, the management in certain branches 
 of the revenue in Great Britain, and the state of the Scotch Univer- 
 sities. The labours of some commissions, it cannot be denied, have 
 been productive of the most beneficial results ; others have been in- 
 stituted merely as pretexts for jobs, to extort more plunder from the 
 people. The unpaid services of parliamentaiy committees have con- 
 tributed, more than any other form of inquiry, to the exposition and 
 amendment of public abuses. 
 
 SALARIES AND PENSIONS LXCEEDING ONE THOUSAND POUNDS. 
 
 Great as are the salaries, pensions, and emoluments of individuals, it 
 must be constantly borne in mind that these constitute the smallest part 
 of the advantages, or perhaps we may term it corruptive influence, to 
 which otficial men are exposed. The most important, the most seduc- 
 tive, and most tempting adjuncts to public offices of the higher grade 
 are the vast patronage, the power and personal consideration they 
 confer on the possessors. In this consists the great difference between 
 government employments and the pursuits of trade and commerce. 
 There are, we doubt not, individual merchants and manufacturers who 
 do — or at least have — realized an annual profit equal to the salaries of a 
 first lord of the Treasury, Secretary of State, the Chief Justice, or even 
 the Lord Chancellor. But observe the difference in their respective 
 situations ; observe tlie dazzling and glittering elevation of the state 
 functionaries ; observe the good things they have at their disposal — the 
 benefices, bishoprics, commissionerships of customs and excise; the 
 clerkships, registrarships, and secretaryships, worth from £1000 to 
 £10,000 a year — and think of the opportunities afforded by these splen- 
 did gifts for enriching their families and friends — and think, too, of the 
 delightful incense of adulation and obsequiousness the dispensers of 
 such favours must inhale, and of the host of fawning sycophants, ex- 
 pectants, and dependents, they must every whci-e raise up around them. 
 Here are the real sweets of office, the delicious flavour of which can 
 never be tasted by a mercantile man, however successful in his vocation. 
 
 What is it which makes individuals seek anxiously to be placed in 
 the magistracy, or sacrifice a fortr.ne for a scat in the House of Com- 
 mons ? It is not the direct salary or emoluments, for there are none ; 
 it is the power and the chance of obtaining power, and the personal con- 
 
 •J K
 
 498 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 sideration it gives. A directorship in the Bank of Eni^land, or in the 
 East-India Company is comparatively unprofitahle, excoptfrom opening 
 a wide field for valuable appointments and individual influence. But if 
 objects like these can rouse up to an intense degree human cupidity, 
 how much more must it be excited by a chance of obtaining- the great 
 prizes of state, which yield not only great direct emolument, but bound- 
 less patronage, and an authority and pageantry almost regal ! 
 
 In considering, therefore, the salaries of civil and judicial officers, it 
 is always necessary to bear in mind that they form only a single element 
 in the multifarious advantages of their situations. The patronage of 
 most public officers would be ample remuneration ; and were it limited 
 to that alone, we have no appiehension there would be a dearth of 
 candidates for official employments, no more than there are for the 
 magistracy, shrievalties, custos rotulorum, lord lieutenancies, and other 
 unpaid services. 
 
 We have been drawn into these observations from reflecting on a 
 singular public document before us, and of the contents of which we 
 shall give the reader some account. We have hitherto spoken of place- 
 men and pensioners generally ; we shall now direct attention to the 
 highest class, whose emoluments ea:ceefZ£lOOO ■per annum, and of which 
 a return has been made to parliament.* Why Sir James Graham re- 
 stricted his motion to tax and fee-eaters of the transcendental order, it is 
 not easy to conjecture ; perhaps it is the intention of the Whig ministry 
 to make £1000 the maximum of official remuneration, — a proposition 
 which the community would hail with great thankfulness as one of the 
 most effective blows ever aimed at sinecurism, deputyships, and aristo- 
 crat idlers. Our opinion indeed is that, with a few exceptions, the 
 emoluments of no public officer ought to exceed £1000 ; few persons 
 with higher incomes will work, and they only tend to generate a taste 
 for luxury, equipage, club-houses, gambling', and the frivolities and dis- 
 sipation of fashionable life. 
 
 To come, however, to an analysis of the return to which we have 
 alluded. It comprises 955 individuals whose incomes amount to 
 £2,161,927, averaging £2261 each; there are ybr^y-^?(;o persons whose 
 incomes are not less than £5000 each, and whose united incomes 
 amount to £339,809; and there are eleven individuals whose incomes 
 are not less than £10,000 each, and who altogether receive £139,817 
 per annum. Of the whole 956 names the following is a classification, 
 showing the total income of the several classes, and the average income 
 of each individual. 
 
 * Pavlianienlary I'aper, No. 23, Session 1830-1.
 
 CLASSIFICATION OF OFFICIALS — LAWYERS. 499 
 
 Classification of 956 Placemen and Pensioners whose Salaries, 
 Promts, Pay, Fees, and Einoluments exceeded, January 5, 1830, 
 £1000 per Annui7i. 
 
 No. of Total Average 
 
 Officers. De.'cripuon. Emoluments. Income. 
 
 350 Civil Officers £G98,80.-) £1997 
 
 50 Court of Chancery 137,216 2744 
 
 112 King's Bench and other Judicial Onicers.. 338,0.51 3023 
 
 100 Ambassadors and Consuls 256,780 .... 2.567 
 
 134 Military Officers 240,847 1794 
 
 36 Ordnance and Artillery .50,15.5 1390 
 
 19 Naval Officers 39,835 2076 
 
 147 Colonial Officers , 378,996 2578 
 
 8 Officers of the House of Commons 20, 642 .... 2567 
 
 The lawyers evidently profit most by the system ; their average emo- 
 luments e.xceed those of any other class ; the civilians of all classes are 
 better remunerated than the military ; and the officers of the army 
 rather better than those of the na\^\ The worst paid are employes in 
 the Ordnance; thisjjranch of the service requiring^ men of science and 
 application, is not sought after by the great families, and hence we 
 observe the xvorkinn of our aristocratical government in this department 
 as in every other ; the most meritorious and arduous duty not being 
 performed by the Oligarchy and their dependents, it is rewarded by the 
 fewest number and least valuable prizes. 
 
 It is not, however, by averaging the incomes of public functionaries 
 tliat we see the iniquities of the System in its most conspicuous . light. 
 In the state, as in the church, the most flagrant abuse consists in plu- 
 ralities, in the power which individuals of title, influence, and con- 
 nexion have to heap upon themselves, families, and friends, a multiplicity 
 of offices. Next to this abuse is that of patronage. We know that the 
 direct income of a lord of the Treasury, or a secretary of state, is very 
 considerable, and that of a lord chief justice or lord chancellor is enor- 
 mous ; but what is that to the value of their patronage. All their 
 immense patronage is so much direct revenue, and we know that it is 
 applied as such in making provisions for sons, sons-in-law, and collaterals. 
 We might cite the Bathursts, Manners, Abbotts, Scotts, and others ; 
 but we think the subject has been already sufficiently illustrated, and 
 further proof will be found in our Place and Pension List. 
 
 Of all classes who prey on the community the lawyers require to be 
 most narrowly watched. By the classification above it is evident they 
 have contrived to have more sumptuous pickings than any other de- 
 scription of employes, official, military, or naval. They are talkers by 
 profession, and the gift of tongues enables them to set forth their claims 
 and withstand reduction of emolument with superior eflect and cla- 
 mour. The claim for legal fees has been a principal obstacle to judicial 
 reform, and it has only been by the most extravagant concessions this 
 
 2 K -2
 
 oOO IM-ACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 obstacle has been surmounted. The lavish settlement for the sinecures 
 in equity under the Bankruptcy Court Act we have before noticed. It 
 has been the same in the common law courts. Under the 1 Will. IV. 
 c. 58, commissioners were appointed to ascertain the value of legal fees 
 received in the superior courts, and fix a rate of compensation for them 
 according to their average amount in the ten preceding years. But it 
 was found on inquiry that several fees and emoluments had been received 
 in the courts, the ^e^oZi^?/ of which it was difficult to determine. Here 
 then was a case of doubt, and the question was, who were to have the 
 benefit of it, the public or the profession. The " Guardians of the 
 Public Purse" certainly ought to have guarded the weal of the former ; 
 but they did not. Under the same legal intelligence, we presume, as 
 that which advised the continuance of the payment of the Russo-Dutch 
 loan, another act was passed the 1 & 2 Will. IV. c. 35, by which it was 
 provided that all fees, whether legal or extortionate, which had arisen 
 or been received within the preceding fifty years, should be allowed by 
 the commissioners. Further, if any more doubts arose as to the legality 
 or reasonableness of such fees, to whom does the reader imagine the 
 commissioners were to refer ? — To the lords of the treasury, to 
 Mr. Gordon, or to some other impartial tribunal perhaps — No ! by all 
 that is inept and ridiculous, they were to refer to the judges of the court 
 in which the questionable fees had been received, and by whom the fee- 
 gatherers are appointed ! 
 
 REDUCTIONS OF THE WHIG MINISTRY. 
 
 It is much more agreeable to our nature to praise than to blame, and 
 we regret the subject of this section is not more copious. From some 
 paragraphs in the newspapers we were led to infer the Whigs had 
 effected great things in the public departments ; but on examining more 
 authentic sources of information Ave find that all they have effected is, 
 to adopt the expressive phraseology of the Paymaster of the Forces, a 
 mere flea-bite. It is only by a general reduction, as contended at the 
 commencement of this chapter, of one-third or other fractional part in 
 nil public salaries, pensions, fees, and emoluments, that any material 
 improvement can be accomplished. Next to this, a plan of direct 
 taxation ought to be substituted for the expensive, trumpery, and 
 inquisitorial fiscal system matured under Mr. Pitt and his successors. 
 We liave before alluded to this subject, and shall leave it to proceed to 
 our more immediate object. 
 
 First, it appears that the salary of the Lord Chancellor is to be 
 regulated, but it is not said it is to be reduced. We affirm, however, 
 it ought to be reduced, and greatly too. It is monstrous that a man 
 who, perhaps, the day before was squabbling at the circuit mess, or 
 pleading some paltry cause for a five-guinea fee, should be at once 
 thrust into an office worth £15,000 a year. It is an income enough for 
 a KING, and is a great deal too much for a king's clerk. The salaries 
 of tlie other equity judges, as also of the judges of the common law
 
 REDUCTIONS OF THE WHIG MINISTUY. 501 
 
 courts, ought all to be reduced ; they are enormously too high, and 
 wholly unsuited to the times. 
 
 The salary of the First Lord of theTreasury is to be continued at £5000 
 per annum, but if the office is held in conjunction with the chancellor- 
 ship of the Exchequer, the salary of the latter is to be reduced one-half, 
 making the net income of the two £7500. Here not a farthing is 
 given up, but a contingent saving may be eftected by the Whig suc- 
 cessors in office, for whose benefit no doubt this admirable arrangmeent 
 is intended. 
 
 The salary of the Chancellor of the Exchequer is £5,398 : it is to be 
 reduced to £5000 net — Here, John Bull, £398 is saved — take it and 
 be thankful ! 
 
 The junior lords of the Treasury are paid £1220 each : they are to be 
 reduced to £1200 — Here, John, is a whole twenty pounds saved. 
 This is economy at any rate. Upon my word this is cutting away right 
 and left in grand style ! But here follows something more substantial. 
 The joint secretaries of the Treasury are to receive £2500 in lieu of 
 £3500 ; the three principal secretaries of State £5000 in lieu of 
 £6000; and the under-secretaries of State £1500 in lieu of £2000. My 
 Lord President of the Council is to receive £2000, by which £840 : 17:4 
 is saved — a sura not to be sneezed at in these times, and for which 
 many a man would be truly thankful. My Lord Privy Seal, who is my 
 Lord Grey's son-in-law, is to receive the net income of his predecessor in 
 office : but lord Durham is a noble-minded man, and has declined receiving 
 any salary. The first Lord of the Admiralty to be reduced from £5000 to 
 £4500 ; the first secretary from £3000 to £2000, with an addition of 
 £500 after five years' service. Nothing is said about the junior lords 
 of the Admiralty. The income of the President of the Board of Control 
 to be reduced from £5000 to £3500 ; that of the paid commissioners 
 from £1500 to £1200; and that of the secretary from £1500 to £1200. 
 The Judge Advocate General is to be reduced to a net salary of £2000, 
 which is enough during peace, when standing armies arc unlawful. 
 The reductions at the Ordnance Board are too meagre to merit special 
 notice. The salary of the Postmaster General is to be continued, in consi- 
 deration of his reaZ duties, and of the laborious duties of Sir F. Freeling, 
 who is amply remunerated at the rate of £5000 a year. The ranger- 
 ship of the parks, a sinecure, to be abolished. The Master of the Mint 
 to receive £2000 in lieu of £3000. The Keeper of the Great Seal of 
 Scotland to receive nothing except fees. The chief secretary of 
 Ireland to receive £5500 — a responsible oifice — but too highly paid and 
 out of proportion with the incomes of the Premier and Home Secretary. 
 The auditorship of the Civil List has been annexed to the Treasury, by 
 which a saving of £1500 a year has been effected. The offices of 
 receivers general of the taxes, except in the London district, have been 
 abolished, and their duties annexed to the offices of inspectors of taxes. 
 Other offices abolished or reduced, are considerable ; among them the 
 Vice-Treasurer, king's Stationer, and Post- Master- General in Ireland ;
 
 502 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GPtANTS. 
 
 the Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance and Clerk of Deliveries ; Trea- 
 surer of the Military College and the Treasurer of the Military' Asylum ; 
 sixty inferior offices in the Post-Oifice department ; four Commissioners 
 of the Navy and Victualling- departments, two Commissoners of the Dock- 
 yards, seventy-one clerks, and the Paymaster of Marines ; two Com- 
 missioners each of the boards of Excise and Customs : in all 210 officers 
 have been reduced. Considerable savings have been made in diplomatic 
 and consular charges and naval superannuations. The Board of Woods 
 and Forests and Board of Works have been consolidated. Several offices 
 too have been consolidated, which will be noticed in the List. 
 
 Upon the whole, after going moi-e minutely into the subject than Ave 
 had done at the commencement of this section, we are bound honestly 
 to declare that the Whigs merit the gratitude and confidence of the 
 country for the reductions eftected ; they have not been idle, and some 
 allowance must be made for the momentous question they have had to 
 battle in the Legislature, from the moment of first entering into office. 
 They have, however, delayed too long the repeal of the vile Pension 
 Act of 1817. 
 
 Having treated on the several subjects of this chapter, it only remains 
 to recapitulate ; the public documents, from which the several accounts 
 have been taken, having been already cited, need not be repeated in the 
 subjoined summary. It will also be observed, that the expenditure of 
 the Crow n and Royal Family is omitted, that having been fully detailed 
 in a former part of this work. 
 
 A Statement of the Annual Expenditure of the United Kingdom, in 
 Salaries, Pensions, Sinecures, Half-pay, Sujoerannuations, Cotn- 
 pensations, and Allowances. 
 
 Salaries of 22,912 persons employed in the public offices £2,788,907 
 
 Retired full-pay, half-pay, superannuations, pensions, and allowances 
 
 in the army 2,939,052 
 
 Ditto ditto in the Navy 1,583,797 
 
 Ditto ditto in the Ordnance 374,987 
 
 Superannuated allowances in the civil departments of government. . 478,967 
 
 Pensions 777,556 
 
 Pensions in the nature of compensations for the loss of offices 
 
 in England 12,020 
 
 Ditto in Ireland, chiefly in consequence of the Union 89,245 
 
 Annual value of sinecure offices 356,555 
 
 Commissioners of Inquiry 56,299 
 
 £9,457,985
 
 PROFLIGACY OF TORY POLITICIANS. 503 
 
 Can any one believe that, in these few items, a saving of at least 
 three millions might not be effected ? And with a saving- even to this 
 amount, how many oppressive taxes might be repealed ! If we further 
 extend our view to other departments of the government, and to the 
 courts of law, the civil list, the colonies, the monopolies of the Bank 
 and East-India Company, the established church, and the corn-laws, 
 what an ample field presents itself to our consideration for the relief of 
 this suffering and oppressed community. 
 
 But will government ever avail itself of these vast resources as the 
 means of national amelioration? Not under the existing system. 
 Effective retrenchment, without a previous parliamentary reform, is a 
 chimera. To retrench is to weaken ; the true policy of the Oligarchy 
 is to spend, not to save. There are, no doubt, scores, nay, hundreds of 
 offices and establishments useless, indeed, to the people, but invaluable 
 to their rulers. The greater the sinecure, the greater its importance to 
 the Aristocracy; and the very reason urged by the people for its ex- 
 tinction, is the strongest argument for its retention by their oppressors. 
 Could government only reward its servants according to their.deserts, 
 Avhat inducement would there be to enter into its service ? Who would 
 incur the odium of such employment ! How could it obtain adherents ? 
 How could it so long have had zealous supporters in every part of the 
 empire, and carried on a detestable system, subversive of the rights, 
 and incompatible with the happiness of the community ? 
 
 Ever since the death of Fox and Pitt there has been scarcely an indi- 
 vidual with the least pretension to the endowments of a statesman in the 
 administration. Look over the roll of the Percevals, Vansittarts, Cas- 
 tlereaghs, Jenkinsons, Cannings, Sidmouths, Huskissons, and Scotts, 
 and say, if there is one that did not deserve a halter, or whose proper 
 place was not behind a counter, in lieu of directing the resolves of a 
 legislative assembly. Yet by these, and such as these, were the desti- 
 nies of this great empire swayed for upwards of twenty years. Can we 
 wonder at the frightful results of their empyrical statesmanship ? Can 
 we wonder that they bequeathed to their successors, convulsion, decay, 
 and death, in every fibre of the kingdom? But incapable, vile, and 
 unprincipled as these men were, ignorant and reckless, as experience 
 has proved them to be, of the ultimate issues of their measures ; still 
 these scions of the Pitt school were too sagacious ever to think that 
 retrenchment and rotten boroughs were compatible elements of the con- 
 stitution. They knew better ; they had been too long f imiliar with the 
 secret pulses and springs of the state machinery to commit so egregious 
 a mistake. Their dependence was on force and corruption ; on the 
 bayonets of the military, and the annual expenditure of eighty millions 
 of money. These formed the right and left hands, the master princi- 
 ples of their policy. The support they could not bribe they sought to 
 intimidate. Such was their black and iron system ; it lasted their time, 
 or the time of most of the pillaging and hypocritical crew ; and for any 
 thing beyond they did not care a rush ! 
 
 Let us hope that we are on the eve of bettei- times, tliat we shall
 
 o04 IT.ArES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 not be deluded by temporary expedients and professions, put forth 
 merely to gain time for plundering, nor quack remedies to be followed 
 by mortal maladies ; in short, let us hope the Whig ministry will pro- 
 ceed on scientific principles, and that we shall have a parliamentary 
 reform first, and next such an effective retrenchment and disposition of 
 public burthens as will afford real national relief. 
 
 " Corruption wins not more than honesty;" and the true end of g'o- 
 vernment is not difficult to attain. It is simply to augment social hap- 
 piness — affording equal security to the property and persons of every 
 individual,— protecting the weak against the strong, — the ])oor against 
 the rich ; in short, by guarding against the extremes of indigence and 
 crime, luxury and vice, and spreading an equilibrium of comfort and 
 enjoyment through all ranks, by good laws, wisely conceived, promptly 
 and impartially administered. 
 
 It is a cheap and admirable contrivance, when established on the rights, 
 and supported by the confidence of the public. There is then no need 
 of standing armies in time of peace. There is no need of expending 
 sixteen millions a year in support of naval and military establishments. 
 There is no need of a Sinking Fund as a resource for future war. 
 Government is strong* in the affections of the people. It is prepared for 
 every exigence, and must ahvays be invincible against domestic foes 
 and foreign aggressors. But, if government has not this support ; if it 
 is looked upon only as an instrument of rapacity and extortion ; if it is 
 looked upon as a legalized system of pillage, fraud, and delusion; if it 
 is looked upon only as an artful cabal of tyrants united for plunder and 
 oppression ; then must such a government, instead of being a cheap 
 and simple institution, be a complex and expensive establishment — 
 strong, not in the people, but in its means of corruption, delusion, and 
 intimidation. 
 
 The English government had been long approximating to the latter 
 predicament. It had ceased to possess the respect and confidence of 
 the people, and governed by over-awing the weak, deluding the 
 ignorant, and corrupting the baser part of the community. The latter 
 — its power of corruption — its means of rewarding its adherents bv the 
 spoil of the j)eople, is the great lever by which it has operated. This 
 power, its connexion and influence, as exhibited in the church-esta- 
 blishment, the judicial administration, the public offices and depart- 
 ments, chartered monopolies, and corporate bodies, we have fully ex- 
 posed ; and it only now remains to record the names and emoluments of 
 those who chiefly profit by its abuses and perversions.
 
 ALPHABETIC LIST 
 
 OF 
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, 
 GRANTS, AND COMPENSATIONS. 
 
 EXPLANATIONS. 
 
 The subjoined List has been principally prepared from the Parliamentary 
 Papers Nos, 480, 47'J, 95, 273, 587, and 58, of the Sessions, 18:J0 ; from Nos. 
 23,42, and 5G of Session, 1830-1 ; and from Nos. 345, 249, l(i7, 55, 108, and 
 337 of the Session of 1831. AV' e have been also indebtetl to the Annual Finance 
 Accounts, and to otlier official returns for pensions payable by the East-India 
 Company, and out of the fee-funds of tiie public departments. 
 
 The same system of mystification and perplexity is observable in the payment 
 of salaries and pensions as in other departments of the public accounts. The 
 incomes of placemen, for example, arise partly from salaries paid by govern- 
 ment and partly from fees paid by individuals. Pensions are paid out of at 
 least half a score of different funds and by nearly as many dillerent authorities. 
 Some are parliamentary pensions charged on ihe revenue of taxes ; others are 
 court pensions, charged on the Civil List; otliers are ministerial pensions, 
 charged on tlie 4§ per Cent. Leeward Island Duties ; and other pensions are 
 granted under the authority of the 57 Geo. III. and 6 Geo. IV. ; and then 
 again an immense number of pensions have been granted under authority of 
 50 Geo. IIL c. 117, which empowers the lords of the Treasui7 to award pen- 
 sions payable out of the fees received in the public offices. These are exclusive 
 of pensions payable by tlie East-India Company, and out of the colonial reve- 
 nues of Ceylon, Mauritus, and other dependencies. Some individuals have 
 been fortunate enough to obtain pensions on several funds ; others again iiave 
 had two or three or four pensions granted in succession, ciiarged on the same 
 fund. This complication of funds and payments has been tlie growth of cen- 
 turies ; it hiis been partially remedied during earl Grey's ministry, but the dis- 
 order is of too long standing and too widely spread to admit of easy and etVcc- 
 tual cure. 
 
 To the people the distinctions of the Civil List, Consolidated Fund, 4*^ per Cent. 
 Fund, Fee Fund, Kegium Donum, &c. are comparatively unimportant; it is suffi- 
 cient for them to know that all salaries, pensions, fees, compensations, and 
 allowances, by whomsoever granted, or out of whatever fund paid, ultimately 
 proceed from the produceof industry, and that the misapplication of them for any 
 other than effective public services, or for services that have been already suffi- 
 ciently remunerated by patronage or emolument, is nothing better than peculation 
 and robbery, whether committed by the king, his ministers, or the houses of i>ar- 
 iiameiit. 
 
 We thought at hist of giving separate lists of the membei;, of the Pri\y Coun- 
 cil, the House of Peers, and the House of Commons, holding places, pensions,
 
 506 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 commissions, or emoluments, but on tiiis ])lan the reader mif^lit have been often 
 Hi a loss under ^vhat head to look for individuals ; whereas, having adopted an 
 alphabetic arrangement, every fai ility is allorded for direct reference to any 
 name or title. AH the sums put down, whether salaries, pensions, compensa- 
 tions, or other denomination, are annual payments, and nith respect to salaries 
 they are the amount ap,reeably to the scale of reduction of the present Minis- 
 ters. Where a daleis inserted, it refers to the year when the i)lace was obtained 
 or tlic pension first granted. From the salaries and pensions returned have been 
 deducted all exchequer fees and duties, and tliey are tiie net amount actually re- 
 ceived. It is unnecessary to observe that all the salaries are not exorbitant, 
 nor all the pensions undeserved, but this is a point we leave to the reader's 
 discrimination. 
 
 The List is corrected to Veh. 1832 without the alteration of a single item in 
 the otlicial returns, further than by tlie omission of the shillings and pence, with 
 which, though the honourable and right honourables have condescended to re- 
 ceive them, we did not think necessary to occupy our pages. In our illus- 
 trative notes of the pensioners we have been much aided by the searching ex- 
 positions of Colonel Jones. 
 
 Abbot, Thomas, clerk at nisi prius to the chief justice 
 
 Abbott, John, Henry, marshal and associate to the chief justice 
 The last is the son of lord Tenterden, and the preceding a 
 nepliew. It is said the principal difficulty in the retirement of the 
 chief justice of the king's bench, is the condition his lordship 
 insists upon, that the Hon. John Henry shall retain his offices, and 
 atibrds another instance of the obstacles presented by exorbitant 
 fees and emoluments to needful improvements. No new appoint- 
 ment ought to be made, nor the old one much longer continued with- 
 out the abolition of the remanet fees. It is no fault of the suitor 
 which makes his case a remanet, and the delay of his trial accu- 
 mulates legal expenses enough upon him, without being heavily 
 taxed every term by the marshal and asssociate for court fees. 
 
 Aberdeen, R. collector of customs, Bridge Town, Barbadoes' • 
 
 Abergavenny, earl of, compensation for inspectorship of prose- 
 cutions in customs 
 
 A sinecure abolished twenty years since, and surely the public 
 has paid money enough for an office so long declared useless by 
 statute. The earl has sixteen rectories and two vicarages in his 
 gift ; two sons and a nephew in the church. 
 
 Abercrombie, lord, hereditary pension by act of parliament' • 
 
 Abercrombie, J. brother of the preceding ; lord chief baron of 
 the court of exchequer, Scotland 
 
 Adair, Robert Sir, minister to Belgium 
 
 Adair, Robeit, Diana, and Elizabeth, pension Irish civil list* • 
 
 Adam, W. G. accomptant-general, court of chancer)' 
 
 Adam, William, lord chief commissioner of jury court, Scotland 
 
 Adam, major-gen. Sir F. col. 73d foot, unattached pay 
 
 Staff pay as lieut.-gen. in the Ionian Islands 
 
 Pension for wounds 
 
 Adams, W. D. commissioners of woods and forests 
 
 Late comptroller of the lottery 
 
 Addington, Henry Unwin, minister at Madrid 
 
 Alton, W. T. director-general of his majesty's gardens 
 
 Alexander, sirW. late chief baron of the court of exchequer- • 
 
 £1000 
 2665 
 
 2000 
 1545 
 
 2000 
 
 4000 
 3600 
 
 445 
 3184 
 4000 
 
 434 
 1383 
 
 300 
 1200 
 
 375 
 3802 
 1400 
 3500
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 507 
 
 Albemarle, earl of, master of the horse 
 
 Can the niagnit-ucle of the civil list be matter of surprise when 
 such enormous salaries as this are paid out of it ? £1()U0 would 
 be enoufjih for any master of the horse. It misht liave been ex- 
 pected such a great county meetin}; patriot as my lord Albemarle 
 and the (ather-in-law of the veteran Whia;, Mr. (,'oke, would have 
 made his first appearance in public in some other capacity than a 
 court lord. 
 
 Alderson, sir E. H. puisne judge common pleas' 
 
 Alison, John, distributor of stamps for Dundee, Sept. 1828- • 
 Late stamp-master of linen, Scotland 
 
 Allen, Frances, viscountess, pension, civil list, July 1799 .• • 
 Additional, on civil list, Oct. 1 800 
 
 Allen, viscount, pension on civil list, Sept. 1821 
 
 Could not this noble lord pay his subscriptions at M'hite's, 
 Brookes's, and CrockCord's — his journeys to and from Paris, and 
 his cabriolet, without the paltry pension attadied to his name? 
 
 Allen, L, B. one of the six clerks in chancery 
 
 Althorp, lord, chancellor of the exchequer 
 
 One cannot help agreein*; in the high opinion commonly enter- 
 tained of lord Althorp, but he has fallen in troublesome times, and 
 got the most irksome post in the administration. The halcyon days 
 for chancellors of the exchequer were duvinir the sway of Pitt, 
 I'eiceval, and Vansittart; those days of increasing establishments — 
 granting pensions — multiplying boards and offices — and dispensing 
 the other sweets of ollicial life. It was then all plain sailing ; the 
 chief dirticulty was to spend enough, not to raise the means— a 
 ••^weeping loan of twenty or thirty millions, backed by a never-fail- 
 ing majority of three or four hundred members, covered every 
 dericit. Hut these are times of pinching economy and abridgment, and 
 all schfines of linance, except such as are comprised in tiie simple 
 recipe of a reduction of expenditure, are repudiated. The truth i.>. 
 the Whigs have succeeded to a bankrupt concern, and when mi- 
 nisters announced in the (iazetle in January that the cxpen<lilure 
 exceeded the income, the dockvt was struck. Ue hope, however, 
 when lord Althorp next gets hold of a good thing, he will neither be 
 ballled out of it by jobbers in city articles, nor jo!)bers in 'Change- 
 Alley. I'or our jiarls wc coukl never see any valid objection to the 
 proposed tax on the transfer of funded property in a country where 
 the transfer of property ef every other description, down to a 
 trumpery receipt or promissory note, is subjected to duty. If by 
 any contrivance mere stock-jobbing could be made a source of 
 revenue, it would be an improvement in morals and police as well 
 as linance. It is quite preposterous to be constantly taking out 
 executions against the " hells" at the West Knd, or to legislate 
 against thimble-ring and little-goes, while the giant I'andemunium 
 adjoining the Auction Mart is tolerated in all its exuberance and 
 ramilications of iniquity. 
 
 Alves, H. S, senior clerk, India board 
 
 Master of the mint, Scotland 
 
 Amcdroz, K. F. clerk of first class. Admiralty, Jan. 17119 •• 
 
 Translator of foreign papers, 1 80(> 
 
 Amherst, earl, lord of the bedcliambor 
 
 Hereditary |>ension, by act of parliament 
 
 £3350 
 
 5.500 
 445 
 151 
 266 
 88 
 266 
 
 1217 
 
 5000 
 
 900 
 390 
 780 
 100 
 800 
 3000
 
 .308 
 
 I'LACKS, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 This is one of tlie most objectionable of the hercilitnry pensions. 
 It was transniilted by the uncle of the peer, sir JeflVey Amherst, a 
 favourite of George III. and placed by him at the head of the 
 army ; when, as commander-in-chief, he introduced and protected 
 such bare-faced jobbing and traffic in commissions as both disgraced 
 and ruined our military power. The loyalty of that day was not to 
 entertain even a suspicion of the misconduct of the individual who 
 had the ear of royalty, however flagrant, and thus the court favourite 
 died in the full enjoyment of the rewards of his baseness, and left 
 the army of England to his successor as a body in name than in 
 reality. 
 
 The services of lord Amherst in Canada were of no great import- 
 ance, yet they were r-ewarded with the extravagant pension of 
 £3000 a year — £1000 more than was ever voted by a squandering 
 house of commons to the hereos of the peninsular war. The pre- 
 sent Earl cannot object to have one-half, or at least one-third of his 
 unearned hereditary allowance cut-ofl'. It may be urged, indeed, 
 that this pension was granted by act of parliament, and therefore 
 irrevocable ; but what more mutable and evanescent ihan acts of 
 parliament? are they not constantly being repealed, altered, and 
 amended ? what progress could be made in the improvement of the 
 judicial administration were not hundreds of unintelligible and in- 
 applicable statutes abrogated. Grants and conveyances of property 
 are constantly being set aside in courts of equity for want of a good 
 title or adequate consideration ; and why should the whole mass of 
 pensions, allowances, and compensations be held more sacred ? It 
 is sheer nonsense to think about the existing generation and pos- 
 terity being tied up for ever by the folly, ignorance, prodigality, and 
 short-sightedness of their progenitors. 
 
 Amyot, T. registrar of colonial slaves ■ 
 
 Compensation for loss of office of registrar in Canada 
 
 Anglesey, marquis of, lord lieutenant of Ireland 
 
 Colonel of the 7th dragoons 
 
 The salary of the viceroy was reduced £7,000 in 1830; it still 
 looks great, but according to the evidence of Mr. Stanley, the lord- 
 lieutenant is constantly out of pocket by the appointment. The 
 marquis is a brave and w ell-intentioned man, and we should be glad 
 to hear he had got rid of the tic dolour eux. 
 
 Angell, J. chief clerk, ordnance office 
 
 Anson, sir George, M.P. for Lichfield ; lieut.-gen. and col. of 
 4th dragoon guards 
 
 His nephew, lord Lichfield, is master of the stag-bounds. 
 Another nephew a lieutenant-colone! — and other relations in the 
 army and church — one, a nephew, is prebendary of Southwell. 
 
 Anstruther, P. collector of revenue, Ceylon 
 
 Antrobus, G. C. M.P. for Plympton; sec. of legation, Naples 
 Arden, C. G. Perceval, lord, registrar of the court of Admiralty 
 This sum was the gross amount of his lordship's income during 
 the war ; — deductions were given in to the amount of £26,012, 
 making his not income £12,562. In the late return of incomes 
 exceeding £1000, the court of Admiralty was omitted, .so we have 
 no authentic means of estimating his lordship's emoluments siuce 
 the peace. His disinterc'^ted loyalty was marvellously excmplilied 
 in an animated speech hr once made in (ho upper house, in defence 
 of reversionary grants ; asserting that an attempt to abolish them was
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 509 
 
 an " indecent attack upon the king's lawful prerogative.'' His lord- 
 ship has two sons in the churcli ancj another in tlie navy. Two 
 nephews hold sinecures in the exchequer. Otlicr relatives are in 
 the array and colonies — one, U. IJourke, is governor of New South 
 Wales. 
 Arthur, Colonel, lieutenant-g'overnor. Van Dieman's Land • • 
 
 Arnaud, E. collector of customs, Liverpool 
 
 Arbuthnot, major-gen. sir T. staff, western district, Ireland • • 
 
 Unattached pay as major-general 
 
 Pension for a wound 
 
 Arbuthnot, Henry, commissioner of audit 
 
 Arbuthnot, Catharine, pension on civil list, 1804 
 
 Arbuthnot, Harriet, pension on civil list, 1 823 
 
 M'ife of a veteran placeman, wliose pension on the death of 
 George I\'. was Ihe subject of amusing discussion and inquiry. 
 Archdall, Mervyn, M.P. for Fermanagh ; a general and lieut- 
 
 governor of the Isle of Wight* • • • • 
 
 Argyle, duke of, keeper of the great seal, Scotland • • 
 
 A sinecure ; the salary, which constituted nearly the whole 
 emolument of this appointment, has been withdrawn by ministers. 
 
 Arnold, J. R. lieut-col. royal engineers, 1814 
 
 Extra pay, commanding engineer, northern district- • 
 
 Allowance for a servant 
 
 Pension for wounds, 1816 
 
 Ashworth, Robert, pension on civil list, 1787 
 
 Ash worth, Henrietta, pension on civil list 
 
 Ashworth, Frederick, pension on civil list 
 
 Ashworth, Charles, pension on civil list 
 
 Ashton, A, secretaiT and charge d'affaires at Rio de Janeiro- • 
 Athlone, earl of, hereditary pension, by act of parliament • • • • 
 This family, tlie De (Unkells, came over with M iliiam III. in 1C88, 
 and was one of his instruments of oppression in Ireland. It was re- 
 warded by a jrrant of 20,000 acres of land, the forfeited possessions 
 of the earl of Limerick. Tiiis grant was reversed by parliament, 
 and the fanuly retired to Holland, whence they returned on the ex- 
 pulsion of the Stadtholder. The Earl took his seat in the Irish 
 house of lords in 1795, and reclaimed his pension. In 182'.i the ninth 
 Karl of the name died, and he was succeeded in the title and pen- 
 sion by his son George, a child now in the eleventh year of his age. 
 
 Auckland, lord, master of the mint and pres. board of trade- • 
 
 Pension on civil list, Jult/ 1814 
 
 Pension out of 4^ per cent, fund, July 1820 
 
 Aiidley, lord, pension on civil list, 1 821 
 
 Hoss Donnelly, father-in-law of the pensioner, a vice-admiral. 
 
 Avonmore, viscount, late registrar, court of chancery, Ireland 
 Aylmcr, lieut.-gen. lord, colonel 56th foot, and governor of 
 
 Canada ■ 
 
 Pension on Ihe civil list, Feb. 178.'^ 
 
 By act of parliament, Ireland 
 
 Backliouse, John and .J. Lewis, pensions out of 4/, per cents.- • 
 
 £1500 
 
 2500 
 891 
 310 
 300 
 
 1200 
 138 
 938 
 
 1397 
 fees 
 
 330 
 
 165 
 
 27 
 
 300 
 
 1072 
 
 266 
 
 266 
 
 177 
 
 1368 
 
 2000 
 
 2000 
 300 
 400 
 462 
 
 4199 
 
 10,000 
 356 
 .553 
 500
 
 510 J'lwVCKS, PKNSIONS, SINRCUUES, AND f;ilANTS. 
 
 Backhouse, John, under secretary of state 
 
 Rcceiver-gononil of excise 
 
 Badger, A. auditor for land revenue, Wales 
 
 Baf^ot, W. receiver of taxes for the Westminster district • • • • 
 
 Bagot, sir C. ambassador to the Hague 
 
 ^ Brotlier of tlio Ijishop of Oxford and of lord Bagot, whose niece 
 Kniily is maid of honour to the Queen. Other liagots are in tlie army, 
 and the next, ihvfscal, is a member of the family also. W. C. Baj;ot, 
 rcceiver-fjencral of taxes, about whose retention of oflice we are 
 doubtful, after the abolition of these appointments in the country. 
 
 Bagot, G. second fiscal, Demerara 
 
 Bankhead, Penelope Maiy, pension on civil list, 1825 
 
 AVidow of the physician of the late lord Castlercagh. 
 Barber, — chief registrar, hnwVxw^tt conri {exclusive of fees) 
 
 Barnard, Edw. pension on civil list, 1823 
 
 Barraud, William, receiver of duties, customs 
 
 Bathurst, earl, toller of his majesty's exchequer 
 
 Clerk of the crown in chancery 
 
 Bathurst, Charlotte, pension on civil list, 1823 
 
 Pension on civil list, 1825 
 
 Pension on civil list, 1 829 
 
 Bathurst, Mary, pension on civil list, 1826 
 
 Batlaurst, hon. Charles, pension on civil list, 1826 
 
 Late commissioner of bankrupts 
 
 Receiver of duchy court of Lancaster 
 
 Bathurst, hon. W. deputy teller, exchequer 
 
 Clerk in privy council oHice • • • 
 
 Bathurst, hon. S. treasurer to government, Malta 
 
 Few persons have evinced a more exemplary appetite for the 
 public money than lord Bathurst. His lordsliip's family has mostly 
 been in the receipt of i'10,000 or £12,000 a year, from fees, pen- 
 sions, and taxes. He still retains two valuable sinecures, his son 
 Milliam Lennox one, and an ollice nearly a sinecure, and his son 
 Seymour Thomas another. On the eve of the breaking up of the 
 At'eliington ministry, his lordship made strenuous efl'orts to obtain 
 firnur hold; first he tried to superannuate his second son, who had 
 been a couple of years in the victualling oflice, as a retired commis- 
 sioner; failing in that, he next, with the most indecent precipitancy 
 and almost by absolute force, thrust him into the oflice of the late 
 ISIr. Buller, as clerk of the privy council. If one did not know that 
 the assurance of men is mostly in the inverse proportion of their 
 deserts they would be surprised at the pecuniary audacity of this 
 nobleman. Lord Bathurst is notoriously a person with the least pos- 
 sible claims to public honour and emoluments : he is altogether 
 without talent; a most feeble, awkward, and puzzled speaker; and 
 in every sense of the word a most trilling personage. 
 
 Bannatyne, sir W. M'Leod, late lord of session, Scotland* • • • 
 Baring, F. ]M.P. for Portsmouth, nophew-in-law of earl Grey; 
 
 lord of the treasury 
 
 Bates, Edw. husband of the Ah per cent, duties, Jan. 1831 • • 
 Secretary to the board of taxes, Feb. 1823
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 511 
 
 Ballantyne, W. police justice, Thames-office 
 
 Barrow, John, second secretary to the Admiralty 
 
 Barlow, P. mathematical master, Woolwich-academy 
 
 Barton, J. deputy comptroller, mint office 
 
 Barnard, Edward, retired allowance as clerk, colonial office • • 
 Ag;ent for New South Wales, Van Dieman's Land • • 
 
 Barker, John, consul-general in Egypt 
 
 Batley, W. collector of customs, Ipswich 
 
 Barnes, J. H. petition-clerk, customs 
 
 Barnard, major-gen. sir A. col. rifle brigade, ist. hatt. 
 
 Equerry and clerk-marshal to the king- 
 
 Baker, A. St. John, consul-general at Washington 
 
 Baker, lady Elizabeth Mary, pension civil list, 1814 
 
 Sister to the duke of Leinster, and widow ot an under secretary 
 of state. 
 
 Baker, rear-adm. Tho. South America (part of the year) • • • • 
 Baker, sir Robert, pension on civil list, 1822 
 
 Late How-street magistrate, dismissed and pensioned after queen 
 Caroline's funeral. If be neglected his duty, he ought not to have 
 got a pension. 
 
 Bankes, G. M.P. Corfe Castle ; cursitor baron, exchequer* • • • 
 Baillio, G. clerk in colonial secretary's office • • • • 
 
 Agent for Sierra Leone and the royal African corps • • 
 
 Barnouin, J. H. chief clerk to clerk of ordnance 
 
 Barry, colonel, secretary to government of Mauritius 
 
 Barrington, hon. G. son-in-law of earl Grey, cursitor of county 
 palatine of Durham, and captain in the navy ; lord of 
 
 the admiralty 
 
 Bandinel, .James, clerk in office of secretary for foreign affairs 
 Bayley, sir John, one of the barons of the court of exchequer 
 
 Bayley, sir D. consul-general at St. Petersburgh 
 
 Bayly, lieut.-gen. H. col. 8th foot, pay and emoluments • • • • 
 
 Pension for Avounds 
 
 Bcauclcrk, John, late commissioner of bankrupts, 1797 
 
 Recorder of Northampton, 1828 
 
 Beaufort, capt. F. hydrographcr to admiralty, May 1829.« • • 
 
 Bedingfield, John, pension on civil list, 1822 
 
 Bedwell, F. B. registrar in court of chancery 
 
 Bell, lieut.-col. J. secretary to governor of Cape of Good Hope, 
 Colonel of 27th foot, and governor of Tilbury Fort' • 
 
 Bedford, G. C. clerk to auditor of exchequer 
 
 Bernard, John F. clerk in the secretary's office, customs • • • • 
 
 Clerk of the postage • 
 
 Belfast, earl of, M.P. for Antrimshire ; vice-chamberlain in 
 
 the king's household 
 
 Belhaven, lord, lord high commissioner of Scotland 
 
 Belmore, earl of, governor of Jamaica 
 
 £800 
 1 500 
 380 
 600 
 200 
 600 
 
 e>\r>\ 
 
 350 
 
 3.50 
 1182 
 
 749 
 1000 
 
 461 
 
 1545 
 500 
 
 455 
 
 739 
 
 639 
 
 1062 
 
 3150 
 
 1000 
 
 1200 
 
 5516 
 
 1000 
 
 1320 
 
 350 
 
 200 
 
 750 
 
 691 
 
 250 
 
 3877 
 
 2000 
 
 1200 
 
 50 
 
 500 
 
 600 
 2000 
 7000
 
 512 PLACKS, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 Bentham, sir S. pension as late civil architect and surveyor • • 
 
 Pension for late employment in Russia, 1797 
 
 Beresford, William, g'room of the privy chamber 
 
 Beresford, general, W. C. viscount, col. 16th foot, pay and 
 
 emoluments 
 
 Governor of Jersey • 
 
 Pension by act of parliament 
 
 Beresford, H. B compensation as late joint-storekeeper, 
 
 customs 
 
 Beresford, J. C. compensation as late joint-storekeeper, customs 
 These offices, held by patent, are abolished — and what a compen- 
 sation ! it is a ,i!,onuine Irish job, and ■worthy of t!ie plundering 
 family who participate in it. ./. C. Beresford is the man of the riding- 
 house flofTging celebrity. Sir J. B. Beresford, brother of the viscount, 
 is a vice-admiral, and major-general lord G. R. Beresford is colonel 
 of .^d dragoons. 
 
 Bentinck, gen. lord W. governor- general of Bengal 
 
 Clerk of the pipe in the exchequer, England • 
 
 Colonel of 1 1th hussars, pay and emoluments 
 
 Look at this nobleman's offices, emoluments, and localities, and 
 then think of the incongruities tolei'ated under the system. 
 Bentinck, Jemina Helen, pension on civil list, Nov. 1809* • • • 
 
 Bessy, J. F. second under clerk, teller's office 
 
 Bexley, lord, pension as late chancellor of the exchequer . • • • 
 Here is a reward for the most consummate ignorance and laxity 
 of principle. Lord Bexley left the Exchequer from sheer incapa- 
 city, and then skulked under the Canning ministry as chancellor of 
 the duchy of Lancaster, and alter enriching himself in that sinecure, 
 finally graduated on his pension under the profligate 57 Geo. III. 
 Bidwell, Thomas, clerk in office of secretary for foreign affairs 
 
 Deputy clerk of the signet '••» 
 
 Bidwell, John, clerk in the office of secretary for foreign affiairs 
 
 Binning, D. M. commissioner of customs 
 
 Bipland, Thomas, collector of customs, Greenock 
 
 Birch, J. W. assistant reading clerk, house of lords 
 
 Bird, C. clerk, receiver of duties and registrar, Berbice •••• 
 
 Bingley, Robert, king's assay-master, mint -office 
 
 Birnie, sir. R. chief magistrate. Bow-street-office, salary and 
 
 extra allowance for attendance at home-office 
 
 Bicknell, H. E. clerk to registrar in chancery 
 
 Bingham, C. col- royal artillery, and fire-master royal laboratory 
 
 Pension for wounds 
 
 Bingham, major-gen. sir G. R. staff, southern district, Ireland 
 
 Unattached pay as lieut. -colonel 
 
 Blake, A. R. chief remembrancer of the exchequer, Ireland- • 
 Blackwood, vice-admiral sir H . commander-in-chief at the Nore 
 
 Groom of the king's bedchamber 
 
 Pension on civil list, 1S09 
 
 Commanded a frigate at Tralalgar ; but other captains in that 
 action have neither obtained a place at court nor a pension.
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECUKKS, AND GRANTS. 
 
 »13 
 
 Blackwood, lady Harriet, pension out of 4.^ per cent, fund • • 
 Blakeney, major-o-en. sir E. staff, south-western district, Ireland 
 
 Unattached pay as lieut. -colonel 
 
 Blackburn, F. attorney-general of Ireland 
 
 Black, Jean and Mary, pension each, civil list Aug. 1823«« 
 
 Blair, Mrs. Isabella Cornelia, pension on civil list, Oct. 1811 
 
 Isabella and Cornelia, pension on civil list, 1810, each 
 
 William, pension on civil list, 1812 
 
 Blaquierc, John, lord de, pension on civil list, 1794 
 
 Additional pension on civil list, 1 802 
 
 Pension by act of parliament, Ireland 
 
 Well known in thf Irish parliani<Mit, and who with a handsome 
 person and good address succeeded well at the vice-regal court. 
 
 Blackwell, major-gen. governor of Tobago 
 
 Bloomfield, lord, envoy and min. plenipo. in Sweden 
 
 Colonel of artillery 
 
 Blunt, Joseph, solicitor to the mint 
 
 Borough, sir R. during pleasure, pension on civil list, 1794' • 
 
 Booth, W. deputy commissary-general, half-pay 
 
 Clerk of the survey, ordnance-department 
 
 Bowen, Jas. late commissioner of navy 
 
 Boothby, sir W. receiver-general of customs 
 
 Agent for New Brunswick 
 
 Paymaster of band of gentlemen pensioners 
 
 A relation by marriage of the " stern path of duty man." 
 
 Bolton, lieut. -general sir R. col. 7th dragoon guards 
 
 Equerry to the king 
 
 Bosanquet, sir J. B. a judge of the common pleas 
 
 Bosanquet, G. secretary and charge d'affaires at Madrid • • • • 
 BoUand, sir W. one of the barons of the court of exchequer- • 
 Bowles, William, comptroller of coast-guard, July 1822 ■• 
 
 Captain in the navy, half-pay 
 
 Bowles, Charles and Elizabeth his wife, on Irish civil list, 1827 
 Mr. C Bowles married the sister of Mrs. Goulburn, wife of the 
 late cliancellor of tlie exchequer ; was afterwards dubbed private 
 secretary to his brother-in-law ; and on the unaccountable promo- 
 tion of tliis last in England, finally settled for life on poor Ireland 
 at the pittance mentioned. 
 Bowden, J. chief clerk to the receiver-general at post-office • • 
 
 Inspector of stamps for excise, Aug. 1826 
 
 Bouverie, major-gen. sir H. F. commanding northern district 
 Unattached pay as major in the coldstream guards • • • • 
 
 Bouverie, H. I. commissioner of customs 
 
 Bouverie, hon. Arabella, pension on civil list, 1821 
 
 It is certainly not the politics of tiie present lord liadnor, which 
 obtained for the IJouveries their civil and more numerous ecclesi- 
 astical appointments. 
 
 Boulton, K. J. attorney -general, Upper Canada 
 
 Bousfield, deptitv registrar, Bankrupt-court 
 
 2 r 
 
 £206 
 691 
 310 
 
 3000 
 
 50 
 
 276 
 
 138 
 
 184 
 
 1107 
 830 
 500 
 
 3027 
 
 4900 
 
 1003 
 
 800 
 
 184 
 
 267 
 
 560 
 
 956 
 
 1500 
 
 150 
 
 230 
 
 1334 
 
 750 
 
 5500 
 
 2260 
 
 .5516 
 
 1000 
 
 228 
 
 192 
 
 600 
 150 
 874 
 700 
 1400 
 300 
 
 1534 
 600
 
 514 
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 Bourchier, Chas. assistant solicitor to the treasury 
 
 Bowden, J. VV. commissioner of stamps 
 
 Boyd, Chas, surveyor-j^eneral, customs 
 
 Boyd, hon. R. deputy inspector of hospitals and commissioner 
 of revenue and commerce 
 
 Boyle, David, lord justice clerk, Scotland • 
 
 Boyle, hon. C. commissioner of navy, 1823 
 
 Bradshaw, J. H. clerk and registrar, post-office • 
 
 Brande, W. T. superintendent of the irons, mint-office 
 
 Brandon, William, baron, pension on civil list, Nov. 1820«« 
 
 Briggs, J. T. deputy secretary to victualling-board 
 
 Brickdale, comptroller of customs, Bristol < 
 
 Brisbane, heut. gen. sir Tho. colonel 34th foot 
 
 Brackenbury, J. M. consul at Cadiz , 
 
 Brent, T. secretaiy, board of green cloth 
 
 Secretary to the lord steward 
 
 Groom and clerk of the robes 
 
 Bradford, lieut. -general sir T. col. 30th foot 
 
 Pension for wounds 
 
 Brougham and Vaux, lord, lord high chancellor of England* • 
 The sum we have put down is the average annual emoluments 
 of the chancellor-ship during the three preceding years, and a Par- 
 liamentary Committee, of which Mr. Baring was chairman, has pro- 
 posed to fix the future salary of the lord chancellor at £14,000 a- 
 year, in lieu of all fees and perquisites. We have before expressed 
 an opinion that this is too much. To be sure the Lord Chancellor 
 is a sort of legal chattel moveable with the administration to which 
 he is appendant, whereas the judges seated on the bench of com- 
 mon law have mostly a tenancy for life. But with the precedent 
 of lord Lyndhurst there appears no absolute reason future ex- 
 chancellois should, after the manner of the late lord Erskine, 
 while away time in the gossip of coteries and drawing rooms. It 
 is alleged the lord chancellor has an hereditary peerage to 
 support, which he is compelled to accept, whether he will or not. 
 To this we answer— grant peerages for life ! How much better 
 it would have been for the GifTords, Kenyons, Loughboroughs, 
 Ellenboroughs, Thurlows, Fitzgibbons and Avonmores, had their 
 dignities terminated with the individuals who acquired them : 
 we should have heard less of poor peers, and of the necessity of 
 hereditary pensions and hereditary sinecures to support them. 
 Every new chancellor has an allowance for outjit to the amount 
 of jf'JOOO, and the salary itself is only one of the advantages of the 
 appointment : its great attri'ctionsconsist in the official preceden- 
 cy it confers, and the vast extent of legal and ecclesiastical patron- 
 age it places at the disposal of the possessor. Lord Brougham will 
 not be alone in his penury, if such be his lot ; there are other law 
 lords whose pecuniary acquisitions must be much less commensu- 
 rate to the support of a coronet. 
 
 In England the public mind is so diseased by the pursuit of 
 wealth, we are accustomed to hear so much of the necessity of 
 great incomes to maintain the dignity of the Crown, the dignity of 
 the Peerage, and the dignity of the Prelacy ; we really seem to 
 think — so much has the judgment been perverted by the worship of 
 Mammon — that tliere is no honour, no dignity, no happiness, ex-
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND CRANTS. 515 
 
 cept in the grasping of large heaps of money. It is, however, not 
 so — a man with £500 a-year — if he so will it — may just as well 
 support iiis dignity as one witli half a million. Our notions differ 
 greatly from other ages and nations. The Roman worthies could 
 retire to their farms without disparagement, after the exercise of 
 sovereign power. How much our wealth-seeking aristocracy 
 sinks in comparisun with the American democracy — the glorious 
 names of Jefferson, Adams, and Maddison, who needed neither 
 hereditary honours nor pensions to dignify retirement, and transmit 
 their fame to posterity. But we shall leave the suhject : all we 
 have said has no reference to the Lord Chancellor ; no one can 
 have read the testimony he gave before the Committee to which 
 we have alluded, without being convinced tliat he has higher ob- 
 jects in view than pecuui;try gain — that he is only actuated by a 
 regard to what is suitable to the ofBce, not to the individual who 
 fills it. 
 
 Many persons were surprised that a person possessing such tran- 
 scendent abilities and unwearied industry as lord Brougham should 
 merge them in the stagnant pool of the house of peers. But 
 ought not the harassing and stormy course of his lordship's previous 
 career to be borne in mind, and may he not, in his latter days, 
 have chosen the woolsack from the same motives which prince 
 Talleyrand chose a belle and bonhomie spouse,— namely, as con- 
 venient for »f/wse? As cabinet minister, head of the law dej)art- 
 ment, keeper of the king's conscience, and what not, his lordship's 
 sphere and power of usetulness are vastly extended and augmented. 
 All the manifold abuses, which he has so long forcibly and eloquent- 
 ly set forth in the administration of justice, in charitable founda- 
 tions, in corporate and collegiate endowments, and in West Indian 
 slavery, he may now hunt down with a power and means of accom- 
 plishiiient increased a hundred fold. To the pursuit of tiiese objects 
 lord Biocighani is solemnly pledged ; and we confess we have seen 
 nothing in his lordship's oliicial career to lessen public conlidenc e 
 in the steadfastness of his engagements. The establishment of the 
 Court of Bankruptcy was a vigorous and disinterested effort at ju- 
 dicial improvement. His lordship's speech, however, on the lirsl 
 introduction of the Reform Bill, was, to say the least of it, a queer 
 une ; it had many reudiiifis, for which we could only account from 
 some misgivings of the Speaker respecting the future. As to what his 
 lordship has thrown out on the tenure of ecclesiastical property, we 
 do not attach much importance to it : when the noble Baron alleged 
 that the church was a sUepinp; partner with the state, we considered 
 it a joke, intended for the blind side of the House. The spirit of 
 the People is roused ; events are crowding onward at a giant pace, 
 which will practically determine the rights of the Clergy with much 
 less preliminary discussion than has been consumed about the im- 
 munities of hares and partridges, the African slave-trade, and Ca- 
 tholic emancipation. 
 
 Brougham, W. brother of the preceding; a master in Chan- 
 cery, circa ' 
 
 Brown, W. R. cocket-writer in the customs 
 
 Brown, N. commissioner, victuallinp^-otiice 
 
 Brown, Thomas, master-attendant, Woolwicli 
 
 Brown, 11. H. warden of Fleet Prison, see p. 48(S 
 
 Browne, Charles, under-secretary, excise 
 
 Browne, P. secretary and charge d'afiaires at Copeahageu • • 
 
 2 I. -2 
 
 £4250 
 
 1088 
 
 800 
 
 f)50 
 
 2000 
 
 SOO 
 
 1151
 
 516 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 Browne, R. solicitor to the ^tamp-board, Ireland 
 
 Browne, R. late teller of exchequer, Aug. 1824 
 
 Late commissioner of musters, 1 798 
 
 Browne, sir H. pension on civil list, 1829 •••> 
 
 Brown, R. examiner of army accounts 
 
 Half-pay as deputy-commissar}' general, 1807 •. 
 
 Agent for paying retired or officiating chaplains 
 
 Allowance as private secretary to a secretary of war • • 
 
 Brooking, A. H. collector of customs, Newfoundland 
 
 Brownrigg, gen. sir R. colonel 9th foot, pay and emoluments 
 
 Governor of Landguard fort 
 
 Pension from Ceylon 
 
 Brooksbank, Stamp, clerk in the treasury and auditor 
 
 Brooksbank, T. C. chief clerk in treasury 
 
 Agent and paymaster of Chelsea out-pensioners 
 
 Agent for the Bahamas 
 
 As late commissioner of lottery 
 
 Brooksbank, Ann, pension on civil list, 1783 
 
 Brooksbank, Elizabeth, Isabella, and Hermoine, civil list, 1827 
 
 Brooke, R. clerk in customs, Liverpool 
 
 Bromley, lady Louisa, (late Dawson,) pension out of 4g per 
 
 cent, duties, Nov. 1 820 
 
 Bruce, sir S. pension on civil list, 1817 
 
 Bryce, major-gen. sir A. colonel commandant royal engineers, 
 
 and deputy inspector-general of fortifications 
 
 Pension for good services •• • 
 
 Brydges, sir John W. H. uncle-in-law of marquis of Water- 
 ford, and M.P. for Coleraine ; a major in the army, 
 capt. of Sandgate-castle, and colonel in the Portu- 
 guese service 
 
 The city of London has had a brush with the Beresfords, as well 
 as Mr. O'Connell, and, last election, attempted to rescue from their 
 monopolizing grasp the borough of Coleraine. The borough is in- 
 debted for its charter to the corporation of London ; they are the 
 proprietors of the soil, and endowed it with upwards of 400 acres 
 of land, for the general benefit of the inhabitants. By some means 
 the Beresfords have contrived to render the common council a select 
 body, consisting of the members of their own family and dependents, 
 through whose agency, for upwards of a century, they have returned 
 the parliamentary representative. For the last fifteen years sir John 
 Brydges has been their nominee ; and, at the general election, the 
 gallant knight, for the tirst time, went to pay his respects to his 
 constituents, when, in answer to the inquiries of the townspeople, 
 he told them " that, though he had nevt-r before been amongst them, 
 and was an Englishman, he had an Irish heart." Some of the inha- 
 bitants claimed the right to which they are entitled by the charter, 
 to the exercise of the elective franchise, and objected to the Major 
 being returned by about twenty non-resident burgesses. These 
 claims and objections were over-ruled by the worshipful mayor ; 
 and, after the usual farce of a nomination by a clergyman, and a 
 seconding by another corporate official, the captain of Sandgate-
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 517 
 
 castle, and colonel in the service of Don Miguel, was declared duly 
 elected to the imperial parliament. The corporation of London 
 have protested against these proceedings of the Beresford puppets, 
 and expressed their intention, by a deputation of their body, to re- 
 establish, in a court of law, the general rights of the burgess agree- 
 ably to their charter. It is probable, however, their laudable en- 
 deavours will be rendered unnecessary by the general legislative 
 measure, which will at once cut off such rotten concei'ns as Cole- 
 raine, Truro, Berealston, and scores more. 
 
 Buchanan, lady Janet, pension on civil list, Oct. 1827 
 
 Buchanan, Susanna, pension on civil list, Nov. 1827 
 
 Burton, W. W. puisne-judge. Cape of Good Hope 
 
 Bull, John, clerk of journals and papers, house of commons* • 
 Buller, James, retired allowance as late commis. of customs • • 
 This gentleman, we are told, a mild, amiable p'^rson, possessed 
 the borough or boroughs of East and WestLooe: therefore, dis- 
 posing of his seats to the government, Avas made a commissioner of 
 the customs ; was unfortunately attacked with deafness ; marries ; 
 is tired of London ; retires to the country ; makes room for some 
 other protegi of government ; and saddles the country with a pen- 
 sion of £1100. 
 
 Bulley, A. clerk of issues, auditor's office, Oct. 1822 
 
 Receiver of pensions and officers' duties 
 
 Allowance on moneys paid into the Exchequer 
 
 Burgh, Elizabeth, pension on civil list 
 
 Burgh, Catharine, pension on civil list • • 
 
 Burke, J. clerk of crown quit-rents, Dublin 
 
 Burke, executors of Mrs., pension on the 4^ per cent, fund* • 
 We have touched on this notorious abuse at p. 203, and shall here 
 pass it over. 
 
 Bushe, C. K. chief justice of the king's bench, Ireland 
 
 Bursey, J. inspector in the audit-office » 
 
 Burrows, Peter, commis. for relief of insolvent debtors, Ireland 
 Burraud, Rev. G. compensation allowance for loss of the office 
 
 of searcVier in the customs 
 
 Some boroughmongering job this, no doubt; otherwise, no cler- 
 gj'man could have held the oflice of searcher in the customs. 
 
 Burrard, Hannah, pension on civil list, 1815 
 
 Butler, G. chief clerk, ordnance department 
 
 Butcher, J. store-keeper in the ordnance, Dublin 
 
 Burghersh, major-gen. Lord, minister plenipo. at Florence • • 
 His lordship was receiving a large salary as envoy at Florence, 
 while spending the last winter in London, busily engaged in 
 bringing out iiis new opera. 
 
 Burgoyne, J. lieut.-col. royal engineers, 1814 
 
 Extra pay, commanding royal engineers, Portsmouth • • 
 
 Allowance for servant 
 
 Pension for good services, 1817 
 
 Burnell, Dr. W, commissioner, victualling-office 
 
 Burton, Charles, third justice of the king's bench, Ireland- • • - 
 Burton, T. allowance as late secretary to board of excise • • • • 
 
 £150 
 200 
 1500 
 1656 
 1100 
 
 750 
 108 
 144 
 276 
 230 
 461 
 2500 
 
 5076 
 
 600 
 
 2092 
 
 1100 
 
 400 
 
 900 
 
 750 
 
 3900 
 
 330 
 
 165 
 
 27 
 
 182 
 
 1000 
 
 3692 
 
 1500
 
 518 IM.ACUS, I'ENSIONS, S I N F.C li K ES, ANU (illANTS. 
 
 Burton, gen. N. C. col, GOth foot (1st batt.) 
 
 lUittorwich, M. registrar of deeds, Yorkshire 
 
 Byliain, R, secretary to the board of ordnance 
 
 Byng, F. clerk in foreign secretary's otHce 
 
 Byng, lieut.-gon. rij^lit hon. sir J. M.P. for Poole, col. 29th 
 foot 
 
 Byng, hon. E. commissioner, colonial audit-office 
 
 Byron, lord, captain, R.N. ; lord of the bedchamber 
 
 Calvert, J. M.P. for Huntington ; late sec. to the lord cham- 
 berlain ' • ••• 
 
 Camden, marquess, one of the four tellers of the exchequer • • 
 Tlie great shiecures being about to be attacked, in 1817, the 
 marquis, ^vilo liad held the tollership thirly-six years, and re- 
 ceived, on account of it, probably ii])wards of a million of money, 
 resigned the fees and emoluments of his office, amounting to £27,000, 
 retaining only the regulated salary of i;2.>00. Previously to this his 
 lordship contributed sums to the public service. In 1819, the house 
 of conunons tendered a tardy vote of thanks for this nninificent oll'er- 
 ing. An expectation was entertained, which is not yet realized, 
 tiiat the patriotic example would have been followed by the Gren- 
 villes, the Ardens, the Batliursts, and other great sinecurists. Had 
 the registrar of the admiralty co'..rt surrendered tlie emoluments of 
 his otiice for the last half century, he would have done more, we 
 imagine, to ((uench the lires in the county, of which he is lord- 
 lieutenant, than by getting up magisterial resolutions to put down 
 the incendiaries. 
 
 Cameron, lady, pension on civil list, Dec. 1819 
 
 Cameron, maj.-gen. sir J. commanding western district 
 
 Unattached pay as major 
 
 Lieutenant-governor of Plymouth 
 
 Pension for injuries received in the service 
 
 Cane, Richard, sub-agent, Ireland, for Chelsea hospital 
 
 Agent to yeomanry corps, ditto 
 
 Capper, J. H. clerk for criminal business in the home depart. 
 
 Superintendent of convict establishment 
 
 Carter, M. consul at Coquimbo • 
 
 Cartwright, John, consul-general at Constantinople 
 
 Carr, hon. Jane, (late Perceval) pension by act of parliament . 
 Our readers may have read or heard of a mild, specious, cold- 
 hearted, self-complacent minister — exactly of the Addington impress 
 — named Spencer Perceval : this pension was granted to his widow, 
 who, within the annum lucttis, forgot her little lawyer, and married 
 major Carr, of theguasds. Some of the minister's children have 
 been well provided for in the public otlices ; and in political demean- 
 our, jiresent no contrast to their progenitor. 
 
 Carr, Morton, solicitor to excise, Scotland 1500 
 
 Campbell, major-gen. sir J. staff at Grenada, staff pay 828 
 
 Governor of Grenada, pay and emoluments • • • 3775 
 
 Unattached pay as major-general 310 
 
 Campbell, lieut.-geu. sir H. commissioner of taxes* • . • 1 000 
 
 Military pay in 1829 1294
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 519 
 
 Campbell, sir A. late lord of session, Scotland 
 
 Campbell, Patrick, sec. and charge d'affaires in Colombia" • • • 
 
 Campbell, D. retired allowance as registrar of forfeitures, Ireland 
 
 Ditto as commissioner of military accounts, Ireland • • 
 
 Pension on Irish civil list 
 
 Accountant to board of g-eneral officers 
 
 A servant of all work, this, at the Castle, and the work there has 
 been mostly black-jobs. 
 
 Campbell, gen. A. col. 3d foot, pay and emoluments 
 
 Campbell, D. inspecting commander of customs, Aberdeen • . 
 
 Captain in the navy 
 
 Campbell, major-gen. sir C. commanding south-west district* • 
 Unattached pay as major in the Coldstream guards • • • • 
 
 Governor of Portsmouth • 
 
 Camj)bell, John, comptroller of customs, Greenock 
 
 Campbell, gen. D. col. 91st foot, pay and emoluments 
 
 Campbell, Alexander, commissioner of excise 
 
 Campbell, Iiliza, pension on civil list 
 
 Campbell, Mary, pension on civil list. Sept. 1810 
 
 Campbell, Mrs. A. pension out of 4^ per cent, duities, 1820' • 
 
 Campbell, sir Hay, late president court of session 
 
 Campbell, Thomas, pension on Scotch civil list, Oct. 1806 •• 
 Healiy the Campbells are a host! We find them in all offices and 
 ilepartnients, and in all parts of the world. Those enumerated are 
 only part of the clan. The last we always took to be the author of 
 the celebrated Pleasures of Hope. Mr. Campbell's pension, we 
 believe, was given to hiiu by his friends, the Whigs, but we never 
 could learn by what '' high and cKcienl public services" he became 
 entitled to it. If it were bestowed when ISIr. C. was a poor, but ele- 
 gant scholar, and man of genius, well and good ; we do not grudge 
 the boon, had it been live times the amount. 
 
 Canning, H. consul-general at Hamburgh 
 
 Canning, sir Stratford, ambassador at Constantinople 
 
 Canning, trustees for the family of the late Mr., pension, by act 
 
 of parliament 
 
 The life of the late Mr. Caniiing was undistinguished by public 
 virtue, and at his death he merited no public reward. He was an 
 open corruptionist and trimmer for place ; his political principles 
 were superficial and aristocratic; and by his abilities — specious 
 sophistry, and tinsel elociuence — lie kept up a party which inflicted 
 on the country incalculable evils. The friends who deserted him 
 knew him ; they hated and feared him. If not too late, we would 
 suggest that the monument in honour of this adventurer had better 
 be erected somewhere else than Palace-yard; that is no place for 
 George Canning, and the times are coming when it will certainly 
 not be allowed to stand there. 
 
 Carter, Thomas, provost-marshal, Barbadoes •• 
 
 Cathcart, earl of, late ambassador at Petersburgh 
 
 Colonel of 2d life guards 
 
 Vice-admiral of Scotland 
 
 Governor of Hull 
 
 £1950 
 312.5 
 276 
 367 
 266 
 130 
 
 1351 
 344 
 191 
 691 
 500 
 168 
 600 
 
 1241 
 
 1400 
 389 
 200 
 219 
 
 3225 
 184 
 
 1836 
 4460 
 
 3000 
 
 1500 
 1784 
 1816 
 1015
 
 520 
 
 i*LA( i;s, I'KNsioNs, .sim:ci;i{1;:s, anj) (;kants. 
 
 Camperdowrijviec. hereditary pension for lord Duncan's victory 
 Cathcart, Elizabeth, baroness, pension on civil list, 1798 • • • • 
 Caithness, Jean, countess of, pension on civil list, 1800 • • • 
 
 Additional pension on civil list, July 1802 
 
 Additional pension on civil list. Sept 182.5 
 
 Cavan, j^en. the earl of, col. 45th foot, pay 
 
 Governor of Calshot-ciistle 
 
 Pension on civil list, June 1796 
 
 Chapman, ,1. commissioner of audit 
 
 Chapman, col. S. R. secretary and registrar, Gibraltar 
 
 Chapman, J, allowance as late clerk in colonial-office 
 
 Lafe clerk of council, Trinidad 
 
 Chad, G. W. foreign minister in Prussia •• 
 
 Charslej , W. assistant-clerk in tally-office 
 
 Compensation for loss of office in tally cutting 
 
 Junior clerk in tally-office 
 
 For labour in locking up the king's treasure, 1826 • • 
 Christie, col. sir Arch, unattached pay as colonel of 1st royal 
 
 Commandant of Chatham depot 
 
 Pension for wounds 
 
 Chamberlain, sir H. consul at Rio (to 5th June, 1 830) 
 
 Champagne, gen. Josiah, col. 17th foot 
 
 Chambers, R. J. police justice. Union Hall 
 
 Late commissioner of bankrupts, 1 803 
 
 Chambers, Geo. inspector and receiver of taxes, 1825 
 
 The number of inspectors of taxes for England and Vales is 
 seventeen, and their sah\ries £400 each, exclusive of allowances for 
 travelling and other expenses. By 1 and 2 William IV. c. 18, the 
 receivers of taxes are abolished, with the exception of one for the 
 London district, and their duties transferred to the inspectors, who 
 receive an additional salary of £100, and a further allowance of 
 £100 for a clerk. We have stated their salaries and emoluments 
 I'rom the Parliamentary Return (No. 167, Scss. 1831), including 
 the additional remunei'ation for the receipt of the taxes. 
 
 Chatham, earl of, governor of Gibraltar 
 
 Receives also military allowances, and is col. of 4th foot. 
 
 In trust for seven children of lady Lucy R. Taylor, out 
 
 of 4^ per cent. Leeward Island duties, for each . • • • 
 
 Chowne, lieut.-gen. C. colonel 76th foot 
 
 Christian, J. assistant inspector-gen. of customs, Dublin • • • • 
 
 Commander in the navy « 
 
 Church, John, late clerk in navy pay office, March 1822 • • • • 
 
 Clerk in stationery-office, Jan. 1808 
 
 Christmas, C. G. deputy auditor for land revenue 
 
 Clarendon, earl of, chief justice in Eyre, North of Trent • • • • 
 
 Prothonotary county palatine of Durham 
 
 A nephew, G. W. F. ^'illiers, commissioner of customs; and a 
 cousin, T. H. ViUiers, secretary to the India Board. 
 Clare, dowagBr lady, and lady Fit/gibbon, pension on c. 1. 1830
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 521 
 
 Mother and daughter ; the former, widow of an Irish lord chan- 
 cellor, who was long in office, realized money, purchased estates, 
 and ought to have been in good circunistances. It was lie who was 
 said to have alarmed George Ill's conscience as to tiie coronation 
 oath ; and, if so, was really the cause of retarding the Catholic 
 claims thirty years, and for which we are now sulfering. The 
 present lord is governor of lionibay, wilh a salary of 15,000 a-year, 
 aud his brother, Fitzgibbon, is usher of the Court of Chancery, 
 Ireland. 
 
 Clarke, J. inspector and receiver of taxes, 1805 
 
 Clarke, gen. sir Alured,col. 7th foot, pay and emoluments • • 
 
 Clarke, rev. Dr. receiver of clergy returns, 1804 
 
 Late auditor of the royal naval asylum ' 
 
 Clark, E. H. clerk of the warrants, customs 
 
 Clerk, John, late lord of session, Scotland 
 
 Clifden, viscount, clerk of the privy council, Ireland 
 
 Clancarty, earl of, late ambassador to the Netherlands 
 
 A brolher, Poer Trench, arciibishop of Tuam : another brother, 
 Charles Trench, archdeacon of Ardagh;WiIIiam Gregory, brother-in- 
 law, late under secretary of Ireland, is a pensioner on the civil list. 
 
 Clanricarde, marquis, captain of yeomen of guard 
 
 Clancey, James, taxing- otiicer in common law business, Ireland 
 
 Clarina, Penelope, baroness, pension on civil list, 1813 • • • • 
 
 Clinton, lieut.-gen. sir W. H. col. 55th foot 
 
 Clinton and Say, lord, col. and aid-de-camp to the king; lord 
 
 of the bedchamber 
 
 C. It. Trcfusis, a brolher, commissioner in the excise ; another 
 brother capt. li. N ; E. Moore, a son-in-law, is in the clnircli. 
 Lady Clinton is lady of the bedchamber. 
 
 Clifton, M. W. secretary to the victualling-board 
 
 Clogstone, S. M. collector of customs, 'I'rinidad 
 
 Cochrane, Maria, lady, pension on civil list, Ocf. 1 800 
 
 Cochrane, Sir T. James, governor of Newfoundland 
 
 Cockburn, Henry, solicitor-general, Scotland 
 
 Corkburn, A. late minister to Wiutemberf^ 
 
 Cockburn, sir Geo. M.P. admiral and major-gen. of marines* • 
 
 Cockburn, Fanny, Mary, and Harriet, civil list, 1791, each* • 
 
 Cockburn, Marianne, pension on civil list, 1800 
 
 Cockburn, Augusta Harriet, pension on civil list, 1827 •••• 
 
 Cockburn, dame Mary, pension on civil list, 18'25 • •• 
 
 Cockburn, dame Augusta, pension on civil list 
 
 Of this singular cluster, probably danic Augusia is the mother of 
 sir James, sir George, the dean of York, and the Columbian or 
 Mexican ambassador. She was of a noble family, and fell in love 
 with her husband, who was either a merchant, or held an office in 
 the India-house. To reconcile her marriage wilh this person lo her 
 family he was made a baronet. 
 
 Cockane, Barbara, pension on civil list, June 1798 
 
 Codd, major-general superintendent, Honduras 
 
 Coke, l-llizabeth Ann, pension on civil list, 1818 
 
 This certainly cannot b*- the laily of the member for Norfolk, and 
 lessee of Dungencss lighthouse ! 
 
 £718 
 1153 
 500 
 300 
 2682 
 1500 
 1450 
 2000 
 
 1341 
 
 1107 
 
 333 
 
 1109 
 
 500 
 
 1000 
 
 1500 
 
 300 
 
 3000 
 
 2000 
 
 1700 
 
 1630 
 
 100 
 
 115 
 
 200 
 
 680 
 
 358 
 
 230 
 
 1200 
 
 100
 
 V22 
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 Colchester, lord, capt. R. N. hereditary pension, by act of pari. 
 The father of this lord was speaker of the liouse of commons for 
 many years with a suHiciently large salary, and held till death the 
 valuable sinecure of keeper of the privy seal, Ireland. He was a 
 shuffling, time-serving lawyer, and the vote of censure on his con- 
 duct, moved by lord W. Russell, stands recorded on the journals of 
 the house. Were not such a person adequately rewarded in his life- 
 time, and ought the country to be burlhened with apensiontohisheir? 
 
 Coleridge, John Taylor, late commissioner of bankrupts 
 
 By the bankruptcy Court Act tiie Lords of the Treasury are 
 authorised to grant annuities for life, to tiie amount of £200, to the 
 late commissioners of bankrupt, provided they hold no other public 
 employment. 
 
 Colman, George, examiner of plays 
 
 Lieutenant of the yeomen of the guard 
 
 Besides the military duties of this court functionary, his business 
 is to exan)ine theatrical pieces before they are licensed for repre- 
 sentation, by the Lord Chamberlain ; and in the discharge of this 
 oliice he has latterly acquired considerable notoriety, by his captious 
 and puritanical expurgation of what he considered objectionable 
 ])assages. The performance of The Bride of Ludgate, we are told in 
 the Taller, was delayed by the extraordinary official sensitiveness of 
 Mr. Deputy Colman, who refused to license the piece until Churles 
 the Scco7i(I (one of the dramatis personae), who was made by the author 
 to disguise himself as a parson, should masquerade it under another 
 less objectionable character ! A king api)earing as a priest seemed to 
 the deputy as savouring of irreverence tov^-ards the cloth ! The truth 
 seems to be, that the merry Mr. Colman, of auld lang syne, has 
 turned Methodist. It is time, however, the office was abolished ; it 
 is too much that talent and genius should be subject to the hypo- 
 condriacal whims of repentant prodigals. 
 
 Colborne, major-gen. sir J. lieut. -governor, Upper Canada • • 
 
 Cowper, earl, hereditary pension out of excise revenue 
 
 Here we have a most singular instance of the application of the 
 revenue. The present noble lord holds it as an inheritance, ac- 
 quired by the marriage of his grandfather with the heiress of the son 
 of general Overkerken, created lord Grantham. This general was 
 greatly distinguished in the wars of the duke of Marlborough ; but 
 whether the pension was granted by king William for the services 
 of the father, or for a loan of money from the son, is not known, no 
 document being extant to establish it ; but this pension has been 
 made part of the family settlements of the noble earl, who succeeded 
 to it at his brother's death, as he did to his estates : he may dispose 
 of it at his pleasure. The present possessor, in his political life, 
 has been distinguished by high liberalism, and the most perfect in- 
 dependence. Though freqxiently invited to Windsor, he was never 
 influenced by it, or ever swerved from his public duty. In the exa- 
 mination of votes, his will be found to have been correctly given. 
 As an inheritance, his lordship cannot be blamed for drawing this 
 sum regularly from the public purse; but it becomes the duty of 
 ministers to make arrangements with the noble earl for the extinction 
 of this pension. He is entitled to some compensation ; but yet his 
 vested right in it is not such that he can look for so many years' 
 purchase as if it were a landed property. No improvement has been 
 made — no outlay incurred ; and what was apparently so lavishingly 
 given, and has been so long enjoyed, may be resumed, with some 
 regard to tl\e present times and the general interests of the country. 
 —Colonel Jones, Dec, 15, Ib'SO.
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND (JRANTS. 
 
 i23 
 
 Cowley, lord, brother of the duke of Wellington, late ambassa- 
 dor at Vienna 
 
 Cole, B. and W. Herbert Mullens, brokers, national debt office 
 
 Combeimere, gen, viscount, colonel 1st life guards 
 
 Governor of Sheerness 
 
 Pension, by act of parliament 
 
 Congreve, dame Isabella, pension on civil list, 1829 
 
 Widow of the gentlfnian of shttie-iiiiiorietij, who was himself a 
 pensioner, and at one time much about tbe perscjn of George IV. 
 Conway, lord H. S. and lord R. S. Conway, late prothonotaries 
 
 of the court of king's bench, Ireland 
 
 Conyngham, marquis, late lord steward of the household, and 
 
 constable of Windsor castle; Heut. -gen. unattached 
 
 Conyngham, sir F. N. lieut. -governor of Lower Canada •••• 
 
 Conyngham, lord A. D. secretary of legation, Berlin 
 
 Conyngham, G. Lennox, seventh senior clerk in foreign office* • 
 TIu! C'oiiyuiihams were in high favour at the court of George IV. 
 Dr. Sumner, one of the " Lady's Bishops," was tutor in the Conyng- 
 ham family, and flatterer of the late king, by whose special favour 
 he WAS raised to the throne of Winchester. 
 
 Cooksey, J. H. inspector and receiver of taxes • 
 
 (>orbett, C. II. assistant secretary, excise • 
 
 Cooper, Georg-e, assistant surveyor, customs 
 
 Cooper, sir W. H. and sir F. G. auditor for land revenue in 
 
 England, salary and emoluments, in year 1829 • • • • 
 
 This is a patent oflice, held for the lives and life of the survivor ; 
 
 the former is a clergyman, and sir F. C. Cooper was lately an oflicer 
 
 in the guards. 
 
 Cooper, J. S. comptroller-general of stamps, Ireland 
 
 Cooke, lieut. -general sir G. col. 77th foot • 
 
 Pension for wounds 
 
 Cooke, Frances, pension on civil list, 182 1 
 
 Cooke, Eliza, pension on civil list, 1 793 
 
 The widow of the celebrated navigator of tiie name still survives, 
 and j)robably receives this pension ; if so, it is one of the few state 
 annuities of which the public will not complain. 
 
 Cornwall, Jos. collector of excise, Edinburgh 
 
 Cornwall, J. warehouse-keeper, excise, Dublin 
 
 Cole, lieut.-gen. sir G. L. governor of Cape of Good Hope • • 
 
 Cope, Walter, consul at Guayaquil »-•• 
 
 Cotton, William, chief clerk in the treasury 
 
 Colles, Joseph, clerk to registrar in chancery 
 
 Colliiigwood, hon. S. pension on consolidated fund 
 
 Colville, E. D. registrar in chancery 
 
 Colby, lieut. -col. F. lieut. -col. royal engineers 
 
 Extra pay for survey of (iroat Britain 
 
 Superintendent of the trigonometrical survey, Ireland 
 
 ConanI, J. E. police justice, Great Marlborough-street 
 
 Corjv, .lames, late sec. to linen bi)ard, Ireland 
 
 Late clerk of the journals, Irish house of lords 
 
 £2.500 
 750 
 
 1800 
 200 
 
 2000 
 311 
 
 7137 
 
 636 
 3100 
 10.50 
 
 695 
 
 814 
 
 600 
 1093 
 
 4071 
 
 900 
 1249 
 350 
 200 
 135 
 
 600 
 
 600 
 
 7000 
 
 1033 
 
 1400 
 
 1447 
 
 500 
 
 2759 
 
 384 
 
 495 
 
 500 
 
 800 
 
 616 
 
 609
 
 i24 
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 Colville, licut.-g-en. sir C. governor of Mauritius 
 
 Courtenay, William, patentee of subpoena office in chancery • • 
 
 Clerk in parliament • 
 
 Courtenay, T. P. agent for Cape of Good Hope 
 
 Pension under 57 Geo. III. 1 825 
 
 Courtenay, T. P. in trust for Elizabeth, Catharine, and Frances 
 
 Courtenay, pensions on civil list, 1806 
 
 Courtenay, Ann, pension on civil list, 1827 
 
 Daughters, we believe, of tlie above Thomas Pei'egrine Cotirtenay, 
 cousin oC lord Devon, and one of the faction whose future prospects 
 are very iDuch marred by the Reform Bill, and of course very bitter 
 in his hostility. 
 
 Connor, Edw. clerk in secretary's office, Dublin 
 
 Compensation for losses at the union 
 
 Pension, Mai/ 1819 
 
 AlloAvance on abolition of office of sec. to board of g-e- 
 
 neral officers, 1 823 
 
 Connor, R. master in chancery, Ireland * 
 
 Pension as late clerk, Irish house of commons 
 
 Conroy, sir John, late commis. colonial audit-office, 1824 • • • • 
 
 Captain on half pay, royal artillery, 1 822 
 
 Cox, S. C. master in chancery, for year ending June 5, 1830 
 Couper, lieut.-col. G. sec. to master-general of the ordnance 
 
 Court, C. T. accountant-general, post-office 
 
 Cointe, J. F. Le, clerk to registrar in chancery 
 
 Craigie, Robert, lord of session, Scotland 
 
 Creevey, Thos. M.P. for Downton, treasurer to the ordnance 
 
 Crafer, Thomas, clerk assistant to secretaries, treasury 
 
 Paymaster of American loyalists 
 
 Crampton, P. C. solicitor-general of Ireland 
 
 Cranstoun, G. lord of session, Scotland 
 
 Cranstoun, lady, pension on civil list, July, 1826 
 
 Cranstoun, lady, pension on civil list, Aug. 1826 
 
 Cranstoun, Edward lord, pension on civil list, Nov. 1821 ••• ♦ 
 
 Crocker, J. accountant to medical board 
 
 Crofton, hon. Caroline, pension on Irish civil list, 1817« • • • 
 Given by Lord Talbot : the lady's father, a man of large fortune, 
 and her mother created a peeress in her own right; sister to Mr. 
 St. George, and aunt of present lord Crofton. 
 
 Croomes, John lord, clerk of estimates, war-office 
 
 Croke, A. LL.D. pension on the consolidated fund 
 
 Croker, Rosamond, pension on civil list, 1827 
 
 Croker, John Wilson, pension under 57 Geo. III. 1826 
 
 In a recent pamphlet, imputed to this veteran placeman, written 
 in answer to two pamphlets, imputed to lord Brougham, but no 
 more like Brougham's than Hyperion to Satyr, and much more like 
 the flippant production of some lawyerling, with his pockets stuffed 
 with fees, looking greedily forward to the Rolls, a solicitor-general- 
 ship, or some other prize of party-subserviency ; — well, in this pam- 
 phlet, Croker — for it must be his — actually resorts to the old bugbear 
 of properhi hc'ms: Jn danger ! But tliis, we can assure hini, will never
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 525 
 
 do; people do not now believe in stories of (ghosts and hobgoblins ; 
 ■we doubt even whether the alarm of a revolution would frighten 
 them. Spoliation, massacre, and inlidelity, are no lonjjer associated 
 with resistance to bad govirnment. What, indeed, have political 
 reforms to do with prira<e property ? they are directed only against 
 public men and public abuses; they are the purifying storms which 
 agitate for a moment the upper regions, while all beneath is secure 
 and tranquil. During the worst period of the French revolution 
 property was respected, and it was only the estates of such of ihe 
 noblesse as had emigrated and taken up arms against their 
 country, which were confiscated. They had committed high treason 
 against the state, and the same punishment of forfeiture is annexed 
 to high treason in this country. But it is not, we apprehend, the 
 security of private property about which the ex-secretary is appre- 
 hensive ; the property he means, no doubt, is pensions and sine- 
 cures ; or, perhap-, the lease of crown-land he obtained lor the 
 erection of a mansion on the site of Carlton-house, to which he pur- 
 poses hereafter to retire from the retreat in Kensington-palace, to 
 enjoy in dignified leisure his official gatherings. The bitterness with 
 which this votary of a faction has pursued the Reform Rill, recom- 
 mended it strongly to all thinking persons: doubtless, a portion of 
 the venom in the Old Pensioner was generated by the terrible 
 scourging his Boswell received from the Edinburgh Review. 
 
 Croft, Wm. chief clerk ordnance department 
 
 Croft, F. Master in chancery for year ending Ja7i. 1830 • • • • 
 
 Crokat, C. examiner of spoiled stamps 
 
 Crosse, R. inspector and receiver of taxes, 1820 
 
 Cumberhind, lady Albinia, a pension on civil list, 1794 
 
 Camming, Ann, pension on civil list, 1822 
 
 Cust, hon W. commissioner of customs 
 
 Most of these commissioners of customs, excise, stamps, and taxes, 
 •d.re honour ubles. The amount of their salaries is still extravagant, 
 and ought to be further reduced. 
 
 Cuppage, lieut.-gen. W, col. commandant royal artillery, and 
 inspector of royal carriage department, Woolwich • • • . 
 
 Cunningham, C. late commissioner of the navy 
 
 Cuthbert, G. W. assistant-sec retar\', national debt-office «•••• . 
 
 Curtis, Joseph, distributor of sea-policy stamps • • • • • 
 
 Dalans, Rev. W. W. assistant chaplain-general 
 
 Chaplain to the forces serving in London, March, 1810 
 
 D'Albiac, major-gen. sir J. C. unattached pay as lieut.-col. • • 
 
 Stafl pay as major.-gen. 
 
 The officer, we apprehend, who distinguished himself by his stern 
 theories of military duly at .the Bristol Courts Martial; but as sir 
 Charles drew his chief legal weapons from the armoury of sir 
 Nicholas Tindal, we shall resirve a remark or two till we come to 
 that judge. 
 
 Dampier, John L. late commLsssioner of bankrupts, 1819 • • • • 
 Recorder of Portsmouth, 1 829 
 
 Dashwood, Charles, consul at Guatemala 
 
 Davis, Hart, commissioner of excise 
 
 Day, C. late justice of the King's Bench, Ireland 
 
 Darby, K. inspector and receiver of taxes. 1 827 
 
 £900 
 3799 
 500 
 827 
 311 
 200 
 1200 
 
 1430 
 981 
 600 
 500 
 210 
 292 
 419 
 690 
 
 200 
 
 1500 
 
 1400 
 
 2400 
 
 9()9
 
 526 
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 Day, W. Keeper of criminal registers, home department, and 
 conductor of the police horse-patrol establishment • • 
 
 Keeper of the accounts, April, 1805 
 
 Darling, lieut.-gen., governor-in-chief of New South Wales • • 
 
 Daly, S. G. late justice of King's Bench, Ireland 
 
 Dawkins, E. J. resident in Greece » 
 
 Dawkins, H. commissioner of woods and forests 
 
 Dawkins. R. retired allowance as commissioner of excise • • • • 
 
 Dawson, Lady A. M. pension out of 4^ per cent, duties 
 
 Davis, T. H. surveyor-general, customs • . • • • ■ 
 
 Dancer, J. N. one of the examiners in chancery; salary and 
 
 emoluments for year ending Jan. 5, 1830 
 
 Darlot, H. deputy comptroller, post-office • 
 
 D'Ag'uilar, George, brevet lieut.-coL, assistant adjutant. -gen. 
 
 Major, half-pay, 9 1 st foot, Sept. 1821 
 
 Allowance for mustering life and foot guards 
 
 Dehany, W. K. solicitor to the excise, in lieu of bills 
 
 De Haekel, J. P. and Ann Ernesline, pension civil list, 1813 
 Delavaud, Geo. retired allowance as late secretary of customs 
 Dealtry, P. king's clerk, crown-office, salary 
 
 Secondary clei-k in court, clerk of the affidavits, and 
 
 chief usher, court of king's bench ; fees 
 
 Dew, E. examiner of dry goods, customs 
 
 Dean, R. B. chairman of the board of customs 
 
 Clerk to master in chancery, alienation office 
 
 Dean, Mary and Laura, pension on civil list, 1830 
 
 Delamotte, W. master of landscape drawing, military college • • 
 Denman, sir Thomas, M. P. for Nottingham, attorney- general 
 Desbrow, lieut.-col., capt. and lieut.-col. of grenadier guards 
 
 Assistant to the general commanding in chief 
 
 D'Este, sir A, equerry to the king • 
 
 Pension on civil list, 1830 
 
 Colonel in the army 
 
 D'Este, miss, pension on civil list, 1830 
 
 Children of the duke of Sussex, by his marriage with lady Augusta 
 Murray, (D'Ameland, see page 204,) but which was set aside by the 
 severity of our feudal laws. The royal marriage-act is one of great 
 cruelty ; but if our princes form attachments, they should take care 
 to make provision for their offspring from the handsome allowances 
 they receive, and should not seek to quarter them on the public : we 
 expected better from the high-mindedness of his highness of Sussex. 
 
 Dejoncourt, S. rlei-k of Connaught- road 
 
 Devonshire, duke of, lord chamberlain of the household 
 
 Disney, lieut -gen. sir M. col. 15th foot . . 
 
 Dickson, Jane, Caroline, and Louisa, each, civil list, 1806 • • 
 Dickinson, A. assistant clerk of the journals, house of commons 
 
 Dickie, Jos. paymaster, Belfast 
 
 Disbrowe, E. C. envoy extra, and min. plen. at Stutgard • • • .
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 527 
 
 Dickson, sir A. lieut.-col. ancldep. adj. -gen. artillery • 
 
 Pension for good services ••••» 
 
 Disbrowe, lieut.-col. assistant military secretary, Feb. 1806 •• 
 Lieut.-col. grenadier guards, July, 1828 
 
 Dixon, col. W. col. commandant royal artillery 
 
 Doherty, John, chief justice common pleas, Ireland 
 
 D'Olier, Isaac, secretary first fruits office, Ireland 
 
 Dowding, C. inspector-general of customs, Liverpool 
 
 Dowdeswell, T. E., M.P. for Tewkesbury; a master in chan- 
 cery for year ending Jan. 1830 
 
 Dorington, J. E. parliamentary agent to the English and Irish 
 departments of the treasury « 
 
 Donkin, lieut.-gen. sir R. S. col. 80th foot 
 
 Don, gen. sir G. col. 3d foot, pay and emoluments 
 
 Lieutenant governor of Gibraltar 
 
 Donoughmore, gen. earl of, col. 1 8th foot 
 
 Searcher of Strangford and Donaghadee 
 
 Governor of Stirling Castle 
 
 Pension for military services •• 
 
 A meritorious officer, but with his other emoluments, and pos- 
 sessed of a hirge inheritance, he would bear reduction. Tlie pre- 
 sumptive heir to the honours and pension, the late captain Hutclunson, 
 of the guards, distinguislied himself in assisting the escape of the 
 French ffeneral, Lavalette. IJut all hereditary rewards are ob- 
 jectionable, except such as history accords. 
 
 Donne, J. G. clerk privy seal office, July, 1823 
 
 Surveyor of hawkers' licenses, July., 1827 
 
 Doyle, Sir F. H. deputy chairman, excise board 
 
 Deputy lieutenai)t of the Tower 
 
 Doyle, gen. sir John, bart. colonel 87th foot « • • • • 
 
 Governor of Charlemont 
 
 Douglas, col. Sir J. lieut.-col. of Portuguese army, half-pay •• 
 
 Deputy quarter-master-general in Ireland 
 
 Inspector of army clothing 
 
 Pension for loss of leg 
 
 Douglas, sir Howard, lieutenant-governor of New Brunswick 
 
 Dombrain, Jos. inspector-general of coast guard, Dublin • • • • 
 
 Dorchester, lady, pension on consolidated fund 
 
 Pension on civil list, 1 764 
 
 Drake, Mr. clerk to master Dowdeswell, (whom see) 
 
 Drake, gen. dep. commissary in the West Indies ' 
 
 Drinkwater, lieut.-col. comptroller of army accounts 
 
 Late commissary-general 
 
 Drummond, rev. C. E. pension on civil list, 1822 
 
 Drummoud, Edw. late private secretary to the duke of Wel- 
 lington, who, on the resignation of the premiership, 
 placed him on the court pension list 
 
 Drummond, Percy, colonel royal artillery, 1827 . . :■ 
 
 £1350 
 365 
 600 
 477 
 1003 
 4615 
 313 
 700 
 
 3896 
 
 1 1 00 
 1412 
 1318 
 4211 
 1258 
 929 
 857 
 2000 
 
 300 
 100 
 
 1700 
 786 
 
 1228 
 
 ms 
 
 200 
 
 746 
 
 346 
 
 350 
 
 2900 
 
 800 
 
 1000 
 
 115 
 
 1426 
 
 1317 
 
 1500 
 
 525 
 
 100 
 
 250 
 474
 
 528 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 Lieut. -governor royal military academy, Woolwich, 1 829 
 
 Forage and servant allowance • • • 
 
 Duncan, H. biother of lord Camperdown ; storekeeper of the 
 Ordnance 
 
 Duncannon, viscount, son of lord Besborough, and brother of 
 general Ponsonby, commissioner of woods and forests 
 
 Dunglass, lord, chamberlain of Ettrick forest 
 
 Durham, lord, lord privy seal 
 
 The salary of the privy seal has been fixed at £2000 ; but we be- 
 lieve lord Durham has given up the whole of his emoluments to the 
 public. It is an office to which no direct or necessary duties appear 
 to be attached ; but we presume it forms one more of those costly 
 appendages of monarchy, which, like the mysteries of faith, and lord 
 Brougham's wig and train, must not be too closely investigated. 
 
 Durell, Martha, pension on civil list, 1810 
 
 Dutton, W. C. minute-clerk, customs 
 
 D'Urban, sir B. lieut.-governor, Demerara 
 
 D'Urban, W. J. government secretary, Demerara 
 
 Duntze, sir J. hart, late receiver general of taxes, Devon • • • • 
 
 Dundas, lady Elizabeth, pension on civil list, 1801 
 
 Dundas, William, M.P. for Edinburgh, and brother of viscount 
 Melville ; lord clerk register, keeper of the signet, 
 and register of sasines, Scotland, ci7-ca 
 
 Dundas, dame Charlotte, pension on civil list, 1812 
 
 Dundas, rear-adm. hon. G. H. L. lord of the admiralty 
 
 Duff, lieiit.-gen. hon. Alex. M.P. for Elgin, col. 92d foot • • 
 
 Duhigg, Mary, pension on civil list, 1815 
 
 Durnford, col. E. colonel commanding royal engineers, Canada 
 
 Dunlop, lieut.-gen., colonel 7.5th foot 
 
 Durell, Patty, pension on civil list, 1825 
 
 Dwyer, F. late six clerk, chancery, Ireland • 
 
 D wight, Susannah, widow, pension on civil list, 1820 
 
 Dyer, H. M. police justice. Great Marlborough-street 
 
 Dyer, H. M. pension out of consolidated fund 
 
 Dyer, John, chief clerk in the admiralty • 
 
 Dyer, John, receiver of receipts of customs 
 
 Dyke, P. A. collector of customs, Ceylon 
 
 Dyson, Jeremiah, George, and Henry, or survivor, civil list . . 
 
 Dyneley, Charles, deputy-register, prerogative court of Can- 
 terbury ; from fees 
 
 Dyneley, John, secretary of presentations to lord chancellor • • 
 
 Dyott, lieut-gen. Wni. col. 63d foot, pay and emoluments • • • • 
 
 Earl, E. retired allowance as commissioner of customs 
 
 Earle, P. H. assistant clerk in the treasury, July, 1802 • • . • 
 Retired commissioner of lottery, March, 1 827 
 
 Earnshaw, W. assistant solicitor of customs 
 
 Eden, Emily and Frances, pension on civil list, 1818, each • • 
 Sisters of lord Auckland, himself a pensioner and a minister.
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 .529 
 
 Ebbs, John, clerk, privy council office, Dublin 
 
 Compensation for wine-warrants, Jan. 1 828 
 
 Usher and keeper of council chamber, March, 1828 •• 
 
 Clerk in military departnacnt of chief secretary 
 
 Compensation for losses at the union 
 
 Edwardes, James, head distributor of stamps, Scotland 
 
 Edwards, John, retired allowance as solicitor of excise 
 
 Edwards, dep. commissary g-enoral in Jamaica 
 
 Edg'ecombe, J. collector of customs, Newcastle 
 
 Edgecombe, F. late commissioner, victualling office 
 
 Elderton, M. clerk to Master Wingrield,(whom see) 
 
 Eldon, lord, pension out of consolidated fund 
 
 Tlie patriarch of the Pitt and phinder system has survived to wit- 
 ness the final issues of his politics. All the calamities under which 
 the {oiintrj' is suffering are the consequences of the war, of tlie 
 burthens it entailed, and of the cessation of those dram-shop expe- 
 dients, which were '' strength in the beginning, but weakness in 
 the end." The politicians of this school must liave had some mis- 
 s;ivinss of the soundness of tlieir dogmas ; they could not but know 
 that there must be a limit to the magnitude of the debt, and that a 
 load of taxes, which absorbed ^^ages and profits, juust end in 
 general poverty and privation. But tliey were reckless adventurers, 
 who looked ouly to the present hour, and were regardless of what 
 the future might bring forth. Patriotism, with them, was out of the 
 question : their objects were power and emolument. " If we," 
 said Lord Eldon, on the trial of Mr. Perry, " by our industry, have 
 acquired a degree of opulence and distinction which we could not 
 reasonably have looked for, let us be thankful to that f^tivernmcnt to 
 ■whose favour we are, in a great measure, indebted Ibr success. 
 And do not let us, by any rash attempt upon our constitution, put 
 it out of the power of our children to rise to similar situations." 
 (Erskine's Speeches, vol. ii. p 415.) Here is a distinct avowal of 
 the pure selfisin which attached his Lordship to the constitution ; 
 it had worked ivell for iiiM, and it might work well for his children. 
 I5ut how it had worked for the country, formed no part of tlie 
 consideration. 
 
 A late repentance is better than none, and we wou'.d suggest to 
 this votary of the " immortal memory" the propriety of surrendering 
 his pension in aid of a deficient revenue, caused by the improvident 
 measures of himself and colleagues. The time was when ex-chan- 
 cellors received no pensions ; tlicy have little need of them now, 
 possessing abundant means in outfits, patronage, and direct emolu- 
 ments for making provision for the future. As respects his lord,--hip 
 individually, his necessities must be much less tiian others ; his 
 oflicial galherings during the long term he held the great seal must 
 be enormous. Upon the average of three years, 1808, ISO!), and 
 1810, the net receipt of the chancellor was £l9,-233 : 2 ; and in one 
 year, 1811, the chancellor's emoluments were t'-22,7;57 : 13. (Pari. 
 Rep.i22, Sess.}8'i\ .) His lordship's son, W. H J. Scott, is entrenched 
 chin-deep in sinecures an'l reversions, and if he survive iMr. Thur- 
 low, will have an income of £14,000 a year /«r doing mithi/i,::. 
 With so much in possession and in the future, why, my lord, cling 
 to this disgraceful and redundant allowance? Why not oiler it up 
 as some poor atonement for past errors— for the inheritance of debt, 
 
 2 ."M 
 
 £659 
 
 35 
 
 266 
 
 184 
 
 65 
 
 900 
 
 1292 
 
 1040 
 
 700 
 
 400 
 
 1476 
 
 4000
 
 530 PLACES, I'KNSIOxNS, SINKCLIIKS, AND GRANTS. 
 
 difficulty, and civil strife wliicli for the next ten or twenty years 
 your fatal measures have entailed on the country ? 
 
 Elgin, earl of, late ambassador to the Ottoman Porte 
 
 Also, as lieutenant-general 
 
 Elibank, Alexander Murray, pension on civil list, 1826 
 
 Elibank, lady, pension on civil list, 1830 
 
 Elphinstone, lord, pension on civil list, Feb. 1814* 
 
 Ditto, additional, Aiig. 1826 
 
 Ellenborough, lord, chief clerk of court of king's bench • • • • 
 A brother, H. C. Law, capt. in the army, and cuslos hreiium in 
 the King's Bench jointly with lord Kenyon ; C. K. Law, a brother, 
 common Serjeant of the city of London ; John Law, a brother in the 
 array; \V. J. Law, a cousin, commissioner of Insolvent Debtors' 
 Court ; G. H. Law, uncle, bishop of Bath and Wells ; J. T. Law, a 
 cousin, prebend of Lichfield ; Henry Law, a cousin, archdeacon of 
 Wells ; Robert V. Law, a cousin, prebendary of Chester ; E. Law, 
 a cousin, in the church : Harkness, Barlow, Crofts, and Dynely, 
 are relations, and hold offices and preferments. Lord Ellenborough 
 has some reason for disliking the spreading spirit of resistance to 
 the tithe tax, and has suggested that the person be attached for non- 
 payment of tithe, but the amphibious baron and clerk has not said 
 where prisons and gaolers are to be found for the confinement of a 
 whole community. 
 
 Elley, major-gen. J. col. 17th light dragoons, pay 
 
 Governor of Galvvay 
 
 Pension for wounds • ^ - 
 
 EUicombe, C. G. lieut.-col royal engineers, May, 1825 •••• 
 
 Allowance for house-rent, forage, and servants 
 
 Brigade major, Jan. 1 82 1 • 
 
 Ellice, Edward, brother-in-law of earl Grey, and M.P. for 
 
 Coventry ; joint-secretary to the treasury 
 
 Ellis, H. clerk of the pells in the exchequer (a sinecure) • • • • 
 Full brother, born before wedlock, of the earl of Buckingham- 
 shire, and lately a civil servant of the East-India Company. 
 
 Ellis, Thomas, master in chanceiy, Ireland 
 
 Elliott, H. secretary to military boards • 
 
 Elliott, H. late minister to the two Sicilies 
 
 Elliott, hon. capt. Geo. secretary to the admiralty 
 
 Emmett, brevet-major A. captain, royal engineers, 1825 • • • • 
 
 Extra commanding engineers, at Manchester 
 
 Allowance for a servant 
 
 Pension for a wound , 1817 
 
 Emerson, J. commander of post-office packet, Liverpool • • • • 
 
 Master in the na\T, 1810 
 
 Englebach, L. G. inspector in audit-office, 1806 
 
 Inspector of foreign department, 1 822 
 
 Erskine, lord, envoy and plenipotentiary at Munich 
 
 Erskine, lady Louisa, pension on civil list, 1801 
 
 Daughter of the old lord T'xbridge, and married a colonel Erskine
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 531 
 
 who died pending proceedings instituted for a divorce. She has 
 since married sir George Murray, the late colonial secretan,', who 
 appears from our List to have large military emoluments, and who 
 can hardly sanction his wife drawing a pension as the widow of the 
 late sir James Erskine. 
 
 Erskine, Euphemia, Helen, and Marianne, each, civil list* • • • 
 
 Erskine, Mrs. widow of H. Erskine, civil list, 1818 
 
 Erskine, Mary Henrietta, pension on civil list, 1797. • • ..... 
 
 Erskine, sirT., brotlier of lord Erskine and of the Misses 
 Erskine, chief judge, bankrupt court 
 
 Errol, earl of, pension on civil list, 1819 
 
 Master of horse to the queen, 1 830 • « • • • 
 
 Errol, countess dowager of, pension on civil list, 1809 
 
 Errol, Harriet, countess of, civil list, 1820 
 
 Esten, C. chief justice of Bermuda ■ > - - 
 
 Evans, J. commissioner, bankrupt court 
 
 Everett, W. receiver of taxes, London and Middlesex 
 
 Ewart, John, Elizabeth, and Mary, each, civil list, 1794- • • • 
 
 Ewbank, J as. general accountant, excise 
 
 Exmouth, admiral lord, pension by act of parliament 
 
 Admiral in the navy 
 
 Several sons in the navy and church. See Pellew in the List of 
 Plurulists. 
 
 Falconar, John, consul at Leghorn 
 
 Fane, J. T. M.P. for Lyme Regis; clerk in privy-seal office 
 
 Half-pay lieut.-col. in 22d dragoons, 1 824 
 
 Nephew of the anti-reform peer, lord Westmoreland, who has 
 spent a long life in jobs and offices. His son, major-gen. lord 
 Burghersh, is envoy in Tuscany ; H. S. Fane, a son, major 34lh foot ; 
 sir H. Fane, cousin, lieut.-gcn. and col. 1st dragoon guards; 
 Mildmay Fane, a relation, lieut.-col. .54th foot ; F. \V. Fane, capt. 
 R. N. ; and R. G. C. Fane, commissioner of bankrupt court, vice- 
 chamberlain of Chester, and king's sergeant duchy court of Lan- 
 caster : these are a few branches, exclusive of numerous others, 
 struck off in the female line. 
 
 Farran, Jos. clerk of the pleas, exchequer, Ireland 
 
 Falkland, viscount, pension on civil list, June, 1816 
 
 Fagel, Louis, baron de, pension on civil list, Nov. 1814 • • « • 
 
 Fall, Richard, assistant-surveyor, customs 
 
 Farr, W. D. first marshal, Demcrara 
 
 Fabian, Robt. pen.sion on civil list, 1828 
 
 Falk, Lucius Bentinck, pension on civil list, 1816 
 
 Farmer, sir Geo. R. pension on civil list, 1822 
 
 Farrer, Ann and Mary, pensions on civil list, 1771 
 
 Farrer, J. W. master in chancery 
 
 Fauquier, Edward, senior clerk in the treasury 
 
 Superintendent of St. James's and Hyde Parks 
 
 Ferguson, Joseph, superintendent of mail-coaches, Ireland • • 
 Manager, money-order office, ditto 
 
 .M 2 
 
 £50 
 300 
 400 
 
 3000 
 276 
 
 92 
 
 300 
 
 1020 
 
 1.500 
 
 1900 
 
 121 
 
 600 
 
 2000 
 
 760 
 
 1144 
 320 
 200 
 
 1384 
 200 
 130 
 
 1420 
 
 .5100 
 111 
 184 
 185 
 311 
 
 3622 
 849 
 207 
 369 
 1.50
 
 432 
 
 IM.AIKS, TKNSIONS, SINECURES, AM) GRANTS. 
 
 FerguBSon, lieut.-gen, sir R. M.P. for Kirkcudbright, col. 
 79th foot, pay 
 
 Fergusson, Isabella, Mary, and Margaret, civil list, 1799' • • • 
 
 Fergiisson, I'.lizabeth, pension on civil list, 1805 
 
 Finch, H. clerk Ist class, war-office 
 
 Finch, hon. and rev. E. chaplain and principal of schools, Ceylon 
 
 Finch, gon. hon. E col. 22d foot 
 
 Finlaison, O. J. actuary, national-debt-office 
 
 Findlay, lieut.-col. governor of Sierra Leone 
 
 Fisher, major-gen. G. B. unattached gen. Woolwich-garrison 
 
 Fisher, Lucy, pension on civil list, 1813 
 
 Figg, Fanny, pension on civil list, 1 829 
 
 Fitzwilliam, G. deputy-vendue-master, Trinidad 
 
 Fitzclarence, misses, pension out of 4g per cent, fund, 1820 • • 
 The children ol" tlie king by the kite Mrs. Jordan. The husbands 
 of the ladies are, the earl of Errol, the hon. J. E. Kennedy, (second 
 son of earl Cassilis), Mr. P. Sidney, (only son of sir James Sidney,) 
 the hon. col. Fox, (son of lord Holland), and lord Falkland. The 
 male scions of this connexion are, G. Fitzclarence, earl of Munster, 
 a colonel in the army, lieutenant of the Tower, and aid-de camp to 
 the king; lord Adolphus Fitzclarence, capt. K. N. and yeoman of 
 the robes; lord F. Fitzclarence, colonel in the army, lieut. col. 7th 
 loot, and aid-de-camp to the king; and lord Augustus Fitzclarence, 
 rector of Maple-Durham. 
 
 Fitzhum, madam, pension on civil list, 1 825 
 
 The pension granted during his viceroyship, by mai'quis Wellesley, 
 who can, perhaps, explain it, as well as that to lady Montgomery, 
 and other followers to the Emerald isle. 
 
 Fitzgibbon, Thomas, pension on civil list, 1826 
 
 Fitzroy, lady Mary, pension on civil list, 1821 
 
 Fitzgerald, lord, late minister to Lisbon 
 
 Fitzgerald, lord Robert, pension on civil list, 1 801 
 
 Fitzgibbon, R. H. brother of earl of Clare, and M.P. for 
 Limerickshire; usher and registrar of affidavits in 
 
 court of chancery, Ireland • • 
 
 Fleming, vice-adm. hon. C. E. commander-in-chief. West Indies 
 Fleming, Jean, Elizabeth, and Catharine, each, civil list* • • • 
 
 Flint, sir C. W. resident secretary, Dublin, 1803 
 
 Comptroller of Killybegs 
 
 Pension on Irish civil list, 1815»»» 
 
 Foley, lord, captain of gentlemen pensioners 
 
 Fonblanque, J. G. commissioner of bankrupt court ....... 
 
 Forbes, Dr. superintendent of vaccine establishment, London. • 
 
 Forbes, F. chief-justice of New South Wales 
 
 Forbes, J. H. lord of session, Scotland • • 
 
 Forster, T. clerk of debentures, auditors' office 
 
 Foster, J. L. baron of court of exchequer, Ireland 
 
 Foster, A. J. brother-in-law of the carl of Buckinghamshire ; 
 envoy and minister plenipotentiary at Turin 
 
 £612 
 
 184 
 
 97 
 
 595 
 
 1070 
 
 1231 
 
 1 330 
 
 2000 
 
 1247 
 
 136 
 
 47 
 
 1500 
 
 2500 
 
 40 
 
 70 
 
 200 
 
 1700 
 
 800 
 
 3560 
 
 2555 
 
 49 
 
 1551 
 
 87 
 
 266 
 1000 
 1500 
 1270 
 2000 
 2000 
 
 900 
 3692 
 
 4249
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, S IN EC L UKS, AND GltANl.S. 
 
 53:j 
 
 Forbes, lord, high commissioner to the church of Scotland • • 
 
 Fox, H. J. minister plenipotentiary, Buenos Ayres 
 
 Fox, Mrs. Bridget, lord Holland in trust for, civil list, 1806. • 
 Widow of the late right Hon. Charles James Fox, the idol of the 
 AVhiir party. Mr. Fox was an amiable good-natured man, but a 
 factious, mistaken, and aristocratic ijolitician. Party had never a 
 more devoted leader; no chieftain of banditti was more faithful to 
 his troop than Mr. Fox to his followers. He fought for them, apos- 
 tatized for them : he would resort to any stratrif;;i>m, disgrace him- 
 self with any alliance, adopt any contrivance, domineer over his 
 sovereign, revile his minister, or court the people : and all this not 
 for himself, for no man was more disinterested — nor for his country, 
 for of that he thought little— but solely for the chosen few ranged 
 under his banner. There never was a more whole-length partizan ; 
 his whole soul was d(;voted to the interests of his followers ; beyond 
 that circle he had neither eyes, cars, nor understanding. If Mr. 
 J'ilt's ruling passion was ambition, Burke's base lucre, the god of 
 Mr. Fox's idolatry was party ; in that " he lixed, breathed, and 
 had his being."' That he should be loved by his friends, and enthu- 
 siastically admired by his followers, may be easily conceived; but 
 that he should be htld up, after the full discovery of his inconsistent 
 and mistaken conduct, as an object of national gratitude, cannot be 
 so readily explained. 
 
 Mr. Fox was originally bred a Tory. His conversion is ascribed 
 to Burke, the organ of the M'hig,or Rockingham party. Under his 
 auspices he imbibed those mischievous princijjles, wliich ever after 
 formed his political creed. The system Burke taught was briefly 
 this: — First, that the House of Brunswick being indebted for the 
 throne to the union of a few great lamilies at the Revolution, it was 
 ri-iht that these families shi)\ild possess the entire control of the 
 government. Secondly, for tlie more ell'ectual maintenance of this 
 claim, it was necessary they should act in a body, so as to be able 
 to resist tiie power and inlluence of the Oown. These two princi- 
 ples embrace the whole system of the Whig school. It is evidently 
 void of public principle ; the people are excluded from considera- 
 tion ; it is a mere scheme for the monopoly of power and emolu- 
 ment. The Whigs, indeed, of that day professed that lutnncli- 
 nutit and Uifurm formed also a part of their doctrines; but 
 experience demonstrated to the country, tliat these were mere pre- 
 texts to catch i)opular support, to i'n;\bl(! them to make head against 
 their opponents, and that real practical Wliiggism consisted in acting 
 en masse, and the divine indefeasible right of a few superannuated 
 nobles to govern the country. 
 
 Now, on such principles and partizan.ship, Mr. Fox's life was 
 thrown away. Though he beheld the overwhelming influence of 
 the crown, from enormous taxation, the augmentation of the peer- 
 age, and the letting in the whole, tribe of contractors, money-job- 
 bers, and paper-dealers, yet he never wiiuld cordially join in build- 
 ing up the democratic branch of the constitution, which they had 
 subverted. His whole mind was contrat led to l>arty, to the augmen- 
 tation of his little knot of followers, the re-union of the Sew and 
 the Old Whigs; and then, when the whole, by dinners and meet- 
 ings and caballing, was brought into mure perfect discipline and 
 organization— doing what ! NVhy, torsoolh, not accoiuplishing any 
 great and substantial plan for reformation ; but solely renewing the 
 old war against the king ; thwarting his measures, Ix-arding him in 
 his closet, (luarrclling aliont the appointuwut of grooms and bed- 
 
 £2000 
 
 3300 
 
 938
 
 534 PLACES, I'KNSIOxNS, SINECURES, AND GKANTS. 
 
 chamber lords, the disposal of ribbons and garters, and rods and 
 Wtinds — and then, having; obtained entire control of the palace, 
 from the kitchen to the drawing-room, and placed the sovereign in 
 tiiat state of blessedness in which he can do no wrong, because he 
 can do nothing, completed tlie grand climacteric of W higgism! 
 
 That this is no exaggerated picture of the principles of Mr. Fox, 
 it is only necessary to advert to his conduct in the extortion of the 
 peerage for sir Fletcher Norton — his petulant abandonment of office, 
 on the King's appointing the duke of Portland successor to the 
 marquis of Rockingham — his coalition -witii lord North — his con- 
 duct on the regency question — and his virulent and unprincipled 
 opposition to the early administration of Mr. Pitt. " I have heard," 
 says Mr. Nichols, " Mr. Fox use tliis expression : — ' Our party is 
 formed on tl>e principle of confederacy ; ought we not tlien to con- 
 federate with him (lord North) who can give us the greatest 
 strength?"* These memorable words contain a full exposure of 
 the utter littleness and profligacy of Mr. Fox's political system. 
 They need no comment. He never deviated from his " principle of 
 confederacy." Even in 1803, after his long, able, and, so far as 
 the revolutionary war was concerned, praiseworthy opposition to 
 Mr. Pitt, he was most anxious to unite with that minister in order 
 to form a grand party combination. This union did not take place, 
 solely from Mi-. Pitt's reluctance to enter, after the Whig fashion, 
 into a systematic opposition to the court. He would, however, 
 have gone into power with Pitt on the overthrow of the Addingto- 
 niaus, had not the King been '' impracticable." 
 
 After the full exposure of Mr. Fox's party views, it is needless to 
 show that he was no friend to Parliamentary Reform. " When 
 finally separated," says Mr. Allen, *' from his old aristocratic con- 
 nexions, and convinced, from fatal experience, that the House of 
 Commons had sunk into the passive instrument of ministerial power, 
 his opinion became gradually more inclined to Parliamentary Re- 
 form, from utter despair of seeing the revival of those party con- 
 nexions to which he had been accustomed to look for the preserva- 
 tion of public liberty. "i Here is the admission of his partial biogra- 
 pher, that Mr. Fox only considered Parliamentary Reform a dernier 
 resort, not a great substantive measure, which alone could stem the 
 overwhelming tide of regal, aristocratic, and moneyed influence. 
 As to the revival of public liberty by party connexions, that language 
 is well understood by those who have read the history of their 
 country from the Revolution, especially of the ill-concocted 
 Administration of 1806. 
 
 We shall make no further observations on Mr. Fox. How far he 
 is entitled to the appellation of " the Friend of the People," the pre- 
 ceding observations may perhaps enable the reader to determine. 
 Without detracting from his amiable qualities, or the great powers 
 with which Nature had gifted him, we must be permitted to say, 
 that he was a very objectionable statesman ; and that, with the ex- 
 ception of the Libel Law, and the Abolition of the Slave Trade, 
 he neither conceived nor executed a single great measure for the 
 honour and benefit of his country. If he understood, as sir James 
 Mackintosh says he did, the constitutions, both in •' an exactly- 
 legal and comprehensively philosophical sense" better than any man, 
 and his life was a practical commentary on that knowledge ; then 
 we must say the constitution is a very difl'erent thing from what 
 
 * Recollections of the Reign of George III. p. 172. 
 t Sup. to Ency. Britt. art. Fox, written by Mr. Allen.
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 535 
 
 we conceived it to l)e. And we must also add, tliat if true pa- 
 triotism consists in spending a long life in abortive attempts to holster 
 up the interests of a contemptible Oligarchy, that, too, is a thing 
 we do not understand. 
 
 Fox, Mrs. Anne, pension on civil list, 1816 
 
 A natural daughter, we fear, of Charles James Fox, and who, 
 if need be, ought to have lieen provided for by the Fox club. 
 Fortescue, Jane, and after death to misses Young, civil list* • 
 
 Fortescue, H. postmaster, Cork • 
 
 Fowlis, lady, pension on civil list, 1799 
 
 Frampson, sir G. F. late commissioner of bankrupts 
 
 Franklin, sir W. principal inspector, army medical board- • • • 
 Fraser, Charlotte, Charles, and Jane, jjension civil list, 1799 
 
 Fraser, col. sir A. director of the royal laboratory 
 
 Pension for good services 
 
 Frere, B. late minister to the Ottoman Porte 
 
 Frere, right hon. J. H. late minister of Spain 
 
 Freeling-, sir F. sec. to the post-office, salary and emoluments 
 
 Sir V. Freeling has furnished apartments, coals, candles, 6cc. in 
 
 addition to these emoluments. He is a meritorious public servant; 
 
 but it must be conceded, he and his family are sutKciently paid for 
 
 their services. 
 
 Freeling, G. H. assistant-secretary, post-office 
 
 Freeling, J. C. secretary to the excise • • • . 
 
 Freemantle, sir W. H. treasurer of his majesty's household- • 
 
 Late solicitor for Irish affairs - 
 
 Freemantle, Georgiana, Albinia, and Frances, pensions on 
 
 civil list, each, 1813 •>•• 
 
 Freeman, lieut.-gen. Q. J. lieut-gen. in the army 
 
 Late barrack-master and commiss. board of works, Ireland 
 
 Frewin, Rebecca, pension on civil list, 1 824 
 
 Fyers, lieut.-gen. W. col. royal engineers, Ireland 
 
 Fuller, major-gen. sir J. colonel 96th foot 
 
 President of the consolidated board of general officers • • 
 Fullarton, J. moiety of the earl of Bath's hereditary pension 
 
 out of the excise 
 
 Fullarton, John, lord of session, Scotland 
 
 Fry, J. C. registrar in chancery 
 
 Gambler, E. J. deputy and 1st clerk, tellers' office 
 
 Gambler, sir J. late consul-general in the Netherlands 
 
 Garrall, capt. H. governor of Haslar-hospital, Plymouth-- •• 
 
 Garrow, sir W. late baron of the exchequer 
 
 Gascoyne, gen. I. colonel 54th foot, pay 
 
 Gardiner, col. deputy-adjutant-gcneral, Ireland, 1823 
 
 Contingent allowance 
 
 Lieut. -colonel half-pay, 1 825 
 
 Gardiner, sir R. lieut.-col. royal artillery, 1828 
 
 Pension for good services, 1813 
 
 £276 
 
 266 
 
 520 
 
 184 
 
 200 
 
 1200 
 
 389 
 
 967 
 
 182 
 
 120O 
 
 1700 
 
 4165 
 
 800 
 
 1500 
 
 904 
 
 924 
 
 43 
 593 
 972 
 100 
 2184 
 1119 
 197 
 
 1200 
 
 2000 
 
 4224 
 
 1000 
 
 1200 
 
 800 
 
 3500 
 
 613 
 
 693 
 
 150 
 
 200 
 
 293 
 
 91
 
 536 PLACKS, PENSIONS, SlNliCURfiS, AND GRANTS. 
 
 Garvock, capt. J. deputy-assistant adjutant-general, 1809 •• 
 Allowance in lieu of half-pay as captain of infantry • • 
 Secretary to commiss. of royal military coll. 1814« • • • 
 
 Gaselee, sir G. a judge of the common pleas 
 
 Gawler, H. secretary to master of the rolls 
 
 One of the six clerks in chancery 
 
 Gibhs, major John, landing surveyor, Hull • • • • • 
 
 Gibbs, G.T, W. collector of customs, Yarmouth 
 
 Gibbons, Edw. assistant-clerk in the treasury 
 
 Giftbrd, R. F. lord, pension on civil list, 1827 
 
 Additional on Irish civil list, 1827 * • • 
 
 Additional on Scotch civil list, 1827 
 
 The pensions are for the benefit of the present lord, and the 
 other children of the late lord Gifford, attorney-general during the 
 trial of Queen Caroline. 
 
 Gillies, Adam, lord of session and justiciary, Scotland 
 
 Commissioner jury court, ditto 
 
 Gillies, Dr. John, pension on civil list, 1813 
 
 Gillon, Catharine and Elizabeth, pensions each, civil list, 1805 
 
 Giminghan, 2d under-clerk, tellers' office 
 
 Glenlyon, lord, lord of the bedchamber 
 
 Major-g-en. and governor of Isle of Man 
 
 Brother and heir presumptive to the duke of Athol. 
 
 Glennie, Ven. J. M. S. archdeacon, Ceylon 
 
 Gloster, H. protector of slaves, Trinidad 
 
 Gloucester, duch. of, pension out of 4^ per cent, fund, 1820. 
 For the parliamentary allowances of the royal family see p 237. 
 The duke of Gloiscester was formerly a Whig. When the present 
 government came in he expected to have been put at the head of the 
 army. Finding that lord Grey considered that a general officer, who 
 had seen actual service, was a fitter person for the situation than 
 H. R. H. he u'ent into bitter opposition. 
 
 Goddard, Isabella, pension on civil list, 1812 ♦ 
 
 Goddard, Louisa, pension on civil list, 182.5 
 
 Goderich, viscount, secretary of colonial department 
 
 Gostling, N. deputy-register of the prerogative court of Can- 
 terbury ; from fees 
 
 Gordon, gen. Geo. duke of, col. of 1st regt. of foot 
 
 Governor of Edinburgh castle 
 
 Gordon, sir R. late ambassador at Constantinople 
 
 Gordon, sir George, pension on civil list, 1821 
 
 Gordon, J. collector of customs, Bristol 
 
 Gordon, capt. sir Jas. A. governor of Plymouth hospital • • • • 
 Gordon, lieut. gen. sir J. W. M.P. for Launceston; col. 23dfoot 
 
 Quarter-master-general 
 
 Gordon, A. chief-clerk, secretary colonial-office 
 
 Agent for Demerara 
 
 Ag"ent for Lower Canada 
 
 Gordon, R. governor and vice-admiral of Berbice • • 
 
 £260 
 
 127 
 
 200 
 
 .5500 
 
 1487 
 
 1200 
 
 700 
 
 700 
 
 672 
 
 800 
 
 204 
 
 198 
 
 2600 
 600 
 200 
 97 
 600 
 500 
 
 2000 
 1300 
 1000 
 
 662 
 
 40 
 
 5000
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 537 
 
 Gort, viscount, constable of Limerick castle 
 
 Gore, F. 1st clerk in tellers' office 
 
 Goodenough, G. T. late commissioner of taxes, 1801 
 
 Late sec. for reduction of the national debt, 1818 ••• • 
 Gosset, Elizabeth and Gertrude, pensi'ons on civil list, 1828' • 
 
 Gosset, Ralph-Allen, pension on civil list, 1829 
 
 Gomez, A. assessor to the governor, Trinidad 
 
 Godby, A. secretary post-office, Edinbur2;h 
 
 Goulbourn, H. pension as late Irish secretary, 182.5 
 
 The Tories ought to put on sack-cloth and ashes in lien of 
 assailing the Grey ministry, on account of its financial difliculties, 
 knowinjr that these difficulties are the result of their own lavish 
 expenditure. It would be more becoming in them to throw up 
 their pensions and sin' cures as a set-off against the waste of publi3 
 tiioney in palace buildini^, the Kideau canal and Belgic fortresses. 
 As to Mr. Goulburn he is certainly no conjurer in finance. He is 
 all hodge-podge, subterfuge, and deception. Mitness his blundering 
 exhibitions in respect of the sugar duties, his oversight in respect 
 of life annuities, and the tricks hi; played in respect of the French 
 claims and custom duty on West India produce ! Such a specimen 
 of imbecility and mystification as iiis speech on the introduction of 
 the civil list in 1830 was never bf fore presented to parliament. To 
 expatiate on the fntgulittj of the late King in not having exceeded 
 his income ! Why, had he been Heliogabahis himself, and supped 
 on diamonds, he could not have dissipated liis immense revenue. 
 Then to talk about the inexpediency of separating the various items 
 of the civil list expenditure, lest the Kadicals siiould discover the 
 personal expenses of the monarch, and thence institute invidious 
 comparisons between royal and republican institutions — what ina- 
 nity! All these matters are now thoroughly understood by every 
 body. Only read our chapter on the civil list and the economy of 
 George IV. and the cost of a king will be as clear as day-light. 
 But ought it to be inferred from thence we are unfavourable to mo- 
 narchical government? No! we know too well what is, to think 
 for a moment of what (/e noro might be; we know, too, that though 
 the key stone is not the arch, there could be no arch without it — at 
 least not a Huthk arch! 
 
 Goodman, J. A. vendue master, Demerara 
 
 What enormous emoluments to governors, registrars, secretaries, 
 and other officers in the colonies. Well may the British dependen- 
 cies be unable to yield revenue to the mother country ; or, even, 
 to defray the expense of their own establisliments. 
 
 Grady, H. G. allowance as late counsel to excise, Dublin* • • • 
 An Irish job. The oflice abolished, there should have been no 
 allowance. 
 
 Graham, sir J. M.P. for Cumberland, 1st lord of the admiralty 
 Sir James by improvements in the civil administration of the 
 navy, and reductions in the estimates nearly to the amount of a 
 milliov, has almost silenced Mr. Hume, and set a splendid example 
 to the heads of departments. That tin- baronet possesses abilities of 
 the first order was evident, from his forcible and eloquent exposition 
 of the emoluments of privy-councellors, the salaries of pul)lic officers, 
 and the costs of foreign missions, which greatly contributed to fix. 
 pui)lic attention on a lavish government expenditure. We trust so 
 able a man has discovered his errors on the currency (juestion, and 
 lie no longer cHlertains the vul;jar notion of that class \% ho w ron^ly 
 
 £.336 
 
 1000 
 
 1.50 
 
 500 
 
 198 
 
 9.5 
 
 1500 
 600 
 
 2000 
 
 2986 
 
 13.33 
 4500
 
 538 
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 ascribe national distress to the withdrawal of the rag-moneij, and 
 the substitution of a metnllic circula.tion. In other respects the 
 sentiments of the first lord of the Admiralty are liberal and en- 
 lighlened, as is apparent from the following extract from a pamphlet 
 publisiied 1)y him some years ago : — 
 
 " The paramount duty of every government is attention to the 
 interests of the community, of which the labourers must form the 
 great majority ; the right of property itself is instituted for tlie good 
 not of the few who possess wealth and honour, but of the many 
 who have them not; if tlie majority be deeply injured, the public 
 peace is in danger; if the majority want foodj private property be- 
 comes a nuisance." — Corn and Currency, p. To. — Sir James may have 
 trimmed bis ideas since tliese sentiments were published, but we 
 trust the substance remains engraven where it ought to be, in all 
 those entrusted with power over the happiness of the community. 
 
 Graham, sir R. late baron of the exchequer 
 
 Graham, M. Kay, Isabella, and Caroline, c. 1. June 1816- • 
 These ladies' father was a man of large fortune, of Fintray, but 
 who dissipated it, and are near relatives of lord Lynedoch. But 
 every one relieves himself to burthen the public. This proves the 
 great necessity that there should be no pension list. In no other 
 country are the poor and decayed relations of the privileged classes 
 so provided for as in England. 
 Grafton, duke of, hereditary pension out of the excise revenue 
 
 Ditto, ditto post-office ditto 
 
 Sealer of king's bench and common pleas 
 
 One of the four illegitimate descendants of Charles II. raised lo 
 ducal peerages. It might be right in this profligate king to quarter 
 the produce of his debauchery on the people's industry, but it is 
 with surpi-ise and indignation we find it continued to the present 
 day. How happened it the revolution Whigs of 1G88 did not rid 
 the country of this infamy? The present duke returns two or three 
 members to the lower house : he is said to be an " excellent gentle- 
 man ;" whether the motto — Et decuset pretium recli—'^' the ornament 
 and recompense of virtue," refers to the pensions or descent of his 
 grace it is not easy to determine. 
 
 Graves, C. G. cashier of widows' pensions 
 
 Granville, W. vice-treas. and commissioner of stamps, Ceylon 
 Granard, earl of, clerk of crown and hanaper, Ireland • • • • 
 
 Granville, viscount, ambassador to France 
 
 Grange, James, senior clerk in the treasury • • . • . 
 
 Pension on 41 per cent, fund 
 
 Grant, major-gen. governor of Trinidad 
 
 Grant, J. T. clerk of the cheque, Portsmouth 
 
 Grant, D. M. collector of customs, Kingston, Jamaica •••• 
 
 Grant, sir W. late master of the rolls 
 
 Grant, maj.-gen. sir C. col. 15th light dragoons 
 
 Grant, C. M.P. for Invernessshire ; president of India board 
 
 Grant, R. M.P. for Norwich; judge advocate-general 
 
 Commissioner of the India board ••• 
 
 Grant, Sophia and Charlotte, pension each on civil list, 1784 
 Grant, Catharine, Ann, and Harriet, pension each on c. 1. 1790 
 
 Grant, Ann, pension on civil list, 1827 
 
 Gratton, Lucia, Caroline, and Frances, pension each on c. 1. i 80':! 
 
 £3500 
 276 
 
 7200 
 4700 
 2888 
 
 700 
 2000 
 
 886 
 
 10000 
 
 1000 
 
 250 
 5535 
 
 460 
 2500 
 3750 
 1237 
 3500 
 2000 
 1200 
 49 
 97 
 
 100 
 - 32
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 539 
 
 Gravatt, col. W. inspector, royal military academy, 1814 •• 
 
 Lieut -colonel invalid engineers, 1811 
 
 Gregg, — deputy registrar, bankrupt court • 
 
 Gregory, O. professor of mathematics, Woohvich academy • • 
 Gregory, Wm. and lady Ann Gregory, and survivor, civil list 
 
 Gregorj'-, William, late under secretary for Ireland 
 
 Green, gen. sir C. col. 37th foot 
 
 Greene, Wm. comptroller of customs, Liverpool 
 
 Gregg, Robert F. clerk in vice-treasurer's office, Dublin • • • • 
 
 Allowance as clerk in late Irish treasury, 1817 
 
 Grenville, lord, auditor of the exchequer (a sinecure) 
 
 Grenville, Thos. chief justice in Eyre 
 
 Brother of the precedinfj .sinecurist and uncle of the duke of 
 Buckingham, the nobleman so noted for his love of stationery, of 
 which he carried off a great deal for private use from the office 
 he held in 1806. 
 
 Greville, A. F. commissioner of alienation office, 1828 
 
 Late private sec. to lord Wellington, pension on c. 1. 
 
 Bath king at arms, 1 829 
 
 Greville, Charles, comptroller of cash in the excise 
 
 Secretary of the island of Tobago 
 
 Allow ance as naval office)-, Trinidad 
 
 Greville, C. C. F. clerk of the council 
 
 Secretary and clerk of the enrolments, Jamaica 
 
 As late naval officer, Demerara 
 
 The duke of Wellington, at the period of his resignation, in lieu 
 of providing out of his own pocket for A. F. Greville, as his private 
 secretary — if he needed provision — threw him on the court pension 
 list to be provided for by tlie people. 
 
 The next of the name, Charles Greville, married a daughter of 
 the duke of Portland, who provided for her amply, as above, in the 
 excise, Tobago and Trinidad. The duke also took good care of 
 her son, C. C. F. Greville. The pleasures of the turf may be fairly 
 indulged in, tlie britska in summer, and the post-chariot in winter, 
 when not at the pulbic expense. 
 Grey, hon. H. G., gen. brother of earl Grey ; col. 13th light 
 
 dragoons pay 
 
 Grey, earl, first lord of the treasuiy 
 
 Commissioner for the affairs of India 
 
 The noble primier is mostly represented as too exclusive in his no- 
 tions to conciliate popular esteem. AV'e should be loth to hang a 
 man fur a word or a phrase, any more than a single action of life, 
 unless it were a deliberate and very flagrant alrocitj. Besides, al- 
 though lord Grey did say he would '* stick to his order," it ought to 
 be remembered, as a set-off, that in a session or two preceding, 
 he actually took a brother peer to task, for having in his harangue 
 too freely applied the disparaging epithet of lower orders to the 
 working classes. The aristocracy of his lordship is, we apprehend, 
 more in words than in any thing else. His early history and the Ko- 
 form Bill, with which his future fame and character will be iden- 
 tified, sufliciendy show that he is now and always has been a sin- 
 cere friend of popular rishls. 
 
 £264 
 
 326 
 
 600 
 
 558 
 
 461 
 
 1000 
 
 1123 
 
 600 
 
 390 
 
 55 
 
 4000 
 
 2316 
 
 150 
 
 250 
 
 90 
 
 600 
 
 350 
 
 572 
 
 2000 
 
 3000 
 
 500 
 
 1057 
 5000
 
 )40 
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 Griesbach, Caroline, Elizabeth, and Frances, pension each, on 
 
 civil list. 1826 
 
 Griffith, E. police justice, Mary-le-bone 
 
 Griffith, Walter, Anne, Mary, Henry, George, Charlotte, Wil- 
 liam, Charles, Arthur, and Harriet, pension, each, 
 
 on civil list, 1 82 1 • 
 
 Grove, H. L. collector of customs, Exeter 
 
 Groom, R. assistant secretary, tax-office 
 
 Grosvenor, gen. T. col. 65th foot 
 
 Grosvenor, lord Robert, third son of earl Grosvenor, and 
 M.P. for Chester; comptroller of the king's house- 
 hold 
 
 Gurney, sir J. baron of the court of exchequer, 1832 
 
 Guydicker, Frances, pension on civil list, 1793 
 
 Gwilt, Robert, clerk, Chelsea-hospital 
 
 Agent for Newfoundland 
 
 Gwynne, Thomas, comptroller of legacy duties 
 
 Gwynne, Georgiana, pension on civil list, 1800 
 
 Gwyn, Mary, pension on civil list, 1821 
 
 Hatton, Edw. F. late paymaster of widows' pensions, 1799 • • 
 
 Retired pension as commis. of stamps, 1819 
 
 Inspector-general of tea and coft'ee, 1819 
 
 Uncle of that undefinable peer lord Winchilsea. At the Kent 
 meeting his lordship praised the Reform Bill, and afterwards voted 
 against it ; he eulogized lord Grey for bringing it forward ; after- 
 wards he abused him for the same cause. In a similar manner he 
 abused and fought the duke of Wellington, and now praises him. 
 
 Haldane, Maria, pension on civil list, 1819 
 
 Hamilton, lieut.-col., inspecting field-officer, Ireland 
 
 Pension for loss of a leg, Dec. 1811 
 
 Hamilton, Mrs. pension out of 4^ per cent, fund, July, 1820 
 Hamilton, Arabella, Elizabeth, Mary, Isabella, and survivors 
 
 of them, civil list, March, 1796 
 
 Hamilton, John, in trust for children of 
 
 Hamilton, R. prothonotary king's bench, Ireland 
 
 Hamilton, W. R. pension on consolidated fund 
 
 Hamilton, R. principal clerk of session, Scotland 
 
 Professor of public law •• 
 
 Hamilton, H. C. J. secretary of embassy at Paris 
 
 Hamilton, admiral, sir Charles, pension on civil list, 1790 • • 
 
 Hamilton, sir J. col. 69th foot 
 
 Governor of Dungannon fort 
 
 Handfield, Catharine, Anne, Eliza, Jane, Mary, Julia, and 
 Sarah, pensions, each, on Irish civil list, 1816 • • • • 
 
 Hart, C. inspector and receiver of taxes, 1806 
 
 Hart. gen. G. V, unattached pay as general officer 
 
 Governor of Londonderry and Culmore 
 
 Harrison, T. commissioner ofexci.se
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 541 
 
 Harrison, W. parliamentary counsel to the Treasury 
 
 Law clerk, war-office 
 
 Harrison, G. allowance as late assistant secjetary, Treasuiy. • 
 Harrison, J. allowance for loss of office, customs, Dublin • • • • 
 
 Harrison, Ann, pension on civil list, 1828 
 
 Haines, H. gentleman of the chamber to the lord chancellor ; 
 net emolument from fees in the year ending Jan. 5, 
 
 1830 
 
 Hallam, Henr}', late distributor of stamps 
 
 (Jan this be the historian of the Middle Ages and anti-reformer ? 
 It is one of those objectionable allowances on which we have before 
 commented; granted conditionally, " until otherwise provided for." 
 Hallifax, Gertrude, Charlotte, Marianne, Caroline, Catharine, 
 and Elizabeth, each, out of the civil list, 1793 • • . • 
 Daughters, we believe, of a bishop, and connected with the Cock- 
 burns through the Littletons. 
 Hammond, lieut.-gen. sir T. unattached pay as lieut.-gen, • • • • 
 Hammond, George, Edmund, Margaret, and William, each out 
 
 of civil list, 1806 
 
 Harvey, F. clerk of Ulster-road and vice-president, Inland- 
 office 
 
 Harvey, dame Louisa, pension on civil list, 1 826 
 
 Hardinge, lieut.-col. sir H. pension for wounds 
 
 The recent wanton attack of sir Henry on lord Ebrington was 
 more worthy of the rejected candidate for the county of Clare than 
 of a really brave soldier. 
 
 Hartwell, sir F. H. late deputy comptroller of the navy 
 
 Hanmer, W. clerk of Nisi Prius, north and Norfolk circuit.? • • 
 
 Clerk of the inner treasury, court of king's bench . • • • 
 
 Hardy, rear-admiral sir Thomas, commissioner of the admiralty 
 
 Haultain, Terrick, accomptant, army pay-office 
 
 Hassard, col. Jn. commanding royal engineers, Ionian Islands 
 
 Hasler, Sarah, pension on civil list, 1 780 
 
 Hastings, Selina, Georgina, Louisa, Edward, and Richard, 
 
 pension, each, on civil list, 1 829 
 
 Hammond, G. late minister to United States 
 
 Hay, Dorothea, Lewis, Elizabeth, Mary, Jane, and Isabella, 
 
 pensions, each, on civil list, 1 806 
 
 Hay, lady Fanny, pension on civil list, 1822 
 
 Mary, additional on civil list, 1 823 
 
 Ditto, additional, civil list, 1824 
 
 Of the Tweeddale family these, and as Sir John Cam Hobhouse 
 has married one, he can best explain the origin of the pensions. 
 
 Hay, D. consul-general Tangiers 
 
 Hay, R. W. under secretary of state for the colonies 
 
 Hayman, Ann, pension on civil list, 1823 
 
 Hayne, Henry, commissary judge at Rio Janeiro 
 
 Hayter, Elizabeth and Sophia, pension on civil list, 1 81 8 • • • • 
 
 £1000 
 
 400 
 2000 
 1207 
 
 400 
 
 1755 
 500 
 
 60 
 
 593 
 
 150 
 
 637 
 300 
 300 
 
 1164 
 
 580 
 
 602 
 
 1000 
 
 1200 
 
 1195 
 
 132 
 
 50 
 1200 
 
 79 
 100 
 200 
 100 
 
 2000 
 2000 
 
 266 
 1326 
 
 101
 
 542 
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, ANU GRANTS. 
 
 Hailes, Daniel, late envoy, &c. to different courts 
 
 Halls, Thomas, police justice, Bow-street 
 
 Hankey, sir F. chief secretary, Malta • 
 
 Hawker, Dorothea, Julia, and Mary, pension on civil list, 1827 
 
 Henn, W. master in chancery, Ireland 
 
 Heatly, Mary, pension on civil list, 1790 
 
 Headfort, marchioness of, pension on civil list, 1821 
 
 Heathcote, Antoinette, pension on civil list, 1802. »/•,•• 
 
 Heneage, G. H. W. hereditary proclamator in common pleas- • 
 Hebden, John, superintendent of dead letter office, Ireland • • 
 
 Taxing- clerk in the inland office, Ireland 
 
 Henley, lord, brother-in-law of sir R. Peel, master in chancery 
 Some aristocratical stuff lately appeared in the Morning Chronicle, 
 — not from the editor, we are sure, he is incapable of such nonsense 
 — representing the degradation of the peerage by lord Henley, after 
 succeeding to the family title, continuing to hold his appointment 
 of master in chancery, part of whose duty it is to act as messenger 
 from the lords to the commons. We presume this scribe considers 
 it only compatible with the dignity of lords to live by plunder, as in 
 the days of Burke's chivalry, not by the pursuit of some useful voca- 
 tion. But we wonder what can degrade the aristocracy lower: 
 look at their scrambling, intriguing, and apostatizing for office ; look 
 at them condescending to fill the places oi port-si:archcr, sealers, clerks, 
 and wharjingers, for the sake of the emoluments ; look at the still 
 greater infamy of quartering themselves, their niotliers, children, 
 and relatives on the industry of a starving people ; look at these 
 degradations, and say if proud nobility can fall lower. 
 
 Hereford, viscount, pension on civil list, 1 806 
 
 Heard, H. G. late six clerk chancery, Ireland 
 
 Herbert, Geo. clerk and auditor in the treasury 
 
 Henderson, James, consul-general at Bogota 
 
 Hertford, marquis of, lord warden of duchy of Cornwall • • • • 
 One of the greatest of borough proprietors ; returning two mem- 
 bers for Orford, two for Aldeburgh, one for Lisburn, one for Bodmin, 
 and tAvo for Camelford. For illustration of the practical working of 
 these nomination boroughs to the benefit of tlie relations of the 
 marquis, see Seymour. 
 
 Hertslet, L. librarian, foreign secretary's office 
 
 Superintendent of king's messengers 
 
 Compensation for loss of fees in Ceylon 
 
 Hesketh, Robert, consul at Maranham 
 
 Herries, J. C. late commissary-in-chief, 1816 
 
 Herries, Isabella, pension on civil list, 1814 
 
 Herries, lieut.-colonel sir W. comptroller of army accounts • • 
 
 Pension for loss of leg 
 
 Herbert, C. first fiscal, Demerara 
 
 Hervey, lord W. secretary of legation in Spain 
 
 Son of lord Bristol, and grandson of the famous absentee bishop 
 of Derry. 
 
 Hepburne, Catharine, pension on civil list, 1829 
 
 Hewitt, W. clerk of the papers, king's bench prison, from fees 
 
 184 
 1000
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 543 
 
 Hewett, gen. rt. hon. sir G. col. 61st foot, pay and emolu- 
 ments 
 
 Hewett, hon. J. commissioner of excise 
 
 Hewgill, Elizabeth, pension on civil list, 1801 
 
 Hervey, L. late minister at Madrid 
 
 Heytesburv, lord, ambassador at St. Petersburgh 
 
 Heyland, Rowley, clerk of the rules, Ireland ' . . . . 
 
 Hill, lord M. C. secretary to embassy in Turkey 
 
 Hill, gen. rt. hon. R. lord, colonel 53d foot 
 
 General commanding- in chief 
 
 Pension granted by parliament inl814"» 
 
 Hill, Capt. J. commissioner, victualling establishment, Deptford 
 
 Hill, W. N. brother of lord Berwick, envoy at Naples 
 
 Hill, sir Geo. F. pension as clerk, Irish house of commons • • 
 Governor of St. Vincent, West Indies 
 
 Hill, lady, pension on civil list, 1830 
 
 Tliis lariy tlie diikc broug'ht ia as well as his private secretary, 
 and the whipper-in, Mr. Holmes, at the death of his administration. 
 Lady Hill, one of the Beresfords, is the wife of the preceding:, who 
 has always held large sinecures in Ireland, but who, from his im- 
 prudence, has always been greatly embarrassed. Sir George sold 
 his Irish pension, and was named governor of the Leeward Islands. 
 With the claims of his wife the ex-premier is best acquainted ; but 
 there are strong reasons, it is said, why the public should not be 
 burthened with ttiis pension. 
 
 Hicks, John, clerk in home department 
 
 Higham, S. secretary, national debt office 
 
 Hislop, lieut.-gen. sir T. col. 48th foot, pay and emoluments 
 
 Hinchcliffe, H. pension on consolidated fund 
 
 Hobhouse, Sir John Cam, secretary at war 
 
 Hobhouse, rt. hon. H. keeper of state papers 
 
 Pension as late under secretary of state 
 
 Holland, lord, chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster 
 
 Well ! who would have thought of lord Holland ever being a 
 chancellor. Sinecures are good for something if it be only for the 
 convenience of the s;ont. 15ut the Aristocracy come upon us in so 
 many dillerent shapes, it is rather too bad, these nests of abuse, the 
 counties palatine should be kept up as a kind of hospital for the aged 
 and inlirm of the "order." The Jenkinsons, Bathursts, and Hex- 
 leys, have enriched themselves in these retreats, and we regret no 
 better appointment could lie found for the nephew of Charles James 
 I'ox. — By the bye it was rather ill-natured of so good-natured a 
 man as lord Holland to write tiie note he did in answer to the in- 
 quiries of the parliamentary committee relative to the emoluments 
 of his sinecure. It was a subterfuge worthy only of a Tory, to 
 decjare that the duties of his oflice, " without the express commands 
 of the king," precluded him from making the reiiuisite return. His 
 lordship will wonder how we have leiirut the amount of his income ; 
 the fact is we took it from the return of one of his predecessors, 
 less scru]>ulous about royal commands. 
 Holroyd, lulw. commissioner of bankrupt oouit 
 
 £1221 
 1200 
 
 233 
 
 1200 
 
 11000 
 
 1107 
 
 800 
 1350 
 3458 
 2000 
 
 800 
 4400 
 2091 
 4000 
 
 467 
 
 1129 
 1300 
 1081 
 1000 
 2580 
 811 
 1000 
 3563 
 
 1500
 
 544 PLAci:.s, PENSIONS, sinecures, and (JRANTS. 
 
 Holdsworth, Elizabeth, pension on civil list, 1789 
 
 Hosiei-, W. clerk to auditor of land revenue 
 
 Hope, Elizabeth, pension on civil list, 1806 
 
 Homage, clerk to master lord Henley in chancery 
 
 Horton, sir R. W. governor and vice-admiral of Ceylon 
 
 Hood, lord, pension on 4^ per cent, fund 
 
 (.'an any one tell llie public services of lord Hood ? 
 
 Hood, T. S. consul at Monte Video 
 
 Howard, L. computer of wine and plantation duties, customs- • 
 
 Houston, lieut.-gen. sir W. colonel 20th foot, pay 
 
 Groom of the bedchamber 
 
 Howard, lieut.-gen. lord, col. 70th foot 
 
 Howick, viscount, son of earl Grey, and M.P. for Higham 
 Ferrars ; under secretary of state for the colonies- - 
 
 Hope, John, king's solicitor for Scotland 
 
 Hough, T. S. clei-k to master Trower in chancery 
 
 Houghton, Penelope, pension on civil list, 1787 
 
 Hosier, J. and T. Bernard, pension 41 per cent fund, 1796 • • 
 
 Hornby, Phipps, distributor of stamps, Lancashire 
 
 Half-pay as captain in the navy 
 
 Home, sir William, solicitor-general 
 
 Hobart, hon. H. and rt. hon. J. Sullivan, pension out of 4 j per 
 
 cent, fund, July 1820 
 
 Holloway, C. W. lieut.-col. royal engineers, Cape of Good Hope 
 
 Pension for a wound, 1817 
 
 Hoblyn, Thomas, chief clerk in the treasury 
 
 Hope, lieut.-gen. sir J. colonel 72d foot 
 
 Hope, lieut.-gen. sir A. col. 47th foot, pay and emoluments • • 
 
 Lieut. -gov. of Chelsea Hospital 
 
 Pension for wound 
 
 Hope, Charles, lord president court of session, Scotland 
 
 The three preceding relations of lord Hopetoun. 
 
 Holmes, T. collector of customs, Grenada 
 
 Holmes, Thomas, Knox, pension on civil list, 1830 • • 
 
 Had the celebrated Mr. W. Holmes been the u-hipper-out in lieu 
 of the whipper-in of many of the honourable members, we should 
 have deemed him a more meritoiious public servant, and better en- 
 titled to a pension during the life of his son at the close of his official 
 labours. 
 
 Home, sir E. sergeant-surgeon to the king 
 
 Surgeon to Chelsea Hospital 
 
 Retired pay 
 
 Home, Alexander, earl of, pension on civil list, 1792 
 
 Homboure^, princess of Hesse, pension, 4^ per cent, duties, 
 
 "1820 r 
 
 Honyman, sir W. of Armadale, late lord of session 
 
 Honyman, dame Maiy, pension on Scotch civil list, 1814« • • •
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND fiKANTS. 545 
 
 Honyman, Mary, Catharine, Margaret, and Jemima, pension 
 
 on civil list, 1815, each 
 
 Daughters of the preceding: dame Mar) ; the lady's husljanrt was 
 a lord of sessions, a baronet, and possessed a considerable estate. 
 The son was a major while a child. How they came chargeable on 
 the pension list is most extraordinary. 
 
 Hudson, T. prothonotary of the common pleas 
 
 Hume, J. D. joint assistant secretary, board of trade 
 
 Hume, A. teller of exchequer, Ireland 
 
 Hume, David, one of the barons exchequer, Scotland 
 
 Hume, John, clerk in the victualling-otiice 
 
 Hume, Elizabeth, pension on civil list, 1 H26 
 
 Humphiey, Louisa, pension on civil list, 1827 
 
 Hunt, Mary, pension on civil list, 1 8 1 tj 
 
 Hunter, sir R., pension on Irish civil list, 1826 
 
 Additional pension on civil list, 1 827 
 
 Physician, we believe, to marquis Wellesley during his viceroy- 
 ship — and so rewarded for medical skill and attendance ! 
 
 Huskisson, T. paymaster of the navy 
 
 Huskisson, G. collector of customs, St. Vincent 
 
 Huskisson, J. W. collector of customs and judge, Ceylon • • • • 
 Hunting'don, earl of, pension on civil list, 1829 
 
 Tiiis nobleman is reckoned among tiie poor peers ; his brothers and 
 sisters are on the pension list for £22:i. 10s. The earldom was in 
 abeyance in 1819, and tiie title claimed on the speculation of re- 
 ceiving a pension to support it, 
 
 Hutchinson, A. A. H. brother of lord Donoughmore, commis- 
 sioner of customs 
 
 Inglis, doctor, bishop of Nova Scotia 
 
 Iggulden, I. dep. reg. prerog. court of Canterbury ; from fees 
 
 Innes, James, secretary and registrar, Berbice 
 
 Irvine, A. one of the lords of session, Scotland 
 
 Irving, W. inspector-general of imports and exports 
 
 Irving, Lucy, pension on 4j per cent, duties 
 
 Jackson, major-gen. sir 11. D. colonel 81st foot, pay 
 
 Deputy quarter-master general 
 
 Jackson, (leorge, commissary judge at Sierra Leone 
 
 Jackson, J. clerk in foreign otUce 
 
 Jackson, Laura Harriet, pension on civil list, 18U3 
 
 Jacob, W. comptroller of corn returns 
 
 Jadis, Henry, paymaster, excliequer-bilis 
 
 Clerk in India board oflice 
 
 Jardine, sir H. king's remembrancer coiirt of excheq. Scotland 
 
 Jarnac, madame de, pension on civil list, 1794 
 
 Jeans, rev. Thomas, pension on civil list, 1780 
 
 Jebb, R. second justice king's bench, Ireland 
 
 Jefferey, T. N. collector of customs. Nova Scotia 
 
 Jeffrey, Lucia, pension on civil li^t, 1816 
 
 'J N 
 
 £37 
 
 2600 
 1.30 
 1000 
 2000 
 720 
 200 
 150 
 150 
 177 
 111 
 
 1200 
 
 1 500 
 
 1184 
 
 400 
 
 1200 
 
 2000 
 
 1200 
 
 2000 
 
 2000 
 
 900 
 
 120 
 
 613 
 
 691 
 
 2145 
 
 720 
 
 100 
 
 765 
 
 600 
 
 500 
 
 1700 
 
 177 
 
 178 
 
 37.30 
 
 2000 
 
 200
 
 546 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 Jeffrey, sir Francis, lord advocate of Scotland • • • • 
 
 We never heard any thing but to the honour of the late prime fea- 
 ther of the Edinbiirgh Review, and shall give the lord Advocate a fair 
 name even in The Black Book. He possesses, as is well known, 
 first-rate power as a writer in English, and a speaker in Scotch; and, 
 after a somewhat arduous course, sir Francis may sit down rejoicing, 
 either as lord or commoner, in as bright a career as any man, who 
 begins life with dubious prospects, and all to achieve, need covet 
 withal. 
 
 Jenkinson, R. H. registrar of excise 
 
 Receiver of stamps » 
 
 Lieutenant of Dover-castle 
 
 Jenner, R. collector of excise, Glasgow 
 
 Jennings, Ann, pension on civil list, 1801 
 
 Jeremie, J. chief justice, St. Lucia • 
 
 Registrar of slaves 
 
 Jesse, Edward, deputy-surveyor of royal parks, &c. 
 
 Gentleman of the ewry (king's household) 
 
 Joddrell, Augusta, pension on civil list, 1794 
 
 Jones, J. Edw. assist, deputy-adj-gen. royal artilleiy, 1818'« 
 
 Lieutenant-colonel royal artillery, 1828 
 
 Forage allowance 
 
 Jones, W. marshal of the king's bench prison; from fees, about 
 
 Jones, W. clerk to master Cross, in chancery 
 
 Jones, B. S. assistant secretary, India board 
 
 Jones, W. cashier of half-pay • 
 
 Jones, J. T. lieut.-col. royal engineers, Woolwich, and for in- 
 
 spectinrf fortresses in the Netherlands 
 
 Pension for wounds • • • 
 
 Johnson, Robert, late justice common pleas, L*eland ...... 
 
 Johnson, William, third justice common pleas, Ireland •••• 
 
 Johnson, J. Irish secretary's office, London 
 
 Johnson, W. F. chief clerk, ordnance department 
 
 Johnston, L. F. C. judge of criminal inquiry, Trinidad • • • • 
 
 Johnston, sir Alexander, retired judge of Ceylon 
 
 Married a cousin of the duke of Argyle 
 
 Johnston, sir W. pension on civil list, 1794 
 
 An old bachelor of large property at Gilioid, county Downe ; 
 well known at Bath and other watering places, being altogether an 
 absentee. 
 
 Johnston, E. J. pension on civil list, 1827 
 
 Keane, major-gen. sir J. col. 94th foot • 
 
 Unattached pay, and staff pay in Jamaica 
 
 Pension for wounds 
 
 Kelly, Patrick, vice-consul at Lima ; salary 
 
 Kekwith, George, puisne judge, Cape of Good Hope • 
 
 Kempt, sir James, master general of the ordnance • • 
 
 Colonel of 40th regiment of foot 
 
 Kemmis, Henry, assistant barrister, Kildare
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 547 
 
 Commissioner of inquiry, Ireland 
 
 Kenyon, lord, custos brevium, court of king's bench ; from fees 
 
 Kenyon, hon. Tho. brother of preceding ; filazer, exigenter, and 
 
 clerk of outlawries in the court of king's bench ; fees 
 
 Compensation, per act 6 Geo. IV. 
 
 Kennedy, T. F,, jM. P. for Ayr ; clerk of the ordnance 
 
 Kennedy, Elizabeth, Susanna, Sarah, and Ellen, their lives 
 
 and survivor, each, civil list •••• 
 
 Kensit, H. clerk to master Stratford, in chancery 
 
 Keppel, gen. right hon. sir W. col. 2d foot, pay and emoluments 
 
 Kerr, lady Mary, pension on civil list, 1825 
 
 Kilmorey, gen. F. earl of, colonel 86th foot 
 
 Kilwarden, viscount, pension out of consolidated fund 
 
 Kingston, J. commissioner, colonial audit-oftice 
 
 Kinsale, lord, pension on civil list, 1823 
 
 Kingsland, viscount, pension on civil list, 1826 
 
 Kinnoul, earl of, pension out of 4^ per cent, duties • 
 
 Lyon king at arms, Scotland 
 
 King, sir A. B. his majesty's stationer, Ireland 
 
 Compensation as printer to Irish house of commons • • 
 
 King, Harriet M. widow, pension on civil list, 1792 
 
 A set of creatures have lately disgraced the public press, by ad- 
 vertising for wives, with small properties, which the knaves promise 
 shall be at the ladies' disposal during their lives. Speculators of 
 this class will find our Pension List of great convenience ; they will 
 be able to select suitable matches from the widows and sempstresses 
 of all ages, rank, and income; and though some, perhaps, a little 
 the woise for the wear and tear of official duly, in attendance on 
 the court and grandees of the land, quite good enough for them. 
 Kirkland, J. receiver of crown rents fn London and Middlesex 
 
 Agent for Nova Scotia and Cape Breton 
 
 Agent for recruiting service . . 
 
 Kirkcudbright, baron, pension on civil list, 1828 
 
 Kirwan, VVilhelmina, pension on civil list, 1807 
 
 Knight, G. W. H. inspector-general of customs, Leith, 1817 
 
 Captain in the navy 
 
 Knight, Cornelia, pension on civil list, 1814 
 
 Knighton, Dr. sir William, receiver of duchy court of Lancas- 
 ter and of duchy court of Cornwall 
 
 Keeper of the privy purse to George IV. This retired and 
 wealthy favourite might usefully employ his leisure in his Hamp- 
 shire retreat, in aflording the burthened community information of 
 the nature of the services of those troops of females who crowd the 
 Court Pension List ; to many of whom the Magdalen, or tread-wheel 
 would have been more appropriate, than annuities for life out of the 
 taxes. There is an ambassador, long kept out of the way at a 
 northern court; and a certain major-general, loaded with military 
 emoluments and oflices, though no soldier, further than wearing an 
 uniform, who would be well qualilied to assist in the undertaking. 
 The names, especially the fieorKtnas, (ieorgianns, the Arbuthoots, 
 
 2 X 2 
 
 £990 
 2696 
 
 1254 
 5463 
 1200 
 
 92 
 
 1075 
 
 876 
 
 200 
 
 1220 
 
 600 
 
 800 
 
 369 
 
 200 
 
 1000 
 
 600 
 
 335 
 
 850 
 
 431 
 
 500 
 200 
 834 
 200 
 266 
 600 
 191 
 300
 
 o48 
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 the Bathursts, the Lennoxes, the Herries, and sundry selections 
 from the Continent, are significant enough ; but there are others, 
 to whom tliere is no clue, and the denomination under which they 
 are set forth cannot be depended upon. Sir John Newport men- 
 tioned an instance, in the house of commons, illustrative of tlie 
 way they managed these things at the (Castle. A pension of £1000 
 for many years stood in the Irish civil list, in tlie name of George 
 Charles; no such person was known to exist any where; and on 
 inquiry, it turned out that this was a pension to the count de Verry, 
 who received it under tiie name of Charles, and was for some services 
 rendered at Paris. 
 
 For the last 70 years the pensions charged on the civil list of the 
 three kingdoms, exclusive of the immense sums paid for similar 
 objects out of tlie Leeward Island duties, and other sources, have 
 amounted to nearly £200,000 per annum. And for what, or on 
 
 whom has this immense sum been squandered? On ; but 
 
 the truth will out one day; tlie Circean and Paphian rites at tlie 
 Cottage will be shown up, and form an appropriate supplement to 
 the Pare au.v Cerfs, and other recorded debaucheries of the Bourbon 
 and German courts. 
 
 Leaving these abominations, we cannot help expressing a wish 
 that, as soon as the Reform liill is disposed of, the Whigs will in- 
 stitute an inquiry into the Duchy of Cornwall and the stannary 
 courts. There is no prince of Wales, nor at present, we believe, 
 any in prospect ; so the time of reform could never be more ap- 
 propriate. Besides Dr. Knighton, with immense emoluments, as 
 receiver-general, there are other officers — among them, an assay- 
 master for tin, a brother of lord Dorset, who has never even visited 
 that, to him, remote principality— the sinecure of his infancy, man- 
 hood, and maturity. 
 
 Knollys, gen. W. unattached pay us late major 3d foot guards 
 
 Governor of Limerick 
 
 Pension on civil list, 1814 
 
 Knox, John, pension on civil list, 1 800 
 
 Knox, John, pension on civil list, 1802 
 
 Knox, Mary Anne, pension on civil list, 1 801 
 
 Knox, H. V. joint prothonotary, common pleas, Ireland • • • • 
 
 Kuper, Rev. W. pension on civil list, 1816 
 
 This person must be a German — probably an Hanoverian. W^hat 
 claim can he have on the taxes of England? 
 
 Kyd, T. clerk and inspector of taxes, Edinburgh 
 
 Lance, J. H. commivssary judge at Surinam 
 
 Lack, John, clerk of the rates, customs 
 
 Lack, T. assistant secretary board of trade 
 
 Laffan, sir Joseph de Courcey, pension on civil list, 1828 • • • • 
 Went to Ireland as physician to the marquis of Anglesey, having 
 been first made a baronet ; and who granted the pension about the 
 time, it is said, he refused to sign the pension of the marchioness of 
 Westmeaih. 
 
 Lamb, George, brother of lord Melbourne, and M.P. for Dun- 
 garvon ; under sec. of state in the home department • • 
 
 Lamb, sir F. brother of Lord Melbourne, ambassador at Vienna 
 
 Lang, Charles, master-shipwright, Dcptford
 
 PJ.ACES, PExNSIONS, S I N EC U K liS, AND GRANTS. 
 
 549 
 
 Lang-, Oliver, niaster-shipwriglit, Woolwich 
 
 Lake, viscount, pension on consolidated fund 
 
 Lieutenant-general 
 
 Pension obtained by bin father for services in India and Ireland ; 
 the last, at least, did not merit it. Tlie present viscount is better 
 known as a late lord of tiie bedciianiber than in his military 
 capacity. 
 
 Langrishe, Hannah, pension on Irish civil list 
 
 Langrishe, Anne, pension on Irish civil list, 179(> 
 
 There was a sir Hercules Langrishe, bart. who received large; 
 compensations at the I'nion, and well known as a good companion. 
 These ladies may probably be his relatives, and tiie lord lieutenant's 
 generosity moved by the boon companionship of the baronet. 
 
 Lansdowne, marquis of, lord president of the council 
 
 The marquis, who is an estimable and enlightened man, was long 
 silent on the vital question of parliamentary reform; in the session 
 oflSm, however, he declared himself favourable to an extension 
 of the elective franchise; not merely for the sake of change, but 
 amendment, by more adequately representing the property and intel- 
 ligence of the community. The lord president will certainly not 
 gain by recent alterations. His lordship has lost nearly one-third of 
 his salary by Whig retrenchment, and the Reform Bill carries off a 
 moiety of the borough of Calne. 
 
 Larpent, F. S. chairman of the board of audit 
 
 Lambert, lieut.-gen. sir J. col. 10th foot 
 
 Lane, Thomas, secretary and registrar, Barbadoes 
 
 Lavington, Frances, baroness, pension on civil list, 1812 • • • • 
 
 Lascelles, R. late receiver-general for Monmouth 
 
 Chamberlain of Brecon 
 
 Laing, A. S. police justice, Hatton-garden 
 
 Latham, J. inspector and receiver of taxes, 1803 
 
 Lawes, Edw. chief registrar bankrupt court (exclusive of fees) 
 
 Lawrence, T. chief clerk, post-office 
 
 Layard, C. E. civil and military paymaster-general 
 
 Leach, sir .John, master of the rolls 
 
 Leake, S. R. M. assistant clerk in the Treasury 
 
 Leake, S. M. retired allowance as compt. of army accounts • • 
 
 Leake, R. M. master of report-office in Chancery 
 
 Sir E. Sugden might well li<"t tip his eyes in astonishment, when 
 he discovered the enormous emoluments of this gentleman. The 
 report office is a mere copying office ; and why the duty should be 
 remunerated at this extravagant rate is wholly unaccountable. The 
 chief clerkship is a sinecure, the work being done at a low rate by 
 subalterns. In 1798 the receipts of the oflice amounted to £1069, 
 having increased upwards of (burfold. These enormous sums 
 are all derived from copies of documents in suits ; for which Mr. 
 Spence suggests as a remedy the nuitual interchange between the 
 solicitors ot the opposite parlies the various copies required. The 
 increase in the emoluments of all officers in chancery has been enor- 
 mous. For an account of other chancery officers see I'np;li, IHlrrson, 
 Raynii/'ord, and Wiiif^ficld. We refer to Ihesf geutlemen, not from 
 any personal motive, or from a wish to imply any (iccuharity in (heir 
 
 £6.50 
 
 2000 
 
 456 
 
 460 
 177 
 
 2000 
 
 1500 
 
 1224 
 
 1469 
 
 400 
 
 200 
 
 245 
 
 800 
 
 706 
 
 800 
 
 586 
 
 2000 
 
 7000 
 
 672 
 
 2000 
 
 4589
 
 650 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 mode of dischargin<> judiciiil duties, but simply because the spirit 
 moved us, in reading tlicir names, to hang a note to them. 
 
 Le Blanc, Thomas, master of court of king's bftnch 
 
 One of the registrars for Middlesex 
 
 l^igh , George, pension on civil list, 1819 
 
 This (gentleman was in the 10th hussars, and lield some office 
 under George I\'., and has apartments at bt. James's Palace. He 
 married the sister of the poet Lord Byron. 
 
 Leigh R. inspector-general, tax-office 
 
 Leigh, F. allowance as late collector of excise 
 
 Lees, sir E. S. clerk of a road post-office, Ireland 
 
 Lees, T. O. clerk of a road post-office, Ireland 
 
 Searcher, packer, and ganger, Wexford 
 
 Lees, W. clerk, ordnance department 
 
 Leeds, duke of, constable of Middleham-castle 
 
 Lee, W. clerk of ships' entries, customs 
 
 Leggatt, Horatio, solicitor of taxes, in lieu of bills 
 
 Lennard, J. B. receiver of fees, pri^^' council-office 
 
 Lennox, lady Louisa, pension on civil list, 1764 
 
 Lennox, lady Georgiana, pension on civil list, 1819 
 
 Leeves, E. clerk in privy-council for trade 
 
 Pension on civil list, having been private secretary to 
 the late Mr. Huskisson, 1828 
 
 Legge, hon. H. commissioner of customs 
 
 Legge, hon. H. deputy comptroller of the navy 
 
 Brothers of lord Dartmouth, whose uncle was bishop of Oxford. 
 
 Lemon, Robert, deputj'-keeper of state papers, 1818 
 
 Secretary to commissioners to state papers, 1825 • • • • 
 
 Leitrim, earl of, -port-searcher, Dublin 
 
 Colonel of the Donegal militia : his son, William, is in the 
 army ; and his cousin, J. M. Clements, is AI. P. for Leitrim- 
 shire. 
 
 Lewis, J. M. naval commissioner, Sheerness 
 
 Ley, W. second clerk assistant, house of commons 
 
 Ley, J. H. clerk, house of commons 
 
 Leybourn, Tliomas, professor of mathematics. Military College 
 
 Lifford, viscount, commissioner of Excise ' 
 
 Lichfield, earl of, master of the staghounds 
 
 Here is another shameful salary payable out of tiie civil list. 
 Good God, if the king had two millions in lieu of half a million, he 
 might waste them on the Aristocracy at this rate. It has been declar- 
 ed by high authority, the days are past when government depends on 
 patronage for support. Why then was not this feudal sinecure 
 abolished, or its emoluments greatly reduced, on the resignation of 
 lord Maryborough ? It is not sufficient to allege such useless dignities 
 are unavoidable in a monarchy ; individuals have long since been 
 compelled to give up luxuries, and even comforts, and royalty 
 must give up trappings, of which William IV. we believe is no way 
 tenacious. 
 
 Lightfoot, J. accountant and comptroller of stamps • •
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 551 
 
 Listen, sir R late ambassador to the Ottoman Porte 
 
 Littledale, sir J. judge of the court of king's bench 
 
 Littledale, J. collector of customs, Whitehaven 
 
 ].ipscombe, right rev. W. bishop of Jamaica 
 
 Lock, Georgiana and Lucy F. out of 4,^ per cent, duties, each 
 Lloyd, John, commiss. for relief of insolvent debtors, Ireland 
 Lioyd, Mary-Anne and Emma, pension on civil list, 1815 •• 
 
 Lloyd, Mary-Harriet, pension on civil list, 1 829 
 
 Longmore, A. clerk, remembrancer's office, Edinburgh •... 
 
 Marshal of exchequer and clerk for land-tax 
 
 Longey, E. J. clerk in tally-writer's office 
 
 Compensation for loss as tally-cutter, 1826 
 
 Lowe, major-gen. sir H. 2d in command, Ceylon 
 
 Colonel of 93d foot 
 
 Low, Peter, commissioner of inquiry, Ireland 
 
 Loughborough, lord, clerk of chancery, Scotland 
 
 Lieutenant-colonel of 9th Lancers 
 
 Lowdham, L. A. secretary of lunatics to lord chancellor • • • • 
 Lowry, John, 2d professor of mathematics, military college* • 
 
 Lulham, Edw. clerk in the tax-office 
 
 Lumley, lieut.-gen. hon. sir W. col. 6th dragoons, pay • • • . 
 
 Pension for wounds 
 
 Groom of bed-chamber 
 
 Lushington, sir H . consul general at Naples 
 
 Lushington, E. H. late commiss. colonial audit-office, 1824 •• 
 
 King's coroner in the court of king's bench 
 
 Lushington, S. G. commissioner of customs 
 
 Lushington, S. R. pension, 1825 
 
 Brother-in-law of lord Harris. What are Mr. Lushington's claims 
 to a pension we are at a loss to discover. Always filling lucrative 
 oflircs, and now governor of Madras, for which post he deserted his 
 twenty pound Canterbury constituents. 
 
 Lushington, dame Fanny, pension on civil list, 1813 
 
 Ludlow, gen. Geo. J. Earl, col. 38th foot, pay 
 
 Governor of Berwick 
 
 Pension for loss of an arm 
 
 Lutwidge, C. collector of customs, Hull 
 
 Luttrell, H. F. commissioner of audit 
 
 Luttrell, J. F. clerk of the pipe, in Ireland 
 
 Lukin, R. 1st clerk, war-office 
 
 Lyndoch, gen. T. lord, col. 14th foot, pay 
 
 Governor of Dumbarton Castle 
 
 Pension by act of parliament 
 
 Lyndhurst, lord, chief baron, court of Exchequer 
 
 Lyon, major-gen. sir J. col. 24th foot 
 
 Statf pay as lieut.-gen. Leeward Islands 
 
 Governor of Barbadoes 
 
 Pension by Queen Charlotte 
 
 Maberly, lieut.-col. W. L. surveyor-general, ordnance 
 
 £2300 
 
 5500 
 500 
 
 4000 
 200 
 
 2062 
 266 
 200 
 450 
 130 
 700 
 187 
 
 4000 
 
 1200 
 
 1135 
 
 419 
 
 1301 
 
 267 
 
 629 
 
 911 
 
 400 
 
 360 
 
 1350 
 
 600 
 
 1160 
 
 1200 
 
 1500 
 
 350 
 
 613 
 
 169 
 
 400 
 
 1000 
 
 1200 
 
 450 
 
 1400 
 
 613 
 
 164 
 
 2000 
 
 7000 
 
 1514 
 
 1383 
 
 3767 
 
 100 
 
 1200
 
 552 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINRCUUES, AND (GRANTS. 
 
 Machen, E. deputy suj-veyor of Dean Forest, 1816 
 
 Joint deputy gniveller of Dean Forest, 181.-3 
 
 Magenis, Richard, conimis. civil accounts, Dublin, 1813 • • • • 
 
 Captain half-pay list 7th fusileers, 1811 
 
 Pension for loss of an arm, 1811 
 
 Magra, Emily and Harriet, pension on civil list, 1805, each' • 
 
 Macleod, George, inspector-general of stamps 
 
 M'Nair, R. collector of customs, Leith 
 
 Maclean, A. receiver-general of Scotland 
 
 Maclean, lieut.-gen. sir F. col. 84th foot, pay and emoluments 
 M'Clintock, J. and W? F. union compensation as chief ser- 
 geant at arms, Ireland 
 
 M'Clelland, Thomas, receiver-general of post-office, Ireland- • 
 M'Gregor, sir J. director-general army medical board, and 
 
 physician to garrison, at Portsmouth 
 
 M'Gregor, M. consul at Panama ■ 
 
 M'Causland, W. J. brother-in-law of lord Plunket ; solicitor 
 
 for minors and lunatics 
 
 Law agent and commis. of charitable bequests 
 
 Law ag-ent to commis. of education 
 
 Solicitor to board of Erasmus Smith 
 
 M'Causland, W. J. son of the preceding; joint secretary of 
 
 the lord chancellor 
 
 Maconochie, A. lord of session and justiciary, Scotland 
 
 M'Kenzie, J H. lord of session and justiciary, Scotland • • • • 
 
 Commissioner of the jury court, Scotland 
 
 Macdonald, sir James, M.P. for Hampshire ; commissioner 
 
 of the India board 
 
 Clerk of the privy seal 
 
 This last is a paieut oiKce woitli £'500 a j'ear, the whole of which 
 sir James has surrendered to the public without any compensation. 
 Though our wovlv is called tlie Black Bnnlc, we are always piompt 
 to record any deeds of au opposite complexion. 
 
 Macdonald, major-geu. J. colonel 67th foot, pay 
 
 Deputy adj. -gen. to forces 
 
 Macleay, \Y. S. commissioner of arbitration at the Havanna" • 
 Macintosh, sir James, commissioner for the affairs of India 
 Pension from the E. I. Company as late recorder Bombay 
 Not many public men can boast of having run so long and devious 
 a course, with so few backslidingsf as sir James INIacintosh. During 
 our evil days, when England was under the sway of that pestiferous 
 triumvirate, Sidmouth, Canning andCastlereagh, sir James delivered 
 speeches which did honour to his principles, bis consisteucy, and 
 independence. 
 Macleod, lieut.-gen. sir John, colonel commandant horse artil- 
 lery, director general of artilleiy, and master gunner, 
 
 St. James's Park 
 
 Mann, gen. G. col. engineers, inspector-gen. fortifications* • • • 
 
 M'Leay, A. secretary and registrar. New South Wales 
 
 Allowance in lieu of pension, per annum
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 553 
 
 M'Mahon, sir W. master of the rolls, Ireland 
 
 M'Murdo, D. collector of customs, Glasgow 
 
 Macauley, J. S. captain royal engineers, 1 829 
 
 Professor of fortification, military academy 
 
 Macauley, Z. commissioner for inquiring- into charities 
 
 Macauley, T. B., son of the preceding' M. P. for Calne ; late 
 
 commissioner of bankrupts 
 
 Mackrcth, R. inspector and receiver of taxes 
 
 Maister, H. W. registrar of deeds for east riding of Yorkshire 
 Maitland, lieul.-gen. sir P. col. 1st West-India regiment • • • • 
 Unattached pav as late captain of grenadier guards • • 
 Staff pav and emoluments as lieut.-aovernor of Nova- 
 Scotia and g^overnor of Anapolis • 
 
 Maitland, gen. F. colonel Cevlon rifle regiment 
 
 Lieut. -governor of Dominica 
 
 Cousin of lord Lauderdale, standard-bearer of Scotland, first a re- 
 publican, then a Whig, and now a Tory. Lieut.-gen. sir William 
 Houston is brother-in-law of the earl. Other relations are in the 
 army and navy, and oi e, a cousin of the peer, is director of the bank 
 of Scotland. The celebrated T. Garth, c^ipt. li-N. is also a member 
 of the family. 
 
 Mallet, J. L. secretary in the audit-office .c... 
 
 Maling, major T. assistant military sec. to commander-in-chief, 
 
 and captain 2d West India regiment 
 
 Marsden, Alexander, pension on civil list, during lives of his 
 
 daughters 
 
 Marsden, W. retired allowance as secretary to the admiralty* • 
 
 This gentleman voluntarily resigned his pension of ±! 1.500 a year 
 
 to the public, and we retain his name in this edition as an example 
 
 to others, and to record so meritorious an act. 
 
 Marsden, rev. G. senior chaplain New South Wales, with house 
 
 Marsden, Elizabeth and Maria, pensions on civil list, 1806 •• 
 
 Marshall, W. R. clerk of survey, Woolwich, till otherwise 
 
 provided for 
 
 Marshall, Edward, clerk in war-office 
 
 Clerk of estimates in war-office 
 
 Marshall, H. A. auditor and accountant-general, Ceylon • • • • 
 
 Manners, lord T. late lord chancellor of Ireland 
 
 Manning-, W. T. third clerk to clerk of ships entries 
 
 Manning, John, surveyor-general customs 
 
 Martin, vice-admiral sir T. B. late comptroller of the navy •• 
 Martin, D. cashier of foreign half-pay, and retired full pay • • 
 
 Martin, Henry, master in chancery, 1 83 1 , about 
 
 This {gentleman had retired from the profession some years, liut 
 lord lirougham appears to have thought Air. Martin was still equal 
 to the discharge of the duties of a master in chancery. 
 
 Mangin, A. clerk secretary's office, Ireland 
 
 Manningham, C. W. deputy and first clerk, teller's office • • • • 
 Mascall, E. J. retired allowance as collector of customs 
 
 3969 
 .500 
 202 
 2/30 
 
 1000 
 
 200 
 767 
 650 
 
 500 
 
 6093 
 921 
 366 
 
 1000 
 
 1043 
 
 645 
 
 578 
 300 
 
 450 
 
 800 
 
 150 
 
 2000 
 
 3692 
 
 1811 
 
 800 
 
 1000 
 
 700 
 
 4500 
 
 1074 
 1000 
 1750
 
 554 I'LACKS, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 Masli,T. B. comptroller of accounts lord chaniberlains's dep. • • 
 Miilcolin, vice-adm. sir P. commander-in-chief, Mediterranean 
 
 Maxwell, C. W. governor of St. Christopher 
 
 Maturin, Harriet, widow, pension on Irish civil list, 1826 • . • - 
 A iiiiseriil)li' pittance to tin; relict of a man of genius, wlio amused, 
 if he did not instruct tlie world by his writings. 
 
 Matthews, J. II. consul-general at Lisbon 
 
 Mansfield, .1. filacer, court of common pleas 
 
 Mansfield, countess of, pension 4^ per cent, duties, 1814' • • • 
 
 Mother of general Geo. Murray, and of tJie enemy of all reform, 
 
 lord Man.sfield, and of Fulke-Greville, and mother-in-law of the 
 
 hon. rinch-Hatton, brother of lord Winchilsea. 
 
 Manchester, duchess dowager of, compensation allowance for 
 
 loss of the office of collector of customs outwards, 
 
 held by the late duke of Manchester 
 
 Here is a curious case — a dowager duchess, ninctj' years of age 
 at least — receiving compensation for loss of ollice as searcher of cus- 
 toms ! \l hat services can this lady have rendered ? Her husband 
 was known some lifty years ago as a court lord, and if the marriage 
 was improvident, why must the widow be quartered on the public ? 
 Has not a labourer's or a mechanic's wife an equal claim ? Must 
 we have a i)auper nobility to support the dignity of the crown ? 
 AVhy is siie not maintained by her son, the late governor of Jamaica ; 
 or her grandson, lord JNlandeville, who married a rich heiress ? 
 Marlborough, duke of, hereditary pension out of post-office • • 
 Father of that mysterious reformer, the marquess of Blandford, 
 and of many others in the navy, army, and ciiurch. The pension 
 is a proof of the inutility of hereditary honours in guaranteeing here- 
 ditary nohilitij. John, the first duke, might deserve the pension, but 
 can it be said his descendant does ? 
 
 Master, Isabella F. pension out of 4^ per cent, fund 
 
 Mayo, earl of, pension as chairman of the committees of the 
 
 late house of lords, Ireland 
 
 This pension was given by an act of parliament ; it was an abuse, 
 and ought to be revoked by another. 
 
 May, sir G. collector of customs, Belfast 
 
 Maynard, George, computer of duties on East-India calicoes 
 
 Mayer, G. C. librarian in colonial-office .....t 
 
 Mayne, Richard, commissioner of metropolitan police 
 
 Maule, George, solicitor to treasury, salary 
 
 Emoluments 
 
 Mayow, P. W. assistant solicitor of excise 
 
 Meade, hon. J. consul-general at Madrid 
 
 Meade, lieut.-gen. Robert, colonel 12th foot 
 
 Pension for wounds 
 
 Melbourne, viscount, secretary of state, home affairs 
 
 Merry, A. late envoy, drc. to the United States 
 
 Mellish, Amelia, Eleanora, Elizabeth, and Wilhelmina, pension 
 
 on civil list, 1 825, each 
 
 Melluish, H. E. captain royal enp;ineers, 1814 
 
 Extra pay, employed in Canada
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 bob 
 
 Pension for a wound, 1814 
 
 Melville, viscount, lord keeper ol" privy seal, Scotland 
 
 Merlvale, J. 11. coniniissionor bankrupt court 
 
 Mitford, R. chairman board of taxes 
 
 Agent for herring fishery 
 
 Mitford, B. commissioner of inquiry, Ireland 
 
 Mitford, John, late commissioner of bankrupts, clerk of inrol- 
 nients in chancery, deputy register for Middlesex, 
 commissioner for appeals from board of excise, and 
 
 auditor of duchy of Lancaster 
 
 Mitchell, E. clerk vice-treasurer's office, Ireland 
 
 Computer of ofl-reckonings 
 
 Allowance as late clerk in Irish treasury 
 
 Miller, J. referee and partidon, Trinidad 
 
 Milne, A. secretary to commissioner of woods and forests- • • • 
 
 Miller, sir W. lord of session, Scotland 
 
 Millar, major-gen. W. unattached general officer, 1 825 
 
 Inspector of artillery, 1827 
 
 Inspector of royal brass foundry 
 
 Allowance for one servant ■ 
 
 Mills, F. II. precis writer in home department, 1820 
 
 Librarian in home department, 1820 
 
 Mingin, W. first puisne judg'e. Cape of Good Hope 
 
 Minto, earl of, pension on civil list, 1 800 
 
 Milnes, sir R. S. and during^ lives of dame Milnes and daugh- 
 ters, pension on English civil list, 1809 • • • • • • • • 
 
 Pension on Irish civil list, 1 809 
 
 Lady Milnes is, we believe, a near relative of the liouse of Hen- 
 tinck ; the gentleman was formerly in tlie Blues. On i)is niarriajte 
 was appointed a deputy governor of Canada, or of some colony, as 
 a provision. A pension on retiring is, of course, a natural conse- 
 quence of previous employment. 
 
 Minshull, G. R. superarmuatcd allowance as receiver-general 
 of taxes for Buckinghamshire, 1825 
 
 Police magistrate, 1818 
 
 Moncrieff, sir J. W. lord of session and justiciary, Scotland- - 
 Moncypenny, David, lord of session and justiciary, Scotland- - 
 
 Commissioner of the jury court, Scotland 
 
 Montagu, H.^^S. commissioner of stamps 
 
 Montagu, G. W. A. deputy chairman, board of stamps - - • • 
 Montrose, duke of, justice general of Scotland (sinecure) • • • • 
 
 Money, W. T. consul-general at Venice 
 
 Morier, D. R. consul-general at Paris 
 
 Morier, J. late minister to Mexico 
 
 Morier, J. P. late minister to Saxony 
 
 Morris, Thomas, surveyor-g:eneral of customs 
 
 Morrison, .1. VV. deputy master and worker, mint-ollice • • • - 
 
 £100 
 2(J7o 
 1500 
 IGOO 
 230 
 1200 
 
 720 
 
 184 
 
 507 
 
 1902 
 
 K)50 
 
 2000 
 
 479 
 
 350 
 
 100 
 
 27 
 
 300 
 
 675 
 
 1500 
 
 938 
 
 557 
 445 
 
 300 
 
 800 
 
 2600 
 
 2000 
 
 600 
 
 1012 
 
 H12 
 
 2000 
 
 1043 
 
 1874 
 
 1100 
 
 1700 
 
 800 
 
 800
 
 6C)(i ri.ACl.S, I'l'.NSloNS, SIMiClllKS, AND tiRANTS. 
 
 Morrison, gen. K. colonel l.'3th foot, pay 
 
 ( jovcmor of ( "hoHter 
 
 Mortlock, sir J. commissioner of excise • 
 
 IMorisset, J. T. superintendent of police, New South Wales • • 
 (Governor of Norfolk, and lialf-pay as lieut.-col. in army 
 
 Mollcson, I'-lt-anor, pension on civil list, 1793 
 
 Montford, lord, pension on civil list, Alarch 1813 
 
 Montf^omerv, il. lord treasurer remembrancer, Scotland •••• 
 Monti^umery, sir Jose))h, presenter of signatures, Scotland • • 
 
 Montgomery, lady S. pension on civil list, 1826 • 
 
 And her daughter, miss Marian, civil list, 1827 • . • . 
 
 Molcsworth, viscount, pension on civil list, 1820 
 
 Molesuorth, Elizabeth, pension on Irish civil list, 1756 •••• 
 This lady must liave been in tlie cradle or earlier state of ex- 
 istence, ^\ hen the i)ension was granted. As sometimes a life in 
 Ireland has been carried on to the next generation, an inquiry should 
 now be made who really enjoys (his pension. 
 Mountmorres, F. H. viscount, pension on civil list, 1826» • • • 
 Mount joy, lord, representatives of, pension, Irish civil list- • • • 
 That the rejjresentatives of this nobleman should have had any 
 pension, is unaccountable. He had large estates, which descended 
 to his only son, and he left his three daughters large fortunes. 
 
 Moore, R. deputy inspector of hospitals, Ireland 
 
 Surgeon to house of industry 
 
 Moore, Arthur, second justice common pleas, Ireland 
 
 Moore, James, pension on civil list, 1 809 
 
 Mooyaart, J. N. collector of customs, Ceylon 
 
 Mostyn, sir E., sir W. Eden, and C. Browning, custos 
 
 brevium, common pleas 
 
 Mountain, Eliza, M. W. pension on civil list, 1826 
 
 Muddle, R. H. harbour master, Demerara 
 
 Munday, George, clerk to master Farrer, in chancery 
 
 Murray, major-gen. hon. G. unattached pay as major general 
 
 Auditor of exchequer, Scotland 
 
 Murray, sir P. baron of the exchequer, Scotland 
 
 Murray, lady Charlotte, pension on civil list, 1803 
 
 Murray, C. K. police justice. Union Hall 
 
 Cursitor for Essex and Berks 
 
 Murray, hon. Deborah, pension on civil list, 1 821 
 
 Murray, E. registrar of slaves, Trinidad 
 
 Murray, lieut.-gen. right hon. sir G. M.P. for Perthshire; 
 colonel 42d foot, pay and emoluments 
 
 Governor of Fort George 
 
 Murray, J, W. lord of session, Scotland 
 
 Commissioner of the jury court 
 
 Muri-ay, lady Virginia, pension on civil list, 1784 
 
 Musgrave. T. M. retired allowance as clerk in alien-office, 1816 
 
 Comptroller of twopenny post-office, 1 824
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND (iUANTS. 
 
 557 
 
 Muskerry, baroness, pension on civil list, IS'2.5 
 
 Widow of a brave officer, vvliose father's proflij^acy left pennyless. 
 
 Mulgrave, Sophia, countess of, pension on civil list, 1829 • • 
 
 There is a famous ait of I'.li/.abeth, which renders it imperative 
 
 on children, wJien of sufficient ability, to maintain their parents, 
 
 and we know no reason why his }<race of Manchester and my lord 
 
 Mulgrave should be exempt from its operation. 
 
 Napier, Tx)uisa Mary, pension on civil list, 1805 
 
 Napier, Catharine, Caroline, and Sophia, each, on civil list • • 
 
 Nairne, lord, pension on civil list, 1 822 
 
 Nairne, Caroline, baroness, pension on civil list, 1829 
 
 Nelson, earl, pension, by act of parliament 
 
 IJrother of admiral Nelson. A striking instance this of tlie injus- 
 tice of hereditary honours. The present possessor, a Norfolk par- 
 son, and now prebendary of Canterbury, could have had as little 
 claim to the rewards of tiie hero of the Nile as any other chance 
 person picked up in St. Paul's-church-yard. 
 
 Nepean, sir M. H. clerk of supreme court, Jamaica 
 
 Nepean, Margaret, pension on civil list, 1792 
 
 Nesbit, S. secretary and registrar, Bahamas 
 
 Newenham, Thomas, pension on Irish civil list, 1792 
 
 Newenham, Robert C. Callaghan, pension on civil list, 1792 
 
 Newenham, Mary, pension on Irish civil list, 1792 
 
 Newburgh, Mary, pension on civil list, 1782 • 
 
 Newcoine, George W. late clerk in army account's office, 1 826 
 
 Late commissioner of lottery, 1 827 
 
 Neyle, G. N. auditor of accounts of registrar. Admiralty • • • • 
 
 Retired allowance as commissioner of stamps 
 
 Nicholis, colonel G. royal engineers. Nova Scotia 
 
 Nicholl, sir J. M.P. for Bedwyn ; judge of the arches and 
 
 prerogative courts of Canterbury, about 
 
 Nicolay, major-general, governor of Dominica 
 
 The fatlier of the general, we believe, was a German, a violin 
 player, and great favourite of queen Charlotte, with whom he came 
 over to tills country. 
 
 Nicolay, Mary Georgiana, pension on civil list, 1818 
 
 Nicolay, Augusta Louisa, pension on civil list, 181. '3 
 
 Noble, H. clerk in office of home secretary 
 
 Allowance as late naval officer, Newfoundland 
 
 Norris, John F. fourth senior clerk in the treasury 
 
 Northland, vis. joint prothonotary of common pleas, Ireland" • 
 
 Nugent, lord, a lord of the treasury 
 
 Nugent, gen. sirG., M.P. for Buckingham, col. (Sth foot, pav 
 
 Captain of St. Mawes 
 
 Nugent, C. R. consul-general in Chili 
 
 O'Brien, Madelina, widow, pension on civil list, 1818 
 
 O'Conuell, Louisa and Alicia, pension on civil list, I821,ea(]i 
 
 O'Callaghan, major-gen. sir R. col. 97th foot 
 
 Commanding forces in North Britain, staff pav 
 
 £2.33 
 800 
 
 2.51 
 
 97 
 
 184 
 
 184 
 
 5000 
 
 1 850 
 .501 
 
 118(1 
 177 
 88 
 177 
 177 
 583 
 1.50 
 500 
 600 
 
 1195 
 
 .3.350 
 2565 
 
 322 
 130 
 925 
 379 
 679 
 
 3575 
 
 1200 
 613 
 102 
 
 2500 
 
 155 
 
 23 
 
 494 
 
 1183
 
 .W8 IM-ACKS, PKNSIONS, SINECURES, AND 
 
 GRANTS. 
 
 O'Connor, A. distril)utor of stamps for Antrim 
 
 OT.orman, C. T. consul general at Mexico • • • ; • • 
 
 Ogle, rear-admiral sir Charles, commander-in-chief at Haliiax 
 
 and Newfoundland • » • 
 
 Oglf, J. VV. cocket-writer, customs 
 
 O'Grady, S. late chief baron exchequer, Ireland 
 
 Oliphant, Anthony, attomey-general. Cape of Good Hope ^ • 
 
 Oldham, Adam, deputy judge advocate; superannuation 
 
 O'Keilly, M. J. pension on civil list, 1812 
 
 Oshorn, sir J. commissioner of audit 
 
 Oswald, lieut.-gen. sir J. col. 35th foot 
 
 Otway, rear-admiral sir R. W. commander-in-chief, South 
 
 America, (part of the year) 
 
 Ottley, sir R. chief justice, Ceylon " 
 
 Ouseley, sir G. late ambassador to Persia 
 
 Owen, adm. sir E. commander, East-Indies 
 
 Oxenford, W. clerk to register of debentures, customs 
 
 Pack, Arthur, Denis, Elizabeth, and Catharine, each, pension 
 
 on civil list, 1825 
 
 Pag'et, gen. hon. sir E. col. 28th foot 
 
 Governor of the royal military college 
 
 Pension for loss of a limb 
 
 Paget, rear-admiral sir Charles • ••• 
 
 Groom of the bedchamber 
 
 Paget, hon. B. commissioner of excise 
 
 Paget, sir A. late ambassador to the Ottoman Porte 
 
 The Pagets are brothers of the marquis of Anglesey. 
 
 Pakenham, T. late master general ordnance, Ireland 
 
 Pakenham, Richard, secretary of legation in Mexico 
 
 Several other Pakenhams in Navy and Church, Relations of the 
 earl of Longford. 
 
 Palmer, lady Madelina, pension on civil list, 1801 
 
 Sister to the duke of Gordon, and wife, by second marriage, to 
 the popular member for Reading. 
 
 Palmerston, vise, secretary of state, foreign affairs 
 
 Palk, Robert, late conunissioner of bankrupts, 1 828 
 
 Counsel to Duchy of Lancaster 
 
 Palgrave, W. collector of customs, Dublin 
 
 Papendiech, Augusta Amelia, pension on civil list, 1827 .... 
 
 Parish, W. consul general at Buenos Ayres 
 
 Parish, W. commissioner of excise 
 
 Parke, sir James, one of the judges of the king's bench .... 
 
 Park, sir J. A. one of the judges of the common pleas 
 
 Parks, Wm. pension on civil list, 1794 
 
 Parker, lieut.-col. J. B. captain royal artillery, 1825 
 
 2d captain gent, cadets, 1 822 
 
 Pension for loss of leg, 1816
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 659 
 
 Parsons, Mary, pension on civil list, 1813 
 
 Parsons, Thomas, postmaster, Waterford 
 
 Parkinson, John, consul at Pernambiico 
 
 Passmore, U. consul at Arequipa 
 
 Pasley, C. lieut.-col. royal engineers, 1814 
 
 Extra pay, inspector field works, Chatham, 1812 •• 
 
 Pension for a wound, 1814 
 
 Allowance for servants 
 
 Patterson, sir J. puisne judge court of king^'s bench 
 
 Parnell, lady C. pension out of 4^ per cent, duties, i821«««« 
 
 Parks, W. pension on civil list, 1794 
 
 Payne, gen. sir W. col. 3d dragoon guards 
 
 Peacock, M. B. solicitor to the post-office 
 
 Peche, J. clerk ordnance department 
 
 Pechell, capt. sir Samuel, M. P. for Hallestone ; a lord of the 
 admiralty 
 
 Peel, sir Robert, M. P. for Tamworth, late secretary of state 
 
 for the home department • 
 
 Of late years we have often had occasion to speak of sir Robert, 
 and have mostly reported favourably of his intentions and abilities. 
 But we lately washed our hands of him. That he could ever so far de- 
 grade our gracious king, by recommending, or suflering himself for a 
 moment to form part ofa ministry that had recommended such a speech 
 as the one with which his majesty opened parliament, in 1830, 
 tills us with astonishment. In this business we blame the Baronet 
 more than the Duke ; the latter is a soldier merely, and some excuse 
 may be found for his prepossessions in favour of the Polignac sys- 
 tem ; but the former has always been a civilian, and never slaiigh- 
 lered any thing beyond hares and partridges : — he ought to have 
 known better the signs of the times, the change in sentiment among 
 the middling orders, and that it was absolute insanity to tiiink of 
 foreign intervention, and of resorting to alien bills, espionage, 
 habeas corpus suspension acts, bank restriction act, and other 
 et ceteras of the Pitt niachinerj', for the purpose of putting down 
 internal discontent. It is due, however, to sir Robert to observe 
 that, tiiough we have an opinion he is only a tiny statesman and 
 better qualilied for a peerage than premiership, his opposition to 
 tlie Reform Bill was not distinguished by the factious spirit, which 
 animsited the subalterns of his party — the Goulbourns, Crokers, and 
 Courtenays. 
 
 We have left out the Baronet's retiring pension, for the same rea- 
 son we have left out those of his late colleagues, being uncertain 
 whether or not they have been claimed under the vile act of Castle- 
 reagh. Sir Robert is rich, and may be dispos^'d to save us from the 
 additional burtiien ; and wo are more inclined to think such will be 
 the case, as we find none of his family on the pension list. 
 
 Next to judicial reforms, the most praiseworthy act of sir R. 
 Peel is the introduction of the bill which bears his name; and we 
 cannot help expressing our surprise at the errors of Messrs. At- 
 wood, Sadler, sir F. IJurdett, sir James Graham, and we believe, 
 too, the premier is or was slightly smitten with the same blindness 
 — on so plain a matter as the rostoration of ;!u^ currency. The whole 
 rationale of the question lies in anut.shell. The power of bankers to 
 issue paper gave them an uncontrolled influence over prices, wages. 
 
 £177 
 
 580 
 
 1751 
 
 1265 
 
 310 
 
 310 
 
 300 
 
 54 
 
 5500 
 
 200 
 
 333 
 
 1424 
 
 1800 
 
 500 
 
 1000
 
 5fi0 rM.ACKS, VF.NSIOXS, SINRCUUCS, AND GRANTS. 
 
 nnfl profits; this i)ovver, in the eapierness to gain on their issues, 
 tiicv nljiised. fostcnul a pernicious system of credit, gave an arti- 
 licial impulse to ov(;r-tra(Jing and speculation, which were followed 
 by the disastrous revulsions witnessed in the years 1811, 1815-16, 
 IHiy, and 1H25. 
 
 Sucii were the evils of the banking system. What was the 
 remedy ? The issue of small notes of less value than five pounds 
 was iuterdictcd ; the amount of this denomination of notes in circu- 
 lation never exceeded six millions ; and when they were withdrawn 
 • liey were replaced with sovereigns, so that there was no diminution 
 or next to none, in the amount of the circulation. What national 
 calamity, then, could How from this transition, from the trans- 
 mutation of six millions of rag-money into an equivalent gold cur- 
 rency ? 
 
 \\ e know there has been a great collapse in the mercantile world 
 since 1826 — it has been felt in every part of England, but it is the 
 greatest error ever committed — if error it be — to ascribe it to the 
 withdrawal of the small notes. It has been caused by the destruc- 
 tion of private credit — of that baseless and vicious credit, of which 
 the banking system had been the parent, and to which some would 
 again resort as a remedy. 
 
 Here are the facts. In 1825 the circulation consisted of specie, 
 bank-notes, and mercantile paper, amounting altogether to about 
 420 millions. The small notes, amounting to about one-seventh 
 part of the bank paper issued, and to one-seventieth part of the 
 whole circulation, were withdrawn, and sovereigns substituted. 
 And what then ? Could this cause a deticiency in the circulating 
 medium ? could it cramp the operations of industry and trade, and 
 check individual enterprise ? or could it have any sensible effect in 
 lowering the prices of commodities? Certainly not ; even if there 
 had been no equivalent issue of specie. 
 
 But this was the way it operated. Upon the little pivot of small 
 notes an immense superstructure of kite-flying, bills, and private 
 l)aper, to the amount of 380 millions, had been erected, all of which 
 tumbled down on the shrinking of bank paper, and consequent ruin 
 of domestic credit. By this means was the death of the paper system 
 hastened, but not produced ; the catastrophe was impending belbre, 
 since the system had been carried to its utmost limit, and would 
 have fallen upon this country, as it fell upon Fiance in the course 
 of the summer of 1830, though Peel's bill had never been intro- 
 duced. 
 
 The cause of mercantile depression has not been a scarcity of small 
 notes, but a scarcity of bills of exchange, and there is a want of 
 bills, because there is a want of credit ; there is a want of credit, 
 because there is want of objects on which capital can be profitably 
 employed ; there is a want of objects on which capital can be pro- 
 fitably employed, because there are heavy taxes, tithes, corn-laws, 
 commercial monopolies ; and there are these evils, because there is 
 an unreformed parliament. 
 
 If our readers will only excuse this hasty sketch, we shall 
 leave it just as it is. Were we to proceed, we should only repeat 
 our ideas. One word, however, on a recent observation' of lord 
 Grey, whom we should be sorry to see commit a mistake on the 
 subject. His lordship has intimated that it is rather strange small 
 notes should circulate without mischief in Scotland and Ireland, 
 and not in England. "Why now, in the first place, Scotland has a 
 somewhat belter system of banking; but let it proceed, and mind 
 If It does not ultimately prove as rotten and ruinous as it ever
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINEfXRES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 m 
 
 did in England. But contrast the different circumstances of 
 the three kingdoms, and compare the wealth, the population, 
 the manufacturing and mercantile transactions of England with 
 those of Ireland and Scotland. A system of banking, which may 
 be safe, manageable, and wholesomely stimulative of commercial, 
 manufacturing, and rural industry in the latter, may, in the former, 
 be unnecessary and destructive of national wealth and prospe- 
 rity. 
 
 Pell, sir A. puisne judge, bankrupt court 
 
 Penson, John, late commissioner of bankrupts, 1811 
 
 Cursitor of couit of chancery 
 
 Penn, R, agent for Ceylon 
 
 Retired allowance as late clerk 
 
 Penn, R. pension on consolidated fund 
 
 Penn, John, hereditary pension on consolidated fund 
 
 This pension is a parlianientan' compensation granted to the Penn 
 family, to indemnify them for the loss of territorial rights in Penn- 
 sylvania, consequent on the separation of the American colonies 
 from the English government. 
 
 Pennefather, R. baron of the exchequer, Ireland 
 
 Pennefather, John, William, Mary, Catharine, and Margaret, 
 
 pension each, on Irish civil list, 1771 • • • 
 
 Pelham, hon. Catharine, widow, pension on civil list, 1818* •• • 
 
 Pent, Maria, pension on civil list, 1 820 
 
 Pennell, Rosamond, pension on civil list, 1830 
 
 Pennell, William, consul at Rio Janeiro 
 
 Penning-ton, Geo. Jos. late commissioner of bankrupts, 1823'- 
 Steward of courts to Eton col. and dep. recorder 
 
 Lincoln 
 
 Perceval, D. M. junior clerk teller's office 
 
 Perceval, Spencer, teller of the exchequer 
 
 This is the man that sought afast. Let him give all that he hath to 
 the poor, especially his sinecure, and retire to Spitallields. 
 
 Percy, hon. A. minister plenipotentiary at Berne 
 
 Percy, hon. W. H. commissioner of excise 
 
 The last is also captain in the navy. Jocelyn Percy, a captain in 
 the navy. Hugh Percy, bishop of Carlisle. They are brothers of 
 lord Beverley, whose son, lord Lovaine, is an officer in the Guards. 
 
 Perdue, J. inspector and receiver of taxes, 1828 
 
 Perry, R. superintendent of mail coaches 
 
 Pemberton, C.R. assistant clerk in treasur)^ and private secre- 
 tary to one of the secretaries, 182 1 
 
 Agent for Russian Dutch loan, 1 827 
 
 Phillips, S. M. under secretary of state, home office 
 
 Pickford, Jacob, pension on civil list, 1776 
 
 Pierrepont, hon. H. late envoy, &:c. to Stockholm 
 
 Pilkington, major- gen. R. unattached major-gen. royal engi- 
 neers, Gibraltar 
 
 Pigot, gen. H. col. 82d foot, pay and emoluments 
 
 Planta, Joseph, M.P. for Hastings ; pension, 1827 
 
 2 () 
 
 £2000 
 200 
 
 unknown 
 
 800 
 
 750 
 
 1000 
 
 3000 
 
 1742 
 1073 
 1.300
 
 .01)2 IM.ACKS, I'KNSIONS, SI N I-X' i; II KS, AND GRANTS. 
 
 IM;iiit:i, i^!irl)ara, ponsion on civil list, 1827 
 
 Pluiucr, Thomas 11. late commissioner of bankrupts, 1819- •• • 
 
 Clerk of the petty bag, chancery, 1820 
 
 One of the examiners in chancery, 1 821 
 
 Pluukct, VV. commissioner of excise 
 
 I'lunkct, hon. David, son of lord Plunket; prothonotary com- 
 mon pleas, Ireland 
 
 Examiner in common pleas 
 
 Plunket, hon. John, assistant barrister, Meath 
 
 Crown counsel, Munster circuit 
 
 Counsel to the police 
 
 Commissioner of inquiiy • 
 
 Plunket, hon. Pat. .son of lord Plunket, purse-bearer to the 
 
 lord chancellor » 
 
 Secretary of bankrupts 
 
 Counsel to chief remembrancer 
 
 Crown counsel, Leinster circuit .••••, 
 
 Plunket, lord, lord chancellor of Ireland • 
 
 Hon. W. T. Plunket is dean of Down, with other church income. 
 Hon. \V. Plunket is in the church. Hon. R. Plunket holds 
 churcli preferment in England, presented by lord Goderich. Sir 
 K. K. L. Hlosse, son-in-law of lord Plunket, is chaplain to the 
 lord lieutenant. — See also M. Causland in the List. 
 
 The connivance of lord Plunket, at the exaction of magisterial 
 fees by his purse-bearer and secretary, and his contest with the 
 master of the rolls about the patronage of a secretaryship, have 
 not tended to obliterate the impression of a shuffling and greedy 
 politician. The Whigs almost moved heaven and earth to raise 
 his lordship to the Irish chancellorship. And for what purpose? 
 His predecessor, the late Sir Anthony Hart, was wholly unex- 
 ceptionable— almost the beau ideal of what a judge should be — 
 unconnected with politics — and discharging his high duties with 
 the same singleness of mind that admiral Blake commanded the 
 fleet during the time of the Commonwealth — intent only upon 
 faithfully executing his individual trust, regardless of the intrigues 
 and mutations of party and faction. Ought such a person to 
 have been removed, to make Avay for a successor — who is par- 
 tizanship, ambition, and avarice personified? If lord Plunket 
 possess abilities, why were they not as available to the service of 
 the country in his former situation, as in his present appointment? 
 Are all our public men so void of patriotism— so degraded in prin- 
 ciple—such sordid hirelings, that not one can be found to serve the 
 community, unless he first receive a place, title, pension, or patron- 
 age to the full value of his labour ? The country is more in need 
 of political honesty than splendid abilities; and the Irish chancel- 
 lor has certainly brought the ministry no accession of character. 
 For the three years preceding his elevation no one heard of him, 
 either asjudicial reformer or statesman; and solely, as far as we could 
 learn, because he deemed his appointment in the common pleas not 
 an adequate price for his services. Here was disinterested patriot- 
 ism ! Look again at his conduct in 1821, when included in the sale 
 of the Grenviliites, he joined the Liverpool administration, and, 
 after receiving the attorney-generalship as the price of silence or 
 apostacy, openly abandoned Catholic emancipation, under the con- 
 I venient pretext that it was not the proper time to agitate the question.
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 563 
 
 Lord Plunket's notions on chinch property are not worth answer- 
 ing, being obviously at variance with the most obvious truths of 
 history and analogy. It is not likely, however, an adventurer of 
 his stamp will flinch on this question without strong necessity, 
 especially after fastening so many members of his family on the 
 ecclesiastical and judicial establishments of Ireland. 
 
 Plaskett, T. H. chief clerk home oflBce 
 
 Pollen, R. one of the six clerks in chancery 
 
 Pond, John, astronomer royal, Greenwich 
 
 Ponsonbj, major-gen. hon. F. C. inspecting field-officer •••• 
 
 Lieutenant-governor of Malta 
 
 Pension for wounds j... 
 
 Ponsonby, lord, envoy and min. plenipo. at Rio de Janeiro • • 
 
 Ponsonby, George, lord of the treasury 
 
 Kichard Ponsonby, a tiiird brother, is bishop of Derry. 
 
 Ponsonby, Sarah, pension on civil list, 1 8'29 
 
 Porter, sir R. Ker, consul at Caraccas 
 
 Porrett, R. chief clerk storekeeper's office 
 
 Portmore, earl of, pension on civil list, 1825 
 
 Well known in the gay world some years ago as lord JMilsing- 
 town. He has also £270 on the Scotch civil list. 
 
 Polchet, Alfonce, professor of fortification, military academy* • 
 
 Pope, C. surveyor of warehouses, Bristol 
 
 Pope, rev. E. archdeacon of Jamaica 
 
 Popham, Elizabeth M. pension out of 45 per cent, duties* • • • 
 
 Povver, D. protector of slaves, Berbice 
 
 Poulett, hon. G. flag captain of H.M.S. " Prince Regent"- • 
 Late receiver-general of taxes 
 
 Pringle, lieut.-gen. sir W. H. nephew to the earl of St. Ger- 
 mains, and M.P. for Liskeard; col. 64th foot '••• 
 
 Prior, J. H. inspector and receiver of taxes, 1803 
 
 Price, J. collector of revenue, Ceylon 
 
 Price, J. pension on civil list, 1821 
 
 Pressly, C. secretary to the board of stamps 
 
 Pug-h, John, clerk to master Wilson, in chancery 
 
 There are ten masters in chancery, with average incomes of £4000, 
 and each master has a chief clerk with an income of £1200 or £1500 
 a year. These incomes, like most other judicial emoluments in equity, 
 arise almost entirely from fees paid by suitors, and it is worthy of 
 remark that while the emoluments have increased two or three fold, 
 the time devoted to th* public has in a similar inverse proportion 
 decreased. That some reform is needed here there can be no doubt. 
 With respect to the salaries of Mr. Pugh and his brother clerks they 
 are made up in a most objectionable manner : there is a head called 
 *' gratuities," under which the chief portion of them is derived. 
 In one office the fees amount to £500 and the gratuities to £800, 
 and in others they present a similar disproportion. Such gratuities 
 are indefensible, for they areSTlms given — levied we should say — to 
 expedite business, which ought to be done expeditiously without them. 
 
 Radcliffe, John, judge of the prerogative court, Ireland 
 
 Radstock, Cornelia, baroness, pension on civil list, 1814 • • • • 
 
 £1329 
 
 1217 
 
 500 
 
 383 
 
 4000 
 
 300 
 
 4500 
 
 1200 
 
 200 
 
 1261 
 
 750 
 
 233 
 
 297 
 500 
 
 2000 
 500 
 
 1017 
 799 
 400 
 
 1245 
 772 
 
 1173 
 200 
 700 
 
 1520 
 
 3000 
 389
 
 6(M I'LACKS, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 liiiin, Abel ;ui(l Elizabeth, pension on civil list, 1827 
 
 [{ainshiuv, John, clerk in the secretary's office, customs • • • • 
 
 Rop^istrar of officers' sureties 
 
 Ilance, W. inspector and receiver of taxes, 1822 
 
 Uae, dame Mary, pension on civil list, 1830 
 
 This is a urant iiuide under the Wellington ministry. The lady 
 is llie wife of the late lord advocate for Scotland,— an official legal 
 situation resembling our attorney-general as public prosecutor. 
 The only pretext for such a pension is, that this gentleman has lost 
 liis practice, that he gave up the office of sherift'-depute, worth some 
 ±'()00 a year, and that a seat in parliament being held essential to 
 the office, he has been put to considerable expense in procuring it, 
 A pity maybe felt for the lady, but is the public deserving of no 
 compassion ? Let sir W. Kae have the sheriff-deputeship that falls 
 vacant, and let dame Rae be provided for as other dames are, whose 
 husbands do not sell themselves to ministers. 
 
 Raper, C. C. clerk in war-office 
 
 Paymaster of pensions to widows and children oi foreign 
 
 officers 
 
 Rattray, baron of the exchequer, Scotland 
 
 Raynsford, T. A. registrar in chancery, for year 1830 
 
 Of this enormous income £4201 arose from fees payable by suitors 
 for copying and registering proceedings in equity. Lord Eldou, 
 for upwards of a quarter of a century, sat cowering over the abuses 
 of chancery, like a miser over his hoard, and would neither touch 
 them himself nor sutfer ihem to be touched by any other person. 
 In 1826 the attorney-general, afterwards lord Lyndhurst, professed 
 his intention to bring in a bill on the subject, but no such bill ever 
 saw tlie light. Afterwards, however, he introduced an illusive 
 measure, which did not embrace half the objects he originally pro- 
 fessed ; and the unfortunate suitors were left to be fleeced as here- 
 tofore, and more unmercifully than any poor gudgeon is who 
 ventures within the precincts of the most nefarious gaming-house in 
 the metropolis. With respect to the registrars, they are in keeping 
 with most branches of our political and judicial administration, 
 presenting a vast acc\imulation of abuse and emoluments since the 
 comiiiencement of the revolutionary war. From a parliamentary 
 report of 1813 it appears that in the year 1797 the senior registrar 
 received the annual sum of £1134, and the whole fees of the office 
 did not exceed £4847. Mr. Raynsford alone, it seems, receives more 
 than the whole amount of these fees; and the fees of the entire 
 registrar's office have increased to £19,119 per annum, {Parlia- 
 mentary Paper, No. 23, Scss. 1830-1.) And how has this increase 
 been produced? It has been produced by enlarging the pleadings' 
 bills to such an extent as to allow the enormous charges to be in- 
 curred in their registry, which is the consequence of the unnecessary 
 length to which proceedings in chancery are extended. Besides 
 their regular emoluments each registrar has the liberty of taking a 
 clerk, Nvithout previous examination, for which he receives a tee of 
 about £1000, and this person succeeds to the office. 
 
 Ray, H. B. prothonotary of court of common pleas 
 
 Reade, sir T. consul general, Tunis 
 
 Keade, W. assistant to collector, outwards 
 
 Ready, John and Charles, pension on Irish civil list, 1817, each 
 Kenny, W. solicitor of legacy duties, Scotland .... 
 
 £9.5 
 550 
 600 
 717 
 660 
 
 800 
 
 2.50 
 2000 
 4861
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, A N [) GRANTS. 
 
 ■>6ry 
 
 Renny, Dr. G. director general of hospitals, physician and 
 
 surgeon to Kilmainham-hospital 
 
 Renny, Mary, Elizabeth, and Isabella, pension on civil list, 
 
 1821, each • 
 
 Reid, J. clerk and chamberlain of Lindores 
 
 Reed, S. secretary to medical board 
 
 Reynolds, J. G. clerk commissary dept. of treasury 
 
 Reynolds, J. S. clerk of securities, treasury 
 
 Rice, T. S. son-in-law of the earl of Limerick; joint secretary 
 
 of the treasury 
 
 Richardson, — , deputy registrar, bankrupt court • • • 
 
 Richmond, duke of, postmaster general of the United Kingdom 
 TJie office of postmaster-general luis been abolished in Iieland; 
 one of tlie two Ibnnerly existing, Ims been dropped in England, and 
 tiie impression of the duke ot Kichmond, on his first appointment, 
 being, that tlie otlierwas only a.. sinicitre, he nobly declined receiving 
 any salary. Experience pro\ed this to be a mistake. Numerous 
 and important duties are annexed to the postmaster-generalship, 
 and really, economists as we are, we do not think £2000, or so, too 
 much for the faithful discharge of them. 
 
 Richmond, Henry, commissioner of customs 
 
 For loss of fees 
 
 Rich, sir Geo. pension on civil list, 1817 
 
 Rickman, John, clerk assistant, house of commons 
 
 Richardson, sir J. late justice of the king's bench 
 
 Richardson, Fanny, Elizabeth, and Sarah, pension on c. 1. 1824 
 Richards, R. accountant-general and ma.ster, court of exchequer 
 
 Richards, H. solicitor of stamps, Scotland 
 
 Ricketts, C. M. consul-general at Lima 
 
 llicketts, maj. H.J. royal African corps, pay 
 
 Lieut. -governor of Sierra Leone 
 
 Ricketts, Mrs. S. pension out of 4g percent, fund, 1820«««« 
 
 Ripley, J.J. principal clerk, customs 
 
 Rippon, T. agent at the bank for national debt 
 
 Ritemeyer, R. J. colonial receiver, Demerara 
 
 Roberts, W. commissioner for inquiry into charities, 1818 • • 
 
 Roberts, W. H. receiver of fees, exchequer 
 
 Rogers, F. L. inspector in the audit-otfice 
 
 Robertson, W. late lord of session, Scotland 
 
 Robinson, lieut.-gen. sir F. P. colonel 59th foot 
 
 Robinson, C. collector of customs, Demerara 
 
 Robinson, sir C judge of the high court of admiralty 
 
 Robinson, J. R. chief justice, Upper Canada* • 
 
 Robinson, Catharine, pension on civil li.st, 1 793 
 
 Rodney, lord, hereditary pension, by act of parliament 
 
 The admiral might have deserved this pensitui ; but titles should 
 not be granted with a perpetual charge on them. This pension 
 originally was £2000, but increased £10(10, to put the present pos- 
 sessor on a level with earl St. \'incent and lord Camperdown, and 
 with ihcin should be reduced. 
 
 £1296 
 
 88 
 
 4.57 
 
 500 
 
 700 
 
 1050 
 
 2500 
 
 600 
 
 2500 
 
 1200 
 
 800 
 
 132 
 
 2500 
 
 3500 
 
 101 
 
 1820 
 
 1000 
 
 1600 
 
 292 
 
 2095 
 
 411 
 
 650 
 
 300 
 
 1571 
 
 1000 
 
 1350 
 
 800 
 
 1500 
 
 1171 
 
 2000 
 
 2402 
 
 1500 
 
 407 
 
 2923
 
 566 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECUUES, AND GRAJNTS. 
 
 Rodney, hon. John, chief secretarj', Ceylon 
 
 Rodney, hon. W. secretary comptroller, army account office • • 
 
 Rodney, John, Jane, Ann, Sarah, and Catharine, pension on 
 civil list, 1781, each 
 
 Roden, earl of, late auditor of the exchequer, Ireland 
 
 Rodmell, Thomas, comptroller of customs, Hull 
 
 Roe, W. T. commissioner of customs 
 
 Steward of the Savoy 
 
 Roe, F. A. police justice. Great Marlborough Street 
 
 Rooke, dame H. pension on civil list, 1808 • 
 
 Rook, Jane and Mary, pension on civil list, 1816, each • • • • 
 
 Rollo, Isabella and Maiy, pension on civil list, 1807 
 
 Rolland, Adam, principal clerk of session, Scotland 
 
 Clerk to his majesty's processes, Scotland • 
 
 Rolleston, H. clerk in foreign secretary's olSce 
 
 Romilly, C. late commissioner of bankrupts, 1830 
 
 Rose, sir George, M.P. for Christchurch ; clerk of parliament 
 
 Rose, sir G. puisne judge, bankrupt court 
 
 Rose, Theodore, pension on civil list, 1785 • • • • • 
 
 Rose, Ann Fraser, pension on civil list, 1803 
 
 Rose, Mary, pension on civil list, 1808 
 
 Ross, major-gen. J. commanding at Guernsey and Alderney, 
 
 staff pay as colonel • • . • 
 
 Pay and emoluments as lieut. -governor of Guernsey • • 
 
 Unattached pay as lieut. -colonel 
 
 Pension for injuries received in service 
 
 Ross, C. B. commissioner of the navy, Plymouth 
 
 Ross, sir Patrick, governor of Antigua • • 
 
 Ross, Charlotte, widow, pension on civil list, 1823 
 
 Rosslyn, gen. earl of, col. of 9th lancers 
 
 Director of chancery, Scotland 
 
 Rothesay, lord Stuart de, late ambassador to Paris 
 
 Roscommon, countess of, pension on civil list, 1817 
 
 Roscommon, earl of, pension on civil list, 1829 
 
 Rotton, J. deputy comptroller general, excise • . • 
 
 Rothes, G. W. earl of, pension on civil list, 1821 
 
 Rothes, Charlotte, dowager countess of, pension on civil list- • 
 
 Roupell, J. B. master in chancery, circa 
 
 Routh, commissary-general in the Canadas 
 
 Rowan, lieut. -col. Charles, commissioner of metropolitan police 
 
 Rowley, O. secretary and registrar, Malta 
 
 Rudlen, J. second clerk to auditor of land revenue • • 
 
 Rumbold. Emily and Caroline, pension on civil list, 1826, each 
 Emily, sister to sir William, wiio was taken out to lu.lia bv the 
 maviiuis ot Hastings, and has married a wealthy Prussian jew of 
 the name of Delmar ; yet she still continues on the List, but 
 this lady may follow the fashion, and pay it over to her sister Miss 
 Larohne Eliza, who has not been so Ibrtunate.
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 567 
 
 Russell, W. late commissioner of bankrupts, 1828 
 
 Deputy recorder of Bedford 
 
 Russell, lord John, paymaster of the forces 
 
 The perseverance of the noble paymaster in the cause of parlia- 
 mentary reform and the able manner in which he introduced the 
 new ark of the constitution have fairly won him a niche in the 
 temple of Fame. We have only one charge to urge against Ijis lord- 
 ship. Upon one occasion he ventured to insinuate an apology for 
 the shameless cost of foreign embassies, and hinted that the pension 
 roll was almost too insignificant for legislative notice. If the right 
 hon, lord will only condescend to look at page 489 of our publica- 
 tion, he will find he labours under a trifling mistake in this matter, 
 and that the sums paid in pensions only are more than double 
 the produce of all the taxes on knowledge, and which as a friend 
 to the diffusion of intelligence and member of a society instituted 
 expressly for the purpose, he must needs deem a serious consider- 
 ation : but the waste of public money is not the whole of the evil ; 
 it is the political and social consequences — the vicious influence it 
 creates — the corrupt expectancies excited — and the encouragement 
 of immorality and political prostitution, to which it has been often 
 made subservient. 
 
 Ruthven, Wilhelmina, pension on civil list, 1801 
 
 Ryder, F. D. clerk foreign office - 
 
 Son of lord Harrowby, and brother of lord Sandon, jM.P. for 
 Liverpool. An uncle, bishop of Lichfield and Coventry; another 
 uncle registrar in consistory court ; other Ryders are in the Navy 
 and Church. It is, like the Grenvilles, a keen family. 
 
 St. Albans, duke of, hereditary grand falconer 
 
 Hereditary registrar of court of chancery 
 
 St. George, CM. secretarj' and charge d'affaires at Turin • • 
 St. George, Maria and Jane, pension on civil list, 1828 • ♦ • • 
 
 St. John, Henry, pension on civil list, 1780 
 
 St. John, R. W. consul-general, Algiers 
 
 St. Helens, lord, late ambassador to Russia 
 
 Gentleman of the king's bedchamber 
 
 St. Vincent, viscount, pension on consolidated fund 
 
 The uncle, who was a successful nav;il commander and meri- 
 torious first lord of the admiralty, might deserve the pension, but 
 his successor, the nephew of the admiral, can have no claim on the 
 public. 
 
 Sandford, Frances, pension on civil list, 1830 
 
 Sansomi, L. collector of customs, Ceylon 
 
 Sargeant, J. late commiss. for auditing public accounts, 1821 
 
 Late secretary to the treasury, 1804 
 
 Sargent, William, principal clerk in the treasury 
 
 Sargent, Mrs. C. pension out of 4.^ per cent, duties, 1804 • • 
 
 Salkeld, George, consul at New Orleans 
 
 Sanford, Henry, senior clerk in the treasury 
 
 Saurin, Edw, commissioner of stamps, 1826 
 
 Half -pay as captain in the navy, 1819 
 
 Saurin, M. A. solicitor to excise, Ireland 
 
 Saumarez, adm. lord de, vice-adm. of Great Britain, and 
 admiral of the red 
 
 £200 
 2000 
 
 230 
 
 750 
 
 1372 
 640 
 
 1401 
 144 
 101 
 
 2000 
 
 2300 
 712 
 
 3000 
 
 97 
 
 1025 
 
 1500 
 
 800 
 
 600 
 
 610 
 
 1136 
 
 1000 
 
 1000 
 
 57 
 
 1500 
 
 £1230
 
 />()8 I'LACES, IMCNSIONS, S I N KC U K liS, AND GRANTS. 
 
 General of marines, (a sinecure) 1832 
 
 Penaion, by act of parliament 
 
 Saunders, E. clerk in commissariat 
 
 Clerk in office for civil list accounts, 1816 
 
 Sawkins, J. inspector and receiver of taxes, 1821 
 
 Sayer, B, comj)troller of accounts, tax-office 
 
 Sellon, J. B. police justice, Hatton Garden 
 
 Seppings, sir R. late surveyor of the navy 
 
 Pension ' 
 
 Selwyn, Charlotte, Albinia, Louisa, and Henrietta, pension on 
 
 civil list, 1807, each 
 
 Seniphill, hon. Maria and Sarah, pension each, 1826 
 
 Seniphill, Hugh, lord, pension on civil list, 1826 
 
 Sewell, hon. Harriet, pension on civil list, 1821 
 
 One of the Beresford fiiniily, daughter of the late archbisliop of 
 Tuam, sister to present lord Decies, and to Mrs. Thomas Hope of 
 the gay world. 
 
 Sewell, J. pension out of consolidated fund 
 
 Sewell, Jonathan, chief justice Quebec, and speaker of the 
 
 legislative council 
 
 Seward, lieut.-gen. T. colonel commandant royal artillery- • • • 
 
 Seymour, G. H. minister resident in Tuscany 
 
 Seymour, lord George, chairman of the excise board 
 
 Till! cliairmen and commissioners of tlie boards of excise, customs, 
 stamps, and taxes, are mostly filled by members of the aristocratical 
 families. The Liverpool administration was pre-eminent for tiie 
 lavish grant of pensions and increase of salaries. By an order of 
 the lords of the treasury in 1810, the salaries of the chairman of 
 customs and excise were aui>,mented from £1700 lo £2000 a year, 
 and tiie junior members ol tlie two boards from £1200 to £1400 a 
 year. The Whigs have applied the pruning knife totheexuberances of 
 their predecessors, by directing that two commissioners of customs 
 and as many of excise should retire forthwith, and that each board 
 should be diminished two more as they drop otf. The salaries of 
 the commissioners are reduced from £1,400 to £1,200 a year; and 
 the secretaries of the board at the rate of twenty-five per cent. This 
 seems like retrenchment. 
 Seymour, lord H. compensation allowance for loss of office as 
 C7-anei- and wharjinger, port of Dublin • • • • • • • • 
 
 Seymour, capt. sir M. naval commissioner, Portsmouth •••• 
 
 Seymour, lord R. commiss. andprothonotary. King's B. Ireland 
 Seymour, Henry, sergeant-at-arms. House of Commons • • • • 
 
 Seymour, Capt. G. H. Sergeant-at-Arms, House of Lords .. 
 
 Seymour, H. B. gentleman usher, privy chamber 
 
 The Seymours are uncles and cousins of the marquis of Hertford, 
 
 one of the greatest borough-proprietors, and affords practical proof 
 
 of the working of this sort of property under, we hope shortly to be 
 
 able to call, the o/d .sv/stfm. 
 
 Scoft, \V. L. F. ref^istrar of deeds for West Riding of Yorkshire 
 
 Scott, W. H. J. son of lord Eldon, receiver of fines, court of 
 
 chancery, for the year ending 1 830 
 
 Registrar of affidavits, court of chancery
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 569 
 
 Clerk of the letters patent, court of chancery 
 
 Reversion of rev. T. Thurlow's annuity under 1 and 2 
 
 William IV. c. 56 
 
 Under the 39 Geo. III. c. 110, in the year 1800, tlie salaries 
 of ihe judges at Westminster and the lords of session at Kdin- 
 l)iirs:h were greatly augmented, chiefly on account of the hiffh 
 prkf of provisions. ^Vhy then, it may be asked, are they not now 
 reduced ! JJuttliis is not the precise point we are aiming at. Under 
 the same act a retiring pension was for tUe first time granted to the 
 lord chancellor to the amount of £4000 a year, wiihout limitation as 
 to the previous time of holding the great seal ; and this pension — 
 greater than is ever given to an admiral or general for the most long 
 and splendid services — was granted, on the pretext that sinecures 
 in the gift of the chancellor had been abolished, whereby his lord- 
 ship was less able to make a provision for his family than his 
 predecessors in office. Here, however, we find lord liidon's son 
 entrenched behind three tier of sinecures, and fortitied in his rear 
 by the reversion of Parson Thurlow's sinecures, worth £11,000 per 
 annum, all given to him by his father subsequent to the passing of 
 the statute mentioned. Does not this, independent of his official 
 income of £18,000 or £20,000 a year, prove that lord Eldon had 
 ample means of providing for a family, wiUiout granting him in ad- 
 dition, a retiring pension out of the taxes. We would suggest to 
 the wealthy Patriarch of the Tories the prudence of making a vo- 
 luntary sacrifice to the public, without waiting to have these matters 
 revised and settled by that Reformed Parliament, to which his lord- 
 ship and friends entertain so natural an aversion. The abandonment 
 of the pension at least, with a fortune of £30,000 or £40,000 a year, 
 realized out of the bankruptcies, lunacies, wardships, and super- 
 sedeases of the Pitt system, would not be missed, and certainly not 
 abridge the hospitalities of Encombe or Hamilton-Place. 
 
 Scott, sir Walter, principal clerk of session, and sheriflP of the 
 
 shire of Selkirk, Scotland 
 
 For loss of fees under 50 Geo. III. c. 112 
 
 Scott, H. R. collector of customs and provincial judge, Cloyne 
 
 Scott, sir David, pension on civil list, 1827 
 
 Are the magisterial services of this gentleman at Brighton so va- 
 luable as to deserve this pension ? 
 
 Scott, Ann Lindsay, pension on civil list, 1825 
 
 Scott, dame Harriet, pension on civil list, 1802 
 
 Schenley, K. W. H. consul at Hayti 
 
 Schomberg;, heir of the duke of, hereditary pension out of post- 
 
 oHice revenue 
 
 One of king \V illiam's followers, and killed, it is supposed, by a 
 
 random shot frt)m his own troops at the battle of the Boyne. There 
 
 is no i)eerage of the name, and to whom the pension is paid, or for 
 
 what, we are unable to ascertain. 
 
 Scovcll, sir Geo. col. lieut-governor of military colleg;e, 1829 
 
 Lieut. -col, royal waggon train 
 
 Scovell, C. assistant secretary, customs 
 
 Shadwell, sir Launcclot, vice-chancellor 
 
 Shaftesbury, earl of, chairman of committees, house of lords •• 
 Shannon, earl of, late clerk of the polls, Ireland 
 
 £553 
 
 11,000 
 
 1600 
 300 
 
 1041 
 300 
 
 250 
 
 84 
 
 1200 
 
 4000 
 
 383 
 59f) 
 1200 
 6000 
 3000 
 3133
 
 670 I'LACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 Shawe, licut.-col. Merrick, pension on civil list, 1824 
 
 Pension on Irish civil list, 1 825 
 
 Wo are not aware of any claims col. Shawe had to his pensions, 
 further than court favour and having acted as private secretary to 
 the marquis Wellcsk-y. It seems the regular practice of noble lords 
 to throw their private secretaries on the public : this example was 
 followed by the duke, in the cases of Messrs. Drummond and Gre- 
 ville. Every Avant is provided for out of the taxes, whether it be 
 for the support of an aged parent, sister, niece, illegitimate child, or 
 cast-oir mistress. 
 
 Shaw, Robert, representative of, pension on civil list, 1786 • • 
 Sir R. Shaw, of Dublin, enjoys this pension ; and he explains, 
 that he inherits it; that it was '' purchased," by his father, of course, 
 upwards of forty-four years ago, and that he, of course, inherits it 
 as executor of another. So that this pension may continue for ever, 
 and be transmitted like a freehold estate. The famous pension of 
 Edmund Burke has been sold many times ; and if sir R. Shaw's 
 doctrine be correct, some of these incumbrances may be perpetual. 
 
 Shawe, Mary, Catharine, and Ann, pension on civil list, 1828 
 
 Sharp, sir C. collector of customs, Sunderland 
 
 Shepherd, sir S. late chief baron exchequer, Scotland 
 
 Shepherd, H. John, late commissioner of bankrupts, 1827 . . 
 Judge advocate of fleet and counsel to admiralty, 1828 
 
 Recorder of Abingdon, 1818 
 
 Clerk of custodies of lunatics in chancery, 1 829 • • • • 
 
 Clerk of presentations in chancery, 1 829 
 
 Shee, sir Geo. under secretary of state, foreign department • ♦ 
 
 Shee, dame Maria, pension on civil list, each ••• "•• . 
 
 Sherwood, Susan, Rebecca, Ann, and Elizabeth, pension on 
 
 civil list, 1 803, each 
 
 Shield, W. late naval commissioner 
 
 Sheridan, Richard Brinsley, Caroline, Thomas Berkeley, 
 Frances, Charles, and Helen, pension on ci^nl list, 
 
 1818, each 
 
 Poor Sheridan's legacy to his friend George IV. who thus dis- 
 posed of it. As the duke of Somerset's son has married one of the 
 family, he will, it is hoped, do something for his wife's relatives. 
 
 Short, Charle.s, clerk of the rules and orders of the court of 
 
 king's bench, from fees 
 
 We are not exactly acquainted with the official duties of Mr. 
 Short, but the nature of them and the sources of his vast emolu- 
 ments require investigation. It is curious to remark that the 
 greatest portion of public taxes is levied on articles of general con- 
 sumption, and paid by the industrious classes ; and the emoluments 
 of the most lucrative judicial offices arise principally from fees paid 
 out of the property of bankrupts, insolvents, and imprisoned debtors. 
 
 Short, H. r. clerk, secretary of state's office, colonial 
 
 Agent foi- Trinitlad .... 
 
 Shrapnell, maj.-gen. H. colonel commandant royal artillery . . 
 Pension for inventions , 
 
 £500 
 499 
 
 714 
 
 95 
 
 600 
 
 3000 
 
 43 
 
 450 
 
 43 
 
 1500 
 
 334 
 
 15 
 
 950 
 
 57 
 
 5172 
 
 855 
 
 344 
 
 1003 
 
 1200
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 ]7\ 
 
 Sinclair, sir John, compensation on abolition of office of cashier 
 
 of excise, Edinburgh 
 
 From the incessant publications of this person, his duties of oflice 
 
 could not have been very great, and we believe he never served any 
 
 apprenticeship to entitle him to compensation for loss of employment. 
 
 Sinclair, lord Charles, pension on Scotch civil list, 1788 • • • • 
 
 Sinclair, Elizabeth, pension on civil list, 1775 
 
 Sinclair, lady Isabella, pension on civil list, 1790 
 
 Sinclair, Ann, pension on civil list, 1 791 
 
 Sinclair, Catharine, pension on civil list, 1791 
 
 Sidmouth, viscount, late secretary of state 
 
 Skinner, J. M. com. of a packet, Holyhead, 1793 
 
 Commander in the navy, 182 1 
 
 Slow, Ann and Catharine, pensioners on civil list, 1817, each 
 Smith, lieut.-col. sir C. F. royal engineers, West Indies • • • • 
 
 Pension for wound 
 
 Smith, lieut.-gen. John, colonel commandant royal artillery* • 
 Smith, major-gen. J. F. S. colonel, royal artillery, Ireland •• 
 
 Smith, J. clerk Irish department, treasury 
 
 Pension for loss of office in Irish house of commons • • 
 
 Smith, G. late secretary to the na\'}' board 
 
 Smith, W. commissioner of arbitration at Sierra Leone 
 
 Smith, J. S. late envoy, &c. to Stutgard • • • 
 
 Smith, sir W. C. baron of the exchequer, Ireland 
 
 Smith, sir W. Sydney, pension on consolidated fund 
 
 Pension on 41 per cent, duties 
 
 Admiral of the white 
 
 Lieut.-gen. of marines 
 
 Smith, Culling Charles, commissioner of customs 
 
 Smith, lady Ann Culling, pension on civil list, 1812 
 
 Smith, Dame Carterette, pension on civil list, 1813 
 
 This last is, probably, mother-in-law of the preceding, who is wife 
 of sir George Culling Smith, — mother-in-law twice over to the mar- 
 quis of Worcester, who married two of her daughters, — sister to 
 marquis Wellesley, — ditto to lord INIaryborough, — ditto to the duke 
 of \V ellington, — ditto to lord Cowley,— ditto to the rev. Dr.A\'ellcsley, 
 prebend of Durham, rector of Chelsea, and rector of Bishop's Wear- 
 mouth, and who would, doubtless, have been a bishop, had he not, 
 by such promotion, been obliged to relinquish more valuable pre- 
 ferments. 
 
 Smith, P. clerk, secretary of state's office, colonial 
 
 Agent for Mauritius • • • » 
 
 Smith, R. Vernon, lord of the treasury 
 
 Smyth, sir J. C. baronet, unattached gen. officer, 1825 
 
 Pension for good services, 1817 • 
 
 Governor of the Bahamas 
 
 Smythe, the hon. G. A. F. S. pension on civil list, 1828 • • • • 
 
 Smyth, James, collector of customs, Cork 
 
 Smollett, Susan, pension on civil list, 1806 
 
 £2000 
 
 184 
 
 138 
 
 115 
 
 37 
 
 97 
 
 3000 
 
 800 
 
 115 
 
 45 
 
 1234 
 
 300 
 
 1003 
 
 1870 
 
 1000 
 
 304 
 
 600 
 
 1831 
 
 1200 
 
 3692 
 
 1000 
 
 1250 
 
 1200 
 600 
 155 
 
 726 
 500 
 
 1200 
 479 
 456 
 
 2650 
 104 
 
 1000 
 97
 
 572 PI.ACKS, PENSIONS, SINKCUUKS, AND GRANTS. 
 
 Soady, B. clerk in audit odicc 
 
 Pension for «poti;il services 
 
 Private secretary to chairman of audit board, 1826- • • • 
 Somerset, licut.-gon. lord, II. E. H. col. 1st reg. of dragoons. • 
 Somerset, major-gen. lord, F. unattached pay as major-gen. • • 
 Military secretary to the general commanding in chief 
 
 Colonel 53d foot, about 
 
 Pension for wound 
 
 Rnilliers o( the duke of Beaufort, an old ultra-Tory family, whose 
 vaniilicatioiis in rliurch and state are almost untraceable. 
 
 Somervillo, William, physician, Chelsea hospital 
 
 Retired pay as inspector, medical department 
 
 Sergeant surgeon to the king 
 
 Sneyd, Elizabeth, and her daughter, pension on civil list, 1776 
 
 Sneyd, Hannah, pension on civil list, 1781 
 
 Sneyd, Ann, pension on civil list, 1 807 
 
 Tiiese are Irish, and we wonder who they can be. There is a 
 great wiue-nierchant, named Sneyd, who was in parliament, and 
 who regularly voted with ministers. 
 
 Soane, John, clerk of the works, Chelsea hospital 
 
 South, William, clerk to registrar in chancery 
 
 Southey, Robert, pension on civil list, 1807 
 
 Poet laureate, circa 
 
 Sparshott, S. deputy comptroller, coast-guard 
 
 Commander in the navy, half pay 
 
 Spencer, W. ordnance storekeeper, Portsmouth 
 
 Spearman, A. Y. assistant clerk of parliamentary accounts • • 
 
 First clerk, civil list audit office 
 
 Spearman, A. and Margaret Young, pension civil list, 1827. . 
 
 Spicer, W\ H. deputy treasurer, Chelsea hospital 
 
 Spottiswoode, George, commandant Hibernian society, 1820. . 
 
 Pension for wounds, 1815 
 
 Half-pay as major in the army, 1816 
 
 Spottiswoode, Eyre, and Strahan, king's printers 
 
 These gentlemen hold the valuable patent of King's printer, con- 
 ferring the exclusive right to print acts of parliament, proclamations, 
 bibles, books of common prayer, and works the copyright of which 
 is vested in tlie crown. It is impossible to assign the annual profits 
 accruing from this privilege ; they must be very great, as their bills 
 against the treasury, ordinarily, amount to £10,000 or £15,000 
 per annum. Besides the profits trom this source, they have another 
 from the sah of acts to the public, above the number required by 
 law to be delivered to the houses of parliament, the magistracy, and 
 juiblic bodies; and which profit has been estimated to amount to 
 ±:i0,000 per annum. It appears doubtful whether the terms of the 
 patent entitle the grantees to the bookseller's projfit on the sale of the 
 acts of parliament to the public ; their privilege being restricted to 
 the oHice ot printer to the king. 
 
 The patent of Messrs. Eyre and Strahan expired in 1829, and 
 report says, it has b.cn renewed for another period of thirty years, 
 wiiliout inquiry, or other terms being exacted than the old" under-
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 .73 
 
 stood condition of one of the firm sitting in parliament and voting 
 on all occasions with the treasury. If this report be correct, the 
 profligacy of the arrangement can only be equalled by other acts 
 Avhich signalized the Wellington ministry, when, at the moment of 
 dissolution, they thrust, en masse, on the pension list their private 
 secretaries, parasites, and attaches, of a still less reputable descrip- 
 tion. We believe, however, certain formalities remain to be gone 
 through before the grant is finally renewed ; and from some expres- 
 sions, which have fallen from lord Althorp, it is probable measures 
 will be adopted to quash a monopoly which is at variance with the 
 knowledge of the age, and the general policy of an enlightened 
 government. 
 
 That the public sustains a great loss from the exclusive privilege 
 of the king's printer is evident from the transactions with the late 
 John Keeves, esq. well known some forty years ago as the getter- 
 tip of a loyal association for putting down republicans and levellers. 
 Rlr. Pitt was desirous of rewarding the services of this redoubtable 
 champion of monarchical institutions; to have placed him openly 
 on the pension list might have given rise to comments rendering 
 questionable the purity of John's loyalty, which dilemma was 
 avoided by the wary minister making it a condition of the renewal 
 of the patent of the king's printer in 1799, that Mr. Reeves should 
 be admitted a. sleeping partner, receiving for his share of the profits 
 £1500 per annum. In 1807, Mr. Keeves became dissatisfied witir 
 the arrangement, having discovered that his share of the profits was 
 far more considerable, amounting, according to the statement he 
 made in a bill of discovery, filed by him against his co-partner in 
 the patent, to £6500 a year. The result of this proceeding was a 
 more favourable agreement with the loyal associator against level- 
 lers, the precise nature of which has not transpired. What we have 
 said is perhaps sufficient to elucidate the privileges of the king's 
 printer, the purposes to w hich they have been applied, and the pro- 
 priety of their abolition. 
 
 Spranger, late commissioner of bankrupts, 1882 
 
 Ma-ster of court of exchequer, 1 820 
 
 Speer, W. chief clerk in treasury and auditor 
 
 Stack, Annabella and Mary, pension on civil list, 1828 •••• 
 
 Stace, W. ordnance storekeeper, Woolwich 
 
 Pension 
 
 Stanley, Edw. G. S. grandson of the earl of Derby; chief 
 
 secretary for Ireland, salary and emoluments 
 
 Mr. Stanley is reputed not to be a bird of sweet voice, but he has 
 eagle talons, and Mr. O'Connell appears never to have forgotten the 
 terrrible grip he received from the chief secretary about the afl'air 
 of the prosecution. We should admire the Liberator more if we saw 
 him zealous in forwarding measures really tending to the relief of 
 Ireland, in lieu of consuming session after session in bagatelle ami 
 impossible motions, which seeni intt-nded only as an excuse for 
 doing nothing at all, or nothing practically beneficial to his country. 
 Indeed, we are sometimes inclined to think the Great Agitator 
 views with jealousy, if not with absolute aversion, the abolition of 
 tithes, the introduction of poor laws, or any other etlicient measure 
 of improvement, lest it should defeat his darling panacea o( a repeal 
 of the Union. This last, hou ever, has always apjjeared to us more 
 a scheme of personal ambition than ot national amelioration. 
 Having towed the Kmerald Ish" along the English line of battle- 
 
 200 
 
 no returns 
 
 1700 
 
 6() 
 
 680 
 
 365 
 
 5500
 
 i74 
 
 'LACKS, I'KNSrONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 8hij) for renturieB, we will never consent that the rope shaU be cut 
 just at the moment wlicn, from a bcRgarl}' tender, she is about to be 
 manned into a beautiful aailins-yacht, under the auspices of a Re- 
 formed Parliament. We have no wish to see awakened into life the 
 dry bones of ColleRC-s^reen, — there let them lie,— the relics of all 
 that is corrupt ttnd (actions — the remains of those base men, who, 
 after passing the unprincipled Tithe Agistment act, sold their country 
 for the gold of Castlereagh. Infamy and incapacity are associate 
 with the name of Irish parliament, and were it revived it would 
 only be a focus for civil conflict and treason to the empire. The Irish 
 have not legislative heads, and their soil, fruitful in men of talent 
 and men of intrigue, has never produced aman with intellectual apti- 
 tude for sober government — for maturing comprehensive and en- 
 lightened projects of popular advantage. Better far, then, we say, 
 for the Irish nation, whatevei* it may be for plotters and tribute- 
 gatherers, that they should have the benefit of the concentrated in- 
 telligence of the united parliament of the three kingdoms, assembled 
 under the new charter of the constitution. 
 
 Stanley, Jane, pension on civil list, 1799 
 
 Stiuihopo, A. comptroller of foreign office in the General Post- 
 
 ofEce, emoluments paid by individuals 
 
 Stanhope, lady H. Lucy, pension on 4| per cent, duties • • • • 
 The eccentric foreign lady mentioned page 204. 
 
 Stanhope, Caroline, pension on civil list, 1 805 
 
 Stables, Ann, widow, pension on civil list, 1821 
 
 Standish, Olivia and Diana, pension on civil list, 1815, each- • 
 
 Stapleton, G. A. commissioner of customs 
 
 Agent for Grenada 
 
 Clerk of the sionet » >■ 
 
 Stapylton, hon. G. A. C. late chairman of the victualling board 
 
 Staniforth, J, distributor of stamps, Lancashire 
 
 Stavely, John, 8th senior clerk in foreign office 
 
 Stephen, James, law adviser, colonial and board of trade • • . • 
 
 Stephen, J. M. judge surrogate, St. Lucia 
 
 Stephenson, B. C. surveyor-general of works 
 
 Riding forester, New Forest 
 
 Stephenson, hon. Jane, pension on civil list, 1803 
 
 Stevens, C. clerk of introitus, pell-office, exchequer 
 
 Stevens, W. senior, military draftsman, Military-College .... 
 
 Sterky, Rev. Alexander, pension on civil list, 1816 
 
 M herefore ? Had the gentleman no parish ? 
 
 Sterling, Edward, pension on civil list, 1 780 
 
 Stepney, Dame, pension on ci\'il list, 1 826 
 
 Stevelley, Jones, late six clerk, chancery, Ireland 
 
 Stewart, major-gen. D. governor St. Lucia 
 
 Stewart, hon. E. deputy chairman of the customs 
 
 Stewart, hon. J. H. K. assistant secretary, treasury 
 
 Stewart, R. H. second clerk in war-office 
 
 Private secretary to deputy secretary at war 
 
 Stewart, lady Lucy, pension on civil list, 1806 
 
 356 
 
 1915 
 900 
 
 155 
 
 200 
 
 66 
 
 1200 
 
 172 
 
 300 
 
 600 
 
 1599 
 
 635 
 
 1500 
 
 1046 
 
 1500 
 
 452 
 
 100 
 
 950 
 
 330 
 
 400 
 
 17.7 
 
 200 
 1498 
 2500 
 1700 
 2500 
 
 333 
 
 100 
 
 184
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SIXF.CURES, AND GHANTS. O/O 
 
 Steward, Uriana, pension on civil list, 1823 
 
 Stoddart, sir John, chief justice, Malta 
 
 Stoddart, Jane and Caroline, pension on civil list, 1824 • • • • 
 
 Stoddart, Susan, Ann, Barbara, Jean, and Mary, each pension 
 on civil list, 1 809 
 
 Stirling, James, consul at Leghorn • 
 
 Still, Peter, late commissioner of bankrupts, 1793 
 
 Clerk of court of requests, Manchester, 1808 
 
 Stopford, admiral sir R. commander-in-chief, Portsmouth • • 
 
 Stopford, lieut-'g-en. hon. sir E. colonel 41st foot, pay 
 
 Stockes, J. W. taxing- officer common law business, Ireland • • 
 
 Stone, William, master shipwright, Chatham 
 
 Stow, D. clerk of a road, in general post-office — salary 
 
 Emoluments paid by individuals 
 
 Stowell, lord, master in the faculty office 
 
 Elder brother of lord Eldon, and in the eighty-seventh year of his 
 age ; his son-in-law, viscount Sidinouth — the letter of thaiiks man — 
 is in his seventy-fifih year. Lord Stowell retired from the court of 
 admiralty in 1828, having presided there lor the term of twenty 
 years, and during the war his emoluments from the ollice of judge 
 averaged £10,000 per annum. It is a singular fact that the great 
 acquisitions of his lordship, and his brother Eldon, arose principally 
 from the French revolutionary war. A period of national hostilities 
 or distress, by increasing the number of bankruptcies, increased, 
 under the old system of equity, the emoluments of the Chancellor, 
 nearly half his profits accruing from that source. It was the same 
 with lord Stowell, who was interested to the amount of £8,000 
 a-year in the continuance of the war, his emoluments in jjcace being 
 only £2000 a-year. It would, periiaps, be unjust to impute to these 
 individuals that they prostituted the great power they possessed, 
 during the late reigns, to the encouragement of war, for the sake of 
 official gain. It is inconceivable, that any men, with their eyes 
 open, would act so base and detestable a part; yet, as lord 
 Brougham has most justly remarked, on this very subject, " that 
 human frailty operates so, that without stating to ourselves the 
 points we are erring upon, our interests work upon us unknown to 
 ourselves." The civil and judicial, and, in short, all the governing 
 authorities of the state, had a deep interest in the prolongation of 
 the Fiench war ; and the Bank of England, we have seen, was 
 enriched by hostilities. Even the sovereign had a direct motive of 
 the same sort, in the state of the law respecting droits of the Crown 
 and of Admiralty ; and though it is improbable any prince, in 
 modern times, can be swayed by such a consideration, yet it is well 
 knc^ii-n that Charles the Second plunged the nation into a most 
 shameful war with Holland, for the sake of the droits of Admiralty, 
 upon the capture of the Smyrna fleet. Both the government and 
 judicial administration must surely need reform, which admits the 
 working of such interest-begotten motives on national affairs. 
 
 Stracey, sir Edward, clerk in house of commons, 1830 
 
 Council to chairman of committees, house of lords • • • • 
 
 Strangford, Mary, dowager viscountess, pension on English 
 civil list, i 804 
 
 Ditto, pension on Irish civil list, 1809 
 
 £266 
 
 1507 
 
 65 
 
 49 
 
 1061 
 
 unknown 
 
 2920 
 613 
 
 1107 
 720 
 530 
 
 1110 
 
 1382 
 
 1582 
 
 333 
 266
 
 FjIC) im,a( ks, pensions, sinf.cuues, and grants. 
 
 Strang ford, viBCount, Ifite ambassador to Russia 
 
 Stran^^ford, lord, pension on (;ivil list, 1797 
 
 Stratton, ladv Kmilv. pension on civil list, 1813 
 
 A sister oV llic diike of Leinster. Her husband had a large for- 
 tuno, and i;()t tlirou^'h il all in a few years. 
 
 Stratton, J. late minister to Sweden 
 
 Strathmore, lady Ann, pension on civil list, 1828 
 
 If this lady bV tiie wife- of the present earl, is it because he may 
 be always in ditficultifS, that the public should maintain her? If 
 the widow of the late lord, it is more reprehensible, as she was 
 married just in his dying moments, to rob his heirs of rank and 
 fortune. 
 
 Stuart, sir Simeon H. pension on civil list, 1822 
 
 Stuart H. retired allowance as clerk, colonial office, 1816 • • • • 
 
 Secretary' and registrar, St. Lucia, 1 803 
 
 Stuart, Jane, pension on civil list, 1784 
 
 Sullivan, L. deputy secretary at war 
 
 Sullivan, I. and H. Hobart, pension on 4| per cent, duties, 1820 
 
 Sullivan, J. A. provost marshal, Jamaica 
 
 Sullivan, J. A. sec. registrar, and king's receiver, Demerara 
 A relation of the carl of Buckinghamshire. John Sullivan, uncle 
 of the earl, is a commissioner of the India board, and another Sullivan 
 is member of the council, Madras. 
 
 Sutherland, R. consul at Maracaibo 
 
 Sutton, rip:ht hon. C. M. speaker of the house of commons • • 
 
 Surtees, AVilliam Villiers, late commissioner of bankrupts, and 
 
 cursitor for Middlesex, clerk of the jurats, and filacer 
 
 common pleas, 1 799 
 
 For loss of cursitorial fees in 1829, Mr. Surtees received £1176. 
 He is a relative of John lord Eldon, see page 331, 
 Swinton, Margaret, Mary, Isabel, Ann, and Harriet, pension 
 
 on civil list, 1800 
 
 Talbot, Robert, late commissioner of bankiiipts, 1793 
 
 Cursitor for London and Middlesex, ^br loss of fees- • 
 
 Tapp, John W. storekeeper, Halifax, 1818 
 
 1st lieutenant invalid artillery (reduced 1819), 1800- • 
 
 Tanner, T. clerk of ship's entries, customs 
 
 Tarleton, gen. sir B. col. 8th dragoons, pay and emoluments • • 
 
 Governor of Berwick 
 
 Pension for wounds • 
 
 Taunton, sir W. E, puisne judge of the court of king's bench 
 
 Taylor, lieut.-gen. sir Herbert, colonel 85th foot 
 
 Adjutant-general 
 
 Pension on civil list, 1813 
 
 Private sec. and aid-de-camp to the king 
 
 Miister of St. Catharine's hospital 
 
 Taylor, gen. the hon R col. 6th dragoon guards 
 
 Taylor, sir B. clerk of the signet, 1801 
 
 Late minister plenipotentiary to Berlin, 1828
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 577 
 
 Taylor, T. deputy keeper of p^i^T seal, Dublin, 1829 
 
 Clerk in chief secretary's office, 1799 
 
 Taylor, T. comptroller-general of customs 
 
 Temple, the hon. W. secretary of embassy at St. Petersburp:h 
 Tenterden, rt. hon. lord, chii'f justice of the court of king's bench 
 
 Terrill, W. pension out of consolidated fund 
 
 Thackeray, S. assistant-solicitor, customs 
 
 Tliomson. T. principal clerk of session, Scotland 
 
 Deputy clerk register, ditto 
 
 Thomson, W. deputy commissary-general, half-pay, 1818 • • 
 
 Prothonotary of Nova Scotia • 
 
 Thomson, C. Poulett, M.P. for Dover, treasurer of the na\y, 
 
 and vice-president of board of trade 
 
 Thompson, T. solicitor to post-office, Ireland 
 
 Thornborrow, J. chief clerk in office of woods 
 
 Thornton, J. chairman of the board of stamps 
 
 Thornton, W. T. clerk of the securities, excise 
 
 Thornton, W. C. late commissioner of hackney coaches .... 
 
 Lieutenant-governor of Hull 
 
 Aide-de-camp to the king 
 
 Pension and retired military allowance 
 
 Thornton, sir E. late envoy to Portugal 
 
 Thurlow, rev. Thomas, late patentee for execution of bankrupt- 
 laws ; emolument from fees on commissions, writs 
 of supersedeas, aud proceedings in bankruptcy, for 
 
 the year ending Jan. 5, 1 830 
 
 Clerk of hanaper in chancery ; emoluments from 
 
 June 5, 1829, to Jan. 5, 1830 
 
 These Judicial sinecures were abolished under llic Bankruptcy 
 Court Act, and an equivalent lite annuity, payable out of bankrupt 
 ellects, •granted with reversion, on the death of Mr. 'I'hurlow, to 
 U'. li. 1. Scolt, son of lord Kidon. It has been often ur^ed as a 
 favourable trait in the l^nglisli constitution that it allows ihe hum- 
 blest individual, possessed of merit, to aspire to the liij;hest rewards 
 and oflices in the state ; but this advanta^te is in some measure coun- 
 terbalanced by the principle which permits those rewards and 
 honours to be hereditarily transmitted to descendants. Of the prac- 
 tical workinjr of this part of the system the families of .Marlborough, 
 Nelson, and Thurlow, afford striking examples. The founder of the 
 iionours of the last, it is well known, was the lord chancellor of the 
 name, and during; the short period of sixty years, within which it 
 emerged from the obscurity of a Suffolk parsonage, it has presented 
 some very singular incon;;ruities. Lord Chancellor Thurlow, whose 
 father was the rector of Ashlield, died unmarricfi, but not belore 
 he had, by the influence of his oHice, pushed his brother Thon)as 
 into the rich see of Durham. This I'liomas left two sons, Kdwaid, 
 the late peer, wiio succeeded the chancellor, and Thomas, in holy 
 orders, who succeeded, on the death of his brother, in 1829, to the 
 \aluable reversions mentioned above. The claims of the two 
 nejjhews to the honours and emoluments of their uncle, the first 
 Lord Thurlow, it would be invidious to investigate. KHward is 
 
 2 r 
 
 £73 
 712 
 
 1000 
 
 1100 
 10000 
 
 1000 
 800 
 
 1000 
 500 
 267 
 600 
 
 2000 
 
 1457 
 700 
 
 2012 
 600 
 150 
 182 
 182 
 591 
 
 2000 
 
 8502 
 1192
 
 C)l^ PLACES, PENSIONS, SINKfJURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 rliirlly known from having married Miss IJoltoii, the actress, and 
 from iKivioB l)ecn an iinfortunato aspirant in verse-making; the 
 fruits of his marriaRo were three sons, the eldest of wiiom is now 
 in his eighteenth year, destined, in due course, to fonu one of our 
 liereditary legislators. 
 
 Tioriioy, Cloo. sccretfvry of legation, Bavaria 
 
 Tiornoy, Mrs. pension on civil list, 1830 
 
 Midow of the late M.l'. for Knaresborough, and who, if in need 
 of assistance, ought to have obtained it from the wealthy banker, 
 her relative ; or, if not from him, from the duke of Devonshire and 
 other party connexions of her husband. But aristocracy is the 
 grave of virtue. The rich lords, like the rich clergy, immersed in 
 IUXU17 and dissipation, are strangers lo sympathy, with indigence 
 and misfortune. They do not even provide for the destitute of their 
 *' order," and seldom come forward to support any work of utility 
 or benevolence. There are exceptions among the nobility, but this 
 is the general character of the corporation; all useful, meritorious, 
 and charitable undertakings are planned, supported, and executed 
 by the middling and industrious classes. It is the same in Ireland, 
 as we learn from the parliamentary report of the session of 1830; 
 there all institutions for the education of the people, and for their 
 relief in sickness and old age, have been established, and are sup- 
 ported, not by the absentee landlords, bishops, and pluralists, but 
 by the farmer, the poor tenantry, and tradesmen. But can there 
 need further proof of the vicious nature of aristocracy in church and 
 state, than the deplorably ignorant and destitute state of our agri- 
 cultural population ? Of the one hundred and thirty-eight miserable 
 creatures on the Berkshire calendar, only twenty-five could write, 
 and only thirty-seven could read; yet, in face of this evidence of 
 the neglect of the people by their " natural protectors," justices 
 Park, Vaughan, and others of the special commissioners, would in- 
 sinuate the clergy and lords of the soil had done their duty, and that 
 the risings of the peasantry did not proceed from want of food or 
 want of education, but from the wicked machinations of seditious 
 writers, itinerant lecturers, and foreign incendiaries. 
 
 Tindal, sir N. C. chief justice of common pleas 
 
 This judge, we believe, is better known for prerogative leanings 
 and supple politics than as a high judicial authority. His copious 
 charge to the Bristol grand jury, (Jan. 2, 1832,) was singularly 
 deticient in precision, and has formed a proper subject of animadver- 
 sion. The two chief legal dicta of sir Nicholas are that private 
 persons may arm themselves for the suppression of riots ; ahd, 
 secondly, that the duties imposed on the citizen are equally obliga- 
 tory on the soldier. Both these positions are of dangerous applica- 
 tion, and ought to have been laid down within stricter limits than 
 Ihey were by chief justice Tindal. 
 
 A private person, we conceive, has no general right to interfere in 
 the execution of the laws. A constable, for the maintenance of the 
 peace, may call in the aid of a by-stander, and the by-stander is 
 bound to assist him ; but no private person has authority to arrest 
 an olTender, without the warrant of a magistrate, for any oflen'ce 
 less than/i'/«;ii/. All riots are not felonious. Unless twelve persons 
 or more are uulawfully assembled, and continue together ont/io«r after 
 being commanded by a magistrate to disperse, they are not guilty 
 of a capital offence. Should any private person interfere, without 
 lawful authority, to suppress a riotous assemblage of a less aggra- 
 vated description than this, we apprehend he would himself become a 
 transgressor of the law ; and if he artiied himself with any dangerous
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GUANTS. 
 
 i79 
 
 weapon, as a gun, and thereby occasioned the death of an individual, 
 he would be guilty of manslaughter at the least, and p( rhaps murder. 
 Similar obligations and restraints are imposed on the military. A 
 soldier is invested with all the rights of other citizens, and is bound 
 to all the duties of other citizens, Burdett v. Abbott : granted; but 
 nothing beyond this. He has no general right to interfere for the 
 preservation of the peace, either as citizen or soldier, unless called 
 upon so to do by lawful authority ; and if he employ fire-arms to 
 suppress a riot of a less dangerous character, and under other cir- 
 cumstances than those described in the statute 1 Geo. I.e. 5, and 
 thereby occasion death, he would be guilly of the highest offence 
 known to the law. 
 
 Until recently, game-keepers thought they had a right to carry 
 fire-arms, for the capture of poachers. This error was distinctly 
 refuted by INIr. Justice Bayley, {Lancaster Assizes, March 23J, 18"27,) 
 wiio expressly stated that no gamekeeper had a right to carry tire- 
 arms for any such purpose, nor to fire at any poacher whatever. 
 No proprietor of game had any earthly po\^ er to give such authority 
 to his keeper, who might certainly fake into custody any poacher, 
 but it was at his peril to use fire-arms. 
 
 The legal authority of Chief Justice Holt is so high, and the 
 anecdote related of him so apposite to our subject, that we cannot 
 forbear incorporating it, though well known, and has appeared in 
 The Plain Dealer, and other vehicles of intelligence. 
 
 " There happened," says the nanator, " in the time of this chief 
 justice, a riot in Holborn, occasioned by an abominable practice 
 then prevailing, of decoying young persons, of both sexes, to the 
 plantations. The persons so decoyed they kept prisoners in a house 
 in Holborn, till they could find an opportunity of shipping them off; 
 which being discovered, the enraged populace were going to pull 
 down the house. Notice of this being sent to Whitehall, a party of 
 the guards were commanded to march to the place ; but they first 
 sent an oflicer to the chief justice, to acquaint him with the design, 
 and to desire him to send some of his people to attend the soldiers, 
 in order to give it the better countenance. The odicer having de- 
 livered his message, Holt said to him. 'Suppose the populace should 
 not disperse at your appearance, what are you to do then ?' ' Sir,' 
 answered the oflicer, ' we have orders to fire upon them.' ' Have 
 you, sir?' replied Holt, ^then take notice of what 1 say ; if there be 
 one man killed, and you are tried he/ore mc, I shall take care that you, 
 and every soldier of your party, shall be hanged.' ' Sir,' added he, 
 ' go back to those who sent you, and acquaint them, that no ollicer 
 of mine shall attend soldiers ; and let them know, at the same time, 
 thuf the laws of this kingdom are not to be executed by the sword ; these 
 matters belong to the civil power, and you hate nothing to do with 
 them.' Upon this, the chief justice, ordering his tipstaves, with a 
 few constables, to attend him, went himself in person to the place 
 where the tumult was; expostulated with the mob; assiired them 
 that justice should be done upon the persims who were the objects 
 of their indignation : and thus they all dispersed quietly." 
 
 Tig'he, G. W. pension on Irish civil list, 1815 
 
 Tighe, Charlotte, pension on Irish civil li.^t, 1828 
 
 Tildesley, Sophia, pension on civil list, 1 8'25 
 
 ToraUns, A. clerk, Irish revenue, 1817 
 
 Private secretary to vice-treasurer, 1817 
 
 Allowance for index to journals house of lords 
 
 •2 p -2 
 
 £358 
 
 47 
 
 61 
 
 500 
 
 7r, 
 
 4 on
 
 680 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 Toiiilins, sir Thomas, counsel to chief secretary, 1810 
 
 (.'ouiisol to treasurer for Irish revenue • 
 
 Pension on Irish civil list, 1825 
 
 For compiling index to acts relative to Ireland 
 
 Torrcns, R. fourth justice in common pleas, Ireland 
 
 Torrens, damo Sarah, pension on civil list, 1820 
 
 Widow, probiibly, of the late general sir H. Torrens, adjutant- 
 frencral. This ollicrr was most fortunate in his advancement, and 
 lield hifjh situations ; but hved so extravagantly as to leave his family 
 upon the public. 
 
 Toole, J. deputy commissary- general, half-pay, 1817 
 
 Pension as civil auditor of Malta 
 
 Tovvnsend, J. S. master in chancery in Ireland • • 
 
 There are nice pickings in judicial offices in Ireland as well as in 
 Knjjland and Scotland. 
 Trafford, Trafford, late receiver general of taxes, Chester • » • • 
 Whether Ministers intend firanting retiring pensions to the late 
 receivers-general we are uncertain, and for this reason have omitted 
 them in our List. The receiverships were mostly given by the 
 Tories to their thick and thin supporters. Trafford is, if we mistake 
 not, the magistrate, who, in conjunction with Hulton and 
 Parson Hay, who immediately after received the valuable living of 
 Rochdale from the late Archbishop Sutton, directed the memorable 
 outrage of Manchester in the year 1819. 
 
 Trail, rev. Anthony, pension on Irish civil list, 1794 
 
 Trail, Clarissa, pension on Irish civil list, 1809 
 
 Treasure, Elizabeth, widow, pension on civil list, 1820 
 
 Trefusis, hon. C. R. commissioner of excise • • 
 
 Trevor, C. solicitor of legacy duties 
 
 Trovver, J. master in chancery, for year ending Jan. 5, 1830« • 
 
 Troy, J. J. collector of customs, Limerick 
 
 Turner, R. deputy surveyor of New Forest, 1815 
 
 Allowance for Parkhurst Forest 
 
 Turner, Sir H. governor of Bermuda- • • • 
 
 Turner, W. envoy extraordinary in Colombia 
 
 Turton, sir Thomas, clerk of juries, common pleas 
 
 Turton, W. one of the six clerks in chancery 
 
 TywU, col. baron, private secretary to lord lieutenant 
 
 Tyrconnel, earl of, pension on English civil list, 1813 ...... 
 
 Pension on Irish civil list, 1813 
 
 His brother, the late lord, was in the army, and shipwrecked in 
 the Baltic returning from St. Petersburgh w"ith despatches. Why 
 this lord has got two pensions ought to be explained. 
 
 Tyndale, W. pension on civil list, 1 820 
 
 Tyton, A. retired allowance tin late solicitor to the customs" 
 Pretty v\ ell tliis for a retired solicitor, whose salary and emolu- 
 ments had averaged, perhaps. f300() or i*40()0 per annum. All the 
 government solicitors and assistant soliciiors would bear consider- 
 able reduction. The solicitor of the tieasurv has returned his 
 emoluments at ±"2800 a year, of customs t;2.i00,"of excise fasOO, of 
 stamps £1200, and of assessed taxes Jt'loOO.
 
 i'l.ACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 581 
 
 Unwin, John, senior clerk in the Treasury 
 
 Ure, James, comptroller of customs, Leith 
 
 Utterson, E. V. one of six clerks in chancery 
 
 As the name implies there are six of these officers enjoying 
 incomes of ±,'1200 a year ; they are sinecurisls and their offices might 
 be abolished without detriment to the public. They have so little 
 duty that the custom of these gentlemen is to divide the year into 
 six portions of two montiis each, and the attendance of one of them 
 at a time is enough. Can any one be surprised at the expense of 
 proceedings in chancery, when there is a judge with £15,000 a jear, 
 sinecures worth ±11,000 per annum, registrars with £.5000 income, 
 masters £4000, and clerks with average incomes of £1200 and 
 £1 100 a year — and all these great emoluments, or nearly so, accru- 
 ing from fees levied on the unfortunate suitor — widow, orphan, 
 lunatic, or bankrupt ? We say nothing of the fleecings he under- 
 goes in the honorariums, refreshers, consultations, and half-guinea 
 " motions of course," paid to counsel ; nor of the term-fees, six-and- 
 eight-penny touches, copy charges, and court attendancies of solici- 
 tors. 
 Usher, Alicia, Frances, Margaret, and Sarah, pension on civil 
 
 list, 1827 
 
 Udney, Martha, pension on civil list, 1816 
 
 Van Spiegle, A. senior clerk in the treasury 
 
 Van de Spiegle, Adolph, pension on civil list, 1810 
 
 Van de Spiegle, Maria, pension on civil list, 1810 
 
 Vallancey, Catharine, pension on Irish civil list, 1790 
 
 Vallancey, Mary, pension on Irish civil list, 1770 
 
 A poor woman was recently convicted in the Metropolis of de- 
 frauding the parish, in having continued to receive the allowance for 
 the maintenance of a natural child after its death. We suspect 
 similar cajollery among the state paupers. It is hardly likely so 
 many pensioners should be alive whose grants are dated sixty or 
 seventy years back ; dead-weight and annuity people, we know, 
 are proverbially tenacious of vitality ; still, we trust lord Althorp 
 will make inquiry and not suflcr to be added to our other grievances 
 in this matter, the vexation of being imposed upon by absolute 
 counterfeits. 
 
 Vallancey, Isabella, pension on Irish civil list, 1823 
 
 Vallancey, Fanny, pension on Iri.sh civil list, 1820 
 
 Vandeleur, lieut.-g-en. sir. J. O. col. 14th light dragoons* • • • 
 
 Pension for \vound< 
 
 Vandeleur, T. B. fourth justice of the king's bench, Ireland • • 
 
 Vandorkiste, F. W . comptroller of customs, Cork 
 
 Vaughan, C. 11. envoy and minister plenipo. at Washington- • 
 
 Vaughan, sir J. baron of the court of exchequer 
 
 Venables, J. junior clerk in home department, 1 803 
 
 Private secretary in home department, 1823 
 
 Receiver of the eight police oilices, 1822 
 
 Receiver of tenths, 1 827 
 
 Vcrbeke, J. F. deputy commissary general, half-pay, 181.5 • • 
 Consul of the Netherlands 
 
 £1000 
 
 540 
 
 1217 
 
 100 
 
 445 
 
 1008 
 
 60 
 
 68 
 
 132 
 
 66 
 
 61 
 42 
 
 1501 
 350 
 
 3692 
 600 
 
 6000 
 
 5516 
 612 
 300 
 500 
 300 
 267 
 600
 
 582 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 Vernon, sir Charles, ponfiion on civil list, 1823 
 
 Vernon, Caroline, pension on civil list, 1763 
 
 A sit;ht of this fair spinsler would needs be gratifying to admirers 
 of the antique ! 
 
 Vernon, Joseph, receiver of fees in the treasury 
 
 Vesey, Francis, one of the six clerks in chancery, 1811 .... 
 
 Vie, H. inspector and receiver of taxes, 1828 
 
 Villiers, G. W. F. commissioner of customs 
 
 Villiers, T. H. secretary to the India board 
 
 Vivian, lieut.-gen. sir R. H. col. 12th light dragoons, staff, 
 
 regimental pay and emoluments 
 
 Commander of the forces, Ireland 
 
 Pension for wounds 
 
 Vizard, J. deputy registrar bankrupt court 
 
 Vizard, William, secretary of bankrupts 
 
 Wade, Mary, pension on Irish civil list, 1829 
 
 Wadman, J. first under clerk tellers' office 
 
 Walker, J. inspector and receiver of taxes, 1803 
 
 Walker, sir P. hereditary usher of the black rod, Scotland • • 
 Walpole, Edward, clerk in the treasury and private secretary 
 
 to chancellor of the exchequer 
 
 For making- out East-India accounts * . . 
 
 Walpole, F. junior clerk in home department, 1811 
 
 Joint distributor of military commissions, 1817 • • • • •» 
 
 Allowance for yeomanry correspondence, 1820 
 
 Walton, F. clerk foreign department post-office 
 
 Walker, J. K. cocket writer, customs 
 
 Walker, Thomas, police justice, Lambeth-Street 
 
 Ward, R. P. late clerk in ordnance 
 
 Ward, John, inspector of aliens at Dover, 1825 
 
 Collector of customs, Dover 
 
 Ward, E. M. minister plenipotentiary at Dresden 
 
 Ward, Robert, inspector and receiver of taxes, 1815 • 
 
 Warde, lieut.-gen. sir H. colonel 68th foot 
 
 Wardlow, sir W. pension on Scotch civil list, 1824 
 
 Warrington, H. consul-general, Tripoli 
 
 Walford, J. G. solicitor to the board of customs 
 
 Warner, A. chief judge, Trinidad 
 
 Warren, C. W. clerk first class in the war-office • . • • 
 
 Warren, Mary, Sarah, Anne, and Rebecca, pension on Irish 
 
 civil list, 1787, each 
 
 Wallace, J. collector of customs, Waterford • 
 
 Walbeoff, J. superintendent of cinnamon plantations 
 
 Watson, sir F. B. master of his majesty's household 
 
 Pension on civil list, 1827 
 
 Waters, John, clerk to chief justice of court of kings's bench; 
 from fees • • • • 
 
 43 
 
 700 
 1688 
 1158 
 
 931 
 
 2169
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 i83 
 
 To fees are often added tlie corruptive agency of gratuities, so 
 that wlien an income arises from the former it is hardly possible to 
 fix the amount ; depending, too, a good deal on the cupidity or li- 
 berality of the fee-gatherer. We wonder who this Mr. Waters 
 can be, and what can be the nature of his duties to entitle him to 
 tax the king's lieges, suing lor justice in the highest court, to the 
 tune of £2169 per annum. 
 
 Watlington, G. prothonotary of court common pleas 
 
 Watson, T. clerk to clerk of the rates, customs • • • 
 
 Watts, R. clerk of a road, general post office 
 
 Late clerk in tax-office - 
 
 Watts, E. consul at Carthagena 
 
 Webb, W. deputy commissary-g-eneral, half-pay, 1822 •••• 
 
 commissioner for valuation of houses, Dublin 
 
 Wedderburne, sir D. deputy postmaster-general, Edinburgh •• 
 
 Welfit, W. late commissioner of bankrupts, 1801 
 
 Cursitor of court of chancery, 1814 
 
 Wellesley, marquis, pension from the East-India company • • 
 
 Lord steward of the household 
 
 Late joint chief remembrancer of court of exchequer, 
 
 Ireland 
 
 The Wellesleys derive a greater revenue from the taxes than any 
 other family, and since Mr, Pitt first introduced into official employ- 
 ment lord Mornington, they cannot liave received, in grants, sala- 
 ries, pensions, and sinecures, less than two millions of the public 
 money. But how can we complain of the income of the duke, or 
 of his brother, both eminent for their exploits ; while there aie 
 bishops witii £20,000 or £30,000 a year, and legal sinecurists with 
 £10,000 or £12,000 per annum? The following piece of informa- 
 tion appeared in Ihe L'nnerick Chronicle: — The marquis W . late 
 viceroy of Ireland, has sevenly-ttvo sons, all provided for by the pub- 
 lic." The " Hero of the East," as the conquerer of Tippoo Saib 
 used to be styled, has certainly been viceroy of Ireland, but the 
 intelligence cannot refer to him ; for, though his lordship has been 
 twice married, he has no issue by either union. It is, we know, ;i 
 very general complaint that scarcely any person without family 
 influence and born in lawful wedlock, can obtain a situation in the 
 public offices, owing to tlie numerous illegitimate progeny of the 
 " order" claiming to be provided for. 
 
 Wellington, Charlotte, pension on civil list, 1 800 
 
 Wellington, duke of, pensions out of consolidated fund • • • • 
 
 Constable of the Tower 
 
 Colonc^l of rifle brigade • 
 
 Colonel of 1 St regiment of foot guards 
 
 Lord-warden of Cinque ports 
 
 Interest on grants by parliament 
 
 Some oversight, some providential I'lisclutnce, generally brings the 
 guilty to judgment. The ovcrsigiit of the Wellington ministry 
 was tlie King's speech, and the couiments thereupon by his high- 
 ness of Waterloo. The Duke lias since attempted to qualif} ilic 
 fatal declaration against parliauientary reform, by dividing himself 
 into two parts— one ministcritil, tlie ot\\cr inilicidual, and holding out 
 a hope of something better for the future, in case of a second trial of 
 his civic talents. But it is of no use : the objection is to the entire 
 
 £2600 
 
 3U4 
 
 1331 
 
 400 
 
 2100 
 
 267 
 
 560 
 
 800 
 
 560 
 5000 
 2436 
 
 5387 
 
 115 
 
 8926 
 950 
 238 
 
 2695 
 
 295 
 
 35000
 
 684 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECUUES, AND GUANTS. 
 
 mnss— th<! history of the Duke— his connexions— the past deeds 
 iind c;ipal)ilities— the (oreijjn and domestic proceedings of the con- 
 federal y to which lie belongs. 
 
 In his foreii^n polic y tlie Duke is the steadfast partizan of the 
 Turk, Don iNlij^uci, Ferdinand, and the Holy Alliance ; in his do- 
 mestic policy he belongs to the Tory faction ; that besotted crew of 
 plunderers, possessed ol neither coinmun sense nor common honesty, 
 and whose demon ascendancy of forty years has entailed on the 
 empire all its calamities. Agreeably with the views of this party 
 the Premier had prepared to open the Parliamentary campaign. 
 Retrenchment was to proceed no further ; the principle of free trade 
 was not to be persisted in; judicial, ecclesiastical, and above all, 
 parliamentary leform, and every thing new or novel was to be re- 
 pudiated ami discountenanced. Abroad the continental system was 
 to b(^ ui)held — ^tbe vile treaties of 1815 maintained inviolate— and 
 after a million of bayonets had been silently assembled on the Rhine, 
 the Moselle, and the Adige, the kingdom of the Netherlands forcibly 
 re-established, and the liberties of Frenchmen subverted by another 
 victory of Waterloo. Such was the train of mischief laid by the 
 Field Marshal ! one hundred millions more were to be added to the 
 Debt — the dead weight doubled — -nnd Europe deluged with blood, 
 that half-a-dozen crowned conspirators might be guaranteed in their 
 usurpations over the liberties of the human race. 
 
 And what averted these calamities? It was the spirit of the 
 People acting on the fears of parliament. Such was the deep and 
 universal feeling of indignation excited by the royal speech and the 
 declarations of the Duke, that we are not sure both monarchy and 
 aristocracy would have been laid in the dust, had not the premier 
 made a timely retreat. Perhaps his abdication was not the most 
 favourable issue : had the Captain been allowed to follow up his mad 
 resolves, it is probable, from the pervading spirit of the continent, 
 Germany, Italy, and Prussia, would have been free by the discom- 
 fiture of their tyrants in open battle ; but the day is not far distant, 
 when that emancipation will be effected by reason and example, 
 which the insane arrogance of despotism failed to accomplish. 
 
 The Duke being naturally shrewd and selfish, and mostly j udicious in 
 his conduct, it is surprising how he could adopt such a mistaken course 
 of proceeding. Would none of the parasites, pensioned dowagers, 
 and demireps, who haunt his steps, open his eyes? Even sir R. 
 Peel might have told him England is not in the state it was in 1793 
 — that there has been a complete revolution in public sentiment — 
 that an individual is hardly to be found who is not convinced of the 
 blunders, profligacy, and mis-government of the last half century — 
 and that all classes — rich and poor — are either dismayed by the 
 overwhelming embarrassments of the system and quiescent in its 
 defence, or the open and determined partisans of its thorough reform. 
 Under such altered circumstances what a brainless project to think 
 of reviving the Pitt system — resorting to Algerine acts — appealing 
 to persons of property' — and coercing the entire population, the most 
 favourably disposed portion of which is resolved to be neutral, and 
 all the rest in lierce and determined opposition ! 
 
 It is hardly worth while inquiring now hoAV far lord Wellington 
 participated in the plans of the miserable Polignac. The wretched 
 outcasts would not have sought refuge here had they not been previ- 
 ously apprised of the spirit of tliose who presided over the public 
 councils. Subsequently the ex-Premier was pleased to designate the 
 glorious three days a " bad example,"— an opinion, no doubt, he 
 shares in common with prince Metternich, and the autocrat of Russia. 
 Frame had not much to gain by her immortal triumph ; she had
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 i)«o 
 
 only to defend, not to conquer free institutions. Her first revolution 
 had swept away an oppressive tithe system, a privileged noblesse, a 
 feudal game-code, and a plundering and barbarous judicial adminis- 
 tration. Would to God our revolution of 1688 had done as much 
 for us, and then we should not have had still to struggle through 
 the Augean stable of arislocratical, legal, and ecclesiiislical 
 abuse ! 
 
 We shall leave the Duke with a fervent prayer that he will never 
 again be premier of England. His ideas and sentiments are wholly 
 alien to the happiness and liberties of Knglishmen, and we verily 
 believe his return to power would be the signal for a general rising 
 throughout the United Kingdom. 
 
 West, Robert B. clerk dead letter office, Ireland, 1800 •••• 
 Taxing clerk inland-office, Ireland, 1 800 
 
 West, F. N. escrivans to the court, Trinidad 
 
 West, G. clerk in treasui-y, and for making special payments 
 
 Weston, W. surveyor-general, customs •• 
 
 Weston, J. C. cocket-writer, customs • • • • 
 
 Westmeath, countess of, bv act of parliament (Irish) 
 
 Westmeath, marchioness of, lady of the Queen's bed-chamber 
 
 Pension on Irish civil list, 1829 • • • • 
 
 The AV'estmeath (Nugent) family have been singularly unfortunate 
 in matrimonial engagements. The late earl of \\ estmeath, married 
 for a first wife Marianne, niece of the tirst earl of Clare, by whom 
 he left the present marquis of Westmeath. This maniage being 
 dissolved by act of parliament in 1790, the carl married in the fol- 
 lowing year Elizabeth Emily, daughter of the second marquis of 
 Drogheda. Both wives we believe survived the earl, who died in 
 1814, and we are uncertain whether the countess in our List, whose 
 pension is charged on the consolidated fund, is the lady Marianne 
 of the lirst or the lady I-^lizabeth Emily of the second nuptials. 
 We are also ignorant of the public services performed by which 
 the countess of Westmeath became entitled to her pension. Nor are 
 we less in the dark in respect of the services of the marchioness of 
 M'estmeath. This lady, it is well-known, obtained her pension 
 through one of these brilliant coup de mains of the Duke, for which 
 he is as famous about court as in the held. All however the public 
 knows (if her ladyship is that she is sister to the marquis of Salisbury , 
 who has large estates ; that she has for many years been on bad 
 terms with her husband ; that they have parted several times and 
 again lived together, and not long since the marquis instituted a 
 suit in Doctors' Commons for the restitution of conjugal ri^i^ht.s .' The 
 marchioness, ii apjiears, has obtained an appointment near the 
 person of the queen, wliich we take to be a way-lay of the tield 
 marshal, lliat concerns the Whigs more than any body else ; ^^e 
 verily believe no man knows better than the Duke how to post hi< 
 troo[)s — take up a position — throw up entrenchments — and prepare 
 for defensive or oflensive warfare ; and we never knew the Captain 
 to be ont-generalled in these matters, except on one occasion, when 
 opposed to the chivalry of viscount Combermere. 
 
 Weir, Dr. John, late commissioner, victualling-office 
 
 Wharton, Henrietta, pension on civil list, 1813 
 
 Is this the widow of the former chairman of the house of com- 
 mons ? or of the member for Beverley > \ job in either case. 
 
 Whitelow, Elinor, pension on Irish civil list, 1813 
 
 £184 
 184 
 
 1821 
 
 1100 
 800 
 
 1868 
 923 
 105 
 386 
 
 1000 
 501 
 
 177
 
 ')H() I'LATES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND (JUANTS. 
 
 White, W. D. clerk in the office of woods and forests, 1810. • 
 
 Receiver of crown rents in London and Middlesex, 1827 
 
 Whitmore, col. G. royal engineers, Malta 
 
 Wliitiiiore, T. secretary to the board of customs 
 
 Wliittingham, Maria, pension on civil list, 1822 
 
 Is this the wife of general Whittingham, who is on the staff in 
 India? If so, too bad. 
 
 Whishaw, J. commissioner of audit 
 
 Wilmot, Sarah Ann Eardly, widow, pension on civil list, 1797 
 
 Wickham, rt. hon. W. late minister to Swiss Cantons 
 
 Wickham, Eleanor, pension on civil list, 1 803 
 
 Wilson, sir George, master in chancery for year 1830 
 
 Wilson, W, principal clerk army-pay-office 
 
 Wilson, Dr. Isaac, physician to Halsar-hospital 
 
 Wilson, Ann, children of, pension on civil list, 1797 
 
 W^ilson, G. allowance as late commissioner of customs 
 
 Wilson, 11. late commissioner of Bankrupts, 1802 
 
 Cursitor for London and Middlesex, 1823 
 
 Wilson, major.-gen. W^. col. commandant 14th royal artilleiy 
 Wilkin, John, receiver of crown rents in Wales, 1819 
 
 Late receiver of duties on offices and pensions, 1811 • • 
 Wilkinson, Robert, clerk in war office, 1802 
 
 Compiler of army lists, 1 808 
 
 Joint collector of fees on military commissions, 1808 • • 
 
 Wilkinson, E. clerk of the affida\'its, customs • 
 
 Willi.s, John, pension on civil list, 1791 
 
 Wilkins, Eliza, pension on civil list, 1800 
 
 Wilkio, David, limner to the king of Scotland, 1823 
 
 Wilcox, Elizabeth, pension on civil list, 1821 
 
 Williamson, D. lord of sessions, Scotland 
 
 Williamson, John S. col. royal artillery, 1825 
 
 Superintendent of royal military repository, 1 828 • • ■ • 
 
 Allowance for one servant 
 
 Williams, C. northern clerk in the secretary's office, customs 
 
 Comptroller of the housekeeper's accounts 
 
 Williams, John, M. P. for Winchilsea; queen's attorney-gen. 
 
 Williams, C. F. commissioner bankrupt-court 
 
 Williams, R. J, clerk to receiver of custom duties, outwards- • 
 
 Williams, rev. J. P. rector of St. Elizabeth, Jamaica 
 
 ^^ illimott, R. distributor of stamps, excise 
 
 Receiver-general post-office 
 
 W illhnot, W. receiver of wine and plantation duties, customs 
 
 ^V illimott, T. S. vice-consul and pro-consul at Lima 
 
 Willimot, T. collector of customs 
 
 Willimot. Mary, pension on civil list, 1827 
 
 Willoughby, Harriet, pension on civil list, 1806 
 
 \\ illoughby, T. E. registrar-general of shipping
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 587 
 
 Wilde, sir J. chief justice, Cape of Good Hope 
 
 Wingfield, W, master in chanceiy for year ending Jan. 5, 1830 
 The masterships are ten in number, and in the gift of the lord 
 chancellor. The duties of the masters are to receive aflidavits, and 
 examine accounts, and other matters referred to them by the equity 
 judges ; they are also the messengers of the house of lords, in com- 
 municating with the commons. Some of the duties of these officers 
 are of the lirst importance, but, like every thing else in chancery, 
 have been, hitherto, discharged in the worst possible manner for 
 the convenience of suitors. In the reign of Charles II. the masters 
 sat from seven in the morning till twelve, and again from two till 
 six in the afternotm ; being nine hours each day. In ISKi they sat 
 from ten to three, and from six to eight, being seven hours ; but at 
 present the average time is less than hve hours a day. As the hours 
 of attendance have decreased, in similar inverse proportion the 
 emoluments have increased. In 1798, the average, for lifteen years 
 preceding, gave to the masters a salary of £IG15 to the highest, and 
 to the lowest £97G. The average of the following nineteen years 
 gave to tlie highest paid master £1914, and to the smaller ones 
 £10G0. The average at present is from £3800 to £4500 per annum. 
 Their chief clerks have undergone corresponding increase in remu- 
 neration, and realize about £1400 per annum. The abuses in the 
 master's offices are manifold, but as lord lirougham has signi- 
 fied his intention to introduce a legislative measure for thir removal, 
 we forbear to enumerate them. One grievance, however, is so 
 oppressive on suitors, that we cannot help noticing it. The practice 
 is to issue hourly warrants ; in consequence of which the parties are 
 put to the expense of paying counsel and attorneys for attending 
 hourly to no purpose. Thus, suppose the master has four cases to 
 hear, he appoints four separate hours, each hour to be appropriated 
 to a case, which, if unlinished, is postponed to a future day, and 
 this, though it is previously known that any one of the cases would 
 occupy the whole lour hours. 
 
 Wittwer, T. N. allowance as late accountant to India Board- • 
 Accountant between public and E. I. Company 
 
 Wiseman, Harriet, pension on civil list, 1825 
 
 Winning, Henrietta, pension on civil list, 1808 
 
 Winchester, Marquis of, groom of the stole 
 
 Here is another of those courtly offices, which ought to be abo- 
 lished, augmenting unnecessarily the expenditure of tlie civil list. 
 It is not sufficient to say these costly appendages are essential to 
 support the royal dignity. The dignity of the crown is a senseless 
 sound, unless tending to increase the respect and veneration of the 
 people; impoverished by aristocratic wars and misgovernment, we 
 are disal)led, if otherwise inclined, from supporting the gewgaws 
 of royalty : and the less we have of thcni, the more estimable the 
 kingly office will ai>pear in popular estimation. Milton says, " the 
 very trappings ol' nionarrhy cost more than liic whole establishment 
 of the most costly republics." The nearer we api)roximate regality 
 to the simplicity of r(q)ublican institutions, the more i)erinanent and 
 commanding will be its influence. We would neither deprive 
 royalty, nor any public oflice, of due respect and support, but we 
 woulil abridge every useless expenditure, which only ])romotes the 
 corruption of politicians and courtiers. To what public jturporl, <>i- 
 private gralilication of tlie king, are the uffiees of groom ol' the stole, 
 master of the hawks, master of the buck-hounda, master of the 
 
 2500 
 4161 
 
 1150 
 300 
 100 
 233 
 
 2130
 
 688 
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINKCURES, AND GRANTS. 
 
 liorHC, or <;rooius and lords of tlic bedchamber ? These are menial 
 odices, and unbecoming the dignity of noblemen, if endowed with 
 the genuine feelings of nobility. At best, they have served only to 
 purchase the support of some needy boroughmongcr, or provide for 
 some low i)arasite, or ruined aristocrat. 
 
 Wood, innjor-gen. sir G. major-general, unattached 
 
 Pension for services • 
 
 Wood, R. R. clerk, secretary of state's office 
 
 Naval officer, Grenada 
 
 Late vendu- master, Malta 
 
 Woodford, C. senior clerk in the treasuiy 
 
 Woodroffe, Wm. associate to chief justice, common pleas • • • • 
 WooUey, capt. Isaac, late deputy chairman, victualling office • • 
 
 Pension for wounds • 
 
 Wortl)inp:ton, T. surveyor-general, customs • 
 
 \N'ray, Charles, president and judge, vice-admiralty, Demerara 
 Wray, John, receiver of new metropolitan police estabhshment 
 
 Wraxall, Jane, pension on civil list, 1793 
 
 Wright, Alexander, Alfred, and Caroline, pension, each, on 
 
 civil list, 1827 
 
 Wright, Thomas, collector of customs, Pljnnouth 
 
 W^ulbier, W. R. minute clerk, audit-office 
 
 Pension for special services 
 
 Clerk for paying fees on passing accounts, 1815 • • • • 
 Wulff, major-gen. G. col. commandant royal artillery ....•■ 
 Wyndham, hon. P. C. secretary of council, remembrancer of 
 court of exchequer, and clerk of common pleas, Barbadoes 
 Registrar in chancery, and clerk of the patents, Jamaica 
 The duties of the hon. Percy Charles Wyndham, brother of lord 
 Egrcmont, are discharged by deputy ; the emoluments are principally 
 paid by the inhabitants of the islands, who ai'e twitched up for 
 judicial fees in the same fleecing manner that suitors for justice are 
 in the courts of the Unit(?d Kingdom. 
 
 Wyldt", John, pension on Scotch civil list, 1796 
 
 Wynford, lord, late chief justice common pleas 
 
 Wynne, Robert, pension on Irish civil list, 1805 
 
 Wynne, W. commissioner of appeals, Ireland 
 
 Commissioner of inquiry, ditto 
 
 Wynn, H. W. W. son-in-law of lord Carrington ; envoy and 
 
 min. plenipo. at Copenhagen 
 
 Wynyard. gen. II. col. 46th foot, pay 
 
 Wynyard, lady, pension on civil list, 1819 
 
 Wyon, Thomas, chief engraver, mint-office 
 
 Yates, Jane, pension on Irish civil list, 1814 
 
 Ditto, Mary, pension on civil list, 1794 
 
 Yonge, dame, pension on English civil list, 1812 
 
 Ditto, pension on Irish civil list, 1804 
 
 There was a sir George Yonge of i.ld in the war-office, but from 
 the date of the pension she cannot well be his widow.
 
 PLACES, PENSIONS, SINECURES, AND CHANTS. 589 
 
 Young, J. W. protector of slaves, Demerara 
 
 Yorke, C. P. brother of lord Hardwicke; teller of the ex- 
 chequer {sinecure) 
 
 Zachary, M. cocket writer, customs 
 
 £2000 
 
 2700 
 1698 
 
 A copious introduction to the Place and Pension List renders un- 
 necessary many observations at the conclusion. We might have 
 multiplied notes, but made a point of passing over the Grenvilles, Sid- 
 mouths, and other individuals already sufficiently known, whose merits 
 have been canvassed and long since settled in public estimation. Many 
 names illustrate themselves, others by juxta position ; and really we 
 cannot help thinking that our alphabetical arrangement has been the 
 means of our performing a task very usual at certain seasons of the 
 year — that of assembling families together — from the royal household, 
 the colonies, courts of law, army, navy, and public offices, exhibiting 
 them face to face, their incomes, emoluments, relationships, and 
 prospects. 
 
 Our List has one striking advantage over every other previously 
 given to the public. All the individuals enrolled upon it are living, or 
 were living within a iew months of the period of publication. From it 
 the people will be able to learn who receive exorbitant emoluments, 
 and the amount of them in every branch of the public ser\ice —civil, 
 judicial, naval, and military. Since the last edition, issued within the pre- 
 ceding twelvemonths, many names have disappeared through death, some 
 few have voluntarily resigned their annuities ; those have of course 
 been omitted, except in the latter case, two or three have been retained, 
 purposely to remark on such a rare example of disinterestedness. 
 
 With respect to the pensions generally, though their claims appear at 
 present recognized by the settlement of the Civil List, we apprehend 
 they will ultimately have to undergo the ordeal of another examination. 
 There are some deserving objects, but they are only a grain of sand on 
 the sea-shore — the mass are too vile for description, and their plunder- 
 ings must speedily have an end. We are told, indeed, " to pause 
 before we plunge noble families into distress." But if noble families 
 can only maintain their nobility by living on the public, perish their 
 nobility. Surely tithes and corn-laws are sufficient for the maintenance 
 of the Order, or, if they be still indigent, let them appear in their 
 proper character, and not assume to rank above other paupers. What 
 claim have the Mulgraves, Manchesters, Mansfields, Arbuthnots, Gre- 
 villes, Courtenays, Crokers, Herries, and Bathursts ; or the lady Anns, 
 Emilys, Bettys, and Jennies, of any titled beggar, to the money wrung 
 from the labours and necessities of the industrious and now deeply de- 
 pressed people. If they think carriages and fine clothes, titles and fine 
 houses, essential to their existence, let them pay for them out of their 
 own pur.ses ; if they cannot pay for them, what right have they to them?
 
 OUO I'l.ACLS, I'KNSION.S, SINECUUKS, AND OKANT.S. 
 
 or ulmt riglit have they to make the people pay for them ? The whole 
 afl'air is a gross insult to common sense ; and those silken creatures, and 
 their dandy brothers, ethcrial and exquisite as they may he, must do like 
 others, earn their bread by honest industry, or have no bread to eat. 
 Noble families have long been under a delusion, and seem to think they 
 have a hereditary riglit to be fed and clothed at the public expense, 
 whatever be their improvidence, folly, or worthlessness ; but they must 
 be undeceived ; — no more lordly plunderings by the sons and daughters 
 of corniption; if they cannot support themselves by useful services, 
 they must descend from their fictitious rank and learn the duties of their 
 proper station in society. They will gain a great deal by the change, 
 lose nothinc; in point of real dignity, or perhaps comfort ; for there can 
 be no dignity not founded injustice, nor comfort in enjoying the rewards 
 which no desert has required.
 
 HOUSE OF COMMONS, 
 
 PAST, PRESENT, AND TO COME. 
 
 We have reserved the subject of this chapter to the last, and have 
 been much at a loss what title to give the observations we are about to 
 submit. At this moment the Reform Bill, for the third time, is in its 
 last stage in the House of Commons, and we are just on the eve, as we 
 fervently trust, of the birth of a new constitution. Under such circum- 
 stances it would be mere folly to do, as we have often done before, drag 
 our readers through the iniquities of the Borough System. That system 
 is doomed, and we will not believe that any event can intei-vene to avert 
 its fate. We will not believe there is any peer of parliament, however 
 great his prepossessions against reform may be, however great his appre- 
 hensions of its ultimate issues ; we will not believe there is any man 
 who Avill not deem it a less evil to pass the Bill than risk the fearful 
 consequences which would inevitably "result from opposing the two con- 
 stituted authorities of the state, supported by the almost unanimous 
 power, wealth, and intelligence of the community. We will therefore 
 consider the Reform Bill the law of the land, and will throw behind us, 
 as a portion of past history, the abominations it entombs, like the pre- 
 rogatives of theTudors, the oppressions of Feudality, and the corruptions 
 of Popery. 
 
 Having thus cleared our course of a loathsome nuisance, we will state 
 the chief points to which we are desirous of calling attention. 1, In 
 order to dispose of some popular errors, we will briefly indicate the pro- 
 gress of the constitution up to the era of the Reform Bill. 2. We will 
 give an estimate of the adequacy of the Bill to the national wants, and 
 advert to the principal objections urged against it by its two classes of 
 antagonists — namely, those who think it concedes too much, and those 
 who think it docs not concede enough. 3. And last, we will endeavour 
 to show the future improvements likely to be effected in the country by 
 the practical operation of this great public measure. Our readers need 
 not be alarmed from the general import of these propositions we are 
 going to lead them into any dissertation ; we shall despatch the whole 
 in a ver}' few pages, our aim being only to indicate a few leading pro- 
 blems,— a sort of landmarks, which, at the existing crisis, it may be 
 useful to keep in mind. As we deem the battle won, and seek not 
 victory, we shall submit our remarks in that spirit of truth, candour, 
 and fairness, in which we doubt not they will be received.
 
 6U2 HOUSE Ol- COMMONS. 
 
 ]. — ruOdllESS OF THE CONSTITUTION UP TO THE REFORM BILL. 
 
 We have long been of an opinion that the English constitution is the 
 rosnlt of successive improvements advancing with the increasing intelli- 
 gence of the people.* It is a tree of slow but magnificent growth, in 
 wiiich decayed parts have at intervals appeared, and been partly ab- 
 scinded, and new and more perfect branches engrafted. Those who 
 entertain a different opinion, rely, we apprehend, either on descriptions 
 purely imaginary, or refer to a period too remote for authentic intel- 
 ligence. The surest test of the excellence of public institutions, and 
 the extent of popular rights, is the administration of justice. The 
 executive government may claim and exercise a transitory power, de- 
 pendent on the character of the sovereign or his ministers, or imposed 
 upon them by the emergencies of the moment ; but the administration 
 of justice is that permanent and wide-spread divisions of social ma- 
 chinery which touches all the members of society ; and accordingly as 
 their rights are respected or violated under it, we may infer the general 
 existence or absence of civil liberty among the people. 
 
 Let us apply this test to the Saxou era. We are not accurately in- 
 formed of the institutions existing at this remote period, but it is certain 
 they were those of a nation little advanced from a state of barbarism. 
 According to Mr. Turner, the laws ascribed to Alfred, and so highly 
 extolled, comprised the decalogue and the principal provisions in Mosaic 
 legislation contained in the three chapters following the decalogue. 
 However applicable such a code may have been to the Jews and Judea, 
 it could not have been well suited to a community placed under widely 
 different circumstances. The existence of the luere and the mund afford 
 further testimony of the rude state of society among the Anglo-Saxons : 
 the former was the legal value of a man's life, which varied according to 
 his rank ; the latter was the security afforded to the safety of the house, 
 and like the loere varied with the rank of the party. If human life and 
 property were thus made to vary in value, it is not surprising personal 
 estimation varied in the same way : thus the oath of a twelve hynd man 
 was equivalent to the oaths of six churls. With such uncouth and par- 
 tial judicial notions, the condition of the great body of the people may 
 be easily conceived. It was that of mere personal slavery. The la- 
 bouring classes were considered the property of their masters, and at 
 their absolute disposal as much as the cattle on their estates. They 
 might put them in bonds, whip them, brand them, yoke them in teams 
 like hoi-ses, or openly sell them in the market like any other commodity.f 
 This state of society continued till long after the Conquest. In the 
 reign of Henry II. we read that the number of slaves exported to Ireland 
 was so great that the market was absolutely over-stocked ; and from 
 William I. to that of John, scarcely a cottage in Scotland but what pos- 
 
 • iNIacinlosh's History of England, vol. i. p. 72. 
 
 \ Turner's History of the Anglo-Saxons, 5th edit. v. iii. p. 91.
 
 SAXON ERA. — RISE OF THE MIDDLE ORDERS. 593 
 
 sessed an English slave, — the spoil of the border wars.* It was only 
 in the yenr 1 102, it was doclared in the great council of the nation, 
 held at Westminster, unhiwful for any man to sell slaves openly in the 
 market, which before had boon the common custom of the country. 
 
 The state of society described is obviously that existing at this day in 
 the islands of Dominica and Jamaica, and the great mass of the people 
 were no more in the enjoyment of civil rights than the Negroes of the 
 West Indies. It must then be quite indefensible in any one to revert 
 to the times of the Saxons, or to a period long' subsequent, for models 
 of constitutional liberty and government. 
 
 Let us advance to the era of Magna Charta. The concessions ex- 
 toited by the barons at Runnymede were concessions extorted for them- 
 selves, not the people. But even this indicates a progression in society. 
 Two ordeis at least in the state were recognized, namely, the king and 
 nobility, and the idea of prescribing their respective immunities by a 
 public law shows a growth of intelligence, and may be deemed, perhaps, 
 the first visible germ of the Constitution. 
 
 From the reign of king John, to that of Charles I. the constitution 
 underwent no decided improvement ; the powers of the several parts of 
 which it consisted were the subject of dispute, but were not fixed or 
 materially altered by any public act. Great changes however had taken 
 place among the people. Vassalage was entirely extirpated ; commerce 
 and manufactures had been introduced and flourished; comforts and 
 luxuries unknown to prectnling ages were placed within the reach of all 
 ranks. But what most distinguished this interval was the growth of an 
 entirely new order of vast power and influence who claimed for the first 
 time a share in political government — namely, the middle classes; 
 consisting of the smaller freeholders and copyholders living in the county, 
 and of merchants, manufacturers, and retailers resident in cities and 
 towns. These, hitherto unknown as an independent cast, had gradually 
 and almost imperceptibly become influential enough to contest the prero- 
 gatives of the monarch in the legislature — make war upon him — and, after 
 beating him and his feudal chivalry in open battle, consolidate all au- 
 thority in themselves. But their day had not yet come. They con- 
 quered, but knew not how to preserve their conquest. Political know- 
 ledge was not sufliciently diffused to enable them to frame and maintain 
 a system of government, greatly superior to that which previously ex- 
 isted, and as a consequence, the power of the state fell back into the hands 
 of its former possessors. The new influence, however, manifested in this 
 great struggle was never lost ; though the political power reverted to the 
 King and Aristocracv, a vast influence was ever after exercised over public 
 affairs by the middling classes ; and we consider the Reform Bill of 
 1832 nothing more than an open and constitutional recognition of that 
 authority in the body of tlie People, which, for the last century and a 
 half, has never ceased to be indirectly, though often inefficiently, exercised 
 over the national government. 
 
 • Sir Frederiik lulen's Hislorj- of llu- P»)or, p. 7.
 
 r>0\ IKtUSR OF COMMONS, PAST, PURSENT, AND TO COME. 
 
 In tlii.H sketch wc liavo taken no notice of the rise of the IIoitsk or 
 Commons. The fact is, we consider the House of Commons had 
 hardly begun to exist for any useful purpose, till a short time anterior 
 to the C^ivil Wars of tlie commonwealth. What was the constitution of 
 this body previously^ Why, it was an assemblage of persons, sum- 
 moned or not, at tlio pleasure of the crown or of the sheriff, to raise a 
 Biim of money for tliepid)lic treasury, by taxing- themselves and consti- 
 tuents. It was not a legislative assembly, in any proper sense of the term, 
 nny more — poriiaps not so much — than the Court of Star Chamber, or 
 High Conuiiission. It was a meeting of deputies to assess aids and 
 scutages, not to make. hnvs. That was a branch of the royal authority 
 to be exercised by the summary process of edict and proclamation, not 
 by mean burgesses, the delegates of mushroom towns, who it is true 
 might have money to spare for princely extravagance — the produce of 
 their industry — but whom it was assumed had not intellects sufficiently 
 refined for the high task of legislation, though they might be great 
 adepts in the mysteries of felt-hats, hose, and woollen cloths ! So little 
 did the M. P.s of those days value the representative function that they 
 considered it a task imposed, not an honour conferred, and actually re- 
 ceived wages for the discharge of so unpleasant a duty.* AH sorts 
 of evasions were practised to avoid sending representatives to parliament ; 
 some boroughs pleaded poverty, others their insignificance, and the 
 honourable members were almost constrained bv force to appear at 
 AV estminster, Oxford, or other place of royal residence. The whole 
 proceeding was analogous to what takes place in a city taken by storm. 
 The victorious general calls together the principal inhabitants, not to 
 make laws for the government of the town, but to determine how great 
 a sum they can raise to save themselves from pillage. It was the same 
 with the House of Commons, and so continued till the advent of Hamp- 
 den, Pym, Hollis, Eliot, and other master minds, claimed for the third 
 estate a nobler and more independent vocation. 
 
 Such, we apprehend, is an unvarnished representation of the constitu- 
 tional importance of the House of Commons up to a comparatively recent 
 period ; and for its truth we have only to appeal to the recollections of 
 those who have even cursorily studied the histories of Henry VIII. and 
 Queen Elizabeth, and the notions of prerogative entertained by the 
 princes of the Stuart race. The English government for a long period 
 was a despotism, occasionally checked and controlled by the clergy and 
 nobility ; but though its arbitrary powers were often and bravely disputed, 
 no permanent constitutional barrier was erected against them, till the 
 next great era of our history, the Revolution of 1688. 
 
 The expulsion of the Stuarts was a great achievement in fiivour of 
 constitutional government ; but it left "the industrious orders in their 
 former state as to the exercise of political power. The limits of the 
 royal prerogatives were defined, and the basis of public freedom declared 
 by the Bill of Rights, but it failed to confer the great desideratum of 
 
 • Allen's short History of the House of Coiniiioiis, p. 12.
 
 RF.VOLUTION OF 1 f)G8. — CAUSES OF PUUI.IC I'llOSPERITV. 595 
 
 the period — a system of representation commensurate with the aug- 
 mented wealth and intelliprence of" tlie community. The classes who 
 chiefly profited hy the revolution were the Clergy' and Aristocracy. The 
 reformed church was in danger from the revival of popery ; the aristo- 
 cracy from both popery and prerogative : the two interests in jeopardy 
 united for tlieir common security and obtained it. From the despotism 
 of the monarch the people fell under the despotism of an Oligarchy, 
 divided into two factions — equally corrupt and inveterably hostile to each 
 other. Though their professions were diilerent, their practice was the 
 same, and neither party, when circumstances gave them an ascendency, 
 pursued measures for the general advantage. Abroad, the country was 
 involved in unceasing, unnecessary, and expensive wars ; while, at 
 home, public happiness was a mere pretext, the emoluments of admini- 
 stration being the end of their policy. Government became a game, 
 played at by the rival parties ; the king being the occasional umpire, 
 and the people the prize! 
 
 The diief reason which can be assigned, for the people remaining so 
 long quiescent under such a defective national administration, has been 
 the internal prosperity of the country, the result of their own impatro- 
 nized energies. During two centuries, the career of improvement has 
 been steady and uniform; each reign closed with an augmentation of 
 wealtli and knowledge ; but in tins increase government had no share. 
 It is hardly possible to fix on any period, under any minister, when the 
 spirit of improvement was fostered by government, when men of 
 genius were patronized, or when any anxiety was manifested to facili- 
 tate the operations of industry, by abstaining from burdening it with 
 imposts. On the contrary, history exhibit^j only the virtues of the 
 people struggling against the vices of power, — of liberty against oppres- 
 sion, — of industiy against the rapacity of taxation, — of truth against 
 established error. Nevertheless, in spite of these obstacles, the country 
 continued to flourished; but its prosperity is not the creation of a day 
 nor a century; it is not to be dated from the Revolution, nor the reign 
 of George III. nor the Pitt system, nor any other svstem. No; it is 
 to none of these causes: the great towns of Liverpool, Bristol, Man- 
 chester, Birmingham, Leeds, and Glasgow, have not emerged into 
 opulence and magnificence under the favouring auspices of any of these 
 dynasties ; their growth may he ascribed to the people themselves, 
 who, while they had to surmount the disadvantages of their own con- 
 dition, had to contend against the spirit of institutions hostile to im- 
 provement. 
 
 How little government, at any time, has been identified with public 
 prosperity may be instanced in this. The worst period of our liistory 
 may be reckoned from the restoration of Charles II. to the expulsion 
 of James II. ; it was a period remarkable for the profligacy of the Court, 
 arbitrary principles, bigotry, and parliamentary corruption ; yet Mr. 
 Hume observes, that the commerce and riches of England never cn- 
 creased so fast as during that time.* 
 
 • History ot Lngland, vol. viii. p. 320. 
 
 2 (i 2
 
 .OJH) HOUSE OF COMMONS, PAST, PRESENT, AND TO COMF., 
 
 Ill tlip poiiod which followod tho Rovolution, the policy of govcmmont 
 was not luoic favoiir;iltl(! to iiuhistry. It was a shameless picture of 
 war and misrule; the Kinp the slave of faction, the People of fiscal 
 extortion, and the mere profession of patriotism rendered ridiculous hy 
 the proflijiacy of puhlic men. Yet even this vile system did not repress 
 (he ener^ifs of the people; the country flourished, but it flourished not 
 in conseipience of (lie vices of administration, but in spite of them. 
 There was nothin;;- in it paradoxical, it demonstrated no natural con- 
 nexion between bad government and national prosperity; it merely 
 showed that the seeds of improvement may be so powerful, that they 
 will triumph over the most defective institutions. 
 
 The causes of public prosperity during the reign of George TIT. are 
 too obvious to be pointed out. On the accession of that prince, the 
 countiy was in the full tide of wealth and glory, and his reign was a 
 mere continuation of the impetus it had previously received. The gene- 
 ral progress, no doubt, was greatly accelerated by the invention of 
 machinery : the discoveries of Watt and Arkwright, doubling the pro- 
 ductive power of industry, gave to our manufactures an unrivalled supe- 
 riority, which, in their turn, laid the foundation of agricultural piospo- 
 rity. In all this, however, government did not participate : indeed, 
 the contiast between the struggling energies of industry and the vices of 
 power was remarkable ; while the people were acquinng within, their 
 Rulers were wasting without. It was a singular contest : genius and 
 industry ministering to the calls of folly and prodigahty. The result is 
 now before us; and, after all our inventions, toil, and enterprise, we 
 iind ourselves worse situated than a century ago. Instead of exhibit- 
 ing an unexampled picture of real opulence, social enjoyment, and gene- 
 ral comfort, we are a woeful spectacle of embarrassment and privation. 
 The first was the portion provided by the Genius of the people, the last 
 is the evil entailed by the Demon of faction and misrule. 
 
 Had government ever directed its attention to the intellectual or 
 physical improvement of the people, hoAv different would have been the 
 result. Five things at least might have been expected from an 
 enlightened administration : — First, a general system for the edu- 
 cation of the people, founded, not on any system of religious ex- 
 clusion^ or political injustice, but on social utility. Secondly, a pro- 
 vision lor the clergy, independently of tithe, %vhich is so oppressive on 
 agriculture, and adapted only to a different state of society. Thirdly, a 
 more simple and economical mode of taxation, embracing an abolition 
 of such internal duties as, without adding proportionately to public 
 Tvvenue, interfere with the ojierations of commercial and manufacturing 
 industry. Fourthly, a revision of the civil and criminal jurisprudence. 
 Lastly, as a necessary preliminary to the rest, an extension of the basis 
 ot representation, so as to embrace the power, intellect, and property of 
 the communitv. 
 
 These ameliorations might have been all quietly effected within the 
 last centijry. Instead, however, of government being occupied on these 
 truly national objects, it has been a mere arena for'aristocratical con-
 
 " GREAT MEN." — CONSTITUTION A I, DEDUCTIONS. 597 
 
 tention, on which these pseudo-patriots — these " Great Men," as they 
 are sometimes called, the Godolphins, the Somers, the Harleys, the 
 Boliiigbrokes, the Chathanis, Foxes, Burkes, and Pitts, have displayed 
 their selfishness and ambition, their want of real patriotism, and en- 
 larged views of public justice and happiness. 
 
 We have thus run through the historical part of our suhjoct, and 
 brought out those propositions which mark the progress of the Constitu- 
 tion at difl'erent epochs; it only remains to show their aj)pIication to 
 the great question of parliamentary reform in progress through the 
 Legislature. 
 
 Our first inference is, that England never had a constitution in which 
 equality of civil rights and equal protection to all interests were recog- 
 nised ; and that it is in vain to look for such a model of government in 
 any anterior period of our historj*. 
 
 Secondly, we infer, that in England, as in most infant communities, 
 political power was originally exercised by a single person, and that it 
 wa.s afterwards divided between the monarch and nobility. 
 
 Thirdly, that the power of the government continued to be exercised 
 by the two estates, and almost to be unquestioned by any antagonist 
 claim till the accession of the Stuarts, when the rise into importance of 
 the Middle Classes called for a new partition of political authority ; that 
 these classes succeeded in wresting the government from the king and 
 nobility, but failed to retain it, and that they also failed in securing a 
 <lirect share in the government in the Revolution of 1()88 : but, thotigh 
 excluded on both these occasions, they have ever since the great .<;truggle 
 in the sixteenth century succeeded in exercising an indirect influence on 
 national affairs bv tiieir numbers, wealth, and intelligence — aided by the 
 Press, access to the debates of the lx?gislature, and a fragment of popu- 
 lar representation in the House of Commons. 
 
 I'ourthly, we infer that the period has arrived when the productive 
 classes can no longer be excluded from a direct share in the constitu- 
 tion ; that the indirect influence they have hitherto exercised must be 
 converted into an integral and operative part of government; and that 
 this is really the object sought to be accomplished by the Reform Bill. 
 
 Fifthly, we infer that we have arrived at a crisis when this change is 
 wholly irresistible: — 1. Because the interests to be benefited and en- 
 franchised by it so greatly preponderate over the minor interest-^ by 
 which it can be oppo.sed. 2. Because the change is expedient as well 
 as just; and this is shown by contrasting the past history of the people 
 with the past historv of the government : for while the latter presents a 
 congerie of abuse, incongruities, and (■mbarra.'<sments, the results of the 
 partial interests it has endjodied ; the former have been eminently suc- 
 lesslul in all theirpursuits, and have onlvbeen retarded in their progress 
 to social happiness bv the folly and incapacitv of their Rulers. 'I'hecon- 
 < lusion is manifest; the people ought to be admitted to a share of that 
 political power for which ex|)erience has proved them (pialified, and the 
 Aristocracy deprived of the irresponsible aiithoritv, whi<h they have 
 perverted to their exclusive benefit, and the detrinuiii of the nation.
 
 .')UH IIDDSI. <»!• (O.MMONS, I'AST, I' K i:S K N T, A N 1> TU ( O M 1- . 
 
 II. Anf(JIJACY OI- TIIK UF.FOKM IHl.L TO THE WANTS OF THE 
 
 NATION. 
 
 Two considenitioiis appear to have principally influenced Ministers in 
 framini? tliu lleform Bill ; first, to introduce a measure connimensurate 
 with the M-ishes of sincere and rational reformers; and, secondly, to in- 
 troduce a measure which .should not involve greater changes in established 
 institutions than were essential to the accomplishment of this end. 
 Had tiu'y introduced a measure less extensive than it is, it would have 
 been unsatisfactory— it would, certainly, have been no rcsti?ig-jjlace — 
 and would have left the national grievance precisely in its original 
 state. Had they introduced a measure more extensive, it woukl have 
 had to encounter increased opposition, which opposition, though it could 
 not possibly have averted an efficient parliamentary reform, might have 
 caused its postponement, and, in the intervening struggle, involved us in 
 those iiiternal calamities which every well-wisher to his country is 
 anxious to avoid. 
 
 With great ability Ministers have pursued a medium course ; if there has 
 been any leaning contrary to popular expectation we candidly confess it 
 has been to the democratic rather than the aristocratic side, and for this 
 bent the people will know how to be thankful. By the extinction of the 
 nomination boroughs they have, Avith a bold and dexterous hand, cut out 
 the cancer of the Constitution, and by enfranchising the great towns they 
 have conceded that political controul to the people which every intel- 
 ligent community ought to possess over the government under which 
 they live, and on whose administration their happiness so greatly 
 depends. 
 
 Judicious as we humbly conceive the Reform Bill to be, happily as it 
 has steered through the middle passage, well-adapted as it is to the times 
 — to the expectations it has to satisfy — the interests to reconcile — and the 
 prejudices to conciliate ; still it has failed to give universal satisfaction, 
 and is opposed by two opposite and very different classes of antagonists 
 — by one class who conceive the Bill concedes too much, and by another 
 who conceive it does not concede enough. We shall submit a few ob- 
 servations to each of these denominations, not in the vain hope that we 
 can add to their previous knowledge, but simply Avith the view of recal- 
 ling to their recollection considerations Avhich, in our opinion, will shew 
 that the apprehensions of one party and the nan- expectations of the 
 other are alike unfounded, or greatly exaggerated. 
 
 \\ e shall first address ourselves, as in courtesy bound to do, to my 
 lords Harrowby, Wharncliffe, Wellington, Winchilsea, and those who 
 constitute what maybe termed the " Alarmists." We may premise to 
 these noble persons, in the first place, that if the Reform Bill be an evil, 
 it is an evil wholly unavoidable ; we have reached such a crisis in 
 nationiU affairs, that either the bill, or a measure equally effective Avith 
 the bill, must necessarily be passed, and that, therefore, it behoves 
 them to submit to it, as one of these dispensations of ProA-idence to 
 wiiich Avc must bo resigned, however painful to be borne. It is true
 
 FEAKS or THE ALAK.MISTS ALl.AVi;i). 099 
 
 lliey may flatter themselves a measure less perilous would iiave done ; 
 in thi.>; we can assure them tliev are mistaken; not an atom less than 
 the hill gives would have satisfied us, neither would it have satisfied that 
 numerous and influential cliiss with which we conceive we hold com- 
 munity of interest and sentiment. 
 
 But the trreat spectre which haunts the imat^inations of the Alarmists 
 is that the Bill involves consequences of direful import, that it is only the 
 first of a series of constitutional ciiang-es, which will follow in rapid suc- 
 cession, and ultimately sw'eep away the Order, the Throne, the Altar, and 
 even proj)erty itself. These are dreadful apprehensions, but more 
 worthy of the dowagers of Grosvenor-Square than of statesmen seated 
 in the highest chamber of letiislation. What the people of England 
 require is not alteration in the frame of the constitution, nor in its con- 
 stituent parts. All they require is to live under cheap and enlightened 
 institutions — institutions which shall preserve them from unnecessary 
 wars— institutions which shall not take more from the produce of indus- 
 try, neither under the pretext of religion, nor of law, nor of civil 
 government, than is necessary to the eiKoient administration of public 
 artairs— institutions which shall purge ofl the foul opprobrium of men 
 claiming honour and)worship from their fellow citizens, though holding 
 lucrative oflices without employment, and pensions without desert — in- 
 stitutions Avhich shall not be supported by the ofleringsof want, but the 
 redundancies of the rich— institutions, in short, that shall assimilate 
 with the altered mind and altered circumstances of the community. It 
 is not the form of the government the people wish changed, but its 
 better administration ; and what is there in this, we ask, that any just or 
 wise man need to dread or protest against ? 
 
 The apprehension of indefinite change is unwarranted by all pre- 
 vious experience. The country has been constantly undergoing great 
 changes without altering the status of the Aristocracy. The Reforma- 
 tion was a great change, but when made it stopt, and did not subvert 
 the Peerage. The rise of the Mouse of Commons was a great change; 
 so were the abolition of feudal tenures in the reign of Charles the 
 Second — the revolution of 1088 — the Septennial Act — the Scotch and 
 Irish unions — (he publication of the debates — the Catholic relief act — 
 the separation of the American colonies — the rise of the Bank of Eng- 
 land and lilast-India Company: all these were great changes, but the Order 
 huffetted through these storms, and not only outlived them, but, ])osi- 
 tively, attained a higher, more palmy, and enviable state of existence 
 than before. The English government has been a perpetual menstruum 
 of changes. 'I'ho king, as we have seen in the last section, at first 
 engro.ssed all political authority ; he afterwards shared it with the clergy 
 — next with the nol)ilitv — next with the House of Commons — next, in- 
 directly, with the middle classes — and, ultimately, perhaps, he may share 
 it with the labouring da.sses, when circumstances render them sufliciently 
 independent and intelligent for tlie benellcial exercise of it ; and thi.-* 
 last we deem the utmost subdivision and ditTusion of political power. 
 In all (his elllux there io nothing alarmiu" ; it has been the work of
 
 (JOO iiouaii. or commons, i'ast, i* I! i: s r: n t, ani> to come. 
 
 two thousand years, and is the natural progress of events wliich it is 
 vain to try to stop. As classes rise in wealth and intelligence they 
 must necessarily he incorpoi ated in the government. There is no help 
 for it ; and it is just to be so. But because men seek what is just 
 and u.seful, arc we to infer they aim at something further ? l)ecause they 
 seek, the abolition of an oppressive and impolitic impost, called tithe, is 
 it to be inferred, as sir R. Peel most fatuously insinuated, they seek 
 ■the .ibolition of rent? The boundary which mostly limits the demands 
 of mankind is the just and expedient : beyond that, it is against the 
 general feeling of human nature to trespass. 
 
 liut it is alleged dangerous opinions are abroad — opinions menacing 
 the security of property and all social institutions. There are the fol- 
 lowers of Robert Owen, of Thomas Paine, of Joseph Spence, of Parson 
 Irving, and the " Lady of the Rotunda." This is all tnie, and " 'tis a 
 a pity 'tis true." But when was it otherwise ? Men's minds have 
 bubbles in them as " the earth and air have." In the civil wars of the 
 Commonwealth there were the Levellers and Republicans, there were 
 Fifth Monarchy men and Millennium men, who thought the period 
 had arrived Avhen Jesus was to descend and reign a thousand years. 
 The fact is, we are at the crisis of transition, we are about to undergo 
 a great change ; and such periods are now, and always have been, the 
 very Carnival of conceits, theories, and fancies. But does any sane 
 person believe that the vast rational mass of English society, set in its 
 solid frame work of a thousand years' duration, can be endangered by 
 such puny assailants ? We shall not utter another word on the subject. 
 Let us have the renovated constitution, based on the general interest, 
 and all the system mongers, who \\ith their new-born idea vainly think 
 to subvert a social edifice which, with its habits and usages, is the result 
 of ages of experience, will disappear with the excitement that gave them 
 birth, and be no more heard of, except for fire-side laughter ; cer- 
 tainly not to be mentioned in the street, much less alluded to in the 
 legislature. 
 
 Having tried to allay the fears of tlie Alarmists, we shall next turn io 
 the honest pntion of the radicals, who fancy they will reap no bene- 
 fit from the Reform Bill, by its not including Universal Suffrage, or a 
 scheme of suftVage co-extensive wdth taxation, which last, we believe, 
 is the opinion of the M.P. for Preston, and which in this land of im- 
 posts would give the franchise to every person who eats and drinks, 
 whether male or female, child or adult. 
 
 Before alluding, however, to the Bill, let us advert to the general 
 principles that ought to govern the elective qualification about which 
 extremely vague notions are entertained. It is a question of time and 
 place, and circumstance, not of theory, A right of suffrage adapted 
 to France or the United States may be unsuited to England. In no 
 country is the franchise exercised without some condition being an- 
 nexed. In America the slave-population, which forms so large appor- 
 tion of the inhabitants, is entirely excluded ; and, if we recollect iNIr. 
 Cobbett rightly, in none of the States of the Union is the suffrage ex-
 
 KLECTIVE SUFFUAOE IN AMERICA — DITTO IN FRANCE. 601 
 
 crc-ised iinacrompanied with residence or other qualification in the 
 elector. Were it otherwise, it would not be a conclusive ar<runient for 
 the adoption of a similar scheme of representation in the United Kinp^- 
 dom. In the cheap and universal circulation of newspapers — in the 
 independent circumstances of the industrious — and in the absence of 
 that mass of vairrancy, poverty, and destitution, which is found among 
 ourselves, the Americans possess advantag-es for the exercise of political 
 power which unluippily do not exist in England, 
 
 Take another illustration of the elective qualification, in which 
 a higher standard of suffrage would be sutticiently protective of the 
 people than would bo adequate to the same purpose in England. 
 In France, the number of electors amount to 250,000 ; but the elec- 
 tors who returned the Chamber of Deputies of 1830, which so 
 nobly withstood the encroachments of the Bourbons, did not exceed 
 85, 000. In England, the number of electors who actually voted in 
 the general election of 1830, has been estimated at 87,000, which 
 exceeds the number of electors in France under the old system : but 
 mark the difference in the two systems of representation. What 
 class, interest, or section of society do the English electors represent ? 
 None, not a single social element, either of numbers, intelligence, or 
 property. Omitting county freeholders and metropolitan electors, 
 Tii iiEK-KOUKTiis of the remaining body of the electore of England are of 
 the labouring classes in the lowest state of indigence, non-resident, and 
 the hireling tools of the candidates. Contrast these with the conditions 
 under Avhich the French constituency exercise their suffrages. First, 
 the ballot excludes corruption and intimidation ; and every elector, ac- 
 cording to his judgment, may be supposed to vote for the man best 
 qualified to advance the general interests: he can have no other motive ; 
 his only groimds for preferring one person to another must be public, 
 not personal to himself, like those of the English elector. Secondly, 
 the French electors comprise nearly the entire proprietary and intel- 
 ligence of the community ; thev consist of householders, retailers, shop- 
 keepers, and of the classes more opulent than these : hence they embody, 
 either directly, or through dependence on the working classes, the chief 
 interests of the community. These are not the only points of contrast 
 between the two countries: in France there is no richly endowed Church 
 nor Aristocracy to make head against ; there are no interests like the 
 Bank, or the East-India company, or West-India planters, or brewers, 
 or old chartered coi-porations to counterpoise. Tiie constitution of so- 
 ciety is essentially democratic ; there is no monied aristocracy, nor 
 landed interest : having no primogeniture or entail laws, property ia 
 more equally divided. Hence it is, that a much smaller body of electors 
 in France would adequately represent and sustain the interest^} of tho 
 community, than would be adequate to similar purposes in England : for 
 it must be borne in mind, that the excellence of any system of repre- 
 sentation does not consist in the number of voters, but in the unbiassed 
 and indlligeut exercise of their suflVages, and in their being sutiici«'ntly 
 numerous to touch on and constitute a fair and alifjuot proportion of
 
 ()()2 llOUSi; Ol- COMMONS, I'ASr, IMIKSKNT, and to COMli. 
 
 cvoiy Hociiil interest. After duly considering these points, the reader 
 w ill not be at a loss to account I'or the different results presented in the 
 history of the French chamber of deputies and the Enp:lish house of 
 commons, though both deriving their origin from an elective basis of 
 similar extent, but differently constituted, differently exercised, and 
 with widely different interests to contend against. 
 
 The examples we have mentioned of America and France must, we 
 a|»prohend, demonstrate that the elective qualification cannot be deter- 
 mined by any general law, but must be governed by the circumstances 
 of coninuinities — the division of property — the diffusion of intelligence 
 — and the independent condition of the people. 
 
 So far as abstract right is concerned, no good reason can be alleged 
 whv every one should not share in the making of laws to which he is 
 amenable. The person is not less precious than property; and laws 
 which affect the security of the former are certainly not less important 
 to every individual than those which affect the security of the latter. 
 It is not, therefore, residence, householdership, nor the payment of 
 taxes, but legal responsibility which prescribes the strictly equitable 
 limit to the right of suffrage. 
 
 But the admission of such a principle is clearly incompatible with any 
 practicable form of government : it would entitle all, with scarcely any 
 exception, to participate in legislation, it would embrace females as well 
 as males ; all minors would be included, of whatever age, provided they 
 were judicially responsible : in short, none would be disqualified, except 
 the insane and infants of so tender age, that they are unable to dis- 
 tinguish right from wrong. The introduction of such an unlimited 
 scheme of suffrage, no one can seriously contemplate. Still, if we are 
 asked, why we would adopt any other principle of exclusion ; why dis- 
 franchise Avomen in preference to men, or minors to majors ; why we 
 would allow a person to vote at the precise age of twenty-one, and not 
 at twenty or eighteen; we confess, in answer to these inquiries, we can 
 only give one reply, namely, that expediencij, not strict justice, dictates 
 their exclusion. Universal suffrage is as much governed by expediency 
 as any other scheme ; for in this plan some classes are excluded, so that 
 the difference is in degree not in principle. 
 
 ^^'e aie thus compelled to resort to the only principle by Avhich poli- 
 tical questions must be invariably decided. They must be determined, 
 not on any abstract view of justice, but general advantage. It is not by 
 reverting to rights, or, more correctly, poivo's appertaining to man in a 
 natural state, that we can ascertain his civil immunities ; we can only 
 look to the general good; or, as Mr. Bentiiam significantly terms it, 
 " (he greatest happiness of the greatest number, for the longest period 
 of time." 
 
 Upon this principle we exclude minors from voting, because their 
 interests may be presumed to be nidentified Avith those of their parents ; 
 we exclude females fiom voting, because their interests are merged in 
 those of their husbands, fathers, or brothers. How much farther 
 the principle of exclusion should be carried, is a practical question only
 
 CONDITIONS OF THE ELECTIVE QUALIFICATION. 603 
 
 — one of Utility, not theor)'. Whether the right of suffrage should be 
 universal, or limited to householders, or to rent-pavers of £10 or £20 
 a vcar, or to those assessed to the poor-rate, or direct taxes, is a con- 
 >icliration Avhich must be decided by ascertaining which would be most 
 Kiiidiicive to public happiness. The end of just government is the 
 ( ijiiitable and adequate protection of all interests ; and provided this is 
 ;itt;iincd, the object for which the suffrage is excK'ised becomes amply 
 M( mod. The task of legislation is a part of the lal)our of society; and 
 ii is only a clumsilv contrived social machinery — approaching to the 
 <uu,aaization of the savage state — if it demand the participation and ex- 
 ertion of every individual. 
 
 This we think is sufficient to show that no condition of suffrage is of 
 universal application, and adapted to all times and places. For further 
 proof we may inquire what would be the tendency of a scheme of uni- 
 versal suffrage, aided by the ballot, in Spain and Portugal. It would, 
 evidently, revive the inquisition; increase and perpetuate the domination 
 of the priesthood ; confirm the despotisms of Don Miguel and Don 
 Ferdinand ; and strengthen all interests opposed to liberal ideas, to the 
 developoment of internal resources, and the promotion of the prosperity 
 of the Peninsula. Universal suffrage and tlie ballot would operate in a 
 similar manner in Ireland. There the people are so lamentably igno- 
 rant as to be entirely at the mercy of a fanatical priesthood, who 
 pillage them without mercy, under the pretext of saying masses for 
 the repose of the dead ! The condition of Ireland in the nineteenth 
 century — to the eternal reproach of our Oligarchical government — is a 
 living type of the state of England anterior to the Reformation. And 
 what, we ask, would universal suffrage have done for us at that era? 
 Would it have broken the power of the monks, or of the feudal barons ? 
 Certainly not ; it would have perpetuated vassalage ; and had such a 
 regime continued, the body of the people would have been in no better 
 condition at this day than that of the barbarians of Russia, who, like 
 droves of cattle, have trodden under foot the libertiesof the heroic Poles. 
 
 Having said thus much on the general tendency of Univeisal Suffrage, 
 we may be permitted to say a h\v words on its practicability. In the 
 existing state of ()])inion it would be wholly unattainable by peaceable 
 means ; nothing but absolute force, nothing short of a convulsive move- 
 ment, subversive of every thing, would accomplish it ; and then 
 it would not subsist a twelvemonth without leading to Anarchy and Des- 
 potism. The middling classes, with hardly an exception, are indisposed 
 to such a sweeping measure ; but without the co-operation of the 
 middling classes no political reform can be obtained. In France the 
 encroachments of the Bourbons were resisted, and they were, finally, 
 expelled from the soil they had polluted, by the co-operation of tlie 
 industrious orders. It is only by a similar united effort that the Church 
 and Aristocracv of this country can be successfully resisted. \\ hat 
 was it that rendered the efforts of the Reformers abortive in 1817 and 
 ISltS ( Upwards of -a million and a half of petitioners prayed for 
 parliamentary reform , yet this numerical array was powerless of ctlect,
 
 (iOl UOLbK OI- COMMONS, I'ASI, I' U i:s K N T, AND TO (OMK. 
 
 :iii(I disappeared like water on a sandy bed. The cause of this memo- 
 rable faibire may be readily found in the fact that tlic people were not 
 seconded by any portion of tiic proprietary ; the consec|uence8 of the 
 revolutionary wars had not penetrated deep enough into the substance of 
 society : the case is now altered, and it is because it is altered that the 
 Borouphnionpers are disposed to concession. But though the middling 
 classes are as fully bent on parliamentary reform as any other section of 
 society, it is such a reform as would restore, not destroy. 
 
 Before concluding, we would beg to inquire whether by universal 
 sutVrage it is meant the floating population of towns should be eligible to 
 vote ^ X'agrants, Irish emigrants, and persons of that description, for 
 instance. We apprehend the idea has not been sufficiently analyzed; if 
 it had, we feel convinced a scheme so indefinite could have few advocates, 
 except among such mock reformers as Harlequin Sheridan, who pro- 
 fessed to be the advocate of universal suffrage, because he deemed it 
 utterly unattainable, and an excellent device for creating divisions, by 
 which every plan of public improA'ement might be ridiculed and frustrated. 
 Our reasons for preferring' a more limited scheme of suffrage are prac- 
 tical ; they are that such limitation renders reform attainable, while a 
 more indefinite scheme defeats it; and the fact of keeping house of a 
 certain rental, though it confers no natural right, indicates a class of 
 ])ersons settled in life, of mature age and fixed abode, and that such 
 qualification is adequate to the protection of all interests, conciliates 
 the timid, and preserves the suffrage itself from degradation. Lastly, 
 let it be borne in" mind that persons are not excluded from the suffrage 
 on the ground of right, on the pretext that they have no stake, no 
 interest in the countrj' ; but simply because the exercise of it would be 
 unprofitable to themselves and the community, and as useless as two 
 persons holding a pen in place of one. 
 
 Leaving the subject of universal suffrage, let us come to the positive 
 benefits likely to result to the people from the Reform Bill. It is un- 
 necessary to premise we do not anticipate from it the extirpation of all 
 social evils; it will not avert the calamities, unhappily so frequent — of 
 commercial vicissitudes and unemployed industry and capital ; these, 
 and other dittculties in our internal state, the best of governments can 
 only mitigate when aided by the co-operative intelligence of the commu- 
 nity. But though it Avill not bring down the golden age, it will accom- 
 plish the main object Reformers have been anxious to attain. 
 
 In the first place, by the extinction of the nomination boroughs, a 
 mass of legislative power is at once transferred from the Aristocracy to 
 the people. Tliis is a positive gain, without any countervailing loss. 
 Not a particle of democracy previously existing in the Constitution is 
 extinguished by the Bill. As before observed, three-fourths of the 
 voters under the old system (leaving out the Counties and ^Metropolis) 
 were of the working classes; they will continue voters under the new, 
 and less exposed to bribery and intimidation. Thus there is an addition 
 without subtraction from popular power. 
 
 An entirely new influence will be thrown into parliament — au influence
 
 INTERESTS INCORPORATED IN TIIK REFORM BILL. C0.3 
 
 emanating from the people and identified with the people in interest, 
 sentiment, and opinion. This influence will not be measured by the 
 additional number of members returned for the metropolis and enfran- 
 chised towns, but by the masses of population they will represent and 
 of which they will be the organs and representatives. The ten-pound 
 qualification is not an uniform qualillcation; it is one thing' in London 
 and another in the country; but both in Tendon and the country it 
 includes the working classes, or those chiefly dependent on the working 
 classes. On whom are the Middle Orders, the cla.ss of shopkeepers, the 
 butchers, bakers, hatters, grocers, inn-keepers, and alehouse-keepers 
 chiefly dependent? ^Vhy, on the working people, to be sure. Their 
 profits accrue more from wages than rents or tithe, or any other source 
 of income, ^^'hatever tends to lessen wages will lessen their gains; 
 whatever tends to impair the condition of the labourer and operative, 
 will impair their own. They will, in consequence, exercise the elective 
 franchise, under an influence favourable to the poor, not to the rich. 
 
 The ten-pound qualification has been adopted not as a test of property, 
 but of fitness for the elective function. The object sought was not to 
 create a class of voters representing the wealth of the community, but 
 its virtues, intelligence, and public spirit. How was this to be done? 
 It was impossible to do in this case as is done in schools and colleges — 
 go through the country and submit every individual to personal exami- 
 nation. Some external sign — some general rule must bo adopted; the 
 ten-pound qualification is one; it is not the best perhaps; it is not 
 infallible; it neither demonstrates invariably moral or intellectual fitness; 
 but it shews, at least, the elector is not a minor, nor a beggar, nor a 
 vagiant. 
 
 That it is not n property -qualijication may he instanced in this. In 
 England there are thousands of persons ineligible to the proposed fran- 
 chise, though in possession of millions of income — incomes derived from 
 the funds, fiom colonial property, from the copyrights of books, from 
 government annuities, from professions, trades, and other sources; many 
 of those are persons in opulent circumstances; they are a class of people 
 whom it might have been thought the (lovernment would have been desirous 
 to attach to its interest by granting tlu-m the suffrage: yet a great portion 
 of them, not being occupiers of houses, from dislike to the trouble of 
 housekeeping or other motive, will be totally without political power 
 in the State; they will have no share in making militia laws, nor laws 
 of any other description, though bound to obey them; they will be as 
 void of political rights as the man who has not a sixpence, nor a rag 
 to cover him, nor a shed wherein to lay his head. If the new qualifica- 
 tion be unjust, it is, at least, impartially so; it does not strike one class 
 and leave another unscotched; it does not exclude all the poor, anil incor- 
 porate all the rich : it embraces a part of every grade of society and 
 omits a part; and in this, in our opinion, consists the great excellence 
 of the scheme ; for, by means thereof, not a single interest is left 
 without legislative protection. 
 
 VeiT erroneous notions are abroad as to the greater popular power 
 the people would derive from the adoption of the household or universal
 
 GOG IIOUSB OF COMMONS, PAST, IMlRSENT, AND TO COMK. 
 
 suffrage scheme in preference to the ten-pound qnalitication. Facts are 
 stubborn things, and we shall avail ourselves of a few from the mass of 
 returns to parliament, and of which a digest will be found at the end 
 of this article. 
 
 Owing to the great wealth, intelligence, and population, concentrated 
 in the metropolis, the character of the Reform Bill greatly depends on 
 its application to this division of the kingdom. The capital comprises 
 one-tenth of the population of England; it contains 116,279 qualifying 
 toncMucnts, while through the whole kingdom there are only 378,786. 
 But as few houses in London are tenanted at a less rent than £10 a-year, 
 the household plan may be considered in operation in this great influen- 
 tial district of the empire. In some towns, household suffrage and 
 universal suffrage nearly coincide. Thus, in Bishop's Castle there are 
 of household votes 344, of universal suffrage votes 345. This is a 
 small borough; but take some of the large ones, Southwark for instance, 
 with a population of 77,799; here the household voters are 13,187, 
 the universal suftrage voters 15,559. In Hull are 5,350 household, 
 and 6,591 universal suftrage electors; in Ipswich the proportions are 
 3,412 to 4,090; King's Lynn 2,323 to 2,674; Knaresborough 976 to 
 1,045; Lancaster 1,803 -to 2,028; Leicester 6,627 to 8,102; Ludlow 
 1,006 to 1,050; Lichfield 1,151 to 1,126; Norwich 11,031 to 12,219. 
 It is unnecessary to proceed; other and as striking examples of coinci- 
 dence will be found on reference to our Tables. The conclusion to be 
 drawn is important. Universal suffrage is not a bugbear to excite alarm; 
 nor is it of such general concernment as to be worth contending for by 
 the people. 
 
 W'c have been repeatedly told that the constituency to be created by 
 the Bill is too limited — that it gives the suffrage to one man and leaves 
 ten without it. Look to the Tables, and let facts speak. In Birmingham 
 the proportion between the male adult population in possession of the 
 franchise and those without it will be 1 to 3, in Greenwich 1 to 2, in 
 Lambeth I to 1^, and in Mary-le-bone 1 to 1. In no case, with one 
 or two exceptions, does the proportion exceed 1 to 4. 
 
 On the whole, we conclude the £10 qualification is a happy medium. 
 Had it been higher the elective basis would have been too narrow. As 
 it is, it touches on the different schemes of suffrage which have been 
 proposed: it embraces every class and excludes none. We should object 
 to a plan of representation which embodied only one interest, whatever 
 interest it might be; for instance, we should object to the constitution 
 of a House of Conuuons which represented only the working classes or 
 the middle classes, just as much as we object to the constitution of that 
 which exists, because it represents only the interests of the Aristocracy. 
 
 III. — PRACTICAL RESULTS OF A REFORMED HOUSE OF COMMON'S. 
 
 Constitutional changes, like the circulating medium, are valueless in 
 themselves. They are not the good sought, but the instrument of its 
 production. A reformed parliament is the machinery which is to extir- 
 pate the abuses of our institutions. When it has been obtained the
 
 VRAfTICAL RESULTS OV THE UETORM RILl.. G(J7 
 
 discussion of forms of government, theories of civil riglits, and plans 
 of elective qualification will cease to be of interest; the people will 
 naturally turn to subjects of more direct benefit — to the pr.ictical mea- 
 sures by which the condition of society can be improved. Let us, then, 
 endeavour to ascertain the sort of materials which will be brought to 
 the new legislative manufactory — the measures which will probably 
 engage the attention of a reformed House of Commons. As this part 
 of our task will be little more than a brief recapitulation of the preceding 
 topics of our work, it will appropriately form the concluding section of 
 our publication. 
 
 The first and most important result of the adoption of the Reform 
 Bill will consist in the substitution for the government of an oligarchy 
 with selfish and limited interests — a national government responsible to 
 500,000 electors, every one of whom has an interest in domestic peace, 
 order, and prosperity. 
 
 For the interests of the few the Reform Bill would substitute the 
 interests of the many ; it would lay the axe to the root of all monopolies, 
 and the community no longer be compelled to enrich the Bank Proprie- 
 taiy by exclusive privileges; nor profit the Shipping Interest by the 
 consumption of the dear and inferior timber of Canada; nor the East- 
 India Company, by paying double the price for tea the consumer pays 
 on the Continent; nor would industry be impeded by corn laws which 
 are only favourable to high rents — of no benefit to the farmer — and only 
 tend to limit the exchange of our manufactures for the produce of 
 America and continental Europe. 
 
 Reform would equalize taxation, and the redundant incomes of the 
 great, not the wages and profits of the industrious, be made the chief 
 fund of fiscal exaction. 
 
 It would remedy the glaring abuses of our judicial administration, 
 and render justice jjronipt, protective, and attainable to every individual, 
 it would reduce the public expenditure to the lowest possible scali>; 
 abolish sinecures, unmerited pensions, and exorbitant salaries; cut otl" 
 Colonies that are burdensome to the nation, and which, like useless 
 Boards, Diplomatic Missions, and Consular Rstablislnnents, have been 
 kept up solely to provide lucrative appointments for the Borough mongers 
 and their families. 
 
 It would destroy the oppressions of the tithe system, al>olish the 
 monstrous inequalities in ecclesiastical income, and improve the condition 
 of the Working Clergy, who reside among their parishioners, and benefit 
 them by their example and ministry. 
 
 It would H'form the abuses of Corporate Bodies and render them, not 
 only the faithful trustees of the poor, but the centres of local govern- 
 ment, police, and judicial administration. 
 
 It would provide for the general education of the people — their profit- 
 al)le employment — and open new channels for redundant capital and 
 industry. 
 
 It would put an end to the perjuries, drunkenness, riots, and immo- 
 ralities of parliamentary elections.
 
 (iOM PRACTICAL UKSLI.T.S OV Tlir: RF.FORM nil.l.. 
 
 (f would 1)0 a guarantee against future liberticide wars; if wars were 
 wapcd flioy would he tho wars of tlic nation, not of an Olig-arcliy; they 
 would bo wars for, not against, the people. 
 
 Lastly, it woidd consolidate the empire, uniting in the bonds of equal 
 rii;lits and reciprocal advantages England, Ireland, and Scotland, and 
 render them what, from superior wealth and intelligence, they ought 
 to he, " the envy and admiration of the world !" Plngland would recover 
 licr rank among nations, and be ai;ain the model of constitutional 
 governments. Her government would be founded on Public Opinion, 
 not on that sinister opinion fostered by a lavish expenditure of public 
 money — by the abuse of collegiate and ecclesiastical endowments — by 
 the restraint of discussion — but an opinion, the result of impartial in- 
 vestigation and expanded views of social happiness. 
 
 Such, we apprehend, are a few of the advantages that would result 
 from the adoption of the Reform Bill, and which would fonn the subjects 
 of deliberation of a reformed parliament, and which, indue course, it 
 would endeavour to accomplish. That the people can be frustrated 
 in the pursuit of so many national blessings, we cannot for a moment 
 believe; we cannot believe that from supineness or want of union 
 among themselves they Avill continue the serfs of the Boroughmon- 
 gers, who, for their own emolument, have cherished every abuse 
 in our institutions, and entailed on the country all its embarrassing 
 calamities. 
 
 Our enemies are few in number, but mighty in influence. They are an 
 united, active, and desperate band, exasperated almost to madness at being 
 kept for the last fifteen months from their accustomed prey. If they 
 succeed, they well know all the sacrifices they make will be amply 
 repaid by the plunder of the people. But their rapacious hopes will 
 be baffled. Corruption will never triumph over true patriotism — a mock 
 representation over one that is real — private interests over the public 
 weal — a mere faction over the king, his ministers, the public press, 
 and the nation! 
 
 Cheap government — cheap bread — cheap justice — and industry un- 
 fettered and productive will reward our efforts in the triumph of the 
 Reform Bill ! 
 
 N.B. Whatever changes the Reform Bill may finally undergo in 
 either House of Parliament, the subjoined " Statistical Tables" will be 
 useful for reference; comprising as they do the elements of representa- 
 tion on any proposed plan, whether founded on population, on rental, 
 the amount of taxation, or the household or universal suffrage scheme. 
 
 Totncss, in No. IV., which formed one of the semi-disfranchised 
 boroughs, lias been removed iu the conmiittee of the Lower House; but 
 as it originally stood iu the Bill, it has been here retained.
 
 NUMBER OF FRE KIlOl-DERS. 609 
 
 STATISTICS OF UEI'RES I.NTATION . 
 No. I. 
 
 The Year of Election, and greatest Number of Freeholders who have 
 exercised the right of voting' in England and Wales for County 
 Members since 1811. 
 
 Frei-lmlilcrs on 
 (.'ouiuics. \v:\r of Election. tlit- Toll liooks. 
 
 Bedford 182() 2540 
 
 lierks 1812 l'J'J2* 
 
 IJucks ih:u 2yji 
 
 Cainbri(It;e 1830 3717 
 
 Chester. No poUins;' tor last coiiliiiv in this county. 
 
 Cornwall '. 1831 . . ." ", 27(i2 
 
 Cuinherlund 1811 1390 
 
 Derby. No contest since 181 1. 
 
 Devon 1818 77t>3 
 
 Dorset 1831 2<j(il 
 
 Durham 1820 2712t 
 
 Essex 1830 5317 
 
 Gloucester. No contest since 181 1. 
 
 Hereford 1818 3505 
 
 Hertford. No contest since 1811. 
 
 Huntin^'don 1820 1884 
 
 Lancaster. No contest in the county since 1811. 
 
 Leicester 1830 5420 
 
 Lincoln 1818 5598 
 
 Monmouth. No contest since 1811. 
 
 Norfolk J817 7217 
 
 Norllunnherland 1820 2'J85 
 
 Notiint;hain. No contest for a century past. 
 
 Oxford 1831 2934 
 
 liutland. No contest since 1811. 
 
 Salop 1831 2531 
 
 Somerset IHIS 4(i44 
 
 Stafford 1H31 12 
 
 SufTolk 1830 1«!)1{ 
 
 Surrey 1820 3743 
 
 Sussex 1H20 4410 
 
 Warwick 1820 3122 
 
 Westmoreland 1 820 3155 
 
 Anglesey. No contest since 1784. 
 
 Brecon 1818 IGIl 
 
 ('•irdif^an. No contest for a century. 
 
 Denbigh. No poll-books tiled. 
 
 Flint. No contest. 
 
 Glamorgansliire 1820 1598 
 
 Montgomery 1831 1005 
 
 Pembroke 1812 2723 
 
 liadnor. No contest since 1811. 
 
 • The number of freeholders in this county is estimated at 4000. — Pari. Pap. 
 149, Sess. 1831. 
 
 t The election continued only six days, and supposed half the number of 
 freehoUlers polled. 
 
 J The ('lection conliniied only one day. The number polled in 1790, when 
 tlic election lasted two days, was 4849. 
 
 « 2 R
 
 fi I) 
 
 ^1 \lls'n(>. «)l i; l.PKKSKNTATION. 
 
 No. il. 
 
 Tlio Number of iM-ceholdcrs in the different Counties in Irkland, 
 Registered up to the 1st Maj', IS.'il ; distinguishing the £50, £20, 
 and £10 Freeholders. 
 
 
 Numbc 
 
 Coiiiilics. 
 
 ;£M. 
 
 Antrim. . . . 
 
 752 
 
 Arina'.;h .. 
 
 295 
 
 Carlow .. 
 
 3'21 
 
 Cavan .... 
 
 4G2 
 
 Clare .... 
 
 579 
 
 Cork .... 
 
 2280 
 
 Donegal . . 
 
 811 
 
 Down .... 
 
 887 
 
 Dublin .. 
 
 1223 
 
 Fermanagh 
 
 273 
 
 Galway . . 
 
 897 
 
 Kerry .... 
 
 032 
 
 Kildare . . 
 
 682 
 
 Kilkenny.. 
 
 767 
 
 King's .... 
 
 788 
 
 Leitrim . . 
 
 336 
 
 Limerick . . 
 
 1418 
 
 Loudontlerry 488 
 
 Longford . . 
 
 204 
 
 Louth .... 
 
 295 
 
 IMayo .... 
 
 583 
 
 Meath .... 
 
 784 
 
 Monaghan 
 
 464 
 
 Queen's . . 
 
 941 
 
 Roscommon 
 
 408 
 
 Sligo .... 
 
 399 
 
 Tipperary 
 
 2015 
 
 Tyrone . . 
 
 265 
 
 Waterford 
 
 458 
 
 Westmeath 
 
 395 
 
 A\'exford . . 
 
 661 
 
 Wick low. . 
 
 314 
 
 Number i 
 
 . 395 . 
 
 , 231 . 
 
 . 97 . 
 
 . 344 . 
 
 . 293 . 
 
 . 452 . 
 
 92 . 
 
 . 338 . 
 
 . 490 . 
 
 , 251 , 
 
 . 299 . 
 
 , 355 . 
 
 . 122 . 
 
 . 798 . 
 
 , 202 , 
 
 . 181 , 
 
 . 1126 . 
 
 . 215 . 
 
 85 
 
 . 113 . 
 
 . 346 . 
 
 , 100 . 
 
 . 254 . 
 
 . 183 , 
 
 . 357 . 
 
 . 315 . 
 
 . 411 . 
 
 . 316 , 
 
 . 476 . 
 
 . 163 . 
 
 . 328 . 
 
 . 122 . 
 
 Number of 
 
 ^10. 
 
 .. 1296 .. 
 
 . . 1087 ., 
 
 .. 193 .. 
 
 . . 781 ., 
 
 . . 930 ., 
 
 .. 447 . 
 
 66 ., 
 
 . . 1902 ., 
 
 . . 109 ., 
 
 . . 920 ., 
 
 . . 1812 . 
 
 . . 178 .. 
 
 . . 190 .. 
 
 .. 383 ., 
 
 .. 318 ., 
 
 . . 554 . 
 
 Total 
 Number. 
 .. 2443 
 .. 1613 
 .. 611 
 .. 1587 
 .. 1802 
 .. 3179 
 .. 969 
 .. 3127 
 .. 1828 
 .. 1444 
 .. 3008 
 .. 1165 
 .. 994 
 .. 1948 
 .. 1308 
 .. 1071 
 
 1369 3913 
 
 836 
 463 
 380 
 335 
 302 
 946 
 303 
 470 
 299 
 475 
 701 
 488 
 366 
 697 
 513 
 
 1539 
 
 752 
 
 788 
 
 1264 
 
 1246 
 
 1664 
 
 1427 
 
 1295 
 
 1013 
 
 2901 
 
 1282 
 
 1422 
 
 924 
 
 1686 
 
 949 
 
 No. III. 
 
 Population, Electors, &c. of the Fifty-six Boroughs totally dis- 
 franchised, forming Schedule A of the Reform Bill. 
 
 Boroughs. 
 AldborouRh 
 Aklel)nrj;h 
 Amersham 
 Appleby 
 IJeduin, Gt.. 
 Hercalston . . 
 Bishop's Cas 
 niecliingloy . 
 
 Population, 
 
 Houses, 
 
 Resident 
 
 Houses 
 
 Houses, 
 
 Assessed 
 
 Electors 
 
 IS31. 
 
 ISil. 
 
 Electors. 
 
 over ^10. 
 
 over^OT. 
 
 Taxes, ISSO 
 
 Uni.Suf. 
 
 2475 .. 
 
 258 
 
 . 147 . 
 
 39 .. 
 
 10 .. 
 
 574 . 
 
 495 
 
 1538 .. 
 
 268 
 
 57 . 
 
 31 .. 
 
 7 .. 
 
 297 . 
 
 307 
 
 2816 .. 
 
 494 
 
 79 . 
 
 126 .. 
 
 7 .. 
 
 880 . 
 
 563 
 
 1359 .. 
 
 145 
 
 
 65 .. 
 
 6 . . 
 
 487 . 
 
 271 
 
 2191 .. 
 
 125 
 
 . 120 .. 
 
 2 .. 
 
 — . . 
 
 627 . 
 
 438 
 
 . . 
 
 
 
 1 .. 
 
 , , 
 
 3 . 
 
 375 
 
 t. 1729 .. 
 
 344 . 
 
 . 18S . 
 
 S3 .. 
 
 4 .. 
 
 311 . 
 
 315 
 
 1203 .. 
 
 85 . 
 
 6 .. 
 
 5 .. 
 
 1 .. 
 
 390 , 
 
 240
 
 noRorciis nisrRANrnisED by tiif. RF.ronM un.i.. 
 
 611 
 
 RorouKlis. 
 
 Population, 
 
 Houses, 
 
 Resident 
 
 Houses 
 
 Houses 
 
 Assessed 
 
 Electiirs 
 
 iftU. 
 
 IS'21. 
 
 F.kctoi-s. 
 
 over ;*'iO. 
 
 over £:n. 
 
 Taxes, 1S30. 
 
 . l"ni.Suf. 
 
 Horoii};hbrid| 
 
 sre U5« .. 
 
 158 , 
 
 76 .. 
 
 18 .. 
 
 4 .. 
 
 358 .. 
 
 190 
 
 Bossiney .. 
 
 1006 .. 
 
 52 
 
 15 .. 
 
 1 .. 
 
 ' . . 
 
 46 .. 
 
 201 
 
 Brackley .. 
 
 2107 .. 
 
 354 
 
 33 .. 
 
 25 .. 
 
 1 .. 
 
 302 .. 
 
 421 
 
 Branibcr . . 
 
 07 .. 
 
 35 
 
 
 . . 
 
 .. 
 
 16 .. 
 
 12 
 
 C<illiii};ton . . 
 
 i:{88 . . 
 
 232 . 
 
 , . 153 .. 
 
 32 .. 
 
 — — . . 
 
 221 ,. 
 
 277 
 
 Canielfonl . . 
 
 13.J'J .. 
 
 110 , 
 
 26 .. 
 
 14 .. 
 
 1 .. 
 
 127 .. 
 
 271 
 
 Castle WLsinj 
 
 5 8S8 .. 
 
 111 . 
 
 , . . . 
 
 2 .. 
 
 2 . . 
 
 127 .. 
 
 177 
 
 Corfe Castle 
 
 9G0 .. 
 
 156 . 
 
 
 11 .. 
 
 2 .. 
 
 104 .. 
 
 192 
 
 Downtoii . . 
 
 3961 .. 
 
 582 . 
 
 80 .. 
 
 94 .. 
 
 . • 
 
 301 .. 
 
 792 
 
 Dunwich . . 
 
 232 .. 
 
 38 . 
 
 25 .. 
 
 2 .. 
 
 1 .. 
 
 75 .. 
 
 46 
 
 Fowev .... 
 
 1767 .. 
 
 310 . 
 
 . 275 .. 
 
 16 .. 
 
 5 . . 
 
 273 .. 
 
 353 
 
 Gal ton 
 
 M.j .. 
 
 23 . 
 
 6 .. 
 
 6 .. 
 
 4 . 
 
 206 .. 
 
 29 
 
 Grinstead,E. 
 
 3304 .. 
 
 444 . 
 
 8 .. 
 
 42 .. 
 
 8 .. 
 
 855 .. 
 
 672 
 
 Haslemere.. 
 
 849 .. 
 
 124 . 
 
 . . . 
 
 16 .. 
 
 4 .. 
 
 369 .. 
 
 169 
 
 Hedon .... 
 
 1080 .. 
 
 182 . 
 
 . 331 .. 
 
 44 .. 
 
 8 .. 
 
 270 .. 
 
 216 
 
 Hejtesbiiry . 
 
 1413 .. 
 
 26 . 
 
 . . . 
 
 21 .. 
 
 7 .. 
 
 306 .. 
 
 282 
 
 Highain Ferrars'JG.5 .. 
 
 154 . 
 
 . . . 
 
 .. 
 
 .. 
 
 108 .. 
 
 123 
 
 Hindon 
 
 921 .. 
 
 163 . 
 
 . ■ . . 
 
 11 .. 
 
 1 .. 
 
 100 .. 
 
 184 
 
 Ilchestcr. . . . 
 
 975 .. 
 
 105 . 
 
 . 181 .. 
 
 12 .. 
 
 3 .. 
 
 145 .. 
 
 195 
 
 Looe, West . 
 
 593 .. 
 
 107 . 
 
 34 .. 
 
 8 .. 
 
 1 .. 
 
 53 .. 
 
 118 
 
 Looe, Kast . 
 
 805 .. 
 
 142 . 
 
 40 .. 
 
 20 .. 
 
 1 .. 
 
 92 .. 
 
 173 
 
 Losttvithiel . 
 
 1071 .. 
 
 2(K3 . 
 
 . 2» .. 
 
 37 .. 
 
 15 .. 
 
 344 .. 
 
 214 
 
 Liid<;fershall . 
 
 535 .. 
 
 110 . 
 
 . . . 
 
 4 .. 
 
 1 .. 
 
 122 .. 
 
 107 
 
 MilbornePort 2072 .. 
 
 302 . 
 
 . 169 .. 
 
 11 .. 
 
 1 .. 
 
 210 .. 
 
 414 
 
 Minehead. . 
 
 1494 . . 
 
 205 . 
 
 . 261 .. 
 
 30 .. 
 
 3 .. 
 
 310 .. 
 
 298 
 
 Newport, C. 
 
 1084 .. 
 
 180 . 
 
 81 .. 
 
 8 .. 
 
 — . , 
 
 110 .. 
 
 216 
 
 Newtown, I. W. C8 . . 
 
 14 . 
 
 26 .. 
 
 . . 
 
 — . . 
 
 ■ . . 
 
 13 
 
 Newton, L. . 
 
 2137 .. 
 
 275 .. 
 
 52 .. 
 
 10 .. 
 
 2 .. 
 
 151 .. 
 
 427 
 
 Okehampton 
 
 2055 .. 
 
 313 . 
 
 93 .. 
 
 42 .. 
 
 7 .. 
 
 383 .. 
 
 111 
 
 Ort'ord 
 
 1302 .. 
 
 217 ., 
 
 
 20 .. 
 
 1 .. 
 
 144 .. 
 
 200 
 
 Plynipton . . 
 
 804 .. 
 
 128 .. 
 
 24 .. 
 
 39 ., 
 
 12 .. 
 
 314 .. 
 
 160 
 
 Queenborough 
 
 780 .. 
 
 175 ., 
 
 . 300 .. 
 
 11 .. 
 
 6 .. 
 
 82 .. 
 
 1.57 
 
 Komney, New 
 
 378 .. 
 
 105 .. 
 
 16 .. 
 
 24 .. 
 
 1 .. 
 
 352 .. 
 
 75 
 
 St. Gennains 
 
 25KG .. 
 
 99 .. 
 
 30 .. 
 
 15 .. 
 
 1 .. 
 
 341 .. 
 
 597 
 
 St. Mawes. . 
 
 459 .. 
 
 101 .. 
 
 , .. 
 
 9 .. 
 
 — . . 
 
 31 .. 
 
 91 
 
 St. Micliael . 
 
 97 .. 
 
 24 .. 
 
 
 1 .. 
 
 — . . 
 
 34 .. 
 
 19 
 
 Saltash 
 
 3092 .. 
 
 234 .. 
 
 , , , 
 
 134 .. 
 
 2 .. 
 
 126 .. 
 
 618 
 
 Saruni, Old.. 
 
 12 .. 
 
 2 .. 
 
 
 7 .. 
 
 2 .. 
 
 12 .. 
 
 2 
 
 Seaford .... 
 
 1098 .. 
 
 217 .. 
 
 , 124 .. 
 
 36 .. 
 
 5 .. 
 
 315 .. 
 
 219 
 
 Sleyning . . 
 
 1436 .. 
 
 127 .. 
 
 . . . 
 
 18 .. 
 
 5 . . 
 
 369 ,. 
 
 287 
 
 Stockbridge. 
 
 851 .. 
 
 131 .. 
 
 138 .. 
 
 31 .. 
 
 5 . • 
 
 252 .. 
 
 170 
 
 Trcgony .... 
 
 1127 .. 
 
 188 .. 
 
 , 233 .. 
 
 11 .. 
 
 3 .. 
 
 110 .. 
 
 225 
 
 Wondovcr . . 
 
 2008 .. 
 
 118 .. 
 
 117 .. 
 
 14 .. 
 
 — .. 
 
 2r2 .. 
 
 401 
 
 Wcobly .... 
 
 819 .. 
 
 118 .. 
 
 
 6 .. 
 
 1 .. 
 
 231 .. 
 
 103 
 
 WiiitchuiTli. 
 
 1073 .. 
 
 268 .. 
 
 
 21 .. 
 
 2 .. 
 
 343 .. 
 
 334 
 
 AVinrlielsca . 
 
 772 .. 
 
 187 .. 
 
 8 .. 
 
 13 .. 
 
 6 .. 
 
 217 .. 
 
 154 
 
 MootloiT i>as. 
 
 IS'JO .. 
 
 379 .. 
 
 300 .. 
 
 30 .. 
 
 .5 . . 
 
 321 .. 
 
 379 
 
 Yarmouth, I.M 
 
 '.580 .. 
 
 97 .. 
 
 9 .. 
 
 14 .. 
 
 4 .. 
 
 172 .. 
 
 177 
 
 No. IV. 
 
 Population, Electors, &r. of the Thiuty Borouprhs of which the 
 Rcpvppcntativcs have been reduced to One, forming Schedule B of 
 the Reform Bill. 
 
 Arundel . . 
 AshbHrton, 
 
 2803 
 4105 
 
 472 
 311 
 
 463 
 
 200 
 51 
 
 33 
 II 
 
 877 
 413 
 
 560 
 
 s3:<
 
 012 
 
 STATISTICS or llEPRESENTATION. 
 
 .. 1 . Population, 
 
 Doroiiglu. IM31. 
 
 Calne 4795 . 
 
 Chriatchurch 1599 . 
 
 Clithcroe . . 
 
 Dartmouth.. 
 
 Droitwich . . 
 
 Eye 
 
 Grimsby.. .. 
 Helston .... 
 Horsliam . . 
 
 Hythe 
 
 Launccston.. 
 Liskeard .. 
 Lyme Regis. 
 Malmesbury. 
 Midliurst .. 
 Morpeth . . 
 Northalltn. 
 Petersfield.. 
 Reigate .... 
 
 liye 
 
 Shaftesbury . 
 
 St. Ives 
 
 Thirsk . . . . 
 Totness . . . . 
 Wareham . . 
 Westbury .. 
 
 Wilton 
 
 WoodstoGk .. 
 
 5213 .. 
 4597 .. 
 24H7 .. 
 2313 .. 
 4225 .. 
 3293 .. 
 5105 .. 
 
 2287 .. 
 2231 .. 
 2853 .. 
 2621 .. 
 
 2785 .. 
 
 1478 .. 
 5156 .. 
 5118 .. 
 
 1423 .. 
 
 3397 .. 
 
 3715 .. 
 
 3061 .. 
 
 4776 .. 
 
 2835 .. 
 
 3442 .. 
 
 2325 .. 
 
 7324 .. 
 
 1997 .. 
 
 1320 .. 
 
 Houses, 
 
 Kcsidcnt 
 
 1H2I. 
 
 Electors. 
 
 461 . 
 
 18 . 
 
 936 . 
 
 20 . 
 
 550 . 
 
 7 . 
 
 607 . 
 
 . 100 . 
 
 474 . 
 
 4 . 
 
 340 . 
 
 . 129 . 
 
 734 . 
 
 . 394 . 
 
 466 . 
 
 . 52 . 
 
 288 . 
 
 78 . 
 
 437 . 
 
 . 36 . 
 
 253 . 
 
 14 . 
 
 414 . 
 
 . 24 . 
 
 401 . 
 
 25 . 
 
 275 . 
 
 . 13 
 
 234 . 
 
 . 20 . 
 
 478 . 
 
 . 240 . 
 
 567 . 
 
 . . 
 
 262 . 
 
 . 56 . 
 
 217 
 
 8 
 
 574 
 
 50 
 
 546 
 
 . 359 
 
 772 
 
 . 496 
 
 591 
 
 6 
 
 356 
 
 . 40 
 
 417 
 
 . 20 
 
 299 
 
 258 
 
 20 
 145 
 
 No. V. 
 
 Boroughs not included either in Schedule A or B, and to continue to 
 return two Members to Parliament. 
 
 Abingdon . . 
 
 5622 .. 
 
 1114 
 
 . 253 .. 
 
 148 . 
 
 39 .. 
 
 1355 .. 
 
 1124 
 
 Andover. ... 
 
 4748 .. 
 
 810 
 
 24 .. 
 
 207 . 
 
 94 .. 
 
 1704 . 
 
 949 
 
 Aylesbury . . 
 
 4450 .. 
 
 886 
 
 . 1500 .. 
 
 120 . 
 
 21 .. 
 
 1220 .. 
 
 890 
 
 Banbury .... 
 
 5906 .. 
 
 701 
 
 16 .. 
 
 169 . 
 
 62 .. 
 
 1305 . 
 
 1181 
 
 liarnstaple. . 
 
 6840 .. 
 
 805 
 
 .. 731 .. 
 
 344 . 
 
 . 88 .. 
 
 1455 . 
 
 1368 
 
 Bath 
 
 38063 . 
 
 5494 
 
 29 .. 
 
 1243 . 
 
 . 1062 .. 
 
 15885 . 
 
 7812 
 
 Bedford 
 
 6959 . 
 
 1104 
 
 .. 914 .. 
 
 209 . 
 
 . 43 .. 
 
 2047 . 
 
 . 1391 
 
 Berwick. ... 
 
 8920 . 
 
 1061 
 
 .. 527 .. 
 
 415 . 
 
 . 185 .. 
 
 2130 . 
 
 . 1784 
 
 Beverley . . 
 
 7432 . 
 
 1513 
 
 .. 870 .. 
 
 328 . 
 
 . 130 .. 
 
 3000 . 
 
 . 1486 
 
 Bewdley . . 
 
 4003 . 
 
 918 
 
 .. 24 .. 
 
 121 . 
 
 22 . 
 
 925 . 
 
 800 
 
 Bodmin . . . . 
 
 3375 . 
 
 467 
 
 .. 37 .. 
 
 178 . 
 
 . 60 . 
 
 984 . 
 
 . 675 
 
 lioston . . . . 
 
 11240 . 
 
 2231 
 
 .. 503 .. 
 
 446 . 
 
 . 219 . 
 
 2953 . 
 
 . 2248 
 
 Bridgenorlh. 
 
 5298 . 
 
 1021 
 
 .. 986 .. 
 
 220 . 
 
 . 73 . 
 
 1363 . 
 
 . 1059 
 
 Bridgewater 
 
 7807 . 
 
 1110 
 
 .. 460 .. 
 
 452 . 
 
 . 216 . 
 
 2711 . 
 
 . 1561 
 
 Bridport . . 
 
 4242 . 
 
 604 
 
 .. 260 .. 
 
 338 . 
 
 . 343 . 
 
 762 . 
 
 . 848 
 
 Bristol .... 
 
 59034 . 
 
 8451 
 
 .. 5188 .. 
 
 5022 . 
 
 . 2719 . 
 
 33641 . 
 
 . 11806 
 
 Buckingham 
 
 3610 . 
 
 2S7 
 
 13 .. 
 
 75 . 
 
 8 . 
 
 842 . 
 
 . 722 
 
 BurySt.Kdm. 
 
 11436 . 
 
 1960 
 
 .. 37 .. 
 
 585 . 
 
 . 262 . 
 
 4994 . 
 
 . 2287 
 
 C'ambridge . 
 
 20917 ., 
 
 2682 
 
 .. 130 .. 
 
 1106 . 
 
 . 514 . 
 
 7751 . 
 
 . 4183
 
 BOROUGHS NOT DISFRANCHISED BY THE BILL. 613 
 
 Boroughs. 
 
 Population, 
 
 , Houses, 
 
 Resident 
 
 Houses 
 
 Houses 
 
 Assessed 
 
 Electors 
 
 1831. 
 
 18-21. 
 
 Electors, 
 
 o»er jglO. 
 
 over j^ao. 
 
 Taxes, 1H30. 
 
 Uni.Suf. 
 
 Canterbury 
 
 . 12190 ., 
 
 , 2621 . 
 
 .. 1988 .. 
 
 667 . 
 
 . 218 ., 
 
 4585 . 
 
 . 2438 
 
 Carlisle . . . 
 
 . 190G9 ., 
 
 . 1014 
 
 . . 850 .. 
 
 587 . 
 
 . 275 . 
 
 3798 . 
 
 . 3813 
 
 Chester ... 
 
 . 21331 ., 
 
 . 407G 
 
 .. 1504 .. 
 
 1040 . 
 
 . 504 ., 
 
 . 37732 . 
 
 . 4266 
 
 Chippingham 433:$ . . 
 
 541 
 
 .. 126 .. 
 
 ISO . 
 
 52 .. 
 
 1057 . 
 
 866 
 
 Chichester. 
 
 . 8270 .. 
 
 , 1328 . 
 
 ,. 828 .. 
 
 456 .. 
 
 . 194 .. 
 
 3785 . 
 
 . 1654 
 
 Cirencester. 
 
 . 1520 ., 
 
 900 , 
 
 .. 573 .. 
 
 329 ., 
 
 . 127 .. 
 
 2731 . 
 
 904 
 
 Cockermouth 453G ., 
 
 7GG . 
 
 
 101 .. 
 
 11 .. 
 
 609 . 
 
 907 
 
 Colchester.. 
 
 lGl(i7 .. 
 
 , 2768 , 
 
 .. 1406 .. 
 
 612 ., 
 
 . 285 .. 
 
 5713 . 
 
 . 3233 
 
 Coventry . . 
 
 27298 .. 
 
 , 4470 . 
 
 ,. 2763 .. 
 
 953 .. 
 
 , 241 .. 
 
 6658 . 
 
 . 5459 
 
 Cricklade .. 
 
 IIGOL .. 
 
 , 22G6 . 
 
 .. 1188 .. 
 
 
 . . . 
 
 . , 
 
 . 2332 
 
 Derby .... 
 
 23G27 .. 
 
 3516 . 
 
 . 700 .. 
 
 801 .. 
 
 336 .. 
 
 5488 .. 
 
 . 4725 
 
 Devizes . . . 
 
 . 15G2 .. 
 
 488 . 
 
 40 .. 
 
 336 .. 
 
 99 .. 
 
 1746 .. 
 
 , 912 
 
 Dorchester. 
 
 . 3033 .. 
 
 405 . 
 
 . 210 .. 
 
 333 .. 
 
 112 .. 
 
 2103 .. 
 
 606 
 
 Dover 
 
 . 1-1381 .. 
 
 2047 . 
 
 . 1866 .. 
 
 273 .. 
 
 43 .. 
 
 3340 .. 
 
 . 2872 
 
 Durham..., 
 
 . 92G2 .. 
 
 1175 . 
 
 . 987 .. 
 
 448 .. 
 
 155 .. 
 
 3783 .. 
 
 , 1852 
 
 Evesham . . 
 
 , 397G .. 
 
 746 . 
 
 . 155 .. 
 
 178 .. 
 
 78 .. 
 
 1297 .. 
 
 795 
 
 Exeter . . . 
 
 . 28242 .. 
 
 3432 . 
 
 . 1300 .. 
 
 1856 .. 
 
 886 .. 
 
 22497 .. 
 
 , 5648 
 
 Gloucester. . 
 
 . 11373 .. 
 
 1794 . 
 
 . 1703 .. 
 
 760 .. 
 
 360 .. 
 
 4765 .. 
 
 2276 
 
 Grantham ., 
 
 . 7427 .. 
 
 766 . 
 
 . 861 .. 
 
 228 .. 
 
 114 .. 
 
 2196 .. 
 
 1485 
 
 Guildford .. 
 
 . 3813 .. 
 
 565 . 
 
 . 178 .. 
 
 213 .. 
 
 93 .. 
 
 1630 .. 
 
 762 
 
 Harwich . . 
 
 . 4297 .. 
 
 699 . 
 
 20 .. 
 
 170 .. 
 
 28 .. 
 
 906 .. 
 
 859 
 
 Hastings . . 
 
 , 10097 .. 
 
 1068 . 
 
 17 .. 
 
 596 .. 
 
 319 .. 
 
 5144 .. 
 
 2019 
 
 Hereford . . 
 
 , 10351 .. 
 
 1929 . 
 
 . 884 .. 
 
 617 .. 
 
 248 .. 
 
 4155 .. 
 
 2070 
 
 Hertford . . 
 
 , 4028 .. 
 
 656 . 
 
 . 659 .. 
 
 273 .. 
 
 132 .. 
 
 2394 .. 
 
 805 
 
 Honiton.... 
 
 . 3509 .. 
 
 697 . 
 
 . 506 .. 
 
 303 .. 
 
 69 .. 
 
 1125 .. 
 
 701 
 
 Huntingdon 
 
 . 32G7 .. 
 
 538 . 
 
 78 .. 
 
 200 .. 
 
 77 .. 
 
 1773 .. 
 
 3G5 
 
 Hull 
 
 32958 . 
 
 5350 . 
 
 . 2299 .. 
 
 2136 .. 
 
 781 .. 
 
 16182 .. 
 
 6591 
 
 Ipswich . . 
 
 20454 .. 
 
 3412 . 
 
 . 1003 .. 
 
 592 .. 
 
 180 .. 
 
 5025 .. 
 
 4090 
 
 King'sLynn 
 
 13370 .. 
 
 2323 . 
 
 . 284 .. 
 
 334 .. 
 
 71 .. 
 
 2596 .. 
 
 2674 
 
 Knaresboro 
 
 5220 .. 
 
 976 . 
 
 28 .. 
 
 203 .. 
 
 56 .. 
 
 1148 .. 
 
 1045 
 
 Lancaster . 
 
 10144 .. 
 
 1803 . 
 
 . 2490 .. 
 
 554 .. 
 
 265 .. 
 
 4100 .. 
 
 2028 
 
 Leicester .. 
 
 40512 .. 
 
 6627 . 
 
 . 4781 .. 
 
 855 .. 
 
 405 .. 
 
 5278 .. 
 
 8102 
 
 Leominster 
 
 4300 .. 
 
 854 . 
 
 . 716 .. 
 
 195 .. 
 
 41 .. 
 
 1051 . . 
 
 8600 
 
 Lewes .... 
 
 G353 .. 
 
 808 . 
 
 . 626 .. 
 
 230 .. 
 
 79 .. 
 
 2475 .. 
 
 1270 
 
 Lincoln .... 
 
 13102 .. 
 
 2145 ., 
 
 . 1233 .. 
 
 434 .. 
 
 230 .. 
 
 3048 .. 
 
 2620 
 
 Lichfield . . 
 
 G281 .. 
 
 1151 . 
 
 . 763 .. 
 
 321 .. 
 
 149 .. 
 
 2176 .. 
 
 1256 
 
 Liverpool. . 
 
 165175 .. 
 
 27792 . 
 
 . 4401 .. 
 
 14127 .. 
 
 5936 .. 
 
 59086 .. 
 
 33033 
 
 London • . 
 
 121344 .. 
 
 17534 ., 
 
 . 8639 .. 
 
 13600 .. 
 
 1888 .. 
 
 198101 .. 
 
 24268 
 
 Ludlow . . 
 
 5253 .. 
 
 1006 . 
 
 16 .. 
 
 292 .. 
 
 IIG .. 
 
 1995 .. 
 
 1050 
 
 Lymington.. 
 
 33G1 .. 
 
 417 . 
 
 20 .. 
 
 295 .. 
 
 66 .. 
 
 1077 .. 
 
 672 
 
 INIaidstone 
 
 15387 .. 
 
 2276 ., 
 
 , 752 .. 
 
 685 .. 
 
 283 .. 
 
 4781 .. 
 
 3677 
 
 Maldon .... 
 
 3831 .. 
 
 606 . 
 
 . 251 .. 
 
 274 .. 
 
 53 .. 
 
 1114 .. 
 
 766 
 
 Maiton.... 
 
 4173 .. 
 
 774 ., 
 
 , 625 .. 
 
 146 .. 
 
 60 .. 
 
 952 .. 
 
 834 
 
 Marlborough 
 
 342G .. 
 
 488 . 
 
 . 10 .. 
 
 227 .. 
 
 37 .. 
 
 1276 .. 
 
 685 
 
 Marlow .... 
 
 28G3 .. 
 
 494 . 
 
 . 444 .. 
 
 192 .. 
 
 11 .. 
 
 1741 .. 
 
 572 
 
 Monmouth 
 
 13fSl5 .. 
 
 
 , , , 
 
 1279 .. 
 
 535 .. 
 
 7383 .. 
 
 2763 
 
 Newark . . 
 
 9557 . . 
 
 1691 .. 
 
 , 1362 .. 
 
 351 .. 
 
 198 .. 
 
 2856 . . 
 
 1911 
 
 Nwcstl.UL 
 
 8192 .. 
 
 1510 .. 
 
 800 .. 
 
 267 .. 
 
 139 .. 
 
 1761 .. 
 
 1638 
 
 Nwcstl.UT 
 
 427G0 .. 
 
 4317 .. 
 
 300;) .. 
 
 2916 .. 
 
 1223 .. 
 
 14961 .. 
 
 8552 
 
 NwprtLW. 
 
 4398 .. 
 
 731 .. 
 
 22 .. 
 
 270 .. 
 
 118 ., 
 
 1841 .. 
 
 879 
 
 Nrthmpton. 
 
 15351 .. 
 
 20H6 .. 
 
 2300 .. 
 
 691 .. 
 
 266 .. 
 
 4127 .. 
 
 3;i70 
 
 Norwich . . 
 
 GIOOG .. 
 
 11031 ., 
 
 . 4202 .. 
 
 2316 .. 
 
 810 .. 
 
 15550 .. 
 
 12219 
 
 Nottingham 
 
 502 1 G .. 
 
 767G • 
 
 • 4051 .. 
 
 1436 .. 
 
 523 .. 
 
 9359 . . 
 
 10043 
 
 Oxford 
 
 184G() .. 
 
 2520 ,. 
 
 , 1779 .. 
 
 1460 .. 
 
 443 .. 
 
 2735 ., 
 
 3()92 
 
 Penryn . . 
 
 4190 .. 
 
 498 .. 
 
 , 429 .. 
 
 112 .. 
 
 23 .. 
 
 521 .. 
 
 S99 
 
 Peterboro' 
 
 G511 .. 
 
 983 .. 
 
 , 548 .. 
 
 245 .. 
 
 139 .. 
 
 2379 .. 
 
 1 3(i2 
 
 Plymoutli . . 
 
 31 OHO .. 
 
 2381 ., 
 
 177 .. 
 
 2059 .. 
 
 651 .. 
 
 87.53 .. 
 
 621G 
 
 Poutcfract.. 
 
 9319 .. 
 
 960 .. 
 
 , 806 .. 
 
 484 .. 
 
 64 .. 
 
 1811 .. 
 
 1669
 
 , I'opulation, Hiuiscs, Kcsidont Houses Hoiiees 
 
 Doroiiglis. ,^j, ,f,,^, Electors, overj^io. over;:ff20. 
 
 Poole <il.V.) .. 11«() .. 'J-'> .. 298 .. 71 .. 
 
 Portsmouth. .OOSS'J .. 85uO .. .5'J .. .. .. 
 
 Preston Xn\-2 .. 422'J .. 71-22 .. 976 .. 510 .. 
 
 Reading 15.VJ.-| .. 2:,br> ., 1010 .. 1050 .• 657 . . 
 
 Retford .. «72l .. 128S .. 152 .. 31 .. 
 
 Kil)on 5080 .. 178 .. .. 195 .. 70 . . 
 
 Kiclimond .. 3900 .. 748 .. 41 .. 175 , . 77 . . 
 
 Koche.stor.. 9891 .. 1C46 .. 841 . . 400 . . 008 .. 
 
 St. Albans.. 4772 .. 744 . . 023 .. 286 . . 93 . . 
 
 Sandwich.. 3084 .. 578 .. 468 .. 125 . . 28 .. 
 
 Salisbury .. 9338 .. 1084 .. 57 .. 5G7 . . 280 .. 
 
 ScarJKMOUgh 8752 .. 1883 .. 44 .. 387 .. 173 .. 
 
 Shortham.. .. 210 .. 1041 .. 20 .. 5 .. 
 
 Shrewsbury 16055 .. 3155 .. 974 .. 989 .. 471 .. 
 
 Southamptn. 1932-1 .. 2249 .. 839 . . 1284 .. 656 .. 
 
 Southwark . 77799 .. 13187 .. 5000 .. 4658 .. 2629 .. 
 
 Stallbrd 8950 .. 1013 .. 864 . . 190 .. 80 . . 
 
 Stamford .. 5837 .. 919 .. 667 . . 340 .. 168 .. 
 
 Sudbury .. 4077 .. 843 . . 730 . . 108 . . 21 .. 
 
 Tamworlh.. 7118 .. 747 .. 470 .. 137 .. 44 .. 
 
 Tavistock .. 5002 .. 500 . . 27 .. 209 . . 72 . , 
 
 Taunton .. 800 . . 739 . . 330 .. 225 .. 
 
 Tewkesbury 5780 .. 1132 .. 318 . . 202 .. 108 .. 
 
 Thetford .. 3462 .. 602 .. 23 . . 77 .. 21 .. 
 
 Tiverton.... 9506 .. 1357 .. 25 . . 213 . . 86 .. 
 
 Truro 8644 . . 464 . . 25 . . 190 . . 90 . . 
 
 Wallinsford. 2545 .. 386 . . 286 .. 218 . . 43 . . 
 
 Warwick ,. 9109 .. 1590 .. 186 . . 354 . . 152 .. 
 
 Wells 4048 .. 505 .. 308 . . 173 . . 85 . . 
 
 Wenlock .. 17435 .. 3667 .. 485 . . 36 . . 6 .. 
 
 Westminster 202050 .. 19275 ..170U0 .. 17681 ..15163 .. 
 
 Wymth 6; M. 7655 . . 1213 . . 745 . . 490 . . 300 . . 
 
 Wigan 20774 .. 3288 .. 97 . . 474 . 204 . . 
 
 Winchester . 5280 .. 769 .. 140 .. 307 ,. 136 .. 
 
 Windsor .. 8601 .. 811 . . 363 .. 37i .. 181 .. 
 
 M'orcester.. 18590 .. 2926 .. 2173 .. 909 .. 511 . . 
 
 A»'yconibe.. 6299 .. 519 .. 124 .. 446 . . 46 . . 
 
 Yujth. NrSk. 22028 .. 4L03 .. 929 . . 420 . . 129 .. 
 
 York 26260 .. 3326 .. 3715 .. 1589 .. 807 .. 
 
 AKCsicd 
 
 Elector* 
 
 Taxes 1330. 
 
 Uni.Suf. 
 
 1702 , 
 
 1291 
 
 . 
 
 10077 
 
 7394 . 
 
 6622 
 
 8601 . 
 
 3119 
 
 924 . 
 
 
 :;o76 . 
 
 . 1016 
 
 1899 . 
 
 780 
 
 23.56 . 
 
 . 1978 
 
 1964 . 
 
 . 054 
 
 785 . 
 
 616 
 
 5365 . 
 
 . 1867 
 
 2503 . 
 
 . 1730 
 
 196 . 
 
 
 8Ga5 . 
 
 . 3211 
 
 11378 . 
 
 . 3861 
 
 20271 . 
 
 . 15559 
 
 1331 . 
 
 . 1391 
 
 3224 . 
 
 . 1107 
 
 1131 . 
 
 935 
 
 914 . 
 
 . M23 
 
 1282 . 
 
 . 1J20 
 
 2699 . 
 
 
 157-5 . 
 
 . 1156 
 
 887 - 
 
 . 692 
 
 1651 . 
 
 . 1913 
 
 1278 . 
 
 . 1728 
 
 1073 . 
 
 509 
 
 3227 . 
 
 . 1821 
 
 1355 . 
 
 809 
 
 2723 . 
 
 . 3487 
 
 303421 . 
 
 . 40410 
 
 3747 . 
 
 . 1531 
 
 2686 . 
 
 . 4514 
 
 2805 . 
 
 . 1056 
 
 3538 . 
 
 . 1732 
 
 6900 . 
 
 . 3718 
 
 1737 . 
 
 . 1219 
 
 3192 . 
 
 . 4405 
 
 11514 . 
 
 . 5254 
 
 %VELS}1 BOROUGHS. 
 
 Boroughs. 
 
 Beaumaris . 
 
 Brecon 
 
 Caernarvon. 
 
 Card ill" 
 
 Cardigan. . . 
 Carmarthen. 
 
 Denbigli 
 
 Flint 
 
 Haverfordw. 
 Montgomery 
 Pcmliroke 
 Ivadnor . 
 
 Population, 
 
 1S-31. 
 .13697 .. 
 . 4139 .. 
 .18106 .. 
 .32777 .. 
 . 8120 .. 
 .15552 .. 
 , 11697 .. 
 .28338 .. 
 10882 .. 
 .16283 .. 
 .10098 .. 
 . 7245 ..
 
 NEW PAULIAMKNTAUY UO KO b «J II S. 
 
 ()\o 
 
 No. VI. 
 
 New Boroughs forming Schedule C, which are to rcturnTwo Membf-Rs. 
 
 Names. 
 liimiinghani 
 
 Vopulation, 
 
 IS3I. 
 
 . . 142251 . 
 27091 . 
 
 Mouses al 10/ 
 and upwards 
 
 0532 . 
 
 1578 . 
 
 1712 . 
 
 1083 . 
 
 2073 . 
 
 23020 . 
 
 4177 . 
 
 1044 . 
 10872 . 
 
 0083 . 
 
 1200 . 
 12039 . 
 22037 . 
 
 1128 . 
 
 4573 . 
 851 . 
 
 2270 . 
 
 20297 . 
 
 2125 . 
 
 . Houses at 'J<i 
 
 and upwards 
 
 1545 . 
 
 170 .. 
 
 322 . 
 
 128 . 
 
 2131 . 
 
 17448 .. 
 1573 . 
 
 183 . 
 9224 .. 
 1278 . 
 
 140 . 
 
 2120 .. 
 
 19018 .. 
 
 138 . 
 
 473 . 
 
 187 . 
 
 300 . 
 
 . 13407 . 
 
 1451 . 
 
 . Assessed 
 . Taxes, IH39. 
 
 28350 . 
 
 2325 .. 
 
 4215 . 
 
 2444 . 
 31800 . 
 
 9078 . 
 
 200848 . 
 
 21341 . 
 
 3180 . 
 
 108814 . 
 
 18800 . 
 
 2410 . 
 
 40028 . 
 
 290371) . 
 
 2430 . 
 12005 . 
 
 2052 . 
 
 4950 . 
 
 2274 . 
 
 4082 . 
 118540 . 
 
 0229 . 
 
 Electors 
 
 Uni. Surf". 
 
 28450 
 
 54 1 8 
 
 IJolton 
 
 41195 , 
 
 8239 
 
 Bradford 
 
 iSrij^litoii 
 
 . 23233 . 
 40084 . 
 
 4040 
 8120 
 
 
 44454 . 
 
 8890 
 
 Finsbury 
 
 . 244077 . 
 . 02009 . 
 . 15382 . 
 . 203229 . 
 . 123393 . 
 
 4S815 
 
 G loenwich, &:c. . . 
 
 Halifax 
 
 Lambeth 
 
 12401 
 
 3070 
 
 40045 
 
 21078 
 
 Macclesfield 
 
 Manchester 
 
 IMarylebone 
 
 Oldham 
 
 . 23129 . 
 
 . 187022 . 
 
 . 240294 . 
 
 50513 . 
 
 4025 
 37404 
 
 48058 
 10102 
 
 ShefHcld 
 
 90057 . 
 
 18131 
 
 
 25409 . 
 . 52940 . 
 
 13721 . 
 . 43078 . 
 . 359821 . 
 
 07514 .. 
 
 5093 
 
 Stoke-upon-Ticnt. . 
 
 10589 
 2744 
 
 Smulerland 
 
 Tower Hamlets . . 
 Wolverhampton . . . 
 
 8015 
 71904 
 13502 
 
 No. VII. 
 New Borougiis forming Schedule D, which are to return Oni; Mlmbkii. 
 
 „ Population, 
 
 Names. im3i. 
 
 Ashton-uuder-Line . . 33597 
 
 Bury 15080 
 
 C;hcltenham 22942 
 
 Dudley 23043 
 
 Krume 12240 
 
 Gateshead 15177 
 
 Htiddersiield 31041 
 
 Kendal 112()5 
 
 Kidderminster 14981 
 
 Rochdale 3.3704 
 
 Salford 50H10 
 
 South Shields 18750 
 
 Swansea 19093 
 
 Tynenioulli 1092(> 
 
 Walsall 15(»00 
 
 WakeGeld 12232 
 
 Warrington 10018 
 
 U hithy 10399 
 
 M hitehaven 17808 
 
 Houses al in/. Houses at ':oi. 
 
 Assessed 
 
 Electors 
 
 and upwards, and upwards. 
 
 Taxes, I use. 
 
 Uiii. .SufT. 
 
 
 
 1434 . 
 
 0719 
 
 039 
 
 128 .. 
 
 2101 . 
 
 3017 
 
 19;i9 
 
 1225 .. 
 
 21184 . 
 
 458S 
 
 595 
 
 131 .. 
 
 2530 . 
 
 4008 
 
 1354 
 
 91 .. 
 
 1900 . 
 
 2448 
 
 795 
 
 140 .. 
 
 2030 . 
 
 3035 
 
 1709 
 
 248 .. 
 
 3941 . 
 
 020S 
 
 
 . . 
 
 3027 . 
 
 2253 
 
 473 
 
 117 .. 
 
 1920 . 
 
 2998 
 
 ion 
 
 . N. I). .. 
 
 3143 . 
 
 7521 
 
 1241 
 
 403 .. 
 
 8970 . 
 
 10102 
 
 9.S7 
 
 . N. D. .. 
 
 1027 . 
 
 3751 
 
 739 
 
 303 .. 
 
 3044 . 
 
 38 1 8 
 
 974 . 
 
 N. 1). .. 
 
 2407 . 
 
 3385 
 
 750 . 
 
 N. i). .. 
 
 1735 . 
 
 3013 
 
 075 
 
 271 .. 
 
 5530 . 
 
 2410 
 
 799 
 
 252 .. 
 
 2914 . 
 
 3203 
 
 . 
 
 . . 
 
 2035 , 
 
 207 <» 
 
 408 
 
 130 .. 
 
 2812 . 
 
 3501
 
 rjlG SIAIISTHS Ol ItKI'UKSKNTATlON. 
 
 No. VIII. 
 
 A I-isT of tho Placks contained in Schedule (C.) and (D.); 1. speci- 
 fyiii}^ the Paiislies, Townships, or Hamlets, of Avhich the whole or any 
 part is recominonded in the Reports of the Commissioners as the 
 aj)j»r()pri!ite limits of each i)lace contained in Schedules (C.) and (D.) 
 2. The Population, Number of Houses, Number of Qualifying Tene- 
 ments, and Amount of Assessed Taxes, within such limits, or as 
 nearly as can be ascertained. 
 
 SCHEDULE (C.) 
 
 liinnhighian. — Parish of IMmiingliiun, parish of Edgbaston, township of Bor- 
 tUsley, township of Deriteiid, townsliip of Duddeston with Neacheis : — con- 
 tainint; town of IJiriningham and its iuiinediate neighbourhood. 
 
 I'opulation 142,000 i Qualifying tenements. .. . 7,000 
 
 1 louses 30,000 1 Assessed taxes £28,000 
 
 Ulackhurn. — The township of IMackburn ;— containing the town of Blackburn 
 and its immediate neighbourhood. 
 
 Population 27,000 I Qualifying tenements .... 600 
 
 Houses 4,800 j Assessed taxes £2,300 
 
 Jiolton, — The township of Great Bolton, the chapelry of Little Bolton, the 
 township of Haulgh ; — containing the town of Bolton. 
 
 Population 42,000 I Qualifying tenements .. .. 1,600 
 
 Houses 7,600 I Assessed taxes £4,300 
 
 Bradford. — The township of Bradford, the township of Bowling, the township 
 of Little Horton ; — containing the township of Bradford and its neighbourhood. 
 
 Population 34,000 I Qualifying tenements. . . . 1,100 
 
 Houses 4,100 J Assessed taxes £2,444 
 
 liri'^htoii. — Parish of Brighton, parish of Hove ; — containing the town of 
 Brighton with its immediate neighbourhood, which includes the village of 
 Hove. 
 
 I'opulation 42,000 1 Qualifying tenements .... 3,000 
 
 Houses 9,000 I Assessed taxes £31,800 
 
 l)ero7}port. — The parish of vStoke Damerill, the township of Stonehouse ; — 
 containing the town of Devonport, with its neighbourhood, which includes the 
 suburbs of Stoke and Morrice town. 
 
 Population 44,000 I Qualifying tenements. .. . 3,000 
 
 Houses 4,600 i Assessed taxes £9,700 
 
 Finsburtj. —Vart ofthe parish of St. Mary, Islington, part of parish St. Andrew, 
 Holboni, part ofthe parish of St. James and St. John, Clerkenwell, part ofthe 
 parish of St. Sepulchre, part of Furnival's-inn, part of Staple's-inn, Linnoln's- 
 mn, Gray's-inii, the parish of St. Luke, the parish of St. George-tlie-Martyr, 
 the parish of St. Giles-in-the-Fieldrf, the parish of St. George, Bloomsbury, 
 the liberties of SallVon-hill, Hatton-gardcn, and Ely-rents, the liberty of Ely- 
 place, the liberty of tiie Kolls, the liberty of Glasshoiise-yard, the precinct called 
 the Charter-house, — containing the northern portion ofthe metropolis. 
 
 Population 22.-),000 I Qualifying tenements .. 23,600 
 
 Houses 30,001) I Assessed taxes £201.000 
 
 <''wnMt7j.— The parish of St .Paul, Deptford, the parish ofSt. Nicholas, Dept- 
 ford, part ot the parish of Woolwich, part of the parish of Greenwich, part of the 
 parish of Charlton, part of the parish of Plumstead ;-containing the towns of 
 M oolwuh, Greenwich, Deptford, and the intermediate space, including the vil- 
 lage of rharlton. 
 
 ''"I'l'laliun 64,000 I Qualifying tenements 6,000 
 
 """^cs U,WO I Assessed taxes £21,.50U
 
 LIMITS OF THE NEW BOROUGHS. 617 
 
 Halifax. — The township of Halifax, part of the township of South Ouram, 
 part of the township of North Ouram ; — containinR the town of Halifax. 
 
 Population 31,000 I Qualifjing tenements. .. . 1,300 
 
 Houses 9,000 I Assessed taxes £3,200 
 
 Lambeth. — Part of the parish of Lambeth, part of the parish of St. Giles, 
 Camherwell, the precinct of the Palace, the parish of St. Mary, Newington ; — 
 containing the southern portion of the metropolis. 
 
 Population 154,000 I Qualifying tenements . . 16,400 
 
 Houses 29,000 I Assessed taxes £91,000 
 
 Leeds. — The borough of Leeds ; — containing the tOAvn of Leeds, witii its sur- 
 rounding neighbourhood. 
 
 Population 123,000 j Qualifying tenements. .. . 6,700 
 
 Houses 27,600 I As.^essed taxes £18,H00 
 
 Macclesfield. — The borough of Macclesfield, part of the township of Sutton, 
 part of the township of Hurdsfield ; — containing the town of Macclesfield and 
 its immediate neighbourhood. 
 
 Population 30,000 I Qualifying tenements .... 1,100 
 
 Houses 6,000 \ Assessed taxes £2,500 
 
 Manchester. — Township of Manchester, township of Chorlton-row, township 
 of Ardwick, township of Heswick, township of Hulme, township of Cheethani, 
 townsliip of Bradford, township of Newton, township of Harpur Hey; — con- 
 taining the town of Manchester and its immediate neighbourhood, with the 
 exception of the town and township of Salford. 
 
 Population 187,000 I Qualifying tenements .. 12,700 
 
 Houses 32,000 | Assessed taxes £40,600 
 
 Marylcbone. — The parish of St. ^L'^rylebone, the parish of Paddington, part 
 of the parish of St. Pancras ; — containing the north-western portion of tlie 
 nu'lr<ii)olis. 
 
 Popiihition 234,000 I Qualifying tenements .. 21,600 
 
 Houses 28,000 | Assessed taxes £274,000 
 
 (Hdham. — The township of Oldham ;— containing the town of Oldham and its 
 ueiglibourhood. 
 
 Population 32,000 I Qualifying tenements.. . . 1,100 
 
 Houses 0,000 I Assessed taxes £2,000 
 
 Sheffield. — The township of SheHield, the township of Atterclifle-cum- Darnell, 
 tin; township of liriglUside Hierlow, the township of Netlierhallani, part of the 
 township of Kccleshall Bierlovv ; — containing the town of Shellield and its sur- 
 rounding neighbouriiood, which includes the village of Atterclille. 
 
 Population 90,000 1 Qualifying tenements. .. . 4,300 
 
 Houses 20,000 | Assessed taxes £12,000 
 
 Stockport. — Tlie borough of Stockport, part of the township of Heatou Norris, 
 ])art of the townsliip of liriniiington, the hamlet of IJrinksway, the handet of 
 Kdgeley ; — containing the town of Stockport. 
 
 Population 41,(100 1 (Qualifying tenements. .. . 1,500 
 
 Houses 7,600 | Assessed taxes £4,000 
 
 St'ike-iiiMn-Trenl. — The township of Tunstall, the township of IJiirslem, the 
 vill of Kushton Grange, the hamlet of Sni>yd, the townsliip rif Hanlcy, tin- 
 township of Shelton, the townsliip of Fenton \ ivian, the township of Lane-end, 
 part of the township of PenkhuU, part of the township of l'"('nt<in (Culvert, jiarl 
 ultiic township of Longlon ; — cinitaiiiing the district of tiie Potteries, including 
 the low lis of Laiif-end, Sloke, Sheltini, lianley, liurslein, and Tun.slall. 
 
 Population 53,000 I (Qualifying tenements 1,500 
 
 Houses 9,000 | Assessed taxes £4,<)0() 
 
 Stroud. — Pari.sh of Stroud, parish of llisley, parish of Painswick, jiaiish of 
 Piichconib, parish of lvandv\ ick, parish of Stuuehouse, parish of Ka>tiiigton, 
 parish of Leonard Stanley, wiih the exception of that part called Lorrid^;e's 
 l''anii, j)aiish of King's Stanley, parish of Uodboroiigli, parish of Minchiiilianip- 
 lon, parish of Woodchcstcr, parish of .Avening, parish of Horsley ;— containing
 
 ()IJS STATISTICS OF U K IMIKS RNTATION. 
 
 llio CliXliiun District, siUiiilc on tlio Stroud Water, or Hiver Fronie, and its 
 Iriliiil.iiy stieaiiis, 
 
 J'opulaliuii 11,000 I Qualifying tenements 1,600 
 
 HouscK 9,300 I Assessed tuxes £7,000 
 
 Stimlertimd.—Thc parish of Sunderland, the township of Bisliop Wearmouth, 
 the township of Bishop Wearmouth Panns, the; township of Monkvvearmouth, 
 tlie township of iMonkwearmoulh Shore, the township of Soulhwick ;— contain- 
 ing the town of Sunderland and its neighbourhood. 
 
 l»opulation 43,000 | Qualifying tenements 2,500 
 
 Houses 5,000 j Assessed taxes i'4,500 
 
 Tower Ifittnlcts.— V:\r\fih of St. Leonard, Shoreditch, parisli of St. Matthew, 
 Bethnai-green, parish of Christ Church, Spitaltields, parish of All Saints, I'oplar 
 and Blackwall, parish of St. Anne, Liniehouse, parish of St. George-in-the- 
 Kast, parish of St John, Wapping, parish of St. Mary, 'Whitechapel, the 
 liberty of Hast Sinithlield, the hamlet of Mile-end Old-town, the hamlet of 
 Mile-end New-town, the handet of RatclilT, the precinct of St. Catharine, the 
 liberty of Nortonfalgate, the several divisions o( the liberty of the Tower; — 
 containing the T7(n-th-eastern suburbs of the metropolis. 
 
 Population 293,000 I Qualifying tenements 23,000 
 
 Houses 65,000 | Assessed taxes £93,000 
 
 Wolverhampton. — The township of Wolverhampton, the township of Bilston, 
 the township of Wednesfiekl, the township of Willenhall, the pcvrish of Sedge- 
 ley; containing the towns of W^olverhampton and Bilston, and (heir surrounding 
 neighbourhood, including the villages of Sedgeley, Weduestield, and AVillen- 
 hall. 
 
 Population 67,000 I Qualifying tenements 2,400 
 
 Houses 14,000 \ Assessed taxes £6,200 
 
 SCHEDULE (D.) 
 
 Ashton- Under- Line. — Part of the parish of Ashton ; — containing the town of 
 Ashton-under-Line, as limited by its Police Act. 
 
 Population 15,000 I Qualifying tenements 600 
 
 Houses 2,900 I Assessed taxes £1,400 
 
 Bury. — Township of Bury, part of the township of Elton ; — containing the 
 town of Bury and its immediate neighbourhood. 
 
 Population 19,000 1 Qualifying tenements 750 
 
 Houses 3,500 1 Assessed taxes £2,200 
 
 Chatham. — Part of the parish of Chatham, part of the parish of Gillingham ; 
 — containing the towns of Chatham and Broniptou. 
 
 Population 19,000 i Qualifying tenements 1,200 
 
 Houses 3,.')00 | Assessed taxes £3,500 
 
 Cheltenham. — The parish of Cheltenham ; containing the town of Cheltenham 
 and its neighbourhood. 
 
 Population 23,000 ] Qualifying tenements 2,100 
 
 Houses 4,350 I Assessed taxes £21,000 
 
 Dudley. — The parish of Dudley ;— containing the towns of Dudley and its 
 immediate neighbourhood, which includes the village of Netherton. 
 
 Population 23,000 1 Qualifying tenements 800 
 
 Houses 4,700 I Assessed Taxes £2,500 
 
 Frame.— F&rt of the parish of Frome ; — containing the town of Frome. 
 
 Population 12,000 Qualifyingtenements 400 
 
 Houses — I Assessed taxes £1,960 
 
 Gateshead. — ^The parish of Gateshead, part of the chapelry of Heworth ; — 
 containing the town of Gateshead and its neighbourhood south of the river Tyne. 
 
 Population 15,000 I Qualifying tenements 750 
 
 Houses 4,000 | Assessed taxes £2,000
 
 LIMITS Ol' THH; new IJOllOLGilS. 619 
 
 Ilnddersfield. — Tlie township of "Huddersfield ; — containiiifj the town of Hiul- 
 dersfield. 
 
 Population 19,000 I Qualifying tenements .... 1,100 
 
 Houses 4,000 | Assessed taxes £3,900 
 
 Kidderminster. — The borough of Kidderminster, part of the foreign of Kid- 
 derminster; — containing the town of Kidderminster. 
 
 Population 10,000 | (Qualifying tenements 500 
 
 Houses 3,100 | Assessed taxes £1,000 
 
 Kendal. — The township of Kirby Kendal, the township of Kirkland, the 
 township of Nethergraveship; — containing the town of Kendal and its neigh- 
 bourhot)d. 
 
 Populiition 11,600 I Qualifying tenements 680 
 
 Houses 2,200 | Assessed taxes £3,000 
 
 Rochd(de. — Part of the township of Castleton, part of the township of A\'an- 
 dlcworth, part of the township of Spotland, part of the township of Wuerclale 
 with Wardle; — containing the town of Rochdale. 
 
 Population 20,000 I Qualifying tencnieirts 1,000 
 
 Houses 3,000 | Assessed taxes .£3,100 
 
 Salford. — The township of Broughton, the township of Salford, the township 
 (if Pendleton, part of the township of I*elidlebury ; — eontainiu*; the town of 
 Salford and its neighbourhood north-west of the river Irwell. 
 
 Population 50,000 I Qualifying tenements 1,300 
 
 Houses 9,500 [ Assessed taxes £9,000 
 
 South Shields. — The township of South Shields, the township of W'estoe; — 
 containing the town of South Shields ^nd its neighbourhood, which includes 
 the village of \\ estoe, 
 
 Population 18,000 I Qualifying tenements 1,150 
 
 Houses 2,200 | Assessed taxes £1,000 
 
 Tynemouth. — The township of North Shieltls, township of Chirton, township 
 of Tynemouth, township of Preston, township of CuUercoats ; — containing the 
 towns of North Shields and Tynemouth, and their neiglil)onrhood. 
 
 PopuUition 25,000 I Qualifying tenements 1,150 
 
 Houses 3,500 j Assessed taxes £2,800 
 
 Wakefield. — The township of Wakefield, part of the township of Alvcrthorpe, 
 part of the township of Stanley; — containing the town of Wakefield, and its 
 innnediate neighbourhood. 
 
 Population 12,500 I Qualifying tenements 800 
 
 Houses 2,800 | Assessed taxes £1,730 
 
 Wnlsnll. — The borough of Walsall; — containing the town of M'alsal! with its 
 neighbourhood. 
 
 Population 15,000 I Qualifying tenements 800 
 
 Houses 3,000 | Assessed taxes £1,730 
 
 Warrington. — Townsliip of Warrington, township of Ljitchford, part of 
 township of Thelwall ; — ^containing the town of Warrington iuid its immediate 
 ii('ighi)ourhoud. 
 
 Population 18,000 I Qualifying tenements 1,000 
 
 Houses S,400 \ Assessed Uixes £2,914 
 
 Whitehdven. — Township of Whiteliisven, ])art of the township of Preston 
 Quarter; — containing the township of Whitehaven. 
 
 Population 15,700 I Qualify intf tenen)ent8 !>00 
 
 Houses 3,000 | Assessed taxes £2,000 
 
 Whithij. — Township of Whitby, the township of Fiuswarp, the township of 
 Hawsker-cuni-Staiusacre ; — including the town of \\ hitby and its neighbourhood, 
 which includes the villages of Hawsker, Kuswar)), and Stainsaere. 
 
 I'opulation 10,300 j Qualifying tenements 500 
 
 Houses — I Assessed taxes £2,000
 
 ty20 
 
 STATISI Its or IIKPIIKSIINTATION, 
 
 No. IX. 
 Population, Electors, «!tc. of the Cities and Burghs of Scotland.* 
 
 City or Burgh. 
 
 Aberdeen 
 
 Inverbervie . . . . 
 Aberbrolliock .. 
 Montrose ... 
 llrechin 
 
 Ayr 
 
 Irvine 
 
 IJollisiiy . . . . . 
 Can)pbelto\vn 
 Inveiury .... 
 
 Crail 
 
 Kilrenny 
 
 Anstruther, East 
 Anstrutlier, West 
 Pittenweem .... 
 
 Population. 
 
 20484 
 1092 
 
 .5S17 
 10338 
 5900 
 
 7455 
 7007 
 4107 
 6445 
 1137 
 
 1854 
 1494 
 1090 
 429 
 1200 • 
 
 Houses. 
 
 2187 
 217 
 734 
 
 1150 
 
 858 
 
 902 
 1037 
 603 
 413 
 103 
 
 344 
 247 
 191 
 65 
 219 
 
 Number Houses rated 
 at jf 10 
 and upwards. 
 .. 1166 
 7 
 .. 136 
 . . 239 
 04 
 
 Electors. 
 .. 19 . 
 .. 15 . 
 .. 19 . 
 .. 19 . 
 .. 13 . 
 
 17 
 17 
 17 
 16 
 16 
 
 21 
 15 
 19 
 15 
 24 
 
 297 
 
 105 
 
 124 
 
 65 
 
 27 
 
 11 
 
 13 
 3 
 
 8 
 
 Dumfries 
 
 I Sanquhar 
 
 Annan 
 
 ' Lochmaben ... 
 
 Kirkcudbrifflit 
 
 Dysart 
 
 Kirkaldy 
 Kinghorn.. . 
 IJurntisland 
 
 11052 
 1357 
 4186 
 2651 
 2595 
 
 0529 
 4452 
 2443 
 2136 
 
 Edinburgh 138253 
 
 Elgin .. 
 Cullcn .. 
 Banir .. 
 Inverary 
 Kintore 
 
 / Forfar 
 
 \ Perth , 
 
 V Dundee . . . , 
 i Cupar 
 
 V St. Andrews 
 
 5308 
 
 1!52 
 
 3855 
 
 7:15 
 
 312 
 
 5897 
 
 19068 
 
 30575 
 
 58U2 
 
 4899 
 
 1436 
 
 268 
 808 
 591 
 348 
 
 959 
 451 
 365 
 260 
 
 9925 
 
 1122 
 
 341 
 
 708 
 
 164 
 
 79 
 
 827 
 5304 
 2773 
 
 897 
 828 
 
 25 
 17 
 21 
 15 
 17 
 
 24 
 28 
 21 
 21 
 
 33 
 
 16 
 19 
 17 
 9 
 13 
 
 19 
 
 26 
 21 
 20 
 29 
 
 !Fortrose nolstated notstated 15 
 
 Inverness 12204 2240 21 
 
 Nairn 3228 G99 17 
 
 Forres 3540 775 17 
 
 417 
 
 32 
 
 123 
 
 8 
 02 
 
 20 
 
 167 
 
 11 
 
 32 
 
 9382 
 
 127 
 13 
 
 118 
 
 17 
 
 5 
 
 72 
 561 
 910 
 131 
 160 
 
 14 
 
 221 
 
 38 
 
 72 
 
 • The cities and burghs sharing together in the return of a member are 
 jiiaccd between brackets. The number of persons in whom the elective franchise 
 IS vested is here stated.
 
 SCOTLAND. PARLIAMENTS IN F.ACH REIGN 
 
 City or Burgh. Population. Houses. 
 
 G21 
 
 (Glasgow 147043 
 
 ) Renfrew 2046 
 
 i Kutherglen 4091 
 
 (.Dumbarton 3481 
 
 t Haddington . . 
 1 Dunbar ...... 
 
 »^ North Berwick 
 
 i Lauder 
 
 V Jedburgh 
 
 f Inverkeithing , 
 1 Dunfermline , 
 ". Queensferry , 
 i Culross .. . . . 
 (.Stirling ...., 
 
 f Kirkwall . 
 \Wick ... 
 < Dingall 
 i Dornoch . 
 CXain 
 
 f Selkirk . . 
 1 Peebles . . 
 i Linlithgow 
 C Lanark . . 
 
 t Wigton 
 
 ) Stranrear 
 
 S New Galloway 
 (. Whithorn . . . . 
 
 j255 
 5272 
 1694 
 1845 
 5251 
 
 2512 
 
 13G81 
 
 090 
 
 1434 
 
 7113 
 
 2212 
 6713 
 2031 
 630 
 2801 
 
 2728 
 2701 
 4fi92 
 7085 
 
 33805 
 366 
 549 
 305 
 
 834 
 750 
 237 
 359 
 826 
 
 384 
 
 2106 
 
 80 
 
 269 
 
 727 
 
 311 
 
 1078 
 300 
 137 
 583 
 
 451 
 451 
 
 508 
 797 
 
 2042 347 
 
 2463 417 
 
 not stated not stated 
 
 2301 421 
 
 Number Houses rated 
 
 ol' atjtrio 
 
 Electors. and upwards. 
 
 . 32 6357 
 
 . 19 8 
 
 .18 49 
 
 .15 77 
 
 25 
 20 
 12 
 17 
 25 
 
 39 
 22 
 21 
 19 
 21 
 
 23 
 12 
 15 
 15 
 15 
 
 33 
 17 
 27 
 23 
 
 18 
 
 18 
 18 
 18 
 
 71 
 45 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 76 
 
 18 
 147 
 
 21 
 
 3 
 
 261 
 
 33 
 
 113 
 
 35 
 
 4 
 
 27 
 
 40 
 GO 
 53 
 65 
 
 18 
 
 28 
 
 2 
 
 116 
 
 No. X. 
 
 Number of Parliaments held in each Reign, from 27th Edward I. A.D, 
 1299, to the End of the Reign of George IV.; also the respective 
 length of each Reign. 
 
 Edward L from 1299, .. 8 
 
 Edward II 15 
 
 Edward HI 37 
 
 Richard II 26 
 
 Henry IV 10 
 
 Henry V 11 
 
 Henry M 22 
 
 Edward IV 5 
 
 Richard HI 1 
 
 Henry VH 8 
 
 Henry VIII 3 
 
 Edward VI 2 
 
 No. of Length of 
 Parliaments. lieign. 
 
 . 8 years. 
 
 .20 
 
 .50 
 
 .22 
 
 .14 
 
 . 9 
 
 .39 
 ..22 
 .. 2 
 ,.24 
 ..38 
 .. G 
 
 No. of Length of 
 Parliaments. Rtign. 
 
 iMary 5 . . 5 years. 
 
 Eli/.iibcth 10 ..45 
 
 James 1 4 ..22 
 
 Charles 1 1 ..24 
 
 Charles II 8 ..36 
 
 James II 3 .. 4 
 
 \\ illiam III 6 ..13 
 
 Anne ..12 
 
 George 1 2 . . 13 
 
 Gcorpell G ..33 
 
 Geiirge III 11 ..59 
 
 George IV 2 ..10
 
 ii-22 
 
 SI AiisTK s or up:pkesentation. 
 
 From lliis tabic it aiipcais tlial in llu; 401 years preceding the reiRn of George 
 III. there wen- 202 parliiiiiw.nts, wliose average duration was 2^ years: and 
 Ihiil ill 210 years precedinp liic reign of Henry VIII. there were 11» parliaments, 
 averaiiiiij; rather less than l^ year each. In the 09 years of the reigns of George 
 III. and IV. there were only thirteen jiarJianients, averagingyii-e ycurs and one- 
 third each. Hence we learn how greatly the duraiion of the same parliament 
 has been extended in these latter days, resulting, no doubt, from the better 
 understanding siUjsisting between t!ie ministers of the Crown and the repre- 
 sentatives of the people, which rendered frequent dissolution^ unnecessary. 
 
 No. XI. 
 
 A List of those Places which formerly sent MenJiej's to Parliament 
 and now do not. 
 
 Alresford. 
 
 Aulton. 
 
 Axbridge. 
 
 llain borough. 
 
 Basingstoke. 
 
 Berkhampstead. 
 
 Blandford. 
 
 Bishops-Stortford. 
 
 Bradneshatn. 
 
 Bradford. 
 
 Bromyard. 
 
 Burford. 
 
 Chelmsford. 
 
 Conebrig. 
 
 Crediton. 
 
 Chard. 
 
 Chipping-.Norton. 
 
 Dunstable, 
 Dunster. 
 
 Dudley. 
 
 Doucaster. 
 
 Dedington. 
 
 Egremont. 
 
 Exmouth. 
 
 Ely. 
 
 Fareham. 
 
 FarnUam. 
 
 Fremington. 
 
 Glastonbury. 
 
 Grampound. 
 
 Greenwich. 
 
 Halifax. 
 
 Highworth. 
 
 Jarvell. 
 
 Kidderminster. 
 Kingston-ou- 
 
 'Jhames. 
 Ledford. 
 Langport. 
 Lid bury. 
 Leeds. 
 Mere. 
 Montacute. 
 Manchester. 
 Melton-Mowbray. 
 Medbury. 
 Newbury. 
 Odyham. 
 Overton. 
 Poligreen. 
 Pershore. 
 
 Pickering. 
 
 Raveners. 
 
 Ross. 
 
 .Soulk-Molton. 
 
 Sherborne. 
 
 Spalding. 
 
 Stoke. 
 
 Tickhill. 
 
 Tonbridge. 
 
 Teigxi.raouth. 
 
 Torrington. 
 
 Wainfleet. 
 
 Wisbeacb. 
 
 Whitney. 
 
 AV'hitby. 
 
 Ware. 
 
 Watchet. 
 
 In all sixty-nine boroughs, which sent members to parliament in different 
 reigns, and which are now deprived of that right. Besides these, ^Ir. Oldfield 
 has given a list of niiety-seven other boroughs which have charters, and most 
 probably sent members at some former period since the reign of Edward I. but 
 which are now disfranchised. From the I'eign of Edward I. to that of Charles 
 II. boroughs have been ci'eated and annihilated, at the caprice of each succes- 
 sive monarch. The following will show at one view, the gradual alterations 
 in the representation of the people. 
 
 No. XII. 
 Shires axd Universities. 
 and preceding monarchs, 37 counties 
 
 No. of Membt-rs. 
 74 
 
 16 
 
 Edward I 
 
 Henrv VIIT \ shires of Chester and Monmouth ,.. 4 ) 
 
 ^ ■ " t 12 M'elsb counties, 1 member each ............12 S 
 
 James I the two universities .•.-.... 4 
 
 Charles II Durhaju county 5 
 
 Anne 30 Scotch counties, with one member each .. .. 30 
 
 George III. .. Irish con nly members , 64 
 
 Irish lunversity , ] 
 
 George IV..,., Yorkshire county , 2 
 
 193
 
 glance at past houses of commons. g23 
 
 Cities a\d Boroughs. 
 
 „ , .J 5 and preceding nionarcbs, created 78 boroughs, 7 ,^„ 
 
 Kdward 1 J ^^..^1^ 2 merabers each, and London with 4 J 
 
 Edward II.... created 6 borouglis, with 2 members each 12 
 
 -, , J I IT 5 created 9 boroughs, with 2 members each 18 7 ,,., 
 
 J:.U\vard ill. .. J restored 2 boroughs, with 2 members each 4$ 
 
 „ ,,j ( created 5 boroughs, with 2 members each 10 7 . 
 
 nenry > l ^ restored 2 boroughs, with 2 members each 4 J 
 
 A T\- 5 created 3 boroughs, with 2 members ep.ch 6 7 „ 
 
 i!.dwardl\. •• J restored 1 borough, with 2 merabers 2 J 
 
 t created 4 borouglis, with 2 members each 8 l 
 
 Henry VIII. ..? created 12 Welsh boroughs 1 member each 12 J 21 
 
 (r. created 1 borough, with 1 member I ) 
 
 „ , , ... 5 created 14 boroughs, with 2 members each 28 ) .^ 
 
 Kdward ^ 1. .. ^ restored 10 boroughs, with 2 members each 20 S 
 
 c created 7 boroughs, with 2 members each 14 i 
 Mary ? created 3 boroughs, with 1 member each 3 21 
 
 (^ restored 2 boroughs, with 2 members each 4 ) 
 p.. . . \ created 24 boroughs, with 2 members each 48 ^ .. 
 
 iUizabetU ^ restored 8 boroughs, with 2 members each 16 i 
 
 r created 3 boroughs, with 2 members each C i 
 
 James I J created I borough, with 1 member each 1 ^- 23 
 
 {. restored 8 boroughs, witli 2 members each 16 j 
 
 Charles I restored 9 boroughs, with 2 members each 18 
 
 Charles II created 2 boroughs, with 2 members each 4 
 
 Anne added 1.5 Scots boroughs 1 member each 15 
 
 George III. . . added 35 Irish cities and boroughs 35 
 
 46.5 
 
 RETROSPECTIVE GLANCE AT P.\ST HOUSES OF COMMONS. 
 
 Hence chartered boroughs are such public plagues, 
 
 And burgliers, men immaculate jierliaps 
 
 In all their private functions, once combined. 
 
 Become a loathsome body, only (it 
 
 P'or dissolution, hurtful to the main. — Cowper. 
 
 Ix the puerile debates on the East Retfonl bill, sir R. Peel took up a 
 sophism dropped by the late Mr. Canning ; namely, that however just 
 and expedient a reform in the representation might be, still he should 
 oppose it, since it would compromise the .safety of the monarchy. What 
 an argument to addre.ss to the United Kingdom ! Is the safety of the 
 Crown and the Ari.stocracy to be put in competition with the wishes and 
 welfare of twenty-four millions of people ; or, if we include the popu- 
 lation of the colonies and dependencies of the empire, with one hundred 
 and fifty millions ? The kingly oiKce is only a trust for the public 
 benefit, and the Peerage is instituted for a similar purpose : and shall 
 the prerogatives of the.se be made a pretext for withlioldins.- justice and 
 happiness from such an as.semblagc of human beings ? But we deny 
 either the Crown or Peerage would be compromi.sed by parliamcntar)'
 
 fJ24 r;l,ANCli AT I'AST lIorSKS OF COMMONS. 
 
 roform» between uliicli and a povcrnmeut of tlirce orders we cannot 
 discern an inherent incompatibility. Kvery community must have a 
 head : we i)refer a king to any other desij^nation, and between the mo- 
 narch and the commons an intermediate body may be interposed, without 
 (h'ranpin-- the harmony of the system or erecting a barrier to popular 
 rights. This intermediate body is the Peerage, or Aristocracy, and 
 ought to be a real aristocracy, consisting of the elite of society, 
 not deriving their functions from the accident of birth, but chosen, like 
 the judoos, /or /;'/>?. Such an innovation as this might compromise 
 tlie corruptions of monarchy and aristocracy, they might involve a re- 
 duction in the civil list, and in the pensions and unearned salaries of 
 the nobility; and it may be these Sir Robert contemplated ; but the loss 
 of them would not be greatly deplored by the people of England, so 
 long as the substance of the regal office and the legitimate functions of 
 nn uj)per chamber were preserved inviolate. It would relieve them at 
 least of the pain of beholding the descendants of statesmen, heroes, 
 and lawyers, dependent on sources of income which true nobility ought 
 to spurn. They inherit name, and fame, and rank, but no bread. A 
 poor lord is a poor thing, and the natural prey of a corrupt or ambitious 
 Minister. What will not a pauper peer, dependent on a paltry sinecure 
 or pension, with a foshionable wife and a crowd of infant nobility about 
 lier— very hungry, and what is worse, very capricious and luxurious — 
 do for quarter day ? 
 
 It may be truly said England has yet to establish a constitution. 
 France and America are the only countries which can answer the chal- 
 lenge — If you have a constitution produce it? An Englishman, if 
 asked, where is the constitution of wdiich you boast? must answer, it 
 exists by a sort of inference from what a half hundred hirelings have 
 written, and in which they all contradict each other, and are the 
 whole of them contradicted by daily practice in every transaction of 
 state. In every part the renovated French constitution, under king 
 Philip, is an improvement on the principles of the English government. 
 We shall select a few points of comparison. 
 
 The French charter is announced as the right of the people, not the 
 grant of the Crown. It abolishes the censorship of the press. Tlie 
 dramatic censorship exists in England in great rigour, and the powers 
 of the attorney-general are an indirect censorship — a suspended des- 
 potism — which, aided by the stamp-duties, and the law of securities, 
 fetter tlie freedom of discussion. The sittings of the two chambers are 
 declared {)ublic : the debates of our parliament are by law declared 
 secret, and are published only by connivance at the illegality. The 
 French deputies are elected only for five years, ours for seven. A con- 
 fiscation of goods is abolished; — in England, children may be attainted 
 in blood for the delinquencies of their parents, and punished by confis- 
 cation of their father's property. Peers in France cannot vote till they 
 are twenty-five years of age : in England they vote at twenty-one, and 
 by proxy, without hearing the discussion. Half the members must be 
 resident : in England, one- half the members have no knowledge of the
 
 COMPARATIVE WORKINGS OF TWO GOVERNMENTS. 625 
 
 boroughs they represent. The French government, without professing 
 to be of any religion, grants not only equal toleration, but equal provi- 
 sion for the maintenance of every Christian sect : the English govern- 
 ment adopts one creed, and subjects to neglect every other. In short, 
 the French constitution is, in all respects, what the English pretends 
 to be, except in the impossible theory of three equal and co- existing 
 branches of the legislature. In France, the commons are triumphant, 
 the peers subordinate, and the king only the premier, or first public 
 minister: in England, a surreptitious branch of the constitution has 
 been predominant — the boroughmongers. 
 
 To all complaints against our defective representation, INIr. Canning 
 had but one reply — It works well. Any government is better than no 
 government; and, consequently, they must all work well. It was time, 
 however, for that great Pacific Ocean, the English public, to look 
 about them, and see whether other governments did not work better. 
 While John Bull has been dozing under the political drug, it works 
 well, his more vigilant neighbours in France have laughed him to scorn, 
 and bravely achieved a government that works better. Having com- 
 pared the principles of the two governments, let us next compare, not 
 theories, charters, and paper-constitutions, but simply the working 
 well ; acknowledging, however, imprimis, that in workiny a people, 
 no government ever worked half so well as that of England. 
 
 Who docs not remember the incessant goadings in the house of com- 
 mons to acknowledge the free republics of South America, and the 
 sophistry, concealments, and shuffling to put oflf the recognition ? The 
 French government, before it was a month old, declared its recognition. 
 
 We have been chuckling and rejoicing over Mr. Fox's libel bill for 
 the last forty years. The French have at once determined that all 
 offences of the press shall be subject to the adjudication of a jury. 
 
 What nauseating debates have occurred session after session, to induce 
 the government to rescue the black population of our Colonies from a 
 brutal tyranny. The French have already given all the rights and 
 privileges of citizenship to their negroes, and are adopting measures for 
 the effective protection of the African race. 
 
 What eloquent and endless declamation there has been on the in- 
 creasing influence of the Crown, from the increased expenditure, and 
 the augmentation of the Peerage. Within a few days of its first 
 sitting, the French Chamber struck off the roll ninety-three peers of 
 the creation of C'harles X. and last year made a bolder step by the aboli- 
 tion of the hereditary right of legislation. 
 
 Every session has produced its exposure of jobs, which generate like 
 the polypus, and are quite as indestructible. The Dundas and Bathurst 
 and the South-American missions were the jobs of the Tories, and the 
 Plunket doings those of the Whigs. The French are subjecting their 
 pension-list, their dead weight, and the ecclesiastical and civil salaries 
 to rigid investigation and close curtailment. 
 
 Every session produced its scores of motions for economy, linancc 
 committees, judicial inquiries, and what not. Thev all eiuled in no- 
 
 '2 s
 
 ()2() HOUSE OF COMMONS A DEBATING CLUB. 
 
 tiling but bills of charges for commissioners, secretaries, office-keepers, 
 and so forth. The most ridiculous, and almost the last farce of the 
 Tories, was the mock trial of the East Retford electors, and the passing 
 laws to indemnify witnesses for their evidence in proof of corruption ! 
 
 Lastly, observe what the French have done in regard to capital punish- 
 ments. We have been nibbling for half a century at our savage treason 
 laws : in the session of 1830 an abortive attempt was made to abolish 
 capital punishment for forgery; the French have voted for the abolition 
 of the punishment of death for all political offences. 
 
 Instead of a working government, the Borough System has been the 
 laziest institution in the world for any purpose save evil doing — a mere 
 congerie of formalities, parade, and ostentation. The Parliament, for 
 a century, has been little better than a common debating club, where a 
 mob of gentlemen met, during the winter season, to spend their 
 evenings in cracking jokes and spouting nonsense. It has been mere 
 play at shuttlecock between the rival disputants, who, in alternately 
 changing from one side of the house to the other, have amused themselves 
 in reciprocally throwing back their opponents' arguments, phrases, and 
 opinions : all the time the nation has been looking on the logomachy 
 quite seriously, as if it were real business, instead of a sham fight — 
 harmless pastime for those who had no better employment : but the 
 game is up ! 
 
 ANALYSIS OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS ELECTED IN 1830, 
 
 Relations of peers 256 
 
 Placemen and pensioners 217 
 
 Officers in the army • 89 
 
 Officers in the navy 24 
 
 Lawyers 54 
 
 East India interests 62 
 
 West India interests 35 
 
 Bankers 33 
 
 Agricultural interests 356 
 
 Miscellaneous 51 
 
 Many of the members belonged to several classes or interests, and have been 
 enumerated in each, which swells the nominal number of individuals. It is 
 apparent that the vast majority were connected with the Peerage, the Army, Navy, 
 Courts of Law, Public Offices, and Colonies J and, in lieu of representing the 
 People, only represented those interests over which it is the constitutional object 
 of a real House of Conmions to exercise a watchful and efficient control .
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 INNS OF COURT AND CHANCERY. 
 
 In our chapter on Corporations we might have properly included a 
 short notice of the present state of the Inns of Court. They form in- 
 corporated foundations, originally intended for the study of the law and 
 advancement of legal science ; and grew out of th j violent contests be- 
 tween the clergy and laity respecting the introduction of the civil 
 law into this country, the former being anxious to make it the law 
 of the land, and the latter, with equal pertinacity, insisting on being- 
 goveined by the municipal or common law. As the clergy had the 
 control of the universities, the professors of the common law were ex- 
 cluded from them, and constrained to establish an university for them- 
 selves. This they did by purchasing, at various times, certain houses 
 and lands between the city of Westminster, the place of holding the 
 king's courts, and the city of London, for advantage of ready access to 
 the one, and plenty of provisions in the other. — Chit. Bl. C. 18. 
 Here they naturally fell into collegiate order — exercises were performed, 
 lectures read, and other immunities of the regular universities assumed. 
 After being established some time, the crown took them under pro- 
 tection ; and more eflfectually to encourage them, Henry HI. issued an 
 order, directed to the mayor and sheriffs of London, prohibiting law to 
 be taught any where else in the metropolis, except bj' these bodies. 
 He also formed the members of each inn or lodging house into a cor- 
 poration, and established rules for their regulation. The societies, feel- 
 ing their importance, began to exercise the privilege of bestowing rank 
 upon their students of a certain standing, and conferred the degrees of 
 barrister and serjeant, corresponding to those of bachelor and doctor in 
 the universities. 
 
 From Dugdale and Stow it appears James I. made a grant by letters 
 patent of the premises of the middle and inner temple to the benchers of 
 both societies, to have and to hold the same mansions, gardens, and ap- 
 purtenances, &c. to themselves, their heirs and assigns for ever, for 
 lodging, reception, and education of the professors mid students of the 
 laws of the realm, yielding and paying to the same king, &c. the sum 
 
 2 s 2
 
 (i-JS A I' 1' F.N 1)1 X. 
 
 of £10 a year for each of tlio temples. That a similar grant for the 
 same purpose wa.s made of (iray's Inn, by Henry VIII. for a rent of 
 £6 : K< : 4 ; that the fee simple of Lincoln's Inn was conveyed to the 
 benchers of that society, for the same object, in the reign of Elizabeth ; 
 that the fee simple of Clements Inn and Lyons Inn is vested in the 
 society of the Inner Temple ; that of the New Inn, in the Society of the 
 Middle Temple ; that of Barnard's Inn and Staple's Inn, in the society 
 of Gray's Inn ; that Thavio's Inn and Furnival's Inn belonged to the 
 Society of Lincoln's Inn. The latter was sold by that society a iew 
 years ago. Such is a brief outline of the origin and objects of the 
 inns of court and of chancery. To enter more minutely into the 
 history of these .societies would be foreign to our jmrpose ; our object in 
 stating the foregoing facts is to shew that these institutions were 
 founded for the purpose of promoting legal knowledge ; that the dif- 
 ferent estates above enumerated were conferred on the societies for the 
 advancement of that object ; that the mode prescribed for carrying it 
 into effect was by giving public instructions in the different inns, and 
 that such instructions were actually given at the period when those 
 estates were granted to the benchers. It is unnecessary to state that 
 the benchers have ever since been in the reception of the profits of 
 these estates, and that no legal instructions have for a long time been 
 given in the inns of court, or any measures adopted to direct the appli- 
 cation of those who may feel disposed to study. At the Inner Temple 
 the exercises are compounded for by the payment of money. In the 
 Middle Temple the form is observed, but with no real utilit)'. These 
 inns, with Gray's Inn and Lincoln's Inn, are the only societies the 
 members whereof are called to the bar. Admission to the inns of 
 chancery, which are Barnard's Inn, Staple's Inn, Furnival's Inn, 
 Lyon's Inn, Thavies' Inn, Clement's Inn, Clifford's Inn, and New Inn, 
 would now be of no avail in obtaining a call to the bar. 
 
 Two reasons may be assigned for th'S decline of the inns of court as 
 seminaries of legal instruction, First, the more eminent of the pro- 
 fession find it more advantageous to aspire to the receipt of the profit- 
 able fees in the courts of law, the possession of rich legal sinecures, and 
 the higher ofiices of state, than to devote themselves to the teaching the 
 principlesof judicial knowledge. The second reason we consider to be 
 that assigned by a writer in the Legal Examiner— namely, the irre- 
 sponsible character of the benchers, who, not being accountable for the 
 revenues at their disposal, feel no disposition to part with them, nor listen 
 to improvements which might disturb the exercise of their authority. 
 They also possess irresponsible power in conferring the degree of barrister, 
 and may even refuse to admit any person a student in the inns of 
 court, and cannot be compelled to assign reasons for such refusal 
 (King's Bench, M.T. 182.'3;: thus possessing authority arbitrarily to 
 exclude any individual from the most seductive department of the pro- 
 fession. 
 
 From the known character of many of the Benchers, it is a subject of 
 surprise the defective administration of the inns of court has so lone,-
 
 INNS or COUUT AND CIlANCIiUY. 
 
 629 
 
 escaped notice ; it can only have arisen from that esprit de corp which 
 usually renders individuals averse from any proceeding- which savours of 
 a betrayal of their own cast; and, if they be of a reforming- spirit, 
 induces them to apply to objects foreign or extraneous to their fraternity. 
 In the list of benchers of Lincoln's Inn we find the distinguished 
 name of Henry Brougham, synonymous with universal hostility to 
 abuses. There is also sir Thomas Denman, the cx-ofilcio prosecutor of 
 malversation and violated trusts by incorpoiatcd bodies. There is also 
 the celebrated Jeremy Bentham, w^ho has devoted a long- life to the task 
 of legal improvement, not only in this but most other countries. Those 
 eminent individuals, we doubt not, are wholly guiltless of participation 
 in the mal-administration of their brethren ; perhaps there are few 
 subjects with which they are so little acquainted. The government ot 
 the inns of court, we suspect, like that of the city companies and most 
 corporations, has fallen into the hands of a few intriguers, or of those 
 who have no higher or more lucrative objects of ambition. But this is 
 no justification of the .specific abuses of the law establishments. The 
 benchers are self-elected bodies, accountable to no superior, consisting 
 of about one hundred and twenty individuals, in the receipt, it has been 
 calculated, of £00,000 a year, granted to them in trust to promote 
 legal knowledge, yet not one shilling of these revenues do they expend 
 in forwarding that object. This is quite as bad as the Gresham lectures 
 in the city ; it is a state of things that ought not to pass uninvestigated : 
 every student, we apprehend, who is entered of the inns of court, is a 
 shareholder in the funds of the society to which he belongs, and may 
 rightfully demand that they shall be adniinistered in the advancement of 
 these ends for which they were originally granted. 
 
 Some years ago sir .Tames Scarlett had a project on foot for laising 
 the scholastic and other qualifications of a.spirants to the bar. Should 
 tliis design still be entertained, an improvement in the institutions ot 
 the inns of court, and the administration of the revenues, might be 
 rendered auxiliary to the proposed undertaking. If it be true, that 
 out of one thousand and fifty-four barristers there are only twenty 
 capable of filling the situation of puisne judge, it is high tinu.' some 
 change was introduced, both for the advantage of the conuiuinity and 
 legal students. With such a limited number of individuals qualified for 
 judicial appointments, the choice of Ministers is restricted, and the 
 salaries of the judges maintained at a monopoly standard. 
 
 TUINITY COLLEGE, DfULlN.* 
 
 TiiK revenues of" The College of the Holy and undivided Trinity of 
 Queen Elizabeth, near Dublin" are ke])t so masonically secret, that, up 
 
 * \\ V have received llie arcouiit of this institution iVoiii a c-<irros|)(>tuleiit 
 in Dublin, well known in Hint city ami also to tin- I'.nglisli Public. N\ illi rt;- 
 spe( I to its Hcturncy, we can only .say, thai wi- \\\\\ pioniptly correct any error 
 that innv be i)oinle(l out iVoni an autlienlic source ; but at llio satno time wo 
 vvarntlie Collcj;e that partial contrailiclion.s, ruia( < onipanied by plain statements 
 of iuconic and expenditure, can do no service to tlial eblab|i>inncnl.
 
 (i'M) AI'Pl.MlIX. 
 
 to tliis hour, all is mystery without. Conjectures and statements have 
 been, at diflVrcnt tiiiios, made by men supposed to be capable of judging-, 
 and who liad graduated within the blessed precincts, but they are all 
 vague and uncertain. A general opinion is, that the land revenues are 
 about £00,000 a year, and that the profit on the board and lodging of the 
 fellow commoners and pensioners, fees, fines, and other sources of income, 
 pay 8o much of the expenses as to leave £30,000 or, as some think, 
 £40,000 surplus. One account has been published, stating that it had in 
 one county alone (Armagh) 60,000 acres, but that a good part was let so 
 low as 6s. per acre. Those old leases are, however, occasionally drop- 
 ping, and of course increasing the college revenue. It has also very 
 good estates in Donegal and Kerry, estimated, some fifteen or twenty 
 years ago at upwards of £15,000 rent. Besides, it possesses many ex- 
 cellent Dublin holdings in ground rents and houses, that are all valuable. 
 It was James I. who gave the Ulster estates, and also a pension of 
 £358:15. In your list of composition tithes (page 148) Trin. Col. 
 Dub. is sprinkled here and there, but that is nothing to the actual pre- 
 sentation which it holds as a matter of right, and dispenses at pleasure. 
 A writer, evidently favourable to the college, says that it has nineteen 
 benefices of from £500 to £1000 a year, and that their value is con- 
 stantly increasing. That was thirty years ago — what must they be 
 worth now ? 
 
 There are seven senior and eighteen junior fellows. The latter, who 
 are the teachers, have, it is said, £400 (some say £500) a year, with 
 lodging and commons (board) ; but they make from £800 to £1000, and 
 even above £1800 more by tuition ; for all the students, whether intern 
 or extern, must pay for that separately, and they can choose their own 
 teacher, though great efforts were made to deprive them of that right. 
 Some restrictions would, however, be judicious, as I shall hereafter 
 shew. The charges for tuition will be noticed in another place. 
 
 The senior fellows have, it is said, £1000 (some say £1200) a year, 
 a church living in some particular cases, and a lucrative post or two, as 
 vice-provost; bursar, librarian, and catechist (here are three); senior 
 proctor ; senior dean and auditor, &c. &c. ; though these were for- 
 merly distinct places. The junior fellows also hold places like the 
 senior, though less valuable, as registrar, censor, junior dean, junior 
 proctor, sub-librarian, professorships, assistant ditto, morning lecturers, 
 preachers, &c. &c. 
 
 ^^ e now come to the door, for we can get no farther, of the grand 
 arcanum. Those seven senior fellows with the provost form the actual 
 government of the college, and it is believed that none else are let into 
 the mysteries of revenue, and that until a junior gets to be a senior, 
 which he one day devoutly expects, he is not entrusted with the grand 
 secret, which has been kept with a fidelity almost unexampled. The 
 question then is, what is done with the alleged surplus ? Here we non- 
 masons are all left to guesses, and I can only tell you what people 
 think. No one supposes that any of the junior fellows get much of it — 
 mdpod, the popular opinion is, they get none ; because if they did they 
 would not work so hard as they do"at tuition. The common opinion is.
 
 TRINITV COLLEGK, DUBLIN. 
 
 631 
 
 that (I good part is shared amongst the senior government ; and surely, 
 ii' this be false, it would be very easy for the college to disi)rove what 
 brings it into, perhaps, unmerited disrepute. While the public arc left 
 to mere conjecture, they will inevitably believe in the worr>t reports. 
 
 Let it not be thought by Englishmen, that Trinity College, Dublin, 
 is merely a local Irish subject, with which they have no concern. 
 If " what every one says must be true," it is the wealthiest uni- 
 versity in the world, although it has scarcely 2000 students, while 
 Oxford and Cambridge together have nearly 10,000. and it is the 
 duty of English members to bring the subject under parliamentary 
 investigation. Concealment in one great instance sanctions it in 
 another, and it is this that leads to such abuses and misapplica- 
 tions of the public money. We know how the honest portion of 
 the London press advocated secrecy in the Bank of England, when, 
 a few years ago, a wish was expressed for a yearly expose similar 
 to the Bank of Paris. Old Trinity, like the church, always ap- 
 pears to be much hurt by the frequent guesses at her wealth ; but, until 
 we have an authentic statement, it is natural for the public to presume 
 that its income is enormous, and that a vast portion of it is not applied 
 as intended. Why not set all those conjectures, that it would call ma- 
 licious, or ill founded — why not set them at rest for ever by a candid 
 statement ? The public have a right to such statement, for the college 
 is endowed v.ith the property of the nation, no matter by what name, 
 royal grants or othenvise, it might have been given ; and parliament has 
 also lavished large sums in the buildings at diflerent times. While au- 
 thentic information is unattainable by the public, can they be blamed 
 for believing in the worst reports ? Can they be blamed for believing 
 that there is something which will not bear the light ? The college 
 threatens actions — that is the way it answers charges. About four years 
 ago the Freeman's Journal ventured on some animadversions, but it was 
 silenced by a threat of law proceedings. Now this never did any thing for 
 a public establishment but to excite and confirm suspicion, hatred, and 
 disgust, nor will it ever make people believe in the purity of the college. 
 What though the directors are all in holy orders, they are but men, and 
 therefore peccable. The charter of Charles I. granted in lieu of Eliza- 
 beth's, requires that the bursar give in, on the '20th November in each 
 year, an accurate account of all receipts and disbursements, and copy 
 same into a book. Now that book is kept — else the charter is void. 
 " Show, show, show " (Macbeth). That would be the proper way to 
 answer alleged libels. 
 
 Old Trinity is, like the church, so very tenacious of change in techni- 
 cals, that it is still " near" Dublin, though it has been above a century 
 in it, and is now more in the centre of our city than Ludgatc-hill is in 
 l/)ndon. This very absurdity would form cogent grounds for a new 
 and improved charter for Trinity College in Dublin, there being now no 
 such thing as Trinity College near Dublin. There is sometliing more 
 than humour in this remark, and I wish it to be taken very seriously. 
 
 Yet, still, like the church. Old Trinity permits changes beneficial to 
 revenue. In 1793 Catholics were admitted as students iu this orthodox
 
 (','32 Al'I'KNOlX. 
 
 ustablLslimoiit, wliich assuredly was a gTcat innovation on its unsullied 
 I'rotr.stant charter. No matter for that— it materially served the fiscal 
 (lopartmcnt, for the students, who had been fluctuating between 5 and 
 700, rose in a few years to 1000, and are now nearly 2000. But 
 again — there were then fifteen junior fellows or teachers for 500, and 
 now there arc ])ut three additional for three times the number. What 
 prodi<;ious s])irit and liberality ! Their labours are indeed so great, that 
 even an archbishop of Dublin, in defending the University from the 
 charge of " silent sisteu," did not hesitate to declare them excessive. 
 II is grace clearly showed that they left the teachers no leisure for au- 
 thor.sjiii), but it did not occur to him at the time, that he was making 
 a heavy charge against the college itself, which the worthy prelate 
 otherwise treats with all the tenderness due to a high-church-loving 
 establishment. The charter sets no limit to the number of junior fel- 
 lows, and Charles began with nine, " in the name of more," when there 
 were not, perha])S, 100 students. 
 
 The following are some extracts of yearly salaries and charges from 
 the charter: — 
 
 Provost, £100 ; senior fellow, £9. 13.4.; junior fellow, £3; cate- 
 chist, £13. 6. 8.; sub-dean, £4; junior ditto, £2; lecturer, £4; 
 bursar, £10 ; librarian, £3. With lodging- and commons. 
 
 Scholars. — Natives, £3, not natives 10s. With lodging and commons. 
 
 The junior fellows or teachers not to charge more for tuition than £4 
 for a fellow commoner, £2 for a pensioner, and 20s. for a sizer. 
 
 College to be charged no more than 4s. 4jC?. a week for the commons 
 of a fellow, and Is. 9hd. for a scholar. This was fixed by George II., 
 who also raised the salary of the librarian to £60, to Avhich office he 
 attached great importance and responsibility ; but he left all other 
 salaries and charges as in the charter. No official mention of sub- 
 librarian appears any w here. 
 
 Having given these very necessary extracts, we must now speak 
 particularly of scholars and sizers. Scholars are deserving students, 
 not lower than junior sophister, who stand an examination in logic, and 
 though the post cannot be held beyond the five years, and the advan- 
 tages are very trifling, it is eagerly sought. What must we then think 
 of Old Trinity's liberality, when the number is still but 70, as fixed 
 by Charles ? Yes, this college, which has made such numerous bye- 
 laws and changes for renewal and other purposes, here sticks religiously 
 to the charter ! Do we wish them to break it ? No, but we wish no 
 partial observances. Ix^t it be either " the whole charter, and nothing 
 but the charter," or let the deviations be generally liberal. The provost 
 and senior fellows know full well, that leave would be readily granted to 
 increase the scholars, and why not here apply to government ? But we 
 have more to say about the scholars, and shall leave them for the present, 
 in order to notice the sizers. 
 
 The free students or sizers were directed, by the statutes of Charles, 
 to be used as servants, to wait at table, feed on the fragments, and do 
 menial ofiices in tiie college. Of the baseness, the meanness, and the 
 cruelty of this, we cannot form a just estimation without recollecting
 
 TRINITY COLLEGE, DUBLIN. 633 
 
 that they were Protestants — were they Papists, the thing might find a 
 justification in the persecuting spirit of the times, but we have seen that 
 none were admitted till 1793. Can we possibly imagine any mode of 
 giving charity more revolting or detestable ? Is it not something like 
 inhumanly flinging our alms in the face of the humble niendicant ? A 
 show is made of fostering indigent talent, while it is wounded and 
 repressed by the bitterest mortification that can be well conceived. This 
 ■was Charles's refined notion of rearing up spirited Protestants, who were 
 afterwards to declaim against the slavish and degrading institutions of 
 popery. Yet, on a vacancy occurring, it is common to have 150 
 candidates, who must already know more Greek and Latin than is 
 necessary for a Jiliics nobilis to obtain a degree at Oxford. The best 
 answerer in a most severe examination is admitted ; and he, though a 
 mere boy, has often sufficient lore to qualify, as times go, for a classical 
 professor. It is but justice, however, to say that, about the beginning 
 of the present century, the college relaxed a great deal of its authorised 
 severity towards those interesting objects, from whose ranks have sprung 
 some of the finest geniuses that could adorn any country'. Yet the 
 number is still but thirty, as originally fixed by Charles ! O the 
 charter — how beautifully inviolable it appears in some cases ! So, then, 
 the scholars must never exceed seventy, nor the sizers thirty, no matter 
 how the college revenues augment ! 
 
 Come we now to some most important considerations. No one will 
 maintain that the salaries of Charles, though doubtless liberal enough at 
 the time, would answer for the present day. Accordingly, we find, on 
 the authority of T. Swift, of whom we shall have occasion to speak 
 hereafter, that thirty-seven years ago the provost had £3000, the 
 bursar £2000, and the junior fellows £90. Look now to preceding page, 
 and it will be seen that the first and last exhibit an increase of exactly 
 thirty fold, and the Imrsar two hundred fold, over the charter salaries. 
 And if it be true that the junior fellows have now £400, that is an in- 
 crease of one hundred and thirty-three fold. Now, how were these 
 augmentations made ? Through bye-laws, no doubt ; but why not keep 
 ceteris paribus in view. Why keep the scholars to the now miserable 
 allowances of Charles? Answer that. Tell us why, at only taking 
 thirty fold as a standard, they are not allowed £90 a-year ; for they are 
 now, perhaps, all natives ? Tell us whether Is. 9d. a week is not still, 
 in some cases, the calculation for their commons ; and tell us, is there 
 no more than 4s. 4.Jd. for that of a fellow ? 
 
 Look again to former page for tuition. The charge for a pen- 
 sioner now is, entrance (of which there is no mention in the charter) 
 £14 : 5 : 0, and £G : 8 : for first half year, and it goes on rising 
 according to class, I have not ascortiiined, precisely, the charges for a 
 fellow commoner, but I find that they are considerably higher. So 
 much for the sacred charter and tuition. I do not know what is now 
 allowed for the sizers, but, as there are not two a piece for the teachers, 
 it is of no consequence. 
 
 All the fellows, " big and little," are, with the cxcei)tiou of three,
 
 (j;j4 A I' 1' 1, N b 1 X . 
 
 obligod to be priested, in order to fill up the college benefices as they 
 become vacant. Wc are now approaching some of the university mys- 
 teries. No institution has succeeded so well in getting- favourable reports 
 in l)ooks as this. Look into any of the most independent English works 
 fluit mention Trinity College, Dublin, and you would suppose it faultless 
 as any thing human could be expected; but the truth is, that they have 
 all been deceived for want of authentic information. The only attempt 
 worth notice, at a fearless expose, of which I have heard, was by a 
 gentleman named Theophilus Swift, in a pamphlet published 1794, which 
 is now out of print and very scarce. He brings numerous grave charges 
 against the entire college system, and particularly as regarding not only 
 education, but competency for tuition. Those I shall pass, but he 
 makes one accusation of great importance, — that mulcts and fines were 
 vexatiously multiplied on the pupils, so as to amount to no less than 
 £8000 a-year, " which was all swept into the fobs of the felloAvs." For 
 this, and, particularly observe, for this only, he was served with notice 
 of an action for " libel." Sv.ift called for a fair account of receipts and 
 disbursements, and this is the way that he is answered ! He also states 
 that a living worth £1000 a-year was refused by eight junior fellows, 
 and was only accepted by the ninth in rotation, because he wished a 
 quiet life. See what an answer this is to the authentic accounts we read, 
 of a senior fellowship being- worth "perhaps" £1000 a-year, and a 
 junior " perhaps" £700 or £800 a-year, when £1000 was actually 
 spurned at by a junior near forty years ago. To us, in Dublin, such 
 accounts are quite mawkish — they appear, at best, like the miracle of 
 the five loaves and fishes, when we see senior fellows keeping splendid 
 town mansions, beautiful countiy seats, carriages, livery servants, and 
 living altogether at a rate immeasurably above our notions of a thousand 
 a-yeai-. The fact is that we know nothing of fellowship incomes, for the 
 whole machinery is managed with admirable dexterity. Thus the pre- 
 sent (now the late) provost, Kyle, has accepted the bishopric of Cork, 
 estimated at £6000 a-year, and, of course, that would seem to say that 
 the provostship was not worth so much. We have seen what Swift says of 
 the salary, and there is, besides, a princely mansion, with all the other 
 nameless &c.'s, and the place is at this day so valuable, that some 
 carry their estimates as high as £8,000 or £10,000 a-year. Why, 
 then, accept one of only a-third the amount ? In explaining this, it is 
 necessary to observe that the patronage of the Cork see is said to be worth 
 from £10,000 to £30,000 a-year,— no contemptible source for a family 
 provision ; but suppose it had no patronage, the new bishop does not 
 calculate on remaining there always. There is, you know, such a thing 
 as translation — you, jNIr. E<litor, as a learned man, understand that. 
 So, if a senior fellow is vacated to accept a living of £1000 a-year, 
 it is no proof that his fellowship was not worth above treble. But these 
 apparent phenomena help to silence the vulgar inquirer, who under- 
 standeth not translation, collation, or the beauties of Christian-like 
 oxpoctaucy. 
 
 We can now plainly see that Trinity College, Dublin, is, in essence and
 
 TRINITY (OLLEGK, DUBLIN. 635 
 
 substance, a church establishment, and some light on its political character 
 may be interesting. The suppression of the celebrated Historical Society, 
 that produced so many great men, is well known, and I shall only observe 
 that, about sixteen or eighteen years ago, Locke on Government was 
 expelled to make room for Butler's Analogy of revealed Religion. You 
 know the two works, Mr. Editor, and you can judge of the spirit that 
 actuates the only university in a country with eight millions of in- 
 habitants. 
 
 No Catholic can remain in college after he have finished his course, 
 as he cannot be a scholar, nor be admitted to a higher degree than 
 Bachelor of Arts. 
 
 None but the provost, fellows, and scholars, have a vote for the 
 parliamentary representative. 
 
 From all these considerations, the following are among some improve- 
 ments that naturally suggest themselves : — 
 
 1 . That the real yearly reA'enue of the college, in lands and otherwise, 
 and from fines, entrance, or other fees, board and lodging of fellow 
 commoners and pensioners, tuitions, &c. and the total expenditure, say 
 for ten years last past, be published. This is necessary, to inspire con- 
 fidence and respect ; for no one can conceive why there should be any 
 secrecy in the pecuniary concerns of a national establishment, 
 assuredly for the advancement of learning. 
 
 2. That, if any surplus appear over and above a reasonable fund for 
 contingencies of building or repairing, it should, in the first instance, be 
 applied to giving the scholars the increased allowances to which they are 
 as fairly entitled as the provost and fellows. 
 
 3. That, after adjusting the rights of the scholars, any further sur- 
 plus should be applied to extending the sizers to one hundred — a num- 
 ber which would still be by no means proportioned to other augmenta- 
 tions. The scholars, too, should be increased, but not until after tho 
 sizers were one hundred. And a charge, now exacted from tho sizers 
 for lodging, not mentioned in the charter, should be abolished. 
 
 4. That the number of junior fellows should be regulated bv that of 
 the students, which would be very easy ; for if they decreased, a vacant 
 junior fellowship need not bo filled up. None of them to have less than 
 a certain number of pupils, say fifty, and while that remained uncom- 
 pleted, no new student should be allowed to choose his teacher. Such a 
 regulation would be found most equitable and serviceable. 
 
 5. That the junior, or, at least, the senior sophisters have the right of 
 voting for a parliamentary representative for the college. 
 
 (). That Catholics should be eligible to scholarshijjs. For fellowships, 
 the church being the fountain of college promotion, I do not tiiiuk they 
 could or would expect a participation, as the constitution of tho esta- 
 blishment should be entirely changed to allow their admission : but to 
 scholarships there cannot be any reasonable objection. 
 
 I now tell the college that petulant or dogmatical contradictions, 
 or actions at law, will avail nothing, while the whole revenue and 
 disbursement are unknown to the public. A new charter and statutes
 
 fi3^) A P l» ENDI X . — 1- A li MA M !• NT A 11 V If K PRESENTATION. 
 
 for Trinity Collcf^c ik Dublin, should certainly be recommended to 
 parliament. We shall, no doubt, hear a great deal oi fudye about the 
 8n( icduf'ss of charters, but that is mere fustian, with the precedent of 
 Cliarlcs before xin, who did nothing less than abrogate the original of 
 l^lizalicth — with the example of George II., who altered as much as he 
 thought proper of Charles's; and, finally, with the admission of Catholics 
 by the act of an Irish parliament, and which was rather aided than 
 opposed by the college, as could be easily demonstrated. An improved 
 charter would ultimately serve the college itself, by making it a popular 
 and respected establishment, instead of being, as it now is, an object of 
 suspicion, monopoly, and unfavourable report, and one of which the 
 public are ready to believe the very worst rumours. 
 
 PARLIAMENTARY REPRESENTATION. 
 
 Return of the population, according to the census of 1821 and 1831, 
 of all towns or cities in Ewjland, exceeding a population of ten thou- 
 sand, to which it is not intended by the Reform Bill to give repre- 
 sentatives. 
 
 Population 
 in 1821. 
 
 City or Town. 
 
 Lancashire : 
 
 Toxteth Park 12,829 
 
 Spotland 13,453 
 
 Middlesex : 
 
 Chelsea 26,860 
 
 Kensington 14,428 
 
 Staffordshire : 
 
 Kingswinford 1 1 ^022 
 
 Tipton 11^546 
 
 Yorkshire : 
 
 Saddleworth 13 902 
 
 Population 
 in 1831. 
 
 24,067 
 15,325 
 
 32,371 
 20,902 
 
 15,156 
 14,951 
 
 15,986
 
 HEADS OF PUBLIC EXTENniTURE. 
 
 637 
 
 
 w 
 
 J, 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 __ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 rx 
 
 >-= s 
 
 ■a '?)' 
 
 ♦ 
 
 o 
 
 
 CT 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 •^ 
 
 g 
 
 ilH 
 
 i 0> 
 
 t^ 
 
 o 
 
 
 t^ 
 
 
 J\ 
 
 
 
 
 <o 
 
 1- 
 
 
 "" 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6-^=.= 
 
 2 
 
 •*■ 
 
 2 
 
 
 V> 
 
 
 s 
 
 
 
 
 
 » 
 
 <: X 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 f — — -T* 
 
 ^ S 
 
 s 
 
 S 
 
 
 s 
 
 
 « 
 
 
 
 
 ir> 
 
 O 
 
 ct;s5 
 
 o> 
 
 ♦ 
 
 - 
 
 
 ■<:. 
 
 
 *;. 
 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 1 
 
 ^•=^2 
 
 s 
 
 2 
 
 •o 
 
 
 00 
 
 
 o< 
 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 * = 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 », i 
 
 
 
 
 /^•^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 „ \.. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 r" 
 
 
 
 ~t 
 
 2-5 
 
 rw 
 
 
 
 
 -*> 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 -«^ 
 
 ■^^=^ 
 
 -c " 
 
 =^ 
 
 o 
 
 
 ■~ 
 
 
 £ : 
 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 tV-fi 
 
 «■ ^ 
 
 00 
 
 o 
 
 
 „ 
 
 
 C-. 
 
 
 
 
 
 - 
 
 
 
 *" 
 
 
 
 
 
 "" 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 li'H 
 
 S 
 
 1 
 
 « 
 
 
 o« 
 
 
 ?• 
 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 -« ? 
 
 £ 
 
 o 
 
 
 » 
 
 
 S 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 h||s 
 
 t; 
 
 S 
 
 V/ 
 
 
 rf^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 -n 
 
 • u _: I. 
 
 
 
 
 /-" 
 
 
 ^N 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 i=!??i d. 
 
 ■6 o 
 
 
 
 w 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 0< 
 
 II lliicii 
 
 •i «A 
 
 
 
 CV 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ♦ 
 
 ccs = "« = :;s^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 « 
 
 H^^^wi 
 
 
 
 
 s 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 |2^«i-E='1>.2 
 
 " 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 K"«w = 3 5 a 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 «3 " = a a. > 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 rt -, ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ■? oj 
 
 ■i = 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 C 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 = 
 
 -5 = 
 
 •i O 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 O 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 = 
 
 v^|2 
 
 2 
 
 r. 
 
 J 
 
 
 — 
 
 
 
 
 S 
 
 g 
 
 
 
 lO 
 
 " C t. 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 C-, 
 
 «g.= S 
 
 ^ 1 
 
 f. 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 sf 
 
 § 
 
 
 
 sf 
 
 ^5 "- 
 
 
 IC 
 
 •r 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ic^ 
 
 
 
 
 c<_ 
 
 
 
 
 
 c" 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ~r 
 
 l^^>- 
 
 •- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 • ■* 
 
 
 o 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 Cl 
 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 c^ 
 
 
 
 •a 
 
 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 - t^ 
 
 t^ 
 
 o 
 
 0^ 
 
 
 « 
 
 o 
 
 
 a< 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 o< 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 o 
 
 (C 
 
 c 
 
 
 § 
 
 
 
 V- 
 
 
 1^ 
 
 
 
 s 
 
 •^ 
 
 s 
 
 
 
 
 IC 
 
 
 
 
 
 oe 
 
 
 •rt 
 
 
 
 
 •3 
 
 ~ 
 
 '^ 1 
 
 i 
 
 »- 
 
 5 
 
 
 i 
 
 s 
 
 
 '~ 
 
 
 
 J- 
 
 T 
 
 C"3 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 ic 
 
 
 
 
 t^ 
 
 
 lO 
 
 
 
 
 
 S = 
 
 
 lO 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 - 
 
 
 
 
 
 <s 
 
 
 
 
 «? 
 
 c 5" 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 <g 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 -^ 
 
 
 •c ~ 
 
 c 
 
 c 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 IC 
 
 
 c 
 
 
 t- 
 
 H"™ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 s 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 r- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 < 
 
 r? 
 
 
 Oi o 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 00 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 ■* 
 
 
 
 
 »r 
 
 c 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 (r 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 'H S 
 
 s 
 
 S £ 
 
 
 
 
 
 g 
 
 
 f t: 
 
 
 
 
 t- e 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 t^ ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 t* 
 
 
 
 
 a? 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 r~^ 
 
 Nv. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 m 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 
 B 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ■a 
 
 
 ^^ 
 
 
 j^ 
 
 
 
 
 j 
 
 
 
 
 
 'n 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 C/5 
 
 
 
 
 
 >. 
 
 
 
 
 X 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 t 
 
 
 O 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 c 
 
 
 c 
 
 •c 
 
 ; 
 
 
 g 
 
 S 
 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 
 c 
 
 o 
 
 
 o 
 
 « 
 
 > 
 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 
 
 j 
 
 
 c 
 r 
 
 "z 
 C 
 
 S 
 
 ; c« 
 
 
 ; •s 
 
 
 c 
 
 
 c 
 e 
 
 (. 
 ■j 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 i 

 
 638 Al'l'KNDIX. 
 
 SUMS F.xi'KNDra) undf.ii Tin: hf.at) or civil roxTiXGF.NCiES 
 
 IN 1831. 
 
 The amount expended for furniture, ironmongery, &c. for White- 
 hall Ciiapel, apartments of the officers of the guards, and for 
 
 the Tower, in the three quarters ended June 30, 1831 £'33G 
 
 Ditto for robes, collars, badges, &c. for knights of the several 
 
 orders, in the same period 2578 
 
 Ditto for repairing the King's crown, maces, badge, &c., gold 
 and silver sticks, officers attending proclamation of His Ma- 
 jesty's accession, in the same period 511 
 
 Ditto for plate supplied to Lord Melbourne, upon his appointment 
 
 as secretary of state, in the quarter ended 30th June 1831 • • 488 
 The commission for inquiring into the state of His Majesty's set- 
 tlements, the Cape of Good Hope, Ceylon and Mauritius •• 14830 
 The commission for inquiring into fees in the courts of justice ; 
 
 on account of remuneration and expenses 3662 
 
 The commission for inquiring into the law of real property; on 
 
 account of expenses 1 044 
 
 The commission for inquiring into the practice, &c. of the eccle- 
 siastical courts ....€ 1 639 
 
 The commission for carrying into effect the convention signed at 
 Ix>ndon on the 29th September 1827, between His Majesty 
 and the United States of America, stipulating the reference 
 to the arbitration of a friendly sovereign, of the disputed points 
 of boundary under the 5th article of the Treaty of Ghent • • • • 3000 
 The commission for carrying into effect certain stipulations rela- 
 tive to the demarcation of the boundaries of the neAv state of 
 Greece, agreed upon between the plenipotentiaries of the 
 allied powers, parties to the treaty signed at London on the 
 
 6th July 1827 • 962 
 
 The amount paid on account of R. Lander's late expedition of 
 
 discovery to Africa 853 
 
 The amount paid for relief of certain distressed Spanish subjects 
 residing in this country, wholly without the means of subsis- 
 tence, who had been employed with the British army, or under 
 British authorities in Spain, or who had otherwise rendered 
 
 service to our military operations in that country 12420 
 
 Expense of creating Admiral sir James Saumarez a baron of 
 
 the United Kingdom, in reward for public services 556 
 
 T. Wyon, esq. chief engraver of His Majesty's Mint, for en- 
 graving great and other seals for the courts of Exchequer, 
 &c., and for silver medals for native chiefs on the River 
 Gambia 1428
 
 CIVIL CONTINGENCIES. 039 
 
 The amount issued to C. Babbage, to enable liim to proceed in 
 
 constructing a machine for the calculation of various tables £2000 
 
 Ditto to defray the expenses incurred in publishing the natural 
 
 history of the late expedition to Behring's Straits 236 
 
 Ditto to J. Richards, for salary to himself and clerk, and for tra- 
 velling and other contingent expenses of his mission of survey 
 in North America • • c 1600 
 
 Ditto to pay the fees on the nomination of certain oflScers to be 
 Honorary Knights Commanders and Companions of the Order 
 of the Bath 210 
 
 Ditto to pay the fees on the installation of his serene Highness 
 Augustus William Maximilian Frederick Lewis, reigning 
 Duke of Brunswick, Knight Companion of the most noble 
 Order of the Garter 439 
 
 Ditto to pay the fees on the nomination of Count Munster, to be 
 a Knight Grand Cross of the most honourable Order of the 
 Bath 330 
 
 Ditto ditto for the maintenance and care of two incurable lunatics, 
 
 for three years to 5th April 1831 300 
 
 Ditto ditto in removing the records belonging to the court of 
 common pleas, from Westminster Hall to the Old Mews, 
 Charing-cross •' 849 
 
 Ditto to the minister and churchwarden of St. James's, in the 
 
 island of Nevis, towards erection of a church there 500 
 
 Ditto to Dr. J. Bowring, in reimbursement of the expenses in- 
 curred by him and in remuneration for his services in reporting 
 upon the public accounts of France 908 
 
 Ditto to T. Telford, to defray expenses already incurred in his 
 sur\'ey for supplying the metropolis with pure water, and to 
 enable him to proceed with the same 1000 
 
 Ditto to defray the expenses incurred on account of, and for ser- 
 vices connected with the Cholera Morbus 1934 
 
 Ditto to defray the expenses incurred in England and Scotland, 
 in procuring information relative to the boundaries of difi'erent 
 cities and boroughs 6623 
 
 Ditto to T. Marshall, to enable him to complete a series of sta- 
 tistical tables of the resources of the British empire • 500 
 
 Ditto to pay rew ards offered by His INIajesty's proclamation of the 
 23d November 1830, for the discovery, ^'c. of the offenders in 
 the districts at that time in a disturbed state, and to discharge 
 expenses connected therewith 32000 
 
 His excellency the Marquess of Anglesey, the usual equipage 
 
 money allowed the lord lieutenant on his arrival in Ireland • • 2769 
 
 Right honourable lord Plunket, lord chancellor of Ireland, the 
 
 like on his appointment • 923 
 
 N. B. We have only extracted a few of the items ; the total expeutli- 
 ture under the head of civil contingences in 1831, was £174,057.
 
 (;40 DF.An WEIGHT. 
 
 An Account of the Sum paid in 1829, for Half Pay and Retired 
 Supcrannuatod Allowances ; distinguishing the amount under separate 
 lloadfl and Departments. 
 
 AUMV. 
 
 Army pay of general officers 140,302 12 G 
 
 Retired full pay, half pay, and military allow- 
 ances 8G6,431 12 7 
 
 Militia adjutants and Serjeant majors 11,202 17 G 
 
 Local militia adjutants 17,205 14 
 
 Out-pensioners of Chelsea and Kilmainham 
 
 hospitals 1,328,797 7 1 
 
 In-pensioners of do. do. 40,215 9 
 
 Widows' pensions 151,220 5 9 
 
 Compassionate list 37,592 5 
 
 Royal bounties 34,501 9 
 
 Pensions for wounds 119,167 17 7 
 
 Foreign half-pay 79,067 13 8 
 
 Foreign pensions, including allowances to 
 widows and children of deceased foreign 
 
 officers 18,712 10 
 
 Superannuation allowances 48,462 19 
 
 Commissariat 46,545 5 9 
 
 Royal military asylum 345 13 9 
 
 2,939,890 15 8 
 
 NAVY. 
 
 HALF-PAY : 
 
 To flag-officers, captains, commanders, lieu- 
 tenants, pursers, masters, and surgeons . . 824,504 6 4 
 To royal marine officers 51,113 2 10 
 
 son: RANNUATIONS, PENSIONS, AND ALLOWANCES : 
 
 To officers, &c. in the military line of service 127,174 16 S 
 
 To commissioners, secretaries, clerks, &c. for- 
 merly employed in the civil departments of 
 tl>enavy 130,518 7 11 
 
 Victualling department 33,331 12 G 
 
 Bounty to chaplains 1372 10 
 
 Allowances to widows and orphans on the 
 
 compassionate list 12 808 
 
 Widows' charity 148,'327 
 
 Greenwich hospital, out-pensioners 250,000 
 
 1,579,149 10
 
 DEAD WEIGHT. 641 
 
 ORDNANCE. 
 
 MILITARY : 
 
 Superannuated and half-pay officers £;)5,118 
 
 Retired as general officers 13,039 
 
 Allowances for good services 5,090 
 
 Pensions in remuneration for inventions and 
 
 improvements in artillery service 1,200 
 
 Superannuated and disabled men 189,001 
 
 Pensions to wounded officers 7,393 
 
 Pensions to widows and children 22,910 
 
 Retired officers of the late Irish artillery and 
 
 engineers, and pensions to widows 8,590 
 
 CIVIL : 
 
 Superannuated and half-pay to civil officers, 
 artificers, and labourers ; retired pay and 
 pensions to civil officers, in consequence of 
 reduction and ill-health 3G,83.S 
 
 Pensions to widows 4,r)CG 
 
 Sujierannuated and half-pay to Irish civil offi- 
 cers and artificers and labourers ; and pen- 
 sions to widows 4,429 
 
 Barrack department 17,310 
 
 3G5,G20 
 
 4,884,672 11 8 
 To which add the Civil Drparlments of the 
 government, including pensions, super- 
 annuations, and allowances in the treasury, 
 tax-oflice,custonis, excise, stamps, police,c^c. 478,967 IG 3 
 
 Grand Total, military, naval, and civil £5,367,040 7 11 
 
 DEAD WEIGHT. 
 
 Year 1822 £5,289,087 19 10 
 
 1823 5,;ill,248 2 4 
 
 1824 5,317,445 3 7 
 
 1825 5,302,499 18 
 
 182G 5,370,074 2 I 
 
 1827 5,455,090 19 4 
 
 1828 5,302,070 16 1 
 
 2t
 
 642 
 
 NUMBKll OF NATIONAL CREDITORS. 
 
 CQ 
 W 
 Q 
 
 O 
 t— I 
 
 pa 
 w 
 
 O 
 
 w 
 
 CQ 
 
 < 
 
 ai o S 
 
 O ro 
 
 O ti «-. '-*; 
 
 
 O -! ^ -' 
 
 *.,§o 3 
 
 c (^ U 
 
 3 ^ < 
 
 o C l:* 
 
 o o ^--' ^ 
 
 u —' ^ 
 '^ c _: 
 
 o 
 
 >^^ T 
 
 S S 2 
 P--S -> 
 
 <u o "i* 
 
 Si. 
 
 
 5a 
 
 cs 
 
 <u o — 
 
 fc« «*; to 
 
 ^ o 
 
 C ai %_ 
 
 o -r o 
 
 to ;S 5j 
 
 CS (jj O 
 
 5 go 
 
 .2 -5 tx 
 
 ^ I C! C rt 
 
 Oi !« c -^ lO 
 
 5 . <3J 
 5S o -JT 
 
 
 o 
 
 Q if 3 
 
 a 
 
 -5 2 
 Pi fl 
 
 o 
 
 fli ^^ 
 
 S -^ 
 
 t- C O 
 « 3 O 
 
 •- -5 o" 
 
 li o 
 
 O O 
 
 «'0 
 
 - ^ O « CO 
 
 == 5 '-' 
 
 <-i 5 « t?' 
 
 02 ,.* 5 •"-! 
 
 o -t; f "=' . - 
 
 
 
 « o 
 o 0) 
 
 « !3 C - r- 
 C -3 O o ^ 
 
 sH «^ ° 
 
 o _ — t» 
 
 u C ^ aj -3 
 
 o 
 
 
 -a 
 
 -2 0) -3 
 J^ J« 3 
 
 2- CS -r 
 
 5 D 
 
 -w es O 
 
 a 3 lo 
 
 3 a c^^ 
 
 O rj 
 
 o -^ 
 
 a ^t '-^^ I Q O -5 rS 
 
 jj '? a ^ 
 
 J 
 
 Ci-Ht»P5csirii-iF« 
 
 M 
 
 ^ 
 
 -O -S CTj «-. -0 CI OD 
 
 iM 
 
 H 
 
 c j_ eo_ r-i^ n^ cc si^ ao_ -f 
 
 X 
 
 
 
 « t- 1-1 •^ in -^ 
 
 »1< 
 
 
 Ci « CI (NO 
 
 I'. 
 
 H 
 
 
 ■N 
 
 -C 3 
 
 « ?^ O t^ N 00 
 
 rt 
 
 00 PS "^ ^ _^ 
 
 
 
 s = 
 
 — 
 
 o r< 
 
 "^ 
 
 
 ^=H 
 
 
 
 g'd 
 
 0> >n CI t^ » *» 
 
 © 
 
 s^§ 
 
 « ao M ?l m • 
 
 
 ** "- 
 
 ■«^ 
 
 ^SrT 
 
 z 
 
 
 5'-rt 
 
 
 
 00 . 
 
 = © 
 
 ri Tf M Ci «! « 
 
 in 
 
 M'NNMT^Cie<5_; 
 
 ■n 
 
 
 X ?< -H C^ — 
 
 z 
 
 in^ 
 
 'tm 
 
 
 
 c , 
 
 — lU'? — O-HSlSlr-l 
 
 t>- 
 
 »-:=© 
 
 IM C-. T t- X 
 
 h- 
 
 050 
 
 '5<^'* 5^ IN O 
 
 ©^ 
 
 ^1^ 
 
 1-1 
 
 pT 
 
 
 
 
 =f 
 
 (N !•: X M Ci t- X 
 
 n 
 
 ^■3 © 
 
 t^ i^ in « « 5»5 
 
 
 
 --_«> Tf M 
 
 Ci_ 
 
 i?r -T 
 
 rr" 
 
 4) 
 
 
 
 CO 
 
 c . 
 
 ccon?inOt-.t^X 
 
 
 
 ^— » 
 
 •0 — — CO -^ •--: j-1 
 
 © 
 
 c S » 
 
 -^--_0^-H *< 0_x^ 
 
 ■N_^ 
 
 2 S3 
 
 l4~ fh" fh" n 
 
 in" 
 
 c 
 
 -H X N '.n ■>* © 
 
 'O 
 
 w- © 
 
 (NClJ^OWXr^-? 
 
 fi^ 
 
 c J « 
 
 <<5^'*_es^'^ -r a,x^ 
 
 P5 
 
 ^1-:^ 
 
 crM~*r -^"t-T 
 
 S" 
 
 V 
 
 t 
 
 
 60 
 
 -- © m OJ -0 © -- m 
 
 l^ 
 
 -J 
 
 ioO;cxx — >no 
 
 © 
 
 :r_Tii ec -^ T n »? — 
 
 P5^ 
 
 ZSCH 
 
 ©'—'"©'' i-rcrjn" 
 
 t-T 
 
 X 
 
 i* 
 
 Pi 1— r-( P5 
 
 C5 
 
 c 
 
 C5P5--ciinxp:'N 
 
 t- • 
 
 si 2 
 
 t~inxx~:©©x 
 
 ■N 
 
 t^_^O^P5^— 1 t^ ®,'^^ 
 
 «^^ 
 
 ^^5^ 
 
 
 
 'M •»!< ■»a< "3< m 
 
 I^" 
 
 X 
 
 l-H ^m 
 
 "^ 
 
 M 
 
 
 
 S 
 
 •0 X « M Ci t^ t^ t^ 
 
 rs 
 
 °'f'^ 
 
 c; t> P5 ri t^ =; ri 
 
 © 
 
 "-v ^- ^^ ^' *i ®, "„ '^ 
 
 
 ^ t'-*> 
 
 o'o'o' p-cTcT 
 
 «" 
 
 X 
 
 *i F- *i 
 
 X 
 
 
 . . . .0 • to 
 
 
 
 • . . . 'M . £) (M 
 
 
 
 
 •3 • • X • •;: t>- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 S-3- . = C = 
 
 H 
 
 
 
 
 
 iisslis.g 
 
 
 
 
 
 O, 3.— _ a. ^ 5 a 
 
 
 
 ««««-• 2 1>S(! 
 
 
 
 !+» +< ;ri S^ ;^> J i^ ;»< 
 
 
 1
 
 COLONIAL TRADi: AM) H(JPLLATU)S, 
 
 COLONIAL STATISTICS. 
 
 G43 
 
 TURN from each Colony or Foreign Possession of the Biiriisn Crown ; 
 tating" the Number of the Population, distinguishing White from Coloured, and 
 
 ree from Slaves; also, the Value of Exports and Imports into each of those 
 Colonies, for each of the pa.st Three Years. 
 
 — Those with a* aliixed liave a Legislative Assembly; those without are governed by the 
 Orders of ihe King in Council. 
 
 POPULATION 
 OR L.\TE-.T CENSUS. 
 
 Trade wiili Great Britain. 
 
 Imports 
 inio the 
 Uniied 
 Kingdom. 
 Official 
 Value. 
 
 Exports 
 frjin I lie 
 
 Uniieil 
 Kingdom, 
 
 Olfieial 
 Value. 
 
 Number and Tonnage of 
 
 Vessels to and from the 
 
 Uniied Kingdom and the 
 
 Colonies. 
 
 Inwards. Ou' wards. 
 
 ^TH AMERICA. 
 
 r CaiiaMa 
 
 T Canad.i . 
 
 Brunswick 
 
 ^eoiia -1 
 
 Brelon / 
 
 e Euward's Island 
 ouudland 
 
 .423,(530.. 
 .18«,5j>!. 
 . 72,932., 
 
 .142,.')4a.. 
 
 . 93,471.. 
 
 . eo.osn.. 
 
 iShi|>-| 'Ions. iShins Tons 
 
 569,4.'> 1 
 213,849 
 
 61,701 
 
 243,62s 
 
 1,117,421 
 274,922 
 
 997,966 
 
 373,817 
 
 l,0S8,6-.>.l 9,064, 12fi 
 
 77H 
 
 -'■J7,909J 
 
 760 
 
 •221,694 
 
 56-> 
 
 li3,449 
 
 46o 
 
 133,469 
 
 121 
 
 30,146 
 
 126 
 
 31,738 
 
 148 
 
 17,820 
 
 306 
 
 31,946 
 
 
 , _ 
 
 
 J IS 147 
 
 EST INDIES. 
 
 idlH'S 
 
 inira 
 ida .. 
 
 ilia 
 
 ilad 
 
 mas 
 
 udas 
 
 !rara ii Essoquibt 
 
 of Good Hope ... 
 Leone and 
 
 lius 
 
 iouih Wales 
 
 )iemnn's Land.... 
 
 River 
 
 General Totals. 
 
 1,030 
 
 14,959 
 
 H-lO 
 
 801 
 
 \'o censu! 
 
 330 
 
 700 
 
 1,619 
 
 972 
 
 1,3(11 
 
 3->2 
 
 477 
 
 363 
 
 4,201 
 
 4,240 
 
 3,905 
 
 3,006 
 
 552 
 
 950 
 
 17,024 
 0»,4m9\ 
 15,4RO/ 
 55,675 
 87 
 2t 
 6,414 
 8,844 
 20,930 
 
 Free 
 Coloured. 
 
 3,895 
 5,U6 
 3,6(16 
 3,786 
 taken. 
 
 814 
 Q,00<) 
 3,000 
 3,718 
 9,824 
 1,164 
 1,296 
 
 327 
 1.5,956 
 2,991 
 
 738 
 6,360 
 1,151 
 2,966 
 
 37,852 
 15,123 
 2,192 
 906.3H9 
 15,851 
 
 Aborigines 
 
 not 
 ascertained 
 
 Slaves. 
 
 99.839 
 
 81,9tM 
 
 15,392 
 
 24,145 
 
 322,421 
 
 6,962 
 
 9,2->0 
 
 19,310 
 
 13,661 
 
 23,5t<9 
 
 12,556 
 
 5,399 
 
 2,388 
 
 24,006 
 
 9,96s 
 
 4,608 
 
 69,467 
 
 21,319 
 
 2,127 
 
 35,509 
 
 20,46< 
 
 76,774 
 
 15,66(1 
 
 . ConviciSc 
 
 } 8,484 
 
 Convicts. 
 
 9,229,7:5 
 White and Free. 
 
 829,665 
 
 Slaves, 
 
 exclusive ol 
 
 Convirti. 
 
 35,714 
 102,007 
 19,838 
 28,732 
 329,421 
 
 7,406 
 11,959 
 93,S-.'2 
 l^•,351 
 27,714 
 14,042 
 
 7,172 
 
 3,0H0 
 44,163 
 16,499 
 
 9,251 
 ■ 78,833 
 03,022 
 
 4,643 
 
 985,500 
 
 4^9,214 
 
 141,911 
 
 359,813 
 
 3,741,179 
 
 40,958 
 
 78,278 
 
 192,980 
 
 157,533 
 
 414,54 
 
 158,38 
 
 33,243 
 
 694,001 
 
 17,915 
 
 4,901 
 
 1,762,409 
 
 325,051 
 
 190,79' 
 
 79^,769 
 
 9,087,914 
 
 024 
 
 969 
 ,036 
 ,2I0\ 
 
 216/ 
 ,2«7 
 
 469 
 ,598 
 
 34,535 
 
 20,784 
 
 238,133 
 
 958,570 
 
 902,668 
 451,998 
 92,528 
 
 33,191 
 
 3,083,542 
 Total 
 ulation 
 
 f Pop 
 
 11,508,943 
 Imports. 
 
 146,657 
 
 S69,82> 
 
 97,4781 
 
 93,01 5{ 
 
 9,76 1,4 83 1 
 
 8,30--'l 
 
 95,223 
 
 97,234 
 
 » 1,505 
 
 99,891 
 
 51,368 
 
 5,666 
 
 361,077 
 51,594 
 94,817 
 
 502,236 
 51,587 
 
 792,278 
 
 5,521,169 
 
 1,117,615 
 
 505,359 
 
 383,427 
 
 511,779 
 
 46,496 
 980,530 
 950,6'20 
 
 9,781 
 17,190 
 3,011 
 12,349 
 85,710 
 1,253 
 I,«9-.' 
 6,224 
 5,990 
 14,379 
 6,594 
 1,317 
 
 92,924 
 
 1,36(1 
 
 620 
 
 55,950 
 7,710 
 
 11,184 
 
 37| 
 2761 
 
 9,367 
 
 20,887 
 
 9,921 
 
 11,031 
 
 82,558 
 
 944 
 
 1,996 
 
 6,804 
 
 4,209 
 
 12,034 
 
 6,013 
 
 606 
 
 82* 90,474 
 
 7 
 
 9 
 
 183 
 
 93| 
 
 33; 
 
 1,338 
 9,256 
 53,e87 
 6,070 
 8,847 
 
 958 263,338 
 
 918 252,992 
 
 16, 
 
 361 
 IC3 
 
 1)795 
 
 2,034 
 
 8,069 
 
 27,912 
 
 1,309 
 W,89t 
 
 ■ 30 8,970 
 
 93 10,426 
 
 46 7,906 
 
 35 j 7,705 
 
 116 31,909 
 
 3,048 
 6,391 
 
 ftl 98,719 
 
 10,777,244: 9,«08 757,375 
 Exports. Ships! Tons. 
 
 9,077 
 Ships 
 
 7«7,«43 
 Toni.
 
 ()44 ouKJiN or Tiir. i'Kf.ragk. 
 
 HOUSE OF LOUDS. 
 
 "Tliore must ho a period antl an end of names and dignities and wliatsnever 
 is tcricne ; and why not of Do Vere? For where is J'.ohwn.' Mliert;'s iMortiiner ? 
 Nay, wiiirli is more and most of all, where is I'lantagenet?"— .S'/n-a/t »/ Lard 
 Chit/ Justice Crewe, 10G2. 
 
 We have taken some pains to view the House of Lords under its various 
 aspects. It presents itself in the way of the Nation's wish ; and it is 
 natural that the Nation should seek to understand the character of the 
 obstacle Avhich impedes its progress. We have looked into the history 
 of the Peerage, and Avhat is the result ? Who are they that, generally 
 speaking, have been made peers — and why ? Is a peerage tlie reward 
 of virtue, of talent, of disinterestedness, of grand patriotic efforts, of a 
 long course of noble doings ? No one Avho has looked Avith any care to 
 the family annals of the British peers will venture to say that, even in 
 the selection of a virtuous man for a peer, his virtue has been the cause 
 of his ennoblement ; or if a man of talent, that he has been chosen 
 because his talent has been patriotically directed. No — the peerage has 
 been one of the means employed for several ages to carry on the great 
 JOB of government. If a patriot was troublesome, he was bought off by a 
 peerage; if a powerful individual was importunate, he was quieted by a 
 peerage ; if votes were in demand, the possessor or manager was paid by 
 a peerage ; if a minister's place was desired, he vacated it for a peerage. 
 The lawyer, who proved the ablest instrument of government, was 
 rewarded by a peerage. In short, the honour of the peerage has mostly 
 been the Treasury of Corruption. 
 
 If the House of Lords, by the natural progression of things, is 
 hastening to an euthanasia because of its want of correspondence and 
 sympathy with public opinion, what is so well calculated to postpone that 
 inevitable hour, as the adoption of that for the want of which they must 
 wither and decay? A large and copious addition of popular peers Avould 
 revivify the antique and moiddering mass, and cause it to rise up with 
 much of the ardour and beauty of a veritable rejuvenescence. Unless 
 this plan be acceded to, the days of the peerage, as at present consti- 
 tuted, are numbered ; and yet it is against this very measure that the 
 greatest number of prejudices are arrayed. 
 
 The peers are jealous of new men. What are they themselves? 
 Take even tlie oldest of them, they are but of a few centuries ; and the 
 majority are the merest novi homines — mushrooms, whom a shower of 
 wealth, or an accidental fall of borough rottenness, has caused to spring 
 from the earth within the last few years. The peerage of England is 
 the most modern in Europe : it is a contemptible upstart, compared with 
 that either of Germany or of France. Where are the true ancestors of 
 Englishmen, the men of Saxon blood ? where even the descendants of 
 the butciiers and bakers that came over with the Norman Conqueror ? 
 Not all the lies of all the heralds can give us a creation six hundred 
 years old ; and such as go even two hundred years back are very thinly 
 scattered indeed. Some of the most ancient blood of England is repre-
 
 CONCLUSIONS ON THE HOUSE OF LORDS. 
 
 64.5 
 
 sented by men of private station, or by baronets, ^vhosc ancestors ditl 
 not iinppen to receive the king's summons to parliament in former reigns, 
 and whose descendants, if they were to receive it now, would carry into 
 the House of Peers all that depends " upon Norman blood, or whatever 
 else it is they are so proud of." But the day is gone past when a legis- 
 lator is to bo chosen on such grounds. 
 
 It would be a curious phenomenon, if the obstacle whicli the peers 
 have thrown in the way of the people's measure, should lead to an 
 immediate chang^e in their own body. It was a reform in the Commoua 
 that was demanded; we may come to see that a virtual reform in the 
 House of Lords is a necessary preliminary. The House of Commons 
 has confessed its corruption : are the I^rds immaculate ? They debate 
 as if their House stood upon the foundations of the earth, and as if 
 angols guarded its keystone. It would seem they deemed it the very 
 sun of our political constellation: they are mistaken — it is but a lamp, 
 and may want trimming — may be worn out, and renewed — may have 
 grown useless, and be removed : a more cynical illustrator of its nature 
 might even term it a will-o'-the-wisp, which, wlien the bog of corrup- 
 tion in the other House comes to be dried up by Reform, may die out of 
 itself. 
 
 What tlien are our conclusions ? They are these — 
 
 I. The history of the origin and progress of the House of Peers indi- 
 catos that it was calculated for another order of things; and that it is 
 only by its having been used as an instrument in the hands of 
 ministers and their masters, that it has been made tolerable, under the 
 inci'eased wealth and intelligence of the people. 
 
 II. The House of Peers has maintained its existence by usurping- an 
 influence over the representation of the people, wliich it has turned to 
 its sole advantag-e. 
 
 III. The history of the peerage is a series of jons. It is a coinage ; 
 and represents place, pension, commission, civil employment, go- 
 vernment contract — in one woid, public money. The actua/ peerage 
 is ehicjly an cjDiorescoice of taxation. 
 
 W. Whenever the minister has wanted votes, he has created peers; 
 whenever he has wished to get quit of votes, he has created ])cers. 
 A peerage is the grave of the patriot — the throne of the placeman. 
 
 V. The antiquity of the families of th.e existing peerage is a farce ; 
 the Herald's College and the Alienation Ofiice are the manag;ers of 
 this noble melodrama. When a line becomes extinct, by some trick 
 of marriage, or by some interpreta.tion of a patent, a trap-door is 
 struck, and out comes a representative of the Mortimers or the 
 Mowbrays. To such an extent is this carried, that the same family 
 name is changed almost every other year in the peerage ; and some 
 peers do not know their own name. For instance, lord Oriel wished 
 to vote against the Reform Bill ; has real name is Foster — he signed 
 his proxy Ferrard, he oiujht to have written something else. The 
 proxy was useless —there was one vote less against the people.
 
 fi4(i AI'l'KNDIV. 
 
 \l. TIh' most njimcroiis and the most, active of tlu; existing peers arc 
 tlio creaticms of the long roign of (ieorge tlie Third : they may be 
 considered as a body of unconscious conspirators, bound together by 
 the minister, for tlie secret puryjose of swelling the national de1)t. 
 With the exception of the military and naval chiefs, they are titled 
 contractors for a loan, who have received their per centage in 
 peerage. 
 VII. When the personal charjicteristics of the descendants of this motley 
 society of born legislators are looked to — this assemblage of " acci- 
 dents of an accident," — we are not led to believe that station and 
 fortune have redeemed them from tlie stain of their original creation, 
 but that, on the contrary, it would be difficult to select from any class 
 the same number of men less competent to create laws or propagate 
 legislation. 
 
 If there be any truth in these conclusions — and we have come to 
 them not by rhetoric, but rather by arithmetic — can any thing be more 
 absurd, more drivelling, than the affected hesitation Avhich has been 
 shown in creating at once a due number of King and People's Peers, — 
 a class which, when the object of their ennoblement is considered, and 
 the character of the parties who instal them in their elevated niche, 
 may be assuredly maintained as the most honourable and distinguished 
 division of the House to which they will belong ? We have proved, in 
 every possible way, that the peeis as a body may derive honour from 
 such a creation, but can lose none. Is not all the world convinced, that 
 this is a course which may save the House, not only fiom contempt, 
 but destruction ; and that though the people may by it gain the imme- 
 diate passing of " the Bill," the Lords will gain much more— they 
 will snatch their political existence out of the tlames of discord and civil 
 war. — Abridged from the Spectato?- newspaper. 
 
 BOllOUCiil LORDS AND Til LIU 11 Ijl' R KSENTAT 1 V ES. 
 
 SlioukI tlieve be found in some not distaut year — 
 [Oh, liou- I wisli to he no piU)i'iiET here .'] 
 Amongst oin Uritisli Lords should there be found 
 Some threat in pow'r, in jjrinciples unsound, 
 W ho look on Freedom Avith an evil eye, 
 In whom the springs of loyally are dry, 
 Who wish to soar on wild Ambition's wing;s, 
 M ho iiate the Commons, and who love not Kings — 
 A\ ho would divide the people and the Throne, 
 To set up separate interests their own ; — 
 Should there be found such men in after-times, 
 May Hr.WKN, in merey to our grievous crimes, 
 AUot some milder vengeance,— nor to them. 
 And to their rage this wretched land condemn.— Churchill. 
 The Names printed with h, were in favour of the Bill in 1831 ; those with a 
 
 against it. 
 Nmncs of P.urons. Places. Members returneci. 
 
 Anglesey iMarquis, it ... . Milborne Port Mr. S. G. Hyng 
 
 Aylesbury, Marquis, .A .. Marlborough Mr. W. J. IJaukes
 
 BOROUGH LORDS AND THEIR REPRESENTATIVES. 647 
 
 Names of Patrons. Places. Mcmbcra returned. 
 
 Aylesbury, Marquis, a . . Marlborough Mr. T. Estcourt 
 
 Great Bedwin Mr. J. J. Huxtun 
 
 Sir J. Nicliol 
 
 Bath, Marquis, a Weobley Lord E. Tliynne 
 
 Lord H. TJjynne 
 
 Handon, Earl l^andonbridge Lord Bernard 
 
 Bathurst, Lord, a ("ircnce.stcr Lord Apsley 
 
 Beaufort, I), a Monmouth Marquis of Worcester 
 
 Bedford, D. it Tavistock Mr. J. Hawkins 
 
 Lord J. llussell 
 
 Balcarras, E. a Wigan 
 
 Mr. J. H. Kearsley 
 
 Beverley, E. a Beeralston Mr. D. Lyon 
 
 Lord Lovaine 
 
 Bristol, IVL a Bury St. Edmund's .... Earl Jermyn 
 
 Brownlow, E. a (llitlieroc Hon. P. F. Cust 
 
 Buckingham, I). A Buckingham Sir T. Freemantle 
 
 Sir G. Nugent 
 
 St. Mawe's Sir E. Sugden 
 
 INIr. G. W. Pigott 
 
 W indiester Mr. J. B. East 
 
 Bute, M. A C'ardiir Lord J. Stuart 
 
 Cakdon, L Old Saruni Mr. J. Alexander 
 
 Mr. J. D. Alexander 
 
 Calthorpe, L. a Brambcr Mr. \V. S. Dugdale 
 
 Hiudon Mr. J.Wcyland 
 
 Carrington, L. A Wendovor Mr. S. Smith 
 
 Mr. A. Smith 
 
 Carlisle, E. II Morpeth Hon. A\'. Howard 
 
 Castlcmaine, L Athlone Mr. H. Handcock 
 
 Charlevillc, E. A Carlow Lord Tuliamore 
 
 Choliuondeley, 1\L A . . .. Castle Rising Lord Chelmondeley 
 
 Clarendon, L. ii Wootloii Basset Lord Mahon 
 
 Cleveland, M. n Canulford Mr. I\L Mil bank 
 
 ]Mr. S. Cradock 
 
 llchesler Dr. Lushington 
 
 Hon. E. Petre 
 
 \\ inchilsea 
 
 Mr. J. Williams 
 
 Cliflord, Fy. de, I! Kinsale Captain J. Russell 
 
 Clinton, L. it Ashburton 
 
 Belewarr, E. a Fast Grinstead Mr. F. R. West 
 
 Viscount Holmesdale 
 
 Devonshire, D. u Derby •• Mr. W. Cavendish 
 
 Dungarvon Hon. George Lamb 
 
 Knaresborough Lord A\'aterpark 
 
 Sir J. Mackintosh 
 
 Youghall Hon. G. Ponsonby 
 
 Donegal, M.n Belfast Sir A. Chichester 
 
 Downshire, M. u Carrickfergus Lord G. A. Hill 
 
 Dundas, L. II Richmond Mr. L C. Dundas 
 
 Sir R. L. Dundas 
 
 Edgecumbe, E. Mt. a . . . . Plympton Sir C. Doniville 
 
 • Lostwithiel Mr. E. Cust 
 
 Lord Valletort 
 
 Kgremont, E New Shorcham Sir C. Burrell 
 
 Ely, i\L A Wexford 
 
 Enuiskillcn, L. a Enuiskillcn Hon. A. H. Coir
 
 ()4H A1'1>KNI)IX. 
 
 Nnmes of Piilrom. I'lates. Members returned. 
 
 Exetur, M. a Stamford Lord T. Cecil 
 
 ralnioulli, K. A Truro Lord Encombe 
 
 Mr. N. W.Peach 
 
 St. Michaels Hon. L. Keynon 
 
 Hon. ^V. IJest 
 
 Fitzwilliam, E. r Malfon , Mr. H.J. Ponsonby 
 
 Mr. H. G. Knight 
 
 Peterborough INIr. Fascakerley 
 
 Sir R. Heron 
 
 Higham Ferrars Viscount Howick 
 
 Foley, Lord, n Droitwich Mr. J. H. Foley 
 
 Sir T. Winnington 
 
 Forester, Lord, a Wenlock Mr. G. Forester 
 
 Mr. P. B. Thomson 
 
 Grafton, D. b Bury St. Edmunds C A. Fitzroy 
 
 Thetford Lord J. Fitzroy 
 
 Grantley, Lord, A Guildford Mr. C. F. Norton 
 
 Guilford, E. a Banbury 
 
 Hardwicke, E. a Reigate Captain J. Yorke 
 
 Harewood, E. a Northallerton Hon. H. Lascelles 
 
 Sir J. Beresford 
 
 Harrowby, E. a Tiverton Mr. S. Perceval 
 
 Mr. G. D. Ryder 
 
 Hertford, Marquis, a . . . . Bodmin Mr. H. B. Seymour 
 
 Lisburne Mr. Henry Meynell 
 
 Orford Mr. T, H. Kilderbee 
 
 Sir H. F. Cooke 
 
 Aldeburgh Mr. J. W . Croker 
 
 Marquis of Duoro 
 
 Heytesbury, L Heytesbury air. E. H. A'Court 
 
 Sir G. Staunton 
 
 Howe, E. A Clitheroe Hon. R. Curzon 
 
 Huntingfield, L Dunwich E. of Brecknock 
 
 Kilmorey, E Newry Hon. J. H. Knox 
 
 Lansdovvne, M. R Calne Colonel Fox 
 
 Mr. T. B. Macauley 
 
 Leeds, D. a Helstone Lord J . Townshend 
 
 Mr. S. L. Fox 
 
 Lichfield, E Lichfield Sir G. Anson 
 
 Lonsdale, E. a Haslemere Sir J. Beckett 
 
 Mr. W. Holmes 
 
 Cockermoulh Sir J. Scarlett 
 
 Col. Lowther 
 
 Carlisle 
 
 Appleby Viscount Maitland 
 
 Manvers, E. h Bassetlaw Lord Newark 
 
 Marlborough, D. a Wooditock Lord Stormont 
 
 Lord S. C Churchill 
 
 Middleton.L Newark 
 
 Monson, L. a Gatton Hon. J. Ashley 
 
 Viscount Pollington 
 
 Mulgrave, E. n Scarborough Hon. E. Phipps 
 
 Newcastle, D. a Aldborough Mr. J. F. C. Clinton 
 
 Mr. M. T. Sadler 
 
 Boroughbridgo Sir C. Wctherell 
 
 Mr. M. Attwood
 
 BOROUGH LORDS AND THEIR REPRESENTATIVES. 649 
 
 Names of Patrons. Places. Members returned. 
 
 Newcastle, D. A Bassetlaw 
 
 Newark 
 
 Norfolk,D.B New Slioreham Mr. H. Howard 
 
 Steyning Mr. G. R. Phillips 
 
 Mr. E. Blouut 
 
 Horsham Karl of Surrey 
 
 Mr. N. W. Colborne 
 
 Northumberland, D. a . . Launceston Mr. J. liro<^deu 
 
 Sir J. Malcolm 
 
 Newport, Corn 
 
 Sir H. Hardinge 
 
 Orford, Lord, a King's Lynn 
 
 rembroke, E Wilton Mr. J. Dawldiis 
 
 INIr. J. Peiiruddock 
 
 Primate of Ireland, a '. . Armagh 
 
 Portarlington, E Poitarlington Sir W. Rae 
 
 PortlaiuJ, D. n King's Lynn Lord G. Bentinck 
 
 Powis, E. A Bishop's Castle Mr. E. Rogers 
 
 Mr. J. Knight 
 
 Ludlow Viscount Clive 
 
 Hon. R. H. Clive 
 
 Montgomery Mr. H. Clive 
 
 Radnor, E. r Downton Mr. J. Brougham 
 
 iMr. T. Creevey 
 
 Salisbury Hon. D. Bouverie 
 
 Ranfurley, E. n Dungannon Hon. T. Knox 
 
 Richmond, D. a Chichester Lord A. Lennox 
 
 Roden, Lord, A Dundalk Hon. J. H. Cradock 
 
 Rutland, D. a Bramber Mr. J. Irving 
 
 Cambridge Marquis of Graham 
 
 CoL F. \y. Trench 
 
 Salisbury, M. a Hertford 
 
 Sandwich, E Huntingdon Col. J. Peel 
 
 Mr. F. Pollock 
 
 Seaford, L. u Seaford 
 
 Shaftesbury, E. a Dorchester Lord Ashley 
 
 Sidney, V. a Whitchurch Hon. H. Townshend 
 
 Somers, E Reigate Capt. J . Vorke 
 
 St. Germains, E. A Liskeard Sir H. I'ringle 
 
 Lord Eiiott 
 
 St. Germain's Mr. C. Ros.s 
 
 Mr. W. ^1. Praed 
 
 Thanet, E. n Appleby Mr. H. Tufton 
 
 Verulani, E. a St. Alban's 
 
 Warwick, E. A Warwick 
 
 Walerford, M l?erwick Captain Beresford 
 
 Westminster, M. B Ciiester General R. (Irosvenor 
 
 Shaftesbury Mr. L. Maberl y 
 
 Mr. E. Penrhyn 
 
 Hindon IMr. J. Weyland 
 
 Stockbridge Mr. W. S. Stanley 
 
 Rlr. G. Wilbraham 
 
 Westmoreland, E. a .... Lyme Regis IVIr. H. S. Fane 
 
 Mr. J. T. Fane 
 
 Wharncli(re, L. A liossiney Hon. J. S. M ortley 
 
 Yarborough, L. i< Newtown Mr. C. A. W. IVlliaui
 
 (ujO 
 
 A I'IMCN r)ix. 
 
 CHURCH PATRONAGE OF THE NOBILITY, 
 
 I'.xhihit'nii^ the Sumhn- of Ixtctor'us and Vic ruges in the gift of each, H'ilh the Valua- 
 tinn annc.rcil of all Liciuj^s nut exceeding £150 per annum us utuincd tu Par- 
 liament in JblU. 
 
 EXPLANATIONS. 
 
 'I'he following Table of the Ecclesiastical Patronage of the Nobility is abstracted 
 from the Pnlyoni I'cclesiaium, published in 1831. k.b. is the value of the living 
 ill the Kiiif;'s Hook, tuktMi in tlie reign of Henry VIII. anil of which an account 
 nill be. lound at pp. 4:$ aiul 131. p.r. is the real value of livings 7iot exceeding 
 .fl.)() as presented to parliament : for a return has been made of the presenl 
 value of />wor liviigs but none of the rich ones; r. rectory, v. vicarage, c. cliu- 
 pelry, pc. perpetual curacy, d. donative ; tv. signifies the living is held cum 
 or with another. 
 
 A nF. "^r, A VENN V, Earl of 
 
 Hyrling Kent v. 
 
 l'.r>ngwm w..7 ^y^,,^ ,.. 
 
 t lytlia c . . .. J 
 
 (ioNlVcy — r. 
 
 Lhinlilmngells- } 
 
 terullevvryne J 
 Llanfoist ...... — )'. 
 
 IJangattock .... — »'. 
 
 Llanhdieth — r. 
 
 Llanvaijk'V — ''. 
 
 Llanvellu'rine . . — '". 
 Llaiiwenarth w. ^ 
 
 Aberystwithc S 
 
 Hninstead Norf. r. 
 
 Holveslon w. } 
 
 Hurgli Apton j 
 Sutton St. Mich. . — »■. 
 
 Olley Snfulkr. 
 
 C liillington, West <S'«S5r.T r. 
 Kaslholhley .... — r. 
 
 Rotherfield — r. 
 
 Iiikberrow irorc. f. 
 
 A li I N o D o N , Earl of 
 
 Cuinnor Bcrlcs. r. 
 
 So. Hinksey w. 7 
 
 Woollen c. J ' ' ' 
 
 M iglilham — r. 
 
 r>othenhainpton Dorset. p.c. 
 
 Aldbury O.rort. r. 
 
 Weston on the > 
 
 CJrien J ~ ^'• 
 
 •VuovNr, Earl of 
 Chesterton Uunts r. 
 
 KB 
 
 r> 
 
 9 
 
 4 
 
 I'll 
 
 150 
 
 
 
 
 
 Kn 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 PR 
 
 150 
 
 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 150 
 
 
 
 
 
 K U 
 
 7 
 
 i 
 
 -1 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 7 
 
 3 
 
 PR 
 
 50 
 
 
 
 
 
 KB 
 
 10 
 
 15 
 
 2 
 
 — 
 
 14 
 
 17 
 
 8 
 
 — 
 
 26 
 
 6 
 
 € 
 
 — 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 7 
 
 — 
 
 l.J 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 16 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 6 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 V2 
 
 16 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 'jr 
 
 12 
 
 6 
 
 — 
 
 16 
 
 - 
 
 1 
 
 I'R 
 
 HI 
 
 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 70 
 
 
 
 
 
 KB 
 
 7 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 PR 
 
 45 
 
 
 
 
 
 KB 
 
 9 
 
 o 
 
 8 
 
 ra 
 
 125 
 
 
 
 
 
 — . 17 
 
 Haddon } 
 
 w. Holme c. j 
 Orton Long- J 
 
 ville vv ^. Hants r. 
 
 r>otolph Br. > 
 
 Rantou Staff, pc. 
 
 A I L K s B u R V, jNIarquess of 
 
 Maulden Beds r. 
 
 Bedw in, Great . . Wilts, r. 
 
 Little — r. 
 
 Collingb. Ducis. . — r. 
 
 Easton — p.c. 
 
 East V\ itton .... Yksh. v. 
 
 Walh — r. 
 
 West Tanfield .. — r. 
 Marlbro' Gram. Sch. Wilts. 
 Albemarle, Earl of 
 South^^d. Hay- 1 
 
 ling w. N. 2 Hants, v. 
 
 Hayling c. J 
 Quiddenham .. ^ ^t ^ 
 
 w. Snetterton S '•'' ' ' 
 Shottishm AllSts. — f. 
 
 St. Mary — r. 
 
 Thctford, StMary — p.c. 
 St.Cuth- f 
 
 bertw Trinity S ^''^' 
 St. Peter 7 _ 
 
 w St Nicholas! ^' 
 
 Winfartliing .... — r. 
 Amherst, Countess 
 Middleton on > ,,, , 
 
 Leven \Yksh. p.c. 
 
 East Kownton . . — p.c. 
 
 11 
 
 — 20 
 
 13 
 
 1 
 
 I' 11 84 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 KU 15 
 
 \) 
 
 7 
 
 PR 146 
 
 
 
 1) 
 
 KB 9 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 — 16 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 — not inch 
 
 dr. 
 
 PR 111 
 
 
 
 
 
 KB 17 
 
 17 
 
 1 
 
 — 13 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 Mastersh 
 
 ip. 
 
 KB 8 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 \ 8 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 -\n 
 
 17 
 
 1 
 
 — 6 
 
 18 
 
 4 
 
 — 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 PR 70 
 
 
 
 
 
 — 86 
 
 
 
 
 
 — 50 
 
 
 
 
 
 KB 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 — 43 
 
 13 
 
 6 
 
 — 37 
 
 7 
 
 6
 
 KCCTOR1F.S, Jk-C. IN Tilt: C I I-T f) 1' TllK NOItll.irv. 'i.j 1 
 
 ViiDEN, Lord 
 
 ' ilverlon liuckx. r. 
 
 — , and others 
 iitinglon .... Salop, r, 
 \i:iiAN, Keirl and Countess 
 sin-ingfield....l ^-^^^^ ,. 
 Ijusville .... J 
 
 Hicliards — /•. 
 
 \ 1 1 NOEL, Lord 
 
 -ti-y Wilts, p.c. 
 
 -iiiROoK, l^ord Viscount 
 lyskiii Brecon, r. 
 
 Npn. 
 Earl of 
 . . Jhds. V. 
 . Brecon, r. 
 
 Car in. 
 
 
 ui^liton 
 
 \ 1 1 I! U R N H A JI , 
 
 ( lipliain .... 
 I.laiiclliew. . . . 
 J.hiiililo w .... 
 
 Llaiidefailog 
 
 liefy Graig 
 l.lansaintl'read 
 I'l iiiprey willi 
 
 Llaiidyrw 
 
 iM.uisillo IJerif.p c. 
 
 r. irking witli 
 
 Darnisden 
 1. 'Iley, tilt .... — p.c. 
 I 'iil)e.s, alt . . .. — '•• 
 
 ( .ilslield Sussex, r. 
 
 Diillinjclon — f. 
 
 Niiilii'ld — V. 
 
 ^ LESFORD, Earl of 
 
 ;),Uon Kent. r. 
 
 il)V, Great.. .. Leic. v. 
 
 iJby — r. 
 
 1. clwortli Warw. r. 
 
 Ilickcnliill — '•• 
 
 Alcriden — v. 
 
 I'aclvington, Gt. — i'- 
 
 , Lit. .. — r. 
 
 r>. f;0T, Lord, & otliers 
 <.i(at Linford .. Bucks, r. 
 liAfiNAiin, Lord \ iscount, 
 
 S( Martin Corn. r. 
 
 I'ortlomoutli .... Devon, r. 
 I'> \i H, iMarcjuess of 
 
 r.nclvhmd iilouc. r. 
 
 1 larley w . 
 
 Kenlev c. 
 I'.uliuei"! . 
 li.itliwifk . 
 
 I Salop 
 
 Somer. r. 
 
 r. w 
 
 Woolley c . . 
 
 Iroine 
 
 . ew. ( ii. 
 
 ill tlie Wood- 
 lands 
 
 Slit'ct 
 
 Nv. Walton f. 
 
 < "rsloy 
 
 I _ 
 
 s 
 
 I - 
 
 . . WiUa 
 
 — 25 4 2 
 of 
 
 KB 11 6 8| 
 
 — 11 4 10 
 
 — not in char. 
 
 PR 135 
 
 KD 15 3 6 
 
 pii 140 
 
 hu 4 6 3 
 
 — 8 2 1 
 
 — 6 4 7 
 PR 88 
 
 — 79 6 6 
 
 KB V7 10 7 
 
 vv. 40 
 
 KB 25 17 8 
 
 — 7 9 4 
 
 — 800 
 
 — 8 
 
 — 11 15 
 PR 92 U 
 
 KB y 
 
 — 10 3 11 
 PR 54 1 
 ku 5 10 
 PR 71 8 8 
 KU 3 
 
 KB 20 2 2 
 
 — 36 2 3 
 
 — 29 18 4 
 
 KB 29 6 8 
 
 — 5 12 1 
 PR 33 
 KB 1116 3 
 
 , — 11 10 
 
 , — 22 
 
 — not in char. 
 
 . — 24 12 3 
 
 . — 11 10 
 
 '■■I 
 
 Filield Havant 
 
 Iniber 
 
 Kingston Deverell 
 Langbridge 
 
 Deverell w. 
 
 MonktoD .. i 
 
 Deverell c . . 3 
 Batiiurst, Earl 
 
 Saperton Glouc. 
 
 I'otterspury .... A/m. 
 Beaufort, Duke of 
 Crickliowell sin. Ureck 
 Cwmdfi sin — 
 
 •;::f 
 
 r. PR 150 O 
 
 — d. — 58 14 9 
 
 — r. KB 19 15 
 
 Wills. V. KB 12 
 
 — 17 
 PR 80 
 
 — 5 9 9 
 
 — 19 L5 2 
 
 — 14 13 1 
 
 Llantony c. . J Flint. 
 
 Llanbedr Brcck. 
 
 Llangattock w. 
 
 ilangattock w. 1 
 Llanelly c. & > 
 Llangennith j 
 
 Llanfihangel 
 
 Cwnidu . . 
 
 Lllanjcjnedr 
 
 Patricio . . . . 
 
 I _ 
 
 — p c. 
 Glouc. r. 
 
 — 16 17 6 
 
 — 31 13 9 
 
 — 19 15 2 
 
 — 13 14 7 
 
 — not in char. 
 
 1 the ) 
 Dil- ^ — 
 
 Badminton, Gt. 7 
 
 Little c. $ 
 
 Frampt. Cottrell 
 Oldbury on the 
 
 Hill \v 
 
 niarton 
 Stoke Gifford 
 Tormerton w. ^ 
 
 Acton Tur- f 
 
 ville c. i<c W. I 
 
 Littleton c... ) 
 Woolaston w. » 
 
 AlvinL^ton c. — r. 
 
 ^ Lancante c. j 
 Chapel Hill . ...Monm.p.c. 
 
 Llanishen — pc. 
 
 Llansoy — r. 
 
 Magor with . . 1 
 
 Hudwich /) c. J 
 Monks W ood. , . . 
 Monmouth w. , 
 
 St. Thomas., 
 Newchiircli J. 
 Ha«laiid with 
 
 Lhuidenny . . 
 St. Arvans .... 
 St. Kincmarks 
 
 11 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 — r. pu 40 
 
 — r. KB 33 13 4 
 
 — 33 11 5 
 
 pn 47 
 
 — 56 
 
 — 109 15 5 
 
 — 45 
 
 \ - 
 
 p.c. — 60 
 V. — 145 9 
 
 p.c. 
 
 40 
 
 Monm. V. pr 125 8 
 
 p.c. 
 — p.c. 
 
 Mitchell Troy "^ 
 
 w. Cuincar- ^ — r. 
 
 von c J 
 
 Trelh ck Grange — p.c. 
 (I'wernesney ....Mont. r. 
 
 Sopworth Wilts, r 
 
 Be nroiin, Duke of 
 Apsley Guise. . . . Beds. > . 
 F.atun Socoa .... — f 
 
 — 65 
 
 — Dot in char. 
 
 KB 12 8 1 
 
 PU 32 
 
 KB 3 18 6 
 
 — 10 5 
 
 Kn 15 16 10 
 
 — i;0 13 9
 
 652 
 
 I''li(\vicl( 
 
 <Mililiii;.';t(iii. . . 
 ni>ii;;li(iin lie;: 
 Kavtuisdi'ii. . . 
 Stc])|>in(^l("y . 
 Slovin^loii . . . 
 
 Wil.lon 
 
 WilliiiKton ... 
 
 Woburn 
 
 Cheney Kast- 
 
 inansteiul . 
 
 C'lieHliaiii . . . 
 
 Hoy; 
 
 CHURCH PATRONAGE. 
 
 V. — 7 17 
 
 V. IMl U() 
 
 ). KO 11 .} 
 
 V. I'll 120 
 
 r. KD C 16 
 
 V. IMl 111 18 
 
 r. KD J 8 7 
 
 V. — 7 17 
 
 — p.c. 
 Bucks, r. 
 
 — not in char. 
 
 — 12 16 
 6 
 
 pre 
 
 KB 
 KB 
 
 — V. rn 
 
 Devon, v. 
 
 — 13 1 
 
 — 568 
 
 — not in char. 
 
 — 12 10 10 
 14 19 10 
 12 7 6 
 19 13 
 
 1'24 
 111 
 
 30 
 
 80 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 Npn. r. — 
 
 15 
 
 
 Thornoy Cuinb r. 
 
 Avvliscombe .... Devon, v. 
 
 IJicnt Tor — ]>-c. 
 
 Dcnlmry 
 
 Milton Abbot .. 
 North Petherwin 
 
 Tavistock 
 
 WLiniple — r 
 
 Swyre Dorset, r, 
 
 Slibbiugton .... Hunts, r. 
 Westminster, l 
 
 St. Paul, Co- > Miild. r. — not in char. 
 
 vent Garden -J 
 Thornhau^ii w. \ 
 
 AVansford c. \ 
 
 Streatiiam Surry. 
 
 Hkrkei.ky, Earl of 
 
 Berktley Glnuc. 
 
 Cranford Dlicld. 
 
 West Thorney . . Suss. 
 Berwick, Lord 
 Thornton Mayow Chesh. 
 Berrington vv. } 
 
 Little Ness.. ) 
 Shrewsbury .. > 
 
 St. Giles c<c . J- — 
 
 Holy Cross. . S 
 Sutton St. John. . — 
 
 Shenstone Staff. 
 
 Fornhain St. . . 7 c, ^ 
 
 Gen.wP.isby J '^"•^• 
 BonNounoKF, Lord Viscount 
 
 Rlanston Dorset r. kb 
 
 Bolton, Lord 
 
 Chickerell Dor.set. r. — 
 
 Frome Van- . . ^ 
 
 church with J — r. 
 
 Batcoiube . . y 
 
 Hooke — r. i>R 
 
 Herryard Hants, v. — 
 
 KinRsclere w 
 
 Salop. pc. pp. 
 
 24 
 70 
 
 8 
 
 r. — 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 V. — 
 
 6 
 
 5 8 
 
 r. PR 
 
 94 
 
 4 11 
 
 12 5 
 
 18 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 / 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 80 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 105 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 >inRsclere w. 1 
 Itchinswell c. > — 
 & Sidinout f. J 
 
 t'. KB 17 19 7 
 
 Winsladi 
 
 Wenslcy willj 
 Bolton and 
 liadniire /».f. 
 
 ?. 
 
 — r. pu 97 
 k.'ih. r. — M9 9 9 
 
 West Witton Yksh.p.c— 75 
 
 HosTo.v, Lord 
 
 Llaiiddona Angl.p.c. vh 74 10 i 
 
 Llanidan 
 
 — r. KU 10 I 
 
 48 < 
 59 8 : 
 48 ( 
 
 KB 14 11 
 
 wan c 
 Penrhos-lligwy. . — p.c. pr 
 
 Hedsor, uU Bucks, r. — 
 
 Dolwyddelan. . . . Cam. p.c. — 
 Whiston with., f j.r. 
 
 Deyntonc. .. S ^'" 
 Bradford, Earl of 
 
 Huj^hley Salop, r. pr 145 
 
 Kuockin — r. — 130 0( 
 
 Walsall Staff, v, kb 10 19 7 
 
 Weston under 7 „ c t a^ 
 
 Lizard .... } - '^' - 6 7 8^ 
 
 AVigan Lane. r. — 80 13 4 
 
 Teddington .... Biidd. d. — not in char. 
 Castle lirom- 
 
 wich, in As- f ,,- 
 
 1 Birming. ^ 
 irish . . . . ) 
 
 p.c. 
 
 ton 
 
 Par 
 Clifton on 
 
 Dunsmore w 
 
 Brownsovevc 
 Braybrook, Lord 
 
 Arborfield Berks r. kb 
 
 Wargi-ave — v. — 
 
 Saffron Walden. . Essex v. — 
 
 Shadingfield Suff. r. — 
 
 Bridg e water, Countess of 
 
 Tottenhoe Beds. v. pb 
 
 Cheddingfon .... Bucks, r. kb 
 
 — f. PR 113 
 
 7 19 10 
 13 13 6 
 33 6 8 
 12 
 
 r. — 
 
 V. PR 
 
 p.c. — 
 
 p.c. KB 
 
 (1 
 
 (I 
 () 
 7 
 6 
 8 
 
 — 17 18 1 
 PR 90 
 
 — r. KB 12 7 3 
 
 p.c. PR 110 
 
 93 
 
 15 9 
 13 17 
 70 
 SO 
 20 
 9 9 
 2(1 8 
 11 12 
 
 Edlesboro' 
 
 Ivinghoe — 
 
 Nettieden — 
 
 Pightlesthorne . . — 
 
 Wingrave — 
 
 Ahibury Hert 
 
 Little Gaddesden — 
 Ellesmere w. ■) 
 Cockshut and i Salop. 
 Dudlaston p.c. \ 
 
 Middle _ 
 
 Tilstuck , 
 
 Whitchurch vv. 1 
 
 Biarbury, c. \ 
 
 Settingtoa 
 
 Dunnington .... 
 Bridfort, Lord 
 Oicket, St. 7 
 
 Thomas .... J 
 BRisTOf., Marquess of 
 Chesterford, Ct. Essex, v. — 10 
 Little.... — r. — 11 
 
 
 7 
 
 — r. 
 Yksk. r. 
 
 Som. 
 
 KB 44 11 
 
 — 42 12 6 
 
 — 19 
 
 j'R 145
 
 RECTOTIIES, &C. IN THE GIFT OF THE NOBILITV 
 
 653 
 
 ( Suffolk r. 
 S 
 
 AVendon, Great. \ 
 
 Little r. J 
 
 Assarl)y with 1 
 
 Ivirby hay- J 
 
 tliorpc , . . , y 
 j'Mt'tlierin'^ham .. 
 Ni'iiiianton .... 
 < ■u:irriii};t()n .... 
 .•■I. a lord, New . . 
 
 , Old, sill 
 
 i'>JL'(I(ield, bt 
 
 f George, ^\ 
 
 Uuslil/i'ook. 
 l!ri)iiies\vcll .... 
 (Iicdijiirg w. I 
 
 Ukwortli .. S 
 Hrjniingsheatli . . 
 
 riayford 
 
 ix'ushmere 
 
 Sliolley 
 
 Sioiiglitoii .... 
 I iwldenliain .... 
 i\ii\\ ick, alt. w. ) 
 JWauncewollr. J 
 ajid Diinsby r. ) 
 l'> I'.ows LOW, Earl 
 ( i'( kayiic-hatloy . Beds. 
 
 r>i Hon Line. 
 
 'arlton Scropp. . — 
 Faldingwortli .. • — 
 
 ' Hereby — 
 
 iHougliontlieHill — 
 
 Kaisiii Tiipliolin . — 
 
 ISallflectby, East , — 
 
 Snellaiid — 
 
 [Little lulling.... ^'pn. 
 
 Oversloii — 
 
 Sywcll — 
 
 Marnliam Notts. 
 
 Hormlon, E. alt. Essex. 
 Parley, Lit- 7 
 
 tie, alt \ 
 
 BuccLEucii, Duke of 
 
 Beaiilieu llanfs. 
 
 St. Andrew, //oii». HIidd. 
 St. Geoiu;e.. , , f 
 
 (iueeii's Sq.. . 1 
 St. ^lattliew .^ 
 
 7'. ra 75 
 
 r. KB 16 6 10 
 
 — V. vn 120 
 
 — r, — 100 
 
 vn 130 
 
 
 
 KB 4 10 
 
 
 
 11 17 
 8 I 
 
 3 
 3 
 
 — 4 1.5 
 
 7 
 
 — 11 14 
 
 2 
 
 p.C. PR 
 
 
 10 17 8 
 
 36 
 
 80 
 
 i.^0 
 
 20 18 9 
 
 10 i7 6 
 
 Lnc. 
 
 15 2 11 
 
 vn 150 
 
 KB 13 
 
 — 15 
 
 — 6 
 
 r n 83 
 
 — 108 
 
 KB 7 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 R 115 12 
 B 10 2 11 
 
 - 12 16 5 
 -11 1 5 
 
 8 19 2 
 
 - 10 
 
 - n S 9 
 
 d. PR 61 
 r. KB 18 
 
 r. — not in char. 
 
 . .Matlliew Ct -J 
 St. I'eter f 
 
 Clieap. alt. / 
 I'ridiiij St. ..) 
 
 Barton Seasra\c. 
 
 Broiijjiiton 
 
 Ge(l(lin;;ton w. } 
 Newton (/. . . S 
 
 Litllc Oakley .. 
 
 Scaldwell ..' 
 
 U ark I on 
 
 Weekly 
 
 — r. lit 2.50 
 
 Npn. 
 
 KB 10 17 1 
 
 — 21 9 7 
 PR MO 6 
 
 — 103 (» 
 KH 14 10 
 
 — 10 16 3 
 vn 13.') 
 
 d. — 
 
 Glain. r. — 
 
 Buck I NO II AM, Duke of 
 
 Foscot Bucks, r. KB 
 
 .Stowe — r. v'u 
 
 \\ater Stratford . — r. kb 
 
 Wootton Vn } 
 
 derwoud. ... J ' 
 
 Gosfield Essc.v v. k b 
 
 Bi;;hton Hants, r. — 
 
 I'^ast Wellow. . .. — v, — 
 
 I'inmere O.xon. r. pu 
 
 Compton Mart. ) „ 
 
 I- . ! Som. r. Ki! 
 
 w.Nenipnet c. S 
 
 Doddington .... — r. pr 
 
 Kevnsham .... — v. ki! 
 
 Saltford — r. — 
 
 Burton Dasset .. Warn: r. — 
 
 Buckinghamshire, Earl of 
 
 GreatHainjxIea i 
 
 with Great > Bucks, r. kb 
 
 Kiiub. V .... 3 
 ^\'errington .... Cnrn. 
 
 Welborne Line. 
 
 Bute, Marquess of 
 
 F>u(on Beds 
 
 Kelligaer with 7 
 
 Birtlidirf. .. J 
 Llaudough w. j 
 
 Leckw'ith & ^ 
 
 Cogan c . . . . 
 Llanniaeg .... 
 MerthyrTydvil 
 Neath with 
 
 Llantwitc &: 
 
 Resolvi n f. . 
 
 Roath 
 
 Llanbaddock 
 M'roxton . . . . I 
 
 w. Balscot c. \ 
 Caduoan, Earl of 
 Santon Downh... Si'^- p.c. kb 
 
 Cbel.sea Mdd. r. — 
 
 Ca i.thorpe, Lord 
 
 Eh ethaiu Hants, r. k b 
 
 Acle ^oyf. r. — 
 
 Ainjjtou Snff. r. i> r 
 
 Blakeney w. 
 
 Gocklhorper 
 
 Gland ford c. 
 
 and Little 
 
 Laiighatn v. 
 
 Pakenhain .... Suff. v. — 
 
 l!d^baston War. p.c. v r 
 
 Camden, IManiuess 
 
 IJaiisi)vd<lcd w i „ 
 
 ,, • , . ; Brecon v. i-ii 
 l'ennyi)ont c. \ 
 
 Merthyr Cynog. . — r. — 
 
 C AUDIO AN, Earl of 
 
 Cranoe Lcic. r. — 
 
 Glooston — r. — 
 
 i 
 
 I _ 
 
 9 9 4 
 
 91 18 
 
 7 5 
 
 82 
 
 8 
 
 19 8 1 
 .5 
 
 126 6 6 
 
 10 6 3 
 
 122 
 
 11 19 7 
 
 10 5 
 14 
 
 9 9 7 
 6 10 5 
 
 not in char. 
 
 11 12 9 
 
 o."} 12 1 
 
 20 7 11 
 
 8 8 4 
 
 10 
 
 20 
 
 16 
 13 
 
 lUnm.p.c. PR 
 
 O.V071 V. — 
 
 
 
 
 52 15 
 
 50 
 
 not in char. 
 
 13 6 8 
 
 9 
 
 J^O 
 
 121 12 6 
 
 Nor/, r. KB 35 
 
 10 8 9 
 110 13 
 
 80 
 32 
 
 1 43 
 lUj 14
 
 — f. Pft 
 
 (i'A 
 
 Stanton Wj vol . . — r. 
 
 Corby A'/>«- '•■ 
 
 Diaii — r. 
 
 Ka.^t Ardsley .... Y'Icsh. p c. 
 \\fSt Ardsley .. — /i.e. 
 Shecklinpj w. ) _ ^ 
 
 IJurstwick. c S 
 
 Si)roatley — r. 
 
 Mnl\ey, alt .... 
 Carlisle, Earl of 
 
 Denton Cumb. p.c. 
 
 LiuKircost w.. ? 
 
 Farlam .... J ' 
 
 Stapleton — r, 
 
 Morpeth w. .. ? ^.^^^/^ ^ 
 
 Ulgham c... J 
 Hovingliani .... Vksh. p.c 
 
 Slingsby — r. 
 
 Brampton Cumb. v. 
 
 (' A R N A ti V o N , Earl of 
 Burghclere w. J H^^ts. r. 
 
 Newtown c. S 
 
 Highclere — »'. 
 
 Brusliford Som. r. 
 
 Seagry Wilts v. 
 
 C t R 11 1 N G T o N , Lord 
 
 Hledlow Bucks, v. 
 
 Huniberstou .... Line. v. 
 CartereTj Lord 
 Bedford, St. Paul Beds. v. 
 Willhainpstead . . — v. 
 Kilkhampton. . . . Corn. r. 
 Brown Cando- ^ 
 
 ver w.M'ood- J Hants, r. 
 
 niaucote c , . y 
 Cavendish, Lord G. A H. 
 Brou.i!;l»ton Field . Lane. p.c. 
 Cartniell with 7 
 
 CartmellFell \ ^■*^* 
 
 Flockborough . . — p.c, 
 
 Lindale — p.c. 
 
 Staveling — p.c. 
 
 Jcvington Suss. r. 
 
 Rye — t\ 
 
 Uddiniore — v. 
 
 Westliam — v. 
 
 Wilmington .... — v. 
 
 Haw nby Yksh. r. 
 
 Hilton — p.c. 
 
 Cawdor, Farl 
 Llandeveyson . . Curm. p.c. 
 Llantihangel ) 
 
 Kilvarsen . , S '" 
 
 YstradlTyn .... — p.c. 
 
 Botheston Pemb. r. 
 
 Loweston — r. 
 
 Ptnboyr with ? 
 
 ^'drindod c. J ' '' 
 
 Stackpool Ba- t 
 
 sher J ~ '■■ 
 
 (■HUUCM PATllONACK. 
 
 ~ Elidii, sin, . 
 
 9 
 
 10 
 
 11 
 
 3 
 
 '21 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 '27 
 
 
 
 
 
 31 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 150 
 
 
 
 
 
 68 
 
 
 
 
 
 1.56 
 
 
 
 
 
 83 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 32 
 
 16 
 
 8 
 
 57 
 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 1 
 
 10 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 13 
 
 9 
 
 15 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 120 
 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 9 
 
 7 
 
 7i 
 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 7 
 
 26 
 
 13 
 
 11 
 
 23 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 90 
 
 
 
 
 
 134 
 
 16 
 
 9 
 
 93 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 111 
 
 
 
 
 
 90 
 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 
 
 42 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 35 
 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 96 
 
 
 
 
 
 147 
 
 
 
 
 
 47 
 
 
 
 
 
 52 
 
 
 
 
 
 65 
 
 
 
 
 
 46 
 
 16 
 
 4 
 
 140 
 
 
 
 
 
 106 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 4 
 
 11 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 — 15 
 
 •u 90 
 
 St. Fetrock . 
 
 — 
 
 r. 
 
 — 
 
 116 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 pc. 
 
 — 
 
 l.')0 
 
 
 
 
 ClIANCBLLOrt, 
 
 Lord 
 
 
 Six I' REBENDAL Stalls inBristol Cathed 
 
 ■al 
 
 Five i-)iTi in 
 
 Gloucester Cathedral 
 
 
 
 Five Ditto in 
 
 Norificli Cathedral 
 
 
 
 Five Ditto in 
 
 Rochester Cathedral 
 
 
 
 Rectories 4'<;8 
 
 , Vicarages 
 
 357 
 
 
 
 Chan DOS, Marquess of 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Bristol, St. Ma 
 ry Magdalen 
 
 ' ]■ Som. 
 
 r. 
 
 PR 
 
 110 
 
 
 
 
 
 Chatham, Earl of 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Curry Rival . 
 
 . . Som. 
 
 V. 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 16 
 
 4 
 
 Ch este rfi eld 
 
 , Earl of 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Aston Abbots. 
 
 . , — 
 
 V. 
 
 
 
 150 
 
 
 
 
 
 Grove 
 
 
 
 r. 
 
 V. 
 V. 
 
 KB 
 
 40 
 97 
 18 
 
 12 
 
 
 16 
 
 ^ 
 
 Ilnier ....... 
 
 
 
 
 Wing 
 
 ,. — 
 
 
 Cubley Avitb 
 
 J Derb. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Marston 
 
 r. 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 16 
 
 
 Montgom. c. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Horsley 
 
 — 
 
 V. 
 
 PR 
 
 94 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 r. 
 r. 
 
 KB 
 
 4 
 
 44 
 
 18 
 7 
 
 111 
 
 Bingham .... 
 
 .. Notts. 
 
 11 
 
 V. PR 121 
 
 Suss. 
 
 r. KB 21 
 p.c. PH 40 
 
 ^'' PR 130 
 
 p.c. KB not in char. 
 
 w. Bulcote c 
 
 Gedling — 
 
 Slielford — 
 
 Chichester, Earl of 
 Falmer w J 
 
 Stannier r. . . J 
 Hastings, St. ( 
 
 MarjinCastle S 
 
 Hellingley — v. 
 
 Laughton — v. 
 
 Cijolmondeley, Marquess 
 
 Barrow- , Chesti. r. 
 
 Houghton in the ? -.r /. 
 
 Hole i ^'"^- '■■ 
 
 Gt. ?>Iassinghaui — r. 
 
 Stalham — v. 
 
 Syderstrand .... — r. 
 Clarendon, Earl of 
 Wootton Basselt Wilts, v. 
 Llanganna, alt. . . Glum. r. 
 Cleveland, Marquess of 
 
 Tregony Corn. v. 
 
 Darlington .... Durh. p.c. pr 133 
 Staindrop with 7 — 98 
 
 Cockfieldr. $ ~ ^'•'' 
 Brigstock with / ,. 
 
 Stannyon ..\ ^f"' ""■ 
 Botterell Aston J ^ i 
 
 w. Bold ;,. c. S '^"'"^- '■• 
 
 Billingsley — r. 
 
 Eaton Constant!. Salop 
 Hope Bagot .... — 
 
 10 10 
 
 
 6 16 
 9 11 
 
 8 
 
 33 6 
 
 5 
 
 133 12 
 
 — 12 
 PR l5l) 
 
 10 4 
 
 KB 9 
 
 — 11 
 
 — 7 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 r. PR 129 
 
 c. KB not in char. 
 
 r. PR 100
 
 RECTORIES, &.C. IN THE GIFT OF THE NOBILITY. GoO 
 
 em with Ed- "% 
 staston c. anil > — 
 Newtown /i.e. j 
 
 •:l - 
 
 KB 
 PR 
 
 26 
 
 54 
 
 39 
 
 Vroxeter with 
 
 Eyton on Se- 3> — u. k b 1 1 8 
 
 vern c 
 Vrington with 1 „ 
 
 r.urrinston c. S **""• " "^ a 7 11 
 
 lonnington Gram. Sch. Salop. Mastership 
 
 ^MFFORD, Lor D 
 
 \ ai)penbury . . . . iraric. f. pr 70 4 
 
 \ estan u. We- 7 --n n r, 
 
 ,11 $• — r. — 70 
 
 tlierley .... J 
 
 1 iNTON, Lord 
 
 liiish Devon, r. — 150 
 
 V( St Putford. . .. — r. KB 9 II 
 'iHithill Com. r. — 38 
 
 allington — c. — not in char. 
 
 'I'-rton Devon, r. — 20 15 7 
 
 ^t. Petrock Stowe — r. — 17 2 
 ^'iMiiERMEnE, Viscount 
 
 '•iiiledam Chesh.p.c. fr 100 
 
 iouRTEVAY, Viscount, Trustees ol" 
 
 J|>niton Devon, r. — 40 4 2 
 
 *Iii(on Damerel i 
 
 with Cook- J> — r. — 26 13 
 
 Ijury c 3 
 
 WoretonHanipstead — r. — 49 19 
 >\ oolboro' with \ 
 
 Newton Ab- n — 
 
 but c ) 
 
 '"\ ENTRY, Earl of 
 
 '\enton Ghttc. pc. vn 80 
 
 ^\ iMiiston — r. 
 
 ' I '!• ware Uliild. d. 
 
 iiM)me D' A- > 
 
 6 
 7 
 d. — notiu char. 
 
 
 KB 13 6 
 — not in char. 
 
 Kn 20 
 
 — V. — 10 
 
 - 7-. — 21 
 Wa>u'. V. rn 144 
 
 Intot with ) Wore. 
 
 J'iiton ) 
 
 ^lal'toii Fljford.. Wore. 
 
 I'ouick — 
 
 StNcrnstoke .... — 
 ^\ olvey, alt. . 
 
 I'. WEN, Earl 
 
 Knborne Berks, r. xn 
 
 Hiunpstead > 
 
 :Marshall J ~ *"• ~ 
 
 rik-^tone Glouc. r. — 
 
 N ' Ivertoft Npn. r. — 
 
 ^Vi st Fellon .... S(dop. r. — 
 
 "iiibury — r. — 
 
 Staunton Lacy .. — r. — 
 
 ' VVistantow — 7*. — 
 
 Hinjpy Warn: px. PR 
 
 ''"uby — r. Kn 
 
 \\ > kin — p.e. pr 
 
 ^Jiington Wilts, r. km 
 
 liiniisall, 1st "J 
 
 portion with > 17,s/i. r. pr 
 
 ixiistone c. . . J 
 
 15 3 
 
 10 
 2 7 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 9 
 
 12 
 
 25 10 
 
 20 12 6 
 
 8 17 
 
 16 
 18 
 5.1 
 
 17 19 
 96 
 14 13 
 
 
 
 Crewe, Lord, Trustees of 
 
 Cliesh. r. — 25 7 
 
 100 
 
 12 4 
 
 PR 
 K B 
 
 S.Vor</(. p.e. PR 165 18 
 
 liarthomley 
 Nanlwich ... 
 Warmingham 
 Bamborough 
 
 with Lucker 
 Blanchland . 
 Great Madely 
 Dacr e, Lord 
 Carlti)n with. 
 M illinghani c. 
 
 Iviniptun 
 
 Uoyston 
 
 Da rnley, Earl of 
 
 Cobham Kent. r. pr 
 
 Sandgate, in i 
 
 Folkstone ^ ~~ c. kb 
 
 parish } 
 
 Dartmouth, Earl of 
 
 Olney Bucks, v. pr 
 
 Lewisham Kent. ». kb 
 
 W'estbroniwich .. Stiijf.p.c.vn 
 
 KB 
 
 — p.e. — 
 Staj^. r. 1' n 
 
 Camb. r. KB 
 Herts. V. — 
 
 — V. PR 
 
 De Dunstanville, Lord 
 
 Camborne Corn. i 
 
 St. lliogan — 1 
 
 Kedrutli ■ — » 
 
 St Eweny — i 
 
 West-Buckland. • £)efo«. i 
 DEEniiL'RsT, Lord and Lady 
 
 115 
 
 94 
 
 9 
 
 12 
 
 117 1 4 
 
 65 
 
 not in char. 
 
 100 
 
 23 19 2 
 
 20 
 
 not in char. 
 
 39 16 10 
 22 7 6 
 20 
 •iO 
 3 4 
 
 — 13 
 
 PR 
 
 KB 
 
 80 4 
 42 14 
 
 Hatfield with , , , , 
 c r > 1 ksli. p.e, 
 
 St. Laur. c. J ' 
 
 De Grey, Countess 
 
 BUinliam Beds. r. — 46 2 11 
 
 Clophill — r. — 12 
 
 Harrold — r. pu 144 8 
 
 PuUoxliill — V. — 113 7 
 
 Colchester, St. i 
 
 ^ Essc.v. r. KB 7 10 
 
 Michael iVly- . 
 
 land y 
 
 Great Horkeslcy — ;•. — 
 
 Kordliani £s.<e.T. r. k b 
 
 Aston Flamville. . Leic. r. pr 
 
 Leir — r. kb 
 
 D 1 1 »< ME R e , Lord 
 
 U'hitegatfc Chesh r 
 
 D i; La W a ii r e. Earl 
 
 Ashurst Kent. r. k b 
 
 East Grinslead . . Suss. v. — 
 Dk La War re, Earl, &:c. 
 Stratford on Avon Wuru 
 Dkbry, Earl of 
 Chester, Trinity Chest. 
 
 Forrest — 
 
 liury Lane. 
 
 Huston — 
 
 Ormskirk — 
 
 W'inwick — 
 
 Badswortii lA-.s/i 
 
 15 
 
 14 4 
 
 124 1 
 
 9 14 
 
 PR 90 
 
 5 4 7 
 20 
 
 — 20 
 
 r. 
 
 KB 
 
 8 
 
 15 
 
 5 
 
 />.c. 
 
 PR 
 
 60 
 
 
 
 
 
 r. 
 
 KB 
 
 29 
 
 11 
 
 .5 
 
 f. 
 
 PR 
 
 70 
 
 
 
 
 
 f. 
 
 KB 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 r. 
 
 
 
 102 
 
 9 
 
 p 
 
 . r. 
 
 
 
 32 
 
 5 
 
 10
 
 DeTabi.ey. Lord 
 
 Kniitsford Cheah. v. 
 
 I'eovnr Netlior .. — p c. 
 
 M illon — pe- 
 
 l)i; Vesci, Viscount, &c. 
 
 Sildiesler Hants, r. 
 
 DtvuNsiiinr, Duke of 
 
 Ault Derby, v. 
 
 Healey — P '^ 
 
 J{ lack well — '• 
 
 Bradboriie with \ 
 
 Ualliilon p.c. f ^ 
 
 and lirassirig- I 
 
 ton p.c J 
 
 Buxton — P-<: 
 
 Doveridge — i'- 
 
 Edensover — v. 
 
 Eyani — '• 
 
 Hartingfon w. > 
 
 Earlstern- J — v. 
 
 dale c. ) 
 
 Hatliersage w. ") 
 Middleton 
 Stoney p c. 
 &c Peake Fo- k 
 
 rest p. c ) 
 
 Heath — v- 
 
 Upper l.angwith — r. 
 Marston on Dove — v. 
 
 Pentridge — v- 
 
 Scarclifte — r- 
 
 Staveley — r. 
 
 South Wingfield — v. 
 Youlgreave .... — r. 
 Sawtry, All Sts. Hunts, r. 
 
 Brindle Lane. r. 
 
 Barrowby ...... Line. r. 
 
 Arnold Notts. ?•. 
 
 Beeston, St. John — i- 
 Clareborough .. Notts, v. 
 
 Everton — r. 
 
 Hucknall Torkard — v. 
 Nornianton on 7 
 
 Trent J ~ ^' 
 
 Sutton Ashfield. . — px. 
 jNIartinthorpe, sin. Rutl. r. 
 
 Kingsley Stuff, r. 
 
 Tutbury — v. 
 
 Buruby Yksh. r. 
 
 Londesborough . . — . v. 
 
 Barden — p e. 
 
 Bolton — p e. 
 
 Kirkby I\Ial- ; _ 
 haindale .... J ^' 
 
 Keighley — r. 
 
 DiGBv, Fail 
 
 Castletown Dors, p.c 
 
 Bishops Caundle — c. 
 Hi'ydon — ?•, 
 
 CIUJHcn PATRONAGE. 
 
 KB 26 16 
 
 a 
 
 I'R 146 '2 
 
 
 
 — U5 
 
 
 
 — 960 
 
 _ COO 
 
 — 10 18 
 FU 40 
 
 — 160 
 
 — 54 
 
 — 12 2 1 
 I'll <!() 
 Ku 13 15 5 
 
 PR 1.51 11 7 
 
 — r. — 123 
 
 — 
 
 132 
 
 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 134 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 KB 
 
 ^ 
 
 15 
 
 2 
 
 Pll 
 
 80 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 32 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 KB 
 
 12 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 Pll 
 
 103 
 
 
 
 
 
 KB 
 
 8 
 
 l.i 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 8 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 31 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 17 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 15 
 
 4 
 
 — 
 
 7 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 rn 
 
 100 
 
 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 118 
 
 11 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 87 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 — 
 
 66 
 
 
 
 
 
 KB 
 
 16 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 PR 
 
 1.30 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 <t8 
 
 19 
 
 6 
 
 KB 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 not in ch 
 
 ar. 
 
 • ■- 
 
 32 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 PR 
 
 43 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 KD 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 . 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 PR 
 
 116 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 ()born(; « — 
 
 North Wootton . . — 
 
 Goathill Som. 
 
 Coleshill Warw. v. 
 
 Sheldon — 
 
 Water-orton .... — 
 DrLLov, Lord Viscount 
 Marston Fleet . . Bucks. 
 Cuddington . . . . ( 
 Dorchester, Lord 
 Nately Scures . . Hants, r 
 Dorset, Duke of 
 
 Welford Glouc. 
 
 Weston on Avon 
 
 Islip 
 
 Lowick 
 
 Sliptou 
 
 Drayton, St. 7 
 Leonard .... J 
 
 Han well . . 
 
 Chiddingley .... 
 Kotlingdean .... — 
 
 Watlington — 
 
 DowNE, Lord Viscount 
 
 Ashwell Rutld 
 
 Danby Yksh.p c 
 
 Thormanbj-. 
 
 r. 
 
 KB 
 
 6 
 
 5 
 
 10 
 
 p.c. 
 
 PR 
 
 60 
 
 
 
 n 
 
 r. 
 
 — 
 
 90 
 
 
 
 fi 
 
 ). 0. 
 
 KB 
 
 10 
 
 i;i 
 
 
 r. 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 10 
 
 1 
 
 p.c. 
 
 PR 
 
 75 
 
 
 
 ii 
 
 . r. 
 
 K B 
 
 8 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 r. 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 9 
 
 4 
 
 100 
 
 Npn. 
 
 Ox on. 
 
 Sitss. 
 
 r. 
 
 KB 
 
 29 
 
 15 
 
 10 
 
 V. 
 
 PR 
 
 80 
 
 
 
 n 
 
 V. 
 
 KB 
 
 15 
 
 6 
 
 
 r. 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 18 
 
 ] 
 
 V. 
 
 PU 
 
 100 
 
 
 
 1. 
 
 r. 
 
 — 
 
 75 
 
 
 
 
 
 r. 
 
 KB 
 
 17 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 V. 
 
 PR 
 
 1.50 
 
 
 
 
 
 V. 
 
 KB 
 
 9 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 r. 
 
 PR 
 
 140 
 
 
 
 
 
 r. 
 
 KB 
 
 20 
 
 16 
 
 
 )C 
 
 PR 
 
 90 
 
 
 
 
 r. 
 lai 
 
 KB 
 
 ■chic 
 
 8 
 )ness 
 
 2 
 of 
 
 u 
 
 r. 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 11 
 
 8 
 
 v. 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 7 
 
 3 
 
 9 18 11 
 
 Eversholt Beds. 
 
 Onibersley Wore. 
 
 DoAVNsnittE, jMarquess of 
 Hampstead "^ 
 
 Norris with > Berks, v. 
 
 Langley c. .. j 
 
 Somerton Suff. r. 
 
 .Seaseay Yksh. r. 
 
 Di'ciF, Lord 
 
 Frocesler Glouc. r. 
 
 Woodchester .... — r. 
 Dudley, Earl of 
 
 Stonar Kent r. 
 
 Broome Staff, r. 
 
 Himley . — r. 
 
 Kingswinford . . — »'. 
 
 Sedgley — v. 
 
 Dudley, St. Tho. Wore. v. 
 Dun DAS, Lord 
 
 iMarske 17t,s/i. v. 
 
 Dung AN SON, Viscount 
 Llansantfraed I jy.^j,^ 
 
 Grlynkeriog S 
 DuxRAVEN and iJountea rie. Earl of 
 Coity w. Nol- } 
 
 — 
 
 6 
 
 16 
 
 8 
 
 — 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 Pll 
 
 140 
 
 
 
 
 
 KB 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 It 
 
 . 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 — - 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 12 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 18 
 
 6 
 
 PR 72 
 
 KD 7 16 6 
 
 tone S 
 
 Little St. Bride's 
 Llanniihangel .. 
 Midiaelstow, ^ 
 
 nr.Cowbrid. i 
 Llanganna, alt. . . 
 
 67am. r. kb 21 12 3 
 
 PR 120 
 — 72 11 
 
 KB 4 12 
 
 PR 1.50 
 

 
 RECTORIES, &C. IN THE GIFT OF THE NOBILITY. 
 
 657 
 
 D V NEvoH, Lord 
 Great Barrington Glouc. 
 — ~ Rissington — 
 ' \ iiton Oxon. 
 
 ART, Earl of 
 
 iri Ches. 
 
 rington .... Njm. 
 
 iiiisdcn Suff, 
 
 r I laugh — 
 
 lie; MO NT, Earl of 
 
 l.ninore Som. 
 
 Ti. 11 EWONT, Earl oC 
 i l^rciuont Cuinb. 
 
 «. KB 7 6 4 
 
 r. ~ 22 5 
 
 V, Pii 36 6 8 
 
 v. KB 19 9 7 
 
 r. — 15 9 7 
 
 V. — 10 2 
 
 r. — 9 12 1 
 
 f. PR 85 
 
 Som. 
 
 l'>' LTcrocombe 
 
 vi.Copelandc 
 
 :IIiljradon,stH. -- r. — 
 
 Docmnans. . . . — v. — 
 
 lavington. . . . Suss. r. — 
 
 li'ctoa \v. ^ . _ 
 
 Dates . . . . i 
 N'jitJi Cliapel 
 ('"iiibes witli 
 'Mpley, p. c 
 
 x'ton — 
 
 iean — 
 
 n^ with I _ 
 
 * hichurst, c. J 
 
 iviidford — 
 
 L.idgershall — 
 
 \ - 
 
 7 12 1 
 
 150 
 
 36 
 
 140 
 
 54 19 
 
 7 3 11 
 
 not in char 
 10 2 
 99 
 
 not inchar 
 68 17 
 
 I'etworfh — 
 
 I'ulborough .... — 
 Nonh Stoke .... — 
 
 Sutton — 
 
 Tiliinglon — 
 
 iUpwalthani — 
 
 ,<;atton Yksh. 
 
 Leckonfield — 
 
 Scarborough .... — 
 
 Wressle — 
 
 Kirkby Overblow — 
 
 poObrth — 
 
 "adcastcr — 
 
 SssEx, Earl of 
 
 little Raine .... Essex 
 
 IV'atford Her Is 
 
 Phrussingtou .... Leic. 
 
 ExETKii, Marquess of 
 
 'alby, alt Line. 
 
 tamford, St. 
 Audr. & St. 
 Mich. w. St. 
 Stephen, 2 
 turns in 4 
 
 - St. Geo. w. } 
 St. Paul S "~ 
 
 — SI. J. Hap. 1 
 w. St. Clem. ^ — 
 1 turn in 3 . . j 
 
 ?•. Kn 7 
 
 r. — 11 
 
 r. — 8 
 
 r. — 41 10 5 
 
 r. — 19 7 
 
 24 
 
 15 10 
 
 13 10 
 
 1 25 
 
 21 12 8 
 66 
 7 
 90 
 
 Npn. r. — 
 
 Rutl. 
 
 i - 
 
 PR 
 K3 
 
 Pll 
 KB 
 PR 
 KB 
 PR 
 KB 
 
 7 4 
 
 
 20 
 73 
 
 14 13 4 
 
 21 12 1 
 
 6 
 
 9 
 
 1 
 1 10 
 
 128 
 
 17 1 
 
 125 
 
 7 10 
 
 144 
 
 3 
 
 — All Saint-s 1 
 w. St. Peter > Line. 
 2 turns in 3 3 
 
 — St. INIary . . 
 
 — Jiarron ..... 
 Easton, All Sts 
 AV'akerley .... 
 Whittering. . . . 
 Barrovvden . . 
 Great Casterton — r 
 
 Pickworth — r 
 
 Ryhalw. EsonO ^„,^_ r 
 
 dine, c J 
 
 Stoke Dry — r 
 
 Tinwell — r 
 
 ExMouTH, Viscount 
 
 Christowe — v. 
 
 Falkland, Lord Viscount 
 Skinnand, sin. . . Line, r 
 FAL.MouTn,Earl of 
 
 Lamorran Corn, j 
 
 St. IMabyn . . 
 St. Michael 
 
 Penkevil 
 St. Stithian w. -^ 
 
 Pcran Ar^Y0- > — 
 
 thai e 3 
 
 Eeversham ,Lord 
 
 Sutton Full Yksh. 
 
 Helmsley on ^ 
 
 Black Moor ^ 
 Kirkby Cold.... — 
 
 Misperton — 
 
 FiTzwiLLiAM, Earl 
 
 Dore Derby p.e 
 
 Glossop with ^ 
 
 Charles- ^ 
 
 worth c. and i 
 
 Ludworth v. ) 
 
 Covington Hunts 
 
 Fiction — 
 
 Great Gidding . . — 
 
 Keystone — 
 
 Billinghay w. ? , . 
 ,,, r / > Line. 
 
 \V alcot e. . . J 
 
 Ettou Npn. 
 
 Harpole — 
 
 Harrowdn Magna — 
 
 Parva . . — 
 
 Highani Fer- 
 
 r. KB 12 7 8 
 
 80 
 
 91 
 
 19 
 
 100 
 
 104 
 
 14 
 
 11 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 8 9 
 
 
 13 1 
 2 11 
 
 
 KB 13 17 
 
 KB 
 
 11 
 
 12 
 
 138 
 100 
 
 145 
 36 
 
 2 1 
 10 5 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 0. 
 
 
 PR 106 
 
 KB 14 10 
 
 >•. — 
 
 130 
 
 
 
 
 
 V. KB 
 
 11 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 d. PR 
 
 53 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 r. KB 
 
 25 
 
 1 
 
 10 
 
 pu 70 
 
 — 
 
 109 
 
 6 
 
 9 
 
 '• KB 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 r. PR 
 
 135 
 
 
 
 
 
 r. KB 
 
 9 
 
 3 
 
 9 
 
 I". PR 
 
 114 
 
 
 
 
 
 r. KB 
 
 29 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 r. — 
 
 13 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 r. — 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 r. — 
 
 18 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 r. — 
 
 13 
 
 3 
 
 8 
 
 .c. — 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 
 
 rers w. Cal- 
 decott and 
 Clielveston c 
 
 Irthingboro', 
 All Saints w 
 St. Peter v. 
 
 Lutton with 
 Washingley 
 
 } 
 
 — V. — 33 4 4 
 
 ? _ 
 
 s 
 
 I Sim. 
 
 J Hunts. 
 
 not 
 
 6 8 
 
 11 
 in char 
 
 2 u
 
 ()'58 < 111 K<ii 
 
 Marliolme A'/m. r. kb 9 2 
 
 Hutton Bushel .. Soiu. v. — 14 17 
 
 \ eddin^hani . . .. ilcsli. r. — 5 4 
 
 Hiilmcr — r. — 11 
 
 Swinton — jt.c. — 24 
 
 Malton, Old ■% 
 
 — New, viz. ( , ,™, ,. 
 f* „,. , > — v.c. rn 117 
 bt. Mich.& I ' 
 
 St. Leon. c. J 
 
 Ecclesfield — v. — 15') 
 
 Greasborough .. — pc. — 110 
 
 Hooton Roberts — r. kb 7 11 
 
 Smeaton Kirk . . — 7'. — 10 1 
 
 Tankersley — r. — 26 
 
 Thornscoe — r. — 11 7 
 
 Tinsley — p.c. pr 111 
 
 Wentworth .... — p.c. — 120 
 
 FiT7. WILLIAM, Earl, and others 
 
 Thorpe Basset .. — r. — 144 
 
 Foley, Lord 
 
 Great Witley . . Wore. r. k b 7 6 
 
 Holt vv. Little 7 ^ .. .> 
 
 II'-. 1 f — ^- — Id 17 
 Vvitley c. . . . 1 
 
 Kidderminster y 
 
 with Lower ■ — v. — 30 15 
 
 Mittonc ) 
 
 Oddingley — r. — 4 19 
 
 Oldswinford w. ) o^ ^ 
 
 T > — r, — zo o 
 
 Lye c S 
 
 Pedmore — r. — 9 10 
 
 Shelsley Beau- } . o . 
 
 champ \ 
 
 Shelsley Walsh. . — r. pr 67 3 
 Forester, Lord 
 
 Broseley Salop ;•. — 7 18 
 
 Lit.Wenlock w. ) Salop r. — 11 13 
 
 Barrow ] — p.r. — 80 
 
 Willey — — 117 14 
 
 Fori escue. Earl 
 
 Challaconibe. . . . Devon, r. — 11 9 
 
 Filleighwith ^ __ ^ - 21 6 
 
 E. Buckland J 
 
 Wyer Gifford .. — r. — 13 5 
 
 Billingborough Liiic. v. — 6 1 
 
 Sempringham V 
 
 w. Pointonc. I ^. „„ or n 
 
 o 1, . ., > — i;. PR 28 
 cc Birthorpe f 
 
 c J 
 
 Gage, Lord Viscount 
 
 Staunton Glouc. r. — 94 10 
 
 Pixton -Vonm. f. pr 130 
 
 Maresfield Suss. r. kd 12 
 
 GoDERicii, Viscount 
 
 Bennington .... Lint: r. — 33 8 
 
 Conisholme .... — r. pr 1'J8 
 
 Wyham — r. kd 80 
 
 GosFORD, Earl of 
 
 Wvsall .... Softs, r. — 411 
 
 PAl RON ACE. 
 
 Becdes, St. Mary Suff. 
 St. Mich. — 
 
 Salop. 
 
 Suff. 
 
 Ellougli 
 Kettleborough 
 Pakefield .... 
 
 1st Mediety 
 
 2d Ditto 
 
 Redisham .... 
 Go w Ell, Earl 
 Kinnersley .. 
 GowER, AV. L. 
 
 Linipsfield Surry 
 
 Tatsfield — 
 
 Titsey 
 
 Grafion, Duke of 
 Barnham, St. } 
 
 Gregory . . . , i 
 — St. Martin ^ 
 
 w. Euston f 
 
 & Little Fa- i" 
 
 kenham .... I 
 Great Fakenham 
 
 Sapiston 
 
 Grantham, Lord 
 
 Bracewell Yksh. 
 
 Grantlly, Lord 
 
 Wonersh- - Surry 
 
 Guenville, Lord 
 Boconnoc w. 7 
 
 Broad Oak J 
 
 Ladock — 
 
 New Milford . . Pemb 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 21 
 
 12 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 — 14 
 
 — n.c. PR 4 ) 
 
 6 1 « 
 
 20 
 
 — r. — 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 r. — 7 11 10 
 
 — r. — 21 13 -i 
 
 — ]).C.PB 
 
 11 
 
 34 
 
 V. PR 60 
 
 r. — 119 
 
 Corn. r. KB 18 11 
 — r. — 18 
 
 Alford Chesh 
 
 Chester, St. Mary — 
 
 Eccleston — 
 
 Farndon — 
 
 Pulford — 
 
 Piestwich Lane. 
 
 Ratcliffe.St Thos. — 
 Guilford, Earl of 
 Ashley w. Sil- | 
 
 verley v S 
 
 Kirfling — 
 
 Harlow Essex 
 
 Lindsell — 
 
 East Langdon . . Kent 
 ChippingWarden Npn. 
 
 Elsfield Oxon 
 
 Shotteswell .... Warw. 
 Guilford, Earl of, and others 
 
 Camb. 
 
 . p.c 
 
 . — 
 
 not in char 
 
 q. of Westminster) 
 
 . r. 
 
 — 
 
 16 
 
 17 
 
 8 
 
 r. 
 
 — 
 
 52 
 
 
 
 
 
 r. 
 
 — 
 
 15 
 
 13 
 
 11 
 
 p.c 
 
 . PH 
 
 104 
 
 
 
 (1 
 
 r. 
 
 KB 
 
 6 
 
 15 
 
 10 
 
 r. 
 
 — 
 
 46 
 
 6 
 
 9 
 
 p.e. 
 
 
 
 not in cl 
 
 HI' 
 
 r 
 
 KB 
 
 15 
 
 17 
 
 
 V. 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 , 
 
 V. 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 7 
 
 11 
 
 V. 
 
 PR 
 
 99 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 r. 
 
 — 
 
 136 
 
 
 
 
 
 r. 
 
 KB 
 
 26 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 V. 
 
 PR 
 
 134 
 
 
 
 ( 
 
 . V. 
 
 KB 
 
 5 
 
 13 
 
 •J 
 
 Eythorne Kent 
 
 Ha R BO ROUGH, l!arl of 
 
 Saxby Leic. r. — 
 
 Staplelbrd — r. — 
 
 Stainbv with i ,. ^ ^ ^._ 
 
 ^ V. ; Line. r. kb 
 Gunby . . .. S 
 
 Teigh Rutl. r. — 
 
 r. — 15 12 < 
 
 120 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 100 
 
 
 
 ( 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 3C 
 
 14 
 
 2 
 
 11
 
 KECTORIES, &C. IN THE GII'T O T THE N(JlilLl'lY. 
 
 u. PR lli 
 
 90 
 15 
 
 20 14 
 18 
 14 18 
 PR 113 13 
 5 
 
 "Whisendine .... Rutl 
 
 Harcourt, Earl 
 
 North Hinksey . . Berks. p.c. — 
 
 f, ^ > OxJ. r. KB 
 
 Courtney . . J ■' 
 
 Hardwicke, Earl of 
 
 Foulniire Camb. r. — 
 
 Wimpole — - r. — 
 
 Slienlield Essex, r. — 
 
 Haresfield (iloitc 
 
 Aspeden Herts, r. eb 15 
 
 Ayott, St. Peter.. — r. — 7 8 
 
 Kidge — f. PR 110 
 
 iSt. Alban's, St. ) , . „, „_ 
 
 Peter Colney< - P- c kb not m char. 
 
 Westmill Herts r. kb 20 
 
 Crudewell Wilts, r. — 17 5 2 
 
 Huntingford Gram. Sch. Herts, 3Iastersliip 
 Harlwood, Earl of 
 Goldsborough . . Vksh. 
 Harewood, a/<. . . — ' 
 H A R R o w B Y , Earl of 
 Aston-sub-edge.. Gluuc. 
 
 IMark Som. p. 
 
 Sandua Staff. i 
 
 Harking r o n , Earl of 
 Gawsworth .... Cliesli. r. rb 
 Hastingsj Marquess of 
 
 Siiiisby Derby, p. c. — 
 
 Piddletown .... Dorset, v. — 
 Ashbydela Zouch Leic. v. — 
 '^ " — r. p K 
 
 PR 
 KB 
 
 10 
 14 
 
 10 
 
 7.T 
 
 7 
 
 7 4 4 
 
 So 
 31 
 
 . . . . . |..». 
 
 ^ /^ Suff.p.c. - 
 — r. K b 
 
 Bellon 
 
 Castle Don- i 
 
 ! — V 
 nington . . . . S 
 
 Marktield — r 
 
 Osgatliorpe .... — v 
 
 Stanton Stoney . . - - r, 
 
 West Leake .... Notts, r. 
 
 Henniker, Lord 
 
 Catcott Som. p.c 
 
 Ashlield with 
 
 Thorpe e 
 
 Bebenhani . 
 
 Kenton . . . 
 
 Great Thornhain. — 
 
 Little Thornhani . — r 
 
 "W'orlingworth 7 
 
 w. Southolt c. 1 ' 
 
 Hertford, Marquess of 
 
 Laughton Leic. r. 
 
 Laugliton Line. v. 
 
 Alcester Warw. r 
 
 Arrow — r 
 
 Binlon — r, 
 
 Birdsall — p.c 
 
 H(ji,i. ANij, Lord 
 
 Am])tliill Bcd^. r 
 
 Mill)n.ok — J- 
 
 Brinkwortli . . , . Wilts, r 
 
 Fox lev — » 
 
 14 10 
 68 
 
 8 2 
 
 14 13 
 25 4 
 
 .^0 
 
 1.5 
 V. PR 130 
 
 r. K li 7 
 
 — 4 
 
 — 19 12 3 
 
 KB 10 10 5 
 
 PR 140 
 
 14 8 10 
 
 10 10 7 
 
 O 
 
 KB 
 
 pa HO 
 — 49 
 
 
 
 10 6 
 9 16 
 
 23 9 
 3 17 
 
 
 Hot HAM, Lord 
 Soutii Dalton.. . , 
 Hutton Crans- ) 
 
 wick S 
 
 Scarborough . . . . 
 Ho \v A I'. D OP Eff 
 
 Hoiherain 
 
 M histon 
 
 Home, Earl 
 Little Minster .. 
 
 Penn 
 
 Altham 
 
 Clitiiero 
 
 Downiiam 
 
 Newchurch in 7 
 
 Pendle S 
 
 Ratclifle on Soar. 
 
 Acton 
 
 ^Vhitacre Over . . 
 Gotham, alt 
 
 HuNllNGFI ELD, 
 
 A Id ham 
 Aldriugham w. 
 
 Thorpe e 
 Huntinglield w 
 
 Cookiej 
 Laxtield with 7 
 
 Cratfield J 
 
 Great Linstead . . 
 Little Linstead • . 
 
 Ubbeston 
 
 Hl'ntingtower, 
 Buckminster .... 
 Silk M'illoughl>y . 
 Ilchesi eh, Eacl 
 
 Rewe 
 
 Abbotsbury .... 
 
 Bridport 
 
 -Maiden Newton . 
 Melbury Bubb .. 
 
 Osmond . 
 
 Sampford 
 
 Stinsford 
 
 AVinterborne I 
 
 Monkton . . 5 
 Middle Ciiinnock 
 Ciiiselborongli ^ 
 with West [ 
 C'hinnock c. } 
 Kilmington .... 
 Milton Clevi'don 
 Penselwood .... 
 .Shcpton Montagu 
 
 Soinertun 
 
 W estGrinistcad 7 
 
 w.Phiitfordc. S 
 
 Little .Somcrford 
 
 I Lc II I ST I. ic, Earl 
 
 Lustleigh 
 
 Silviitou 
 
 1 ksh. r. k B 1 'J 
 
 — t'. PR 5.3 
 
 — t'. — 60 
 INGHAM, Lord 
 
 i'ksh. f. KB 16 
 
 — r. — 10 
 
 Bucks. V. — 
 
 — r. k u 
 
 Lane, p.c.vn 
 
 — pc.~ 
 
 — p.c. — 
 
 — p.c. — 
 
 Notts. V. KB 
 
 Suff. V. — 
 Wanc.p.c. pii 
 Notts, r. KB 
 Lord 
 Suff. r. KB 
 
 — p.c. PR 
 
 93 
 
 9 
 
 73 
 
 110 
 
 128 
 
 Gj9 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 8 G 
 
 
 
 
 13 4 
 
 10 1(» 
 
 O 
 
 
 
 105 
 
 10 
 
 9 
 
 140 
 
 J9 
 
 10 
 
 40 
 
 13 
 6 
 
 11 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 13 
 
 18 
 
 6 
 13 
 
 — f. — 15 1 
 
 ]J.C, PR 
 
 — p.c. — 
 
 — f. k u 
 Lord 
 
 Leic. f. p R 
 Line. r. KB 
 of 
 
 Devon, r. — 
 Doiset.v. PR 
 
 • — r. KB 
 
 — t'. — 
 
 Som. 
 
 r. p R 
 r. ku 
 
 82 
 65 
 
 6 
 
 150 
 14 
 
 22 
 
 125 
 
 135 
 
 SO 
 
 11 
 
 8 
 
 .5 
 
 12 
 
 130 
 
 — r. — 14 
 
 — r. — 
 
 — r. PR 147 
 
 pc — 
 r. KB 
 
 11'/7(.s. y. 
 
 — r. 
 of, *:c. 
 Del on. r. 
 
 9 
 
 13 
 
 16 
 
 I) 
 
 
 
 7 10 
 
 7 
 
 46 
 16 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 13 4 
 
 
 
 8 1 
 
 4 2 
 
 4 
 I) 
 
 5 
 10 5 
 
 6 o 
 
 17 1 
 
 
 
 9 7 
 
 16 
 51 
 
 7 6 
 
 8 4
 
 (i(iO 
 
 C II I KCJl I'ATKONAGi:. 
 
 .1 I nsi Y, I'.iul of 
 
 r.iitlon Ferry .. (.7«mj. ;).c. i- ii 10 J 
 
 (■lyncorriog .... — pc. 
 Kknyon, Lord 
 
 IVci Lnnc.pc. 
 
 Pulverl)atch .... Salop, r. 
 Kino, Lord 
 
 l"nll)ornc Sotn. r. pr 51 
 
 Kii.st (Miindon •• Siiny. r. kp, 10 
 
 Ocklmin — »'. — H 
 
 Lansdowsk, Marquis of 
 
 I Ii((h Wycombe.. Bucks.v. pii 12^ 
 
 Calstone Wilts, r. k n 4 
 
 Le Di-spknceu, Lord 
 
 Morcworlli Kent r. — 14 
 
 Tudelcy w. Ca- ? _ „ _ ^ 
 I lel^ernec. J 
 
 
 — 62 17 
 
 93 
 
 10 v^ 
 
 — 11 6 
 PR 136 11 
 KB 22 8 
 
 pell 
 Lkicesteu's (Earl of)HospiTAL,Govs. of 
 Hampton in J 
 Arden with J Warw. v. — l.i 6 8 
 Knowle c. . . i 
 Lichfield, Earl of 
 
 Marsliam Norf. r. kb 10 17 9 
 
 Paston — t). pp. 107 
 
 S wanton Abbot.. — »•• kb 6 10 9 
 
 Ellenhall Staff, pc.va. 9118 2 
 
 Norbury — r. kb 10 2 6 
 
 LiLFORi), Lord 
 
 Leigh Lane. v. pr 94 
 
 Warrington .... — r. kb 40 
 
 *'S.'!'..!': ! ^>- - - 
 
 Pilton 
 
 Thorpe A church ) 
 
 w. Lilford v. \ 
 Titchniarsli .... — r. — 45 
 Warrington Gram. Sch. Lane. Mastership 
 Lindsay, Earl of 
 
 Uffington — r. — 21 5 2 
 
 LisBURNE, Lord 
 
 Ystrad-meiric .. Card. r. KBnotinchar. 
 
 Ysotty Vstwith . . — pc. pr 83 18 
 
 Liverpool, Earl of 
 
 Hawkesburyw. ) ... ^.^ r. 
 
 Treshamc... ! ^'''''■'^- ^^ ^^^ ^ 
 
 Pitchford Salop, r. kb 6 3 
 
 Londonderry, Marquess of 
 Dr.rham,St. Giles Z;u(7».;).c.pR .50 
 
 • St. Nichol — p.c. — 90 
 
 Great Asby . . . .Westm.v. kb 23 13 
 Lo.vsdale, Earl of 
 
 Aikton Cumh. r. k b 
 
 Beaumont w. j 
 
 Kirk Andrs. J — r. '"'' 
 
 on Kden } ^^ 
 
 Bolton Gate — r. — 
 
 Bootle — r. — 
 
 Bowness — r. — 
 
 Brigham . — v. — 
 
 <'ockermouth.. . . — p.c. pr 
 
 14 13 
 
 80 
 9 9 
 
 19 18 
 
 19 17 
 21 3 
 
 20 16 
 97 
 
 Corney Cumh. r. kb 9 17 
 
 -— ?-. — 7 1 
 
 — p.e. PR S6 
 
 — p.c. — 79 
 
 — pc. — 136 
 
 — r. — 86 
 
 — p.c. — CO 
 
 — p.e. — 46 16 
 
 — r. — 107 4 
 
 — p c. — 54 
 
 — p.c. — 70 
 
 — p.c. — 66 
 
 140 
 
 Dittington 
 
 Emblcton , 
 
 Hayle 
 
 Hcnsingham .. . , 
 Kirkbainpton 
 
 Lorton 
 
 Lowswater . . . . 
 
 Moresby 
 
 Mossar 
 
 l^atterdale 
 
 St. Bees 
 
 Whitehaven, > 
 St. Nicholas y 
 
 St. James . . 
 
 ■ Trinity . . . , 
 Whiteham 
 
 — p.c. 
 
 — p.c. — 108 16 
 
 — p.c. — 92 
 
 — r. KB 8 15 
 
 Melling Lane. p.c. pr 63 
 
 High Barton .. .. West. v. pr 150 
 
 Lowtiier — r. kb 25 7 
 
 — p.c. PR 120 
 
 — ». — 91 10 
 Yksh.p.c. — 92 
 
 — V. — 128 19 
 
 — p.c. — 114 10 
 
 KB 15 8 
 
 — p.c. 
 
 PR 105 
 
 Wore. r. KB 5 6 
 
 liavenstondale . . 
 
 Sliap 
 
 Arkingarthdale. . 
 
 Startforth 
 
 Wilton 
 
 Lyttelton, Lord 
 Halesowen av. 7 Salop. 
 
 Offchurch c. j Wore. 
 Penkridge and "\ 
 
 Copnall w. / — 24 
 
 Dunston c.\Sfaff.pc.rvi 70 8 
 
 and Wood- i kb 10 
 
 baston c j 
 
 Shareshill 
 
 Churchill, near 1 
 
 Kiddermins. J 
 Hagley with ^ 
 
 FrankleYC.& > „ i 
 
 St.Kenelmc. 5 *'^''^' 
 Malmesbury, Earl of 
 
 Dibden Hants, r. kb 5 12 
 
 Manchester, Dnke of 
 
 Qiiedgeley Gloue. d. — 40 
 
 Breamore with ) n , i 
 
 Hale S ^«"*'-'^- 
 
 Kimbolton Hunts, v. 
 
 Holywell with 1 
 
 Needing- J 
 
 worth c. 5 
 
 Swinestead .... 
 Man-Cornwallis, Earl of 
 Llaudewi Brery . Card. p.c. — 110 10 
 
 Linton Kent. v. kb 7 13 
 
 Little Saxhani .. Suff. r. — 
 
 Palgrave — r. — 
 
 Thrandeston .... — r. — 
 
 Packwood Warw. p.c. pr 66 
 
 ISIanvers, Earl 
 
 Langton, by } j. _ 
 
 Wragby .... S 
 
 10 6 5 
 
 11;! 
 
 92 
 137 14 
 
 — ?'. KB 30 6 
 
 — r. — 12 13 
 
 8 11 
 19 11 
 13 6 
 
 4 K
 
 RKCTORIES, &,C. IN THE GIFT OF THE iNOBlLITY. 
 
 GGl 
 
 1st 
 Me- 
 
 Cc)tf;rave, 
 
 and <^d 
 
 dicty J 
 
 ( uckney 
 
 i:;ikiinj,' 
 
 I I; dborougli .... 
 
 II 111 in Pierre- 1 
 point with , 
 Adbolion .. J 
 
 l,a\tnn 
 
 !.'\\dli.im 
 
 iiiingham, "i 
 
 Notts, r. vn 20 2 1 
 
 } - 
 
 St. Mary & ,- 
 
 St. Panic... > 
 ivadclifTe on 
 
 Ticnt 
 
 Siunton — p.c 
 
 A'. C-ton in the 7 
 
 (lay I - '•• 
 
 M 1 Hi.BORoocH, Duke of 
 
 Hurley Berks, v. 
 
 Ling Crendon . . Bucks, p c. 
 Li»\v W'inchendon — p.c. 
 W addesdon, ) 
 
 S - '■• 
 
 I luce portions 
 
 Anllcy 
 
 J'liadon -with 
 \\ (lodstock c. 
 
 — 150 
 KB 9 16 
 
 — 9 7 
 
 _ ^•'* '' 
 2 13 
 
 I'll 129 
 KB 4 18 
 
 — 20 5 8 
 
 — 4 12 6 
 pn 87 
 KB 19 2 IJ 
 
 PR 138 17 9 
 
 — 98 
 
 — 80 
 
 KB 45 
 
 Wilts. 
 
 iford 
 
 (Slield 
 
 llaidwick Pri- 
 ors w. I\lar- 
 ston Priors c. 
 a ad Low 
 Shuckbnrg c. 
 
 I.ildington, siH. 
 
 \'v i st Overton \ 
 with Alton ( 
 
 i> • Q y — t 
 
 I'riors c. ik i 
 
 I'ilicld c. ..J 
 ^Iavnaiu), Lord Viscount 
 ( ■ 1 1 at Easton .... Essex, r 
 Liille ]'^aston.. . . — r. 
 
 'I liaxstead — v 
 
 'I'lltoy ,,. 
 'I'liornton wit! 
 
 I'lagworlh 
 
 and Slanton 
 
 iiiuler liar- 
 don c. . . 
 I'a ssenliain 
 
 Ml i.iuiuRNi-, Lord Viscou 
 1' iitld)y Grafton Linr. 
 
 \'. illesford — 
 
 i'liston Np». 
 
 > <■ islry with f 
 
 ■ .iinhcrlcy c. S 
 I Uord Oram. Scli 
 
 O.von. r. — 5 12 8 
 
 > 16 5 
 
 i ~ '• 5 5 
 
 . . — r. pfi 1.10 
 
 . . _. rf. — .50 
 
 . . _ r. KB 4 19 9 
 
 Wane. v. — 23 16 
 
 i 
 
 — 14 
 
 — 23 
 
 Kii 18 13 
 
 — 10 
 
 — 24 
 p n 30 
 
 Lcic. 
 
 Npu. 
 
 ^olls. 
 
 Ru 6 10 
 
 — 2i» 
 ut 
 
 KB 1112 
 
 — 10 
 I'll 9 5 5 
 
 — 51 
 flJasltiship. 
 
 MiDDLETON, Lord 
 Carlton in i 
 
 Moorland w. J Line. v. 
 
 Stapleford c. S 
 
 Grinioldby — r. 
 
 .Saundby Notts, r. 
 
 Trowell, 1st & I _ 
 
 2d Med J '" 
 
 North Whcatley — r. 
 Wollaton with } 
 
 Cossall c. , . ^ 
 
 Middleton Warw. p.c 
 
 Wharram in the ) x-, , 
 ^, . ; 1 ksli. V. 
 
 Street S 
 
 Snieaton — r. 
 
 Henbury with 
 
 — 
 
 116 
 
 13 
 
 .-? 
 
 — 
 
 78 
 
 9 
 
 1 
 
 KB 
 
 9 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 pn 
 
 105 
 
 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 88 
 
 11 
 
 4 
 
 . not in 
 
 char. 
 
 pn 
 
 70 
 
 
 
 
 
 KB 
 
 13 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 lenbury with "j 
 
 Aust c. and f ., 
 Nortlnvick c. / 
 1 turn in 4 . . 3 
 MoLEswomn, Lord 
 
 Edliugton Vksh. 
 
 ]MoNsoN, Lord 
 
 Broxholnie Line. 
 
 Bncknall — 
 
 Hurton — 
 
 Caniringliam .... — 
 
 Croft — 
 
 Dalbv — 
 
 G7o«f. V. — 30 
 
 130 
 
 p.c. 
 
 — 9 
 
 — 9 
 
 — 11 
 
 pn 137 
 K B 23 
 pn 73 
 
 — 110 
 
 — 35 
 
 — 103 
 
 KB 8 
 
 p p. 37 
 
 Suss. 
 
 vn 35 
 
 18 13 1 
 
 Donnington on } 
 
 Baine S 
 
 North Carlton . . — p.c. 
 Ower.sby with "i 
 
 Kirby Os- > — v. 
 
 garby 3 
 
 South Carlton . . — p.c. 
 MoNTACUTK, Lord 
 Eastbourne, n. / 
 
 Rlidhurst .. \ 
 Montagu, Lord 
 Copmanford w. ) ,r , 
 
 Upton c 5 
 
 Winwick — 
 
 Luddington .... Lcic. 
 Barnwell, AllSts. Npn. 
 
 St. Andrew — 
 
 Ileniington 
 Church Law- 
 ford with 
 
 Newnhani 
 
 Regis p. c. 3 
 MoNTFORD, Lord 
 W jstwiiken .... Cam. p.c. rn 
 Moui.i y. Earl of 
 iMorley with / j^ , 
 
 Siiiallcy c. , . \ •' 
 
 Charlton Diran.r. — 31 
 
 Alorleigli ( . pu 10'.: 
 
 North Moulton I .,, 
 
 ,,,.,,. > — v. — 1 
 w. 1 witchinc. 5 
 
 10 
 
 U 10 
 
 15 2 
 
 10 
 
 7 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 18 4 
 
 \ Wan 
 
 pn 
 
 II 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 KB 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 <i 
 
 PR 
 
 1 20 
 
 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 150 
 
 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 99 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 K K 
 
 11 
 5 
 
 15 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 .50 (> 
 
 — 13 6 8 
 
 8 4 
 
 K". 5
 
 (iG'i 
 
 (III It(ll l>A'IUON AGE. 
 
 17 8 9 
 
 1« 12 
 
 9'J 10 
 
 6 4 
 
 12 7 
 
 /).c. 
 
 — not in char. 
 PR 140 
 
 /elc Mon:.- | ,;,,,„. ^. „„ 
 
 rlionnn . . ^ 
 IMouvT LoGiiCoMUF., Earl of 
 
 Liuuhnke Corn. r. kb 
 
 l.oslwithiel .... — v. imi 
 IMe^^iivissey .... — v. kh 
 
 I>aiiic — r. — 
 
 St. iMicliiicl on ^ 
 
 tho Mount. . \ 
 Truro, St. Ahiry — 
 iMouNTNonuis, Earl of 
 Arley Over . . . .Staff, p.c. kb not in char 
 MuNC.^STEU, Lord 
 
 Irton Cumb.p.c 
 
 INIuncaster — ]'<-•• 
 
 \V'al)bfrtlnvaite. . — r. 
 
 AVarter Yksh. v. 
 
 Newcastle, Duke of 
 
 Baniber Live. p.c. 
 
 Botliamsall .. ..Notts, p.c. 
 Oomwell — r. 
 
 PR 110 
 
 — 40 14 
 
 — 107 
 
 — 27 
 
 Wilts, r. 
 
 Elksley — r. 
 
 Kirton — r. kb 
 
 Mapplebcck .... — p.c. pr 
 East Markham '^ 
 
 with West ^ 
 
 Drayton c. . . ) 
 Danierham w. 7 
 
 Martin c. . . J 
 Norfolk, Duke of 
 Bixley with 
 
 Eramlingham > Norf. r. kb 
 
 Earl S 
 
 Bressingham . . .. — ?•. — 
 
 Great Poringland — r. — 
 
 Shell'anger — r. — 
 
 Thwaite.St. Mary — r. pr 
 
 Worksop Notts. V. kb 
 
 Bungay Stiff, pc. pr 
 
 Ilketshall, St. 1 
 
 ,, '. > — r. KB 
 
 iVlargaret . . J 
 
 Cajiel Surry, d. pa 
 
 Dorking — v. kb 
 
 Arundel Suss. v. — 
 
 South Stoke .... — r. — 
 
 Storrington .... — r. — 
 
 Thakeham — r. — 
 
 Worminghurst. . — p.c. pr 
 
 Handsworth .... Yksh. r. kb 
 
 Treeton — r. — 
 
 Nom UAJiPTON, JMarquis of 
 
 iMoulsoe Bucks, v. k b 
 
 (Castle Asliby ... . Npn. r. — 
 
 \ ardlcy Hastings 
 
 Con^jton Wy- 
 
 neate with 
 
 Tysoe 
 
 W'liatcott ... 
 
 NoRTIIUMBFRLAND, Dukc Of 
 
 llaslcbury Bryan Dorset, r. kb 
 
 — 30 
 
 — 50 
 
 KB 13 
 PR 110 
 
 7 
 37 
 
 I'. KB 11 18 11 
 
 25 10 10 
 
 8 6 8 
 
 15 
 
 6 
 
 17 
 
 138 17 
 12 4 
 44 
 
 5 13 9 
 
 50 
 
 14 13 
 
 5 
 
 11 
 18 
 14 
 
 40 
 12 
 12 
 
 S Wane. r. — 
 
 16 16 
 
 17 9 
 J3 16 
 
 20 
 32 17 3 
 19 13 9 
 
 — p.c 
 
 Yksh. 
 
 St.Mary at Hill . 
 I and St. And. ' Land. 
 I Hubbard, ait. ^ 
 ! AInham North. 
 
 Alnwick — 
 
 Birtley — 
 
 Chatton — 
 
 Doddington .... 
 
 Elsdon 
 
 Long Houghton.. 
 
 Ilderton 
 
 Tynemoutli 1 
 
 with North ^ 
 Siiields c.alt. f 
 
 KirkbyWiske .. 
 
 Kirkheaton .... — 
 
 Nop, in WICK, Lord 
 
 Harrow Midd. 
 
 Onslow, Earl 
 
 West Clandon . . Surry 
 
 Merrow — 
 
 Send w. Ripley c. — 
 
 Wisley w. Pir- i „ 
 , / ! Surrii 
 
 lord V S 
 
 Woking — 
 
 Orfoud, Earl of 
 
 Huntshaw Devon. 
 
 Aldby Norf. 
 
 Bircham New- ) 
 
 ton and Tofts V 
 Burnham Thorpe — 
 Itteringham w. ^ 
 
 Mannington . S 
 North Barsham. . — 
 
 Sloley — 
 
 Tivetshall, St. i 
 
 Mary and St. > — 
 
 Margaret .. j 
 
 Waborne 
 
 Wickmere w. ^ 
 
 Wooltcrton. 5 
 Oxford, Earl of 
 
 Aylton Here/, r. 
 
 Brampton . . ., } 
 
 Bryan, «Z^... $ 
 
 Cusop 7". 
 
 Kenderchurch 
 Leintwardine. . 
 St. Margaret .. 
 Walterstone . . 
 Old Castle.... 
 Presteigne, w. 
 
 Discoyd c. & 
 
 Kinsham c. / 
 
 alt } 
 
 Pembroke, Earl of 
 Langeinwen w. ) 
 
 LangalTo c. . S 
 
 C'halbury Dorset, r 
 
 Abdon Salop, r. 
 
 r. PR 333 6 8 
 
 — P-c- 
 
 — p.c. 
 
 — p c. 
 
 — p.c. 
 Mon. p.c. 
 
 >Radn. v. 
 
 Angl. 
 
 — 70 
 —106 
 
 — 120 
 KB 12 16 
 
 — not in char. 
 
 — 20 
 PR 140 
 
 — 80 
 
 KB 24 59 4 
 
 — 27 16 
 
 — 25 13 
 
 — 33 4 
 
 — 124 13 
 
 — Ill 1 
 KB 8 18 
 
 KB 40 19 
 
 — 11 5 
 
 PR 100 
 
 — 115 8 7 
 
 KB 7 13 4 
 
 _ 19 10 
 
 — 12 10 5 
 
 — 6 
 
 — 5 6 8 
 
 — 20 
 
 —not in char. 
 
 — 17 
 
 PR 
 KB 
 
 PR 
 KB 
 
 75 
 
 5 11 
 
 5 19 7 
 32 
 
 7 15 8 
 
 6 
 62 
 
 76 
 
 KB 20 
 
 16 4 4 
 
 7 10 2 
 95 10
 
 RECTORIES, &C. IN THE 
 
 IJishopstone n. > ,^.^^^ ^_ ^^ 19 j^ 
 hwind. sin, S 
 
 Ditto — V. — 12 1 
 
 Cliilmark — r. — 19 13 
 
 I'.ivant — r. — 17 
 
 .St. Peter w. ^ — r. — 24 
 
 Hemerton c. j 
 
 T.ittle Lannpford Wilts, r. pr 110 
 
 Ndilli Ncwini;ton — rA'P- "" 2 15 
 
 Sniith Newton .. — v. PR 115 
 
 St:illlon St. 1 r, n 
 
 ,, , J r. KB 7 
 
 r.ernaru . . . . ^ 
 
 Wilton witli \ 
 
 l!iilbri(li;'e v. / o^ ^q 
 
 II .. I i \ 2j lo 
 
 l)itcnarni)ton \ — r. — .,, ,j 
 
 v. and Nether i 
 
 Hampton c. } 
 
 Wylye — r. — 21 14 
 
 I'r.YMouTii, Earl of 
 I'ennartli St. f 
 
 Anstin with ^Glam. r. vr 119 6 
 
 l^hivernocii » 
 
 St. Fai^an with 7 . i ,i 
 
 , , ^,. $. — r. KB 14 9 
 
 lilanutern c. J 
 
 IJiidir — V. PR 57 
 
 Kr.npsing w. 7 j^^^^ ^ ^^ ^^ ,3 
 
 Seal c J 
 
 Stratford on | ,,^.,„.^. ,.. _ 33 
 
 A\on, alt. . . S 
 
 I'anworth — v. — 6 13 
 
 Tardebig Wore. v. — 8 
 
 I'oMFnET, Earl of 
 
 IJoiirne Liric. v. kb 8 
 
 (Old Hif,'iiam ..Njm. r. pr 124 
 l^aston Neston .. — v. kb 8 
 I'riRTLAND, Duke of 
 
 J>(i!sover Derby, v. pr 117 
 
 r.iitley Hants. r, kb 5 10 
 
 JS.^hall with j ^^,^^^,^_ ^_ _ 2g 17 
 
 Micepvvash. . ) 
 Kirkl,yi„Ash-J^^^,^^ r. - 18 1 
 
 fjeld S 
 
 AI;nis(ield 1 
 
 N\ (lodhouse .' — pc. vn 142 
 
 ^v. Skegijy.. ) 
 iMiiskham, 2(1 7 „ , „ ,(, 
 
 ,, ,. ' J. V.C. KB 8 19 
 
 iMediety .... J ' 
 
 Sibthorjje — d. pr 28 
 
 Sutton on "J ,,\ ,\ 
 
 I 1 -.1 f „ KB K) o 
 
 ,^1 1 pii 57 O 
 
 Serooby .... J 
 
 (idthani, 1 tu. i .,, „ 
 
 ., ' ! — r. K li 19 8 
 
 Ml ,J ^ 
 
 I'ouTMonE, Earl of 
 
 I linrne Yksh. pc. pr 72 
 
 I'diiTsMoi'Tii, Earl of 
 
 l-arley Wallop I _ oq 8 
 
 w. Cli.l.lcsden S ' 
 
 |Ov»'r Wallop. .. . — r. — ■ 27 5 
 
 GIFT OF THE NOBILITY. 
 
 cm 
 
 p.c. 
 
 p.c. 
 
 . . Here/, v. 
 . .Mont. p.c. 
 
 I Salop. V. 
 
 ,. — p.c. 
 
 Salop. 
 
 — 120 2 
 
 — 46 
 KB 38 5 2 
 
 PR 163 
 KB 30 
 
 — 13 13 4 
 
 — 9 12 11 
 pu 57 10 
 
 KB 6 
 
 — not in char. 
 
 — 13 10 5 
 
 PR 34 10 
 
 I- 
 
 Weild Yksh. p.c. r r not in char. 
 
 PouLETT, Earl 
 
 Chafcombe Som 
 
 Chillington .... — 
 Lympsham .... — 
 Seavington, St. \ 
 
 Mary and St. f _ 
 
 Michael r. w. 1' 
 
 Dinningtonc. } 
 Hinton, St. Geo. — 
 Powis, Earl 
 Hishops Castle 
 Llanwddun . . 
 Hromfield w. 
 
 Hawford c. 
 Clunbury . . . 
 Cliinn with 
 
 Bettw.s p.c. 
 
 & Edgton c. 
 LlanOxir Wa.- 
 
 terdinc and 
 
 Shipton c. . 
 
 Monsford — 
 
 Mindtown — 
 
 Shrawardine .... — 
 Radnor, Earl of 
 
 Coleshill Berks 
 
 Hambledon .... Surry 
 Great Civerhall Wilts 
 
 Little Ditto — 
 
 Odstock — 
 
 Pcwsey — 
 
 anton, St. } 
 
 Quintin .... i 
 Rancmffe, Lord 
 Dunney with } 
 
 Bradmore c. S ^otts. v. — 
 
 Costock — r, 
 
 Keyworth — r. 
 
 Tiiorpe in Glebis — r. 
 
 Ra vKNswnRTii, Lord, &c. 
 
 Lamesley Dnr. p.c 
 
 Tanfield — p.c. 
 
 Rrdf-sda r,E,Lord 
 
 Lower Leming- ) ^., 
 
 . ° \ (tluuc. p.c. 
 ton S 
 
 Goring »S'«.s's. v. 
 
 RifiiMONi), Duke of 
 
 I'oxgrove Suss. v. 
 
 Tangmcre — r. 
 
 Singleton w. "j 
 
 Eastdani v. ( 
 
 and Kri.ston v. J 
 
 1 turn in S .. } 
 
 RlVKRS, 1,01(1 
 
 Belclialwell w 
 
 Kifehcad 
 
 Neville ... 
 Cerne Abbas ... . — r. pr 95 5 
 Chesselborn .... r. k» 18 10 .s 
 
 p.c. — 100 
 
 V. KB 4 18 6 
 
 r. PR 60 
 
 r. KB 9 12 6 
 
 — 17 11 8 
 
 — 6 7 11 
 
 — 16 
 
 — 11 17 3 
 
 — 11 17 11 
 
 — 26 16 8 
 
 — 10 5 7 
 
 — 
 
 6 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 7 
 
 18 
 
 4 
 
 — 
 
 7 
 
 ,5 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 12 
 
 9 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 90 
 
 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 85 
 
 
 
 
 
 KB 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 PR 
 
 150 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 I'R 
 
 145 
 
 
 
 
 
 Lor set 
 
 KB 18 17 8 
 
 — 12 16
 
 lliiilon IJrad- ^ 
 
 stock w. f Dorset 
 
 Slicp|)iiiK'«>'i I 
 
 (■coinc ;>.f. } 
 
 Ihlicrldii — 
 
 Iwcrnc Courtney — 
 Mclcomb Horsey — 
 Okolord KiU- { _ 
 
 painc S 
 
 I'iiniicrno — 
 
 Sliapwick w. ^ 
 
 Aslicott p.c. S 
 Stiiriiiinstor f 
 
 Newton . . . . i 
 
 Sudely Glouc. 
 
 WinclicOTiibevv. I 
 
 Gretlon c. .. J 
 RociiFORD, Earl of 
 
 Easton *S'«jf. 
 
 JiOONtv, Lord 
 Hii^li Ivoding. . . . Essex 
 KoKEBY, Lord 
 Coveney Avith 7 ^,^^,„^ 
 
 JNlaney c. . .. J 
 Artliingworth . . Npn. 
 lioLi.E, Lord 
 Abbots Bick- I jy 
 
 ington S 
 
 Bickton — 
 
 Chittlehanipton.. — 
 HarpCord with f 
 
 Fen Ottery c. S 
 
 Lancross — 
 
 Langtree — 
 
 North Tamerton 
 
 Otterton — 
 
 RoLLE, Lord, &c. 
 Little Torrington — 
 West Chelboro'. . — 
 RoMNEY, Earl of 
 
 Allington Kent 
 
 Padillesworth/Zcs. — 
 RosEBERYjEarl of 
 
 Postwick Norf. 
 
 RossLYN, Earl of 
 Knaresborough. . Ylcsh. 
 Rutland, Duke of 
 Borough Green.. Camb. 
 Newmarket w. i 
 
 MoodDittonr. \ 
 
 WhitwcU Derby 
 
 Sturmer Essex. 
 
 Ayiestone with \ 
 
 Lit. Glen c. f , . 
 
 and Lubbes- / ^"'''• 
 
 thorp c * 
 
 Barkstou — 
 
 Botleslbrd — 
 
 rnnston — 
 
 (IIUUCII I'ATIIONAGE. 
 
 
 
 p.c. 
 
 — d. 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 13 9 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 8 1 
 
 — 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 21 
 
 12 8 
 
 — 
 
 19 
 
 12 6 
 
 — 
 
 7 
 
 9 4 
 
 — 
 
 15 
 
 16 8 
 
 PR 
 
 46 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 61 
 
 11 10 
 
 — 
 
 10 
 
 18 6 
 
 — 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 12 
 
 2 8 
 
 PR 
 
 83 
 
 
 
 KB 
 
 12 
 
 13 4 
 
 — 
 
 34 
 
 18 11 
 
 PR 
 
 139 
 
 10 6 
 
 
 
 40 
 
 
 
 KB 
 
 29 
 
 1 3 
 
 — 
 
 not in char 
 
 — 
 
 22 
 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 18 11 
 
 PB 
 
 133 
 
 
 
 
 
 114 
 
 
 
 KB 
 
 not 
 
 mchar 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 Leic, 
 
 r. KB 9 9 4 
 
 »•. — 18 10 
 
 r. — 46 5 5 
 
 r. — 20 3 4 
 
 r. — 8 10 
 
 r. — 31 8 11 
 
 t'. — 7 5 5 
 
 r. — 51 5 
 
 r. — 15 10 5 
 
 7 14 
 125 
 
 r. KB 32 12 
 
 r. 
 
 16 12 
 
 12 9 
 
 8 1 
 
 — V. PR 100 
 
 Croxton Kcrrial 
 Croxlon South .. 
 Knaptoft with J 
 
 Shcarsby c. S 
 
 Kiiipfon 
 
 Kcdniilo 
 
 Scalford 
 
 Sproxton and ) 
 
 SaUby i 
 
 Thorpe Arnold 1 
 
 witii Brent- J 
 
 ingby j 
 
 WalthainleWolds — 
 
 Harby — 
 
 Plungar — 
 
 Giinby Line. 
 
 Osbourny — 
 
 Ropeslcy — r. 
 
 South Withain .. — r. 
 Woolsthorpe . . . . — 7'. 
 Granby with ) ^r^f^^^ t,. pii 120 
 
 outton c S 
 
 — r. KB 
 
 PK 
 KB 
 
 6 17 
 
 11 
 
 20 
 
 120 
 
 140 
 
 7 
 
 11 14 
 95 
 
 12 2 
 
 Gringley 
 
 Bisbrooke Ruil. r. 
 
 Lidgate Siiff. r. 
 
 Trowbridge w. J j,..,^^ ^_ 
 
 otaverton c. } 
 Salisbury, Marquess of 
 Crauborne .... Dorset v. 
 Long Burton X _ ^ 
 
 w. Holnest c. ^ 
 
 Pebworth Glouc. v. 
 
 Lit. Berkhampst. Herts, r. 
 
 Bygrave — r. 
 
 Clothall — r. 
 
 Essendon with ) 
 
 Bayford c. . . \ 
 Bishops Hatfield — r. 
 Great Offley .... — v. 
 
 Edstone . . Ylcsh. v. 
 
 Sandwich, Earl of 
 
 Little Ravely . . . .Hunts p.c. 
 
 Say and Sele, Lord 
 
 Mursley Bucks r. 
 
 ScARBORotiGH, Earl ot 
 
 Blyton Line. v. 
 
 Glentworlh w. 7 
 
 Spittle c. . J 
 Saxby St. Helens — r, 
 
 Scothern — v. 
 
 Skegness ••.... — r. 
 Stainton St. John — i'. 
 Willoughton, alt. — r. 
 
 Maltby Yksh. v. 
 
 Stainton — v. 
 
 ScAitsDAiE, Lord 
 
 Kedlaston Derby r. 
 
 Quarndon « — p.c. 
 
 Worthington .... Leic. p.c. 
 
 140 
 
 6 
 
 15 10 
 
 20 12 
 
 — 
 
 120 
 
 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 100 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 55 
 
 
 
 
 
 KB 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 9 
 
 7 
 
 — 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 — 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 
 
 ._ 
 
 36 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 PR 
 
 140 
 
 
 
 
 
 PR 
 
 30 
 
 
 
 
 
 KB 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 KB 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 
 PR 
 
 56 
 
 
 
 
 
 KB 
 
 7 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 PR 
 
 100 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 90 
 
 
 
 
 
 KB 
 
 4 
 
 18 
 
 4 
 
 PR 
 
 143 
 
 12 
 
 ;> 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 80 
 
 
 
 
 
 PR 
 
 90 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 40 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 110 
 
 
 

 
 RECTORIES, &C. JN THE GIFT OF THE NOBILITY 
 
 66t 
 
 Scott, Lord, alt. 
 Dunchurch .... Wariv.v. 
 .Sefton, Earl of 
 
 Altcar Lane. p.c. 
 
 Sklsey, Lord 
 
 Elstead Suss. r. 
 
 Stedhani witli > 
 
 Heyshot ..J 
 Treyfbrd with I 
 
 Didling S *"' 
 
 Seymour, Lord Robert 
 
 Taliaris Carm. p.c. 
 
 Sevmour, Lord H. &c. 
 Bonchurch .... Hunts, r. 
 Sh ATi.sBURY, Earl of 
 Cann,St. Ruinbold — r. 
 EdiTiondisham . . — r. 
 Hinton Martel .. — r. 
 
 Horton — v. 
 
 Loders vvitli 7 
 
 Hauntoac.alt.^ 
 Sbaftesbury, 7 
 
 St. James . . J 
 • St.Peter&7 _ 
 
 Holy Trinity J *"• 
 
 ■ St. Rumb. — r. 
 ■\Vimborne, All l 
 
 Saints &: St. J — r. 
 
 Giles S 
 
 ■ Minster — r. 
 
 Beeby Leic. r. 
 
 Purton Wilts, v. 
 
 SHEnBOHNF., Lord 
 
 Sherljorne Gloitc. v. 
 
 "Windrush — v. 
 
 Shrewshury, earl of 
 
 Buri^hlield Berks. 
 
 Cotfield, alt A'orf. 
 
 SoMKns, Earl 
 
 Eastnor Ilercf. r. 
 
 Pixley — I'. 
 
 Droitvvich, St, 
 
 St. I'cter . . _ 
 Leigh wilh 7 
 
 Bransford c. i 
 Little Malvern. . — p.c. 
 North Piddle . . — r. 
 
 Stoulton — ]> c 
 
 SoMF.nsET, Duke of 
 Berry Ponieroy Devon- v. 
 Witliani Friary Som. p.c 
 SoMKRVii.i.F, Loril 
 Aston Sonierville iHouc. r. 
 Sondes, Lord 
 Wendy witli 7 
 
 Shengay c. J 
 Badlcsniere \v. 7 
 
 Levcland . . J 
 Selling 
 
 KB 
 
 14 
 
 PR 
 
 37 
 
 PR 
 
 31 
 
 Kli 
 
 17 
 
 Pit lii7 
 
 PR 52 
 
 — 140 
 
 — 9 
 PR 100 
 KB 16 
 PR 50 
 
 — 105 
 
 KU 1 
 
 PR 110 
 
 KB 9 
 
 — 
 
 12 
 
 PR 
 
 107 
 
 KB 
 
 22 
 
 KD 
 
 15 
 
 — 
 
 5 
 
 KD 
 
 14 
 
 RV 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 PR 
 
 05 
 
 Wore. V. KB 
 
 PR 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 116 
 
 — 
 
 60 
 
 KB 
 
 18 
 
 PR 
 
 '10 
 
 Camh. 
 
 r. 
 
 PR 
 
 ■12 
 
 Hail. 
 
 7-. 
 
 KB 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 I'. 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 1 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 8 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 5 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 Oarlhorpe Leic. v. 
 
 Kettering Npn. r. 
 
 Rockingham.... — r. 
 Stoke Albany .. — r. 
 Weston on '\ 
 
 AVelland w. f 
 
 Sutton Bas- i ^'' 
 
 set 3 
 
 M'ilbarston .... — v. 
 Southwell, Lord Viscoun 
 
 Garway Here/, p.c. 
 
 Southwell, Lady 
 
 Asterby Line. r. 
 
 SpF.Ncrn, Earl 
 
 Dunlon Beds. v. 
 
 Bucks, r. 
 
 Stanton Bury .. — v. 
 Sandridgc .... Herts, v. 
 Bozeat vith 7 ^r 
 
 Strixton r. I ^i"'' ""• 
 Brampton Church — r. 
 Great Brington. . — r. 
 N. Crciike, alt. A'o;/. r. 
 Hinton with 
 
 Steane. .. . 
 
 Battersea Surry. 
 
 Wornileighton .. Waiw. 
 Si'iNci, R, Lord Charles 
 \V'heatfield .... Oxon. 
 Spfnckii, Lord Robert 
 AVoolbeding .... Suss. 
 Staffokd, Marquess of 
 Brackley, St. 
 
 KB 
 
 7 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 34 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 PR 
 
 107 
 
 
 
 
 
 KB 
 
 13 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 ~ 11 17 1 
 
 — 7 17 1 
 t, &c. 
 
 PR 45 
 
 — 135 10 6 
 
 PR 104 16 
 
 KB 9 9 7 
 
 PR 30 
 
 KB 8 
 
 — 15 
 
 — 21 6 8 
 
 — 40 O 
 KB 33 6 
 
 PR 
 
 10 
 
 5 9 
 
 13 15 
 
 75 
 
 KB 9 10 10 
 — 7 1 
 
 rackley, St. -j 
 Peter w. St. f ^^ 
 James c. & j ^ 
 St. John c. J 
 
 Donnington 
 
 Npn. 
 Salop. 
 
 St. George J 
 Liilershall .... — v. 
 Harbtston "^^'l/T P-<^- 
 
 Blurton. 
 
 Shcriirhales w. \ 
 Burleton c.&: > — 
 M'oodcote c. ) 
 
 Trentham with 7 
 
 ... s 
 
 p.c. 
 
 — 19 1 6 
 
 — 13 6 8 
 
 PR 93 10 
 
 KB 6 17 11 
 
 PR 147 10 8 
 KB not in ciiar. 
 
 — 11 I 8 
 
 Bluiton c 
 
 Stamford, l'"arl of 
 
 Carrington .... Ckesh. p.c 
 
 Risley with ) ri ; 
 ,, •' ; Derby. p.c. 
 
 Brcasonc. . . S •' ' 
 
 \shton under ) •■ 
 
 , J Lane. r. 
 
 Lyne S 
 
 Staiey Bridge .. — p c. 
 Brecdon with J 
 Slanntonllar- I Leic. v. 
 
 rold c 3 
 
 Ralhby cum ) 
 
 Groby.... < ^■• 
 
 p.c. PR ICf 9 2 
 
 — 100 
 —125 6 8 
 
 Kii 26 13 4 
 
 PR 98 
 
 — 98 
 
 — 06 i> O
 
 Wolv.d.an.p- I stnfp.c. 
 
 toil. Si. John S •' 
 Si owi i.t., Lord 
 
 Stowcll .... i 
 STinnnnoKB, Karl of 
 
 HfcKickl Suff. r. 
 
 I'.nisyard — ]>c. 
 
 Darsliiiiii — f. 
 
 Kyke - r. 
 
 Heydon \vitli 7 
 
 Soulhwold i).c. i 
 
 Wangford — pc. 
 
 Yoxlord — r. 
 
 STnATiiMoiiE, Earl of 
 
 Romaldkirk .... Yksh. r. 
 SiDNh Y, Viscount 
 
 Rexley Kent. t. 
 
 Paul's ('ray .... — r. 
 St. Ai.hans, Duke of 
 
 Little Grimsby . . Line. v. 
 
 Pickwortli — r. 
 
 Red 1)0 urn — r. 
 
 St. Gf.hmains, Earl of 
 
 Jacobstow Corn. r. 
 
 Eisey Wilts, v. 
 
 Latton — V' 
 
 St. Helen's, Lord, &c. 
 Mesfininstcr, ^ 
 
 St. Clement ^ 31idd. r. 
 
 Danes } 
 
 St. John, Lord 
 
 Bletsoe Beds. r. 
 
 Melchburn .... — v. 
 
 Rislev — t;. 
 
 Tilbrook — r. 
 
 Woodford, } ^ ^ 
 
 IstMediety S ' 
 
 2d Mcdiety — r. 
 
 SuFFiELD, Lord 
 
 Aldborough .... Norf. r. 
 
 Antinfcham, 7 _^ 
 
 St. Mary .. S *"" 
 lilirklins \\ itli i 
 
 Erpingham, J — r. 
 
 alt S 
 
 Bradlield — r. 
 
 Colby — )•. 
 
 Freltenham w. ^ 
 
 Stanningliall S 
 Gunton with } 
 
 Hanwortli r. S 
 Ilunworth with 1 
 
 Stody J ~~ "■• 
 
 Knapton alt — r. 
 
 Overstrand .... — r. 
 
 Suflield — r. 
 
 Thorpe Market. . — r. 
 Si'FFiEi. n. Lady 
 
 ^liddlcton Lane. r. 
 
 CIIUUCII I'ATRONAOK 
 
 'II i:30 
 
 10 
 5 17 1 
 
 11 
 .54 13 4 
 70 
 15 
 
 — 13 6 8 
 PR 83 2 
 KB not in char. 
 
 — 5 14 9. 
 
 in 
 
 KB 
 
 KB 58 14 2 
 
 — 13 4 7 
 
 — 2'2 
 
 KB 78 13 4 
 
 PR 137 2 7 
 
 — 126 
 
 — 19 
 
 — 11 14 4 
 PR 46 8 6 
 
 — 52 7 1 
 
 KB 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 
 
 PR 
 
 75 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 124 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 KB 
 
 13 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 11 
 
 8 
 
 1 
 
 - 
 
 11 
 
 11 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 KB 
 
 10 
 9 
 
 13 
 18 
 
 4 
 
 
 PR 
 
 119 
 
 
 
 
 
 KB 
 
 8 
 
 15 
 
 10 
 
 — 
 
 10 
 1 
 
 
 13 
 
 
 6 
 
 - 
 
 5 
 
 1 
 
 8 
 
 — 
 
 10 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 7 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 
 
 PU 
 
 68 
 
 16 
 
 4 
 
 Norf.p.c. PR 87 Ol 
 
 .Staff, r. — 14 
 
 SuFFiELD, Dowager Lady 
 Norwich St. 7 
 
 Michael at 
 
 Thorn 
 
 Talbot, Earl 
 Church Eaton 
 
 Gratwich — r. pr 140 
 
 Ingestrie — r. kb 10 
 
 Tankerville, Earl of 
 Shrewsbury, ) „ • 
 
 St. Julian.. \ Sacop.p.c. 
 Tiianet, Earl of 
 
 Hothfield Kent, v.— 17 
 
 Framfield Suss. r. — 13 
 
 Brougham West. r. — 16 
 
 19 9 
 8 
 6 8 
 
 Dufton 
 
 Kirby Thore .... 
 Mallerstang .... 
 Long Marlon . . . . 
 
 IMilborn 
 
 Sowerby Temple 
 Stainmore 
 
 r. PR 120 
 r. KB 37 
 
 p.Ct PR 
 »\ KB 
 
 p.c. PR 
 pc. — 
 
 — p.c. 
 
 130 
 
 5 
 
 6 8 
 10 7 
 
 
 
 17 11 
 
 
 
 15 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 Silsdon on the } y. , _ 
 
 Moor S ^'*^"*-'"'- 
 
 Hatfield Suss. r. kb 
 
 Tiiurlow, Lord 
 Great Ashfield ..Suff. p.c. kb 
 TowNSHE.Ni), Marquess 
 AValton on 1 
 
 97 
 21 
 94 
 86 
 92 
 
 86 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 Trent with \ Derby 
 
 Rolleston c. j 
 Norwich, St. ? at /• 
 
 MaryCoslany J " ■'' 
 East Rudham 
 
 w.W.Rudham 
 Sherford 
 Stiffkey, St. 
 
 J 
 
 r. KB 17 2 
 
 PR 96 
 
 I - 
 
 tiatey, St. ^ 
 John w. St. / 
 Mary and ? 
 IMorston .... 3 
 
 — I'. — 43 
 
 — r. PR 86 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 r. KB 21 13 4 
 
 — .36 3 11 
 
 Toftres 
 
 TowNSHEND, Lord John 
 
 Colkirk with ? tvt /• 
 
 Stibbard....{ ^"'•^- 
 Valletort, Viscount 
 
 Beerferris Devon, r. — 24 1 
 
 Dittisham — r. — 34 15 
 
 Plynipton, St. Maude Gr.Sch. Devon. Mast 
 Vernon, Lord 
 
 Sudbury Derby, r. — 14 12 
 
 Aberavon with > ^, „ -,^« ,, « 
 
 Baslandc. .. ( ^''""- "■'• '^'^ ^^^ ^' ^ 
 Llandilo Talybont — v. kb 4 14 7 
 
 Llangwinor — p.c. pr 42 
 
 Llangonoyd .... — v. — 145 
 
 Penrice — p.c. — 36 
 
 Nuthall Notts, r. KB 3 14 9 
 
 Verulam, Earl of 
 
 Colne Wake Essex, r. kb 12 5 
 
 Messing — v. _ 8
 
 RECTORIES, JiCC. IN THE 
 
 I'lbinarsh Essex, r. Kn 10 o 
 
 Ivi dbiirn Herts, v. — 16 5 
 
 St Alban's, St. ) ^. _ jq 1 8 
 
 Michael . . . . S 
 W ALDtORA vE, Earl of 
 
 r.diley Eseex. r. — 9 
 
 [-;i])L;enhoe — '". — 14 3 4 
 
 1'. l.lon — r. — 16 15 10 
 
 l^ulstock Som. r. — 6 11 
 
 W A LSI NO II AM, Lord 
 
 Cop.lock ^vith } g^^^ ^^^ ^^ j3 ^j 
 
 \\ ;islibrook v. ) •" 
 
 :\kilon Norf. r. — 6 .5 
 
 Stuiston, 5(n — p.c.vn ob 
 
 I Wahwick, Earl of 
 
 IMilverton WariL\p.c. vn 58 
 
 WATEiiFonD, Marquess of 
 
 I ■( .1(1 North r. K IS 24 
 
 W 1 i.i.iNOTON, Duke of 
 
 Slralhlieldsaye . . Hants, r. ku 24 13 
 
 Turgis . — r. — 6 10 2 
 
 \^ 1 sTMiNSTEu, Marq. of, (see Grosvenor) 
 
 W I s I MORF.i.AND, Earl of 
 
 ( 'tt rstock AV. j ^. ^ ,.^ jOO 
 
 (•laptnorne . S 
 
 Kmnscliir — r. KB 13 16 3 
 
 \* irminston — r. vn 141 10 
 
 \\ 11 A iiNCLiFTE, Lord 
 
 I'.ainstaple Devon, v. — 15 8 9 
 
 Oidsall Nvtls. r. — 1'.) 10 7 
 
 H.iidrow Ykslt.p.c. vn 65 (» 
 
 \l iiiTwfjuTii, Lord, i\c. 
 
 Drnyton Oxon. r. pa 75 
 
 \1 1 i.i.ouGiiBY DE Broke, Lord 
 
 Kiiiicot Lcic. r. — 20 16 3 
 
 liilliill Line. r. PR 135 12 
 
 I'l'.titlngtou .... Som. r. kb 13 8 4 
 
 l-.ramshall Staff, r. — 4 3 9 
 
 l.ast Lavanl Suss. r. — CO 18 1 
 
 ( Instertou Wartv.p.c. vn l'J8 
 
 Kin;,rston wilh } ^, ^- ^. ,^ 
 
 ( Ombrook c. S 
 
 l.iij,litli()rn — r. kh 14 7 3 
 
 W ii.LouoiiiiY D'EuEsBv, Lord 
 I'xllau w. Aby f 
 
 r. bi Green- S Line. r. kb 19 7 3 
 
 field r ) 
 
 (Miiby — r. PR 117 12 
 
 l.ilcnham — p.c. kb not incliar. 
 
 Partney xviti. 1 __ ,._ ,.^ ^^^ j^, ^ 
 
 SpiLsby px. i 
 
 Skciidkby — f. KB 4 5 
 
 Sunu-rby "cum ? __ ,._ _ ^j ^^ 6 
 
 I hiinhy . . . . ^ 
 W .si Tlioddic- \ 
 
 ll,..r,,.. vvitli f _ r. - 18 10 2 
 
 M:d)l(lliiiri)r / 
 
 SI. i'cter .. ) 
 
 GIFT OF THE NOBILITY. 
 
 mi 
 
 Little Stepping.. Line. 
 Swinestead .... — 
 
 Tallin^ton — 
 
 Toyntou — 
 
 All Saints — 
 
 Low 
 
 U'lLTON, Earl of 
 
 Kadclid'e Lane. r. 
 
 Farlliingoe .... ISpn. r. 
 
 Hatley, alt Yksh. v. 
 
 WiNOiiELSEA, Earl of 
 
 Middleton 7 ^„^,.^ ^ 
 
 Keynes .... J 
 
 Ravenstone .... — f. 
 
 I'oulncss Essex, r. 
 
 Eastlins Kent. r. 
 
 Kastwell — r. 
 
 M yt; — pc. 
 
 liurley Rutl. v. 
 
 Gieethain — v. 
 
 WiNcHESTcn, Marquess of 
 
 Vateley ILints. pc. 
 
 \\ on Ell oils p, Lord 
 
 Carlton Forelioe Nnrf. r. 
 
 Crownthorpe. . .. — »'• 
 
 Hin;i;hain — r. 
 
 Kiniberley w. 1 
 
 15;irnliani J — f. 
 
 J J room r. . . . 1 
 East Lexhatn v,f 
 
 Litclia-.n i 
 
 West Lexhani .. — r. 
 
 Kuniiall — r. 
 
 VAnnonouoH, Lord 
 
 Eyworlb Beds. v. 
 
 Honby Line. v. 
 
 Brocklesby .... — t. 
 
 Cabourn — ■ v. 
 
 Cadney — v. 
 
 East llalton — r. 
 
 llorkstow — V. 
 
 Iiby on llumber — v. 
 
 Ktelby — v. 
 
 Killin};holine. . . . Line. v. 
 
 Kirinin^ton .... — v. 
 Auckland with "^ 
 
 Earforth and f 
 
 iMaiden M ell 
 
 PR 53 
 PR 100 
 KB 8 
 
 — 12 
 p R 94 
 
 KB 11 1 
 
 
 () 
 9 9 
 
 K O 
 
 21 5 
 
 — 16 
 I a 150 
 
 — 20 
 
 PR 
 
 100 
 
 
 
 
 
 PR 
 
 98 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 KU 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 
 
 Pll 
 
 110 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 120 
 
 
 
 
 
 KB 
 
 10 
 
 13 
 
 1 
 
 PR 
 
 127 
 
 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 28 
 
 
 
 n 
 
 KB 
 
 5 
 
 17 
 
 1 
 
 PR 
 
 125 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 V9 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 12 
 
 3 
 
 KB 
 
 12 
 
 8 
 
 1 
 
 17 8 
 
 ) 
 
 i Salop, r. — 
 
 Swallow. . . . 
 C'ounde with 
 
 Cressagc c. 
 St. Lawrence. . . ./. oJ'W 
 '/jovcu, Baroness 
 East and West I c 
 
 An^-nicrinf; S 
 Parliani - 
 
 — 
 
 5 
 
 11 
 
 a 
 
 PR 
 
 48 
 
 
 
 
 
 PR 
 
 65 
 
 
 
 
 
 KO 
 
 6 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 PR 
 
 59 
 
 7 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 36 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 KU 
 
 7 
 
 18 
 
 4 
 
 PR 
 
 112 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 KB 
 
 4 
 
 18 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 (I 
 
 PR 
 
 60 
 
 
 
 
 
 PR 
 
 1,^2 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 — 
 
 130 
 
 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 115 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 K II 
 
 7 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 — 
 
 33 
 
 
 
 
 
 PR 
 
 112 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 cVr. 
 
 KB 21 9 8 
 PR 90
 
 6()H 
 
 (III) Kill UAIKS AND LOCAL CHARGES. 
 
 A MOUNT of Iliph way Rates, Church Rates, Poor Relief, County Charges, 
 CoiistjibK'S ('haigos, Militia, Litigation, and all other incidental local 
 ciiarp's, for the Year 18'27, in each County in England and Wales; 
 also tlie annual value of lical Property Assessed in 1815 to the Pro- 
 perty 'fax, and the Pdpulation according to the last census. 
 
 Vrar 
 
 rnding ?Mli Marrli, 
 
 18.17, 
 
 liedfdrd 
 
 Hurks 
 
 Rucks 
 
 ('nnil)ri(lge .... 
 
 Che-^tn- 
 
 Cm wall 
 
 Cumberland 
 
 Derby 
 
 Devon 
 
 Dorset 
 
 Durham 
 
 I'ssex 
 
 Oloucester .... 
 
 Hereford 
 
 Hertford 
 
 Huntingdon 
 
 Kent 
 
 Lancaster 
 
 Leicester 
 
 Lincoln 
 
 Middlesex 
 
 Monmouth .... 
 
 Norfolk 
 
 Northampton . . 
 Northumberland 
 Nottingham .... 
 
 Oxford 
 
 Kulland 
 
 Salop 
 
 Somerset 
 
 Southampton . . 
 
 Staflord 
 
 Suffolk 
 
 Surrey 
 
 Sussex 
 
 Warwick 
 
 M'estmorland . . 
 
 Milts 
 
 Morcester .... 
 York, E. R 
 
 N. R 
 
 — W. R 
 
 Males 
 
 Total of England 
 and Males . . 
 
 tligliway 
 
 lUtLS. 
 
 £ 
 
 8,045 
 1 ] ,!)79 
 15,207 
 10,511 
 20,440 
 24,080 
 13,734 
 10,049 
 39,588 
 10,707 
 17,303 
 . 29,444 
 31,755 
 13,307 
 14,034 
 
 5,335 
 40,093 
 90,015 
 24,315 
 70,731 
 34,240 
 
 0,700 
 25,240 
 21,441 
 10,007 
 27,703 
 12,984 
 
 4,128 
 17,032 
 34,080 
 10,090 
 19,108 
 24,S4«l 
 34,080 
 27,087 
 20,003 
 
 3,09'J 
 21,231 
 17,500 
 24,503 
 20,504 
 102,770 
 40,550 
 
 1,121,834 
 
 Cluircli 
 Rates. 
 
 £ 
 
 0,820 
 
 7,015 
 
 7,118 
 
 5,098 
 
 9,135 
 
 8,072 
 
 3,758 
 
 8,793 
 
 19, .507 
 
 0,913 
 
 9,518 
 
 19,808 
 
 11, .500 
 
 5,999 
 
 9.305 
 
 2^387 
 
 32,715 
 
 27,111 
 
 8,775 
 
 18,180 
 
 94,359 
 
 4,387 
 
 14.230 
 
 8,.577 
 
 5,337 
 
 0,208 
 
 5,829 
 
 947 
 
 9,805 
 
 18,314 
 
 10,077 
 
 13,542 
 
 13,557 
 
 30,597 
 
 9,441 
 
 11,198 
 
 1,158 
 
 8,851 
 
 10,030 
 
 8,227 
 
 0,320 
 
 21.032 
 
 23,417 
 
 l',X|uncliil 
 in KtlicI of 
 the Poor, 
 (bounty 
 Rate, &c. 
 
 £ 
 
 91,359 
 114,970 
 152,515 
 104,803 
 147,124 
 115,453 
 
 58,785 
 
 99,518 
 244,887 
 
 94,923 
 
 94,181 
 300,794 
 200,590 
 
 09,433 
 108,054 
 
 48,270 
 392,253 
 539,388 
 138,904 
 214,308 
 711,874 
 
 31,851 
 344,950 
 107,352 
 
 79,117 
 
 99,085 
 135,880 
 
 13,873 
 
 90,401 
 180,809 
 210,520 
 158,808 
 252,283 
 291,830 
 273,001 
 178,425 
 
 31,514 
 190,043 
 
 92,078 
 119,011 
 
 9G,73(t 
 388,730 
 313,771 
 
 564,38S 7,803,405 9,489,087 
 
 Total 
 Expendi- 
 ture. 
 
 £ 
 
 100,230 
 133,904 
 174,810 
 127,072 
 182,708 
 147,011 
 
 70,277 
 124,300 
 304,042 
 112,003 
 121,002 
 350,040 
 243,911 
 
 88,799 
 131,393 
 
 55,998 
 471,001 
 603,114 
 171,994 
 309,285 
 840,479 
 
 43,004 
 384,420 
 197,370 
 100,521 
 133,590 
 154,099 
 
 18,948 
 123,358 
 239,803 
 230,099 
 191,458 
 290,089 
 350,513 
 310,193 
 209,620 
 
 35,771 
 220,125 
 120,244 
 152,041 
 129,014 
 613,138 
 383,783 
 
 Annual Value 
 
 of 
 
 Real Property, 
 April 1813 
 
 £ 
 
 343,082 
 
 652,082 
 
 644,129 
 
 655,220 
 
 1,083,083 
 
 916,060 
 
 705,445 
 
 887,659 
 
 1,897,515 
 
 698,395 
 
 791,359 
 
 1,550,830 
 
 1,403,259 
 
 604,014 
 
 571,107 
 
 320,187 
 
 1,044,179 
 
 3,087,774 
 
 902,217 
 
 2,001,830 
 
 5,.595,530 
 
 295.097 
 
 1,540,952 
 
 942,101 
 
 1,240,594 
 
 737,229 
 
 713,147 
 
 133,487 
 
 1,037,988 
 
 1,900,051 
 
 1,130,951 
 
 1,150,281 
 
 1,127,404 
 
 1,579,172 
 
 915,384 
 
 1,230,720 
 
 298,198 
 
 1,155,158 
 
 799.605 
 
 1,190,325 
 
 1,145,252 
 
 2,392,405 
 
 2,153,801 
 
 51,898,423 13,894,574
 
 LAY ANU CLERICAL MAGISTRATES. 
 
 669 
 
 Return of Lay and Clerical Magistrates in each County in England 
 and Wales who have qualified, appointed by the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 Names of the Counties, 
 
 ]?edforcl 
 
 Berks 
 
 Itucks 
 
 Cambric! j;c 
 
 Chester 
 
 Cornwall 
 
 Cumberland 
 
 Derby 
 
 Devon 
 
 Dorset 
 
 Durham 
 
 Essex 
 
 Gloucester 
 
 Hants 
 
 Hereford 
 
 Hertford 
 
 Huntingdon 
 
 Kent 
 
 Lancaster 
 
 Leicester 
 
 Lincoln 
 
 Middlesex 
 
 Monmouth 
 
 Norfolk 
 
 Nortiiampton 
 
 Northumberland .... 
 
 Nottingham 
 
 Oxford 
 
 Rutland 
 
 Salop 
 
 Somerset 
 
 Stallbrd 
 
 Sullolk 
 
 Surrej' 
 
 Sussex 
 
 AVarwick 
 
 Ai estmoreland 
 
 Milts 
 
 Worcester 
 
 York— East, West, & 
 North Hidings . . . 
 
 Anglesea 
 
 Brecon 
 
 Cardigan 
 
 Carmarthen 
 
 Carnarvon 
 
 Denbigh 
 
 Flint 
 
 Glamorgan 
 
 Merioneth 
 
 Montgonierj' 
 
 Pembroke 
 
 Radnor 
 
 Names of the present Lord 
 Lieutenants. 
 
 Lord Grantham 
 
 Karl of Abingdon 
 
 Duke of Buckingham 
 
 J)arl of Hardwiclve 
 
 I'arl of StHmford 
 
 Jlarl of Mount Edgecumbe . . 
 
 J'.arl of Lonsdale 
 
 Duke of Devonshire 
 
 Earl of Fortescue 
 
 Earl Digby 
 
 Marquis of Cleveland 
 
 ^'iscount Maynard 
 
 Duke of Beaufort, K.G 
 
 Duke of Wellington 
 
 Earl Somers 
 
 Earl of Verulam 
 
 Duke of .Manchester 
 
 Marquis Camden, K.G 
 
 Earl of Derby 
 
 Duke of Rutland 
 
 Earl Brownlow 
 
 Duke of Portland 
 
 Duke of Beaufort 
 
 Hon. John Wodehouse .... 
 
 Earl of M'estmoreland 
 
 Duke of Northumberland .. 
 
 Duke of Newcastle 
 
 Earl of IMacclesfield 
 
 Marquis of Exeter 
 
 Earl of Powis 
 
 INIarquis of Bath 
 
 i:arl Talbot 
 
 Duke of Grafton 
 
 Lord Arden 
 
 Earl of I'gremont 
 
 Earl of Warwick 
 
 Earl of Lonsdale 
 
 Aiarquis of Lansdowne .... 
 
 Earl of Coventry 
 
 Ivirl Carlisle, Earl Harewood, 
 
 and Duke of Leeds 
 
 Martinis of Anglesca 
 
 Dnke of Beaufort 
 
 AV. E. Powell, Esq 
 
 Lord Dynevor 
 
 Lord \\ illoughby de Eresby . 
 
 Sir \\ . W. M yn'n, Bart 
 
 Earl GrosN enor 
 
 Martinis of Bute 
 
 Sir W. W. Wyun, Bart 
 
 Lord Clive 
 
 Sir John Owen, Bart 
 
 Lord Rodney 
 
 Total 
 
 Number. 
 
 Clergy 
 
 Lay. 
 
 Total. 
 
 19 
 
 27 
 
 46 
 
 28 
 
 95 
 
 123 
 
 54 
 
 90 
 
 144 
 
 23 
 
 28 
 
 51 
 
 IG 
 
 68 
 
 74 
 
 36 
 
 54 
 
 90 
 
 15 
 
 39 
 
 54 
 
 . . 
 
 79 
 
 79 
 
 42 
 
 144 
 
 186 
 
 25 
 
 43 
 
 C8 
 
 23 
 
 59 
 
 82 
 
 51 
 
 119 
 
 170 
 
 49 
 
 127 
 
 176 
 
 19 
 
 131 
 
 150 
 
 58 
 
 97 
 
 155 
 
 44 
 
 102 
 
 140 
 
 7 
 
 18 
 
 25 
 
 2 
 
 115 
 
 147 
 
 24 
 
 151 
 
 175 
 
 17 
 
 27 
 
 44 
 
 52 
 
 59 
 
 111 
 
 16 
 
 153 
 
 169 
 
 13 
 
 44 
 
 67 
 
 78 
 
 119 
 
 197 
 
 35 
 
 49 
 
 84 
 
 6 
 
 40 
 
 46 
 
 10 
 
 44 
 
 54 
 
 18 
 
 53 
 
 71 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 9 
 
 38 
 
 106 
 
 144 
 
 53 
 
 97 
 
 150 
 
 16 
 
 70 
 
 86 
 
 58 
 
 98 
 
 156 
 
 39 
 
 215 
 
 254 
 
 , . 
 
 189 
 
 189 
 
 24 
 
 42 
 
 66 
 
 15 
 
 18 
 
 30 
 
 18 
 
 71 
 
 89 
 
 44 
 
 92 
 
 136 
 
 103 
 
 311 
 
 414 
 
 7 
 
 14 
 
 21 
 
 24 
 
 37 
 
 61 
 
 11 
 
 53 
 
 64 
 
 9 
 
 75 
 
 84 
 
 14 
 
 17 
 
 31 
 
 24 
 
 41 
 
 65 
 
 15 
 
 26 
 
 41 
 
 18 
 
 36 
 
 54 
 
 9 
 
 11 
 
 23 
 
 13 
 
 31 
 
 44 
 
 10 
 
 35 
 
 45 
 
 4 
 
 29 
 
 33 
 
 1324 
 
 4017 
 
 6371
 
 (,~() oKKJIN <)I (OMMISSIONKKS OF SEWERS. 
 
 COMMISSIONERS OF SEWERS. 
 
 «' Out of evil sometimes comes good, but do not evil that good may come." — 
 
 Fielding's Proverbs. 
 
 WiirLK a niiilig-nant distemper is either actually among-st us or im- 
 pending, it seems a suitable moment for referring to a subject directly 
 Jjcarinp- on the general health of the community. Except in periodical 
 calls for rates the public know and hear little of the Commissioners of 
 Sewers. They arc, however, a branch of the ancient institutions of the 
 country, and the people have a right to be informed of the derivation of 
 their powers, their duties, and the abuses in their administration. 
 
 From the lectures of Challis at Gray's Inn, in 1662, public sev;ers 
 appear to havebeenfirst vested in commissioners in the reign of Henry III.; 
 and after several acts to extend their powers, became consolidated in the 
 23d of Henry VIII. c. 25 ; when authority was granted to certain in- 
 dividuals, in various districts of the kingdom, to construct sewers for 
 drainage, and levy rates for the purpose. The authority of the Com- 
 missioners is almost absolute, and still continues Avith little abridgement. 
 They can summon, examine, and even imprison ; and it is even doubtful 
 whether the superior courts of law can interfere. As regards the qualifi- 
 cations and appointment of the Commissioners, the statute of Henry VIII. 
 directs that substantial persons, having a freehold qualification of £20 
 per annum, shall be nominated by the lord Chancellor, lord Treasurer, 
 and two chief justices, for " making and repairing ditches, banks, 
 gutters, gates, sewers, calcies, bridges, streams, trenches, mill-ponds, 
 and locks." Each commission is to continue ten years ; and six are 
 to form a quorum. Commissioners acting without being duly qualified, 
 to forfeit £40 each sitting ; they may proceed either by inquisition or 
 survey ; each commissioner to be allowed 40s. a day while engaged in 
 the duty of the commission, and the rates to be assessed in proportion 
 to land, rents, profits, and fisheries. 
 
 Besides this and other general acts, local acts have been obtained by 
 several commissions, the provisions of which extend only to the par- 
 ticular jurisdiction for which they have been passed. In the district of 
 tlie metropolis, north of the Thames, are four principal commissions. 
 Monthly committees, clerks of the works, surveyors, inspectors, mes- 
 sengers, Arc. are attached to each commission. Every one who receives 
 a benefit or avoids a damage is liable to be assessed to the sewers' rate. 
 The average expenditure under the Westminster commission is £24,000 
 per annum ;* the Holborn and Finsbury, £10,000 ; the Tower Hamlets, 
 
 • Pari. Paper, vol. v. No. 542, Sess. 1832.
 
 COMMISSIONERS OI- SKWl.US. (j7 1 
 
 under £2,000 ; the city of London, £8,000: making a yearly expen- 
 diture of £44,000 for the maintenance of the servers of one district of 
 the kingdom. 
 
 Having shortly noticed the origin and powers of Commissions of 
 Sewers, we shall instance their defective administration. We shall call 
 attention to the state of that portion of the environs of this great metro- 
 polis on the south side of the river. It may be thought by some, 
 perhaps, so obscure and remote a corner of the realm is totally un- 
 worthy of legislative notice, but it ought to be borne in mind that it is 
 the principal seat of productive industry in the capital, and that it 
 comprises a dense population of half a million of persons, every one of 
 whom is equally entitled with other of his majesty's lieges to the en- 
 joyment of health and the blessings of life. If the inhabitants of this 
 portion of the suburbs be peculiarly subject to the cholera or other 
 malignant disease, it cannot be matter of astonishment. They are com- 
 pelled to drink the most deleterious beverage, and the sewers, ditches, 
 and channels for cairying off the foul and redundant Avater are in a state 
 of disgraceful neglect. In all that thickly-peopled area, of at least 
 sixteen square miles, embracing the entire parishes of Rothcrhitlie, 
 Bermondsey, Horselev Down, Walworth, Newington-Butts, and a con- 
 siderable portion of Lambeth, extending from Deptford and the Kent 
 Road to the New Camberwell Road, and the roads in the vicinity of 
 the Surrey Zoological Gardens, the channels and ditches for carrying 
 off the v\ater remain in their natural state, overflowing with filth and 
 impurity. If, for want of descent, it might not be easy to drain them, 
 they might at least be widened, cleansed, and covered over. If, by 
 economy in the expenditure of the existing assessment, it could not be 
 made adequate to the undertaking, at such a moment of apprehension of 
 infectious disease, and for such a salutary end, the inhabitants would 
 hardly complain of an additional rate for the purpose ; in fact they would 
 save it in the reduction of poor-rate, caused by the employment created 
 for men who now burden the parish for want of work. As it is, the 
 nuisance of which we complain is personally dangerous to the passenger, 
 ofiensive to the eye, and most injurious to the constitution. 
 
 It is gratifying to think the Surrey parishes are about obtaining 
 representatives in parliament, were it only for the sake of local improve- 
 ments. At first we thought of calling the attention of Mr. Warburton 
 to the power and duties of commissioners of sewers, but this gentleman 
 has his hands full with the Anatomy Bill, and moreover is in some 
 measure a jjarticeps criminis, having been recently presented for a 
 nuisance on his own lands, by the Surrey grand jury. However, we 
 trust some honourable Member will take up the subject. A parlia- 
 mentary committee sat on the state of the public sewers iu 18'23, but it 
 had an indifferent chairman in the late Mr. Peter Moore — made no 
 report, and nothing came of its inquiries.
 
 (j7'2 iNciiKAsr: oi i'opulation. — postscript. 
 
 PROGRESS OF POPULATION. 
 
 
 
 
 
 D J 
 
 
 4> • 
 
 
 
 1801. 
 
 — o. 
 
 1811. 
 
 C 1/ 
 
 1821. 
 
 i £ 
 
 1931. 
 
 England.. . . 
 
 H,:i3I,131 
 
 14^ 
 
 9,551,888 
 
 17§ 
 
 11,261,437 
 
 16 
 
 13,089,338 
 
 Wales 
 
 511,540 
 
 13 
 
 611,788 
 
 17 
 
 717,438 
 
 i2 
 
 803,236 
 
 Scolland . . 
 
 l,5yy,0()8 
 
 14 
 
 1,805,688 
 
 16 
 
 2,093,456 
 
 13 
 
 2,365,837 
 
 Army, Nav}', 
 6cc 
 
 470,598 
 
 — 
 
 640,500 
 
 — 
 
 319,309 
 
 ~ 
 
 277,017 
 
 
 10,942,640 
 
 15i 
 
 12,609,864 
 
 14 
 
 14,391,631 
 
 15 
 
 16,537,398 
 
 The increase in population has been rapid and nearly at an uniform 
 rate per cent, for the last thirty years, notwith.standing the increase or 
 diminution of the Army, Navy, &c. The population of Ireland 
 amounted in 1831 to 7,734,365, making the aggregate population of 
 the three kingdoms 24,271,763. With such an augmented number of 
 people, cribbed in by corn laws, anti-emigration prejudices, and mono- 
 polies, can it be matter of surprise that capital is redundant — bread 
 dear and labour cheap ? Is it possible, while society is progressively 
 increasing in numbers, wealth, and intelligence, public institutions can 
 be stationary ? Is it possible that an Aristocracy, daily becoming more 
 disproportionate in every element of power to the mass of the com- 
 munity, can maintain a monopoly of political authority ? Either they 
 must speedily repair the few decayed pillars by which the State is sup- 
 ported within, or be crushed from the superincumbent pressure without ! 
 
 POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 Two or three changes, occasioned by deaths and removals, have occurred 
 while the work has been printing, but they are of too great publicity to need 
 particularizing. AVe may also remark that the observations at pages 376 and 
 502 wore printed prior to the publication of the Navy Estimates. The energy 
 with which sir J. Graham has proceeded to new-model the department over 
 V hich he presides will leave, we apprehend, little to desire in that branch of 
 the public service. 
 
 After the explanations of the Duke of Wellington (House of Lords, March 
 16lh) we suppose we must acquit his Grace of the design imputed to him, p. 584, " 
 and conclude that he had no intention of joining the continental despots in a 
 crusade against the liberties of France and Belgium. — May not this be an after- 
 thought of the ex-Premier, like his famous explanation on the subject of Par- 
 liamentary Reform ? 
 
 Page 498, line 14, for custos read custodes ; page 592, line 15, for divisions 
 read dirision ; page 597, line 27, for sixteenth read seventeenth century. 
 
 In the printed Reform Bill, as amended in committee by the House of Com- 
 mons, Wallingford forms one of the semi-disfranchised boroughs, and ought to 
 have been inserted in No. IV. instead of No. V. of our Tables, page 614. 
 
 In No. \ II. page 615, Chatham should be inserted and Swansea omitted. 
 
 On bringmg up the Report, .Mcrthyr Tydvil was included in the number of 
 enfranchised boroughs.
 
 INDEX 
 
 A- 
 
 Abbott, 3. H. remanet fees of, 506 
 
 Abell, an excise case, 321 
 
 Abergavemiij, earl, his pension, 506 
 
 Absolution, granted by the clergy, 77 
 
 Abuse under existing system cannot be 
 reformed, only commuted, 491 
 
 Advertisements, duties on, 386 
 
 Advertisers for \vives, a liint to, 547 
 
 AdvotcsoHS not inviolate liive private 
 property, 19 ; the right of an hono- 
 rary function merely, 20; owners of 
 ought not to be compensated for loss 
 of, 91 
 
 Acts of parliament, headlong facility 
 with which passed, 291 ; cause of 
 obscurity of, 293 ; examples of 
 hodge-podne, i95 ; blundering nature 
 of results from afler-dinner mode of 
 business in house of commons, 296 
 
 Agistment tithe, Ireland, 163 
 
 Agrarian laws, 271 
 
 Agriculture, protection afforded to, in 
 our fiscal regulations, 262 
 
 Alarmists, their fears allayed, 598 
 
 Albemarle, a court lord, 507 
 
 Ale-drinkers, tlie poisoning of, not of 
 much consequence, 323 
 
 Alison, A. to whom indebted for his 
 preferments, 98 
 
 Alfhnrp, lord, budget of, 386 , his dif- 
 liculties, 507; hint to on the pension 
 list, 581 
 
 Ambassadors, expense of, 247, 252 ; 
 qualiticalions of, 248 
 
 America, elective suffrage in, COO 
 
 Amherst, lord, origin of hispension,507 
 
 Archbishop, reforms of, 90, 95 
 
 Archdeacon, duties of, 60 
 
 Arcot, commissioners of, 411 
 
 Arkwright, influence of on national 
 prosperity, 596 
 
 /lr>ni/, abuses in civil department of, 
 375 ; return of half-pay of, 610 
 
 Aristocracy, fictions of, 255 ; privileges 
 of lords formerly, ib. ; seceded from 
 their civil duties, 256 ; principal 
 motives for institution of, ceased, 
 257 ; statute de donis to preserve 
 " the order," iO ; primogeniture and 
 entails an usurpation on general 
 rights of mankind, 259 ; absurd and 
 unjust privileges of, 260 ; partial 
 system of taxation by, 262 ; rental 
 of, proper fund for taxation, 265 ; 
 late game-laws of, 268 ; landed in- 
 comes of, 271 ; not their estates 
 which excite popular cupidity, but 
 usurpations of the franchises of the 
 people, 273 ; assessment of under 
 income-tax, 274 ; their property does 
 not entitle them to monopolize poli- 
 tical power, 275 ; source of riches 
 of individuals of, ib. ; imposed chief 
 tiixes on industrious classes, 278 ; 
 house-tax on, 280; increase in num- 
 ber of, 281; votes of on reform bill, 
 283; all our institutions aristocratic 
 and all abuses result from, 285 ; state 
 of agricultural population proof of 
 viciousness of in church and state, 
 578 ; status of not altered by political 
 changes, 599 ; their fears from le- 
 velling opinions ridiculed, 600 ; 
 church patronage of, 650 
 
 Airest for debt, limits under which 
 ought to be allowed, 308 
 
 Assaije, battle of, 404 
 
 Athlnne, family of and pension, 509 
 
 Attorneys, increased 50 per cent, in 
 number, 297 ; their absurd conduct 
 in choice of counsel, 317 
 
 Audit-office, a snug retreat, 374 
 
 B. 
 
 Banking, evils which have resulted 
 from, 428 ; remedied by Peel's bill, 
 559 
 
 Bank of England projected by a Scotrh- 
 2 \
 
 (>7\ 
 
 1 N n V. \ , 
 
 mnn, ISO; priviloj^od (o carry on 
 lniHiiK'SM of piiwnljriikcrs, 431 ; gr;i- 
 (liially lower (lcn()mina.(ioi) of nolcs, 
 432 ; rciutiiplion of casli |)<iyiii('nls, 
 r.\:\; raiisfs of Restriction Act, 4:5-1; 
 anioiirit of bullion in tlic I'ank at the 
 stopiiafje, ill.; irrcsiionsible power 
 over tlie circulation, 430; sources 
 of tlie j)ro(its of, ih.; expenses of 
 management of, 437 ; enormous pro- 
 fits of, 131) ; lian;;ed and transported 
 bOO i)ersiins, and realized a profit 
 of 300 per cent., ib.; statement by 
 the IJaiilc of its profits, 411 ; exclu- 
 sive privileges in banking, hurtful 
 tendency of, 442 ; thoughts on a new 
 Hank of England, 443 ; accounts of 
 the l'>ank, 446; postscript on, 4.'jl 
 
 liankes, and Corfe Castle, 99 
 
 Hiiiiliiupl court, new, 319 
 
 Bankrupt pensions, 494 
 
 liarin<^, A. statement of revenue of see 
 of London, 47 
 
 liath, corporation of, 409 
 
 Jlathurst, Bragge, introduces parsons' 
 indemnity bill, 39 
 
 Ihitliurst, sinecures and pensions of 
 family of, 510 
 
 Begums, torture of, 402 
 
 Beithnm, on application of secret ser- 
 vice money, 211 
 
 Benefices, unequal extent of, 87 
 
 Ben field, Paul, members put by him in 
 house of commons, 411 
 
 Bennett, I)ishop, his remains, 143 
 
 Bcuthatn, on lawyers, 325; principle 
 of government of, 602 
 
 Beverley, on drinkings of clergy, 128; 
 on manners and dress of clergy, 159 
 
 Be.rletj, lord, high efficient man, 493 ; 
 incapacity of as chancellor of exche- 
 quer, 512 
 
 Birch, Dr. a Grcsham professor, an 
 inquiry of, 101 
 
 iiM/i«»/),«, support war and slave-trade, 
 
 ; claims of bench of, to promotion, 
 23; their greediness of tilthy lucre, 
 28 ; dress of, 32 ; do not pay their 
 secretaries stipends, 38; estimate 
 
 01 incomes of, in king's book, 40; 
 exemplify a game at chess, 87; 
 income of, in king's book, 40, 131 ; 
 conduct of, on reform, 95 
 
 Black Book, a leaf torn out, 208 ; not 
 
 published at Calcutta, 407 
 Bidckhiint's opinion on first fruits, 172 
 Bh>,i:fi,l,l, bishoj), promoted for ren- 
 dering Greek verses, 23; letter on 
 profanation of Lord's day, 41 ; 
 
 Book of common prayer, its defects, 
 70 ; alteration in, by lord Sidmouth, 
 79 
 
 Boroughs, disfranchised, electors, po- 
 jmlation, &c., 010; and ditto not 
 disfranchised, 012 ; new. 015; limits 
 of ditto, (il7 ; ancient, 022 
 
 JioroHgh lords and members, 
 
 Boston, lord, and Uillingdon, 44 
 
 Bowles, promotion of, 513 
 
 Brady on boroughs, 455 ; his interpre- 
 tation of ' c(mimunitatis,' 477 
 
 Bristol, noted absentee bishop, 101 
 
 Bristol, its corporation, 407 
 
 Brougham, lord, his description of the 
 Scottish church, 89 ; his apostrophe 
 on the debtor laws, 310; on costs 
 of law suits, 313 ; his disinterested 
 exertions for remedy of legal abuses, 
 315 ; his reforms in chancery, 319 ; 
 emoluments as lord chancellor, 514 ; 
 remarks on his taking that office, 
 515; his speech on reform, ib. 
 
 Brijdges, sir John, account of his elec- 
 tion for Coleraine, 510 
 
 Buccleugh, duke, obtains lease of 
 crown-lands, 188 ; his income, 273 
 
 Buckingham palace, cost of, 239 
 
 Buller, how he saddles the country 
 with a pension, 517 
 
 Burdett, sir F. efforts for reform, 230 
 
 Burgess, G. success of family in the 
 church, 102 
 
 Burke, his merits and pension, 203 
 
 Burnchurch, union of, 140 
 
 Camden, lord, his sacrifice, 518 
 Campbell, Thomas, his pension, 519 
 Canning, general profligacy of his prin- 
 ciples, 233 ; system of government 
 under Perceval and Huskisson, ib.; 
 pension to his family, and statue, 
 519 
 Cape of Good Hope, cost of, 382 
 Carey, bishop, author of a Jubilee ser- 
 mon, 24 
 Carr, Jane, her pension and marriage, 
 
 518 
 Calvinism, its monstrous impiety, 77 
 Catechism of royal duties, 227 
 Catholicism, cause of increase in Ire- 
 land, 107 
 Ceylon, cost of, to England, 382 
 Chad, his charge for a mission, 249 
 Chancery, court of, cause why not 
 reformed, 319; effects of suitors in, 
 329 
 Chaplainships, clerical income of, 50
 
 INDEX. 
 
 G75 
 
 Charier-house, masters exenij)t from 
 
 clerical vesidimce, 38 
 Chatham's, lord, observations on the 
 
 church, H2 
 Cheap political publications, advan- 
 tages of, 391 ; would have prevented 
 FiKLs and destruction of machinery, 
 392 
 Child-tfit, an aristocratic privilege, 255 
 Christianity, benefits derived from, 1 ; 
 principles of, not to spare the rich 
 and plunder the poor, 1G6 
 Church- building, 51 
 Church of England ism, expense of, and 
 
 other churches, G3 
 Church proper tij , origin and teiinrc of, 
 10; proved to be public i)roperty, 
 IG.— See Tithes. 
 Church Rates, return of, G08 
 Church catechism, its defects, 7(i 
 Church of England, Avho would be 
 beneliled by reform of, 80; intole- 
 rance of, illustrated, 17G.~See 
 Clergy, Tithes, Patronage, and I'lu- 
 rnlities. 
 Cities and boroughs, aljjhabelical list, 
 number of electors, houses, taxe9,&c. 
 GIO 
 City Companies, management of, 400 ; 
 
 •immense revenues of, 403 
 Civil government, expenses of, 383 
 Civil contingencies, return of, 038 
 Ciril List, delusion ])ractised resiiect- 
 ing, 184 ; improvident settlement of, 
 on the late king, 217 ; pensions pay- 
 able out of, 215 ; comparison of civil 
 list of Oeorge III. & IV. 217 ; in- 
 come of George I\'. exceeded that 
 of his predecessor iiAr.F a imillion, 
 218 ; civil list of AViliiam, IV. 219; 
 charge of during two last reigns 
 101) millions, 225; official returns, 
 illustrative of, 234 ; ancient pay- 
 nii'iits out, 239 
 Cl'iphaiii, how made a pluralist, 103 
 Clare, family pensions of, 520 
 Clearers, owe preferments to bishop of 
 
 St. Asupli, 104 
 Clergy, established, of Kngland, cost 
 more than clergy of other countries 
 united, 5 ; tlieir names associated 
 with the most disastn)us measures 
 in the history of the country, G ; 
 neglect the <(lucationof the p(()ple, 
 ihid ; not charitable to the poor, 7 ; 
 do not explain to the people causes 
 of their privations, ihid ; contrast of 
 the wealth and pomp of the rich 
 clergy, with the poverty of their 
 humbler brethren, 9 ; constitution 
 
 and government of similar to that 
 of the army, 18; their rights not 
 .similar to those of corporations, 
 ibid ; removable like tenantsat- 
 will, 19; influence of clergy in 
 public meetings, 23 ; number of in- 
 cumbents, 27, 71, 91 ; pretexts of for 
 non-residenc«, 34 ; returns, in 1830; 
 of non-residents, 30 ; a\ hat services 
 from clergy (or ten millions a year, 
 42 ; sources of the revenues of, ibid ; 
 income of from public charities, 48 ; 
 general statement of revenues of, 52 ; 
 average income no criterion of dis- 
 position of church i)roperty, 53 ; 
 real situation of the clergy stated, 
 50; division of church revenue 
 among the several orders of clergy, 
 58 ; their stipends compared with 
 other countries, 04 ; conduct of in 
 respect of first fruits, G5 ; houses of 
 call for, 09 ; conduct of in respect 
 of compositions, 71 ; the revenues of 
 the real Kl Dorado, 90 ; incomes of, 
 in the King's book, 43; alphabeti- 
 cal listof,9G; drinking bouts of, 128 
 Cobbett, Mr. exclamations by, on the 
 splendour of the ancient cathedrals, 
 15 ; introduces two-penny trash, 
 392 
 Cobbold, rev. T. one of the Winchester 
 
 witnesses, 104 
 Cockburn, mission to llogofa, 249 
 Colchester, lord, a shudling lawyer, 522 
 College livings, remarks on, 117 
 Collet, W. rev. his attemi)t to sow dis- 
 sension among his parishioners, 104 
 Colmaii, examiner of plays, 522 
 Colonial statistics, (il2 
 Colonies, utility of, 370 ; rage for, one 
 of the great blunders of aristocratic 
 rule, 380 
 Combermere, lord, outshines the duke 
 
 in the tent scene, 5S5 
 Cotnmissioners of accounts, 375 ; of 
 
 inquiry, 497; sewers, G70 
 Companies, corporate, origin of, 455 
 Compensations, unjust principle of, 
 493 ; abolition of ust'less offices, 
 like introduction of new machinery, 
 494 ; curious examples of, 490 
 Consular establishments, object and 
 
 expense of, 250 
 Cooke, Avidow ot' circumnavigator, 523 
 ('ornu-all, duchy of, rcMMiues of, 209 
 Coronations, expenses o(, and folly of, 
 
 384 
 Corporations had their day and uses, 
 453 ; origin ot, 45 1 ; not identilied 
 with the aristocracy of cities and
 
 (i7() INDEX. 
 
 towns, -tfiS; all their functions made 
 a Jul) of, iliid ; of London, 4(i") ; of 
 Bristol, 4(37; of Livi-rpool, 468: 
 of liath, 409; of Treston, 471; of 
 Liclilii^.ld, ihiii.; of Stallord, 4T2 ; 
 of Nortliainpton, ifcirf. ; of Glouces- 
 ter, 473 ; of Leeds, 474 ; sugges- 
 tions for the reform of, 475 
 
 Costs, in law suits, 31S 
 
 Cmniles palatine, parade of useless 
 otlices in, 215 
 
 Court pension list, 210 
 
 C'oui/x of justice, way to, over a bridge 
 of gold, 104 , sinecures in, 485 
 
 Courts of rccjuest, their mischievous 
 tendency, 301 
 
 Courts of laAv. — See Laws. 
 
 Cowper, earl, his character and pen- 
 sion, 522 
 
 Cove, Dr. traces tithes to Adam, 10 
 
 Crawford, general, 203 
 
 Creivij, T. Mr. on application of 4§ per 
 cent, duties, 207 
 
 Crolur, Jolin Wilson, "a high and 
 edicient public man," 492 ; his 
 pamphlet to alarm the proprietary, 
 524 ; his lioswell and lease of crown 
 land, 525 
 
 Cromwell, his opinion on lawyers, 328 
 
 Crown, how dignity of best maintain- 
 ed, 587 
 
 Crown-lands, nature and origin of, 186 ; 
 corrupt leases of, 187 ; income and 
 expenditure of, 194 ; estimate of the 
 value of. 195 ; utility of sale of 
 shown, 197 
 
 Curates only working part of clergy, 
 57 
 
 Currenrtj question stated, 559 
 
 Cursitors, lor London and Middlesex, 
 a hint to, 331 
 
 Custoins board, a reform of, 568 
 
 D. 
 
 Balhiuc's, sir C. military notions, 525 
 
 Daniels, Kev. W., payment to out of 
 Admiralty droits, 200 
 
 Dead-weight entail of Aristocratic war, 
 483 ; otlicial return of, 640 
 
 Diad-weiglit annuity project, 354 
 
 Deans and chapters, revenues of, 47 ; 
 duties of a farce, 06 
 
 Debt, public, 334 
 
 Debtor-hnvs,{idL\id and impoverishment 
 resulting from, 300 ; inconsistent 
 operation of on property, 309 ; num- 
 ber of persons imprisoned under, 
 331 
 
 De dotuA, statute of explained, 258 
 
 D plomatists, ciiargc of, 252 
 
 Dissenters, number of, 79 ; educational 
 
 energy, 81 ; reasons for discontent, 
 
 82 ; reasons for not paying tithes, 
 
 83 ; number of places of worship, 
 85 ; receive stipends from tlie state ; 
 169; intolerance towards, 176 
 
 Dividends, public, 042 
 
 Do7i Miguel and Ferdinand, tyranny 
 of, prevent increase of population, 14 
 
 Double-doctrine held by most public 
 men, 3 
 
 Droits of crown and admiralty, bucca- 
 neer origin of, 193 ; management of, 
 198 ; purposes to wliich they have 
 been applied, 199 ; sums paid to 
 royal family out of, 201 ; total pro- 
 duce of, 210 ; tendency of, 575 
 
 Duiining, his mode of expounding sta- 
 tutes, 289 
 
 Durham, lord, resigns his salary, 528 
 
 Eagle on tithes, 17 
 
 Easter offerings, produce of, 50 
 
 East-India Company an outwork of tlie 
 oligarchy, 394; origin and progress 
 of, 395; rise of Calcuttti,397 ; mea- 
 sures against the ryots, 398 ; fur- 
 nish, gratis, 10,000 tons of shipping 
 on alarm of invasion, 400 ; war and 
 territorial acquisitions, 401 ; popu- 
 lation of Indian empire, ib. ; tortui'e 
 of Begums, 402 ; sales of territory, 
 403 ; patronage and government, 
 40.5 ; number of persons in civil ser- 
 vice, 408; salaries and superannu- 
 ation allowances, 410 ; territorial 
 revenues and commerce, 412 ; inter- 
 course with China, 413 ; commercial 
 pi'oiitsof,414 ; agreement with public 
 respecting their tea-sales violated, 
 415; success of the private trade, 
 417 ; public pay dividends in mono- 
 poly-price of tea, 415 ; renewal of the 
 charter considered, 418; conduct of 
 company's servants at Canton, 422 ; 
 real point of interest between com- 
 pany and publicstated,423 ; sources 
 of relief to company without levying 
 poll-tax on people of England, 424 ; 
 
 East-India accounts, 425 ; postscript 
 on, 451 
 
 £«sf-/?idiu?js,injustlcesustainedby,420 
 
 Ecclesiastical (/irfcfory ,number of clergy 
 computed from, 30 
 
 Ecclesiastical establishments, on Con- 
 tinent mostly reformed, 4 ; not a part 
 of Christianity, 62 
 
 Edinburgh lieriew on legal insecurity 
 of property, 312
 
 INDEX, 
 
 677 
 
 Education, hostility of cleiffv to, 7 
 
 Eldon, lord, pension of, 529; his in- 
 terest ill tiie late war, 575 ; lived to 
 see the issues of his politics, 529 
 
 Elective qnalitication, what deter- 
 mines, COO 
 
 EUaihorougli, lord, insolent threat of, 
 4K5 ; his family, 530 
 
 Ely, dean and chapter of, 71 
 
 Emigration, 381 
 
 Entails, an usurpation on general rights 
 of mankind, 259 
 
 Escfical.t, produce of, to the crowti; 208 
 
 Eton college, abuses of, 107 
 
 Exchequer-bills explained, 3-15 
 
 Exchequer, great job of, 372 
 
 Excise-board, reform of, 568 
 
 Excise-laws, oppressions under, 321 
 
 V. 
 
 Factori/ system detestable, 382 
 Eecs of law courts, 314, 499, 506 
 Finance, general principles of, 366 
 Fines and recoveries, their absurdity, 
 
 307 
 Fire-insurance duty, impolicy of, 387 
 First-fruits, conduct of rich clergy re- 
 specting, 65 ; ditto in Ireland, 170 
 Fisher, master of Charter-house, 106 
 Fitzclarcnces, their pensions, 432 
 Foreign ministers, charge of, 247, 252 
 Forgery-act, example of blundering 
 
 l{;gisiation, 295 
 Foster, baron, his statement of waste 
 
 land in Ireland, 181 
 i'o//7--(i/i(i-u-/ia(/'/)(TcfnMeeward-island 
 duties, origin of, 202 ; a famons par- 
 liamentary jobbing-fund, ib.; total 
 produce of, 205 ; extraordinary ruse 
 of Wellington ministry respecting, 
 ib. 
 Fox, mission to Buenos Ayres, 250 
 Fox, diaries James, on religion of 
 whigs and tories, 75 ; his bill for 
 government of India, 399 ; his cha- 
 racter as a statesman, 533 
 France iiad to defend not conquer free 
 institutions by the battle t)f three 
 days, 584 ; elective system of, 001 
 Freeholders, number o(, 609 
 Fiiiiiling- system, exposition of, 343 ; 
 calastropiie of, described, 359 
 
 G. 
 
 (iame-laws, late tyranny of, 209 
 Gamier, utility of ciiurch for making 
 
 marriage-settlements, 107 
 (u'orgc III., ijolicy and character (if 
 
 his reign, 228 
 
 George IV., ditto, 232 ; confirmed La- 
 vater's theory, 233 ; his expenses in 
 robes and small clothes, '22i 
 " German Prince" in Ireland, 162 
 Gibbon, his description of the demea- 
 nor of Roman statesmen towards 
 religion, 2 
 Gibraltar duties, origin and application 
 
 of, 208 
 Glass, duties on, 386 
 Gloucester, corporation of, 473 
 Graham, sir James, his exposition of 
 the privy ccjuncil, 181 : his reduc- 
 tions, 537, 672 
 Grafton, duke of, his pension, 638 
 Grenville, la<ly, pension, 204 
 Gnshum lectures, abuse of, 101 
 Grevilles,ain])\i' provision for them, 539 
 Grey, earl, 539 ; his opinions on the 
 currency question, 559 ; promotion 
 of brother to a deanery, 110 
 Goodall, provost of Eton College, 107 
 Goodenough, origin of church prefer- 
 ments, 109 
 Government, general principles of, last 
 
 fifty years, 503 
 Governors of forts, 487 
 Goulbourn, Mr. ruse of, 246; ought to 
 
 wear sackcloth, 537 
 Gower, estates, origin of, 275 
 Grosvenor, family wealth of, 275 
 Guildford, e-At], preferments of, 110 
 Guilds, origin of, 455 , customs of, 456 
 
 H. 
 
 Half-pay, number of officers on, 483 ; 
 
 return of, 640 
 Hall, capt. Basil, his coxcombries, 
 
 49, 94 
 Hallam, Mr. on effect of suppressing 
 religious houses, 13 ; aristocracy de- 
 rived wealth from spoils of reforma- 
 tion, 275 
 //aH»7<««, professor, explains true prin- 
 ciples for reducing the debt, 353 
 Ilarrowhy, lord, an alarmist, 598 
 Harvey, Mr. oversight in estimating 
 valueof Middlesex ground-rents, 195 
 Hastings, governor, 103 
 Hemp, impolitic duty on, 386 
 Henley, lord, aristocratic stuirabout,5 12 
 Hrnty, an excise case, 322 
 Hereditary revcnui'S of the crown, 181 ; 
 
 total jjroduce of, 210 
 Ilett, cliurch prelermcnts, 111 
 Hill, lady, note on pension to, 543 
 Hillingdon, tithe composition in, 41 
 Hingstonv, a noted Irish pluralist, 151 
 Hobart, church preferments of, HI
 
 fi78 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 lloUnnd, lord, liis Hincniro, 513 
 IliiUand, rev. S. in«tiin<;(! (if scaiKlaloiis 
 
 iisi's of clmrcli jjroperty, 112 
 llithj (ilwst, how tlie clcrj^y are filled 
 
 Willi the, 7H 
 Jlniise of Peers, territorial income of, 
 does not exceed tliree millions, 275 ; 
 remarks on, (>t4 
 House of ('(millions, past and to come, 
 o'.M ; pro^^ress of \i\i to the reloriii 
 hill, r)<.)2; princijile for delenniiiin^c 
 condition of the people, r>fl2 ; laws 
 of the Saxons, ib. ; origin and influ- 
 ence of middle orders, 593 ; house 
 of commons bep;an usefully to exist 
 only at the end of civil wars, 591 ; 
 j;reat men of, 507 ; constitutional 
 •leductions on, ih. ; duration of in- 
 different reifius, C21 ; retrospective 
 }:;lance at, (>23 ; analysis of, elected 
 in 1830, (J2G 
 lloiisilwld troops, expenses of, 378 
 llitine, Mr. his economical efforts, 371 
 Ilunlin^don, earl of, seeks a title for a 
 pension to it, 545 
 
 I. 
 
 India, see East India Company 
 
 Jiiliahilvd house-tax partial, 280 
 
 Jims of court, abuses in, 027 
 
 Insnlrents, number of, 332 
 
 Ireland, state of, an illustration of 
 good working government, 138; Pro- 
 tesUint j)roperty in, 139 ; proportion 
 of Catholics and Protestants in, IGO ; 
 besotted tyranny which has impeded 
 her prosperity hardly creditable to 
 posterity, 181 ; union, repeal of, 180, 
 573 ; exemption of from taxes, 387 ; 
 number of freeholders, 610. 
 
 Ireland, tstablished church of, more 
 prtgnant with abuse than English 
 church, 139; acres of land apper- 
 taining to sees, 140 ; mode of leasing 
 bishops' lands, 141 ; immense wealth 
 of bishops, 142 ; incomes of paro- 
 chial clergj-, 144; tithe composition- 
 act — its injurious tendency, ib. ; 
 parishes, nature and number of 
 unions, 145 ; sums paid for composi- 
 tions for tithes, with names of incum- 
 bents and patrons, 148 ; proportions 
 of lay and clerical tithes, 152; minis- 
 ters money explained, 153 ; total 
 revenue of, ib. ; number of clergy-, 
 ib. ; beneficed parochial clergy, only 
 1075, 155 ; number of clerical oflices 
 3195, and shared among 850 persons, 
 whose average income ii i;i078, 157 ; 
 
 tabular statement of patronage, 158 ; 
 non-residence of clergy, 100; oi)- 
 )iressiveness of fillies illustrated, 
 103; treatment of Catholics under, 
 109; first fruits of, liow managed, 
 170; promotions in, 172; crisis of 
 Irish Church at close of last year, 
 179; digest of benefices from dio- 
 cesan returns, 183. 
 Irish union, see Union 
 
 J. 
 
 Jews may select persons for the Gospel 
 ministry, 20 ; as numerous in Ireland 
 as Protestants, 161 
 
 Job-parsons-, nature of, explained, 09 
 
 Ju(//^es not more independent than other 
 functionaries, 286 ; laws not under- 
 stood by them, 289 ; salaries of, in 
 1792 and 1831, 329 
 
 Justices (i/'/KY/ce, improvement rcquirrd 
 in, 303 ; better than a stipendiary 
 magistracy, 303 
 
 K. 
 
 King's household, gothic origin of, and 
 expensive establishment, 212 
 
 King, duties of one, after the oI<l 
 fashion, 220 ; legal disparity be- 
 tween, and a subject, 305 
 
 King's Book, 16, i7, 131 
 
 King's printer, remarks on patent of, 
 572 
 
 King, lord, notice to tenants to pay 
 in guineas, 433 
 
 Kipling, dean, 177 
 
 Knighton, sir ^Vm., the late court fa- 
 vourite, how he may be useful, 547 
 
 Lady's Bishops, origin of, 523 
 
 Lakenheath fen, 71 
 
 Lambeth arms motto, 41 
 
 Lancaster, dnchy of, a late court favou- 
 rite receiver of, 548 
 
 Land, proper subject of taxation, 265 
 
 Langrishes, the relatives of a boon 
 companion at the Castle, 459 
 
 Lansdowne, marquis, effects of recent 
 changes on, 549 
 
 Laurie, sir P., on debts, 333 
 
 LaifS, their divisions and origin, 286 ; 
 may be quoted like the Bible, 288 ; 
 number of volumes and works com- 
 prised in, 290 ; profusion with which 
 partial have been made in lieu of 
 general, 291 ; oppressive on mid- 
 dling classes, 292 ; dilfercnt in dif- 
 ferent places, 304 j difTerent for dif-
 
 INDEX. 
 
 G79 
 
 feient persons, 305 ; debtor laws, 
 evils from, SOO ; inconsistent o])era- 
 tions of, on property, 309 ; inse- 
 curity of properly under, 312; in- 
 consistency in reg:ard to marriage, ib. ; 
 costs of proceedings, 313 ; govern- 
 ment instituted for administration of, 
 310; summary of absurdities an(l 
 abuses in, 317; prospects of legal 
 reform, 325 ; course wliich might be 
 adopted to relorm, 328; otlicia! re- 
 turns to illustrate, 329 
 Lawyers, ihoir libraries, 290; number 
 «)f, in London and country, 297 ; 
 most gainful of professions, 29S ; in- 
 solvent laws, chief source of protit 
 to, 299 ; difference between in this 
 country and on the continent, 320 ; 
 sumi)tuous pickings of, 499 
 Liiy-imprGpriittions, origin of, 13; dif- 
 ferent tenure of, and clerical tithes, 
 91. 
 Lay and clerical magistrates, CG9 
 Leaf and Coles, smugglers, 324 
 Leases and conveyances, defects in, 308 
 Lectureships, jjroduce of, 50 ; mode of 
 
 paying for, in London, 09 
 Leeds, corporation of, 474 
 Legal sinecures, 485 
 Leo X. curious anecdote of, 280 
 Levee at court — what, 227 
 Liber recalls ; King's Rook, 10, 47, 131 
 Lf/i' annuities, loss by, 350 
 Lindsay, part played by at Canton, 423 
 Litchfield, lord, feudal sinecurist, 550 
 Litchfield, corporation of, 471 
 Liturgy of tiie church, origin of, 23 
 Liverpool, corporation of, 408 
 Livings, sale of, 21 ; defined, 90 
 Loans, amount of, in each year, from 
 
 1793, :uo 
 LoH(/ojr clergy, rapacity of, 05; mode 
 of performing their spiritual duties, 
 09, corporation of, 405 ; city's es- 
 tates, 470 
 Lonsdale, rev. John, a successful specu- 
 lator in the crown lantls, 189 
 Lord-steward of king's household, his 
 duties, 214 ; expenditure in his de- 
 partment, 234 
 Lord-lieutenant of Ireland, co^t of, 383 
 Lord chancellor's pension, 500, 569 
 Lushington, J)r. his opinion contro- 
 verted that advowsous are like 
 private property, 19; states armual 
 vahie of see of (anterbury, 47 
 Luxmores, origin of, iu the church, 
 
 III 
 Lyndhurst, lord, 193 
 
 j\fiichiavcl, his double doctrine, 3 
 
 Macintosh, sir James, 552 
 
 Madan, his church preferments, 115 
 
 3Iado.r, history of the exehetiuer, 37.> 
 
 Magistrates, lay and clerical, 009 
 
 Magna Charta, 593 
 
 Malthas, proof of theory of, 281 
 
 Manchester, duchess of, acurious case, 
 
 554 
 Manuscript sermons, sale of, 41 
 I\Iarlbiirongh, duke of, an instance that 
 
 true nobility is not hereditary, 551 
 Marble arch, cost of, 192 
 Marriage laws, their defects, 312 
 Mason, Mr. his ellorts to obtain valua- 
 tion of first-fruits, 172 
 JMasler of report oflice, emoluments, 
 
 549 
 Master of the horse, his duties, 211 ; 
 
 expense of his department, 230 
 Master in chancery, emoluments of, 
 3:10 — See also Wingfield in List of 
 Places. 
 Mavor, Dr. his preferments, 115 
 Merchant tailors of London, 402 
 Merchant tailors of lUistol, 458 
 Middle classes, origin and influence of, 
 
 593 
 Middleton, Dr. on liturgy, 73 
 Military academy, Woolwich, 375 
 Ministers, economical reductions of, 
 
 500 
 Modus, how set aside by clergy, 72 
 Modus, what, 72 
 
 Mvlesworth, a very old pensioner, 550 
 Monk, bishop of Gloucester, a haber- 
 dasher of points and particles, 23 
 Monopolies, their efl'ects, 385 
 Moravians, successful missionaries, 
 
 53 
 3/orf/ and Scddon, pickings of, 193 
 Murier, Mexican mission of, 248 
 Mounlcashel, lord, 105 ; curious state- 
 ments of, 
 Mulgrave's countess of, pension, 557 
 
 A'rts'i, Mr. his dubious conduct, 193 
 \ational debt, increase of, from aris- 
 fncratic wars, 33) ; increase of iu 
 each reign since the revolution, 330 ; 
 mode in wliicii reductions in have 
 been tlTect.-d, 314; summary of pro- 
 grcssto, 1831,340; plans for redemp- 
 tion of, 3 19 ; new suggestions for li- 
 (juidating, 350 ; obligation of on the 
 public, 300 ; number <if [x'rsons in- 
 terested in, 301 ; forcible reductiou
 
 (iSO 
 
 IN DF.X, 
 
 of iicipi'tualc imwcr of olij^arcliy, 
 ■.Ki'i ; bist ally of rtlbiin, 'Mi3 
 A'(iri/, return ol half-pay of, 370 
 Sitrij hills, what, 310 
 IS'iwcaslU, iliike of, his lease of crown- 
 lands, 188 
 
 i^eu'iiiirt, sir John, his statement of 
 wt-altli of Irish bishops, 112; his 
 ed'orts on the lirst-lruits (nnd, 171 ; 
 on an Irish pensioner, 518 
 Sfusimptrs, laxes on, 388; dangerous 
 conso(iii(nci'S of monopoly of, il;. 
 Kasl India Company's monopoly 
 not more hurtful, ih. how they 
 might be controlKd by govern- 
 ment, ib. '' The Times" an ex- 
 ample of irresponsible power, 391 ; 
 repeal of stamp duties increase cir- 
 culation of and profit, 393 
 ^'Uhulls, M. recollections of Geo. III. 
 
 232 
 ?<ol>ilitji, church patronage of, C50 
 Aon-resiilence, See Clermj 
 Aoitliiimpton, corporation of, 472 
 T<urthuniberland, duke of, his income, 
 
 273 
 Nott, rev. G. F. inquiry about from his 
 parishioners, 117 
 
 O. 
 
 O'ConncU, Mr. his crucifix in Merrion- 
 square, GO, consequences of his ef- 
 forts to repeal the Union, 180; his 
 bag;atelle motions, 573 
 Onsloic, archdeacon, 117 
 Outii's, Robert, doctrines, 272 
 
 Palaces, job pickings from, 193 
 
 Patey, Dr. on choice of a national re- 
 ligion, 04 
 
 Palmersioti, lord, 253 
 
 PamiihU't, duty paltry, 386 
 
 Piiiur, duties on, 386 
 
 Piirisli, dili'erent extent of in north and 
 south, 96 
 
 Parks, royal, capricious conduct re- 
 specting;, 194 
 
 Parliament, — See House of Commons, 
 and lu'/nrm liill. 
 
 Panull, sir H. a doctrinaire, 371 
 
 Patronngc, of the church, 19 ; in 
 whom vested, 21; applied to politi- 
 cal purposes, 23 ; monopoly in, 24 ; 
 bishop Sparke's perversion of, 25 ; 
 arclibishop Sutton's do. 26; exam- 
 ples of parochial monopoly, 28 ; 
 number of individuals and number 
 of preferments held by each iu the 
 church of Kngland, 30 
 
 Patf-master of marines a sinecure an<l 
 
 abolished, 376 
 Peace establishments, increase of, 377 
 Peel, Sir R. blunder of his acts, 293; 
 puerile argument on parliamentary 
 reform, 623 ; specimen of obscure 
 phraseolof^y of one of his acts, 293 ; 
 his currency bill defended, 559; 
 fatuous insinuation of, 600 
 
 Pellew, hon. G. his rapid progress in 
 the churcli, 118 
 
 Penn, ori<>in of pension to, 473 
 
 Pensio7ts, 479; total amountof £805,022, 
 489; profligate act for rewarding 
 ministers with, 490 ; roll of " high 
 and efficient" men called over, 492 ; 
 to ex-lord chancellors and judges, 
 493 ; return of exceeding f 1000, 
 497 ; £2.161,927 received by 956 in- 
 dividuals, 498 ; total amount of 
 salaries and pensions £9,457,985, 
 502, alpiiabetical list of, 505 ; con- 
 cluding remarks on, 589 
 
 Pension-list, worthless names inscribed 
 on, 216 
 
 Percy, bishop, his vapid promotion in 
 the churcli, from having married a 
 Sutton, 26 
 
 Pew, rents of, 51 
 
 Philpotls, Dr. remarks on his promo- 
 tion, 118 
 
 Placemen, 22,912 in the public offices, 
 480 ; plural ofhces held by, 482 ; 
 classification of, 499 ; alphabetical 
 list of, 505 
 
 Planta, Mr. high efficient man, 492 
 
 Plunleet, lord, Whigs injured them- 
 selves by his elevation, 562 
 
 Pluralists, number of, 2,886, 130 ; al- 
 phabetical list of, 96 
 
 Pluralists, civil and military,- 482 
 
 Political economy, 264 
 
 Political economists know little of real 
 state of country, 371, 4-i8 
 
 Poor livings, returns of, 55 ; gross 
 impositions respecting, 57 
 
 Popery, a religion of " knaves and 
 fools," 4 ; in temporal matters a more 
 reformed religion than Church of 
 England, 5 ; more expensive in ce- 
 remonies than Protestiint, 63 
 
 Popham, sir Home, his smuggling voy- 
 age, 199 
 
 Population, progress of, 672 
 
 Portland, duke of, his sale of ad vow- 
 son of Mary-le-bone, 191 
 
 Prebendary, an useless order in tiie 
 church, 57 
 
 Preston, corporation of, 471
 
 INDEX. 
 
 681 
 
 Pretijmami, church preferments of, 
 27, 118 
 
 Price, Dr. his delusive project for re- 
 deeming the debt, 350 
 
 Prices, fall in, 482 
 
 Primog-enilure, origin and utility of, 
 2.jy 
 
 Privii-coinicil, constitution and duties 
 of, 244 ; emoluments of, 245 ; ob- 
 jection to inquiring into, answered, 
 246 
 
 Privy-seul, lord, duties of, 149 
 
 Privij-yurse, origin and nature of, 215 
 
 Progress of public debt, 334 
 
 Property, utility of, 272 
 
 Public prosperity, causes of, 595 ; tlie 
 people not the government cause of, 
 590 
 
 Public creditor, obligation to keep 
 faith with, 300 ; distress caused by 
 a breach of faith with, ib- ; number 
 of, ib. ; official return of, 042 
 
 Public charities a source of clerical 
 income, 48 ; results of inquiry into 
 prove great increase of value of 
 church property, 43 
 
 Public expenditure, heads of, 037 
 
 Public men not believers in the super- 
 stitions of the vulgar, 3 
 Puf>li, John, clerk in chancery, 563 
 
 Pultency family obtained valuable lease 
 of crown lands, 18 
 
 Puritimism, (ear of falling into, 92 
 
 Q. 
 
 Qunlijicntion, elective, considered, GOO 
 Quarterly Review, attempts to contro- 
 vert fourfold division of tithes, 12 ; 
 its estimate of church revenues ex- 
 amined, 45 
 Queen Anne's bounty, appropriation of, 
 05 
 
 R. 
 
 Jitidicals, their non-expectations from 
 reform bill considered, 000 
 
 Hue, dame, her pension, 501 
 
 liiiynsfnrd, T. A- registrar in chancery, 
 duties and emoluments of, 564 
 
 lieceivers of taxes abolished, 520 
 
 Rectories, number of, 22 
 
 I'eformalion, new disposition of eccle- 
 siastical property at, 12; popular 
 hostility to, explained, 13 ; a similar 
 spirit opposed cow-pox and machi- 
 nery, ib. : tlie evil of great posses- 
 sions by individuals aggravated by, 
 14 ; number and value of religious 
 houses suppressed, J6. ; immense va- 
 
 lue of, proved from state of Irelan<l, 
 Tuscany, and France, 15 
 
 Reform bill, adequacy of, 598; two 
 objects meant to accomplish by, ib.; 
 qualification, principle of, 604; em- 
 braces all interests, 000; benefits 
 from enumerated, 007 ; to\vi;s with 
 population exceeding 10,000 not in- 
 cluded, 030 
 
 Regent-street, cost of, 193 
 
 Regium donum, 109 
 
 Religion, conduct of public men in re- 
 spect of, 2; lost its most objection- 
 able trait by progress of know- 
 ledge, 92 ; men without, seldom 
 better than beasts, 93; not favour- 
 able to a free trade in, ib. 
 
 Rennell, dean, his adventures, 120 
 
 Repraenlation, — see House of commons. 
 
 Reversions, nature of, explained, 4S8 
 
 Revolution of 1GS8, character of, 594 
 
 Ricardo, school of, 428 
 
 Richmond, duke of, remarks on office 
 of, 505 
 
 Rickefts, l\Ir. anon-resident consul, 190 
 
 Robes, ro>al, 223, 234 
 
 Royiil family, incomes of, 237 
 
 Royalty, pageantry of, 184, 227 ; use- 
 less trappings, 587 
 
 Russell, lord John, 507 
 
 Ryders, their progress in the church, 
 121 
 
 S. 
 
 St. Mary-le-bone, sale of advowson of, 
 191 
 
 St. Paul's school, abuses in, 121 
 
 St. Simon, doctrines of, 272 
 
 Salaries, enormous increase in, 480 ; 
 one million per annum might be 
 saved by reduction of, 4>!I ; exceed- 
 ing £1000 return of, 497 ; classifica- 
 tion of 957 placemen and pension- 
 ers who receive £"2,101,927, 499 ; 
 total amount of, 502 
 
 Scarlett, sir James, blunders in for- 
 gery act, 295 ; law, reforms of, 320 
 
 Schomberg, duke, his heirs receive u 
 pension, 509 
 
 Scotch hereditary revenue, 207, 242 
 
 Scotch boroughs, electors, taxes, tS.c., 
 GIG 
 
 Scott, sir D. his services at Brighton 
 not merit a pension, 509 
 
 Scott, W . H.J, sinecures and rever- 
 sions of, 508 
 
 Scottish church, economical establish- 
 ment of, 93 
 
 Sea policies, duties, 387 
 
 Seddon and iMorel's pickings, 193 
 
 2 Y
 
 6'82 
 
 I N I) !•; x . 
 
 Nertiwns, liow nianufacliired, K) 
 Si'tllvmcnt of Europe, — wliut a picture, 
 
 377 
 Sfiimiiiim, show working of the ho- 
 
 ron);lis, SfiS 
 Sctrcrs, commissioners of, 670 
 Shiiwc, Mcriick, peasioned as private 
 
 secretary, 57 
 Shcri<lan, late, pensions to liis chil- 
 dren, 570 
 Slwrt, C his great emoluments from 
 
 fees, 570 
 Shinel-lmt of the clergy, 32 
 Simony, laws against, nugatory, 20 
 Simcitrcs, examples of, 484 ; total in- 
 come of, 488 
 Siiildiig-fund, fallacious principle of, 
 explained, 349; thirty millions lost 
 by, 353 
 Stme-trade, expense of abolition of, 382 
 SUiith, Dr.— see St. PmiVs School. 
 Smith, lady, sister of the duke, her 
 
 pension, &c 571 
 Smuggling, vast extent of, in Ireland, 
 
 32 
 3oiip duties, impolicy of, 385 
 Society, classes into Avhich divided, 
 
 and incomes of each, 277 
 Sonthictil collegiate church, 99, 137 
 Sparke, bishop, his perversion of patro- 
 nage to emolument of his family, 
 25 ; origin of family, 122 
 Spottisicood, A. remarks on patent as 
 
 king's printer, 572 
 Stafford, corporation of, 472 
 Stafford, duke of, his income, 271 
 Stamp duties, irregularities of, 387 
 Staiiiinpt, lord, puzzles the judges, 288 
 Stanhope, lady, her pension out of 4^ 
 
 per cent, duties, 204 
 Stanley, E. G. his eagle talons, 573 
 Steu-(irt, Dugald, his remark on double 
 
 doctrine of public men, 3 
 Slowell, lord, his interest in late war, 
 
 575 
 .S'/z/frrtn-c universal, principle of, 603 
 Suitors' eflects in chancery, 329 
 Sumner, bishop, a lady's bishop, 523 ; 
 required at Winchester College, 123 
 Superannuations, 482, 494 
 Surpt ice-fees, produce of, 49 
 Sutton, archbishop, his abuse of church 
 patronage, 26 ; his principle of 
 church government, 41 ; cause of 
 tirst promotion of, 124 
 Siring Ores, how to prevent, 392 
 
 T. 
 
 Taxation, inequalities of, 266 ; ditto. 
 
 278; more tyranny under than the 
 star-chamber or inquisition, 325 ; 
 amount of in each year, 330 ; general 
 principles of, 366; workings of, 385 
 
 Tea, prime cost of, in China, and sale 
 price by East-India Company, 415; 
 John Kull finely crucifled respecting, 
 between exclusives of Leadenhall 
 and Downing-street, 424 
 
 Ten-pound qualification defended, 605 
 
 Thompson colonel, on rent, 204 
 
 Thurlow, Mr. T. remarks on his judicial 
 sinecures, 577 
 
 Tierney, Mrs. the Whigs ought to have 
 provided for, 578 
 
 Times newspaper, irresponsible power 
 of, 391 
 
 Tindal, C. J. Bristol charge, 578 
 
 Tithes, originated with Adam, accord- 
 ing to Dr. Cove, 10 ; neither Judaism 
 nor Christianity sanction them, ib.; 
 introduction of into England, in- 
 volved in darkness like other points 
 of constitutional history, 11 ; four- 
 fold division of, proved from exist- 
 ing practice in Ireland, 12 ; reasons 
 of dissenters for not paying, 83 ; not 
 meant to be abolished, but com- 
 muted for an equivalent assessment 
 on landlords, 88 ; different tenure of 
 lay and clerical, 91 ; compositions 
 for, in Ireland, 144, 148 
 
 Tobacco, smuggling, 325 
 
 Tradesmen's debts, 333 
 
 Trafford, Trafford, late receiver-gene- 
 ral of taxes, 580 
 
 Trinity college, Dublin, abuses in, 629 
 
 Troutback, the crown appropriates 
 money he left for charitable uses, 
 208 
 
 Tyburn or Tartarus, the dread of, ne- 
 cessary to restrain human passions, 3 
 
 Tyton, A. his extravagant retiring al- 
 lowance as late solicitor, 580 
 
 U. 
 
 Underwoitd, an excise case, 322 
 
 Unfunded debt, 345 
 
 Union, Irish, effects of a repeal of, 180 ; 
 effected by lavish grant of pensions, 
 495 ; impolicy of repeal, 573 
 
 Unions, number and nature of, in Ire- 
 land, 145 
 
 Universal suffrage, practical tendency 
 of, 603 ; advocated by mock-reform- 
 ers, 604 
 
 Universities, practices at, 49 ; patron- 
 age of, 117
 
 INDEX. 
 
 683 
 
 Uttcrson, E. V. one of six clerks, emo- 
 luments and duties explained, 681 
 
 V. 
 
 Vei-nuns, church sleanin^s of, 120 
 
 Vicaiaffcs, number of, 22 
 
 Vincents in church, 126 
 
 Voltaire may be read with impunity by 
 
 men of £10,000 a year, 93 ; preaches 
 
 at Ferney, 139 
 
 W. 
 
 Wakefield on the Irish tithe system, 165 
 Wahiegrave's ^Memoirs, 232 
 VVarbnrto7i, l>ishop, his adventures, 143 
 Ward, charges of his mission, 219 
 H^a?"s,costof each since the revolution, 
 336; final eiVects of, 342; in former 
 times, 343 ; permanent annual bur- 
 then from, 348 
 Wastes, iOOO bills for inclosure of, 291 
 W<iters, John, hisjudicial fees, 582 
 Watson, bishop, opposes the war, ; 
 on selfishness of public men, 232 
 Watt, Mr. a cause of prosperity, 596 
 Welch clergy, 34 
 Welch boroughs, 014 
 Wellcsleij, marquis, seventy- two sons 
 
 provided for, 583 
 Wellesley, lion. W. sale of livings by, 21 
 Wellington, duke of, obtains a slice of 
 crown lands to round area of Apsloy- 
 house, 194 ; his Tory administration 
 better th;in any other formed from 
 same class of politicians, 230 ; his 
 remark on common law report ; 328 ; 
 letter describing his Indian exploits. 
 
 404 ; remarks on his political cha- 
 racter and the dissolution of his 
 ministry, 583 ; his skill in posting 
 his picquets, 585 
 
 Wesley, John, his description of Gal- 
 vanism, 77 
 
 West-India church establishment, 205 
 
 Westmealh, marchioness of, a way-lay 
 of the field -marshal, 585 
 
 Westmoreland's relations, 531 
 
 Wharncliffe, lord, an alarmist, .'>98 
 
 Whigs, civil list of, 221 ; retrench- 
 ments of, 500, 508; strictures on 
 principles of, 230 ; party character 
 of, under Fox and Burke, 533 ; ne- 
 glect of Mrs. Tierney by, 418 
 
 Whiggism and Toryism defunct super- 
 stitions, 229 
 
 William IV., his civil list, 219 
 
 Winchelsea, hird, 540, 598 
 
 IVinchester college, abuses jn, 123 
 
 Winchester, marquis of, holds a courtly 
 ofiice, 587 
 
 Windsor collage, sums expended on, 
 223; ditto castle, 238 
 
 Wing field, M' . master in chancery, re- 
 marks ou duties and emoluments, 587 
 
 Wives, hint on advertising for, 547 
 
 Wi.dchouses in church, 129 
 
 Wruxalis memoirs, 232 
 
 Wright, Mr. exposure of church disci- 
 pline, 34 
 
 Wijndhum, P. C. his sinecures in the 
 Mest-Indies, 588 
 
 Wynn, H. his mission to Switzerland 
 and hospitality at the public expense, 
 248. 
 
 MARCn.ANT, rUlNTlR, I N G R A M -COD KT, FE .N C U U RC H - 3 T R ET.T .
 
 WORKS LATELY PUBLISHED 
 BY THE AUTHOR OF THE CABINET LAWYER, 
 
 REPORTS ON PUBLIC CHARITIES. 
 
 In 8fO. Boards, price 12s. Vol. I. of an 
 
 ACCOUNT 
 
 OF 
 
 PUBLIC CHARITIES IN ENGLAND AND WALES; 
 
 Comprising the Charities of Seventeen of the chartered Companies of 
 London, and of the principal Cities and Towns; including Bristol, 
 Batli, Scarborough, Tadcaster, York, Manchester, Preston, Lancaster, 
 Blackburn, Oldham, Leeds, Ripon, Knaresborough, Beverley, Selby, 
 Staftbrd, Wolverhampton, Northampton, Gloucester, Stratford, Lich- 
 field, Bedford, Croydon, St. Bees, Yeovil, &c. ; digested from the 
 Rejwrts of the Commissioners on Charitable Foundations. With Notes 
 and Comments, by the Editor of The Cabinet Laivyer. 
 
 " This work is unquestionably of great importance ; and we can, with great 
 conlidence, recommend it to our readeis. The notes and comments, by the 
 Editor, are elucidatory and satisfactory ; and he has executed his difficult task 
 with much tact and ability."— T/te Star, March 5, 1827. 
 
 '• Tlie compiler lias added some very curious and pertinent notes." — Times, 
 Decen)ber29, 1826. 
 
 " W ti consider the ' Public Charities' as a work of great national impoitance." 
 —British Trarellrr, April 4, 1827. 
 
 " Although we have more than once recommended this useful, clever work, 
 and several journals have echoed our sentiments, we still esteem it beyond the 
 praise it has elicited." — The Literanj Chronicle, June 9. 
 
 A TREATISE 
 
 ON THE 
 
 POLICE AND CRIMES OF THE METROPOLIS ; 
 
 Es|)ecially Juvenile Delinquency, Female Prostitution, Mendicity, 
 Gaming, Forgery, Street-robberies, Burglary, and House-breaking, 
 Receiver of Stolen Goods, Counterfeiting the Coin, Exumation, Cheat- 
 ing and Swindling, Adulterations of Food, &c. 
 
 Also an account of the Courts of Justice and Prisons of London ; and 
 an Inquiry into the Causes of the Increase of Crime; the Tendency of 
 the Debtor I^ws ; and into the Present State of the Licensed Victuallers' 
 Trade : with Suggestions for the Improvement of the Protective Institu- 
 tions of the Metropolis, and the Prevention of Offences. 
 
 " \\e recommend it as a book of great intelligence and merit:'— Literary 
 Gazitu, July ISth, 1829. 
 
 ''This work is compiled with great care, and all who feel interested in such 
 subjects will find it a compendium of the principal facts useful to be known.'-- 
 .>m- M'xiihly .Magazine, June 1st, 1829. 
 
 » (i (j
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY 
 
 Los Angeles 
 This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. 
 
 JUNUlSra 
 
 ni JAIN 6^^'^ 
 
 DEC12197«! 
 
 I 
 
 -^D; 
 
 JUL111S78 
 
 :newal 
 
 ) URL 
 
 ID 
 
 «Ri OCT 
 
 OCT 22 1981 
 
 Form L'.'-Serios 444 
 
 UNIVI 
 
 C^vLlcORNTAi
 
 3\\UVoNl3 3345 
 
 UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY 
 
 AA 001028 166