\ \ A 
 
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 REESE LIBRARY 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 
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 Accession No. ~ 
 
 85289 
 
 , igo . 
 Clots No. 7.5] 
 
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LUCIAN 
 
 THE SYRIAN SATIRIST 
 
LUCIAN 
 
 THE SYRIAN SATIEIST 
 
 BY 
 
 LIEUT.- COL. HENRY W. L. HIME 
 
 (late) Royal Artillery 
 
 LONGMANS, GKEEN, AND CO, 
 
 39 PATERNOSTEE BOW, LONDON 
 
 NEW YORK AND BOMBAY 
 
 1900 
 
 All rights reserved 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 I. LIFE OF LUCIAN 
 
 II. CLASSIFICATION OF LUCIAN'S WORKS . ..18 
 
 III. THE LIMITS OF SATIRE 19 
 
 IV. LUCIAN'S PHILOSOPHY AND RELIGION . . . 24 
 V. CHARACTERISTICS 45 
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 LUCIAN'S KNOWLEDGE OF LATIN Ul 
 
L.UCIAN 
 
 *. 
 
 I 
 
 LIFE OF LUCIAN 
 
 LUCIAN was born at Samosata on the Euphrates 
 between 120 and 130 say for brevity, 125 A.D. 
 He died in Egypt, where he held a government 
 appointment, some time after 180 A.D. 
 
 On leaving school about 140 A.D. he was 
 bound in apprenticeship to his maternal uncle, a 
 sculptor or maker of images ; but on receiving 
 a beating for breaking a model, he left him and 
 returned to his parents. He was evidently not 
 made of the stuff that artists are made of. A 
 beating would not have driven Eafael from his 
 canvas, Mozart from his piano, or Thorwaldsen 
 from his marble. Yet Lucian had a strong sense 
 of the Beautiful. There are many passages in 
 his works which show his cultured taste for 
 sculpture and painting, and no one could have 
 
 B 
 
to 
 
 NK Vn 
 
 2 LIFE OF LUCIAN 
 
 drawn the picture of the sleeping Endymion 
 (' Venus and Luna/ Deor. Dial. xi. 2) or 
 written the beautiful Idyll on the Abduction of 
 Europa (' Zephyrus and Notus/ Dial. Mar. xv. 
 2, 3) without having a truly artistic imagina- 
 tion. 1 The course he took, however, was the 
 natural one : a beating always puts an Asiatic 
 to flight. Further, an artist combines in 
 himself aesthetic and constructive faculties, 
 and Lucian may have been wanting in the 
 latter. 
 
 Adrift in the world, what calling was he to 
 adopt ? 
 
 Art he had abandoned ; commerce he seems 
 to have scorned ; 2 and nothing was left but to 
 turn rhetorician or philosopher. 
 
 The education necessary for the profession 
 of philosophy entailed some study of dry, 
 scientific subjects against which his purely 
 literary nature revolted, and quiet, continuous 
 thought of which his restless and shallow mind 
 was incapable. On the other hand, there was 
 a brilliancy and glitter about rhetoric that 
 naturally attracted the admiration of an Asiatic, 
 
 1 On this subject see Bliimner's Archceol. Studien zu Lucian, 
 Breslau, 1867, and Croiset's Essai sur la vie et les oeuvres de 
 Lucicm, Paris, 1882, chapter ix. 
 
 2 Toxaris, 4. 
 
LIFE OF LUGIAN 3 
 
 and his oriental imagination revelled in dreams 
 of the figure he might cut and the fortune he 
 might reap. The education, too, requisite for a 
 rhetorician was just the one that suited the 
 tastes of a young Syrian, with a strong literary 
 bias, who had been suddenly left to his own 
 devices ; for all that was needful (beyond prac- 
 tical instruction) was a comparatively light 
 course of reading in oratory, history and imagi- 
 native literature, with a smattering of law. At 
 all events, after some hesitation 1 he rejected 
 philosophy, and in order to obtain the necessary 
 instruction in rhetoric, he made his way into 
 Ionia which was at that time as it were a Palace 
 of Art and Eloquence. 2 
 
 The period in which Lucian lived may be 
 called the age of rhetoricians : there was a craze 
 for rhetoricians : 
 
 E'en Thul6, blessings on her ! seems to say 
 She'll hire a rhetorician, cost what may. 3 
 
 Yet perhaps at no other period of history has 
 the noble art of rhetoric fallen to a lower depth 
 
 1 Fancifully described in his Somnium. 
 
 2 TTUO-TJS rfjs 'lom'us olov Movcrctov 7rcTro\io-fj.ci>r)s : Philostratus, Vit* 
 Soph. ii. 21, 3, ed. Kayser. 
 
 3 Juvenal, xv. 112. 
 
4 LIFE OF LUCIAN 
 
 of degradation. 1 The most necessary quality 
 for success, says Lucian's typical rhetorician, l is 
 ignorance, coupled with impudence, boldness and 
 effrontery. Leave modesty, equity and blushes 
 at home.' 2 All was hollow and artificial; the 
 merits of the question argued were nothing ; the 
 phraseology and theatrical delivery were every- 
 thing. Such subjects as the following were 
 set for public declamations : a man had three 
 sons, and when he died it was found that he 
 had divided his property into four shares, and 
 directed that each son should have one share. 
 To whom did the fourth share belong ? 3 The 
 rhetorician's duty was to talk, to utter the 
 longest possible string of sonorous words and 
 elaborate phrases. i Talk without ceasing,' says 
 Lucian's rhetorician. c Say at haphazard what- 
 ever occurs to you. . . . But, of all things, do 
 not hesitate talk on and on. 4 ... If the 
 audience are cold, grow indignant and abuse 
 them. . . . And never omit to have a body of 
 friends at hand to applaud you.' 5 Such 
 passages remind us of the parting advice given 
 
 1 Lucian alludes to this fact in Bis Accus. 31. 
 
 2 Ehet. Precept. 15. 
 
 3 Prof. J. B. Bury's Hist. Bom. Emp. 27 B.C. to 180 A.D., p. 573. 
 
 4 n\f)v dXX' cVetye KOI avveipe KOI JJ.TJ <rio)7ra p.6vov. Hhet. Pre- 
 cept. 18. 
 
 5 Ib. 15, 19, 21 ; perhaps the earliest mention of the claque. 
 
LIFE OF LUCIAN 5 
 
 by the eloquent Arab beggar, Aboo Zaid, to his 
 son who followed his father's calling : 
 
 Let alertness be thy garb, adroitness thy lamp, audacity 
 thine armour. 
 
 The bold will prosper, the timid fail. 
 
 Then sally forth, my son, as early as the raven, 
 
 With the vigour of a falcon, *and the craftiness of a fox, 
 
 And persuade by the glozing of the tongue, 
 And deceive by the magic of eloquence. 1 
 
 From the absence in his works of any allusion 
 to his teachers, and from the fact that he was 
 poor, we may infer that Lucian was more or less 
 self-educated. It is unnecessary to dwell upon 
 the knowledge he displays of the Greek orators 
 and poets (especially Homer) in almost every 
 page of his works. Whether he had any 
 acquaintance with Latin literature is a very 
 obscure point. He certainly knew a little Latin, 
 for on one occasion he was able to narrate the 
 legend of Phaethon to boatmen who were rowing 
 him up the Tiber. 2 The supposition that a man 
 
 1 Makamat of Al Hariri of Busra, translated by Preston, 
 pp. 436,,438. 
 
 2 Kayo) rov p.v6ov 8trjyovfirjv avroiy, 3>af0ovra ycveo-Gai 'HXtou 
 
 TralSa K. r. X., De Electro, 2. He also refers to his slight knowledge 
 of Latin, De Lapsu, 13. 
 
6 LIFE OF LUCIAN 
 
 of quick apprehension and thoroughly literary 
 tastes, who possessed any knowledge of Latin at 
 all, should have spent years in Italy and Gaul 
 without making some attempt to acquaint him- 
 self with the great Latin writers, cannot be 
 entertained for a moment. Even if his know- 
 ledge of Latin was very slight, his Eoman 
 literary friends must surely have explained to 
 him from time to time great passages of the 
 Latin poets, in much the same way that 
 Crabb Kobinson expounded Byron's * Vision of 
 Judgment ' to the aged Goethe. 1 Why, then, 
 it may be asked, has he never directly referred" 
 to them ? First, probably, because he disliked^ 
 Eome and the Eomans. 2 He identified himself 
 with the Greeks, and doubtless shared in their 
 jealousy of their masters. Secondly, in writing 
 he had his eye chiefly upon his Greek, not his 
 Latin, readers. The former had no difficulty in 
 appreciating his Greek quotations, but Latin 
 quotations would have been unintelligible to 
 most of them. But though he never mentions 
 Latin writers by name, he seems to me to have 
 more than once silently appropriated thoughts 
 and phrases from Eoman authors, just as he 
 
 1 Diary, etc., ii. 436. 
 
 2 Nigrinus and De Merced. Conduct., passim. 
 
LIFE OF LUCIAN 7 
 
 frequently borrows from Greek poets without 
 acknowledging his debt. 1 
 
 Lucian was well read in the Greek historians, 
 especially Herodotus; but he regarded history 
 exclusively from the literary point of view. Of 
 the concatenation of events and the evolution of 
 society he had no notion. It would be absurd, 
 to censure him for not Seeing history as Vico, 
 Montesquieu or Buckle saw it ; but he failed to 
 rise to the point of view of Herodotus or Thucy- 
 dides, who lived centuries before him. He was 
 unable to divest himself of the modes of thought 
 of his race. Asia has produced many good 
 chroniclers, but no great historian. 
 
 In his tract ' How History should be written,' 
 he explains his views upon the subject pleasantly 
 and at considerable length. The historian, he 
 says, should possess political intelligence 2 (a 
 phrase he does not explain), the power of ex- 
 pressing himself, and an open mind. The style 
 should be clear, simple, &c. As to composition, 
 the truth of the various statements should be 
 established first; the facts should then be 
 
 1 The question of Lucian's knowledge of Latin is raised in 
 Rigault's Luc. Samosat. quce fuerit, etc., Paris, 1856, p. 79 ff. 
 C. F. Eanke, overlooking De Electrt), 2, says it has not been proved 
 that Lucian knew Latin ; Pollux et Lucianus, p. 28. The 
 question is discussed in the Appendix of this book. 
 r) : Quom. Hist. Conscrib. 34. 
 
8 LIFE OF LUCIAN 
 
 marshalled in order ; and finally they should be 
 welded together into a history. Throughout the 
 whole tract there is nothing to show that he 
 had any notion of the causation in history which 
 Thucydides certainly recognised. 1 He admits 
 that Thucydides was truthful, 2 but he does not 
 seem to have realised that ' there is hardly a 
 problem in the science of government which the 
 statesman will not find, if not solved, at any 
 rate handled, in the pages of the universal 
 master.' 3 
 
 While Lucian is captivated by the beauty of 
 Herodotus' style and the charm of his narrative, 
 and can ridicule his credulity and blunders, 4 
 he is silent about the excellent judgment 
 Herodotus frequently shows, notwithstanding 
 his imperfect information ; he ignores his bound- 
 less curiosity, a quality absolutely necessary to 
 a historian ; and he is blind to his perception of 
 the concatenation of events. 
 
 Lucian failed to master the first principles of 
 geometry and science as completely as he failed 
 
 fj.ev KOL del (a6[j.va eats av f) avrf) (frixris civ6pa)TTQ>v ?/, 
 /uaXXoi/ fie /cat fjav^aLTepa KOI rots ftfictrt StqAAay/ieVa, a>s av cxacrrai at 
 /uera/SoAai ra>i> vvTv%i)V (pi(TTa)VTai '. ill. 82. 
 
 2 Quom. Hist. Conscrib. 39, 42. 
 
 3 * The Historians of Athens ' (in Hist. Essays), by E. A. Free- 
 man, 95. 
 
 4 He consigns Herodotus to Tartarus for lying: Ver. Hist. ii. 31. 
 
LIFE OF LUCIAN 9 
 
 to grasp the idea of law in history. He jeers at 
 the points without parts and lines without 
 breadth of geometry ; l ridicules the belief that 
 the sun is a flaming mass ; and derides the 
 attempt to measure the distances of the heavenly 
 bodies. l Fellows/ he says, l who don't know 
 the number of miles between Athens and Megara 
 can tell you the number of yards between the 
 sun and moon, the height of the atmosphere, 
 the depth of the sea, &c.' 2 Such jests might 
 pass unnoticed had they been thrown off in some 
 outlandish place during a period of gross igno- 
 rance. But they were written in Greece by a 
 man who lived 250 years after Hipparchus, and 
 who was a contemporary of Claudius Ptolema3us 
 whose work on astronomy, the ' Great Syntaxis,' 
 < contains the germs of most of the methods in 
 use at the present day.' B 
 
 At twenty-five years of age 4 (about 150 A.D.), 
 he began to practise as a rhetorician in Ionia 
 
 1 Hermot. 74. One is reminded of the sham tutor in Voltaire's 
 Jeannot et Colin : ' de toutes les sciences la plus absurde, a mon 
 avis, et celle qui estlaplus capable d'etouffer touteespece de genie : 
 c'est la geometrie. Celle science ridicule a pour objet des surfaces, 
 des lignes, et des points, qui n'existent pas dans la nature.' Lucian 
 was merely stating the arguments of the Sceptics. 
 
 2 Icaromen. 6, 7. 
 
 3 Encyclop. Brit. 9th ed., art. ' Astronomy.' 
 
 4 He was forty when he gave up rhetoric (Hermot. 13, Bis 
 Accus. 32), in which profession he says he foolishly wasted fifteen 
 years (Hermot. 24). 
 
XrY 
 
 ftyi 
 
 10 LIFE OF LUCIAN 
 
 and Greece, and shortly afterwards went to 
 Kome to see an oculist about his eyes. He there 
 met Nigrinus, the academician, who urged him 
 to discard rhetoric and study philosophy. So 
 moving was the eloquence of the philosopher 
 that Lucian's head swam round ; his voice failed, 
 his tongue refused to move when he wished to 
 speak; he burst into a perspiration, 1 and then 
 burst into tears. 2 Miss Burney's choicest 
 heroines never had a more trymg experience. 
 And Philosophy won him ? By no means. With 
 all the good will in the world, Lucian could 
 never have become a true philosopher ; for he 
 was wanting in the steadiness of purpose, the 
 calmness of judgment, the logical consistency 
 and the intellectual grasp that are necessary to 
 make one. On the morrow, it may be, he 
 resumed his profession, went to North Italy in 
 pursuit of business, and finally passed into Gaul. 3 
 Here he appears to have obtained some public 
 appointment 4 and to have accumulated money. 
 
 Being now beyond the reach of want, he took 
 a very natural step : he had left his native town 
 a penniless boy, and he now returned home to 
 present himself to his friends as a public func- 
 
 1 tSpcort KaTfppe6p.r)v '. Nigr. 4. 
 3 T\os ($a.Kpvov ciTropov/Ltej/os' 1 ib. 
 
 3 Bis Accus. 27. 4 Apologia, 15. 
 
LIFE OF LUCIAN 11 
 
 tionaryand a well-known rhetorician and pleader. 
 He was in Ionia and Syria during the first years 
 of the reign of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius, 
 and by an ingenious comparison of the two 
 tracts, * Imagines ' and ' Pro Imaginibus,' M. 
 Croiset draws the conclusion that Lucian saw 
 the Emperor Lucius Verus in Antioch in 162-3 
 A.D. 1 He left Antioch probably in 164 A.D. to 
 return to Greece, taking with him his father and 
 family. On the way he stopped at Abonotichos 
 in order to visit Alexander, the magician. He 
 sailed finally for Greece from the Troad, in 
 company with Peregrinus, the Cynic. In the 
 end of 164, or beginning of 165, he was at 
 Corinth ; and in the latter year he visited the 
 Olympic Games during which Peregrinus leaped 
 into the flames and perished. 
 
 When Lucian was forty years of age, that 
 is, very probably, in this year 165, the most 
 important event of his life took place ; for to it 
 we owe all his best works. He abjured rhetoric 
 and, after a short hesitation, became a satirist. 
 Let us endeavour to trace the causes of this 
 radical change. 
 
 That a man who was opposed (or thought he 
 
 1 Annuaire de V Association pour Vcncouragt. dcs etudes grec- 
 qucs, 1879. 
 
12 LIFE OF LUC1AN 
 
 was opposed) to imposition and sham should 
 have followed for fifteen years such a profession 
 as rhetoric was then, must have been owing to 
 some irresistible necessity; and the necessity, 
 we may feel sure, was poverty. This obstacle to 
 his quitting rhetoric, however, was removed by 
 his financial success in Gaul. But the habits 
 contracted during a number of years are not 
 lightly cast off, and Lucian might possibly 
 have remained a rhetorician in name to the end 
 had not other influences been at work. Of the 
 existence of two such influences there can be 
 very little doubt. 
 
 First, he may have made friends, but he 
 must certainly have made enemies among the 
 rhetoricians. Human nature was much the 
 same then as it is now, and no man endures 
 ridicule without some feeling of resentment. 
 Can we doubt that Lucian laughed in the faces 
 of the weaker brethren in court and at declama- 
 tions ? He did so doubtless, and, what was 
 worse, he held them up to public scorn in his 
 writings. He took his amusement and paid the 
 inevitable price : he was detested by all the 
 dullards and hypocrites and they were many 
 in his profession. They hated him not the less 
 because he was a Syrian, a foreign upstart ; 
 
LIFE OF LUCIAN 13 
 
 they hated him all the more because not one of 
 them could cope with him in wit, or vie with 
 him in style. Their enmity naturally made him 
 not unwilling to leave them and rhetoric for 
 ever, when a convenient opportunity occurred. 
 
 Secondly, about this time his acquaintance 
 with Demonax, whom he apparently had long 
 known, 1 became very intimate ; and it is easy 
 to understand how strongly intercourse with the 
 agreeable and genial philosopher drew the fickle 
 Syrian from rhetoric and attracted him towards 
 philosophy. 
 
 The concurrent action of these influences 
 was quite strong enough to alter the course of a 
 man with a stabler character than Lucian, and 
 we learn without surprise that he cut himself 
 adrift from rhetoric in 165 : a step which 
 necessitated his deciding, for the second time in 
 his life, what calling he should adopt. 
 
 He was not born a poet, and history was 
 beyond the grasp of one who failed to perceive, 
 even dimly, the existence of some determinate 
 order in the march of human affairs. Physical 
 science was quite unsuitable for a man of forty 
 who was ignorant of the elements of mathe- 
 matics and physics. That the majority of 
 
 1 Demon. Vit. 1. 
 
14 LIFE OF LUCIAN 
 
 educated persons in his time had no notion of 
 natural law, is shown by such works as ^Elian's 
 * History of Animals' 1 and some of Plutarch's 
 essays. Lucian did not rise above the rest. 
 He had no conception of invariable law, and he 
 rejected as incredible whatever transcended his 
 personal experience. 
 
 Metaphysic, or even Psychology, was out of 
 the question. A man ignorant of the simplest 
 laws of matter was not likely to master the 
 subtler laws of mind. Unaware of the reign of 
 law among the phenomena of nature, he of 
 course had no belief in a Lawgiver hidden 
 behind phenomena. He would probably have 
 been moved to laughter by the words of the 
 Persian poet : 
 
 .... the world is ruled by a hidden Power. 
 
 The hand is hidden, yet we see the pen writing ; 
 
 The horse is galloping, yet the rider is hidden from view ; 
 
 The arrow speeds forth, yet the bow is unseen ; 
 
 Souls are seen : the Soul of Souls (God) is hidden. 2 
 
 Lucian did not apply his mind to such 
 laborious and unsuitable studies as history, 
 science or philosophy, but betook himself to the 
 lighter and more congenial task of heaping 
 
 1 Quoted in Croiset's Essai sur . . . Lucien, p. 178. 
 
 2 Masnavi of Jalalu'd Din Eumi, trans, by Whinfield, p. 78. 
 
LIFE OF LUCIAN 15 
 
 ridicule upon those who did. Yet he believed 
 that he had become a philosopher. 1 He never 
 became one : he was rhetorician and sophist 
 to the end of his days. It is true he coquetted 
 with philosophy, 2 as he had done before ; 3 but 
 the courtship was short and the breach was 
 final. 
 
 We can only surmise that his headquarters 
 were at Athens from this time forward until he 
 sailed to take up his appointment in Egypt, 
 where he died. 
 
 <iAooro(fii/ K. T. X., Hermot. 13. 
 2 Bis Accus. 32 ; De Salt. 3. 3 Nigr. 4, 35. 
 
16 
 
 II 
 
 CLASSIFICATION OF LUCIAN'S WORKS 
 
 EIGHTY-THREE works have been attributed to 
 Lucian. Some of them are most probably 
 spurious, but the critics are not agreed about 
 the exact number. Bekker rejects twenty-eight, 
 Somrnerbrodt twenty-two, Croiset thirteen, &c. 
 The question does not concern us here, as none 
 of the works generally disputed are referred to. 
 
 The most convenient classification of Lucian' s 
 works is a division of them into some such 
 groups as those proposed by M. Croiset, and 
 this is a delicate and difficult undertaking. 
 His groups are given below, but minor works 
 and those generally allowed to be spurious are 
 omitted. 
 
 1 
 Under the direct influence of Rhetoric 
 
 Nigrinus (shortly after 150 A.D.). 
 
 Imagines (162-3). 
 
 Quomodo Historia Conscribenda (early in 165). 
 
CLASSIFICATION OF LUCIAN'S WOKKS 17 
 
 2 
 Transition Period (from Rhetoric to Satire) 
 
 De Saltations (middle of 165). 
 
 Anacharsis. 
 
 Toxaris. 
 
 On abandoning Ehetoric 
 
 Hermotimus (end of 165). 
 
 Philopseudes. 
 
 Convivium. 
 
 Under the influence of Menippus, the Cynic 
 
 Necyomantia. 
 
 Dialogi Mortuorum. 
 
 Icaromenippus. 
 
 Jupiter Confutatus. 
 
 Dialogi Deorum and Dialogi Marini. 
 
 Verae Historise. 
 
 Under the influence of the Old Comedy 
 
 Tyrannus. 
 Gallus. 
 Timon. 
 Charon. 
 
 Jupiter Tragoedus. 
 Concilium Deorum. 
 Prometheus. 
 Auctio Vitarum. 
 
 Piscator. 
 
 Bis Accusatus. 
 
 Peregrinus. 
 
 Miscellaneous 
 
 Pthetorum Prseceptor. 
 De Mercede Conductis. 
 Demonax (177, Bolderman J ). 
 Alexander (after 180). 
 
 1 Studia Lucianea, p. 15. 
 
18 CLASSIFICATION OF LUCIAN'S WOEKS 
 
 The works in which Lucian is seen at his 
 worst, in the humble opinion of the present 
 writer, are his lampoons f Alexander,' ' Pere- 
 grinus ' and L Adversus indoctum et libros multos 
 ementem.' Owing to the nature of the subject, 
 there was little scope in any one of the three 
 for his imagination and humour, while there was 
 ample room for all his weakest qualities. c Her- 
 motimus ' is his most important philosophical (or 
 anti-philosophical) pamphlet, and it is generally 
 agreed that his greatest religious (or anti-religious) 
 work is ' Jupiter Tragoedus.' Perhaps c Charon 
 sive Contemplantes,' written evidently when he 
 was at the height of his powers, is the composi- 
 tion in which he delivers his views on the destiny 
 of man in his finest and sombrest manner. But 
 the work in which his two best gifts, imagination 
 and humour, are shown to the greatest advan- 
 tage is assuredly the ' Verse Historiae,' a master- 
 piece which has never been excelled. Great 
 writers have not scrupled to cull flowers from it ; 
 yet Lucian holds his own, in imagination and 
 humour, with Eabelais, Swift and Voltaire. 
 
19 
 
 III 
 
 THE LIMITS OF SATIEE 
 
 SATIRE is the expression either of amusement at 
 folly or of disgust at vice. But this expression 
 of ridicule or scorn is subject to two conditions : 
 first, it must be conveyed in a literary form; 
 and secondly, when aimed at the unseemly it 
 must possess some tincture of wit or humour. 
 The grounds for these conditions are obvious. 
 If literary form be absent, the expression of our 
 contempt or derision degenerates into a sneer or 
 a gibe. If humour and wit be wholly wanting in 
 attacks upon vice, satire sinks into a sermon or 
 invective. This meaning of the word satire is 
 narrower than Juvenal's : 
 
 Whatever passions have the soul possest, 
 Whatever wild desires inflamed the breast, 
 Joy, Sorrow, Fear, Love, Hatred, Transport, Eage, 
 Shall form the motley subject of my page. 1 
 
 Quidquid agunt homines, votum, tirnor, ira, voluptas, 
 Gaudia, discursus, nostri est farrago libelli : i. 185 (Gifford). 
 
 c 2 
 
20 THE LIMITS OP SATIEE 
 
 On the other hand, it is somewhat broader than 
 Pope's : 
 
 Satire's my weapon, but I'm too discreet 
 
 To run amuck and tilt at all I meet ; 
 
 I only wear it in a land of Hectors, 
 
 Thieves, Supercargoes, Sharpers and Directors ; l 
 
 It approaches more nearly to that given in 
 an ' Essay on Satire ' (wrongly, I believe) 
 attributed to Dryden, where it is said to be the 
 province of satire 
 
 To tell men truly of their foulest faults, 2 
 
 To laugh at their vain deeds and vainer thoughts. 
 
 The meaning of the word satire given above 
 is sufficient for our present purpose, since it 
 includes writers so widely different as Langland 
 (the author of ' Piers the Ploughman ') and Vol- 
 taire, Persius and Eabelais, Horace and Swift. 
 
 Satire is applicable to things which invite 
 our ridicule or move our contempt ; but to such 
 things only is it applicable. To apply it to 
 other subjects is to abuse it and it has been 
 too often abused. The temptations to do so 
 are confessedly great. First, the unanswerable 
 
 1 * Imitations of Horace,' Sat. ii. 1, 69. 
 
 2 The old word faute only recovered its hereditary Z in the six- 
 teenth century, and its traditional sound long survived, as here and 
 in Goldsmith's Deserted Village. 
 
THE LIMITS OF SATIRE 21 
 
 argument of ridicule presents an easy short cut 
 to conclusions to which the ordinary methods of 
 reasoning afford no approach practically, to 
 any conclusions we please. Secondly, it takes 
 the popular ear. ' The multitude hear nothing 
 with so much good will as satire and sarcasm/ 
 says Diogenes in Lucian's ' Piscator,' 25, 
 ' especially when bestowed upon objects the 
 most respectable in general estimation.' 1 
 
 It is unnecessary to catalogue here the many 
 matters to which satire is inapplicable ; but one 
 or two must be mentioned, because they are 
 closely connected with the present subject. 
 Foremost among them are the various beliefs 
 which men hold, or have held, concerning the 
 existence of a Deity, or Deities, and concerning 
 death and what lies beyond the grave. Men's 
 beliefs, present or past, upon these matters may 
 excite awe or wonder, sorrow or pity, but never 
 contempt or ridicule in either reverent or 
 generous minds. 2 They do not belong to the 
 
 1 E'en the whole world, blockheads and men of letters, 
 Enjoy a cannonade against their betters. 
 
 PETER PINDAR. 
 
 2 His ibi me rebus qusedam divina voluptas 
 Percipit atque horror .... 
 
 LUCRETIUS, de N. R. iii. 28. 
 
22 THE LIMITS OF SATIEE 
 
 province of satire, and to use it against them is 
 an artistic crime. 
 
 < Eeligion, they tell us, ought not to be 
 ridiculed, and they tell us truth ; yet surely the 
 corruptions in it may,' writes Swift. 1 If the 
 limits of satire have been correctly laid down, 
 she has an undoubted right to lash those 
 corruptions in religion which move our scorn 
 or our laughter. She has a right to express her 
 contempt for the amours of the Greek and 
 Hindoo gods, her derision at the sale of 
 Indulgences, her wrathful scorn at the Inquisi- 
 tion, her merriment at the dancing Darwayshes ; 
 but this falls very far short of ridiculing the 
 belief in a Deity, in the freedom of the will, and 
 in the immortality of the soul. 
 
 Lucian was unaffected by these considera- 
 tions and ridiculed with impartiality the gods 
 on Olympus and the ghosts in the Shades, the 
 V king upon his throne and the dying philosopher 
 upon his pallet in prison. 2 He was uninfluenced 
 by them because they only appeal to men 
 animated by some spark of generosity and 
 reverence. He shows no generosity, and the 
 only reverence he ever displayed was for his 
 
 1 ' Author's Apology,' prefixed to the Tale of a Tub. 
 
 2 Dialog. Mori. 21. 
 
THE LIMITS OF SATIRE 23 
 
 own interests. The solitary institution that 
 escaped his sarcasm was the Eoman Govern- 
 ment. 1 He died a Eoman official. 
 
 1 Open satire would of course have been out of the question ; but 
 Lucian, had he chosen, was just as capable of writing covert satire 
 as were Persius, Juvenal and Tacitus. 
 
IV 
 
 LUCIAN'S PHILOSOPHY AND BELIGION 
 
 LUCIAN'S chief pamphlet on philosophy, 4 Hermo- 
 timus,' is a rhetorical attempt to prove that all 
 philosophy is impossible that (as Pascal puts 
 it) c se moquer de la philosophic, c'est vraiment 
 philosopher.' The general conclusion is essen- 
 tially sceptical, and were it not for a passage in 
 which he seems to speak of virtue as good, we 
 might be tempted to conclude that he had 
 enrolled himself among the Pyrrhonians or New 
 Academicians, the former of whom he charac- 
 teristically laughs to scorn in the i Auctio 
 Vitarum,' 27 ; the latter in ' Icaromenippus,' 25, 
 and the ' Verae Histories,' ii. 18. He never 
 joined any school ; and, apparently, lest any 
 doubt should remain about his meaning in 
 ' Hermotimus,' he arraigns the sects in i Necyo- 
 inantia ' in a way that cannot be misunderstood. 
 Menippus there says that he found them all 
 ignorant and perplexed, living lives that were in 
 
LUCIAN'S PHILOSOPHY AND EELIGION 25 
 
 open contradiction to their teaching. He con- 
 tinues l one of them (the Epicurean) advised 
 me to pursue pleasure at all hazards, for in 
 pleasure lay true happiness. Another (the 
 Cynic) perpetually dinned into my ears the 
 notorious verses of Hesiod about virtue and 
 exertion and the ascent of the Hill of Virtue, 1 
 and exhorted me to subdue the flesh. "Be 
 squalid and foul in your person," he said, " and 
 offensive and abusive in your language." A 
 third (the Stoic) admonished me to contemn 
 riches, while a fourth (the Peripatetic) affirmed 
 wealth to be good in itself.' 2 The question at 
 once presents itself, how came Lucian to reject 
 all existing systems of philosophy ? He had, cer- 
 tainly, at one time or another, made advances to, 
 or entered into negotiations with, the leading 
 Schools. His unwavering aversion to the 
 
 1 Trjv fj.ev rot KdKOTTjTa K.al I\a8bv f 
 'Pr]'i8io)s' Xe/Tj p.ev 6bs, /uciXa S' eyyudi vaift. 
 TTJS 6' apeTrjs l8po)Tci 6fol TTpoTrdpoidev etirjKav 
 J A0dvaToi' paif.pbs de teal opQios oifiov es avrrjv 
 Kal rprjxvs ToirpwroV TTT)V S' els aKpov IKIJTOI, 
 'Prj'idirj drj eVetra Tre'Xft, ^aXe7ri7 Trep foixra. 
 
 (Vice is not hard to reach : the road thereunto is level and near at 
 hand. But, by the decree of the immortal gods, the road to Vir- 
 tue is a toilsome and a weary one. Long and steep and rugged is 
 the path at first ; but once the summit of the Hill has been reached, 
 then truly that becomes easy which was difficult before.) Works 
 and Days, 287 et scq. 
 . 4. 
 
26 LUCIAN'S PHILOSOPHY AND EELIGION 
 
 noblest of them all, Stoicism, shows at least 
 that he had made himself acquainted with its 
 principal doctrines. He had sought instruction 
 from the Pyrrhonians and New Academicians ; l 
 he had entered into close relations with the 
 Cynics ; 2 and in later life he seems to have 
 inclined towards the Epicureans. 3 He had, 
 partially at least, carried out the very plan 
 which he assured the timid Hermotimus was 
 impossible life was too short for it ; 4 he had 
 studied (superficially no doubt 5 ) the tenets of the 
 various sects and rejected them all. Why did he 
 reject them ? M. Croiset, if I gather his meaning 
 correctly, seems to think Lucian's rejection of 
 the sects was chiefly due to his love of indepen- 
 dence ; 6 but it is not clear where sufficient 
 evidence is to be found of his possessing so 
 strong a love of independence as to hinder him 
 
 1 'Es Se TTJV 'Aicadrjfifiav fj TO AVKCIOV e'Xtfdjra, K. r. X. Bis 
 Accus. 32. 
 
 2 It is sufficient to mention his admiration for Menippus and 
 his friendship with Demonax. 
 
 3 Alexander, 25, 45, 47, 61. 
 
 4 48-49. Hermotimus reminds one of the unhappy ' young man ' 
 so familiar in the sermons of the ministers of the Kirk, created only 
 to be annihilated. 
 
 5 ' Im Allgemeinen muss man sehr zweifeln, ob Lucian die 
 wissenschaftlichen System der alteren griechischen Philosophen 
 iiberhaupt griindlich gekannt habe.' Passow's Luciam, und die 
 Geschichte, Meiningen, 1854, p. 20. 
 
 6 Essai sur Lucien, 110. 
 
LUCIAN'S PHILOSOPHY AND EELIGION 27 
 
 from accepting some system of thought. The 
 question is not to be disposed of so simply. 
 
 Lucian seems to have been constitutionally 
 incapable of distinguishing between a gross 
 belief in, say, augury or Charon's obolus and 
 the indefinable feeling that 
 
 The awful shadow of some unseen Power 
 Floats, though unseen, among us . . .* 
 
 He belonged, like Bunyan's ( Man with the 
 Muckrake/ to a class of men who ' could look 
 no way but downwards ' : 
 
 . . . curvse in terras animse et coslestmm inanes. 2 
 
 Now Lucian happened to be born at a period 
 when superstition was wide-spread and miracles 
 were fashionable. A reaction had taken place 
 and philosophy never was more religious than in 
 the second century A.D. S The leading men of 
 the age were devout. The Emperor, Marcus 
 Aurelius, thought life would not be worth living 
 without gods ; 4 Fronto prayed daily for the 
 recovery of the Empress Faustina when she was 
 ill ; Pliny the Younger built two temples ; Dion 
 
 1 Shelley's Hymn to Intellectual Beauty. 
 
 2 Persius, ii. 61. 
 
 3 Aube's Hist, des Persec. de VEglise, ii. Ill, 
 
 4 Thoughts of Emp. Mar. Aur. ii. 11. 
 
28 LUCIAN'S PHILOSOPHY AND RELIGION 
 
 Chrysostom, Plutarch and Epictetus were 
 theists ; and all of them believed firmly in the 
 intervention of the gods in human affairs. The 
 moralists and popular preachers (generally 
 Cynics) were either neutral or regarded such 
 matters with contemptuous indifference, and the 
 Epicureans alone were actively hostile to the 
 religious reaction. When Lucian entered into 
 life, therefore, he found himself in opposition to 
 the great majority of the philosophers. 
 
 Matters were aggravated by his irrepressible 
 sarcasm and unamiable disposition. The 
 pamphlet < Adversus indoctum, &c.' is sufficient 
 evidence of his rancorous anger. Would an 
 amiable man have bitten the mountebank 
 Alexander, when he extended his hand to be 
 kissed ? l A kind-hearted man would have held 
 in abhorrence the odious Menippus, 2 for whom 
 Lucian professes the greatest admiration. Could 
 a good-natured man have written ' Necyomantia ' 
 or < Tyrannus ' to mention two works only ? 
 We may take it for certain that Lucian could 
 not have remained long in contact with any 
 
 1 e'yco Se irpo(r<pvs o>s <pi\f)(TQ>v dyy/jiaTi ^prjcrrft) Trdvv p.iKpov delv 
 
 avTu> TT)v x f ^P a fVoM/cra: Alex. 55. 
 
 2 (irftorrjyaye p.oi (fooftepov Tiva o>s d\rj0a)s Kvva KOI TO 8fjyp.a \adpalov t 
 co-co KOI yfXwv a/za fdaKM : Bis Accus. 33. 
 
LUCIAN'S PHILOSOPHY AND EELIGION 29 
 
 school without being at open war with some of 
 its members, and this would not tend to cement 
 the bonds of amity between him and the rest. 
 
 The foregoing considerations afford a simple 
 and sufficient explanation of the fact that, 
 throughout his life, Lucian played the part of 
 a philosophical condottiere. But there was 
 another circumstance that tended to produce 
 the same result. Lucian 7 s was a mind which 
 comprehended readily a single principle, but was 
 unable to grasp, or experienced great difficulty 
 in grasping, a body of principles connected 
 together in a system. M. Croiset puts the 
 matter very clearly : ' il est vivement frappe des 
 details, mais il voit peu les ensembles. . . . En 
 litterature, en religion, en philosophic, il en sera 
 de meme ; partout des observations excellentes, 
 mais nulle synthese.' 1 This mental defect 
 obviously tended to repel him from all possible 
 systems, metaphysical, moral and religious. 
 
 If all systems were unacceptable to Lucian, 
 why did he make advances to certain of them ? 
 It was not likely to have been in pursuit of 
 Truth ; for the errors which disfigured the 
 various systems, not the truths which adorned 
 
 1 Croiset, Essai sur .... Lucien, 101. The statements in the 
 text should not be pushed too far. 
 
30 LUCIAN'S PHILOSOPHY AND EELIGION 
 
 them, were ever his quarry. His object, pro- 
 bably, was at once practical and prosaic. He 
 may have amused himself from time to time in 
 enquiring into the doctrines of the Schools, in 
 order to discover their weak points and thus 
 supply himself with materials for satire. 
 Satire, Pope tells us, 
 
 . . . mends with Morals what it hurts with Wit. 1 
 
 It would be difficult to mend anything with 
 Lucian's morality, for what he has left us is 
 almost entirely negative ; and it only amounts, 
 in substance, to the denunciation of three or 
 four vices and passions tyranny, avarice, pride, 
 and suchlike which had formed the stock-in- 
 trade of moralists ages before he was born. 
 
 His rules for the conduct of life may be 
 summed up in a few lines. He admonishes 
 us i to live like others.' 2 If we contrast this 
 precept with that of his Emperor, Marcus 
 Aurelius : ' live as if every day were thy last/ 3 
 we clearly perceive how far superior was the 
 doctrine of the Stoic to that of the Sceptic. It 
 is true that in perhaps the only passage in all 
 
 1 Imitations of Horace, i. 262. 
 
 2 ftiov re KOLVOV aTracrt ftiovv I Hermot. 84. 
 
 3 Thoughts of the Emp. M, Aur. Ant. ii. 5 (George Long). 
 
LUCIAN'S PHILOSOPHY AND RELIGION 31 
 
 his works that shows a gleam of tenderness or 
 sympathy, Lucian puts a similar phrase into the 
 mouth of Charon, the representative of death, 
 as he sat with Mercury upon the summit of 
 Parnassus ; but, apparently, he makes use of it 
 only to expose its inanity. ' Ought I not to 
 shout down to this madding crowd,' asks Charon, 
 i to cease from their ignoble strife for empty 
 honours and worthless wealth, and to live with 
 death always before their eyes ? ' ' You would 
 shout in vain,' replies the god; ' their ears are 
 stopped with ignorance and error, and they are 
 as deaf as Ulysses when he fled from the 
 Syrens.' l Mercury, we may take it, was ex- 
 pressing the sentiments of Lucian himself, to 
 whom the solemnity of Charon's advice appealed 
 in vain. 
 
 We obtain a somewhat more definite view of 
 his teaching from the counsel given by Tiresias 
 to Menippus : ' the lives of those who keep aloof 
 from the Schools are the best and wisest. 
 Abstain, then, from discussions on high matters, 
 and be not over-curious about the nature of 
 things. Avoid vain babblings, and let your 
 object be to make the best of circumstances. 
 
 1 Contemplantes, 20-1. 
 
32 LUCIAN'S PHILOSOPHY AND EELIGION 
 
 Thus you may pass through life smiling, taking 
 nothing too seriously.' 1 
 
 We have here the whole body of positive 
 moral 2 instruction he has bequeathed to us, and 
 it cannot be said to be too extensive or too lofty 
 a code. Its most striking quality is its mean- 
 ness. Were every man ' to live like others,' 
 there would be an end to all further progress in 
 literature and art, to every effort to ' rise on 
 stepping-stones of our dead selves to higher 
 things.' To abstain from investigating physical 
 phenomena would be to arrest the march of 
 science and open the door to universal and 
 triumphant ignorance, with its invariable atten- 
 dant, grovelling superstition. The promise given 
 in the final clause of Tiresias's advice is an 
 empty one, and it is difficult to explain how a 
 man of Lucian's observation could have put it 
 in the prophet's mouth. That no man, however 
 virtuous, can ' go through life smiling,' is a 
 lesson of universal experience, which (as Lucian 
 must have known) has been admirably stated by 
 Herodotus. ' In this life, short though it be,' 
 
 1 C O rS)V l8io)T(t)i/ <ipi(rTOS /3ios Kdl CT(i)(ppovO'Tepos' ws TTJS dcppocrvvrjs 
 iravo-dfievos rov /iereeopoAoyeZV Kal re\rj KO.\ dp%as eVio-KOTretz/ Kal 
 Karairrvaas TO>V (rofptav TOVTUV crfAAoyicr/u,et>j/ Kal TO. roiavTa \rjpov 
 ijYf]crdfiVos TOVTO p.6vov e anavros Brjpdcrr], OTTCO? TO napov ev 6fp.evos 
 irapa&pdp.r]$ ycXwvra TroXXa Kal Trepi /jirjdcv eo-irovdaKws : Necyoman. 21. 
 
 3 The word ' moral' is used in its broadest signification. 
 
LUCIAN'S PHILOSOPHY AND EELIGION 33 
 
 he says, ' there has never sojourned a man, 
 however fortunate he may have appeared, but 
 has had occasion, not once but many times, to 
 wish himself dead rather than alive.' 1 
 
 It will be observed that Lucian does not use 
 the word * virtue ' in his precepts. Did he hold 
 virtue to be good ? 
 
 He speaks of virtue in several passages as if 
 he regarded it with by no means unqualified 
 admiration ; 2 but Hume suggests 3 that such 
 passages as those referred to may be only the 
 petulant expression of Lucian's disgust at the 
 hypocrisy of many professors of philosophy, or 
 of his weariness of the virtue of the Schools, 
 which everybody prated about 4 and nobody 
 practised. This suggestion gains a certain 
 weight from the passage in ' Hermotimus ' in 
 which Lycinus explains that virtue consists ' in 
 works, in doing what is just and wise and 
 manly.' That he thought it good or at least 
 preferable to the practice of the Stoics is shown 
 
 1 vii. 46. 
 
 2 *H TTOV yap (TTIV rj 7ro\v0pv\r)TOS dperf) K. T. \. : Condi. Deor. 13. 
 2u vayovre s evet-aTrdrijTa peipaKia rr\v re 7ro\v6pv\rjrov dpfrrjv Tpayq>8ovari : 
 Icaromen. 30. 'Apcr^v riva . . . pcyaXy rfj (pa>vfj t-vveipovrav : Timon, 9. 
 
 ppa^codSiV ra 7rdv8r)fj,a cKfiva rov 'HcrtoSou irepl rrjs aperJjc 
 teal TOV i&paira KOI TTJV eVt TO a<pov avdftcuTiv : Necyoman. 4. 
 
 3 Enquiry concerning the Principles of Morals, sect. vi. 
 
 4 Pan says : dicoveo ye avr&v del KfKpayoTtov KOI dpfrfjv riva .... 
 i6vTo>v : Bis Accus. 11. 
 
34 LUCIAN'S PHILOSOPHY AND EELIGION 
 
 by the words that follow : ' instead of seeking 
 after virtue and practising it, you Stoics fritter 
 away your lives in the pursuit of pitiful phrases, 
 in carrying on useless wranglings, and in dis- 
 cussing insoluble riddles.' l These remarks, of 
 course, apply only to Lucian's views at the 
 time he wrote Hermotimus.' No general state- 
 ment can be made of the creed of a man wafted 
 about by every wind of doctrine, who was so 
 reticent about his own positive opinions (if he 
 had any). 
 
 It may seem superfluous to give a reason to 
 show that Lucian believed (at one moment of 
 his life) the just and wise and manly to be good ; 
 but it is necessary to do so. For if, during the 
 interval that elapsed between writing ( Hermo- 
 timus ' and writing * Necyomantia ' and the 
 pamphlets referred to by Hume, he had imbibed 
 to any very great extent the doctrines of the 
 Sceptics and who can say whether he had or 
 not ? he might have refused to admit that the 
 just and wise and manly were good in themselves ; 
 in which case Hume's suggestion would lose all 
 weight. l We do not say anything is good or 
 
 1 'H /it v aptrr) tv cpyois STJTTOV eVriv, oiov tv r&> Si'/ccua Trpdrrfiv /cat 
 (ro<pa Kai dvdpcla, vp.els fie .... d(p?vTf$ TOVTO. r)Tflv Kal ivoifiv pr]p.aTia 
 8vaTT)va /zeXerare Km o-vXXoyttr^ioi'f KOI Utopias : JELermot. 79. 
 
LUCIAN'S PHILOSOPHY AND EELIGION 35 
 
 evil with the conviction that it is probably so/ 
 says the sceptical writer, Sextus Empiricus, 
 who lived very shortly after Lucian. 1 l He who 
 is of the opinion that anything is either good or 
 bad by nature is always troubled. . . . But he 
 who is undecided about things good and bad by 
 nature neither seeks nor avoids anything eagerly, 
 and is therefore in a state of tranquillity.' 2 
 
 Unlike Lucian, the other great satirists of 
 the world are more or less free from the charge 
 of being entirely negative in their morality and 
 rules for the conduct of life. 
 
 Few can read the lukewarm { Satires ' of ' / 
 Horace without exclaiming, c I would thou wert 
 hot or cold ' ; but no one can accuse him of being 
 merely destructive. c Who is free ? ' he asks. 
 * The man who has dominion over himself,' 
 answers his slave ; c the man whom neither 
 poverty nor chains nor death can affright ; who 
 sternly subdues his appetites, and despises empty 
 
 1 Hypotypo&esj i. para. 226 ; trans, by Miss M. M. Patrick. 
 
 2 'Arapaia: Ib. para. 27-8. Pyrrhonism was obviously a 
 species of Hedonism. Perhaps the best criticism ever passed upon 
 the Sceptics, who ' neither sought nor avoided anything eagerly,' 
 was Pyrrho's own. He eagerly sought safety in flight on one occa- 
 sion when chased by a dog, and on being taxed with inconsistency, he 
 said that it was difficult to give up entirely one's humanity (Diog. 
 Laert. ix. 11, 66). His philosophy was an attempt to evade the 
 necessary modes of human thought and language. 
 
36 LUCIAN'S PHILOSOPHY AND BELIGION 
 
 honours. Against such an one Misfortune 
 advances in vain,' 1 
 
 Let us present to the Immortals, says Persius, 
 not offerings of silver and of gold, but l a mind 
 instinct with the feeling of duty to God and 
 man, a soul pure even in its secret recesses, and 
 a heart deep-dyed in generous honour.' 2 
 
 ' Pray for a bold spirit, free from all fear of 
 death,' says Juvenal ; l a spirit that " counts 
 death kind Nature's signal of retreat " ; that 
 can endure what labour may be necessary, that 
 knows not anger and covets nothing. . . . The 
 only path that surely leads to peace leads through 
 virtue.' 3 
 
 ' Knowledge without conscience is but the 
 ruin of the soul,' writes Gargantua to his son. 
 < It behoveth thee to serve, to love, to fear God, 
 and on Him to cast all thy thoughts and all 
 thy hope, and, by faith formed in charity, to 
 cleave unto Him, so that thou mayst never be 
 separated from Him by thy sins. Suspect the 
 abuses of the world. Set not thy heart on 
 vanity, for this life is transitory, but the Word 
 of the Lord endure th for ever. Be serviceable to 
 all thy neighbours, and love them as thyself.' 4 
 
 1 Sat. ii. 7, 83. 2 ii. 73. 3 x. 357. 
 
 4 Rabelais, Pant. ii. 8. 
 
LUCIAN'S PHILOSOPHY AND RELIGION 37 
 
 Swift delivers his message with characteristic 
 irony : ' It is likewise proposed as a great 
 advantage to the public, that if we once discard 
 the system of the Gospel, all religion will of 
 course be banished for ever; and consequently 
 along with it those grievous prejudices of educa- 
 tion, which under the names of virtue, conscience, 
 honour, justice and the like, are so apt to disturb 
 the peace of human minds, and the notions 
 whereof are so hard to be eradicated, by right 
 reason or free thinking, sometimes during the 
 whole course of our lives. . . . But I conceive 
 some scattered notions about a superior power 
 to be of singular use for the common people, as 
 furnishing excellent materials to keep children 
 quiet when they grow peevish, and providing 
 topics of amusement in a tedious winter night.' l 
 
 The moral of Voltaire's greatest work 
 < Candide ' is: 'il faut cultiver notre jardin.' 
 ' Travaillons, sans raisonner, dit Martin ; c'est 
 le seul moyen de rendre la vie supportable ' 2 
 Carlyle's doctrine of honest work. But it 
 was in practical humanity, rather than in 
 theoretical morality, that Voltaire was distin- 
 guished. He struggled for years to redress the 
 monstrous wrongs of the Galas family, to rescue 
 
 1 The Abolishing of Christianity. 2 Chapter xxx. 
 
38 LUCIAN'S PHILOSOPHY AND EELIGION 
 
 the Sirven family from starvation, to release 
 Espinasse from the galleys. After being sen- 
 tenced to death, Admiral Byng sent Voltaire his 
 warmest thanks for Eichelieu's letter (which 
 Voltaire had forwarded to him and which was 
 laid before the court-martial) exonerating the 
 unfortunate Admiral from blame. 1 
 
 It is especially when we compare the moral 
 satires of Lucian with those of Persius and 
 Juvenal, both of whom were inferior to him 
 in humour and imagination, that we discover 
 why he makes so mean a figure in morals. He 
 saw clearly enough the shortness, the paltriness, 2 
 the irony of life ; 3 but he had a very imperfect 
 conception of its misery. A teacher who offers 
 us a recipe that will enable us ' to go through life 
 smiling ' cannot be taken seriously. In Lucian 's 
 view men are ' mostly fools ' or knaves, and life 
 is an extravaganza, 4 a show, 5 at certain scenes 
 
 1 Parton's Life of Voltaire, ii. 247. 
 
 2 Ta TWV dvdpooTrwv Trpay/zara .... OVT } (\7ri8os OVTC (popov ciia '. 
 Demon. 20. 
 
 3 FcXoia KOI TdTTfiva Kai d/3e/3cua TO. avdpamiva. iravra 
 Icaromen. 4. 
 
 4 Q(T7Tp av el' TIS 7iapa(TTija-a.picvos TroXXoyy ^opevras .... 
 7rpo<rrafie TQ>V adovrw /cdcrra>, TTJV vvvtobiav dcpevra, 'iftiov aSeii/ p.\os '. 
 Icaromen. 17. 
 
 5 Toiyaprot eKclva opcovri e'So/cft p.oi 6 TO>V avQpatTTwv /Si'oy iro^nrfi 
 Ttvi. fj.ctK.pa Trpoa-foiKevai K. T. X. Carlyle's ' ironic procession of mor- 
 tals, with laughter of Gods in the background ' : Necyoman. 16. 
 
LUCIAN'S PHILOSOPHY AND EELIGION 39 
 
 of which, as showman, he affords us a glance. 
 But all the laughter of Momus and his crew 
 cannot drown ' the still, sad music of humanity.' 
 Ere we take many steps from his booth, we arc 
 harrowed by 
 
 Famine's faint groan and penury's silent tear. 1 
 
 Lucian was not one oi those great souls who 
 ' saw life steadily and saw it whole. 7 His 
 narrow Asiatic mind saw but two of its many 
 faces the foolish and the vicious. As a moralist 
 he takes a tenth place. 
 
 The Greek religion was the attempt of man to 
 give separate expressions of the Inscrutable by 
 means of particular Deities/ 2 each of whom 
 manifested himself through one of the powers 
 of nature. As the phenomena of nature were 
 believed to be the acts of the gods, or to arise 
 from their sufferings, a cycle of myths sprung up, 
 some of them ludicrous, others scandalous, 
 precisely similar to those now attached to the 
 Hindoo gods. ' Pious poets and grave philo- 
 sophers felt shocked by such myths, and tried to 
 mend them or boldly denied them ; but they con- 
 stituted nevertheless the faith of the majority.' 3 
 
 1 Shelley's Queen Mab. 
 
 2 Goethe in Eckermann's Conversations, etc. 524. 
 
 3 Prof. C. P. Tiele in Encyclop. Brit. art. ' Religions.' 
 
40 LUCIAN'S PHILOSOPHY AND RELIGION 
 
 By the second century the Grseco-Ronian 
 religion had undergone much alteration from the 
 assimilation of foreign doctrine. Gods had been 
 admitted from Egypt, and goddesses from 
 Syria ; ! but the basis of the popular faith was 
 still the old religion, and it still possessed 
 considerable vitality. * Is it an irreparable 
 evil,' asks Mercury in 'Jupiter Tragcedus,' 'that 
 a few disbelieve in our existence ? We have the 
 many with us most of the Greeks, the great 
 majority of the lower orders, and all the 
 Barbarians.' 2 As Professor Bury points out, 3 the 
 very power to assimilate elements of other 
 creeds and the creation of new deities (such as 
 Annona) show the vigour of the old religion at 
 this time. Its strength is further proved by 
 existing inscriptions, which directly reflect 
 popular beliefs, and by the fact that it did not 
 collapse for two centuries after Lucian's death. 
 It is evident, therefore, that he had an 
 exceedingly small share, if any at all, in the 
 overthrow of the Greek religion. Its decay and 
 downfall were due to large, general causes 
 entirely beyond the control of Lucian and his 
 friends, which would probably have produced the 
 
 1 See the speeches of Momus in Condi. Deorum. J 53. 
 
 3 Hist. Bom. Emp. 27 B.C. to ISO -!./>., 576. 
 
LUCIAN'S PHILOSOPHY AND RELIGION 41 
 
 same effect had they never been born. There is 
 no reason to suppose that the small band of 
 cultured sceptics to whom Lucian read his 
 satires had any desire to subvert the popular 
 religion. It is not even quite certain that he 
 himself aimed at its destruction : M. Croiset, 
 for instance, looks upon him as a light-hearted 
 mocker who ridiculed the gods for mere amuse- 
 ment, without any definite object in view. 1 But 
 it is difficult to believe that any, man should 
 discharge satire after satire against the religion 
 of his country without some premeditation. 
 M. Martha feels no doubt upon the matter : * II 
 ne fit pas rire a depens (des dieux) par legerete, 
 comme avait fait Aristophane, mais bien de 
 propos delibere.' 2 
 
 Be this as it may, Lucian made a series of 
 brilliant attacks upon the religious legends ; and 
 had he rested on his laurels thereafter, no stone 
 could have been cast at him. But he went a 
 step further : having exploded the legends of the 
 gods he proceeded to demolish the gods them- 
 selves. 3 With the limits of satire adopted in 
 these pages, this attempt was as inartistic as it 
 was impracticable. There is no gainsaying 
 
 1 Essai sur Lucien, 202. 2 Moralistes sous VEmp. Bom. 427. 
 3 It is sufficient to mention Jupiter Tragcedus. 
 
42 LUCIAN'S PHILOSOPHY AND BELJGION 
 
 Burke's aphorism : ' man is a religious animal.' 
 The idea of a Supreme Power is indelibly 
 impressed upon his mind, and Lucian could no 
 more efface it than he could unsphere the moon. 
 Could he have looked for one moment into the 
 future, he would have burnt his books ; for that 
 glance would have shown him Christianity sitting 
 in the seat of the vanished Greek religion 
 or as he would have put it, one superstition 
 supplanted by another. 1 ' He looked upon 
 Christianity as a superstition/ says Sig. Cantu. 2 
 This is but a partial truth. He looked upon all 
 religions as superstitions. ' He denies them all/ 
 says Eenan ; 3 i he attacks all religious beliefs/ 
 says M. Martha. 4 
 
 Lucian's attack upon an Over-ruling Power 
 marks one of the radical distinction^bt^eeiihirri_ 
 and a far greater man, Voltaire. 5 Both possessed 
 extreme cleverness rather than genius, extra- 
 
 1 ' It is not hard to understand the causes of the resolution of 
 (Religion) into its first seeds or principles, which are only an 
 opinion of a Deity and Powers invisible and supernatural ; that can 
 never be so abolished out of human nature, but that new Eeligions 
 may again be made to spring out of them, by the culture of such 
 men as for such purpose are in reputation.' Hobbes, Leviathan, 
 pt. i. 12 (58). 
 
 2 Dialoghi dei Morti, Napoli, 1882, p. 9. 
 
 3 Marc-Aurele, 373. 
 
 4 Moralistes sous VEmp. Rom. 445. 
 
 5 Sig. Cantu says : ' Luciano non presenta che una faccie di 
 Voltaire. Questi era immense, e alia sua ironia mescolava entupi- 
 
LUCIAN'S PHILOSOPHY AND BELIGION 43 
 
 ordinary versatility and acuteness, a certain 
 superficiality, withering wit and an inimitable 
 style. Neither of them ever expressed a great 
 thought or painted a great scene. Both of them 
 struck at a great religion, but they had very 
 different objects in view. Yoltaire, a theist, 1 
 tried to level the obstacles -that barred the way 
 into the temple of Theism ; Lucian, an atheist, 2 
 tried to raze the temple itself. Under no 
 circumstances could Lucian have been successful. 
 Men may be persuaded to exchange their 
 religion for a better one, but they refuse to part 
 with it for an empty scepticism or blank atheism. 
 
 asmo ed amore per 1' umanita .... Luciano invece, privo dell' in- 
 stinto dell' avvenire, non sa altro che opprimere il presento colle 
 inesauribile sue facezie. Ma il mondo era agitato dal bisogno di 
 credere, d' appoggiarsi a qualche cosa di piu che urnano.' Dial, dei 
 Morti, p. 10. This criticism does not seem to me to do justice to 
 Lucian. He was neither man of science, poet, philosopher nor drama- 
 tist, as was Voltaire ; but he outstripped Voltaire in every species of 
 composition in which imagination plays the leading part. Voltaire 
 was by no means distinguished in art criticism, in which Lucian 
 occupies the front rank, and he is so inferior as to be out of all com- 
 parison with Lucian in picturesque narrative e.g. the abduction 
 of Europa, Dial. Mar. 15. Voltaire could not have written the best 
 passages in the Contemplantes. 
 
 1 L'Hist. de Jenni, chaps, x. xi. ; Zadig, chaps, xii. xx. ; and 
 the chapters on Mdlle Hubert and Spinoza in Lettres a . . . . IG 
 Prince de Brunswick ; CEuvres, etc., Desrez, Paris, 1837, vol. vi. 
 
 2 I cannot agree with Herr Jacob : ' Lucian . . . darf nicht em 
 Gottesleugner nach modernen Begriffen heizen ' : Characteristic 
 LucianS) Hamburg, 1832, p. xx. Herr Schcel take a via media, 
 describing Lucian as a man ' der sich zum Atheismus hinneigte ' : 
 Geschichte der griechischen Literatur, ii. 491. 
 
44 LUCIAX'S PHILOSOPHY AND RELIGION 
 
 Lucian had nothing better to offer them : his 
 satire is essentially destructive. He might have 
 exclaimed with Mephistopheles : 
 
 Ich Inn der Geist der slets Yeraeint 
 
 The general conclusion is that, although 
 possessed of a keen understanding, Lucian was 
 not a thinking man in the highest sense of the 
 phrase : a conclusion confirmed by a remark of 
 Goethe's : c the man of understanding finds 
 almost everything ridiculous; the man of 
 thought scarcely anything.' 1 Lucian wisely 
 abstained from the attempt to formulate a 
 philosophical creed for himself ; * for though 
 ever ready to pull down, he was quite incapable 
 of building up. 3 His mind was shallow, his 
 views were narrow, and his ideals were low. 
 He had neither the patience nor the ability to 
 study and compare the merits of large systems 
 of thought, and he had not the heart to be a 
 moralist. Geometry and Astronomy he held to 
 be nonsense, Philosophy a delusion, and Eeligion 
 a superstition. 
 
 Jm&e* chap. ir. 
 
 * 'Impropre par temperament et par education a grouper dee 
 idees complexes pour en former on tout, fl ee decid* de bonne heure 
 par principe a ne pas le tenter.' Croiaet's E***i *mr Lucm, 112. 
 
 * "Seiner negariven Katar war es nkht beechieden, Kenes 
 
 .* Sommerhrodt's AmsgnsmMtc Schnften da Lucia**. 
 i p. mii. 
 
V 
 
 CHARACTERISTICS 
 
 MUCH as has been written about him, no 
 thoroughly satisfactory appreciation of Lucian's 
 character has yet been given to us, nor is one 
 ever likely to be. His character was essentially ^ 
 oriental, and (for this reason) defies analysis 
 beyond a certain point. As M. Aube puts it : 
 ' il est en Iui-m6me si ondoyant qu'il echappe a 
 qui veut le saisir et entreprend de fixer ses 
 traits/ l At first sight he seems to have been a 
 bundle of contradictions. Although a Barbarian, 2 
 he wrote the best Greek of his time; he was 
 an Oriental, yet he was not superstitious ; t 
 although a Syrian, he had some regard for truth. . 
 If he inclined towards the doctrines of any 
 school of philosophers one moment, it was only 
 
 1 Hist, des Persecutions dt VEglise, Paris, 1875, iL 112. 
 
 2 ' Rhetoric ' says she found him ' quite a boy, speaking a 
 barbarous language, and clothed in a kandys after the Assyrian 
 fashion ' (jco/zidg jutpfaov ovra, fidpfiapov fri TTJV <p<avr)v KOI \tovovav\i 
 
 evdfSvKOra ft TOV 'Xcravptov rpoirov '. Bis Accus. 27). 
 
46 CHARACTERISTICS 
 
 to turn upon them and rend them the next. A 
 foreigner, he settled among the Greeks and 
 adapted himself to their way of life without 
 any apparent difficulty. He was successively 
 sculptor, rhetorician, philosopher, satirist and 
 Government official. 
 
 When closely examined, many of these 
 contradictions will be found to be only apparent. 
 
 In Chapter iv. I have endeavoured to explain 
 his position with regard to the philosophical 
 schools. 
 
 The fact that an exceptionally clever Syrian 
 wrote excellent Greek after a prolonged sojourn 
 among Greek-speaking men is at least intelli- 
 gible. 
 
 The ease and rapidity with which he 
 changed, not only his various domiciles and 
 beliefs, but his avocations, present no difficulties 
 to us if we bear in mind that he was a Western 
 Asiatic. Such transformations are thoroughly 
 characteristic of the regions where he sprung. 
 No better or truer illustration of the flexibility 
 and fickleness of the oriental character can be 
 found than in Morier's amusing ' Adventures of 
 Hajjl Baba of Ispahan,' barber, dervish, execu- 
 tioner, mollah, and Secretary of Legation. 
 
 There is little difficulty in understanding his 
 
CHARACTERISTICS 47 
 
 sympathy with Greek life. In addition to its 
 freedom, it had many points in common with 
 the life he had been born to. Owing to the 
 practice of slavery, the Greek race had been 
 for centuries ' becoming a fiction. Miltiades, 
 Thucydides, and Demosthenes are examples to 
 the point.' 1 The unions^ between the Greeks 
 and their female slaves inevitably introduced 
 an oriental element into the national life, and in 
 the second century there may have been as close 
 a resemblance between Greek and Syrian in 
 manners and habits as there is unmistakably at 
 the present time. 
 
 1 There is nothing,' says Goethe, ' in which 
 people more completely betray their character 
 than in what they find to laugh at.' 2 Let us try 
 to get a glimpse at Lucian's character through 
 the incidents that amuse him. 
 
 c Come and see the new arrivals,' says 
 Antisthenes to his companions in the Shades. 
 ' It will be pleasant to see some of them weeping, 
 and to hear others entreating to be let go.' 3 
 Presently Diogenes, speaking of certain other 
 ghosts, says, 'their groaning afforded me no 
 
 1 W. G. Clarke's Peloponnesus, 328. 
 
 2 Elective Affinities, chap. iv. 
 
 3 Dial. Mort. xxvii. 1. 
 
48 CHABACTEKISTICS 
 
 common pleasure.' 1 ' I shall laugh when I 
 recognise the naked Princes on board my boat,' 
 says Charon, i without purple or diadem or 
 golden couch.' 2 ' I was exceedingly delighted,' 
 says the amiable Menippus, l when I saw the 
 ghosts of men who possessed wealth and birth 
 and power, naked and bowed down in the 
 Shades, recalling as in a dream their former 
 happiness.' 3 He adds shortly afterwards : 
 ' the excellent Diogenes dwells (in the Shades) 
 near Sardanapalus and Midas and others who 
 lived in the lap of luxury ; and often, when 
 he hears them bewailing their former fortune, 
 he rolls on his back with delight and sings in so 
 strident and harsh a voice as to drown their 
 lamentations.' 4 * I could not contain my 
 laughter,' says the same character, i when I saw 
 Philip (King of Macedon) in the Shades, eking 
 out an existence by mending old shoes.' 5 
 
 In Lucian's own time Peregrinus (or Proteus), 
 the Cynic, resolved to prove the sincerity of his 
 belief by burning himself to death in public 
 during the Olympic Games. Just before leaping 
 into the flames he delivered a short address, 
 
 1 Dial. Mort. 7. 3 Charon, 14. 
 
 3 Necyomantia, 12. 4 Ibid. 18. 
 
 6 Ib. 17. In Rabelais, Alexander is substituted for Philip, 
 Pant. ii. 30. 
 
CHARACTERISTICS 49 
 
 hoping possibly that the crowd would forcibly 
 compel him to forego his mad design. A few 
 of them did call out, * live ! f ot the sake of the 
 Greeks ' ; but the majority shouted, ' keep your 
 promise.' On this, the old man i grew pale, 
 trembled and was silent.' If ever there was a 
 piteous sight, surely this was one ; yet in 
 describing the incident afterwards to a friend, 
 Lucian (who was present) says : l you can 
 easily understand how much I was diverted by 
 him.' 1 
 
 Lucian may have been, as he tells us, in- 
 continent of laughter ; 2 but this is awful mirth 
 to our ears. 
 
 Lucian' s heartlessness naturally exercised 
 an evil influence on his works, and numerous 
 instances of bad taste are to be found in them, 
 from which a little generosity and kindly feeling 
 might have saved him. We may coin some 
 excuse for a voluminous writer who describes 
 Neptune as using his trident, ' like a pot stick/ 
 to stir up the sea ; 3 or who says of a multitude 
 of the dead : < some were old and mouldering ; 
 others fresh and compact, especially the Egyp- 
 
 1 'Eyeo 5e, e lita&is, oymi, TT>S eye\a>v : Peregrinus, 34. 
 
 2 'AKparqs yAeoro? : Pseudolog. 7. 
 
 ropvvrjv Tivo, efJL^a\O)V rrjv Tpiaivrjv : Charon, 7. 
 
50 CHAKACTEEISTICS 
 
 tians, owing to the durability of the pickle.' } 
 It is more difficult to find an excuse for him 
 when he tells us that Proteus, on coming forward 
 to leap into the fire, ' stood before the multitude 
 dressed in a very dirty shirt/ 2 But there are 
 instances of bad taste for which no excuse can 
 be found. 
 
 A writer of the second century could not 
 reasonably be supposed to share in the transports 
 of a poet of the Eenaissance about Helen of 
 Troy : 
 
 O them art fairer than the evening air, 
 Clad in the beauty of a thousand stars. 3 
 
 But Lucian might have extended to her 
 some small measure of the pity shown by Homer. 
 When, ' shedding tender tears,' she approached 
 Priam as he sat over the Scsean Gate, looking 
 down upon the two armies drawn up for battle, 
 he called her to him, saying : i come and sit by 
 me, dear child; in no way are you to blame for 
 these troubles.' 4 He well knew that to her 
 were owing the disasters that threatened him, 
 
 1 8ia TO iro\vapKes rfjs rapixcias : Necyomantia, 15. The pickle, 
 of course, means the chemicals used in embalming the dead. 
 
 2 fcrrr) tv odovy pv7ra>crTj aKpifias : Peregrinus, 36. 
 8 Marlowe's Doctor Faustus. 
 
 4 Iliad, iii. 162. 
 
CHARACTERISTICS 51 
 
 yet he addressed her with a gentleness worthy 
 of the best days of chivalry, The old king was 
 melted by a woman's grief and moved by her 
 strange beauty. But her beauty and sorrows had 
 no softening influence for the Syrian satirist. 
 ' 1 saw Helen in the flesh,' says the talking Cock 
 to his master, Micyllus the cobbler ; ' and her 
 skin was so white and her neck was so long that 
 anybody could guess her father was a swan. As 
 to her age, she must have been as old as her 
 mother-in-law, Hecuba.' * Elsewhere he tells us 
 that she was scourged and banished from Elysium 
 to Tartarus. 2 It does not need transcendent 
 literary ability to throw mud upon the exquisite 
 creations of the greatest writers : any hireling 
 can do it. But is it witty or humorous or 
 generous ? Lucian failed in these passages as an 
 artist, and deserved to fail. Helen of Troy was 
 110 fit figure for the finger of scorn or ridicule to 
 point at. She arouses our compassion when she 
 speaks of her brother-in-law Agamemnon as 
 
 My brother once, before my days of shame ! 
 And oh ! that still he bore a brother's name. 8 
 
 When she tries to explain the absence of her 
 
 1 Gallus, 17. 2 Verce Hist. ii. 27. 
 
 3 Iliad, iii. 180 (Pope). 
 
 K 2 
 
52 CHARACTEKISTICS 
 
 brothers from the fight before Troy, she moves 
 our pity : 
 
 . . . they shun to join 
 The fight of warriors, fearful of the shame 
 And deep disgrace that on my name attend. 1 
 
 The woman who could thus lament over the 
 corpse of Hector claims our tears : 
 
 Ah, dearest friend ! in whom the Gods had joined 
 
 The mildest manners with the bravest mind ; 
 
 Now twice ten years (unhappy years) are o'er 
 
 Since Paris brought me to the Trojan shore ; 
 
 (O had I perished, ere that form divine 
 
 Seduced this soft, this easy heart of mine !) 
 
 Yet it was ne'er my fate from thee to find 
 
 A deed ungentle, or a word unkind : 
 
 When others cursed the authoress of their woe, 
 
 Thy pity checked my sorrows in their flow : 
 
 If some proud brother eyed me with disdain, 
 
 Or scornful sister with her sweeping train, 
 
 Thy gentle accents softened all my pain. 
 
 For thee I mourn ; and mourn myself in thee, 
 
 The wretched source of all this misery : 
 
 The fate I caused, for ever I bemoan ; 
 
 Sad Helen has no friend, now thou art gone ! 
 
 Thro' Troy's wide streets abandon'd shall I roam ! 
 
 In Troy detested, as abhorr'd at home ! 2 
 
 1 Iliad, iii. 241 (Lord Derby). Little though she knew it, ' life- 
 giving Earth had received them both back into her bosom in Lace- 
 daemon, their dear native land ' ; ib. 243-4. We cannot wonder at the 
 judgment of Theocritus upon Homer : ' Homer suffices for all ! ' 
 
 aXis irdvTfO'a'i.v Op.rjpof. 
 
 9 Ib. xxiv. 762 (Pope). 
 
CHAEACTERISTICS 63 
 
 In the eleventh book of the ' Odyssey/ Homer 
 represents Achilles as saying to Ulysses when he 
 visited the Shades : 
 
 Bather I choose laboriously to bear 
 A weight of woes and breathe the vital air, 
 A slave of some poor hind that toils for bread, 
 Than reign the sceptered monarch of the dead. 1 
 
 Plato took exception to this passage in his 
 ' Kepublic,' and the grave Sir Thomas Browne 
 questions ' whether it be handsomely said of 
 Achilles, that living contemner of death. 7 2 The 
 sentiment uttered by Achilles is just suggested 
 in Fielding's ' Journey from this World to the 
 Next,' but so delicately as to be quite unobjec- 
 tionable. c Notwithstanding the joy we ghosts 
 declared at our death (when journeying by coach 
 to the Shades), there was not one of us who did 
 not mention the accident which occasioned it as 
 a thing we would have avoided if we could.' 3 
 The quick eye of the Syrian saw that this 
 unfortunate speech in the * Odyssey ' might be 
 used to disparage Achilles ; and accordingly, in 
 the fifteenth < Dialogue of the Dead/ Antilochus 
 rebukes Achilles for uttering such unworthy 
 thoughts. Yet other satirists could spare a 
 
 1 Line 489 et seq. (Pope). 2 Hydriotaphia, chap. iv. 
 
 3 Ed. of 1783, p. 8. 
 
54 CHAKACTEBISTICS 
 
 word of praise for a dead hero, even though he 
 had been the enemy of their country : 
 
 View Hannibal's grim figure, view his face ! 
 O for some master-hand that form to trace ! 
 
 No swords, nor spears, nor stones from engines hurled, 
 Shall quell the man whose frown alarmed the world. 1 
 
 ' Ha ! fool, dost thou weep ? ' is the mode 
 in which Lucian permits Diogenes to address 
 Alexander the Great in the Shades. 2 How 
 differently does Fielding treat another warrior 
 under similar circumstances I The reception a 
 ghost met with, he tells us, depended upon the 
 number of those who reached the Shades through 
 his instrumentality. For example, the Emperor 
 of the Dead caressed Caligula ' on account of his 
 pious wish that he could send all the Eomans 
 hither at one blow.' But Marlborough was 
 received with marked coldness, 'for he never 
 sent Him a subject he could keep from Him, nor 
 did He ever get a single subject by his means, 
 but He lost a thousand others for him.' 3 
 
 We cannot compare Lucian's treatment of 
 kings in the nether world with Fielding's ; for 
 the latter got only a glimpse of Charles XII of 
 
 1 Juvenal, x. 147-166. 
 
 2 Dialog. Mort. xhi. 4. 
 
 3 Journey from this World to the Next, p. 13. 
 
CHARACTERISTICS 55 
 
 Sweden and Alexander the Great, and though 
 he thought he had seen Louis XIV there, he 
 was mistaken. ' One fat figure, well-dressed in 
 the French fashion, was received with extra- 
 ordinary complaisance by the Emperor. I 
 imagined him to be Louis XIV himself, but 
 (as I was afterwards told) he was a celebrated 
 French cook.' 1 
 
 Let us take another extract from the c Dia- 
 logues of the Dead/ 
 
 Menippus. Are there not some persons shouting on earth ? 
 
 Mercury. Yes, and in a number of different places. A 
 crowd on their way to an Assembly are shouting for joy at 
 the death of Lampichus, King of the Geloans. The women 
 have laid violent hands on his wife, and the boys are stoning 
 his young children. Others, in Sicyon, are applauding the 
 funeral oration of Diophantus the rhetorician over this Crato 
 here ; and the mother of Damasius the wrestler, with a 
 number of women, is just beginning to chant his dirge. No 
 one seems to care for you, Menippus ; your body is lying in 
 peace. 
 
 Menippus. Wait a bit, and you will hear the dogs howling 
 round it, and the crows flapping their wings when they come 
 to bury it. 2 
 
 Men making merry over a man's death ; 
 women harrying a woman ; boys stoning helpless 
 children ; dogs tearing a corpse, while the 
 
 1 Journey from this World to the Next, p. 13, 
 
 2 Dialog. Mort. 10. 
 
56 CHAEACTEKISTICS 
 
 crows are impatiently awaiting their turn ; 
 these things are revolting to us at least. 
 
 Throughout his works, Lucian pursues with 
 relentless rancour the philosopher Socrates, 
 living, 1 dying, 2 and dead. 3 Gibbon thought 
 Lucian inimitable : 4 let us be thankful that 
 his treatment of Socrates has proved to be so. 
 When Socrates was condemned to death, he 
 exclaimed to his judges : ' the hour of de- 
 parture has arrived, and we go our ways I to 
 die, and you to live. Which is better, God only 
 knows.' 6 He returned to his prison, and when 
 the attendant presented the cup of hemlock to 
 him, he took it i in the easiest and gentlest 
 manner, without the least fear or change of 
 colour or feature. . . . Hitherto (continues the 
 narrator) most of us had been able to control 
 our sorrow ; but now when we saw him drinking, 
 and saw too that he had finished the draught, 
 we could no longer forbear, and in spite of 
 myself my own tears were flowing fast/ In a 
 short time Socrates lay down and a sheet was 
 thrown over him. Presently ' a movement was 
 heard and the attendants uncovered him : his 
 
 1 Vit. Auct. 15-18. 2 Dialog. Mori. 21. 
 
 3 Vera Hist. ii. 17, 19, 23. 4 Decline <md Fall, etc. i. 195. 
 
 6 Plato'8 Apology of Socrates, ii. 135 (Jowett). 
 
CHARACTEEISTICS 57 
 
 eyes were set, and Crito closed his eyes and 
 mouth. Such was the end of our friend ; 
 concerning whom I may truly say, that of all 
 the men of his time whom I have known, he 
 was the wisest and justest and best.' l l It is 
 agreed by all/ says another account, * that no 
 man ever suffered death wjth greater constancy 
 than Socrates/ 2 Let us pass to the version of 
 this sad scene bequeathed to us by Lucian 
 through the mouth of Cerberus. 
 
 Cerberus. At a distance (i.e. before death stared him in 
 the face), Socrates was of good countenance, and seemed not 
 to fear death at all ; and he evidently wished to impress 
 those looking on by his fearlessness. But when he bent 
 down to enter the cavern (i.e. when upon the point of death) ; 
 when he saw the dark void before him ; when the hemlock 
 tortured him, and I tugged away at his feet ; then he 
 screamed like an infant, lamented his lost children, and 
 would not be comforted. 
 
 Menippus. The man, then, was an impostor, who was 
 anything but indifferent to death ? 
 
 Cerberus. Not quite that : when he found death was 
 inevitable, he plucked up his courage and made a merit of a 
 necessity, in order to gain the applause of the bystanders. 8 
 
 Lucian, apparently, did not share in the opinion 
 of his sovereign, Marcus Aurelius : 4 lice 
 killed Socrates.' 4 ' The deep damnation of his 
 
 1 Plato's Phcedo, ii. 265 (Jowett). 
 3 Xenophon's Memorabilia, iv. 8. 
 
 3 Dial. Mori. 21. 
 
 4 Thoughts of the Emp. M. Aur. Ant. iii, 3 (George Long). 
 
58 CHAKACTEEISTICS 
 
 taking off ' did not quicken the beat of Lucian's 
 pulse. Socrates was put to death ? Well, then, 
 there was one philosopher less in the world. Far 
 better would it have been for Lucian's reputa- 
 tion had he followed the advice of Tiresias : 
 
 Spare the departed ; war not with the dust, 1 
 
 and left unwritten this ignoble Dialogue. 
 
 A perusal of ' Peregrinus ' shows that 
 Lucian's notions of law and justice were 
 thoroughly oriental. 
 
 Peregrinus, the Cynic, we may suppose, 
 incurred Lucian's wrath during the voyage they 
 made together from the Troad to Athens in 164 ; 
 but how he did so is unknown. As we are for 
 ever precluded from hearing Peregrinus' account 
 of himself, it is all the more imperative to sift 
 to the uttermost Lucian's account of him. 
 
 Can we receive without question Lucian's 
 accusations against Peregrinus ? Most certainly 
 we cannot ; first, because everyone is liable to 
 lose a sense of proportion when stating an enemy's 
 crimes, and, secondly, because there is some 
 reason to believe that on another occasion Lucian 
 brought forward charges which he could not sub- 
 
 1 aXX 5 (IK* rta davovri f*r)8' oAa>Xora 
 
 KfVTff ..... 
 
 SOPHOCLES, Antig. 1029. 
 
CHARACTERISTICS 59 
 
 stantiate. He failed, as he tells us himself, to 
 obtain justice from the Governor of Bithynia, 
 Lollianus Avitus, 1 against Alexander, the 
 magician, whom he had accused of conspiring 
 against his life and of many other iniquities. 2 
 The Governor's excuse for not proceeding against 
 Alexander his connexion with the powerful 
 Kutilianus seems to have been a mere pretext 
 for dismissing charges in which he had little 
 belief. Granted that Butilianus had influence ; 
 yet did Lucian, a well-known pleader and rhetori- 
 cian of the highest ability, count for nothing ? 
 It is hardly credible that a high Roman official 
 in the reign of Marcus Aurelius would have 
 ventured to suppress serious charges for such a 
 reason, had they been supported by sufficient 
 evidence. But on Lucian's own showing the 
 evidence was almost nil. After leaving Abono- 
 
 1 Alexander, 57. For UVTOS-, line 6 from bottom of this par., 
 Burmeister and Jacobitz read : Avetros 'AouiYos = (Lollianus) 
 Avitus. 
 
 2 From the phrase 6 6ebs MdpKos, used in Alexander, 48, it is 
 clear that the tract was written after the Emperor's death in 180 A.D. 
 i.e. at least fifteen years after the events which it professes to 
 narrate. This does not add to its credibility. ' Les Memoir es, ecrits 
 plusieurs annees apres les faits, souvent meme a la fin de la carriere 
 de 1'auteur, ont introduit dans 1'histoire des erreurs innombrables. 
 II faut se faire une regie de traiter les Memoires avec une defiance 
 speciale, comme des documents de seconde main, malgre leur 
 apparence de temoignages contemporains ' : Introduct. aux Etudes 
 Historiques, MM. Langlois et Seignobos, Paris, 1898, p. 148. 
 
60 CHAEACTEKISTICS 
 
 tichos in a ship provided for him by Alexander, 
 Lucian observed the captain, who was in tears, 
 addressing the sailors ; and presently the captain 
 informed him that he had just succeeded in 
 dissuading the sailors from obeying Alexander's 
 order to them to throw him (Lucian) overboard. 
 There is nothing inherently improbable in this 
 story. Having been bitten and publicly ridi- 
 culed by Lucian, Alexander nourished a lively 
 hatred against him. But the only evidence we 
 have that Alexander actually proceeded to 
 extremities and ordered Lucian's death, is hear- 
 say evidence of the weakest kind, i.e. Lucian's 
 report of what the captain told him Alexander 
 had said. Such evidence carries little or no 
 weight with it. 
 
 The intervention of the tearful captain is 
 in itself somewhat suspicious. If Alexander 
 actually attempted Lucian' s life, he must have 
 either ordered the captain and crew to drown 
 him, or offered them a bribe to do so. The 
 first supposition is untenable ; for if Alexander 
 possessed such power as to be able to order with 
 impunity the death of a well-known rhetorician, 
 the captain would have been undone by 
 disobeying him. It would, no doubt, have cost 
 him his life. Yet the captain took his own 
 
CHARACTERISTICS 61 
 
 course without any misgivings. If then 
 Alexander offered a bribe, why did not the 
 captain, instead of making a speech, take the 
 simple and natural step of urging Lucian, who 
 was then well to do, to outbribe Alexander ? 
 A bribe would have been a far more potent 
 argument than any that could have been brought 
 forward by the most eloquent and lachrymose 
 of captains. But there are at least two other 
 versions of the transaction which are quite as 
 probable as Lucian's. May not the crew them- 
 selves have plotted the murder of their opulent 
 passenger for the sake of plunder such crimes 
 were not, and are not, unknown and used 
 Alexander's name to cover themselves, when the 
 captain discovered the plot ? Or may not the 
 whole story have been concocted by the captain 
 himself, with the object of extracting a substantial 
 thank-offering from the Syrian traveller before 
 he disembarked ? Whatever be the truth, there 
 was little or no evidence to go upon, and Lucian 
 failed to get a summons granted against 
 Alexander : he was able to formulate charges, 
 but unable to substantiate them before a 
 Roman magistrate. This must not be for- 
 gotten when considering his charges against 
 Peregrinus. 
 
62 CHAEACTERISTICS 
 
 Another point to be marked is Lucian's 
 want of moderation in depicting an enemy. 
 Peregrinus and Alexander are painted in Indian 
 ink not one stroke of lighter tint, not one 
 redeeming feature. Were they fictitious charac- 
 ters, we might rank them with Jonathan Wild, 
 Count Fathom and Barry Lyndon. But they 
 are alleged to have been real men. No such 
 men ever existed off the stage or outside the 
 covers of a romance. 
 
 Lucian gives us to understand that he made 
 himself acquainted with Peregrinus' life and 
 crimes : he had irrefutable proofs of his mis- 
 doings. 1 Alas ! not so long since, a Minister of 
 State assured a foreign House of Deputies that 
 he held in his hand irrefutable proofs of an 
 officer's treason ; yet on examination these 
 proofs were found to be forgeries. We must 
 accept Lucian's ' facts ' with great caution. 
 
 Among many other charges, he says Pere- 
 grinus murdered his own father, because he was 
 sixty years of age. 2 Why did he not murder 
 him the year before, because he was fifty-nine ? 
 
 /zou e dp\rjs Trapa(j)v\davTOf rrjvyvd)p.rjv avrov KOI rov 
 fiiov (irtTrjpTjo-avTos : Pereg. 8. 
 
 2 ' A7re7ri/ie TOV ytpovra OVK afao-^d/xei/os avrov inrep 
 T}$I] yTjpStvra : Ib. 10. 
 
CHARACTERISTICS 63 
 
 Probably no such extraordinary reason for com- 
 mitting murder was ever given, before or since. 
 Two questions are involved in this accusation : 
 first, was the old man murdered ; secondly, did 
 his son murder him ? 
 
 There is no reason to suppose that Lucian 
 was ever in Parium (where the alleged murder 
 took place) in his life : his evidence is mere 
 hearsay. Let us, however, accept the murder as 
 a fact. The question remains, did Peregrinus 
 murder his father ? Lucian 's evidence again is 
 hearsay. But the Parians believed the son to 
 be guilty. Sixteen centuries afterwards the 
 good people of Languedoc believed that Sirven 
 murdered his daughter, of which crime (as 
 Voltaire showed) he was quite innocent. But 
 Peregrinus fled to Palestine. The innocent 
 Sirven fled to Switzerland. It is needless to 
 pursue the matter further : there is no evidence 
 to convict Peregrinus of parricide. On the 
 other hand, the murder is rendered improbable 
 by the character of Peregrinus left to us by a 
 sober-minded Eoman man of letters, who knew 
 him well Aulus Gellius. i I met him when I 
 was studying in Athens,' he tells us. l He was 
 a grave and consistent man, and I frequently 
 visited him to enjoy his useful and sound con- 
 
64 CHABACTEBISTICS 
 
 versation.' l Was such a man likely to have 
 murdered his father because he was sixty years 
 of age ? Further, Lucian himself has made two 
 admissions which make it still more improbable 
 that Peregrinus murdered his father. First, 
 after remaining some time in Palestine, he re- 
 turned to Parium. Had there been any evidence 
 of sufficient weight to convict him of parricide, 
 no man in his senses would have taken so rash 
 a step; but it is just such a step as an 
 innocent man might have taken, who supposed 
 that the baseless rumour of his having murdered 
 his father had been forgotten. Secondly, when 
 Peregrinus was about to leap into flames years 
 afterwards, in Lucian' s presence, he solemnly 
 invoked the shades of his father and mother to 
 receive him. 2 It is almost incredible that a 
 parricide should dare to invoke the shade of his 
 father with his last breath. Some weight must 
 be given to a dying man's last words, and 
 Lucian appears to have had no sufficient grounds 
 for his belief that Peregrinus rushed to his fiery 
 death in a transport of vanity and pride. There 
 
 1 * Philosophum nomine Peregrinum, cui postea cognomentum 
 Proteus factum est, virum gravem atque constantem vidimus, cum 
 Athenis essemus .... cumque ad eum frequenter veniremus, 
 multa Hercle dicere eum utiliter et honeste audivimus ' : Noct. 
 Attic, xii. 11. 
 
 fju)Tp<ooi Ka\ narpwoi Bf^aaOf pt fvp-fvcls : Per eg. 36. 
 
CHABACTEEISTICS 65 
 
 must be serious doubts upon the question in 
 every thoughtful mind, and Peregrinus ought 
 to have the benefit of the doubt. The whole 
 pamphlet i Peregrinus ' displays clearly how 
 oriental were Lucian's notions of law and 
 justice, and how incapable he was of weighing 
 evidence or suspending his*" judgment. 1 
 
 How many tracts such as l Alexander ' and 
 * Peregrinus ' would we not gladly give in ex- 
 change for a few more such as i Imagines ' or 
 ' Zeuxis,' in which Lucian describes ancient 
 works of art ? Let us take his description of 
 .ZEtion's picture, < The Marriage of Alexander 
 the Great,' which so delighted Kafael that he 
 painted a picture on the same subject. 2 
 
 The scene is a handsome inner chamber with the nuptial 
 bed in it, on which Eoxana, a beautiful girl, is reclining with 
 her eyes fixed on the ground, as though ashamed of looking 
 at Alexander, who stands by. She is attended by several 
 laughing Cupids, one of whom is raising her veil to discover 
 her beauty to the bridegroom, while another, in the capacity 
 of a slave, is pulling off her slippers. A third lays hold of 
 Alexander's robe and seems to be drawing him with might 
 
 1 Wieland doubts ' whether Lucian was so impartial in his 
 judgment of Peregrinus as might be required from a genuine cos- 
 mopolite ' ; the Eng. trans, of his Hist, of Peregrinus, pubd. in 
 London, 1796, preface, 8. 
 
 2 Liibke calls it a ' kostliche Composition ' : Rafael's Leben 
 und WerJce, 186. It is described in Guasti's Raffaello d 1 Urbino, 
 ii. 271. 
 
66 CHARACTERISTICS 
 
 and main towards the bride. Alexander appears in the act 
 of offering her a garland. Hephaestion stands close to him, 
 with a torch in his hand, leaning upon a handsome youth, 
 whom I suppose to be Hymen. In another part of the 
 picture are a number of Cupids playing with Alexander's 
 armour. Two of them, imitating porters tottering under an 
 immense burden, are carrying his spear. At a little distance 
 another, lying upon his shield, is borne aloft, like a king in 
 triumph, by several others ; whilst yet another gets into his 
 coat of mail and conceals himself, with the evident design of 
 frightening the rest if they come that way. 1 
 
 In the i Imagines,' which contains a panegyric 
 upon Panthea, the mistress of the Emperor 
 Lucius Verus, Lucian supposes the creation of 
 a statue of perfect grace and beauty by uniting 
 together parts of celebrated existing statues. 
 
 From the Cnidian Venus, he says, I shall take the head 
 alone ; the forehead, hair, and perfect shape of the eyebrows 
 shall be exactly as Praxiteles has made them, together with 
 that swimming softness and vivacity of the eyes which he 
 has so well represented. The cheeks and expression of the 
 face, the well-proportioned wrists, and the fingers tapering 
 gently towards the tips, shall be taken from the Celestial 
 Venus of Alcamenes. Phidias and his Athene of the 
 Lemnians shall supply us with the contour of the face and 
 the happy proportion of the nose. The lips and neck shall 
 be taken from the Amazon of the same artist. From 
 Calamis we shall borrow the simple dignity of his Sosandra, 
 her solemn and almost imperceptible smile, and her be- 
 coming and modest robe. 2 
 
 1 Herodotus, 5. 
 
 2 Imag. 6. Above and elsewhere, I have made free use of the 
 translations made by Greek scholars. To them must be left the 
 
CHARACTERISTICS 67 
 
 From beauty of body he passes to beauty of 
 mind. 
 
 She is not puffed up by her good fortune, nor does she 
 rely over-much on human prosperity. She is neither 
 insolent nor ridiculous, but keeps upon the level. She is 
 affable to all and treats all as her equals, without pomp or 
 affectation : conduct so much the more agreeable as coming 
 from a person of her position^. Those who, like her, use 
 their riches, not for pride and ostentation, but for charity 
 and benevolence, are worthy of any gifts Fortune may bestow 
 upon them. They alone escape envy ; for none can grudge 
 riches to those who enjoy them with temperance and modera- 
 tion, and who, unlike Homer's Ate, 1 shrink from stalking 
 over the heads of men and trampling upon everything 
 beneath them. Arrogance and bluster belong to low, 
 grovelling souls unused to riches and prosperity. When 
 Fortune lifts up such men and seats them in her high and 
 winged chariot, they scorn to look below and soar into the 
 clouds. But their wings melt presently, like those of Icarus, 
 and they fall into the waves, amid the scorn and derision of 
 all. On the other hand, those fly with ease and safety who, 
 remembering their wings are but of wax, aspire not too high, 
 content to be borne along just above the waves and to dip 
 their pinions in them. And thus the lady of whom we were 
 speaking gains universal admiration ; for all wish that thosa 
 wings may ever remain unharmed which scatter blessings on 
 all around them. 2 
 
 We pass from this vision of light and beauty 
 to the gloomy picture of human life and destiny 
 
 explanation, or emendation, of the phrase oa-a rj}? oceans avraird, a 
 few lines higher up, which I have translated, * the expression of 
 the face.' 
 
 1 Injustice swift, erect and unconfined, 
 Sweeps the wide earth and tramples on mankind. 
 - Imag. 21. Iliad, xix. 92 (Pope). 
 
 T -2 
 
68 CHARACTERISTICS 
 
 painted in the ' Contemplantes.' 1 1 want to see 
 what human life really is,' says Charon to 
 Mercury, < in order to discover, if possible, why 
 no ghost ever crosses the Styx without tears.' 
 They accordingly ascend Parnassus and from its 
 summit observe the ways of men. 
 
 Charon. Who is that enormous man who overtops those 
 around him by the head and shoulders ? 
 
 Mercury. That is Milo, the wrestler of Croton. The 
 crowd are cheering him for carrying a bull across the race- 
 course. 
 
 Charon. Do you think he ever expects to die ? 
 
 Mercury. How could the thought of death ever occur to 
 a man of such vigour ? 
 
 Charon. Yet he will be shortly sailing in my boat, unable 
 to raise a gnat, much less a bull. Who is that dignified 
 man there : not a Greek, to judge from his dress ? 
 
 Mercury. He is Cyrus, the son of Cambyses, the 
 conqueror of the Medes. At present he is about to attack 
 Croesus . . . whom you may see if you look into that great 
 citadel with the triple wall, Sardis. He is reclining on a 
 golden couch, discoursing with Solon, the Athenian. Would 
 you care to overhear their conversation ? 
 
 Charon. Very much indeed. 
 
 Croesus. Athenian guest ! You have seen my riches and 
 jewels and uncoined gold : tell me, whom of all men do you 
 think the happiest ? 
 
 Solon. Few are truly happy, O King! but of those I 
 knew, I think Cleobis and Biton, sons of the priestess, were 
 the happiest. They attempted to draw their mother to the 
 temple in a chariot, and died together in the effort. 
 
 Crcesus. They may be the happiest, but who comes next ? 
 
CHARACTERISTICS 69 
 
 Solon. Tellus, the Athenian, who lived virtuously and 
 died for his country. 
 
 Croesus. But do not I, wretched man, seem to be happy ? 
 
 Solon. I do not yet know, O King, nor can anyone know, 
 until you have reached the last hour of your life. Death is 
 the grand criterion : to have lived happily even to the end. 
 
 Mercury. The Lydian monarch cannot endure Solon's 
 plain words ; he cannot understand how a poor man should 
 speak his mind to a king without trembling. But he will 
 shortly have only too good reason to remember Solon's 
 words, when he is dragged to his funeral pyre by the order of 
 Cyrus . . . And Cyrus himself will be done to death by the 
 Massagetian Queen, whom you may see riding yonder on a 
 white horse. . . . She is Tomyris, who will cut off Cyrus' 
 head and throw it into a bag full of blood. . . . That young 
 man, not far off, is his son, Cambyses, who having been dis- 
 appointed in ten thousand projects, will die mad. 
 
 Charon. Mercury, who is that in a purple robe, the man 
 with a diadem, to whom a cook is offering the ring he has 
 found in a fish ? 
 
 Mercury. Polycrates, the Samian ruler, who thinks he is 
 very happy. Yet this unfortunate prince is about to be 
 betrayed to the Satrap, Oroetes, who will impale him 
 betrayed by his servant, Maeandrius, who is now standing 
 behind him. 
 
 Do you observe that multitude, some of them sailing, 
 some fighting, some litigating, some tilling the land, some 
 exacting usury, some begging ? 
 
 Charon. I see a motley and confused crowd. Their 
 cities are in truth like hives : each man has his sting and 
 stings his neighbour. Some of them, like wasps, are 
 pillaging the weaker ones. But what are those forms 
 hovering over them unperceived ? 
 
 Mercury. Hope and Fear, Folly and Pleasure, Avarice, 
 Passion and Hatred. Fear falls upon them sometimes, 
 
70 CHABACTEKISTICS 
 
 and terrifies them. Each man imagines he will succeed in 
 catching one of the Hopes fluttering round his head; yet 
 just as he extends his hand to seize it, it evades his grasp 
 and leaves him disconsolate. You may observe that each 
 man is suspended by a thread fine as cobweb, which is 
 attached to a spindle wound by the Fates. 
 
 Charon. I see them ; and, for the most part, this man's 
 thread is attached to that man's, and that man's to another's. 
 
 Mercury. Just so. It is destined that this man shall be 
 killed by that, and he by some other ; or this man shall be 
 that man's heir, and this other man the heir of some one else 
 whose thread is the shorter. See, a man is being elevated by 
 his thread above the others. In a brief time his thread will 
 break and he will fall to the ground with much noise ; while 
 another, who has been raised just above the ground, will fall 
 so gently that his neighbours will not be aware of his mishap. 
 
 Charon. Eidiculous ! 
 
 Mercury. Eidiculous, in truth, their insensate pursuit of 
 trifles, and their disappointment, in the midst of their hopes, 
 when Death calls them away. As you see, he has many 
 agents busy among them, Agues, Fevers, Consumptions, 
 Swords, Eobberies, Hemlock, Judges and Tyrants. . . . Did 
 they but bear in mind that they are mortal, and that after a 
 short sojourn in life they must depart, as from a dream, 
 leaving behind their all, they would live with more prudence 
 and die with less regret. . . . How would a man bear him- 
 self, were he told by the Fates that he was never to dine in 
 the house he is building ; that no sooner shall the roof be 
 put upon it than he shall be summoned to his grave, leaving 
 his heir to enjoy the house ? A man yonder has called his 
 friends together, and is rejoicing because his wife has brought 
 forth a male child. How deeply would he be affected to 
 learn that the child shall die at the age of seven? Why 
 would he be so troubled ? Because his attention has been 
 so fixed upon his fortunate friend whose son has just been 
 proclaimed a victor at the Olympic Games, that he has not 
 cast a glance upon the neighbour who is carrying his son to 
 the grave. 
 
CHAEACTEEISTICS 71 
 
 Charon. What pleasure can they find in such a life ; what 
 loss do they suffer from death that makes them so unwilling 
 to die ? . . . They are but bubbles on a stream. Some are 
 small, burst almost immediately, and disappear ; while others, 
 inflated with a little more breath, float further on ere they 
 perish. 1 . . . Before we descend let me see the repositories 
 of the corpses. 
 
 Mercury. Those mounds before the cities, marked by 
 columns and pyramids, are the receptacles of the corpses. 
 
 Charon. But why do they crown these stones ? 
 
 Mercury. I know not. 
 
 Charon. Vain mortals ! ' The tombless man and he who 
 hath obtained a tomb are gone alike to the realms below. 
 Irus the beggar and King Agamemnon dwell there in equal 
 honour: the beautiful son of Thetis is indistinguishable 
 from the hideous Thersites. Naked and forlorn, they wander 
 sadly through the fields of asphodel.' . . . But let me see, ere 
 we part, some of the great cities I have heard of below. 
 
 Mercury. Nineveh has been destroyed and no vestige of 
 it remains. There is Babylon, with its towers and great 
 walls ; yet it, too, must fall, and after no long time will be 
 sought for in vain. Mycenae, Cleonse, and, above all, Ilium 
 I am almost afraid to show you, lest you may throttle Homer 
 on your return to the Shades for the bombast of his verses. 
 These cities were once prosperous, but they are now dead : 
 cities, like men, can die. And rivers, too : not even the 
 channel of the Inachus is still left in Argos. 2 
 
 1 How little do we know that which we are 1 
 
 How less what we may be ! The eternal surge 
 Of time and tide rolls on, and bears afar 
 
 Our bubbles ; as the old burst, new emerge, 
 Lash'd from the foam of ages ; while the graves 
 Of empires heave but like some passing waves. 
 
 Don Jucvn, xv. 99. 
 
 3 ' At present the Sarasvati is so small a river that the epithets 
 applied to it in the Veda have become quite inapplicable.' Sir 
 Max Miiller's Vedic Hymns, p. 60. 
 
72 CHAEACTEEISTICS 
 
 Charon. Who are those men fighting there, and why do 
 they kill one another? 
 
 Mercury. They are Argives and Spartans, and the dying 
 general who inscribes the trophy with his own blood is 
 Othryades. 
 
 Charon. What is the cause of the war ? 
 
 Mercury. The very plain they are fighting on. 
 
 Charon. Blind folly ! Were either army to gain the 
 whole Peloponnesus, not one of the victors would receive 
 another foot of ground from JEacus. Ere long, others will 
 be tilling the plain, and the plough will tear up the trophy 
 from its foundations. . . . Strange are the affairs of men, 
 Kings, gold, sacrifices, battles ; but of Charon not a word. 
 
 One thing seems to be quite certain : there 
 was no tincture of theopathyin Lucian's nature. 
 Wordsworth's lines would have conveyed no 
 meaning to him : 
 
 Oh ! there is life that breathes not ; Powers there are 
 That touch each other to the quick in modes 
 Which the gross world no sense hath to perceive, 
 No soul to dream of. . . - 1 
 
 It is comparatively easy to give the reader 
 a rough representation of Lucian's meaning 
 when treating on Art and man's life and 
 destiny ; but, most unfortunately, it is extremely 
 difficult to give any one unacquainted with Greek 
 a clear and adequate notion of his great wit and 
 humour. The reasons are not hard to find. 
 
 1 Kilchurn Castle. 
 
CHAEACTEEISTICS 73 
 
 First, it is impossible to translate a 
 humourist into any foreign language without 
 doing him grievous hurt. For example, take 
 the German translation of * Pickwick,' to which 
 (I believe) two Germans and an Englishman 
 devoted their best energies for a considerable 
 time. It is a meritorious translation, but no 
 Englishman can read it without feeling that (of 
 necessity) much humour has been lost. All 
 English translations of Moliere and Cervantes 
 labour under the same necessary defect. 
 
 Secondly, there is a difficulty which will be 
 best explained by an example. Eead Sydney 
 Smith's 'Plymley Letters/ and then read the 
 extracts from them given in the ' Wit and 
 Wisdom of Sydney Smith.' The words in both 
 cases are the same, but the effect produced is 
 very different. Why is this ? Because in the 
 latter work Sydney Smith's witticisms and 
 humours and drolleries have been torn from 
 their original setting. The cunning jeweller 
 knows best how to set his gems. Buy an 
 emerald brooch, and then remove the stone from 
 its setting. The stone remains the same, but 
 it will be found to have lost something of its 
 brilliancy and beauty. 
 
 Having explained the difficulties that lie in 
 
74 CHAEACTEEISTICS 
 
 the way, I shall endeavour to give some faint 
 notion of Lucian's wit and humour. 
 
 After two or three ordinary sentences, we 
 often meet with a sally of humour w r hich seems 
 all the brighter for its plain l setting.' 
 
 6 Where have they buried you ? ' asks 
 Diogenes of Alexander the Great, on his arrival 
 in the Shades. ' Nowhere, as yet,' replies the 
 disconsolate monarch. ' This is the third day 
 that I am lying in state in Babylon.' 1 
 
 He exposes the habitual miscarriage of 
 justice in the Athenian law-courts in one short 
 but admirable sentence. Justice is ordered by 
 Jupiter to descend to Athens, accompanied 
 by Mercury, to decide certain cases. On the 
 way down her movements are so erratic that 
 Mercury at length exclaims : ' why, you seem 
 to have forgotten the way ! ' 2 
 
 His brief description of Truth in ' Piscator ' 
 is very fine. Philosophy points out to him 
 Temperance and Justice, and adds : c yonder 
 colourless and almost imperceptible form is 
 Truth.' ' I do not see her,' replies Lucian. 
 ' Do you not see her there, naked and unadorned, 
 shrinking back and seemingly trying to elude 
 us? ' answers Philosophy. 3 
 
 1 Dial Mort. 13. - Bis Accus. 8. 3 Pise. 16. 
 
CHAKACTEKISTICS 75 
 
 The leading philosophers in ' Piscator ' 
 declare that they will lay their charges against 
 Lucian before Philosophy herself. ' Do so, by 
 all means,' replies Lucian ; < but where are you 
 to find her? I know not where she lives: 1 
 have searched for her house long and vainly. 
 Meeting with many cloaked and bearded persons 
 your own followers who declared they had 
 just come from her, I begged them to direct 
 me to her house ; but while some of them 
 returned me no answer at all, others pointed 
 out, some one, some another door.' l Lucian's 
 failure to find Philosophy among the philoso- 
 phers calls to mind the failure of the archangel 
 Michael to find Silence among the monks. ' I 
 shall certainly find her,' said the angel to 
 himself, as he descended in great haste from 
 Heaven : ' I shall certainly find her 
 
 In these deep solitudes and awful cells, 
 Where heav'nly-pensive contemplation dwells, 
 And ever-musing melancholy reigns, 
 
 in the monasteries. Is not her name inscribed 
 in their choirs, their dormitories, their re- 
 fectories ? Yes, she must be there ! ' But no 
 sooner had he put foot in the cloisters than he 
 
 1 Pise. 11. 
 
76 CHAEACTEBISTICS 
 
 found he was mistaken. She was not there, 
 although her name was still on the door. She 
 had lived there, but that was in years long past : 
 
 Ma dalla opinion sua ritrovosse 
 Tosto ingannato, che nel chiostro venne : 
 Non e Silenzio quivi ; e gli fu ditto 
 Che non v' abita piu, fuorche in iscritto. 
 
 Ben vi fur gia, ma nell' antiqua etade. 1 
 
 The sudden exposure of men's private affairs 
 may be disastrous to the reputation of even the 
 pious. A Cynic in i Piscator,' fearing to undergo 
 cross-examination before Philosophy, Virtue and 
 Truth, flies in such confusion that he leaves his 
 bag behind him. * Open it,' says Philosophy : 
 * the Cynics mortify the flesh, and you will only 
 find a few beans and black bread, or perhaps a 
 book.' ' Not at all,' says Parrhesiades, producing 
 the contents ; l gold, perfume, a sacrificial 
 knife, a looking-glass, and dice ! ' An ex- 
 cellent chaplain of Newgate was once much in 
 the same case. He was seated in a cart im- 
 parting the consolations of the Gospel to 
 Jonathan Wild who, amid the execrations of 
 the populace, was being conveyed to Tyburn to 
 be hanged. But Wild's mind was not fixed 
 on things above : he was pining for a last 
 
 1 Ariosto, Orlando Furioso, xiv. 80-1. 3 45. 
 
CHARACTERISTICS 77 
 
 opportunity of exercising an art of which he 
 was master. The chaplain's attention being for 
 the moment occupied in the performance of his 
 last office, Wild could not resist the temptation : 
 in the midst of a shower of oaths and stones, 
 ' he applied his hand to the parson's pocket and 
 emptied it of his bottle-sarew, which he carried 
 out of the world in his hand.' l 
 
 Aristenetus gives a dinner to a few friends 
 at Athens and omits to invite a neighbouring 
 philosopher, one Etcemocles. In the middle of 
 the dinner a letter arrives from the sage, of 
 which the following is an extract : 
 
 Etoemocles the philosopher to Aristenetus, greeting ! 
 
 My past life bears witness to the contempt I entertain 
 for dinners. Overwhelmed as I am daily by invitations 
 from persons wealthier than you, I have never, on principle, 
 yielded to their importunity ; knowing that these dinners 
 give rise generally to riot and inebriety. But this fact does 
 not lessen the mortification I feel at your omission to invite 
 me to-day, notwithstanding the assiduous court I have ever 
 paid you. But in truth I am more grieved on your account 
 than on my own, grieved to find you have so ungrateful a 
 heart. I am not a man whose happiness depends on a plate 
 of wild boar or hare or pastry : I am supplied with these 
 good things, even to satiety, by persons of birth and breeding. 
 As proof of what I say, I may mention that, although bidden 
 to-day by my disciple Pamenes to a feast (which they tell 
 me was sumptuous), I refused the invitation and foolishly 
 reserved myself for you. You cannot say that you forgot me 
 in the hurry of the preparations for your dinner, for I twice 
 1 Fielding's Jonathan Wild. 
 
78 CHARACTERISTICS 
 
 addressed you personally this very day : once, not many 
 paces from your own door, and again in the Temple of the 
 Dioscuri, where you were offering sacrifice. In case it may 
 occur to you to send me by my servant a slice of wild-boar, 
 venison or pastry (as some compensation for the dinner I 
 have lost), let me say that I have strictly forbidden him to 
 be the bearer of any such gift, lest you might suspect I had 
 sent him with so mean an object. 1 
 
 If this letter afford us any amusement, how 
 much more amusement must it have afforded 
 Lucian's contemporaries, who knew Etoemocles 
 and his like ? 
 
 Impelled by curiosity, says Lucian in the ' Verse Historise,' 
 I embarked at the Pillars of Hercules with fifty others in a 
 stout ship, commanded by a skilful captain, with intent to 
 make a voyage of discovery in the Western Ocean. 
 
 Things went well with us at first ; but the second day 
 out the wind increased, the sea got up, and so thick a dark- 
 ness fell upon us that we could not see to strike our sails. 
 We were tossed in this tempest for threescore and nineteen 
 days. On the fourthscore day the sun broke out, and we 
 descried not far off a mountainous island covered with forest. 
 Here we put in, full of misery, and threw ourselves upon the 
 ground to rest. When sufficiently refreshed, a party of us 
 went to discover the island, and presently we lighted upon a 
 brazen pillar on which was engraven in much-worn Greek 
 letters : ' Thus far Hercules and Bacchus.'' Near the pillar 
 we saw two foot -prints in the rock, one about one hundred 
 feet long, the other less ; and we came to the conclusion that 
 the lesser was that of Bacchus, the other that of Hercules. 2 
 
 1 Convivium, 22-7. 
 
 2 Lucian is ridiculing Herodotus : ' the Scythians show the 
 footprint of Hercules upon a rock, near the river Tyras, which is 
 one yard in length ' : iv. 82. 
 
CHARACTERISTICS 79 
 
 After prostrating ourselves before them, we proceeded 
 onward and presently came across a river of wine in no way 
 inferior to Chian. The river originated in a vast forest of 
 vines, which distilled wine from their roots. It was well 
 stored with fish, but all those who ate them became quite 
 drunk. On opening the fish to discover the cause, we found 
 they were full of lees. It was now quite clear to us all that, 
 as the inscription stated, Bacchus had visited the place. 
 
 Passing onward we came upon a forest of vines with 
 stout trunks, but the tops were women from the hips upwards, 
 somewhat resembling the pictures one has seen of Daphne 
 who was turned into a tree when overtaken by Apollo. . . . 
 Next day we put to sea again with a gentle wind ; but about 
 noon we were struck suddenly by a whirlwind which lifted 
 the ship bodily out of the sea and raised it some thousands 
 of yards into the air, where it continued to blow us along for 
 seven days. On the eighth we succeeded in landing upon 
 an island floating in the air, which, as we approached it, 
 shone brightly in the sunlight. 1 The fields were cultivated, 
 and on going inland we were received kindly by the 
 inhabitants, Hippogypians or horse-vultures, as they are 
 called. They are simply men who ride on vultures. These 
 vultures have three heads, and are so large that each feather 
 in their wings is longer and thicker than the mast of a ship^ 
 On being presented to the King, we found that he was the 
 Greek, Endymion, who had been long since rapt up from 
 the earth and made King of the country ; and that the 
 country was no other than the Moon. We enquired about 
 the cause of the war he was waging against Phaethon, King 
 of the inhabitants of the Sun ; and he said it was occasioned 
 by his attempting to colonise the Morning Star, which 
 hitherto had been uninhabited and desolate. This had 
 
 1 \afj.7rpa.v /cat . . . <>O>TI /leyaAa) KaTa\an7rofj.evT)v, i. 10. Swift has 
 borrowed this passage almost literally : ' the island appeared to be 
 a firm substance .... shining very bright, from the reflection of 
 the sea below ' : Voyage to Laputa< chap. i. 
 
80 CHAEACTEEISTICS 
 
 excited Phaethon's envy, and hence the war. On his 
 promising to provide us with vultures and arms, we volun- 
 teered to fight in the battle which was expected to take 
 place the next day. 
 
 Our forces amounted to about 100,000, besides Engineers 
 and foreign Allies. Among the latter were 30,000 Psyllo- 
 toxotans from the Great Bear, each of whom rode a flea as 
 big as a dozen elephants, and 50,000 Anemodromians, who 
 flew through the air by means of long cloaks which acted 
 much the same as wings. A large force was expected from 
 the stars above Cappadocia, but whether they arrived or not 
 I do not know. . . . 
 
 The right wing of our army was composed of Hippo- 
 gypians, and was commanded by the King in person. The 
 Lachanopters (who rode on a mighty fowl, with wings of 
 lettuce leaves and wort leaves instead of feathers) formed 
 the left wing, the Allies being in the centre. As the Moon 
 abounds in spiders, each as large as one of the Cyclades, the 
 King requested them to spin a web between the Moon and 
 the Morning Star. They carried out his wishes at once, and 
 thus afforded firm standing-ground for the Infantry, com- 
 manded by Nycterion. The left wing of the enemy consisted 
 of 50,000 Hippomyrmicks, commanded by Phaethon himself. 
 These soldiers ride upon large, winged brutes, which look 
 like magnified emmets. The biggest occupy over an acre. 
 Not only do they carry soldiers on their backs, but they 
 themselves do much damage with their horns. Their right 
 wing was formed of Aeroconopes, archers riding upon huge 
 gnats, together with the Aerocardakes, who discharged 
 turnips to a great distance from slings. Those hit by the 
 turnips die from the stench of their wounds. Behind them 
 were drawn up 50,000 Caulomycetes, with shields of mush- 
 rooms and spears of asparagus stalks. There were also 
 Allies from the Dog Star in their ranks, Cynobalanians, dog- 
 faced men mounted upon winged acorns. The auxiliaries 
 from the Milky Way and the Nephelocentaurs arrived too 
 lata for the first encounter. ... In this battle the Helians 
 
CHAEACTEKISTICS 81 
 
 or Sun-soldiers) were completely beaten by the Selenians 
 (or Moon-soldiers), who forthwith proceeded to erect two 
 trophies. But hardly had they done so than a cry was 
 raised that the Nephelocentaurs (who had at length arrived) 
 were upon them. These winged men joined to winged 
 horses were a strange sight. The part that resembled man- 
 kind, which was from the waist upwards, was as large as the 
 Colossus of Ehodes ; while the part that was like a horse 
 was as big as a ship of burden.^ This marvellous force waa 
 commanded by Sagittarius from the Zodiac. Finding on 
 their arrival that the Helians had been defeated, they at once 
 fell upon the Selenians, who were disordered by the pursuit 
 and had scattered for plunder ; put them to flight, pursued 
 the King to his capital, and killed most of his vultures. But 
 they did not besiege the capital. Far worse, they built a 
 double wall of clouds to prevent the light of the Sun from 
 shining upon the Moon, and thus plunged all things lunar 
 in perpetual night. This was so serious an evil that 
 Endymion sent ambassadors to sue for peace ; and after 
 
 some diplomacy, the following treaty was made : 
 
 1. the Helians to remove the wall and deliver up the 
 
 prisoners they have taken for a certain ransom ; 
 
 2. the Selenians to respect the independence of other 
 
 stars ; 
 
 3. either of the contracting parties to assist the other if 
 
 invaded ; 
 
 4. the King of the Selenians to pay a tribute of 10,000 
 
 vessels of dew and to deliver 10,000 of his people as 
 
 hostages ; 
 
 5. the colony to the Morning Star to be supplied by 
 
 both of the contracting parties ; 
 
 6. the foregoing articles of peace to be engraved on 
 
 amber pillars and set up in both states. 
 
 Signed on behalf of the Helians by 
 Pyronides, 
 Therites, 
 Phlogius. 
 
82 CHAEACTEEISTICS 
 
 Signed on behalf of the Selenians by 
 Nyctor, 
 Menius, 
 Polylampes. 
 
 Shortly after the signing of the treaty, I (Lucian) and my 
 companions departed, notwithstanding the pressing invita- 
 tion of Endymion to remain. 
 
 I may mention that when a lunar man is come to his 
 full age, he does not die, but is dissolved like smoke and 
 turns into air. For food, they inhale the steam that rises 
 from broiling frogs ; and for drink, they have air beaten in 
 a mortar, which produces a moisture somewhat like dew. 
 They have eyes which they can take in and out as they 
 please. Many, when they have lost their own eyes, borrow 
 those of others. . . 
 
 After many adventures we reached the aerial city of lights, 
 Lychnopolis. Here not a man was to be seen, but only a 
 great number of lamps running to and fro. . . . Their court 
 of justice stands in the middle of the city, and the Governor 
 sits there all night, on occasion calling every lamp by name. 
 The lamp, or lantern, that answers not is adjudged to die as 
 a deserter. Their death is, to be put out. . . .* 
 
 The fourth day out from Lychnopolis we descended 
 imperceptibly through the air, and to our inexpressible joy 
 found ourselves once more upon the sea. Two days after- 
 wards we came across some monstrous fish, and eventually 
 a whale 1.70 miles long swallowed us up, ship and all. . . . 
 Within him were earth and hills, with trees and all manner 
 of herbs, and there were evident signs of cultivation. . . . 
 Exploring a wood, we came across a temple dedicated to 
 Neptune and several graves with pillars upon them. Even- 
 tually we heard the barking of a dog, and found an old 
 Cypriote and his son engaged in gardening. Seven and 
 twenty years had elapsed since they had been swallowed by 
 
 1 Rabelais, who appropriated Lychnopolis, has strangely over- 
 looked this fine stroke : Pant. v. chaps, xxxii. xxxiii. 
 
CHAEACTEEISTICS 83 
 
 the whale, and they would be willing enough to remain, they 
 said, but for the perverse and troublesome character of their 
 neighbours, several different tribes, numbering in all about 
 1,000 men. For peace' sake, the old man said, he paid a 
 yearly tribute of 500 oysters to the Psettopodians. On 
 finding that these truculent people had no arms but the 
 bones of fishes, we determined to raise a war by refusing to 
 pay the tribute, which was then due. We gave a haughty 
 and scornful answer to the messengers sent to demand it ; 
 and this led, as we had intended^ to the outbreak of hostilities. 
 In the battle which ensued we routed the Psettopodians, 
 killing one hundred, three score and ten of them, while we 
 ourselves lost but one man besides Trigles, our captain, who 
 was run through with a fish's rib. ... In a short time we 
 subdued all the other tribes and made ourselves masters of 
 the whole country. . . . After one year and eight months' 
 imprisonment (which we calculated by observing that the 
 whale opened his mouth once per hour), we grew weary and 
 resolved to escape. 1 We hit upon the plan of burning the 
 whale, and set fire to the parts towards his tail. The eighth 
 and ninth days of the burning he grew sickly : on the 
 twelfth he began to mortify, and we bethought ourselves 
 that, unless we gagged him, his mouth might close for ever, 
 and we should perish miserably in his dead body. This we 
 succeeded in doing ; the next day the whale died ; and, 
 drawing our ship through his mouth, we found ourselves 
 once more upon the open sea. Before leaving the carcase, 
 however, we mounted upon its back and sacrificed to Neptune 
 for three days. . . . After many days' voyage we approached 
 a spacious island, and entered into a fragrant atmosphere of 
 sweet and delicate smell. 2 Here we found rivers of clear 
 water flowing quietly, with meadows and herbs and birds, 
 some singing upon the sea-shore, some among the branches 
 
 1 I have been obliged to omit the battle between the inhabitants 
 of the floating islands, from considerations of space. 
 
 2 'A7roet 5c Trjs x.<i>pr]s rrjs 'Apo/Si'?;? Bcvneo-iov o> rjdv '. Herodotus, 
 
 iii. US. 
 
 G 2 
 
84 CHAEACTEEISTICS 
 
 of the trees, while a light and agreeable air compassed the 
 whole country. When the gentle breezes stirred the woods, 
 the motion of the branches made a continual delightful 
 music, like the sound of wind instruments in a solitary 
 place. 1 . . . Eventually we landed and meeting with the 
 guards, who told us that this was the Isle of the Blest, we 
 were bound with garlands of roses and brought before the 
 Governor, Rhadamanthus. . . . After hearing our story, he 
 said that we should have to account after death for gad- 
 ding about and prying into everything, 2 but that we would 
 be permitted to rest ourselves in Elysium for seven months. 
 Our garlands then fell from us and we were set at liberty. The 
 city was all golden, with a wall of the precious stone smaragdos, 3 
 in which were seven gates of cinnamon wood. The paths and 
 roads were of ivory ; the temples were of beryl, and the altars 
 within them were made of one whole amethyst each. . . . 
 The only garments of the Blest are cobwebs of a purple 
 colour. ... No one grows old, but remains ever the same 
 age as when he arrived there. There is no night, nor yet 
 clear day : the light is like the earthly twilight towards 
 morning, before the sun is up. They have but one season, 
 spring, and one wind, Zephyrus. The island brings forth 
 all kinds of flowers and shady plants. They feast without 
 the city in a meadow called Elysium, which is environed 
 with woods. The guests sit upon beds of flowers in the cool 
 shade, and everything they may desire is brought to them 
 by the wind, except wine. There are trees around whose 
 fruits are wine goblets, which become full of wine on being 
 plucked. During the feast, the nightingales gather flowers 
 from the surrounding fields, and, flying around, scatter them 
 
 1 And now 'twas like all instruments, 
 
 Now like a lonely flute ; 
 And now it is an angel's song, 
 That makes the heavens be mute. 
 
 The Ancient Mariner. 
 
 2 This sarcasm is aimed at Herodotus. 
 
 3 And thebuilding of the wall was of jasper, and the city was 
 pure gold. Revelation, xxi. 18. 
 
CHARACTERISTICS 85 
 
 among the company. . . . After dinner they spend the time 
 in music and singing and reciting poetry, generally Homer ____ 
 They have two perpetual sources of mirth, wells, the one 
 the Well of Pleasure, the other the Well of Laughter ; and 
 each one of them drinks of either well before sitting down to 
 eat. . . . We saw all the Seven Wise Men there, except 
 Periander. There, too, was Socrates conversing with Nestor 
 and Palamedes. ... Of the philosophers, Plato alone was 
 absent. He dwelt apart (they .said) in a Republic which he 
 had formed himself and governed by his own laws. Aristippus 
 and Epicurus were invited everywhere owing to their 
 geniality, and Diogenes was so completely changed that he 
 had actually got married. Occasionally he drank far more 
 than was good for him. Not a single Stoic could we find. 
 They were still engaged in the ascent of the Hill of Virtue, 
 and had not yet reached the top. The New Academicians 
 (we were told) were willing enough to come, but they were 
 still hesitating and enquiring ; * for they were unable to 
 perceive clearly 2 whether the Isle of the Blest really 
 existed or not. They had their doubts too as to how 
 Rhadamanthus would judge them, they themselves having 
 abolished the means of forming a jitdgment upon any 
 question. 3 . . . After a few days I got speech of Homer, 
 and asked him what countryman he was. He said he was 
 a Babylonian 4 and his real name Tigranes. I begged him to 
 say whether those verses now supposed on earth to be 
 spurious were his or not ; and he told me plainly they were 
 all his own, and condemned the critics Zenodotus and 
 Aristarchus and their school for their frigid criticisms. 5 He 
 
 fiv UTI KOI diaa'KfTTTea'daiy ii. 18. 
 
 iv : ib. 3 Kpirrjpiov I ib. 
 
 4 When asked by Fielding where he was born, Homer said, ' upon 
 my soul, I cannot tell ' : Journey from this World to the Next, p. 19. 
 
 5 I proposed,' says Swift, ' that Homer and Aristotle might 
 appear at the head of all their commentators ; but these were so 
 numerous, that some hundreds were forced to attend in the court 
 and outward rooms of the palace .... Homer was the taller and 
 comelier person of the two, walked very erect for one of his age, and 
 
86 CHARACTERISTICS 
 
 said that the mention of ' anger ' in the first line of the 
 ' Iliad ' was purely accidental, and that the ' Iliad ' was 
 written before the 'Odyssey.' Many other questions he 
 answered quite frankly, and he discoursed freely upon the 
 charges of abusing and scoffing at Thersites, which the latter 
 had laid against him before Rhadamanthus. Ulysses acted 
 as advocate for Homer, and the grand old poet was acquitted. 
 . . . While we were there, the games of the Blest, or 
 Thanatusia, came off. I cannot remember all the details, 
 but I do remember that, although Homer's verses were 
 indisputably the best, Hesiod won the prize for poetry. 
 Hardly were the games ended when news was brought that 
 the condemned in Tartarus had broken loose and were in 
 full sail for the Isle of the Blest, under the command of 
 Phalaris of Agrigentum. Rhadamanthus immediately drew 
 up the Heroes in battle array, and they defeated the mutineers 
 with much loss when they landed. They were sent back to 
 Tartarus to be punished with greater torments. . . . Before 
 leaving Elysium, I entreated Homer to write an epigram for 
 me. He made me the following, which I had engraved on a 
 column of beryl near the haven : 
 
 Here Lucian, heaven's favourite, used to roam ; 
 Saw what was to be seen ; and then went home. 
 
 his eyes were the most quick and piercing I ever beheld. Aristotle 
 stooped much, and made use of a staff .... I soon discovered 
 that both of them were perfect strangers to the rest of the company, 
 and had never seen or heard of them before ; and I had a whisper 
 from a ghost, who shall be nameless, " that these commentators 
 always kept in the most distant quarters from their principals in 
 the lower world, through a consciousness of shame and guilt, be- 
 cause they had so horribly misrepresented the meaning of those 
 authors to posterity." I introduced Didymus and Eustathius to 
 Homer, and prevailed on him to treat them better than perhaps 
 they deserved, for he soon found they wanted a genius to enter into 
 the spirit of a poet. But Aristotle was out of all patience with the 
 account I gave him of Scotus and Eamus, as I presented them to 
 him ; and he asked them " whether the rest of the tribe were as 
 great dunces as themselves ? " ' Voyage to Laputa, chap. viii. 
 
CHAEACTEEISTICS 87 
 
 As we were embarking, Ulysses gave me a letter (un- 
 known to Penelope) and begged me to deliver it to Calypso 
 in Ogygia. . . . We had not long passed beyond the divine 
 fragrance of Elysium, when a smell of burning brimstone 
 became perceptible. The sky was darkened ; the lashing of 
 whips was heard, and lamentable voices : we were nearing 
 the Isles of the Impious, or Tartarus. 1 . . . We visited but 
 one of these islands, which was formed of pointed rocks, 
 without wood or water, a howling wilderness. There were, 
 it is true, three rivers ; but one consisted of filth, the second 
 of blood, and the third of fire, broad and impassable, which 
 flowed on like water and rolled in billows of flame. There 
 was but one narrow entrance to the harbour, guarded by 
 Timon of Athens. . . . Shortly afterwards we reached the 
 Isle of Dreams, a dim and indistinct land, itself almost a 
 dream ; for it seemed to recede and fly from us as we 
 endeavoured to make it. Beaching it at length, we found it 
 was encircled by a wood of exceedingly tall poppies and 
 mandragoras, in which nestled a great number of owls. The 
 walls of its capital are of a changeable colour, somewhat like 
 the rainbow. ... As we entered one of its four gates we 
 saw the temple of Night on the right hand and the temple 
 of Sleep on the left. In the market-place we found the 
 temples of Falsehood and Truth. Some of the dreams who 
 inhabit the city are long, beautiful and pleasing ; others 
 short and disquieting. Many of them were old friends, who 
 saluted us and feasted us nobly. Some of them took us 
 home to our own country to see our friends, and brought us 
 back the next day. We spent thirty days there, feasting and 
 sleeping, until we were all suddenly awakened by a clap of 
 thunder ; on which we hurriedly put to sea again, and 
 reached Ogygia the third day out. On the way I read 
 Ulysses' letter to Calypso, which ran as follows : 
 
 1 Ulysses to Calypso, greeting ! 
 
 This is to tell you that on leaving you I was shipwrecked 
 
 1 There seems to be some lacuna or corruption here in the 
 original. 
 
88 CHABACTEBISTICS 
 
 and only escaped with my life. After many wanderings I 
 reached Ithaca, to find my wife, Penelope, surrounded by 
 wooers, living riotously at my expense. Them I killed, but 
 was at length put to death by my own son Telegonus. I am 
 now in the Isle of the Blest where I repent daily that I ever 
 left you and refused the immortality you offered me. When 
 an opportunity occurs, I shall certainly slip away from here 
 and come back to you.' 
 
 Not long after landing we happened to come across 
 Calypso sitting in a cave, busy with her wool. On reading 
 the letter, which I handed to her, she wept and was much 
 troubled ; but presently she recovered herself, and treated 
 us most hospitably. She asked many questions about 
 Ulysses, and enquired whether Penelope was really as 
 beautiful and modest as Ulysses had always represented her 
 to be. ... 
 
 The foregoing extracts from Lucian's works 
 may suffice to show that he was superior to Horace, 
 Persius, Juvenal and Voltaire in imagination, 
 and that (without making invidious comparisons) 
 he must be classed, as regards this faculty, with 
 Eabelais and Swift. In pure irony he must 
 yield the palm to Swift and Voltaire. We 
 occasionally indeed too often see the smile 
 playing round Lucian's face in his ironic 
 passages, and this smile is fatal to irony in its 
 perfection. There is not the trace of a smile in 
 Swift's ' Modest Proposal,' in ' Gulliver,' or in 
 the most laughable of his works perhaps, the 
 < Partridge ' letters. 1 Nor is there the shadow 
 
 1 Predictions for the year 1708, by I. Bicker staff, Esqre. 
 
CHARACTERISTICS 89 
 
 of a smile in Voltaire's t Candide.' As to wit 
 and humour, it is scarcely possible to speak 
 positively. What amuses one man may not 
 amuse another ; one age may read without a 
 smile what another age laughs at. In the 
 humble opinion of the present writer, Lucian 
 never wrote anything so- delightfully ludicrous 
 as the i Partridge ' letters ; but Lucian's con- 
 temporaries, could they have read Swift, might 
 not have ratified this judgment. 
 
 The wild luxuriance and lavish prodigality 
 of imagery displayed in the ' Verae Historic,' 
 and elsewhere, are not astonishing when we 
 reflect* that Lucian was a western Asiatic. 
 He possessed the imagination of his race, the 
 imagination of Firdousi's l Shahnama ' and the 
 1 Arabian Nights ; ' of Job, Isaiah and the 
 Apocalypse. 
 
 ( UNIVERSITY ] 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 LUCIAN S KNOWLEDGE OF LATIN 
 
 LUCIAN openly quotes the ' Odyssey ' several times in the 
 ' Necyomantia/ but he makes use of it at least six times 
 without acknowledgment : 
 
 1. Homer *Qs at rfrpiyvtat 07*' tflvav . . . Od. xxiv. 9 
 Lucian 2/aai rerpiyvTai ..... Nee. 11 
 
 2. Homer Ulysses reaches the land and city of the 
 
 Cimmerians : 
 
 'H/pi KOI vf(p\y KfKa\vfJLfJievoi' ove TTOT' O.VTOVS 
 (paefl&v 
 
 )TtTa.Tai$(iXoi<n&poToicriv Od. xi. 14-19 
 Lucian Menippus reaches a similar place : 
 
 'AfpiKvovp-fOa fs TI %a)piov fprjpov Kai 
 v\a>8fs Kal dvr)\iov .... Nee. 9 
 
 3. Homer E66pov opvg Od. xi. 25 
 
 Lucian "BdOpov re wpv^a/^te^a .... Nee. 9 
 
 4. Homer Ulysses was surrounded by the ghosts 
 
 of wounded warriors : 
 
 IloXXoi 6' ovTapevoi \a\KT}pccriv fy^firj(riv Od. xi. 40 
 Lucian Menippus meets similar ghosts : 
 
 Tpav/zemcu Se Travrcs Tr7T\fov . . . . ex 
 
 TWOS TToXe/Mou TtcLpovrts ... Nec. 11 
 
 5. Homer Kai TITVOV eldov, Tairjs ff/Mffvdcbf vibv, 
 
 ev da7re$(p 6 d* eV evvta Kelro 
 
 Od. xi. 576-7 
 
 Lucian "Eidov . . . TOV yrjyfvrj TITVOV . . . e/ceiro 
 
 yovv TOTTOV 7TfX O)V dypov . . . Nec. 14 
 
 6. Homer Kai p.rjv TdvraXov d<rfldov ^aXerr' Xye' 
 
 fXovra ...... Od. xi. 582 
 
 Lucian "Etdov . . . TOV &pvya TdvraKov ^aXfTrcop 
 
 Nec. 14. 
 
92 APPENDIX 
 
 Seeing that Lucian appropriated so freely the thoughts 
 and phrases of a Greek poet without making an acknow- 
 ledgment, it would be in no way surprising if he treated 
 the Latin writers which he had looked into himself, or 
 which had been translated to him by his friends, in a 
 similar manner. The question is, did he in fact do so ? 
 
 Love of fame, ' the last infirmity of noble mind,' no 
 doubt gave rise to sayings substantially the same in all ages 
 of the world ; yet there seems to be an echo of Tacitus in a 
 remark Lucian makes on the subject : 
 
 Etiam sapientibus cupido gloriae novissima exuitur ; * 
 To <f)t\6do{-ov olov ri foriv dva\oyidp.ei>os, a>s fiovos OVTOS 6 eptos 
 a<j)VKTOs Kal rots irdvv tiavpao-Tols flvai 
 
 The quaint notion of the dead being accused before Minos 
 by their own shadows may have been suggested to Lucian 
 by the remark of Lucretius that ' our shadows mimic our 
 gestures ' ; the implication being that they are acquainted 
 with our every act. 
 
 Umbra videtur item nobis in sole moveri, 
 Et vestigia nostra sequi, gestumque imitari. 
 
 Propterea fit, uti videatur, quae fait umbra 
 Corporis, e regione eadem nos usque sequuta ; 3 
 Menippus : QlaOd nov ravraal ras irpos rov rjXiov drroreXov/zevas 
 o~Kias dno r>v (rco/^drcov / 
 
 Philonides : Tldw p.ev ovv. 
 
 Menippus : Avrat roivvv, eVeiSai/ diro6dvG>p.(V, Karrjyopoixri T /cat 
 /cara/iaprvp overt Kal difXey^ovcri TO. Trcirpayfjicva rj^lv Trapa rov ftiov, 
 
 Kal (T(p68pa TlVfS df-lOTTKTTOL 8oKOV(TlV &T del vVOV(Tai KOI fJ.Tj8fnOT 
 
 Lucian has given us an account of the abduction of 
 Europa in which there is not a phrase that reminds one of 
 
 1 Hist. iv. 6. 2 Pereg. 38. 3 iv. 365-75. 
 
 4 Necyom. 11 : 
 
 Our acts our angels are, or good or ill, 
 The fatal shadows that walk by us still. 
 
 J. FLETCHER. 
 
APPENDIX 93 
 
 the Idyll of Moschus on the same subject, which he might 
 well have known ; yet he makes use of one expression which 
 immediately recalls Ovid. 'With her right hand,' says 
 Ovid, ' she held the bull's horn : ' 
 
 Iseva retinebat amictus, 
 Aura sinus implet l . . 
 
 In Lucian's account : rfi rrepa (x et l0 
 WirAov vrc?xcy.' 
 
 It is incredible that Lucitln could have ever seen the 
 1 Thoughts of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius.' May he not 
 have borrowed the phrase 
 
 rjv 8e del TOV 6a.va.rov rrpo o(j)Oa\p. 
 
 which it is difficult to believe was his own, from Horace ? 
 Omnem crede diem tibi diluxisse supremum.* 
 
 The reminiscences of Vergil in the ' Necyomantia ' are 
 numerous and striking. 
 
 (a) The reader may be reminded that Ulysses (in Homer) 
 reached the spot where he was visited by the shades of the 
 dead, without any guide. On his asking Circe who was to 
 guide him, she replied : ' have no care about that matter.' 5 
 On the other hand, .ZEneas was led by the Cumaean Sibyl 
 and Menippus by the Persian magician, Mithrobarzanes, and 
 they both kept close to their conductors : 
 
 Ille ducem haud timidis vadentem passibus aequat Mn. vi. 263 
 II/JOT/'fi fjifV 6 Mitfpo/Sup^ufTjs 1 , i7r6fji.Tjv d' e'yco KCLTOTTIV 
 
 \6fjLfvos O.VTOV ....... Nec. 11 
 
 (b) In the preparatory magic rites, the Sibyl 
 and the sage uttered unearthly sounds : 
 
 Nec mortale sonans . . ^En. vi. 50 
 . . Nec. 7 
 
 1 Fasti, v. 605. 2 Dial Mar. 15. 3 Contemplan. 20. 
 
 4 Ep. i. 4, 13. 5 Od. x. 505. 
 
94 APPENDIX 
 
 (c) Towards the close of the magic rites, 
 both Sibyl and sage became excited and shouted : 
 
 Sibylla 
 
 antroque remugit . Mn. vi. 99 
 C O Se fidyos . . . ovKeV ^pejuaia rfj <pa>vfj . . . eVf/3oaro Nee. 9 
 
 (d) The magic rites produced almost exactly 
 the same effects in both cases : 
 
 . Ecce autem ....... 
 
 Sub pedibus mugire solum, et juga coepta moveri 
 Silvarum, visaeque canes ululare per umbram . .ZEn. vi. 256 
 "Eiidvs ovv airavra eKflva faraXevero /cat vrrb TTJS firfodrjs 
 Tovdacpos dvepprjyvvTO KOI f) v\a<fj rov Kepftepov 
 
 T)KOVTO ..... NeC. 10 
 
 (e) In Vergil, Charon's objections to receive 
 a mortal in his boat are answered by showing 
 him the Golden Bough ..... ^En. vi. 405 
 
 In Lucian, Charon is deceived by the lion's 
 skin of Hercules which Menippus wore . . Nee. 10 
 
 (/) The Sibyl stupefies Cerberus with cake 
 of honey and medicated grain .... ^En. vi. 419 
 
 Menippus lulls him by the sound of his lyre : 
 
 ro^i/ 6V p.ov Kpovcravros TTJV \vpav rrapaxprJiJ-a cKTj\r]8r) 
 
 into TOV fi\ovs ....... Nec. 10 
 
 When Alcseus struck his golden harp, Horace 
 describes Cerberus as 
 
 . . . illis carminibus stupens l Car. ii. 13 
 
 (g) The sounds of woe heard from the prisons 
 in Tartarus are described in almost identical lan- 
 guage by Vergil and Lucian : 
 
 Hinc exaudiri gemitus, et sseva sonare 
 
 Verbera : turn stridor ferri, tractaeque catenae . ./En. vi. 558 
 
 1 Schoell thinks it probable that Horace was not unknown to Lucian 
 ' vielleicht nicht unbekannt ' : Gescli. der griechischen LiUratur, 
 Berlin, 1830, ii. 478. He gives no reason for thinking so. 
 
APPENDIX 95 
 
 IloXXa teal tXffiva rfv /cat aKovcrat KOI Idelv /latrr/ycoi/ 
 re yap 6fiov ^f6(f)os T)KOVTO . . . /cat (rrpe/SXat KOI 
 Kv(j)O)Vs teal rpo^oi ...... Nee. 14 
 
 The foregoing similarities of thought and language may 
 be all purely accidental. In particular, the striking resem- 
 blance between the ' .ZEneid ' and the ' Necyomantia ' may be 
 due to Vergil and Lucian having borrowed from some 
 common and unknown source. As the matter stands, how- 
 ever, the collective weight of the parallel passages seems to 
 raise a probability that Lucian had some knowledge of Latin 
 literature. 
 
 BY 
 
 SrOTJ IS \VOODli AND CO., NK \V-STHEET 
 LOMJON 
 
a Classified Catalooue 
 
 OF WORKS IN 
 
 GENERAL LITERATURE 
 
 PUBLISHED BY 
 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO. 
 
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 CONTENTS. 
 
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 BADMINTON LIBRARY (THE). - 
 
 BIOGRAPHY, PERSONAL ME- 
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 CHILDREN'S BOOKS 
 
 CLASSICAL LITERATURE, TRANS- 
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 COOKERY, DOMESTIC MANAGE- 
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 EVOLUTION, ANTHROPOLOGY, 
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 HISTORY, POLITICS, POLITY, 
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 LANGUAGE, HISTORY AND 
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 MANUALS OF CATHOLIC PHIL- 
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 MENTAL, MORAL, AND POLITICAL 
 PHILOSOPHY 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS AND CRITICAL 
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 MISCELLANEOUS THEOLOGICAL 
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 POETRY AND THE DRAMA - 
 
 POLITICAL ECONOMY AND ECO- 
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 POPULAR SCIENCE - ... 
 SILVER LIBRARY (THE) 
 SPORT AND PASTIME - 
 STUDIES IN ECONOMICS AND 
 
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 TRAVEL AND ADVENTURE, THE 
 
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 VETERINARY MEDICINE, &c. 
 WORKS OF REFERENCE - 
 
 24 
 
 27 
 to 
 
 17 
 
 8 
 10 
 25 
 
 INDEX OF AUTHORS AND EDITORS. 
 
 Page 
 
 Page 
 
 Page 
 
 Page 
 
 Abbott (Evelyn) - 3, 18 
 
 Balfour (Lady Betty) 5 
 
 Buckle (H. T.) - - 
 
 3 
 
 Corder (Annie) - 19 
 
 (T. K.) - 14 
 
 Ball (John) - - 8 
 
 Buckton (C. M.) 
 
 28 
 
 Coutts (W.) - - 18 
 
 (E. A.) - - 14 
 
 Baring-Gould (Rev. 
 
 Bull (T.) - 
 
 28 
 
 Coventry (A.) - - ii 
 
 Acland (A. H. D.) - 3 
 
 S.) ... 27, 29 
 
 Burke (U. R.) - 
 
 3 
 
 Cox (Harding) - 10 
 
 Acton (Eliza) - - 28 
 
 Barraud (C. W.) - 19 
 
 Burrows (Montagu) 
 
 4 
 
 Crake (Rev. A. D.) - 26 
 
 Adeane(J. H.)- - 7 
 
 Baynes (T. S.) - - 29 
 
 Butler (E. A.) - 
 
 24 
 
 Creiehton (Bishop)- 3,4 
 
 jEschylus - - 18 
 
 Beaconsfield (Earl of) 21 
 
 (Samuel) - 18, 20, 29 
 
 Crozier(J. B.) - - 7, 14 
 
 Ainger (A. C.) - - ii 
 
 Beaufort (Duke of) - 10, ii 
 
 
 
 Curzon of Kedleston 
 
 Albemarle (Earl of) - 10 
 
 Becker (W. A.) - 18 
 
 Calder (J.) - - 
 
 3 
 
 (Lord) --- 4 
 
 Allen (Grant) - - 24 
 
 Beddard (F. E.) - 24 
 
 Cameron of Lochiel 
 
 12 
 
 distance (Col. H. - 12 
 
 Amos (S.) - - 3 
 
 Beeslv (A. H.) - - 7 
 
 Campbell (Rev. Lewis) 
 
 32 
 
 Cults (Rev. E. L.) - 4 
 
 Andre (R.) - - 12 
 
 Bell (Mrs. Hugh) - 19 
 
 Camperdown (Earl of) 
 
 7 
 
 
 Anstey (F.) - - 21 
 
 Bent (J. Theodore) - 8 
 
 Cannan (E.) - 
 
 17 
 
 Dallinger (F. W.) - 4 
 
 Aristophanes - - 18 
 
 Besant (Sir Walter)- 3 
 
 Channing (F. A.) - 
 
 16 
 
 Davidson (W. L.) 14, 16,32 
 
 Aristotle - - - 14, 18 
 
 Bickerdyke (J.) - n Chesney (Sir G.j - 
 
 3 
 
 Davies (J. F.) - - 18 
 
 Armstrong (G. F. 
 
 Bicknell (A. C.) - 8 
 
 'Chola' - 
 
 21 
 
 Dent(C. T.) - - ii 
 
 Savage) - - 19 
 
 Birt (A.) 21 
 
 Cholmondeley-Pennell 
 
 
 Deploige (S.) - - 17 
 
 (E.T. Savage) 7,19,29 
 
 Blackburne (J. H.) - 12 
 
 (H.) 
 
 II 
 
 De Salis (Mrs.) - 28, 29 
 
 Arnold (Sir Edwin) - 8, 19 
 
 Bland (Mrs. Hubert) 20 
 
 Churchill ( W. Spencer) 
 
 3,9 
 
 De Tocqueville(A.)- 4 
 
 (Dr. T.) - - 3 
 
 Boase (Rev. C. W.) - 4 
 
 Cicero ... 
 
 18 
 
 Devas (C. S.) - - 16 
 
 Ashbourne (Lord) - 3 
 
 Boedder (Rev. B.) - 16 ! Clarke (Rev. R. F.) - 
 
 16 
 
 Dickinson (G. L.) - 4 
 
 Ashby(H.) - - 28 
 
 Boevey(A. W. Crawley-) 7 i Climenson (Emily J.) 
 
 8 
 
 Diderot - - - 21 
 
 Ashley (W. J.)- - 16 
 
 Bosanquet (B.) - 14 Clodd (Edward) 
 
 17 
 
 Dougall (L.) - - 21 
 
 Ayre (Rev. J.) - - 25 
 
 Boyd (Rev. A. K. H.) 29, 32 Clutterbuck (W. J.) - 
 
 9 Dowden (E.) - - 31 
 
 
 Brassey (Lady) - 9 Coleridge (S. T.) - 
 
 19 Dovle (A. Conan) - 21 
 
 Bacon - - - 7, 14 
 
 (Lord) 3, 8, n, 16 Comparetti (D.) 
 
 30 Du'BoisfW. E. B.)- 4 
 
 Baden-Powell (B. H.) 3 
 
 Bray (C.) 14 
 
 Conineton (John) - 
 
 18 Dufferin(MarqLMsof) ii 
 
 Bagehot (W.) - 7, 16, 29 
 
 Bright (Rev. J. F.) - . 3 ! Conway (Sir W. M.) 
 
 u Dunbar (Mary F.) - 20 
 
 Bagwell (R.) - - 3 
 
 Broadfoot (Major W.) 10 
 
 Conybeare(Rev.W.J.) 
 
 
 Bain (Alexander) - 14 
 
 Browning (H. Ellen) 9 
 
 & Howson (Dean) 
 
 27 Eardley-Wnmot (Capt. 
 
 Baker (Sir S. W.) - 8, 10 Buck (H.~A.) - - ii 
 
 Coolidge (W. A. B.) 
 
 8 S.) - - - 8 
 
 Balfour (A. J.) - u, 32 Buckland (Jas.) - 26 
 
 Corbett (Julian S.) - 
 
 3 Ebrington (Viscount) 12 
 
INDEX OF AUTHORS AND EDITORS continued. 
 
 Page 
 
 Page 
 
 Page 
 
 Page 
 
 Ellis (J.H.) - - 12 
 (R. L.) - - 14 
 
 Jefferies (Richard) - 30 
 Jekyll (Gertrude) - 30 
 
 Nansen (F.) - - 9 
 Nesbit (E.) - - 20 
 
 Steel (J.H.) - - 10 
 Stephen (Leslie) - 9 
 
 Evans (Sir John) - 30 
 
 Jerome (Jerome K.) - 22 
 Johnson (J.& J. H.) 30 
 
 Nettleship (R. L.) - 14 
 Newman (Cardinal) - 22 
 
 Stephens (H. Morse) 6 
 (W. W.) - - 8, 17 
 
 Farrar (Dean) - - 16, 21 
 
 Jones (H. Bence) - 25 
 
 
 Stevens (R. W.) - 31 
 
 Fitzwygram (Sir F.) 10 
 
 Jordan (W. L.) - 16 
 
 Ogle(W.)- - - 18 
 
 Stevenson (R. L.) - 23, 26 
 
 Folkard (H. C.) 12 
 
 Jowett (Dr. B.) - 17 
 
 Onslow (Earl of) - ii 
 
 Stock (St. George) - 15 
 
 Ford (H.) - - 12 
 
 Joyce (P. W.) - 5, 22, 30 
 
 Osbourne (L) - - 23 
 
 'Stonehenge' - - 10 
 
 Fowler (Edith H.) 21 
 
 Justinian : - - 14 
 
 
 Storr (F.) - - - 14 
 
 Foxcroft (H. C.) 7 
 
 
 Palgrave (Gwenllian F.) 8 
 
 Stuart-Wortley(A.J.)n,i2 
 
 Francis (Francis) 12 
 
 Kant (I.) - - - 14 
 
 Park(W.) - - 13 
 
 Stubbs (J. W.) - - 6 
 
 Francis (M. E.) 21 
 
 Kaye (Sir J. W.) - 5 
 
 Payne-Gallwey (Sir 
 
 Suffolk & Berkshire 
 
 Freeman (Edward A ) 4 
 
 Kent (C. B. R.) - 5 
 
 R.) - - - ii, 13 
 
 (Earl of) - - ii 
 
 Freshfield (D. W.) n 
 
 Kerr (Rev. J.) - - ii 
 
 Peek (Hedley) - - n 
 
 Sullivan (Sir E.) - ii 
 
 Frothingham (A. L.) 30 
 
 Killick (Rev. A. H.) - 14 
 
 Pembroke (Earl of) - ii 
 
 Sully (James) - - 15 
 
 Froude (James A.) 4, 7, 9, 21 
 Furneaux (W.) - 24 
 
 Kingsley (Rose G.) - 30 
 Kitchin (Dr. G. W.) 4 
 
 Phillipps-Wolley(C.) 10,22 
 Phillips (Mrs. Lionel) 6 
 
 Sutherland (A. and G.) 6 
 (Alex.) - - 15, 31 
 
 
 Knight (E. F.) - - 9, ii 
 
 Pitman (C. M.) - n 
 
 Suttner (B. von) - 23 
 
 Galton (W. F.) - 17 
 
 Kostlin (J.) - - 7 Pleydell-Bouverie(E.O.)ii 
 
 Swinburne (A. J.) - 15 
 
 Gardiner (Samuel R.) 4 
 
 
 Pole (W.) 13 
 
 Symes (J. E.) - - 17 
 
 Gathorne-Hardy (Hon. 
 
 Ladd (G. T.) - - 15 
 
 Pollock (W. H.) - n, 31 
 
 
 A. E.) - - 12 
 
 Lang (Andrew) 5, 10, n, 13, Poole (W. H. and Mrs.) 29 
 
 Tavlor (Meadows) - 6 
 
 Gibbons (J. S.) - 12 
 
 17, 18, 19, 20, 22, 26, 30, 32 
 
 Poore (G. V.) - - 31 
 
 (Una) - - 23 
 
 Gibson (Hon. H.) - 13 
 
 Lascelles (Hon. G.) 
 
 Potter (J.) - - 16 
 
 Tebbutt (C. G.) - n 
 
 (C. H.) - - 14 
 
 10, ii, 12 Powell (E.) - - 6 
 
 Terry (C. S.) - - 7 
 
 (Hon. W.) - 32 
 
 Laughton (J. K.) - 8 Powys (Mrs. P. L.) - 8 
 
 Thornhill (W. J.) - 18 
 
 Gleig (Rev. G. R.) - 8 
 
 Lawley (Hon. F.) - ii Praeger (S. Rosamond) 26 
 
 Todd (A.) 6 
 
 Goethe - - - 19 Lawrence (F. W.) - 17 
 
 Prevost (C.) - - n 
 
 Toynbee (A.) - - 17 
 
 Gore-Booth (Eva) - 19 Layard (Nina F.) - 19 
 
 Pritchett (R. T.) - n 
 
 Trevelyan (Sir G. O.) 6, 7 
 
 (Sir H. W.) - ii ! Lear (H. L. Sidney) - 29 Proctor (R. A.) 13, 24, 28 
 
 (C. P.) - 17 
 
 Graham (P. A.) - 12, 13 
 
 Lecky (W. E. H.) 5, 15, 19 
 
 
 (G. M.) - - 6 
 
 (G. F.) - - 16 
 
 Lees (J. A.) - - 9 
 
 Raine (Rev. James) - 4 
 
 Trollope (Anthony)- 23 
 
 Granby (Marquis of) 12 
 
 Leslie (T. E. Cliffe) - 16 
 
 Rankin (R.) - - 20 
 
 Turner (H. G.) - 31 
 
 Grant (Sir A.) - - 14 
 
 Levett-Yeats (S.) - 22 
 
 Ransome (Cvril) - 3, 6 
 
 Tyndall(J.) - -7,9 
 
 Graves (R. P.) - - 7 
 Green (T. Hill) - 14 
 
 Lillie (A.) 13 
 Lindley(J.) - - 25 
 
 Raymond (W.) - 22 
 Reader (Emily E.) - 22 
 
 Tyrrell (R. Y.) - - 18 
 
 Greene (E. B.)- - 4 
 
 Lodge (H. C.) - - 4 
 
 Rhoades (J.) - - 18 
 
 Upton(F.K.and Bertha) 26 
 
 Greville (C. C. F.) - 4 
 
 Loftie (Rev. W. J.) - 4 
 
 Ribblesdale (Lord) - 13 
 
 
 Grose (T. H.) - - 14 
 
 Longman (C. J.) 10, 12, 30 
 
 Rich (A.) - - - 18 
 
 Van Dyke (J. C.) - 31 
 
 Gross (C.) - - 4 
 
 (F. W.) - - 13 
 
 Richardson (C.) - 10 
 
 Verney (Frances P. 
 
 Grove (F. C.) - - ii 
 
 (G. H.) - -11,12 
 
 Richmond (Ennis) - 31 
 
 and Margaret M.) 8 
 
 (Mrs. Lilly) - 10 
 
 Lowell (A. L.) - - 5 
 
 Richter (J. Paul) - 31 
 
 Virgil 18 
 
 Gurdon (Lady Camilla) 21 
 
 Lubbock (Sir John) - 17 
 
 Rickaby (Rev. John) 16 
 
 Vivekananda (Swami) 32 
 
 Gwilt (J.) - - - 25 
 
 Lucan - - - 18 
 
 (Rev. Joseph) - 16 
 
 Vivian (Herbert) - 9 
 
 
 Lutoslawski (W.) - 15 
 
 Ridley (Sir E.) - - 18 
 
 
 Haggard (H. Rider)- 21, 30 
 Hake (O.) - - - n 
 
 Lyall(Edna) - - 22 
 Lyttelton (Hon. R. H.) 10 
 
 Riley (J. W.) - - 20 
 Roget (Peter M.) - 16, 25 
 
 Wagner (R.) - - 20 
 Wakeman (H. O.) - 6 
 
 Halliwell-Phillipps(J.) 8 
 
 (Hon. A.) - - ii 
 
 Romanes (G. J.) 
 
 Walford (L. B.) - 23 
 
 Hamlin (A. D. F.) - 30 
 
 Lytton (Earl of) - 5, 19 
 
 8, 15, 17, 20, 32 
 
 Walker (Jane H.) - 29 
 
 Hammond (Mrs. J. H.) 4 
 
 
 (Mrs. G. J.) - 8 
 
 Wallas (Graham) - 8 
 
 Harding (S. B.) - 4 
 Harte (Bret) - - 22 
 
 Macaulay (Lord) 5, 6, 19 
 Macdonald (G.) - 9 
 
 Ronalds (A.) - - 13 
 Roosevelt (T.) 4 
 
 Walpole (Sir Spencer) 6 
 Walrond (Col. H.) - 10 
 
 Harting(J. E.)- - 12 
 
 (Dr. G.) - - 20, 32 
 
 Rossetti (Maria Fran- 
 
 Walsingham(Lord)- ii 
 
 Hartwig (G.) - - 24 
 
 Macfarren (Sir G. A.) 30 
 
 cesca) - - - 31 
 
 Walter (J.) - - 8 
 
 Hassall(A.) - - 6 
 
 Mackail (J. W.) - 8, 18 
 
 Rowe (R. P. P.) - ii 
 
 Ward (Mrs. W.) - 23 
 
 Haweis (H. R.) - 7,30 
 
 Macleod (H. D.) - 16 \ Russell (Bertrand) - 17 
 
 Warwick (Countess of) 31 
 
 Heath (D. D.) - - 14 
 
 Macpherson (Rev. H. A.)i2 
 
 (Alys) - - 17 
 
 Watson (A. E.T.) 
 
 HeathcoteQ. M.and 
 
 Madden (D. H.) - 13 
 
 (Rev. M.) - - 20 
 
 10, 11,12,13,23 
 
 C. G.) - - ii 
 
 Maher (Rev. M.) - 16 
 
 
 Webb (Mr. and Mrs. 
 
 Helmholtz (Hermann 
 
 Malleson (Col. G. B.) 5 
 
 Saintsbury (G.) - 12 
 
 Sidney) - - 17 
 
 von) - - - 24 
 
 Mann (E. E.) - - 29 
 
 Samuels (E.) - - 20 
 
 (T. E.) - -15,19 
 
 Henderson (Lieut- 
 
 Marbot (Baron de) - 7 
 
 Sandars (T. C.) - 14 
 
 Weber (A.) - - 15 
 
 Col. G. F.) - 7 
 
 Marquand (A.) - - 30 
 
 Sargent (A. J.)- - 17 
 
 Weir (Capt. R.) - n 
 
 Henry (W.) - - ii 
 
 Marshman (J- C.) - 7 
 
 Schreiner (S. C. Cron- 
 
 Weyman (Stanley) - 23 
 
 Henty (G. A.) - - 26 
 Herbert (Col. Kenney) 12 
 
 Martineau (Dr. James) 32 
 Maskelyne (J. N.) - 13 
 
 wright) - - 10 
 Seebohm (F.) - - 6, 8 
 
 Whately(Archbishop) 14, 15 
 (E. Jane) - - 16 
 
 Hiley (R. W.) - - 7 
 
 Maunder (S.) - - 25 
 
 Selous (F. C.) - - 10 
 
 White (W. Hale) - 20, 31 
 
 Hill (Sylvia M.) - 21 
 
 Max Miiller (F.) 
 
 Sewell (Elizabeth M.) 23 
 
 Whitelaw (R.) - - 18 
 
 Hillier (G. Lacy) - 10 
 
 7,8,15, 16, 22, 31, 32 
 
 Shadwell (A.) - - 31 
 
 Wilcocks (J. C.) - 13 
 
 Hodgson (Shadworth)i4, 30 
 
 May (Sir T. Erskine) 6 
 
 Shakespeare - - 20 
 
 Wilkins (G.) - - 18 
 
 Hoenig (F.) - - 30 
 
 Meade (L. T.) - - 26 
 
 Shand(A I.) - - 12 
 
 Willard (A. R.) - 31 
 
 Hogan (J. F.) - - 7 
 
 Melville (G.J.Whyte) 22 
 
 Sharpe (R. R.) - - 6 
 
 Williamson (W.) - 32 
 
 Homer - - - 18 
 
 Merivale (Dean) - 6 
 
 Shaw (W. A.) - - 6 
 
 Willich (C. M.) - 25 
 
 Hope (Anthony) - 22 
 
 Mernman 'H. S.) - 22 
 
 Shearman (M.) - 10, ii 
 
 Witham (T. M.) - ii 
 
 Horace 18 
 
 Mill (fames) - - 15 
 
 Sinclair (A.) - - ii 
 
 Wood (Rev. T. G.) - 25 
 
 Houston (D. F.) - 4 
 
 (John Stuart) - 15, 16 
 
 Smith (R. Bosworth) 6 Wood-Martin (W. G.) 6 
 
 Howell(G.) - - 16 
 
 Milner (G.) - - 31 
 
 (T. C.) - - 4 Wordsworth (William) 20 
 
 Howitt (W.) - - 9 
 
 Moffat (D.) - - 13 
 
 (W. P. Haskett) 9 Wright (C. D.) - 17 
 
 Hudson (W. H.) - 24 
 
 Monck (W. H. S.) - 15 
 
 Somerville (E.) - 23 Wylie (J. H.) - - 6 
 
 Hullah (f.) - - 30 
 
 Montague (F. C.) - 6 
 
 Sophocles - - 18 : 
 
 Hume (David) - - 14 
 
 Montagu (Hon. John 
 
 Soulsby (Lucy H.) - 31 Youatt (W.) - - 10 
 
 Hunt (Rev. W.) - 4 
 
 Scott) - - 12 
 
 Southey (R.) - - 311 
 
 Hunter (Sir W.) - 5 
 
 Moon (G. W.) - - 20 
 
 Spedding (J.) - - 7, 14 Zeller (E.) - - 15 
 
 Hutchinson (Horace G.) 
 
 Moore (T.) - - 25 
 
 Sprigge (S. Squire) - 8 
 
 ii, 13 (Rev. Edward) - 14 
 
 Stanley (Bishoo) - 24 
 
 
 Morgan (C. Lloyd) - 17 
 
 Stanley (Lady) - 7 
 
 
 Ingelow (Jean) - 19 
 
 Morris (W.) 18, 20, 22, 31 
 
 Statham (S. P. H.) - 6 
 
 
 
 (Mowbray) - ii 
 
 Stebbing (W.) - - 23 
 
 
 James (W.) - 14 
 
 Mulhall (M. G.) - 17 Steel (AT G.) - - 10 I 
 
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