Harper's Stereotype Edition, with Engravings, 
 
 , .. i , - -- ....... f. . , .. 
 
 THE 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT 
 
 OP 
 
 AME RICA 
 
 BY WILLIAM ROBERTSON, D.D. 
 
 PRINCIPAL OF THE UNIVERSITY AT EDINBURGH, ETC. ETC. 
 
 WITH AN ACCOUNT OF HIS LIFE AND WRITINGS. 
 
 TO WHICH ARE ADDED 
 
 QUESTIONS 
 
 FOR THE 
 
 EXAMINATION OF STUDENTS. 
 
 BY JOHN FROST, A.M. 
 
 COMPLETE IN ONE VOLUME. 
 
 NEW-YORK: 
 PUBLISHED BY HARPER & BROTHERS, 
 
 NO. 82 CLIFF-STREET. 
 1835. 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
 i'Y OF CALIFORNIA 
 
THE 
 
 LIFE OF DR. WM. ROBERTSON, 
 
 WILLIAM ROBERTSON, the eldest son of the Reverend William Robert 
 son, was born on the 8th of September, 1721, at Bprthwick, in the shire of 
 Mid Lothian, of which parish his father was the minister. By the paternal 
 line he descended from a respectable family in the county of Fife, a branch 
 of that which, for many generations, possessed the estate of Struan, in 
 Perthshire. His mother was the daughter of David Pitcairn, esq. of 
 Dreghorn. He had one brother and six sisters ; all of whom were well 
 settled in life, and most of whom lived to an advanced age. 
 
 It was at the parochial school of Borthwick that Robertson received the 
 initiatory part of his education ; but as soon as he was sufficiently forward 
 to enter on the study of the learned languages, he was removed to the 
 school of Dalkeith. The latter seminary was then under the superintend 
 ence of Mr. Leslie, whose eminence as a teacher was such as to attract 
 pupils from all parts of Scotland ; and the father of Robertson was con 
 sequently induced to send him to Dalkeith rather than to the Scottish 
 metropolis. 
 
 When the future historian was twelve years old, his father was trans 
 ferred from Borthwick to one of the churches of Edinburgh. In the 
 autumn of 1733 he joined his parents ; and, in October, he was admitted 
 into the college and university of the northern capital. 
 
 Whatever were his first attempts at composition, and it is probable they 
 were many, nothing has been preserved to show how early he began to 
 exercise his talents, or with what degree of rapidity those talents were 
 expanded. It is certain, however, that in the pursuit of knowledge he 
 displayed that ardour and perseverance without which nothing great will 
 ever be accomplished. A strong proof of this is afforded by some of his 
 early commonplace books, which bear the dates of 1735, 1736, and 1737. 
 The motto, vita sine literis mors est, which he prefixed to these books, 
 sufficiently indicates by what an honourable ambition and love of literature 
 he was inspired at a very tender and generally thoughtless age. The boy 
 of fourteen, who can cherish the feeling which is implied By this motto, 
 gives promise that his manhood will reflect lustre on himself and on the 
 country of his birth. 
 
 Among the men of eminence, by whose instructions he profited at the 
 university, were sir John Pringle, afterwards president of the Royal 
 Society, but then professor of moral philosophy; Maclaurm, justly cele 
 brated for the extent of his mathematical skill and the purity of his style 
 and Dr. Stevenson, the learned and indefatigable professor of logic. To 
 the masterly prelections of the latter, especially to his illustrations of the 
 poetics of Aristotle, and of Lpnginus on the Sublime, Robertson often 
 declared that he considered himself to be more deeply indebted than to 
 any circumstance in the course of his academical career. It was indeed 
 not towards the abstract sciences that the bent of his genius was directed. 
 To mathematical and mechanical speculations he seems to have been at 
 least cold, perhaps averse. Neither was he remarkable for metaphysical 
 acuteness. His delight was to trace and elucidate moral and religious 
 truths, to apply the process of reasoning to subjects more immediately con- 
 
iv THE LIFE OF 
 
 nected with the every-day business of existence, to search into the cause? 
 and effects of historical events, to expatiate amidst the perennial beauties oi 
 classic lore, and, by meditating on the great models of oratorical art, to 
 render himself master of all the powerful resources of a ready and persua 
 sive eloquence. 
 
 With respect to eloquence, the possession of it was in fact indispensable 
 to one who, as in all probability was the case with Robertson, had deter 
 mined to assume a prominent station among the pastors and leaders of the 
 Scottish church. The mere knowledge of rules, however, or even a tho 
 rough acquaintance with the rich stores of ancient and modern oratory, 
 will not suffice to form an orator. It is by use alone that facility of speech 
 and promptitude ol reply can be acquired. It is the collision of minds 
 which strikes out the " thoughts that breathe, and words that burn." 
 During the last years, therefore, of his residing at college, he joined with 
 some of his contemporaries in establishing a society, the avowed purpose 
 of which, as we are told by Mr. Stewart, was " to cultivate the study of 
 elocution, and to prepare themselves, by the habits of extemporary dis 
 cussion and debate, for conducting the business of popular assemblies." 
 
 Of the colleagues of Robertson in this society many ultimately rose, like 
 himself, to high reputation. Among 1 them were Cleghorn, subsequently 
 professor of moral philosophy at Edinburgh, Dr. John Blair, who became 
 a member of the Royal Society, and a prebendary of Westminster, and 
 who gave to the public " The Chronology and History of the World," 
 Wilkie, the author of the Epigoniad, a faulty poem, but above ccuempt, 
 Home, the author of Douglas, and Dr. Erskine, who, in after life, was at 
 once the coadjutor, rival, opponent, and friend of Robertson. 
 
 This society continued in existence, and, no doubt, was beneficial to its 
 members, till it was broken up by a quarrel, which had its rise from a reli 
 gious source, and which, consequently, was of more than common bitter 
 ness. In 1741 that extraordinary man Whitefield, who was then in the 
 zenith of his fame, paid a visit to Scotland, and his preaching excited in 
 that country a feeling equally as strong as it had excited in England. On 
 the subject of his merit violent parties immediately sprang up, especially 
 among the clergy. By the one side he was considered as a clerical won 
 der, a kind of apostle, from whose evangelical labours the happiest result 
 might be expected ; by the other side he was calumniated as an impostor, 
 and a worthless private character, while some, in the excess of their holy 
 zeal, did not scruple to stigmatize him, even from the pulpit, as " an agent 
 of the devil." It was natural that this question should be debated by- 
 Robertson and his associates ; and it was, perhaps, not less natural that it 
 should be argued with so much heat and asperity as not only to cause the 
 dissolution of the society, but even, it is said, to interrupt, for some time, 
 the intercourse of the members as private individuals. Of those who 
 entertained doubts with regard to the personal conduct of Whitefield, and 
 the utility of his efforts, Robertson was one. From his acknowledged 
 moderation and evenness of temper we may, however, infer that his hos 
 tility to the preacher was carried on in a liberal spirit, and that he did not 
 think it either necessary or decorous to brand him as an agent of the prince 
 of darkness. 
 
 To excel in his written style as much as in his oral was one object of his 
 ambition. The practice of clothing in an English dress the standard works 
 of the ancients has been often recommended, as conducive to the improve 
 ment of style ; and he seems to have believed it to be so, for it was 
 adopted by him. He carried it so far as to entertain serious thoughts ot 
 preparing for the press a version of Marcus Antoninus. His scheme was, 
 however, frustrated by the appearance of an anonymous translation at 
 Glasgow. " In making choice of this author," says Mr. Stewart, " he was 
 probably not a little influenced by that partiality with which (among the 
 
DR. ROBERTSON. v 
 
 writers of heathen moralists) he always regarded the remains of the stoical 
 philosophy." 
 
 Having completed his academic course, and richly stored his mind, he 
 quitted the university, and, in 1741, before he had quite attained the age 
 of twenty, a license to preach the gospel was given to him by the presby 
 tery of Dalkeith. This kind of license, which does not authorize to 
 administer the sacraments or to undertake the cure of souls, is granted to 
 laymen ; and the person who receives it may be considered as being placed 
 by it in a state of probation. 
 
 After the lapse of two years, from the period of his leaving the univer 
 sity, when he was yet little more than twenty-two, he was, in 1743, pre 
 sented, by the Earl of Hopetoun, to the living of Gladsmuir. Of this pre 
 ferment the yearly value was not more than one hundred pounds. Scanty, 
 however, as were its emoluments, it was most opportunely bestowed. He 
 had not long resided at Gladsmuir when an unexpected and melancholy 
 event occurred, which put to the trial at once his firmness and his benevo 
 lence. His father and mother expired within a few hours of each other, 
 leaving behind them a family of six daughters and one son, without the 
 means of providing for their education and maintenance. On this occa 
 sion Robertson acted in a manner which bore irrefragable testimony to the 
 goodness of his heart, and which was also, as Mr. Stewart justly observes, 
 " strongly marked with that manly decision in his plans, and that perse 
 vering steadiness in their execution, which were the characteristic features 
 of his mind." Regardless of the privations to which he must necessarily 
 submit, and the interruption which his literary and other projects must 
 experience, he received his father's family into his house at Gladsmuir, 
 educated his sisters under his own roof, and retained them there till oppor 
 tunities arose of settling them respectably in the world. His merit is 
 enhanced by the circumstance of his fraternal affection having imposed on 
 him a sacrifice far more painful than that of riches or fame. He was ten 
 derly attached to his cousin Miss Mary Nesbit, daughter of the Reverend 
 Mr. Nesbit, one of the ministers of Edinburgh, and his attachment was 
 returned ; but it was not till 1751, when his family had ceased to stand in 
 need of his protecting care, that he thought himself at liberty to complete 
 a union which had, for several years, been the object of his ardent wishes. 
 It is pleasant to know that the wife whom he so tardily obtained was every 
 way worthy of such a husband, and that he suffered no interruption of his 
 domestic happiness. 
 
 While he was laudably occupied in promoting the welfare of his orphan 
 relatives, the rebellion broke out in Scotland. " It afforded him," says 
 Mr. Stewart, " an opportunity of evincing the sincerity of that zeal for the 
 civil and religious liberties of his country, which he had imbibed with the 
 first principles of his education ; and which afterwards, at the distance of 
 more than forty years, when he was called on to employ his eloquence in 
 the national commemoration of the revolution, seemed to rekindle the fires 
 of his youth. His situation as a country clergyman confined indeed his 
 patriotic exertions within a narrow sphere ; but even here his conduct was 
 guided by a mind superior to the scene in which he acted. On one occa 
 sion (when the capital was in danger of fall ing into the hands of the rebels) 
 the present state of public affairs appeared so critical that he thought him 
 self justified in laying aside for a time the pacific habits of his profession, 
 and in quitting his parochial residence at Gladsmuir to join the volunteers 
 of Edinburgh. And when, at last, it was determined that the city should 
 be surrendered, he was one of the small band who repaired to Hadding- 
 ton, and offered their services to the commander of His Majesty's forces." 
 "W ith the exception of this one troubled interval he continued, for many 
 years, in the tranquil performance of his pastoral duties. The hours of 
 his leisure were devoted to literary researches and to laying the solid foun- 
 
?i THE LIFE OF 
 
 dation of future eminence. It was his practice to rise early, and to read 
 and write much before breakfast. The remainder of the day he devoted 
 to the claims of his profession. As a minister of the gospel he was consci 
 entious and active ; not confining himself to the mere routine of his sacred 
 office, but endeavouring by every means to extend the comforts and influ 
 ence of religion. In the summer months it was customary for him, previous 
 to the commencement of the church service, to assemble the youthful part 
 of his flock for the purpose of explaining to them the doctrines of the 
 catechism. By his zeal, his punctuality, and the suavity of his behaviour, 
 he won the love of his parishioners ; so that, in all their difficulties, it was 
 to him that they resorted for consolation and for counsel. His pulpit elo 
 quence was such as afforded delight to all classes of people ; because, 
 while it was adorned with those graces of style which are required to 
 satisfy men of judgment and taste, it was rendered level to the compre 
 hension of his humblest hearers, by the clearness of its argument and the 
 perspicuity of its language. 
 
 The time at length arrived when the talents of Robertson were to be 
 displayed on a more extensive and public scene of action, and he was to 
 assume a leading share in the government of the Scottish church. He did 
 not, however, come forward among his colleagues till he had attained the 
 mature age of thirty, and had thoroughly prepared himself to sustain his 
 new and important part with untiring vigour and a decisive effect. It was 
 on the question of patronage that he first exerted his powers of eloquence 
 in a deliberative assembly. 
 
 To enable the mere English reader to comprehend this subject, it may, 
 perhaps, be proper to give some account of the constitution of the church 
 of Scotland, and also of the right of patronage, out of which arose the 
 contentions and heartburnings by which the church was disturbed for a 
 considerable period. 
 
 The church of Scotland is ruled by a series of judicatpries, rising by 
 regular gradation from the kirk session, or parochial consistory, which is 
 the lowest in order, to the general assembly, which is the highest. The 
 kirk session is composed of the ministers and lay elders of parishes ; a 
 presbytery is formed of the ministers of contiguous parishes, with certain 
 representatives from the kirk sessions ; and a provincial synod is consti 
 tuted by the union of a plurality of presbyteries. Crowning the whole is 
 the general assembly. This body consists of three hundred and sixty-four 
 members, of whom two hundred and two are ministers, and the remainder 
 are laymen. Of this number two hundred and one ministers and eighty- 
 nine lay elders are sent by the presbyteries ; the royal boroughs elect 
 sixty-seven laymen ; the universities depute five persons, who may be 
 either ecclesiastics or laymen ; and the Scottish church of Campvere in 
 Holland supplies two deputies, the one lay and the other clerical. The 
 annual sittings of the assembly are limited to ten days ; but whatever busi 
 ness it has left unsettled is transacted by a committee of the whole house 
 (called the commission), which, in the course of the year, has four stated 
 meetings. Among the lay members of the assembly are men of the high 
 est consequence in the kingdom ; lawyers, judges, and sometimes nobles. 
 
 Though all the ministers in Scotland are on a perfect equality with each 
 other, yet each individual and each judicatory is bound to yield a prompt 
 obedience to the superintending authority, and each court must punctually 
 lay the record of its proceedings before the tribunal which is next in rank 
 above it ; but the general assembly has the power of deciding without 
 appeal, of enforcing, uncontrolled, its decrees, and, with the concurrence 
 of a majority of the presbyteries, of enacting laws for the government of 
 the Scottish church. 
 
 The history of clerical patronage in Scotland since the overthrow of 
 Catholicism, and of the struggles to which it has given rise, has been traced 
 
DR. ROBERTSON. v 
 
 with so much clearness by Dr. Gleig that, though the passage is of some 
 length, 1 shall give it in his own words. " The Reformation in Scotland," 
 says he, " was irregular and tumultuous ; and the great object of the pow 
 erful aristocracy of that kingdom seems to have been rather to get posses 
 sion of the tithes, and the lands of the dignified clergy, than to purify the 
 doctrine and reform the worship of the church. Of this Knox and the 
 other reformed clergymen complained bitterly ; and their complaints were 
 extorted from them by their own sufferings. Never, I believe, were the 
 established clergy of any Christian country reduced to such indigence as 
 were those zealous and well meaning men, during the disastrous reign of 
 queen Mary, and the minority of her son and successor ; while the pit 
 tance that was promised to them, instead of being regularly paid, was 
 often seized by the rapacity of the regents and the powerful barons who 
 adhered to their cause, and the ministers left to depend for their subsist 
 ence on the generosity of the people. 
 
 " As nearly the whole of the ecclesiastical patronage of the kingdom 
 had come into the possession of those barons, partly by inheritance from 
 their ancestors, and partly with the church lands which, on the destruction 
 of the monasteries, they had appropriated to themselves, it is not wonder 
 ful that, in an age when men were very apt to confound tk : illegal and 
 mischievous conduct of him who exercised an undoubted right with the 
 natural consequences of that right itself, strong prejudices were excited in 
 the minds of the clergy and more serious part of the people against the 
 law which vested in such sacrilegious robbers the right of presentation to 
 parish churches. It is not indeed very accurately known by whom minis 
 ters were nominated to vacant churches for thirty years after the com 
 mencement of the Reformation, when there was hardly any settled 
 government in the church or in the state. In some parishes they were 
 probably called by the general voice of the people ; in others, obtruded 
 on them by the violence of the prevailing faction, to serve some political 
 purpose of the day ; and in others again appointed by the superintendent 
 and his council : while in a few the legal patron may have exercised his 
 right, without making any simoniacal contract with the presentee ; v/hich, 
 however, there is reasTm to suspect was no uncommon practice,* 
 
 " Hitherto the government of the Protestant church of Scotland had fluc 
 tuated from one form to another, sometimes assuming the appearance of epis 
 copacy under superintendents, and at other times being presbyterian in the 
 strictest sense of the word. In the month of June, 1592, an act was passed, 
 giving a legal sanction to the presbyterian form of government, and resto 
 ring the ancient law of patronage. By that act the patron of a vacant 
 parish was authorized to present, to the presbytery comprehending that 
 parish, a person properly qualified to be intrusted with the cure of souls ; 
 and the presbytery was enjoined, after subjecting the presentee to certain 
 
 " Though we are assured.Jby the highest authority! that this right of 
 patronage, thus conferred-^ : the fundamental charter of presbyterian 
 government in Scotland, was* early complained of as a grievance, it ap 
 pears to have been regularrj^exercised until the era of the rebellion against 
 Charles I. during the establishment as well of the presbyterian as of the 
 episcopal church. It was indeed abolished by the usurping powers, which 
 in 1649 established in its stead what was then called ' the gospel right of 
 popular election ;' but at the restoration it was re-established together with 
 episcopacy, and was regularly exercised until the revolution, when epis- 
 
 * The reader will derive much valuable information on this subject from Dr. Cook's " History 
 of the Reformation in Scotland " + Dr. Hill, Principal of St. Mary's College, in the Univei- 
 
 ty of St. Andrew's. 
 
viii THE LIFE OF 
 
 copacy was finally overthrown, and, by an act passed on the 26 th of May, 
 'the presbyterian church, government, and discipline, by kirk sessions, 
 presbyteries, provincial synods, and general assemblies,' established in its 
 stead. The act of James VI. in 1592 was * revived and confirmed in every 
 head thereof, except in that part of it relating to patronages,' which were 
 utterly abolished, though nothing was substituted in their stead until the 
 19th of July immediately succeeding. 
 
 " It was then statuted and declared, to use the language of the act, * that, 
 in the vacancy of any particular church, and for supplying the same with 
 a minister, the protestant heritors and elders are to name and propose the 
 person to the whole congregation, to be either approven or disapproven by 
 them ; and if they disapprove, they are to give in their reasons, to the 
 effect the affairs may be cognosced by the presbytery of the bounds ; at 
 whose judgment, and by whose determination, the calling and entry of 
 every particular minister is to be ordered and concluded. In recompense 
 of which rights of presentation the heritors of every parish were to pay 
 to the patron six hundred merks (33 6s. Sd. sterling), against a certain 
 time, and under certain proportions. 
 
 " Whether this sum, which at that period was very considerable, was 
 actually paid to the patrons of the several parishes, I know not ; but if it 
 was, or indeed whether it was or not, had it been the intention of the legis 
 lature to produce dissension in the country, it could not have devised any 
 thing better calculated to effect its purpose than this mode of appointing 
 ministers to vacant churches. The heritors or landholders, if the price was 
 paid, would naturally contend for the uncontrolled exercise of the right 
 which they, and they only, had purchased ; but it is not by any means 
 probable that at such a period they could often agree in their choice of a 
 minister for a vacant parish. The elders, who were men of inferior rank 
 and inferior education, would, by the envy of the low, when comparing 
 themselves with the high, be prompted to thwart the wishes of their land 
 lords, which the act of parliament enabled them to do effectully ; and the 
 consequence must have been that two or three candidates for every vacant 
 church were at once proposed to the people of the parish for their appro 
 bation or disapprobation. The people might either give the preference to 
 one of the candidates proposed, or reject them all, for reasons of which the 
 members of the presbytery were constituted the judges ; and as it appears 
 that the presbytery generally took part with the people, a source of ever 
 lasting contention was thus established between the country gentlemen and 
 the parochial clergy ; an evil than which a greater cannot easily be con 
 ceived. For these, and other reasons, this ill digested law was repealed 
 in the tenth year of the reign of queen Anne, and the right of patronage 
 restored as in all other established churches. 
 
 "By many of the clergy, however, patronage seems to have been con 
 sidered as an appendage of prelacy ; though it has obviously no greater 
 connexion with that form of ecclesiastical polity than with any other that 
 is capable of being allied with the state ; and, till after the year 1730, 
 ministers continued to be settled in vacant parishes in the manner pre 
 scribed by the act of king William and queen Mary. * Even then,' says 
 Dr. Hill, * the church courts, although they could not entirely disregard the 
 law, continued, in many instances, to render it ineffectual, and by their 
 authority sanctioned the prevailing prejudices of the people against it. 
 They admitted, as an incontrovertible principle in presbyterian church 
 government, that a presentee, although perfectly well qualified, and unex 
 ceptionable in his life and doctrine, was nevertheless inadmissible to his 
 clerical office, till the concurrence of the people who were to be under his 
 ministry had been regularly ascertained.' The form of expressing this 
 concurrence was by the subscription of a paper termed ' a call ;' to which 
 
DR. ROBERTSON. ix 
 
 many of the old ministers paid greater respect than to the deed of pre 
 sentation by the patron of the church. 
 
 " To render the call good, however, the unanimous consent of the land 
 holders, elders, and people, was not considered as necessary, nor indeed 
 ever looked for. Nay, it appears that even a majority was not in all cases 
 deemed indispensable ; for the presbytery often admitted to his charge, 
 and proceeded to ordain the presentee whose call, by whatever number of 
 parishioners, appeared to them to afford a reasonable prospect of his be 
 coming, by prudent conduct, a useful parish minister. On the other hand, 
 presbyteries sometimes set aside the presentation altogether, when they 
 were not satisfied with the call ; and when the patron insisted on his right, 
 and the presbytery continued inflexible, the general assembly was, in such 
 cases, under the necessity either of compelling the members of the presby 
 tery, by ecclesiastical censures, to do their duty, or of appointing a com 
 mittee of its own body to relieve them from that duty, by ordaining the 
 presentee, and inducting him into the vacant church. To compulsion re 
 course had seldom been had ; and the consequence was that individuals 
 openly claimed a right to disobey the injunctions of the assembly, when 
 ever they conceived their disobedience justified by a principle of con 
 science. 
 
 " Such was the state of ecclesiastical discipline in Scotland when Mr. 
 Robertson first took an active part in the debates of the general assembly ; 
 and he very justly thought that its tendency was to overturn the presbyte 
 rian establishment, and introduce in its stead a number of independent 
 congregational churches. He therefore supported the law of patronage, 
 not merely because it was part of the law of the land, but because he 
 thought it the most expedient method of filling the vacant churches. It 
 did not appear to him that the people at large are competent judges of 
 those qualities which a minister should possess in order to be a useful 
 teacher of the truth as it is in Jesus, or of the precepts of a sound morality. 
 He more than suspected 4hat if the candidates for churches were taught 
 to consider their success in obtaining a settlement as depending on a popu 
 lar election, many of them would be tempted to adopt a manner of preach 
 ing calculated rather to please the people than to promote their edification 
 He thought that there is little danger to be apprehended from the abuse 
 of the law of patronage ; because the presentee must be chosen from 
 among those whom the church had approved, and licensed as qualified for 
 the office of a parish minister ; because a presentee cannot be admitted to 
 the benefice if any relevant objection to his life or doctrine be proved 
 against him ; and because, after ordination and admission, he is liable to 
 be deposed for improper conduct, and the church declared vacant." 
 
 Whatever may be thought of the merits of the cause which Robertson 
 espoused, it is impossible to doubt that he was a conscientious supporter of 
 it. To undertake its defence some strength of nerve was, indeed, required. 
 Success seemed, at the outset, to be scarcely within the verge of proba 
 bility, and there was much danger ^of becoming unpopular. The result, 
 nevertheless, gave ample proof of what may be accomplished by per 
 severance and talents. The first time that he came forward in the assem 
 bly was in May, 1751, when a debate arose on the conduct of a minister., 
 who had disobeyed the sentence of a former assembly. Seizing this 
 opportunity to enforce his principles of church discipline, Robertson, in a 
 vigorous and eloquent speech, contended that if subordination were not 
 rigidly maintained the presbyterian establishment would ultimately be 
 overthrown, and, therefore, an exemplary punishment ought to be inflicted 
 on the offending party. But, though he was heard with attention, his argu 
 ments produced so little present effect that, on the house being divided, he 
 was left in a minority of no more than eleven against two hundred. 
 
 Though this decision was not calculated to encourage him, he deter- 
 
x THE LIFE OF 
 
 mined to persist, and an occurrence very soon took place which enabled 
 nim to renew the contest. The presbytery of Dumferline having been 
 guilty of disobedience, in refusing to admit a minister to the church of 
 Inverkeithing, the commission of the assembly, which met in November, 
 ordered them to cease from their opposition, and threatened, that, if they 
 continued to be refractory, they should be subjected to a high censure 
 Notwithstanding this, the presbytery again disobeyed the mandate of the 
 superior court. Yet, instead of carrying its threat into effect, the commis 
 sion came to a resolution that no censure should be inflicted. 
 
 Such a resolution as this, after the commission had gone so far as to 
 resort to threats, was at least absurd. So fair an opening as this circum 
 stance afforded was not neglected by Robertson. He accordingly drew up 
 a protest, intituled, " Reasons of Dissent from the Judgment and Resolution 
 of the Commission." This protest, which was signed by himself, Dr. 
 Blair, Home, and a few other friends, is an able and closely reasoned pro 
 duction. It boldly declares the sentence of the commission to be incon 
 sistent with the nature and first principles of society ; charges the commis 
 sion itself with having, by that sentence, gone beyond its powers, and 
 betrayed the privileges and deserted the doctrines of the constitution ; con 
 siders the impunity thus granted as encouraging and inviting contumacy , 
 insists on the lawfulness and wisdom of ecclesiastical censures, and on the 
 absolute necessity of preserving subordination and obedience in the church ; 
 and, finally, maintains that the exercise of no man's private judgment can 
 justify him in disturbing all public order, that he, who becomes a member 
 of a church ought to conform to its decrees, or, " if he hath rashly joined 
 himself, that he is bound, as an honest man and a good Christian, to with 
 draw, and to keep his conscience pure and undefiled." 
 
 When the assembly met, in 1752, the question was brought before it ; 
 and Robertson supported the principles of his protest with such cogency 
 of argument, that he won over a majority to his side, and achieved a com- 
 
 Elete triumph. The judgment of the commission was reversed, Mr. Gil- 
 >spie, one of the ministers of the presbytery of Dumferline, was deposed 
 from his pastoral office, and ejected from his living, and three other indi 
 viduals were suspended from their judicative capacity in the superior 
 ecclesiastical courts. Gillespie, whose only crime was that of being 
 absent on the day appointed for the induction of the presentee, was a pious 
 and amiable man, and his deposition occasioned so much dissatisfaction, 
 that it gave rise to a new sect of dissenters, afterwards known by the 
 appellation of " the Presbytery of Relief;" a sect which still exists, and is 
 of considerable magnitude. 
 
 From this time, though it was not till the year 1763 that he became its 
 avowed leader, Robertson was, in fact, at the head of the assembly ; which 
 body, for the whole period of his ascendancy, he contrived to keep steady 
 to his principles. In this task he was ably seconded by Dr. Drysdale, one 
 of the ministers of Edinburgh. It was not, however, without many strug 
 gles that he retained his pre-eminence. Those which took place in 1765 
 and 1768 were peculiarly violent ; motions having then been made, and 
 vehemently contended for, to inquire into the causes of the rapid progress 
 of secession from the established church ; and, in order to counteract them, 
 to introduce a more popular mode of inducting the parochial ministers. 
 From what is mentioned by sir Henry Wellwood, m his " Memoirs of 
 Dr. Erskine," it appears that the exertions of Robertson were kept con 
 tinually on the 
 cautious manag 
 Dr. Robertson's time, 
 tual ; and the opposition to presentees so extremely pertinacious, as in a 
 great measure to engross the business of the assemblies. The parties in 
 the church were then more equally balanced than they have ever been 
 
DR. ROBERTSON. xi 
 
 since that period. The measures which were adopted, in the face of such 
 perpetual opposition, it required no common talents to manage or defend ; 
 especially considering that the leaders in opposition were such men as Dr. 
 Dick, Dr. Macqueen, Dr. Erskine, Mr. Stevenson of St. Madois, Mr. Free- 
 bairn of Dumbarton, Mr. Andrew Crosbie, &c. &c. ; men of the first ability 
 in the country, and some of them possessed of an eloquence for a popular 
 assembly to which there was nothing superior in the church or in the 
 state. 
 
 " Dr. Robertson's firmness was not easily shaken, but his caution and 
 prudence never deserted him. He held it for a maxim, never wantonly 
 to offend the prejudices of the people, and rather to endeavour to manage 
 than directly to combat them. Some of the settlements in dispute were 
 protracted for eight or ten years together; and though the general assem 
 blies steadily pursued their system, and uniformly appointed the presentees 
 to be inducted, their strongest sentences were not vindictive, and seldom 
 went beyond the leading points to which they were directed." 
 
 In 1757 an event happened, which afforded to him an opportunity of 
 manifesting the liberality of his spirit, and of exercising his influence over 
 his colleagues, to moderate the vengeance which was threatened to be 
 hurled on some of his brethren, for having been guilty of an act which was 
 considered to be of the most profane nature. The chief offender was his 
 friend Home, who was then minister of Athelstaneford. The crime con 
 sisted in Home having not only produced the tragedy of Douglas, but 
 having also had the temerity to be present at the acting of it in the Edin 
 burgh theatre. With him were involved several of his clerical intimates, 
 who, as much from a desire to share with him any odium or peril which 
 might be incurred, as from a natural curiosity, had been induced to accom 
 pany him to the theatre on the first night of the performance. The storm 
 which this circumstance raised among the Scottish clergy can, in the pre 
 sent age, hardly be imagined. It seemed as if they had witnessed nothing 
 less than the abomination of desolation standing in the holy place. The 
 presbytery of Edinburgh hastened to summon before its tribunal such of 
 its members as had committed this heinous offence, and it likewise 
 despatched circulars to the presbyteries in the vicinity, recommending- 
 rigorous measures against all clergymen who had desecrated themselves 
 by appearing in the polluted region of the theatre. The alarm thus 
 sounded awakened all the bigotry of the circumjacent presbyteries. That 
 of Haddington, to which Home belonged, cited him and his friend Car- 
 lyle, of Inveresk, to answer for their misconduct. That of Glasgow had no 
 criminals to chastise, but it was resolved not to remain silent, and, there 
 fore, with a zeal which assuredly was not according to knowledge, it ful 
 minated forth a series of resolutions on this appalling subject. It lamented 
 " the melancholy but notorious fact, that one, who is a minister of the 
 church of Scotland, did himself write and compose a play entitled the 
 Tragedy of Douglas, and got it to be acted in the theatre at Edinburgh -, 
 and that he, with several other ministers of the church, were present, and 
 some of them oftener than once, at the acting of the said play before a 
 numerous audience;" it affirmed, in direct hostility to historical evidence, 
 that stage plays had "been looked upon by the Christian church, in all 
 ages, and of all different communions, as extremely prejudicial to religion 
 jnd morality; and, as a natural consequence from this, it called on the 
 general assembly to reprobate publicly " a practice unbecoming the cha 
 racter of clergymen, and of such pernicious tendency to the great interests 
 of religion, industry, and virtue." The cry of the church was echoed from 
 the press, angry disputants were arrayed on both sides, and a multitude ot 
 ephemeral pamphlets and pasquinades was rapidly produced. 
 
 Throughout the whole of the ecclesiastical proceedings, which on this 
 occasion were instituted in the presbyteries and in the general assembly, 
 
xii THE LIFE OF 
 
 Robertson exerted himself with more than common ardour and eloquence 
 on behalf of his friends. Though, being restrained by a promise which he 
 had given to his father, he had himself never been within the walls of a 
 theatre, he did not hesitate to avow his belief that no culpability attached 
 to the persons who were under prosecution, " The promise," said he, 
 " which was exacted by the most indulgent of parents, I have hitherto 
 religiously kept, and it is my intention to keep it till the day of my death. 
 I am at the same time free to declare, that I perceive nothing sinful or 
 inconsistent with the spirit of Christianity in writing a tragedy, which 
 gives no encouragement to baseness or vice, and that I cannot concur in 
 censuring my brethren > for being present at the representation of such a 
 tragedy, from which I was kept back by a promise, which, though sacred 
 to me, is not obligatory on them." 
 
 Wholly to overcome the prevalent spirit of bigotry was more than 
 Robertson could accomplish, but it is believed to have been at least greatly- 
 mitigated by his laudable efforts. To his persuasive eloquence is attri 
 buted, and no doubt justly, the comparative mildness of the sentence which 
 was ultimately pronounced. A declaratory act was passed by the assem 
 bly, forbidding the clergy to visit the theatres, but not extending the pro 
 hibition to the writing of plays. The silence of the assembly on the latter 
 head was at least one point gained in favour of liberal principles. As to 
 the offending ministers, some of them were rebuked by the presbyteries 
 to which they belonged, and one or two of them were suspended from 
 their office for a few weeks. Home, however, being disgusted with the 
 treatment which he had experienced, and having, perhaps, already been 
 offered patronage in the British metropolis, resigned his living of Athel- 
 staneford in June. 1757, and fixed his residence in London. 
 
 By the departure of Home, the Select Society, as it was called, lost one 
 of its ablest members. This society was instituted at Edinburgh, in 1754, 
 by Allan Ramsay, the painter, who was son to the poet of the same name. 
 The object of it was philosophical and literary inquiry, and the improve 
 ment of the members in the art of speaking. It held its meetings in the 
 Advocates' Library, and met regularly every Friday evening, during the 
 sittings of the court of session. At the outset it consisted of only fifteen 
 persons, of whom Robertson was one. It, however, soon acquired such 
 high reputation, that its list of associates was swelled to more than a hun 
 dred and thirty names ; among which were included those of the most 
 eminent literary and political characters in the northern division of the 
 kingdom. Of this number were Hume, Adam Smith, Wedderburn, after 
 wards Lord Chancellor, sir Gilbert Elliot, lord Elibank, lord Monboddo, 
 lord Kames, lord Woodhouselee, Adam Furguson, Wilkie, Dr. Cullen, 
 and many others less gifted perhaps, but still rising far above mediocrity 
 of talent. This society flourished in full vigour for some years ; and is 
 said by professor Stewart, to have produced such debates as have not often 
 been heard in modern assemblies ; debates, where the dignity of the 
 speakers was not lowered by the intrigues of policy, or the intemperance 
 of faction ; and where the most splendid talents that have ever adorned 
 this country were roused to their best exertions, by the liberal and enno 
 bling discussions of literature and philosophy." That such an assemblage 
 of learning and genius must have done much towards diffusing through 
 Scotland a taste for letters, there cannot be the shadow of a doubt. Robert 
 son took an active part, and was one of its presidents. As a speaker, it 
 was remarked of him, that " whereas most of the others in their previous 
 discourses exhausted the subject so much that there was no room for 
 debate, he gave only such brief but artful sketches, as served to suggest 
 ideas, without leading to a decision." 
 
 By a few members of the society, a Review was attempted in 1755, the 
 principal contributors to which were Blair, Smith, and Robertson. This 
 
DR. ROBERTSON. xiii 
 
 tmdertaking was designed to form a record of the progress of Scottish lite 
 rature, and. occasionally, to criticise such English and foreign works as 
 might appear to be worthy of notice. After having published two num 
 bers, which appeared in July and December, the reviewers were under 
 the necessity of relinquishing their plan. The failure is said to have arisen 
 from their having lashed, with just but caustic severity, "some miserable 
 effusions of fanaticism, which it was their wish to banish from the church." 
 Their attack upon this mischievous trash excited such a vehement party 
 outcry, that they thought it prudent to discontinue labours which, while 
 they must fail of being useful, could not fail to expose them to vulgar 
 odium, and involve them in endless disputes. Time, the great worker o t 
 changes, has since produced a marvellous alteration. , At a period less than 
 half a century later, the most prejudice-scorning and pungent of all 
 Reviews was established in the Scottish capital, and was received with 
 enthusiasm ! 
 
 The first separate literary production of Robertson, or at least the first 
 known production, was also laid before the public in 1755. It is a sermon 
 which he preached in that year before the Scotch society for propagating 
 Christian knowledge. He chose for his subject, "The situation of the 
 world at the time of Christ's appearance, and its connexion with the suc 
 cess of his religion." Though this discourse never rises into a strain of 
 glowing eloquence, it is a dignified and argumentative composition, in a 
 chaste and animated style. If it does not flash and dazzle, it at least 
 shines with a steady lustre. Its merit, indeed, affords us ample cause to 
 regret that, before his removal from Gladsmuir, he lost a volume of ser 
 mons, on which much care is said to have been bestowed. The sole spe 
 cimen which remains of his talents as a preacher has passed through five 
 editions, and has been translated into the German language by Mr. Edeling. 
 
 The time now came when the high character for learning and talent, 
 which Robertson had acquired among his friends, was to be ratified by 
 the public voice. He had long been sedulously engaged on the History 
 of Scotland, the plan of which he is said to have formed soon after his 
 settling at Gladsmuir. By his letters to Lord Hailes we are, in some 
 measure, enabled to trace his progress. It appears that as early as 1753 
 he had commenced his labours, and that by the summer of 1757 he had 
 advanced as far as the narrative of Gowrie's conspiracy. In the spring of 
 1758 he visited London, to concert measures for publishing; and the His 
 tory, in two volumes, quarto, was given to the world on the first of Feb 
 ruary, 1759, about three months subsequent to the completion of it. While 
 the last sheets were in the press, the author received, by diploma, the de 
 gree of Doctor of Divinity from the University of Edinburgh. 
 
 At the period when Dr. Robertson commenced his career, this country 
 could boast of few historians, possessed of philosophic views and an ele 
 gant style. Rapin, who, besides, wrote in his native language, Carte, and 
 others, could not aspire to a loftier title than that of annalists ; and the re 
 cent production from the pen of Smollet, though displaying talent, was by 
 far too imperfect to give him a place among eminent historical w r riters. 
 Hume alone had come near to the standard of excellence ; and, after en 
 during a doubtful struggle, in the course of which jiis spirits were well 
 nigh overpowered, had at length begun to enjoy the literary honours which 
 he had so painfully acquired. For a considerable time past he had been 
 occupied on the reigns of the Tudor race ; and, as this subject is insepa 
 rably connected with Scottish history, Dr. Robertson was alarmed lest he 
 himself should sustain injury from the volumes of his friend being pub 
 lished simultaneously with his own. The new candidate for fame endea 
 voured to induce Hume to proceed with some other portion of his narra 
 tive ; and, having failed in this, he appears to have been desirous that he 
 should at least be allowed to be the hrst to claim the notice of the public. 
 
xiv THE LIFE OF 
 
 " I am (says Hume in a letter to him) nearly printed out, and shall be surar 
 to send you a copy by the stage coach, or some other conveyance. I beg 
 of you to make remarks as you go along. It would have been much bet 
 ter had we communicated before printing, whica was always my desire, 
 and was most suitable to the friendship which always did, and I hope 
 always will subsist between us. I speak this chiefly on my own account. 
 For though I had the perusal of your sheets before I printed, I was not 
 able to derive sufficient benefits from them, or indeed to make any altera 
 tion by their assistance. There still remain, I fear, many errors, of which 
 you could have convinced me if we had canvassed the matter in conversa 
 tion. Perhaps I might also have been sometimes no less fortunate with 
 you." He adds, " Millar was proposing to publish me about March; 
 but I shall communicate to him your desire, even though I think it entirely 
 groundless, as you will likewise think after you have read my volume. 
 He has very needlessly delayed your publication till the first week ot 
 February, at the desire of the Edinburgh booksellers, who could no way 
 be affected by a publication in London. I was exceedingly sorry not to 
 be able to comply with your desire, when you expressed your wish that 1 
 should not write this period. I could not write downward. For when 
 you find occasion, by new discoveries, to correct your opinion with regard 
 to facts which passed in queen Elizabeth's days ; who, that has not the best 
 opportunities of informing himself, could venture to relate any recent 
 transactions ? I must therefore have abandoned altogether this scheme of 
 the English History, in which I had proceeded so far, if I had not acted as 
 I did. You will see what light and force this history of the Tudors be 
 stows on that of the Stewarts. Had I been prudent I should have begun 
 with it." 
 
 The alarm which Dr. Robertson conceived from the rivalship of his 
 friend was, however, groundless. His success was not, like that of Hume, 
 the slow growth of years. It was complete and immediate. So rapid 
 was the sale of the book, that, before a month had elapsed, his publisher 
 informed him that it was necessary to set about preparing for a second edi 
 tion. It was read and admired by a part of the royal family j and plau- 
 sive and gratulatory letters were showered on him from all quarters. 
 Warburton, Horace Walpole, Lord Mansfield, Lord Lyttelton, Dr. Doug 
 las, Hurd, and many other men of eminence, all concurred in swelling the 
 chorus of praise. Among the foremost to blazon his merits was his ami 
 cable rival, Hume, whose letters bear repeated testimony to the warmth of 
 his friendship, and his noble freedom from the base dominion of envy. 
 "I am diverting myself," says he, "with the notion of how much you 
 will profit by the applause of my enemies in Scotland. Had you and I 
 been such fools as to have given way to jealousy, to have entertained ani 
 mosity and malignity against each other, and to have rent all our acquaint 
 ance into parties, what a noble amusement we should have exhibited to 
 the blockheads, which now they are likely to be disappointed of! All the 
 people whose friendship or judgment either of us value are friends to both, 
 and will be pleased with the success of both, as we will be with that of 
 each other. I declare to you I have not of a long time had a more sensi 
 ble pleasure than the good reception of your History has given me within 
 tnis fortnight." In another place, with a sportiveness not unusual in his 
 correspondence, he exclaims, " But though I have given this character of 
 your work to Monsieur Helvetius, I warn you that this is the last time 
 that, either to Frenchman or Englishman, I shall ever speak the least good 
 of it. A plague take you ! Here I sat near the historical summit of rar- 
 nassus, immediately under Dr. Smollet ; and you have the impudence to 
 squeeze yourself by me, and place yourself directly under his feet. Do 
 you imagine that this can be agreeable to me ! And must not I be guilty of 
 great simplicity to contribute my endeavours to your thrusting me out of 
 
DR. ROBERTSON. xv 
 
 Hiy place in Paris as well as at London ? But I give you warning that you 
 will find the matter somewhat difficult, at least in the former city. A 
 friend of mine, who is there, writes home to his father the strangest ac 
 counts on that head ; which my modesty will not permit me to repeat, but 
 which it allowed me very deliciously to swallow." 
 
 The hold which the History of Scotland thus suddenly acquired on the 
 public mind it yet retains. Fourteen editions were published during the 
 life-time of the author, and the editions since his decease have been still 
 more numerous. It has undoubtedly established itself , as a classical Eng 
 lish production. For a while, indeed, the voice of criticism was mute ; 
 and the historian had only to enjoy the luxury of his triumph. But, at 
 length, some of his opinions, particularly his belief of the guilt of Mary 
 found opponents in the candid and well informed Tytler, the learned,^ 
 acute, and eloquent Stuart, and the dogmatical Whitaker ; the latter of 
 whom, though master of talents, erudition, and forcible reasoning, almost 
 rendered truth itself repulsive by the petulance and overbearingness of 
 his manner, and the ruggedness 01 his style. Of his antagonists, however, 
 the historian took not the slightest public notice, contenting himself with 
 the silent correction of such passages in his work as his matured .judgment 
 had decided to be erroneous. In a letter to Gibbon he laconically notices 
 Whitaker. " You will see," says he, " that I have got in Mr. Whitaker an 
 adversary so bigoted and zealous, that though I have denied no article of 
 faith, and am at least as orthodox as himself, yet he rails against me with all 
 the asperity of theological hatred. I shall adhere to my fixed maxim of 
 making no reply." 
 
 It was not merely a harvest of unproductive fame that was reaped by 
 Dr. Robertson. He was no sooner known to the world than preferment 
 was rapidly bestowed on him. In the autumn of 1758, while his work 
 was in the hands of the printer, he was translated from.Gladsmuir to one 
 of the churches of the Scottish metropolis. I believe the church to which 
 he was removed to have oeen that of the Old Gray Friars, in which, some 
 
 S;ars afterwards, his friend Dr. Erskine became his coadjutor. On the 
 istory issuing from the press, he was appointed chaplain of Stirling Cas 
 tle, and, in 1761, one of his Majesty's chaplains in ordinary for Scotland. 
 The dignity of Principal of the College of Edinburgh was conferred on 
 him in 1762 ; and, two years subsequently to this, the office of Historio 
 grapher for Scotland, which, since the death of Crawfurd, in 1726, had 
 been disused, was revived in his favour, with an annual stipend of two 
 hundred pounds. 
 
 By the remuneration which he had received for his history, and the 
 salaries which arose from his various appointments, Dr. Robertson was 
 now in possession of an income far greater than had ever before been pos 
 sessed by any Scotch presbyterian minister, and certainly not falling short 
 of that which had been enjoyed by some bishops at the period when the 
 church of Scotland was under episcopal government. A few of his indis 
 creet friends seem, however, to have thought that his talents were not ade 
 quately rewarded, and even that the clerical profession in the northern 
 part of our island did not afford for them a sphere of action sufficiently ex 
 tensive. The church of England held forth richer prospects to ambition 
 and to mental endowments ; and they were of opinion that, by transferring 
 his services to that church, he might obtain a share in its highest dignities 
 and emoluments. To this scheme allusions may be found in the Tetters 
 which, about this time, were addressed to him by Dr. John Blair, Sir Gil 
 bert Elliot, and Mr. Hume. But Dr. Robertson had a larger share of 
 foresight and prudence than his advisers, and he rejected their dangerous 
 though well intended counsel. It is, perhaps, more than doubtful whether, 
 nad it been executed, their plan would have produced the desired effect. 
 This kind of transplanting has often been tried, but seldom, if ever, with 
 
xvi THE LIFE OF 
 
 any degree of success. The plant, vigorous on its native bed, languished 
 and is dwarfed on an alien soil. Dr. Robertson had now reached the ma 
 ture age of forty-one ; his opinions, his habits, his connexions, had all been 
 formed with a reference to the circle in which he moved, and it was not 
 probable that they,could be suddenly bent with advantage in an opposite 
 direction. In Scotland he had no competitors who could rise to a level 
 with him ; in England he would, perhaps, have had many ; and he may 
 be supposed to have thought with Caesar, that it is better to be the first 
 man in a village than the| second at Rome. Nor was there any room in 
 England for the exercise of that kind of eloquence in which he particularly 
 excelled ; the eloquence which is manifested in debate. By the force of 
 his oratory he left far behind all his rivals and opponents, and wielded at 
 will the general assembly of the Scottish church ; but, since the convoca 
 tion was shorn of its controversial and declamatory glories, since it was 
 smitten with an incapacity of embarrassing the government, fostering theo 
 logical rancour, and displaying the unseemly spectacle of Christian divines 
 arrayed in worse than barbarian hostility to each other, there has not in 
 this country existed any deliberative clerical body in which Dr. Robert 
 son could have exerted those argumentative and rhetorical powers that, 
 among his fellow ministers, obtained for him so entire an ascendancy. His 
 preferment might also have stopped short of the point which his sanguine 
 friends expected it to attain ; and, whatever its degree, it would in allpro- 
 bability have been looked on with a jealous eye by many of his brethren 
 on the south of the Tweed. There was, besides, another and still more 
 powerful reason that must have influenced his decision. He had for nearly 
 twenty years been a leading minister of the presbvterian establishment ; 
 and his now quitting it to enter into a prelatical church, which, as being 
 deemed a scion from the hated stock of Rome, was still held in abomina 
 tion by many of his countrymen, could scarcely have failed to be considered 
 as an interested and base sacrifice of his principles and his character at the 
 shrine of lucre and ambition. To be branded as a deserter by the zealots 
 of the one institution, and by the envious of the other, was not a favourable 
 auspice under which to commence his new career ; and he therefore acted 
 wisely, as well as honourably, in remaining a member of the Scottish 
 church. 
 
 Having resolved to remain in Scotland, and to rely chiefly on his pen for 
 the advancement of his fortune, Dr. Robertson had now to choose another 
 iheme on which his talents could be profitably employed. To the com 
 position of history, in which he had met with such stimulating success, he 
 wisely determined to adhere. It was, indeed, in that department that he 
 was peculiarly qualified to excel, by his power of vivid description, and 
 his happy delineation of character. His friends were consulted on this 
 occasion ; each had some favourite plan to suggest to him ; and he seems 
 to have been absolutely e,mbarrassed by the affluence of subjects, many 
 of which were worthy of his best exertions to illustrate and adorn them. 
 if a ludicrous simile may be allowed, we may say that he found it no less 
 difficult to fix his choice, than it was for Mr. Shandy to decide to what pur 
 pose he should apply the legacy which was left to him by his sister Dinah. 
 Dr. John Blair strenuously recommended to him to write a complete His 
 tory of England, and assured him that Lord Chesterfield had declared his 
 readiness to move, in the house of peers, for public encouragement to him, in 
 case of his undertaking a work which might with justice IDC considered as 
 being a national one. But from adopting this project, though it was one which 
 he had early cherished, Dr. Robertson was deterred by his honourable un 
 willingness to interfere with his friend Hume, who was now putting the 
 finishing hand to his great labour. Hume himself advised him to under 
 take a series of modern lives, in the manner of Plutarch. "You see," 
 said he, " that in Plutarch the life of Caesar may be read in half an hour. 
 
DR. ROBERTSON. xvn 
 
 Were you to write the life of Henry the Fourth of France after that model, 
 you might pillage all the pretty stories in Sully, and speak more of his 
 mistresses than of his battles. In short, you might gather the flower of all 
 modern history in this manner. The remarkable popes, the kings of Swe 
 den, the great discoverers and conquerors of the New World, even the 
 eminent men of letters might furnish you with matter, and the quick des 
 patch of every different work would encourage you to begin a new one 
 If one volume were successful, you might compose another at your leisure, 
 and the field is inexhaustible. There ^are persons whom you might meet 
 with in the corners of history, so to speak, who would be a subject ot en 
 tertainment quite unexpected ; and as long as you live, you might give and 
 receive amusement by such a work." That so excellent an idea should 
 not have been acted upon must be regretted by every one who is a lovei 
 of literature. By Horace Walpole two subjects, of no trivial interest, 
 were pointed out. These were the History of Learning, and the History 
 of the reigns of Nerva, Trajan, Adrian, and the two Antonines ; the latter 
 of which Walpole declared' that he should be tempted to denominate the 
 History of Humanity. Dr. R.obertson himself seems, at one time, to have 
 thought, though but transiently, of tracing the events which occurred in 
 the age of Leo the Tenth. There is no reason to lament that he did not 
 undertake this task, which was once meditated on by Warton, and has 
 since been performed by a writer whom nature has largely gifted, and who 
 possesses a profound knowledge of the records, arts, and language of Italy, 
 out the two plans which had the ascendancy in his mind, and between 
 which he long hesitated, were the History of Greece, and the History of 
 Charles the Fifth. At length, notwithstanding the objections which were 
 urged by Hume and Horace Walpole, he made choice of the reign of 
 Charles as the subject of his second attempt. 
 
 When he had for about a year been engaged, partly in those preliminary 
 researches which are necessary to give value to a work like that on which 
 he was occupied, and partly in composition, his progress was suddenly 
 suspended, by the intervention of a personage of such elevated rank as to 
 render it almost impossible for him to decline a compliance with that 
 which was required from him. It has been seen, that he was early desirous 
 to be the historian of his native island, and that friendship alone prevented 
 him from being so. He was now informed that the wishes of the British 
 sovereign were in unison with his own. In the latter part of July, 1761, 
 he was written to on this head by lord Cathcart. " Lord Bute told me the 
 king's thoughts as well as his own," said lord Cathcart, " with respect to 
 your History of Scotland, and a wish his majesty had expressed to see a 
 History of England by your pen. His lordship assured me, every source 
 of information which government can command would be open to you , 
 and that great, laborious, and extensive as the work must be, he would 
 take care your encouragement should be proportioned to it. He seemed 
 to be aware of some objections you once had, founded on the apprehen 
 sion of clashing or interfering with Mr. David Hume, who is your friend : 
 but as your performance and his will be upon plans so different from each 
 other, and as his will, in point of time, have so much the start of yours, 
 these objections did not seem to him such as, upon reflection, were likely 
 to continue to have much weight with you. t must add, that though 1 
 did not think it right to inquire into lord Bute's intentions before I knew a 
 little of your mind, it appeared to me plain, that they were higher than 
 any views which can open to you in Scotland, and which, I believe, he 
 would think inconsistent with the attention the other subject would neces 
 sarily require." 
 
 A proposition thus powerfully enforced it would, under any circum 
 stances, have been difficult for Dr. Robertson to reject. But, in fact, the 
 reasons which formerly influenced his conduct had ceased to exist. Hume 
 
 VOL. I. C 
 
xviii THE LIFE OF 
 
 had now completed his history, it was before the public, and its fate 
 be irrevocably decided before a line of the rival narrative could be com 
 mitted to paper. Dr. Robertson was convinced of this, and therefore he 
 did not hesitate to embrace the opportunity which was offered to him. 
 ' After the first publication of the History of Scotland, and the favourable 
 reception it met with," said he in his answer to lord Cathcart, " I had both 
 very tempting offers from booksellers, and very confident assurances of 
 public encouragement, if I would undertake the History of England 
 Hut as Mr. Hume, with whom, notwithstanding the contrariety of our sen 
 timents both in religion and politics, I live in great friendship, was at that 
 time in the middle of the subject, no consideration of interest or reputation 
 would induce me to break in upon a field of which he had taken prior pos 
 session ; and I determined that my interference with him should never be 
 any obstruction to the sale or success of his work. Nor do I yet repent of 
 my having resisted so many solicitations to alter this resolution. But the 
 case I now think is entirely changed. His History will have been pub 
 lished several years before any work of mine on the same subject can 
 appear; its first run will not be marred by any justling with me, and it 
 will have taken that station in the literary system which belongs to it. 
 This objection, therefore, which I thought, and still think, so weighty at 
 that time, makes no impression on me at present, and 1 can now justify my 
 undertaking the English History, to myself, to the world, and to him. 
 Besides, our manner of viewing the same subject is so different or peculiar, 
 that (as was the case in our last books) both may maintain their own rank., 
 have their own partisans, and possess their own merit, without hurting 
 each other." 
 
 To enable him to accomplish so arduous a labour, he considered it neces 
 sary, not only that he should be established in such a manner as would 
 divest him of all anxiety as to pecuniary concerns, but that he should like 
 wise have the power of devoting to stuay a larger portion of his time than 
 it was now possible for him to allot to that purpose. " Were T to carve 
 put my own fortune," said he, " I should wish to continue one of his ma 
 jesty's chaplains for Scotland, but to resign my charge as a minister of 
 Edinburgh, which engrosses more of my time than one who is a stranger to 
 the many minute duties of that office can well imagine. I would wish to 
 apply my whole time to literary pursuits, which is at present parcelled out 
 among innumerable occupations. In order to enable me to make this resig 
 nation some appointment must be assigned me for life. What that should 
 be, it neither becomes me, nor do 1 pretend to say. One thing, however 
 I wish with some earnestness, that the thing might be executed soon, both 
 as it will give me great vigour in my studies to have my future fortune 
 ascertained in so honourable a manner, and because, by allowing me to 
 apply myself wholly to my present work, it will enable me to finish it in 
 a less time, and to begin so much sooner to my new task." But though he 
 was desirous to obtain some appointment, in order that he might not be 
 " reduced entirely to the profession of an author," he at the same moment, 
 with becoming spirit, declared that he did not wish to derive any emolu 
 ment from it before he could commence the particular task for which the 
 appointment was to be given. The proposal that he should remove to 
 London, he was averse from complying with, though he did not put a 
 direct negative on it ; and he could not consent to begin the History of 
 Britain till he had completed that of Charles the Fifth. 
 
 This scheme, which seems to have been almost brought to maturity, 
 was, nevertheless, dropped ; but for what reason is unknown. Mr. Stewart 
 is disposed to believe that the failure of it may in part be attributed to the 
 resignation of lord Bute. It was certainly so much a favourite with Dr. 
 Robertson that he long cherished it, and abandoned it with reluctance 
 We may, perhaps, be allowed to smile, or to wonder, that a sovereign 
 
 3'-" I. ..JOT 
 
DR. ROBERTSON. xix 
 
 Should have selected a writer confessedly of Whig principles to compose 
 a History of England, in opposition to one produced by a friend of arbi 
 trary power ; and we may also be allowed to doubt* whether, as far as 
 regarded its sentiments, such a work, written by a Whig under the auspices 
 of a court, would have proved quite satisfactory either to the monarch or 
 to the people. There might, at least, have been some danger that it would 
 have justified the sarcasm which was uttered by Horace Walpqle, on ano 
 ther occasion " You must know, sir," said Dr. Robertson to nim, " that 
 I look upon myself as a moderate Whig.";' Yes, doctor," replied Wai- 
 pole, " I look on you as a very moderate Whig." 
 
 As soon as this negotiation was broken off, he bent all his exertions to 
 the task which he had commenced. The public curiosity was highly 
 excited, and it was long kept on the stretch before it was gratified. In 
 the summer of 1761, he stated that one third of the work was finished, and 
 that two years more would be required to bring the whole to perfection. 
 But there never yet was an author who did not deceive himself, and con 
 sequently deceive others, as to the period at which his labour would be 
 completed. The stupid, the thoughtless, and the malignant (and there are 
 many persons, not literary, though connected with literature, who belong 
 to these classes) consider as intended for the purpose of deception the 
 erroneous estimate which authors are thus apt to form. They either can 
 not or will not be taught that, in spite of Dr. Johnson's bola assertion to 
 the contrary, no man is at all hours capable of thinking deeply, or of 
 clothing his thoughts in an attractive dress ; that he who is dependent on his 
 reputation for existence ought not to be compelled to hazard it by crude 
 and slovenly efforts, the product of haste ; that he who draws up a narra 
 tive from widely scattered, numerous, and conflicting documents must 
 often, in painful research and in balancing evidence, spend more months 
 than he had calculated on spending weeks ; that the discovery of a single 
 paper, the existence of which was previously unknown^ may not only 
 throw a new light upon a subject, but give to it an entirely new colour, 
 and may compel a writer to modify, to arrange, and even to cancel, much 
 that he had supposed to have received his last touches ; and, therefore, 
 that the delay which, as being a proof of literary indolence, is so fre 
 quently and so unfeelingly an object of censure, ought rather in many cases 
 to be rewarded with praise, because it is a duty which an author con 
 scientiously, and at his own cost, performs to society and to truth. Impe 
 diments of this kind no doubt retarded the progress of Dr. Robertson ; to 
 which must be added his multifarious avocations, as principal of the uni 
 versity, a minister of one of the churches of the Scottish metropolis, and 
 an active member of the general assembly, in which body, as Mr. Stewart 
 informs us, faction was running high at that epoch. The transactions 
 relative to America he likewise found to be of too vast a magnitude, to 
 allow of their being compressed into an episode. He was under the neces 
 sity of reserving them for a separate history ; and this circumstance obliged 
 him in some degree to make a change in his original plan. It is, there 
 fore, not wonderful that the publication of his work was protracted six 
 years beyond the time which he had himself assigned for it. 
 
 At length, early in 1769, appeared, in three volumes quarto, the History 
 of Charles the Fifth. It had been perused, while in the press, by Hume, 
 and probably by other friends, and had gained the warmest praise. " I 
 got yesterday from Strahan," says Hume, in one of his letters, " about 
 thirty sheets of your History, to be sent over to Suard, and last night and 
 this morning have run them over with great avidity. I could not deny 
 myself the satisfaction (which I hope also will not displease you) of 
 expressing presently my extreme approbation of them. To say only they 
 are very well written, is by Tar too faint an expression, and much inferior 
 to the sentiments I feel : they are composed with nobleness, with dignity, 
 
xx THE LIFE OF 
 
 with elegance, and with judgment, to which there are few equals. They 
 even excel, and I think in a sensible degree, your History of Scotland. 1 
 propose to myself great pleasure in being the only man in England, during 
 some months, who will be in the situation of doing you justice, after which 
 you may certainly expect that my voice will be drowned in that of the 
 public.' 1 
 
 Hume's anticipation was prophetic. Soon after the work had come out, 
 he wrote to his friend, in the following unequivocal terms. " The success 
 has answered my expectations, and I, who converse with the great, the 
 fair, and the learned, have scarcely heard an opposite voice, or even whis 
 per, to the general sentiments. Unly I have heard that the Sanhedrim at 
 Mrs. Macaulay's condemns you as little less a friend to government and 
 monarchy than myself." Horace Walpole was almost equally laudatory , 
 lord Lyltelton testified his admiration ; and, as Hume had long before 
 done, recommended to the historian to write, in the manner of Plutarch, 
 the lives of eminent persons. Voltaire, also, paid a flattering tribute. " It 
 is to you and to Mr. Hume," said he, " that it belongs to write history 
 You are eloquent, learned, and impartial. I unite with Europe in esteem 
 ing you." Nor was the fame of the author confined to his native island. 
 Through the intervention of the baron D'Holbach, M. Suard was induced 
 to translate the work into French, while it was being printed in England, 
 and his masterly translation is said to have established his own literary 
 character, and to have been the means of his obtaining a seat in the French 
 academy. The remuneration which the author himself received was mag 
 nificent ; especially in an age when it was not customary to give a large 
 sum of money for the purchase of copyright. It is affirmed to have been no 
 less than four thousand five hundred pounds. 
 
 It is not to be imagined, however, that the History of Charles the Fifth 
 could entirely escape the severity of criticism, which appears to be the 
 common lot of all literary productions. By the Abbe Mably it was attacked 
 in rude and contemptuous language ; which, without having the power to 
 injure the work, was disgraceful to the person who descended to use it. 
 Gilbert Stuart likewise assailed it ; but with more skill than the French 
 critic, and with a vigour which was animated by personal resentment. 
 That his acuteness detected many inaccuracies, it would be absurd to dis 
 pute ; but no one can doubt that he pushed his censure farther than was 
 consonant with justice, when he characterized Dr. Robertson as an author 
 " whose total abstinence from all ideas and inventions of his own permitted 
 nim to carry an undivided attention to other men's thoughts and specula 
 tions." Walpole, too, in later life, asserted that the reading of Dr. Robert 
 son was not extensive, that the Introduction to the History of Charles 
 abounds with gross errors, and that in many instances he has mistaken 
 exceptions for rules. The work^however, still maintains its station ; and, 
 even admitting all that truth or ingenious prejudice can urge against it, 
 who is there who will now have the boldness to deny that it forms a splen 
 did addition to our historical treasures ? 
 
 After having completed this arduous undertaking, Dr. Robertson allowed 
 himself some respite from literary toil ; a respite which, in fact, was neces 
 sary for the preservation of his health. His mind was, however, too active 
 to remain long unoccupied, and he hastened to resume the pen. As a se 
 quel to the history of Charles, he had promised to give to the public a nar 
 rative of the Spanish discoveries, conquests, and proceedings in America. 
 This plan he soon resolved to enlarge, so as to include in it the transactions 
 of all the European colonizers of the American continent. To the origin 
 and progress of the British empire in that quarter, it was originally his in 
 tention to devote an entire volume. Than the History of the New World 
 it was impossible for him to have chosen a subject more fertile, more 
 attractive, or better calculated for the display of his peculiar talents 
 
DR. ROBERTSON. xxi 
 
 There was " ample room and verge enough" for eloquence to expatiate 
 In. The rapidly succeeding events which he was to describe were 
 scarcely less marvellous than those of an oriental fiction ; one of his heroes, 
 ihe dauntless explorer of unknown oceans, will always excite the wonder, 
 admiration, and pity of mankind ; others, though villains, were at least 
 villains of no common powers ; and the characters, the customs, the man 
 ners, the scenery, every thing in short that was connected with the work, 
 possessed throughout the charm of novelty, and, in many instances, that of 
 the most picturesque and forcible contrast. 
 
 To the first part of his subject, that which relates to the discovery of the 
 New World, and the conquests and policy of the Spaniards, eight years 
 of studious toil were devoted by Dr. Robertson. At length, in the spring 
 of 1777, he put forth, in two quartos, the result of his labours. The pub 
 lic again received him with enthusiasm, and his literary friends again 
 pressed forward to congratulate and to praise him. " Hume was no longer 
 in existence ; but his place was supplied by Gibbon, who testified his entire 
 approbation of the volumes even before he had wholly perused them. 
 " I have seen enough," said he, " to convince me that the present publica 
 tion will support, and, if possible, extend the fame of the author ; that the 
 materials are collected with care, and arranged with skill ; that the pro 
 gress of discovery is displayed with learning and perspicuity ; that the 
 dangers, the achievements, and the views of the Spanish adventurers, are 
 related with a temperate spirit ; and that the most original, perhaps the 
 most curious portion of human manners, is at length rescued from the 
 hands of sophists and declaimers." 
 
 But, perhaps, of all the applause which was bestowed on Dr. Robert 
 son, none was more gratifying than that which was given by Burke ; a 
 man eminent at once as a writer, an orator, and a statesman. " I am per 
 fectly sensible," says he, " of the very flattering distinction I have received 
 in your thinking me worthy of so noble a present as that of }'our History 
 of America. I have, however, suffered my gratitude to lie under some 
 suspicion, by delaying my acknowledgment of so great a favour. But my 
 delay was only to render my obligation to you more complete, and my 
 thanks, if possible, more merited. The close of the session brought a 
 great deal of very troublesome though not important business on me at 
 once. I could not go through your work at one breath at that time, though 
 I have done it since. I am now enabled to thank you, not only for the 
 honour you have done me, but for the great satisfaction, and the infinite 
 variety and compass of instruction, I have received from your incomparable 
 work. Every thing has been done which was so naturally to be expected 
 from the author of the History of Scotland, and of the Age of Charles the 
 Fifth. I believe few books have done more than this, towards clearing up 
 lark points, correcting errors, and removing prejudices. You have too 
 he rare secret of rekindling an interest on subjects that had so often been 
 Created, and in which every thing which could feed a vital flame appeared 
 I > have been consumed. I am sure I read many parts of your History 
 with that fresh concern and anxiety which attend those who are not pre 
 viously apprized of the event. You have, besides, thrown quite a new 
 light on the present state of the Spanish provinces, and furnished both ma 
 terials and hints for a rational theory of what may be expected from them 
 in future 
 
 " The part which I read with the greatest pleasure is the discussion on 
 the manners and character of the inhabitants of the New World. 1 have 
 always thought with you, that we possess at this time very great advan 
 tages towards the knowledge of human nature. We need no longer go to 
 history to trace it in all its ages and periods. History, from its compara 
 tive youth, is but a poor instructer. When the Egyptians called the Greeks 
 children in antiquities, we may well call them children ; and so we may 
 
xxH THE LIFE OF 
 
 call all those nations which were able to trace the progress of society only 
 within their own limits. But now the great map of mankind is unrolled 
 at once, and there is no state or gradation of barbarism, and no mode oi 
 refinement, which we have not at the same moment under our view ; the 
 very different civility^pf Europe and of China ; the barbarism of Persia 
 and of Abyssinia; me erratic manners of Tartary and of Arabia ; the 
 savage state of North America and New Zealand. Indeed you have made 
 a noble use of the advantages you have had. You have employed philo 
 sophy to judge on manners, and from manners you have drawn new re 
 sources for philosophy. I only think that in one or two points you have 
 hardly done justice to the savage character." 
 
 The honours which were paid to him by foreigners were equally grati 
 fying. The Royal Academy of History at Madrid unanimously elected 
 him a member on the eighth of August, in 1777, " in testimony of their 
 approbation of the industry and care with which he had applied to the 
 study of Spanish History, and as a recompense for his merit in having con 
 tributed so much to illustrate and spread the knowledge of it in foreign 
 countries." It likewise appointed one of its members to translate the His 
 tory of America into the Spanish language, and considerable progress is 
 believed to have been made in the translation. But the latter measure 
 excited alarm in an absurd and decrepit government, which sought for 
 safety in concealment rather than in a bold and liberal policy, and, like 
 the silly bird, imagined that by hiding its own head it could escape from 
 the view of its pursuers. The translation was, therefore, officially ordered 
 to be suppressed, with the vain hope of keeping the world still in the 
 dark, with respect to the nature of the Spanish American commerce, and 
 of the system of colonial administration. 
 
 It was not from Spain alone that he received testimonies of respect. In 
 1781, the Academy of Sciences at Padua elected him one of its foreign 
 members ; and, in 1783, the same compliment was paid to him by the Im 
 perial Academy of Sciences at St. Petersburgh. The empress Catharine 
 also, who, numerous as were her faults, was a woman of a strong and en 
 lightened intellect, also conferred on him a flattering distinction. She 
 ordered his friend, Dr. Rogerson, to transmit to him, as a mark of her 
 esteem, a gold snuff box, richly set with diamonds ; observing at the same 
 time, that a person whose labours had afforded her so much satisfaction 
 merited some attention from her. So much, indeed, was she delighted 
 with the works of the Scottish author, that she did not hesitate to assign to 
 him the place of first model in historical composition, to express much 
 admiration of the sagacity and discernment which he displayed in painting 
 the human mind and character, and to declare that the History of Charles 
 the Fifth was the constant companion of her journeys, and that she was 
 never tired of perusing it, particularly the introductory volume. 
 
 As soon as enthusiasm had subsided, criticism began its labours in search 
 of defects. It was objected to the author, that he had shown a disposition 
 to palliate or to veil the enormities of the Spaniards, in their American 
 conquests, and that he had shed an illusive lustre round the daring and 
 intelligent but sanguinary and unprincipled Cortes. Even Professor Stew 
 art, notwithstanding his honourable affection for the memory of his friend, 
 shrinks from vindicating him on this score, and contents himself with oppo 
 sing to the charge " those warm and enlightened sentiments of humanity 
 which in general animate his writings." Unwilling to censure severely, 
 and unable to exculpate, Bryan Edwards suggests, as an apology for Dr 
 Robertson, that this is one of the cases in which the mind, shrinking from 
 the contemplation of alleged horrors, wishes to resist conviction, and to re 
 lieve itself by incredulity. Dr. Gleig, however, the latest biographer of 
 the historian, indignantly rejects this apology as absurd ; and, more enter* 
 prising than his predecessors, partly labours to invalidate the accusation, 
 
DR. ROBERTSON. xxiii 
 
 fey lessening the sum of Spanish cruelties, and partly to render it of no 
 weight, by pleading that the writer probably considered the conquests of 
 Mexico and Peru as means employed by Providence to accomplish the no 
 blest and most beneficent purposes. That Dr. Robertson did really regard 
 those conquests in such a light we may easily believe ; since, in his ser 
 mon on the state of the world at the appearance of Christ, he manifests 
 similar sentiments with respect to the measureless and unslumbering ambi 
 tion of those universal robbers the Romans, whom he is pleased to style 
 " the noblest people that ever entered on the stage of the world." But 
 this defence is merely sophistical. Though we are not ignorant that a wise 
 and benignant Providence educes good from evil, it is not the business of 
 an historian to diminish the loathing which evil deeds ought to excite ; nor 
 does it appear that morality is likely to be much benefited, by teaching 
 tyrants and murderers to imagine that, while they are giving the rein to 
 their own furious and malignant passions, they are only performing their 
 destined tasks as instruments of the Deity. 
 
 This was by no means all that was urged against the History of Ame 
 rica. It is, in fact, not now attempted to be denied that, in many instances, 
 Dr. Robertson was led astray by his partiality to the brilliant but fallacious 
 theories of De Pauw and Buffon. Clavigero, in his History of Mexico, 
 detected and somewhat harshly animadverted on several errors, a part of 
 which were subsequently rectified. Bryan Edwards, too, pointed out some 
 contradictions, and some erroneous statements. But the most severe cen 
 sor is Mr. Southey, a man eminently well informed on ancient Spanish and 
 American events. In his History of Brazil, after having described the 
 mode of reckoning in use among the transatlantic tribes, he adds, " when 
 Pauw reasoned upon the ignorance of the Americans in numbers, did he 
 suppress this remarkable fact, or was he ignorant of it ? The same ques 
 tion is applicable to Dr. Robertson, who, on this, and on many other sub 
 jects, in what he calls his History of America, is guilty of such omissions, 
 and consequent misrepresentations, as to make it certain either that he had 
 not read some of the most important documents to which he refers, or that 
 he did not choose to notice the facts which he found there, because they 
 were not in conformity to his own preconceived opinions. A remarkable 
 example occurs respecting a circulating medium ; when he mentions cocoa- 
 nuts, which were used as money in Mexico, and says, ' this seems to be the 
 utmost length which the Americans had advanced towards the discovery 
 of any expedient for supplying the use of money.' Now, it is said by 
 Cortes himself, that when he was about to make cannon, he had copper 
 enough, but wanted tin ; and having bought up all the plates and pots, 
 which he could find among the soldiers, he began to inquire among the 
 natives. He then found, that in the province of Tachco, little pieces of 
 tin, like thin coin, were used for money, there and in other places. And 
 this led him to a discovery of the mines from whence it was taken. The 
 reputation of this author must rest upon his History of Scotland, if that can 
 supporLit. His other works are grievously deficient." 
 
 Such are the defects which are attributed to Dr. Robertson's History 
 On the other hand, it ought to be remembered, that many sources of know 
 ledge, which were then hidden, have since become accessible, that no 
 man is at all times exempted from the dominion of prejudice, that the most 
 cautious vigilance may sink into a momentary slumber, and that to him 
 who has achieved much, a tribute of gratitude is due, even though it may 
 be discovered that he has left something undone. Were the History of 
 the Spanish Conquests proved to be merely a fiction, it would nevertheless 
 continue to be read, such attraction is there in the general elegance of the 
 language, the skilful delineation of the characters, and the sustained inter 
 est and spirit of the narrative. 
 
 In the preface to this portion of his labours, he made known his intention 
 
xxiv THE LIFE OF 
 
 to resume the suWect at a future period ; and he assigned the ferment 
 which then agitated our North American colonies as a reason for suspend 
 ing, at present, the execution of that part of his plan which related to 
 British America. At the very beginning, in truth, of the contest with the 
 
 History was not finished before this event. How many pit 
 that I should have been entitled to form, are contradicted by what has 
 now happened." A fragment of this History, which, however, was care 
 fully corrected by him, and which he preserved when he committed his 
 manuscripts to the flames, was all that he subsequently wrote of the work ; 
 and this was published by his son to prevent it from falling into the hands 
 of an editor who might make alterations and additions, and obtrude the 
 whole on the public as the genuine composition of the author. 
 
 With respect to a separation between the mother country and the colo 
 nists, Dr. Robertson seems to have somewhat varied in his sentiments, and 
 to have contemplated the probability of such an event with much more 
 dislike in 1775 than he did in 1766. In the latter year, speaking of the 
 repeal of the stamp act, he said, " I rejoice, from my love of the human 
 species, that a million of men in America have some chance of running the 
 same great career which other free people have held before them. I do 
 not apprehend revolution or independence sooner than these must or should 
 come. A very little skill and attention in the art of governing may pre 
 serve the supremacy of Britain as long as it ought to be preserved." But, 
 in 1775, though he still acknowledged that the colonies must ultimately 
 become independent, he was anxious that their liberation should be 
 delayed till as distant a period as possible, and was clearly of opinion that 
 they had as yet no right to throw off their allegiance. Nor was he sparing 
 of his censure on the ministers for the want of policy and firmness, which 
 he considered them to have displayed at the commencement of the quar 
 rel. " I agree with you about the affairs of America," said he, in a letter, 
 which was written in the autumn of 1775, " incapacity, or want of informa 
 tion, has led the people employed there to deceive the ministry. Trust 
 ing to them, they have been trifling* for two years, when they should have 
 been serious, until they have rendered a very simple piece of business 
 extremely perplexed. They have permitted colonies, disjoined by nature 
 and situation, to consolidate into a regular systematical confederacy; and 
 when a few regiments stationed in each capital would have rendered it 
 impossible for them to take arms, they have suffered them quietly to levy 
 and train forces, as if they had not seen against whom they were prepared. 
 But now we are fairly committed, and I do think it fortunate that the vio 
 lence of the Americans has brought matters to a crisis too soon for them 
 selves. From the beginning of the contest I have always asserted that 
 independence was their object. The distinction between taxation and 
 regulation is mere folly. There is not an argument against our right of 
 taxation that does not conclude with tenfold force against our power of 
 regulating their trade. They may profess or disclaim what they please, 
 and hold the language that best suits their purpose ; but, if they have any 
 meaning, it must be that they should be free states, connected with us by 
 blood, by habit, and by religion, but at liberty to buy and sell and trade 
 where and with whom they please. This they will one day attain, but 
 not just now, if there be any degree of political wisdom or vigour remain 
 ing. At the same time one cannot but regret that prosperous growing 
 states should be checked in their career. As a lover of mankind, I bewail 
 it ; but as a subject of Great Britain, I must wish that their dependence 
 on it should continue. If the wisdom of government can terminate the 
 contest with honour instantly, that would be the most desirable issue. 
 This, however, I take to be now impossible ; and I will venture to fore- 
 
DR. ROBERTSON. xxv 
 
 tell, that if our leaders do not at once exert the power of the British em 
 pire in its full force, the struggle will be long, dubious, and disgraceful 
 We are past the hour of lenitives and half exertions. If the contest be 
 protracted, the smallest interruption of the tranquillity that reigns in 
 Europe, or even the appearance of it, may be fatal." 
 
 It must be owned, that language like this goes very far towards justify 
 ing the sarcasm of Horace Walpole, that the reverend historian was " a 
 very moderate Whig." Perhaps, also, his belief that, at the outset, a few 
 regiments in each capital would have sufficed to trample down the resist 
 ance of the Americans, may now appear difficult to be reconciled with a 
 knowledge of military affairs, or of human nature. Yet we must, at the 
 same time, remember that this erroneous idea was held by him in com 
 mon with manv other men of intellect, and that it was even brought for 
 ward in the British senate as an undeniable truth. 
 
 Though the American war precluded Dr. Robertson from bringing to a 
 close his history of the British settlements, it is not easy to discover why 
 he could not continue it to a certain point ; or why, at least, he could not 
 proceed with that part of his narrative which related to the colonization of 
 Brazil, and the violent struggles between the Dutch and the Portuguese in 
 that country an extensive subject, and worthy of his pen, as it would have 
 afforded him abundant opportunities for the display of his delineative 
 talents. Our curiosity on this head is not satisfied by the reason which, 
 as we have recently seen, he himself gave, in his preface and in his letter 
 to Mr. Strahan. That reason, however, he repeated in a correspondence 
 with his friend Mr. Waddilove, and it is now in vain to seek for a better. 
 It is certain that a wish to retire from literary toil was not his motive ; for, 
 at the same moment that he postponed his History of America, he declared 
 that it was " neither his inclination nor his interest to remain altogether 
 idle." As a proof of his sincerity, he projected a History of Great Bri 
 tain, from the revolution to the accession of the House of Hanover, and 
 even began to collect the necessary documents. Notwithstanding this 
 seems to have been, for a while, a favourite scheme, it was speedily relin 
 quished ; a circumstance which may justly be regretted. Hume then sug 
 gested the History of the Protestants in France. " The events," said he, 
 " are important in themselves, and intimately connected with the great 
 revolutions of Europe : some of the boldest or most amiable characters of 
 modern times, the admiral Coligny, Henry IV., &c. would be your peculiar 
 heroes ; the materials are copious, and authentic, and accessible ; and the 
 objects appear to stand at that just distance which excites curiosity with 
 out inspiring passion." 
 
 The hint given by Hume was, however, not adopted. About the year 
 1779 or 1780, Dr. Robertson seems, indeed, to have seriously resolved to 
 write no more for the public, but to pursue his studies at leisure, and for 
 his own amusement. " His circumstances," says professor Stewart, " were 
 independent : he was approaching to the age of sixty, with a constitution 
 considerably impaired by a sedentary life ; and a long application to the 
 compositions he had prepared for the press had interfered with much of 
 the gratification he might have enjoyed, if he had been at liberty to follow 
 the impulse of his own taste and curiosity. Such a sacrifice must be more 
 or less made by all who devote themselves to letters, whether with a view 
 to emolument or to fame ; nor would it perhaps be easy to make it, were 
 it not for the prospect (seldom, alas! realized) of earning by their exer 
 tions, that learned and honourable leisure which he was so fortunate as to 
 attain." 
 
 We must 'now contemplate Dr. Robertson in another point of view that 
 
 of his ecclesiastical and academical character ; in which, no less than in 
 
 his literary capacity, he occupied a prominent station. The eminence, 
 
 however, which he had not attained without difficulty, he did not hold 
 
 VOL. I. D 2 
 
xxvi THE LIFE OF 
 
 entirely without danger. In one instance he was near falling a vict'im to hi3 
 spirit of liberality. In 1778, the British legislature relieved the English 
 Roman catholics from some of the severest of the barbarous penalties to 
 which they had been subjected nearly a century before. Encouraged by 
 this event, the Scottish catholics determined to petition parliament to extend 
 the benefit to themselves. To this measure Dr. Robertson was friendly, 
 and he successfully exerted his influence, and that of his partisans, to pro 
 cure the rejection of a remonstrance against it, which was brought forward 
 in the general assembly. But on this occasion, as, unhappily, on too many 
 others, bigotry and ignorance triumphed over sound policy and Christian 
 charity. The trumpet of fanaticism vvas immediately sounded, and men 
 of the most opposite principles and interests hurried to obey the call. 
 Presbyterians, seceders, and even episcopalians, the latter of whom were 
 themselves under the lash of penal statutes, all combined in the crusade 
 against papistry. Pamphlets and speeches were lavished, to prove that 
 the constitution in church and state must inevitably perish, if an iota of 
 relief were granted to the faithless members of an idolatrous and sanguinary 
 church. The Roman catholics were so terrified at the fury that was thus 
 aroused, that the principal gentlemen among them informed the ministry 
 that they would desist from appealing to parliament ; and they endeavoured 
 to calm the popular tempest, by publishing in the daily papers an account 
 of their proceedings. But the enlightened mob of Edinburgh had sagely 
 resolved that the catholics should not even dare to wish for the slightest 
 participation in the privileges of British subjects, without being punished 
 for their temerity. Accordingly, on the 2d of February, 1779, multitudes 
 of the lowest classes, headed by disguised leaders, assembled in the Scottish 
 capital, burnt the house of the popish bishop and two chapels : and, in 
 their even-handed justice, were on the point of committing to the flames 
 an episcopal chapel, when they were propitiated, by being told that an 
 episcopal clergyman was the author of one of the ablest tracts which had 
 been published against popery. As, however, they could not consent to 
 remit their vengeance, but only to change its object, they turned their 
 wrath upon those who had expressed opinions favourable to the claims of 
 the catholics. Dr. Robertson was marked out as one of the most guilty, 
 and nothing less than the destruction of his property and life was considered 
 as sufficient to atone for his crime. Fortunately his friends had provided 
 for his safety, and, when the self-appointed champions of religion reached 
 his house, it was found to be defended by a military force, which they had 
 not enough of courage to look in the face. As they had come only to 
 destroy and to murder, they, of course, retreated, when they discovered 
 that, to accomplish their purpose, it would also be necessary to fight. Dr. 
 Robertson is said to have manifested great firmness and tranquillity during 
 this trying scene. 
 
 In selecting Dr. Robertson as the person most worthy of suffering by 
 their summary process of punishment without trial, the mob of Edinburgh 
 acted with a more than mobbish share of injustice. Though desirous that 
 the catholics should be released from their thraldom, he was not disposed 
 to put any thing to the hazard for the furtherance of that object, and had 
 already withdrawn his patronage from such obnoxious clients. He was 
 not one of those who, as Goldsmith says of Burke, are " too fond of the 
 right to pursue the expedient." With him prudence was a governing 
 principle. When, therefore, he saw that his countrymen were adverse 
 to the measure, he advised the ministry to forbear from lending their coun 
 tenance to it. In an eloquent speech, delivered in the general assembly, 
 he afterwards explained and vindicated the view which he originally took 
 of the subject, and the manner in which he finally acted. The perusal of 
 that which he urged, on the latter point, will not merely show what were 
 his motives in this instance, but also afford some insight into his general 
 
DR. ROBERTSON. xxvii 
 
 character. How far his system of policy is consonant with dignity or 
 wisdom, which, indeed, are inseparable, I shall not stop to inquire. It 
 might, perhaps, not improperly, be objected to him, that he mistakes the 
 voice of a blind infuriated multitude for the voice of the people ; though 
 it is impossible for any two things to be more different in their nature. It 
 might be asked, too, why the fanatical prejudices of a Scottish mob were 
 to be treated with more respect than the complaints of the American 
 colonists ; why the one were to be indulged or complied with, while the 
 other were to be silenced by "a few regiments stationed in each capital ?" 
 *' As soon," says he, " as I perceived the extent and violence of the flame 
 which the discussion of this subject had kindled in Scotland, my ideas 
 concerning the expedience at this juncture of the measure in question, began 
 to alter. For although I did think, and I do still believe, that if the pro- 
 testants in this country had acquiesced in the repeal as quietly as our 
 brethren in England and Ireland, a fatal blow would have been given to 
 popery in the British dominions ; I know, that in legislation, the sentiments 
 and dispositions of the people, for whom laws are made, should be attended 
 to with care. I remembered that one of the wisest men of antiquity de 
 clared, that he had framed for his fellow-citizens not the best laws, but 
 the best laws which they could bear. I recollected with reverence, that 
 the divine Legislator himself, accommodating his dispensations to the frailty 
 of his subjects, had given the Israelites for a season statutes -which were 
 not good. Even the prejudices of the people are, in my opinion, respectable ; 
 and an indulgent legislator ought not unnecessarily to run counter to them. 
 It appeared manifestly to be sound policy, in the present temper of the 
 people, to sooth rather than to irritate them ; and, however ill founded 
 their apprehensions might be, some concession was now requisite in order 
 to remove them." 
 
 This was, I believe, the last speech which he made in the General As 
 sembly. While he was yet in the vigour of his faculties, and in the exer- 
 .cise of undiminished influence in that assembly, he came to a resolution to 
 withdraw himself entirely from public business. It was in the year 1780, 
 about the time when he ceased to be an historian, and when he was only 
 fifty-nine, that he adopted this resolution. Several causes seem to have 
 concurred in producing his retirement. It has been supposed by some, 
 that he did not wish to remain on the scene till he was eclipsed by younger 
 rivals ; and it is known that he felt disgusted by the conduct of the violent 
 men of his own party, who, though he had yielded many points to them 
 against his better judgment, were nevertheless dissatisfied that he refused 
 to resort to stronger measures than he deemed to be either right or pru 
 dent, and who, in consequence, tormented him with letters of remonstrance 
 and reproach, which, as from their nature may easily be imagined, were 
 written in a petulant and acrimonious style. In addition, there was one 
 subject, which had long been a particular annoyance to him, and on which 
 he had been more pertinaciously urged and fretted than on every other. 
 This was a scheme for abolishing subscription to the Confession of Faith 
 and Formula. Into this scheme, which he had avowed his determination 
 to resist, whatever shape it might assume, many of his friends had zealously 
 entered, and his patience was severely tried by their " beseeching or be 
 sieging" him with respect to so important an object. By his cautious and 
 persuasive policy, he had for a considerable period prevented the contro 
 versy from being agitated in the assemblies ; but he was of opinion that it 
 would ultimately compel attention, and would give rise to vehement dis 
 putes ; and it was this circumstance, as he himself confessed, that " at 
 least confirmed his resolution to retire." 
 
 Having rendered triumphant a cause which, to say the least, had nume 
 rous enemies, it was hardly to be supposed that his character would not 
 be aspersed by many of those who were mortified to witness his success. 
 
xxvm THE LIFE OF 
 
 Accordingly, the charge of having deserted the genuine principles of the 
 Scottish church was often urged against him by some of his antagonists. 
 Others, who had more of the zealot in their composition, did not stop here. 
 These went so far as to accuse him of being indifferent to Christianity 
 itself ; and, in proof of this, they alleged his habits of intimacy with Hume, 
 and his correspondence with Gibbon. It is difficult to say whether this 
 stupid calumny ought to excite anger or contempt. 
 
 This, however, was the language of only malignant hearts, or little 
 minds. By the great majority, even of those who were in opposition to 
 him, full justice was done to his virtues, his talents, and the purity of his 
 motives. Among those who, believing patronage to be a nuisance, were 
 the most strenuous in contending with him, was Dr. Erskine, his college 
 mate, and colleague in the ministry. That venerable and learned person 
 always preserved for him a warm esteem, and, after the historian was no 
 more, paid to his memory an animated and affectionate tribute from the 
 pulpit. " His speeches in church courts," says Dr. Erskine, " were ad 
 mired by those whom they did not convince, and acquired and preserved 
 him an influence over a majority in them, which none before him enjoyed ; 
 though his measures were sometimes new, and warmly, and witn great 
 strength of argument, opposed, both from the press, and in the General 
 Assembly. To this influence many causes contributed : his firm adhe 
 rence to* the principles of church policy, which he early adopted ; his 
 sagacity in forming plans ; his steadiness in executing them ; his quick dis 
 cernment of whatever might hinder or promote his designs ; his boldness 
 in encountering difficulties ; his presence of mind in improving every occa 
 sional advantage ; the address with which, when he saw it necessary, he 
 could make an honourable retreat ; and his skill in stating a vote, and 
 seizing the favourable moment for ending a debate and urging a decision. 
 He guided and governed others, without seeming to assume any superiority 
 over them ; and fixed and strengthened his power, by often, in matters of 
 form and expediency, preferring the opinions of those with whom he acted. 
 to his own. In former times, hardly any rose up to speak in the General 
 Assembly, till called upon by the Moderator, unless men advanced in year?, 
 of high rank, or of established characters. His example and influence en 
 couraged young men of abilities to take their share of public business ; 
 and thus deprived Moderators of an engine for preventing causes being 
 fairly and impartially discussed. The power of others, who formerly had 
 in some measure guided ecclesiastical affairs, was derived from ministers 
 of state, and expired with their fall. He remained unhurt amidst frequent 
 changes of administration. Great men in office were always ready to 
 countenance him, to co-operate with him, and to avail themselves of his 
 aid. But he judged for himself, and scorned to be their slave, or to submit 
 to receive their instructions. Hence, his influence, not confined to men of 
 mercenary views, extended to many of a free and independent spirit, who 
 supported, because they approved, his measures ; which others, from the 
 same independent spirit, thought it their duty steadily to oppose. 
 
 " Deliberate in forming his judgment, but, when formed, not easily 
 moved to renounce it, he sometimes viewed the altered plans of others 
 with too suspicious an eye. Hence, there were able and worthy men, of 
 whom he expressed himself less favourably, and whose later appearances 
 in church judicatories he censured as inconsistent with principles they had 
 formerly professed : while they maintained, that the system of managing 
 church affairs was changed, not their opinions or conduct. Still, however, 
 keen and determined opposition to his schemes of ecclesiastical policy 
 neither extinguished his esteem nor forfeited his friendly offices, when he 
 saw opposition carried on without rancour, and when he believed that it 
 originated from conscience and principle, not from personal animosity, or 
 envy, or ambition." 
 
DR. ROBERTSON. xxix 
 
 Of his private character, Dr. Erskine adds, that " he enjoyed the boun 
 ties of Providence, without running into riot ; was temperate without aus 
 terity ; condescending and affable without meanness ; and in expense nei 
 ther sordid nor prodigal. He could feel in injury, and yet bridle his pas 
 sion ; was grave, not sullen ; steady, not obstinate 5 friendly, not officious ; 
 prudent and cautious, not timid." 
 
 Than the triumph which the principles of Dr. Robertson obtained in 
 the General Assembly nothing could be more complete ; and it was the 
 more flattering, inasmuch as it was consummated after he had ceased to 
 take a part in the debates. It had, from the year 1736, been the custom, 
 annually, for the Assembly to instruct the Commission, " to make due ap 
 plication to the king and parliament for redress of the grievance of patron 
 age, in case a favourable opportunity for doing so should occur." So cau 
 tious was the policy of Dr. Robertson, that, although he had entirely sub 
 verted the very groundwork on which this instruction was raised, he never 
 chose to move that it should be expunged. He knew that it was popular 
 with the great body of the people, and, therefore, he did not think it ex 
 pedient to risk the chance of dissension in the Assembly, by an unnecessary 
 and idle attack upon this shadow of a shade. In the year 1784, however, 
 it was omitted, without any struggle being made in its favour, and it has 
 never since been renewed. 
 
 Whether the system established by him has contributed to the harmony 
 and welfare of the Scottish church is a question which yet remains unde 
 cided. It is urged, by the friends of the system, that it has given peace 
 to the church ; that the General Assembly is no longer occupied with angry 
 appeals and tumultuous disputes ; that instead of there being, as formerly, 
 a necessity to call in a military force, to protect the presbytery in the act 
 of induction, ministers are now peaceably settled ; and that the worst that 
 ever happens is the secession of the discontented part of the parishioners, 
 and the consequent erection of a separate place of worship, which they 
 frequent only till their zeal cools, and then desert to rejoin the kirk. But, 
 on the other hand, it is contended, that the peace is rather in appearance 
 than in reality ; that, though the people have ceased to appeal to the As 
 sembly, their silence arises from disgust and weariness, and not from satis 
 faction ; that, grown too wise to enter into a protracted and fruitless con 
 test, they immediately set themselves to rear a seceding meeting house, 
 which often carries off a large proportion of the parishioners ; and that, by 
 this quiet but continual increase of seceding meetings, the influence of the 
 established church has been gradually weakened and contracted, a spirit of 
 disunion has been spread, and a heavy additional burden has been imposed 
 on property of every kind. 
 
 But, whatever doubt may_ exist on this point, there seems to be none 
 with respect to another. It is generally acknowledged that Dr. Robertson 
 conduced greatly to give a more dignified character to the proceedings of 
 the General Assembly, to introduce an impartial exercise of the judicial 
 authority of the church, and to diffuse the principles of tolerance among 
 men who had hitherto prided themselves on their utter contempt of them. 
 In such respect are his decisions held, that they still form a sort of com 
 mon law in the church ; and the time which elapsed between his being 
 chosen Principal of the University and his withdrawing from public life, 
 is distinguished by the name of JJr. Robertson's administration 
 
 It is in his capacity of Principal that he is next to be considered. In this 
 important office he displayed his wonted activity and talent. He began 
 the performance of his duties, as his predecessors had done, by delivering 
 annually a Latin discourse before the University. Of these orations, the 
 first, the object of which was to recommend the study of classical learn 
 ing, was delivered on the third of February, 1763. It is $aid, among nu 
 merous other splendid passages, to have contained a beautiful panegyric 
 
xxx THE LIFE OF 
 
 on the stoical philosophy. In the following year, his discourse "consisted 
 chiefly of moral and literary observations, adapted to the particular cir 
 cumstances of youth," and the style is affirmed to be " uncommonly elegant 
 and impressive, and possessed of all the distinguishing characteristics of 
 his English compositions." In 1765 and 1766, he chose for his theme the 
 comparative advantages of public and private education ; a subject which 
 he treated in a masterly manner. After 1766 these annual lectures ceased 
 his time being too fully occupied to allow of the continuance of them. 
 
 But, though his lectures were of necessity discontinued, he never remit 
 ted in his attention even to the minutest duties of his office. He appears, 
 indeed, to have felt a filial anxiety to omit nothing which could assist in 
 giving lustre to the University at which his own talents had been cultivated. 
 With very slender funds, he made large additions to the public library ; 
 he planned or reformed most of the literary and medical societies, which 
 have raised Edinburgh to such eminence as a seminary of learning, and a 
 focus of literature ; and he contrived to preserve an uninterrupted harmony 
 among the numerous members of the body which he superintended. 
 " The good sense, temper, and address," says professor Stewart, " with 
 which he presided for thirty years at our university meetings, were 
 attended with effects no less essential to our prosperity ; and are attested 
 by a fact which is perhaps without a parallel in the annals of any other 
 literary community, that during the whole of that period there did not 
 occur a single question which was not terminated by a unanimous 
 decision." 
 
 To his exertions Scotland is also chiefly indebted for its Royal Society, 
 which received its charter of incorporation in March, 1763. The basis of 
 this establishment was the Philosophical Society, the founder of which was 
 the celebrated Maclaurin. In his Zeal to give all possible lustre to the new 
 institution, by drawing together men of every species of merit, Dr. Ro 
 bertson seems, for once, to have acted with less than his usual liberality. 
 An antiquarian society, at the head of which was the ear] of Buchan, had, 
 two years before, been formed in the Scottish metropolis ; and this body 
 also was desirous to obtain the royal charter. The application which it 
 made to the crown was, however, eagerly opposed, in a " Memorial from 
 the principal and professors of the University of Edinburgh." This me^ 
 morial is signed by Dr. Robertson ; but it is so feeble in composition as 
 well as in reasoning, that it is difficult to believe it to have flowed from his 
 pen. Tho argument on which it wholly relies is, that " narrow countries" 
 cannot supply materials for more than one society ; that Scotland is such a 
 country ; and, there fore, that it "ought not to form its literary plans upon 
 the model of the more extensive kingdoms in Europe, but in imitation of 
 those which are more circumscribed." To this hostile proceeding the 
 antiquaries responded, in a long memorial, which was penned with much 
 acuteness, and was naturally expressive of some degree of resentment. 
 They were successful in the contest, and their charter was granted. 
 
 The labours of Dr. Robertson, as a writer, were closed by a work which 
 entered largely into antiquarian investigation, as connected with history 
 In 1791 he published a quarto volume, containing his "Historical Disqui 
 sition concerning the Knowledge which the Ancients had of India; and the 
 Progress of Trade with that Country prior to the Discovery of the Passage 
 to it by the Cape of Good Hope." An Appendix was dedicated to ob 
 servations on the civil policy, the laws and judicial proceedings, the arts, 
 the sciences, and the religious institutions of the Indians. This subject, which 
 occupied him twelve months, was suggested to him by the perusal of major 
 Rennell's Memoirs for illustrating his History of Hindostan, and was origi 
 nally taken up with no other object than his own amusement and instruction. 
 That it would become as popular as his other productions was, from its 
 nature, not to be expected, but it obtained an honourable share of public 
 
DR. ROBERTSON. xxxi 
 
 Approbation ; and, though it has since been partly superseded by more 
 elaborate inquiries, which, however, were grounded on more ample mate 
 rials, it will always retain a certain degree of value, and will be con 
 sidered as a proof of his industry, of his habits of research, and of the 
 solidity of his judgment. 
 
 The latter years of Dr. Robertson's existence were passed in the well 
 earned enjoyment of honourable leisure. But, though he ceased to write, 
 he did not cease to be studious. Till the end of his life he is said to have 
 risen early, and to have given up no part of his time to company before 
 the hour of dinner. What he was in the moments of social ease has been 
 so excellently described by professor Stewart, that his own words ought 
 to be used. "A rich stock of miscellaneous information, acquired from 
 books and from an extensive intercourse with the world, together with a 
 perfect acquaintance at all times with the topics of the day, and the 
 soundest sagacity and good sense applied to the occurrencss of common 
 life, rendered him the most instructive and agreeable of companions. He 
 seldom aimed at art; but, with his intimate friends, he often indulged a 
 sportive and fanciful species of humour. He delighted in good natured, 
 characteristical anecdotes of his acquaintance, and added powerfully to 
 their effect by his own enjoyment in relating them. He was, in a remark 
 able degree, susceptible of the ludicrous ; but on no occasion did he forget 
 the dignity of his character, or the decorum of his profession ; nor did he 
 ever lose sight of that classical taste which adorned his compositions. His 
 turn of expression was correct and pure ; sometimes, perhaps, inclining 
 more than is expected, in the carelessness of a social hour, to formal and 
 artificial periods ; but it was stamped with his own manner no less than his 
 premeditated style : it was always the language of a superior and a culti 
 vated mind, and. it embellished every subject on which he spoke. In the 
 company of strangers, he increased his exertions to amuse and to inform ; 
 and the splendid variety of his conversation was commonly the chief cir 
 cumstance on which they dwelt in enumerating his talents ; and yet, I 
 must acknowledge, for my own part, that much as I always admired his 
 powers when they were thus called forth, I enjoyed his society less than 
 when I saw him in the circle of his intimates, or in the bosom of his 
 family." 
 
 It is not one of the least amiable features of his character, that, though 
 he was not forward to volunteer his advice, yet, when he was consulted by 
 his young acquaintance, as Avas very often the case, " he entered into their 
 concerns with the most lively interest, and seemed to have a pleasure and 
 a pride in imparting to them all the lights of his experience and wisdom." 
 
 It was about the end of the year 1791 that the health of Dr. Robertson 
 began to manifest indications of decline. Strong symptoms of jaundice 
 next appeared, his constitution was sapped, and a lingering and fatal illness 
 ensued. His spirits, however, remained unbroken. Till within a few 
 months of his death, he persisted in officiating as a minister. When his 
 decay ing strength no longer allowed him to perform his clerical duties, he 
 retired to Grange House, in the neighbourhood of Edinburgh, that he might 
 have the advantage of more quiet, a pure air, and the sight of those rural 
 and picturesque objects in which he had ever delighted. "While he was 
 able to walk abroad," says Mr. Stewart, "he commonly passed a part of 
 the day in a small garden, enjoying the simple gratifications it afforded 
 with all his wonted relish. Some who now hear me will long remember, 
 among the trivial yet interesting incidents which marked these last weeks 
 of his memorable life, his daily visits to the fruit trees (which were then 
 in blossom), and the smile with which he, more than once, contrasted the 
 interest he took in their progress, with the event which was to happen 
 before their maturity." It was while he was thus lingering on the verge 
 of the grave, that he was visited by two gentlemen from New-York, who 
 
xxxti LIFE OF DR. ROBERTSON. 
 
 Were extremely anxious for an interview with him. He rallied all his 
 powers to entertain his guests, and to inspire in their minds a feeling of 
 kindness towards the parent land of the late colonists ; and, on their rising 
 to take leave, he said to them, in accents at once dignified and pathetic, 
 " When you go home, tell your countrymen that you saw the wreck of Dr. 
 Robertson." In less than two months that wreck disappeared in the ocean 
 of eternity. He expired, with the fortitude which became him, on the 
 llth of July, 1793, in the seventy-first year of his age, and the fiftieth of his 
 ministry. 
 
 So much has been written by others, respecting the literary merit of 
 Dr. Robertson, that on this point it is unnecessary, even would my con 
 fined limits permit me, to enter into a lengthened discussion. His style 
 has less of careless easy grace, but has more of equable dignity, than mat 
 of Hume ; it does not display the masterly modulation, but it has none of 
 the occasional obscurity and meretricious ornament, of that of Gibbon ; it 
 is well balanced, unstained by vulgarisms, more idiomatically English 
 than might be expected from a native of Scotland, and is defective, per 
 haps, only in being too uniformly of an elevated tone. In arranging and 
 linking together into one harmonious whole the scattered parts of his sub 
 ject, he is eminently happy ; and in delineating characters, manners, and 
 scenery, in making vividly present to the mind that which he describes, 
 he has few rivals, and no superiors. If all that has been urged against his 
 works be admitted, and some of it cannot be denied, it may nevertheless 
 safely be affirmed, that the balance heavily preponderates in his favour, 
 and that he will always continue to rank in the first class of modem 
 historians. " 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 IN fulfilling the engagement which I had come under to the Public with 
 respect to the History of America, it was my intention not to have pul> 
 lished any part of the Work until the whole was completed. The present 
 state of the British colonies has induced me to alter that resolution. While 
 they are engaged in civil war with Great Britain, inquiries and specula 
 tions concerning their ancient forms of policy and laws, which exist no 
 longer, cannot be interesting. The attention and expectation of mankind 
 are now turned towards their future condition. In whatever manner this 
 unhappy contest may terminate, a new order of things must arise in North 
 America, and its affairs will assume another aspect. I wait with the soli 
 citude of a good citizen, until the ferment subside, and regular government 
 be re-established, and then I shall return to this part of my work, in which 
 I had made some progress. That, together with the history of Portuguese 
 America, and of the settlements made by the several nations of Europe in 
 the West India Islands, will complete my plan. 
 
 The three volumes which I now publish contain an account of the dis^ 
 covery of the New World, and of the progress of the Spanish arms and 
 colonies there. This is not only the most splendid portion of the American 
 story, but so much detached, as by itself to form a perfect whole, remark 
 able for the unity of the subject. As the principles and maxims of the 
 Spaniards in planting colonies, which have been adopted in some measure 
 by every nation, are unfolded in this part of my work ; it will serve as a 
 proper introduction to the history of all the European establishments in 
 America, and convey such information concerning this important article of 
 policy, as may be deemed no less interesting than curious. 
 
 In describing the achievements and institutions of the Spaniards in the 
 New World, I have departed in many instances, from the accounts of pre 
 ceding historians, and have often related facts which seem to have been un 
 known to them. It is a duty I owe the Public to mention the sources from 
 which I have derived such intelligence which justifies me either in placing 
 transactions in a new light, or in forming any new opinion with respect to 
 their causes and effects. This duty I perform with greater satisfaction, as 
 it will afford an opportunity of expressing my gratitude to those benefactors 
 who have honoured me with their countenance and aid in my researches. 
 
 As it was from Spain that I had to expect the most important information, 
 with regard to this part of my work, I considered it as a very fortunate 
 circumstance for me, when Lord Grantham, to whom I had the honour of 
 being personally known, and with whose liberality of sentiment, and dis 
 position to oblige, I was well acquainted, was appointed ambassador to 
 the court of Madrid. Upon applying to him, I met with such a reception 
 as satisfied me that his endeavours would be employed in the most proper 
 manner, in order to obtain the gratification of my wishes ; and I am per 
 fectly sensible, that what progress I have made in my inquiries among the 
 Spaniards, ought to be ascribed chiefly to their knowing how much his 
 lordship interested himself in my success. 
 
 But did I owe nothing more to Lord Grantham than the advantages 
 which I have derived from his attention in engaging Mr. Waddilove, the 
 chaplain of his embassy, to take the conduct of my literary inquiries in 
 Spain, the obligations I lie under to him would be very great. During five 
 years that gentleman has carried on researches for my behoof, with such 
 activity, perseverance, and knowledge of the subject, to which his attention 
 was turned, as have filled me with no less astonishment than satisfaction. 
 He procured for me the greater part of the Spanish books which I have 
 consulted ; and as many of them were printed early in the sixteenth cen 
 tury, and are become extremely rare, the collecting of these was such an 
 
4 PREFACE. 
 
 occupation as alone required much time and assiduity. To his friendly 
 attention I am indebted for copies of several valuable manuscripts, con 
 taining facts and details which I might have searched for in vain in works 
 that have been made public. Encouraged by the inviting good will with 
 which Mr. Waddilove conferred his favours, I transmitted to him a set of 
 queries, with respect both to the customs and policy of the native Ameri 
 cans, and the nature of several institutions in the Spanish settlements, 
 framed in such a manner that a Spaniard might answer them without dis 
 closing any thing that was improper to be communicated to a foreigner. 
 He translated these into Spanish, and obtained from various persons who 
 had resided in most of the Spanish colonies, such replies as have afforded 
 me much instruction. 
 
 Notwithstanding those peculiar advantages with which my inquiries 
 were carried on in Spain, it is with regret I am obliged to add, that their 
 success must be ascribed to the beneficence of individuals, not to any 
 communication by public authority. By a singular arrangement of Philip 
 II. the records of the Spanish monarchy are deposited in the Archvvo of 
 Simancas, near Valladolid, at the distance of a hundred and twenty miles 
 from the seat of government and the supreme courts of justice. The 
 papers relative to America, and chiefly to that early period of its history 
 towards which my attention was directed, are so numerous, that they alone, 
 according to one account, fill the largest apartment in the Archive ; and, 
 according to another, they compose eight hundred and seventy-three large 
 bundles. Conscious of possessing, in some degree, the inaustry which 
 belongs to an historian, the prospect of such a treasure excited my most 
 ardent curiosity. But the prospect of it is all that I have enjoyed. Spain, 
 with an excess of caution, has uniformly thrown a veil over her transactions 
 in America. From strangers they are concealed with peculiar solicitude. 
 Even to her own subjects the Archive of Simancas is not opened without 
 a particular order from the crown ; and, after obtaining that, papers cannot 
 be copied without paying fees of office so exorbitant that the expense 
 exceeds what it would be proper to bestow, when the gratification of lite 
 rary curiosity is the only object. It is to be hoped, that the Spaniards will 
 at last discover this system of concealment to be no less impolitic than 
 illiberal. From what I have experienced in the course of my inquiries, I 
 am satisfied, that upon a more minute scrutiny into their early operations 
 in the New World, however reprehensible the actions of individuals may 
 appear, the conduct of the nation will be placed in a more favourable light. 
 
 In other parts of Europe very different sentiments prevail. Having 
 searched, without success, in Spain, for a letter of Cortes to Charles V., 
 written soon after he landed in the Mexican Empire, which has not hitherto 
 been published ; it occurred to me, that as the Ernperor was setting out 
 for Germany at the time when the messengers from Cortes arrived in 
 Europe, the letter with which they were intrusted might possibly be pre 
 served in the Imperial library at Vienna. I communicated this idea to 
 Sir Robert Murray Keith, with whom I have long had the honour to live 
 in friendship, and I had soon the pleasure to learn, that upon his application 
 her Imperial Majesty had been graciously pleased to issue an order, that 
 not only a copy of that letter (if it were found), but of airy other papers in 
 the library which could throw light upon the History of America, should 
 be transmitted to me. The letter from Cortes is not in the Imperial 
 library; but an authentic copy, attested by a notary, of the letter written 
 by the magistrates of the colony planted by him at Vera Cruz, which I 
 have mentioned, p. 210, having been found, it was transcribed, and sent to 
 me. As this letter is no less curious, and as little known as. that which 
 was the object of my inquiries, 1 have given some account, in its proper 
 place, of what is most worthy of notice in it. Together with it, I received 
 a copy of a letter from Cortes, containing a long account of his expedition 
 to Honduras, with respect to which I did not think it necessary to enter 
 
PREFACE. 5 
 
 into any particular detail ; and likewise those curious Mexican paintings, 
 which Ihave described, p. 321. 
 
 My inquiries at St. Petersburg were carried on with equal facility and 
 success. In examining into the nearest communication between our conti 
 nent and that of America, it became of consequence to obtain authentic 
 information concerning the discoveries of the Russians in their navigation 
 from Kamchatka towards the coast of America. Accurate relations of 
 their first voyage, in 1741, have been published by Muller and Gmelin. 
 Several foreign authors have entertained an opinion that the court of Russia 
 studiously conceals the progress which has been made by more recent 
 navigators, and suffers the Public tcrbe amused with false accounts of their 
 route. Such conduct appeared to me unsuitable to those liberal senti 
 ments, and that patronage of science, for which the present sovereign of 
 Russia is eminent; nor could I discern any political reason, that might 
 render it improper to apply for information concerning the late attempts of 
 the Russians to open a communication between Asia and America. My 
 ingenious countryman, Dr. Rogerson, first physician to the Empress, pre 
 sented my request to Her Imperial Majesty, who not only disclaimed any 
 idea of concealment, but instantly ordered the journal of Captain Krenitzin, 
 who conducted the only voyage of discovery made by public authority 
 since the year 1741, to be translated, and his original chart to be copied 
 for my use. By consulting them, I have been enabled to give a more 
 accurate view of the progress and extent of the Russian discoveries than 
 has hitherto been communicated to the Public. 
 
 From other quarters I have received information of great utility and 
 importance. M. le Chevalier de Pinto, the minister from Portugal to the 
 court of Great Britain, who commanded for several years at Matagrosso, a 
 settlement of the Portuguese in the interior part of Brazil, where the 
 Indians are numerous, and their original manners little altered by inter 
 course with Europeans, was pleased to send me very full answers to some 
 queries concerning the character and institutions of the natives of America, 
 which his polite reception of an application made to him in my name 
 encouraged me to propose. These satisfied me, that he had contemplated 
 with a discerning attention the curious objects which his situation presented 
 
 procured me answers to the same queries from M. de Bougainville, who 
 had opportunities of observing the Indians both of North and South Ame 
 rica, and from M. Godin le Jeune, who resided fifteen years among Indians 
 in Quito, and twenty years in Cayenne. The latter are more valuable from 
 having been examined by M. de la Condamine, who, a few weeks before 
 his death, made some short additions to them, which may be considered 
 as the last effort of that attention to science which occupied a long life. 
 
 My inquiries were not confined to one region in America. Governor Hutch- 
 inson took the trouble of recommending the consideration of my queries 
 to Mr. Hawley and Mr. Brainerd, two protestant missionaries employed 
 among the Indians of the Five Nations, who favoured me with answers 
 which discover a considerable knowledge of the people whose customs 
 they describe. From William Smith, Esq. the ingenious historian of New 
 York, I received some useful information. When I enter upon the History 
 of our Colonies in North America, I shall have occasion to acknowledge 
 how much I have been indebted to many other gentlemen of that country. 
 
 From the valuable Collection of Voyages made by Alexander Dairy mple, 
 Esq., with whose attention to the History of Navigation and Discovery the 
 Public is well acquainted, I have received some very rare books, particu 
 larly two large volumes of Memorials, partly manuscript and partly in 
 print, which were presented to the court of Spain during the reigns of 
 Philip III. and Philip IV. From these I have learned many curious par- 
 
6 PREFACE. 
 
 ticulars with respect to the interior state of the Spanish colonies, and the 
 various schemes formed for their improvement. As this collection of 
 Memorials formerly belonged to the Colbert Library, I have quoted them 
 by that title. 
 
 All those books and manuscripts 1 have consulted with that attention 
 which the respect due from an Author to the Public required ; and by 
 minute references to them, I have endeavoured to authenticate whatever I 
 relate. The longer I reflect on the nature of historical composition, the 
 more I am convinced that this scrupulous accuracy is necessary. The his 
 torian who records the events of his own time, is credited in proportion to 
 the opinion which the Public entertains with respect to his means of infor 
 mation and his veracity. He who delineates the transactions of a remote 
 period, has no title to claim assent, unless he produces evidence in proof of 
 his assertions. Without this he may write an amusing tale, but cannot be 
 said to have composed an authentic history. In those sentiments I have 
 been confirmed by the opinion of an Author,* whom his industry, erudition, 
 and discernment, have deservedly placed in a high rank among the most 
 eminent historians of the age. Imboldened by a hint from him, I have 
 published a catalogue of the Spanish books which I have consulted. This 
 practice was frequent in the last century, and was considered as an evi 
 dence of laudable industry in an author; in the present, it may, perhaps, 
 be deemed the effect of ostentation ; but, as many of these books are 
 unknown in Great Britain, I could not otherwise have referred to them as 
 authorities, without encumbering the page with an insertion of their full 
 titles. To any person who may choose to follow me in this path of 
 inquiry, the catalogue must be very useful. 
 
 My readers will observe, that in mentioning sums of money, I have 
 uniformly followed the Spanish method of computing by pesos. In Ame 
 rica, the pesofudrte, or duro, is the only one known ; and that is always 
 meant when any sum imported from America is mentioned. The peso 
 fuerte, as well as other coins, has varied in its numerary value ; but I have 
 been advised, without attending to such minute variations, to consider it as 
 equal to four shillings and six-pence of our money. It is to be remembered, 
 however, that, in the sixteenth century, the effective value of a peso, i. e. 
 the quantity of labour which it represented, or of goods which it would 
 purchase, was five or six times as much as at present. 
 
 N. B. Since this edition was put into the press, a History of Mexico, in two 
 volumes in quarto, translated from the Italian of the Abbe" D. Francesco Sa- 
 verio Clavigero, has been published. From a person who is a native of New 
 Spain, who has resided forty years in that country, and who is acquainted with 
 the Mexican language, it was natural to expect much new information. Upon 
 perusing his work, however, I find that it contains hardly any addition to the 
 ancient History of the Mexican empire, as related by Acosta and Herrera, but 
 what is derived from the improbable narratives and fanciful conjectures of Tor- 
 quemada and Boturini. Having copied their splendid descriptions of the high 
 state of civilization in the Mexican empire, M. Clavigero, in the abundance of 
 his zeal for the honour of his native country, charges me with having mistaken 
 some points, and with having misrepresented others, in the history of it. When 
 an author is conscious of having exerted industry in research, and impartiality 
 in decision, he may, without presumption, claim what praise is due to these 
 qualities, and he cannot be insensible to any accusation that tends to weaken 
 the force of his claim. A feeling of this kind has induced me to examine such 
 strictures of M. Clavigero on my history of America as merited any attention, 
 especially as these are made by one who seemed to possess the means of ob 
 taining accurate information ; and to show that the greater part of them is des 
 titute of any just foundation. This I have done in notes upon the passages in 
 my History which gave rise to his criticisms. 
 
 College of Edinburgh, March \ 178& 
 
 * Mr Gibbon 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 PROGRESS of Navigation among 
 the ancients View of their dis 
 coveries as preparatory to those 
 of the moderns Imperfection of 
 ancient navigation and geogra 
 phy Doctrine of the zones 
 Further discoveries checked by 
 the irruption of barbarous na 
 tions Geographical knowledge 
 still preserved in the East, and 
 among the Arabians Revival 
 of commerce and navigation in 
 Europe favoured by the Croi- 
 sades extended by travellers 
 into the East promoted by the 
 invention of the mariner's com 
 pass First regular plan of dis 
 covery formed by Portugal 
 State of that kingdom-Schemes 
 of Prince Henry-Early attempts 
 feeble Progress along the west 
 ern coast of Africa Hopes of 
 discovering 'a new route to the 
 East Indies Attempts to ac 
 complish this prospects of suc 
 cess 
 
 BOOK H. 
 
 Birth and education of Columbus 
 acquires naval skill in the ser 
 vice of Portugal conceives 
 hopes of reaching the East In 
 dies by holding a westerly course 
 his system founded on the 
 ideas of the ancients, and know 
 ledge of their navigation and 
 on the discoveries of the Portu 
 guese his negotiations with dif 
 ferent courts Obstacles which 
 he had to surmount in Spain 
 Voyage of discovery difficul 
 ties success return to Spain 
 Astonishment of mankind on 
 this discovery of a new world 
 Papal grant of it Second 
 voyage Colony settled Fur 
 ther discoveries War with the 
 Indians First tax imposed on 
 them Third voyage He dis 
 covers the Continent State of 
 
 Page Page 
 the Spanish colony Errors in 
 the first system of colonizing 
 Voyage of the Portuguese to the 
 East Indies by the Cape of Good 
 Hope Effects of this discove 
 ries made by private adventurers 
 in the New World Name of 
 America given to it Machina 
 tions against Columbus dis 
 graced and sent in chains to 
 Europe Fourth voyage of Co 
 lumbus His discoveries dis 
 asters death 42 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 State of the colony in Hispaniola 
 New war with the Indians 
 Cruelty of the Spaniards Fatal 
 regulations concerning the con 
 dition of the Indians Diminu 
 tion of that people Discoveries 
 and settlements First colony 
 planted on the Continent Con 
 quest of Cuba Discovery of 
 Florida of the South Sea 
 Great expectations raised by 
 this Causes of disappointment 
 with respect to these for some 
 time Controversy concerning 
 the treatment of the Indians 
 Contrary decisions Zeal of the 
 ecclesiastics, particularly of Las 
 Casas Singular proceedings of 
 Ximenes Negroes imported in 
 to America Las Casas' idea of 
 a new colony permitted to at 
 tempt it unsuccessful Disco 
 veries towards the West Yu 
 catan Campeachy-New Spain. 
 preparations for invading it . '92 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 View of America when first dis 
 covered, and of thfe manners 
 and policy of its most uncivil 
 ized inhabitants Vast extent 
 of America grandeur of the 
 objects it presents to view its 
 mountains rivers lakes its 
 form favourable to commerce 
 temperature predominance of 
 cold causes of this unculti- 
 
8 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 
 vated unwholesome its ani 
 mals soil Inquiry how Ameri 
 ca was peopled various theo 
 ries what appears most proba 
 ble Condition and character of 
 the Americans All, the Mexi 
 cans and Peruvians excepted, in 
 the state of savages Inquiry 
 confined to the uncivilized tribes 
 Difficulty of obtaining infor 
 mation various causes of this 
 Method observed in the in 
 quiry I. The bodily constitu 
 tion of the Americans considered 
 II. The qualities of their minds 
 III. Their domestic state IV. 
 Their political state and institu 
 tions V. Their system of war 
 and public security VI. The 
 arts with which they were ac 
 quainted VII. Their religious 
 ideas and institutions VIII. 
 Such singular and detached cus 
 toms as are not reducible to any 
 of the former heads IX. Gene 
 ral review and estimate of their 
 virtues and defects .... 122 
 
 BOOK V. 
 
 History of the conquest of New 
 Spain by Cortes 197 
 
 BOOK VI. 
 
 History of the conquest of Peru 
 by Pizarro and of the dissen 
 sions and civil wars of the Spa 
 niards in that country Origin, 
 progress, and effects of these . 261 
 
 BOOK VII. 
 
 View of the institutions and man 
 ners of the Mexicans and Pe 
 ruvians Civilized states in com 
 parison of other Americans 
 Recent origin of the Mexicans 
 Facts which prove their pro 
 gress in civilization Vie w of their 
 policy in its various branches 
 of their arts Facts which indi 
 cate a small progress in civiliza 
 tion What opinion should be 
 formed on comparing those con 
 tradictory facts Genius of their 
 religion Peruvian monarchy 
 more ancient its policy founded 
 on religion Singular effects of 
 this Peculiar state of property 
 among the Peruvians Their 
 public works and arts roads 
 bridges buildings Their un- 
 
 Page 
 
 warlike spirit View of other 
 dominions of Spain in America 
 Cinaloa and Sonora Califor 
 nia Yucatan and Honduras 
 Chili Tucuman Kingdom of 
 Tierra Firme" New Kingdom of 
 Granada 313 
 
 BOOK VIII. 
 
 View of the interior government, 
 commerce, &c. of tho Spanish 
 colonies Depopulation of Ame 
 rica first effects of their settle 
 ments not the consequence of 
 any system of policy nor to be 
 imputed to religion Number of 
 Indians still remaining Funda 
 mental maxims on which the 
 Spanish system of colonization 
 is founded Condition of differ 
 ent orders of men in their colo- 
 " nies~Chapetones~Creoles Ne 
 groes Indians Ecclesiastical 
 state and policy Character of 
 secular and regular clergy-Small 
 progress of Christianity among 
 the natives Mines, chief object 
 of their attention Mode of 
 working these their produce 
 Effects of encouraging this spe 
 cies of industry Other com 
 modities of Spanish America 
 First effects of this new com 
 merce with America on Spain 
 Why the Spanish colonies have 
 not been as beneficial to the pa 
 rent state as those of other na 
 tions Errors in the Spanish 
 system of regulating this com 
 merce confined to one port 
 carried on by annual fleets 
 Contraband trade Decline of 
 Spain both in population and 
 wealth Remedies proposed 
 View of the wise regulations of 
 the Bourbon princes A new and 
 more liberal system introduced 
 beneficial effects of this pro 
 bable consequences Trade be 
 tween New Spain and the Phi 
 lippinesRevenue of Spain from 
 America whence it arises to 
 what it amounts 34" 
 
 BOQK IX. 
 
 History of Virginia to the year 1688, 389 
 BOOK X. 
 
 History of New England to the 
 year 1652 426 
 
CATALOGUE 
 
 OF 
 
 SPANISH BOOKS AND MANUSCRIPTS. 
 
 A CARETTE de Biscay, Relation des 
 Voyages dans la Riviere de la Plata, et 
 de la par Terre au Perou. Exst. Recueil 
 de Thevenot. Part IV. 
 
 A Voyage up the River dc 
 
 la Plata, and thence by Land to Peru. 
 8vo. London, 1698. 
 
 Acosta (P. Jos. de) Historia Natu 
 ral y Moral de las Indias. 4to. Ma 
 drid, 1590. 
 
 (Joseph de) Histoire Natu- 
 
 relle et Morale des Indes tant Orien- 
 tales qu' Occidentales. 8vo. Paris, 
 1600. 
 
 Novi Orbis Historia Naturalis 
 
 et Moralis. Exst. in Collect. Theod. 
 de Bry. Pars IX. 
 
 De Natura Novi Orbis, Libri 
 
 duo, et de procuranda Indorum Salute, 
 Libri sex. Salmant. 8vo. 1589. 
 
 (Christ.) Tratado delas Dro- 
 
 gas y Medecinas,de las Indias Occiden 
 tales, con sus Plantas Dibuxadas al 
 vivo. 4to. Burgos, 1578. 
 
 Acugna (P. Christoph.) Relation de 
 la Reviere des Amazones. 12mo. Tom. 
 ii. Paris, 1682. 
 
 Acugna's Relation of the great River 
 of the Amazons in South America. 
 8vo. London, 1698. 
 
 Alarchon (Fern.) Navigatione a 
 Scoprere il Regno di sette Citta. Ra- 
 musio iii. 363. 
 
 Albuquerque Coello (Duarte" de) 
 Memorial de Artes de la Guerra del 
 Brasil. 4to. Mad. 1634. 
 
 Alcafarado (Franc.) An Historical 
 Relation of the Discovery of the Isle of 
 Madeira. 4to. Lond. 1675. 
 
 Albedo y Herrera (D. Dionysio de) 
 Aviso Historico-Politico- Geografico. 
 con las Noticias mas particulares, del 
 Peru, Tierra Firme", Chili, y Nuevo 
 Reyno de Granada. 4to. Mad. 1740. 
 
 Alqedo Compendi Historico de la 
 Provincia y Puerto de Guayaquil. 4to. 
 Mad. 1741. 
 
 Memorial sobre diferentes 
 
 Puntos tocantcs al estado de la real 
 hazienda y del commercio, &c. en las 
 Indias. fol. 
 
 VOL. I. 2 
 
 Aldama y Guevara (D. Jos. Augus- 
 tin de) Arde de la Lengua Mexicana. 
 12mo. Mexico, 1754. 
 
 Alvarado (Pedro de) Dos Relaciones 
 a Hern. Cortes referiendole sus Expe- 
 diciones y Conquistas en varias Pro- 
 vincias de N. Espagna. Exst. Barcia 
 Historiad. Primit. torn. i. 
 
 Lettere due, &c. Exst. Ra- 
 
 mus. iii. 296. 
 
 Aparicio y Leon (D. Lorenzo de) 
 Discurso Historico-Politico del Hospital 
 San Lazaro de Lima. 8vo. Lim. 1761. 
 
 Aranzeles Reales de los Ministros de 
 la Real Audiencia de N. Espagna. 
 fol. Mex. 1727. 
 
 Argensola (Bartolome Leonardo de) 
 Conquista de las Islas Malucas. fol. 
 Mad. 1609. 
 
 Anales de Aragon. fol. Sara- 
 
 go^a, 1630. 
 
 Arguello (Eman.) Sentum Confes- 
 sionis. 12mo. Mex. 1703. 
 
 Arriago (P. Pablo Jos. de) Extirpa- 
 cian de la Idolatria de Peru. 4to. Lima, 
 1621. 
 
 Avendagno (Didac.) Thesaurus In- 
 dicus, ceu Generalis Instructor pro Re- 
 gimine Conscientiae, in ijs quae ad In 
 dias spectant. fol. 2 vols. Antwerp, 1660. 
 
 Aznar (D. Bern. Fran.) Discurso 
 tocante a la real hazienda y adminifi- 
 tracion de ella. 4to. 
 
 Bandini (Angelo Maria) Vita 6 Let 
 tere di Armerigo Vespucci . 4to. Fircnze. 
 1745. 
 
 Barcia (D. And. Gonzal.) Historia- 
 dores Primitives de las Indias Occiden 
 tales, fol. 3 vols. Mad. 1749. 
 
 Barco-Centincra (D. Martin de) Ar 
 gentina y Conquista del Rio de la 
 Plata: Poema. Exst. Barcia Histo- 
 riad. Primit. iii. 
 
 Barros (Joao de) Decadas de Asia, 
 fol. 4 vols. Lisboa, 1682. 
 
 Bellesteros (D. Thomas de) Orde- 
 nanzas del Peru. fol. 2 vols. Lima, 1685. 
 
 Beltran (P. F. Pedro) Arte de el Idi- 
 oma Maya reducido a sucintas reglae, 
 y Semilexicon. 4to. Mex. 1746. 
 
10 
 
 A CATALOGUE OF 
 
 Benzo (Hieron.) Novi Orbis Histo- 
 riee De Bry America, Part IV, V, VI. 
 
 Betancurt y Figueroa (Don Luis) 
 Derecho de las Inglesias Metropolita- 
 nas de las Indias. 4to. Mad. 16.37. 
 
 Blanco (F. Matias Ruiz) Conversion 
 de Piritu de Indies Cumanagotos y 
 otros. 12mo. Mad. 1690. 
 
 Boturini Bcnaduci (Lorenzo) Idea de 
 una nueva Historia general de la Ame 
 rica Septentrional, fundada sobre ma 
 terial copiosa de Figuras, Symbolas, 
 Caracteres, Cantares, y Manuscritos de 
 Autores Indies. 4to. Mad. 1746. 
 
 Botello de Moraes y Vasconcellos 
 (D. Francisco de) El Nuevo Mundo : 
 Poema Heroyco.4to. Barcelona^ 1701. 
 
 Botero Benes (Juan) Description de 
 Todas las Provincias, Reynos, y Ciu- 
 dades del Mundo. 4to. Girona, 1748. 
 
 Brietius (Phil.) Paralela Geographia> 
 Veteris et Novae. 4to. Paris, 1648. 
 
 Cabeza de Baca (Alvar. Nugnez) 
 Relacion de los Naufragios. Exst. Bar- 
 cia Hist. Prim. torn. i. 
 
 Examen Apologetico 
 
 de la Historica Narration de los Nau 
 fragios. Exst. Barcia Hist. Prim. torn. i. 
 
 Commentarios de lo 
 
 euccedido duarante su gubierno del Rio 
 de la Plata. Exst. ibid. 
 
 Cabo de Vacca, Relatione de. Exst. 
 Ramus. iii. 310. 
 
 Cabota (Sebast.) Navigazione de. 
 Exst. Ramus. ii.211. 
 
 Cadamustus ^Aloysius) Navigatio 
 ad Terras incognitas. Exst. Nov. Orb. 
 Gryncei, p. 1. 
 
 Calancha (F. Anton, de la) Cronica 
 moralizada del Orden de San Augustin 
 on el Peru. foL Barcelona, 1638. 
 
 California Diario Historico de los 
 Viages de Mar y Tierra hechos en 1768, 
 al Norte de California di or den del 
 Marques de Croix Vi-rey de Nueva Es- 
 pagna, &c. MS. 
 
 Calle (Juau Diaz de la) Memorial 
 Informatorio de lo que a su Magestad 
 Provien de la Nueva Espagna y Peru. 
 4to. 1645. 
 
 Campomanes (D. Pedro Rodrig.) 
 Antiguedad Maritima de la Republica 
 de Cartago, con en Periplo de su Gene 
 ral Hannon traducido e illustrado. 4to. 
 Mad. 1756. 
 
 Discurso sobre el fo- 
 
 mento de la Industria popular. 8vo. 
 Mad. 1774. 
 
 Discurso sobre la 
 
 Educacion popular de los Artesanos. 
 8vo. 5 vol. Mad. 1775, &c. 
 
 Caracas Real Cedulade Fundacion 
 de la Real Compagnia Guipuscoana 
 de Caracas. 12mo. Mad. 1765. 
 
 Caravantes (Fr. Lopez de) Relacion 
 de las Provincias que tiene el Govier- 
 no del Peru, los Officios que en el se 
 Provien, y la Hacienda que alii tieno 
 su Magestad, lo que se Gasta do clla 
 y le queda Libre, &c. Sic. Dedicado al 
 Marques de Santos Claros, Agno de 
 1611. MS. 
 
 Cardenas y Cano (Gabr.) Ensayo 
 Chronologico para la Historia general 
 de la Florida, fol. Mad. 1733. 
 
 Carranzana (D. Gonqales) A Geo 
 graphical Description of the Coasts, 
 &c. of the Spanish West Indies. 8vo. 
 Lond. 1740. 
 
 Casas (Bart, de las) Brevissima Re 
 lacion de la Destruycion do las Indias. 
 4to. 1552. 
 
 (Bart, de las) Narratio Icon- 
 
 ibus illustrata per Theod. de Bry. 4to. 
 Oppent. ;614. 
 
 - (Bart, de las) An Account of 
 
 the first V oyages and Discoveries of the 
 Spaniaroj m America. 8vo. Lond.1693. 
 
 Cassam (P. Joseph) Historia de la 
 Provincia de Compagnia de Jesus del 
 Nuevo Reyno de Granada, fol. Mad. 
 1741. 
 
 Castanhcda (Fern. Lop. de) Historia 
 do Descobrimento e Conquista de India 
 pelos Portugueses, fol. 2 vol. Lisb. 1552. 
 
 Castellanos (Juan de) Primeray Se- 
 cunda de las Elegias de Varones Illus- 
 tres de Indias. 4to. 2 vol. Mad. 1589. 
 
 Castillo (Bernal Dias del) Historia 
 Verdadera de la Conquista de Nueva 
 Espagna. fol. Mad. 1632. 
 
 Castro, Figueroa y Salazar (D. Pe 
 dro de) Relacion di su ancimiento y 
 servicios. 12mo. 
 
 Cavallero (D. Jos. Garcia) Brieve 
 Cotejo y Valance de las Pesas y Medi- 
 das di varias Naciones, rcducidas a las 
 que Corren en Castilla. 4to. Mad. 1731. 
 Cepeda (D. Fern.) Relacion Universal 
 del Sitio en quo esta fundada la Ciu- 
 dad de Mexico, fol. 1637. 
 
 Cieija de Leon (Pedro de) Chronica 
 del Peru. fol. Seville. 1533. 
 
 Cisneros (Diego) Sitio, Naturaleza, 
 y Propriedades de la Ciudad de Mexico. 
 4to. Mexico. 1618. 
 
 Clemente (P. Claudio) Tablas Chro 
 nologicas, en que contienen los Suce 
 sos Ecclesiasticos y Secularcs de Indias. 
 4to. Val. 1689. 
 
 Cogullado (P. Fr. Diego Lopez) 
 Historia de Yucatan, fol. Mad. 1688. 
 
 Collecao dos Brivee Pontificos e 
 
SPANISH BOOKS AND MANUSCRIPTS. 
 
 li 
 
 Leyes Regias que Forao Expedidos 
 y Publicadas desde o Anno 1741, sobre 
 a la Liberdada das Pessoas bene e 
 Commercio dos Indos de Bresil. 
 
 Colleccion General de la Providen- 
 cias hasta aqui tomadas par el Gobier- 
 no sobre el Estragnimento, y Occupa- 
 cion deTemporalidades de los Regulares 
 de la Compagnia de Espagna, Indias, 
 &c. Partes IV. 4to. Mad. 1767. 
 
 Colon (D. Fernando) La Historia 
 del Almirante D. Christoval Colon. 
 Exst. Barcia Hist. Prim. I. 1. 
 
 Columbus (Christ.) Navigatio qua 
 multas Regi ones hactenus incognitas 
 invenit. Exst. Nov. Orb. Grynoei, p. 90. 
 
 (Ferd.) Life and Actions of 
 
 his Father Admiral Christoph. Colum 
 bus. Exst. Churchill's Voyages, ii. 479. 
 
 Compagnia Real de Commercio para 
 las Islas de S to - Domingo Puerto-rico, 
 y la Margarita. 12mo. 
 
 Compendio General de las Contri- 
 buciones y gattos que occasionan todos 
 los effectos, frutos, caudales, &c. que tra- 
 fican entre los reynos de Castilla y 
 America. 4to. 
 
 Concilios Provinciales Primero y Se 
 gundo celebrados en la muy Noble y 
 muy Leal Ciudad de Mexico en los Ag- 
 nos de 1555 y 1565. fol. Mexico, 1769. 
 
 Concilium Mexicanum Provinciale 
 tertium celebratum Mexici, anno 1585. 
 fol. Mexici, 1770. 
 
 Continente Americano, Argonauta 
 de las costas de Nueva Espagna y 
 Tierra Firme". 12mo. 
 
 Cordeyro (Antonio) Historia Insula- 
 im das Ilhas a Portugas sugeytas no 
 Oceano Occidental, fol. Lisb. 1717. 
 
 Corita (Dr. Alonzo) Breve y suma- 
 ria Relacion de los Segnores, Manera, 
 y DifFerencia de ellos, que havia en la 
 Nueva Espagna, y otras Provincias sus 
 Comarcanas, y de sus Leyes, Usos, y 
 Costumbres, y de la Forma que tenian 
 en Tributar sus Vasallos en Tiempo de 
 su Gentilidad, &c. MS. 4to. pp. 307. 
 
 Coronada (Fr. Vasq. de) Sommario 
 di due sue Lettere del Viaggio fatto del 
 Fra. Marco da Nizza al sette Citta de 
 Cevola. Exst. Ramusio iii. 354. 
 
 (Fr. Vasq. de) Relacion 
 
 Viaggio alle sette Citta.Ramus.iii. 359. 
 
 Cortes (Hern.) Quattro Cartas diri- 
 gidas al Emperador Carlos V. en que 
 ha Relacion de sus Conquistas en la 
 Nueva Espagna. Exst. Barcia Hist. 
 Prim. torn. i. 
 
 Cortessii (Ferd.) De Insulis nuper in- 
 ventis Narrationes ad Car. V. fol. 1532. 
 
 Cortese (Fern.) Relacioni, &c. Exst. 
 Ramusio ii. 225. 
 
 Cubero (D. Pedro) Peregrinacion 
 del Mayor Parte del Mundo. Zaragoss. 
 4to. 1688. 
 
 Cumana, Govierno y Noticia de. fol. 
 MS. 
 
 Davila Padilla (F. Aug.) Historia de 
 la Fundacion y Discurso de Provincia de 
 St. Jago de Mexico, fol. Bruss. 1625. 
 
 (Gil Gonzalez) Teatro 
 
 Ecclesiastico de la Primitiva Iglesia de 
 los Indias Occidentales. fol. 2 vols. 1649. 
 
 Documentos tocantes ala Persecution, 
 que los Regulares de la Compagnia sus- 
 citaron contra Don B. de Cardenas 
 Obispo de Paraguay. 4to. Mad. 1768. 
 
 Echaveri (D. Bernardo Ibagnez de) 
 El Reyno Jesuitico del Paraguay. 
 Exst. torn. iv. Colleccion de Documen 
 tos. 4to. Mad. 1770. 
 
 Echavey As.su (D.Francisco de) La 
 Estrellade Limacovertida en Sol sobre 
 sur tres Coronas, fol. Amberes, 1688. 
 
 Eguiara El Egueren (D. J. Jos.) Bib- 
 liotheca Mexicana, sive Eruditorum 
 Historia Virorum in America Boreali 
 natorum, &c. torn. prim. fol.Mex. 1775. 
 N. B. No more than one volume of this 
 work has been published. 
 
 Ercilla y Zuniga (D. Alonzo de) La 
 Araucana: Poema Eroico. fol. Mad. 
 1733. 
 
 2 vols. 8vo. Mad. 1777. 
 
 Escalona (D. Gaspar de) Gazophy- 
 lacium Regium Peruvicum. fol. Mad. 
 1775: 
 
 Faria y Sousa (Manuel de) Historia 
 del Reyno de Portugal, fol. Amber. 1730. 
 
 Faria y Sousa, History of Portugal 
 from the first Ages to the Revolution 
 under John IV. 8vo. Lond. 1698. 
 
 Fernandez (Diego) Prima y secunda 
 Parte de la Historia del Peru. fol. Se- 
 vill. 1571. 
 
 (P.Juan Patr.) Relacion 
 
 Historial de las Missiones de los Indias 
 que claman Chiquitos. 4to. Mad. 1726. 
 
 Feyjoo (Benit. Gerbn.) Espagnolos 
 Americanos Discurso VI. del. torn. iv. 
 del Teatro Critico. Mad. 1769. 
 
 Solucion del gran Pro- 
 
 blema Historico sobre la Poblacion de 
 la America Discurso XV. del torn, 
 v. de Teatro Critico. 
 
 (D. Miguel) Relacion De* 
 
 scriptiva de la Ciudad y Provincia 
 Truxillo del Peru. fol. Mad. 1763. 
 
A CATALOGUE OF 
 
 Freyf e (Ant.) Piratas de la America. 
 4 to. 
 
 Frasso (D. Petro) De Regio Patronatu 
 
 Xndiarum. fol.2 vols. Matriti, 1775. 
 
 Galvao (Antonio) Tratado dos Des- 
 cobrimentos Antigos y Modernos. fol. 
 Lisboa, 1731. 
 
 Galvano (Ant.) the Discoveries of 
 the World from the first Original unto 
 the Year 1555. Osborne's Collect, ii. 
 354. 
 
 Gamboa (D. Fran. Xavier de) Co- 
 mentarios a los ordinanzas de Minas. 
 fol. Mad. 1761. 
 
 Garcia (Gregorio) Historia Ecclesi- 
 astica y Seglar de la India Oriental y 
 Occidental, y Predicacion de la Santa 
 Evangelia en ella. 12mo. Baeca, 1626. 
 
 - (Fr. Gregorio) O'rigen de los 
 Indies del Nuevo Mundo. fol. Mad. 1729. 
 
 Gastelu (Ant. Velasquez) Arte de 
 Lengua Mexicana. 4to. Puibla de los 
 Angeles. 1716. 
 
 Gazeta de Mexico por los Annos 
 1728, 1729, 1730. 4to. 
 
 Girava (Hieronymo) Dos Libros de 
 Cosmographia. Milan, 1556. 
 
 Godoy (Diego de) Relacion al H. 
 Cortes, qua trata del Descubrimiento 
 di diversas Ciudades, y Provincias, y 
 Guerras que tuio con los Indies. Exst. 
 Barcia Hist. Prim. torn. i. 
 
 Lettera a Cortese, &c. Exst. 
 
 Ramusio iii. 300. 
 
 Gomara (Fr. Lopez de) La Historia 
 general de las Indias. 12mo. Anv.1554. 
 
 Historia general de las Indias. 
 
 Exst. Barcia Hist. Prim. torn. ii. 
 
 (Fr. Lopez de) Chronica de 
 
 laNuevaEspagnao Conquistade Mex 
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 Guatemala Razon puntual de los 
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 Gumilla (P.Jos.) El Orinoco illustra- 
 do y defendido ; Historia Natural, Civil, 
 y Geographica de este Gran Rio, &c. 
 4to.2tom. Mad. 1745. 
 
 Histoire Naturelle, Civile, et 
 G6ographiquede 1'Orenoque. Traduite 
 par M. Eidous. 12mo. torn. iii. Avig. 
 1758. 
 
 Gusman (Nugno de) Relacion scritta 
 in Omitlan Provincia de Mechuacan 
 della maggior Spagna nell 1530. Exst. 
 Ramusio iii. 331. 
 
 Henis (P. Thadeus) Ephemerides 
 Belli G uiaranici, ab Anno 1754. Exst 
 
 Colleccion general de Docum, torn. 
 
 Hernandes (Fran.) Plantarum Ani- 
 malium, et Mineralium Mexicanorum 
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 Herrera (Anton, de) Historia gene 
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 no. fol. 4 vols. Mad. 1601. 
 
 Historia General, &c. 4 vols. 
 
 Mad. 1730. 
 
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 Descriptio Indise Occidenta- 
 
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 Huemez y Horcasitas (D. Juan 
 Francisco de) Extracto de los Autos 
 de Diligencias y reconocimicntos de los 
 rios, lagunas, vertientes, y desaguas de 
 Mexico y su valle, &c. fol. Mex. 1748. 
 
 Jesuitas Colleccion de las applica- 
 ciones que se van haciendo'de los Cie- 
 nes, Casas y Coligios que fueron de la 
 Compagnia de Jesus, expatriados do 
 
 os Reales dominios. 4to. 2 vola. 
 Lima, 1772 y 1773. 
 
 Colleccion General de Pro- 
 
 videncias hasta aqui tomadas por el 
 Gobierno sobre el Estrannamiento y 
 Occupacion de temporalidades, de los 
 Regulares de la Compagnia de Espag- 
 na, Indias, e Islas Filipinas. 4to. Mad. 
 1767. 
 
 Retrato de los Jesuitas for- 
 
 mado al natural. 4to. 2 vols. Mad. 1768. 
 
 Relacion Abbreviada da Re- 
 
 publica que os Religiosos Jesuitas esta- 
 beleceraon. 12mo. 
 
 Idea del Origen, Gobierno, 
 
 &c. de la Compagnia de Jesus. 8vo. 
 Mad. 1768. 
 
 Lsevinius (Apollonius) Libri V. do 
 Peruviro Invention, et rebus in eadem 
 gestis. 12mo. Ant. 1567. 
 
 Leon (Fr. Ruiz de) Hernandia, Poe- 
 ma Heroyco de Conquista de Mexico. 
 4to. Mad. 1755. 
 
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 theca Oriental y Occidental, Nautica 
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 Lima : A true Account of the Earth 
 quake which happened there 28th of 
 October, 1746. Translated from the 
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 Lima Gozosa, Description de las fes- 
 tibas Demonstraciones, con que esta 
 Ciudad celebr6 la real Proclamacion 
 de el Nombre Augusto del Catolico 
 MonarchoD. Carlos III. Lim.4to. 1760. 
 
SPANISH BOOKS AND MANUSCRIPTS. 13 
 
 Llano Zapata (D. Jos. Euseb.) Pre- 
 liminar al Tomo 1. de las Memorias 
 Historico-Physicas, Critico-Apologeti- 
 cas de la America Meridional. 8vo. 
 Cadiz, 1759. 
 
 Lopez (D. Juan Luis) Discurso His- 
 torico Politico en defenso de la Juris- 
 dicion Real. fol. 1685. 
 
 (Thorn.) Atlas Geographico de 
 
 la America Septentrional y Meridional. 
 12mo. Par. 1758. 
 
 Lorenzana (D. Fr. Ant.) Arzobispo 
 de Mexico, ahora de Toledo, Historia 
 de Nueva Espagna, escrita por su Es- 
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 Lozano (P. Pedro) Description Cho- 
 rographica, del Terretorios, Arboles, 
 Animales del Gran Chaco, y de los Ri- 
 tos y Costumbres de las innumerabiles 
 Naciones que la habitan. 4to. Cordov. 
 1733. 
 
 Historia de la Compagnia de 
 
 Jesus en la Provincia del Paraguay, 
 fol. 2 vols. Mad. 1753. 
 
 Madriga (Pedro de) Description du 
 Gouverneinent du Perou. Exst. Voy 
 ages qui ont servi k 1'Etablissement de 
 la Comp. des Indes, torn. ix. 105. 
 
 Mariana (P. Juan de) Discurso de 
 les Enfennedades de la Compagnia de 
 Jesus. 4to. Mad. 1658. 
 
 Martinez de la Puente (D. Jos.' 
 Compendio de las Historiasde los Des- 
 cubrimientos, Conquistas, y Guerras 
 de la India Oriental, y sus Islas, desde 
 los Tiempos del Infante Don Enrique 
 de Portugal su Inventor. 4to. Mad 
 1681. 
 
 Martyr ab Angleria (Petr.) De Re 
 bus Oceanicis et Novo Orbe Decades 
 tres. 12mo. Colon. 1574. 
 
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 et de Moribus Incolarum. Ibid. p. 329 
 
 Opus Epistolarum. fol 
 
 Amst. 1670. 
 
 II Sommario cavato della 
 
 sua Historia del Nuevo Mundo. Ra 
 musio iii. i. 
 
 Mata (D. Geron. Fern, de) Ideas po 
 liticas y morales. 12mo. Toledo, 1640 
 
 Mechuacan Relacion de las Cere 
 monias, Ritos, y Poblacion de los In 
 dios de Mechuacan hecha al I. S. D 
 Ant. de Mendoza. Vi-rey de Nueva 
 Espagna. fol. MS. 
 
 Melendez (Fr. Juan) Tesoros Ver 
 daderos de las Indias Historia de la 
 Provincia de S.Juan Baptista del Peru 
 
 del Orden de Predicadores. fol. 3 rols. 
 Rom. 1681. 
 
 Memorial Adjustado por D. A. 
 "em. de Heredia Gobernador de Ni- 
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 Memorial Adjustado contra los Offi- 
 iales de Casa de Moneda a Mexico de 
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 Mendoza (D. Ant. de) Lettera al 
 mperatore del Descoprimento della 
 Terra Firma della N. Spagna verso 
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 (Juan Gonz. de) Historia del 
 
 rran Reyno de China, con un Itinera- 
 io del Nuevo Mundo. 8vo. Rom. 1585. 
 
 Miguel (Vic. Jos.) Tablas de los Su- 
 cesos Ecclesiasticos en Africa, Indias 
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 Miscellanea Economico-Politico, &c. 
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 Molina (P. F. Anton.) Vocabulario 
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 Monardes (El Dottor) Primera y Se- 
 gunda y Tercera Parte de la Historia 
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 nuestras Indias Occidentales, que sir- 
 ven en Medicina. 4to. Sevilla, 1754. 
 
 Moncada (Sancho de) Restauracion 
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 Morales (Ambrosio de) Coronica 
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 la, 1574. 
 
 Moreno y Escaudon (D. Fran. Ant.) 
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 Munoz (D. Antonio) Discurso sobre 
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 Nizza (T. Marco) Relatione del Viag- 
 gio fatta per Terra al Cevole, Regno di 
 cette Citta. Exst. Ramus. iii. 356. 
 
 Nodal Relacion del Viage que hicie- 
 ron los Capitanes Barth. y Gonz. de 
 Nodal al descubrimiento del Estrecho 
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 conocimiento del de Magellanes. 4to. 
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 Noticia Individual de los derechoa 
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 Neuva Espagna Historia de los In- 
 dios de Nueva Espagna dibidida en tres 
 Partes. En la primera trata de los Ri- 
 tos, Sacrificios y Idolatrias del Tiempo 
 de su Gentilidacl. En la segunda de su 
 maravillosa Conversion a la FC", y mo- 
 do de celebrar las Fiestas de Neustra 
 Santa Iglesia. En la tercera del Go- 
 
14 
 
 A CATALOGUE OF 
 
 nio y Caracter de aquella Gente ; y 
 Figuras con que notaban sus Aconte- 
 cimientos,con otras particularidades ; y 
 Noticias de las principales Ciudades an 
 aquel Reyno. Escrita en el Agno 1541 
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 Ogna (Pedro de) Arauco Domado. 
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 Ordenanzas del Conscjo real de las 
 Indias. fol. Mad. 1681. 
 
 Ortega (D. Casimiro de) Refumen 
 
 (D 
 
 del 
 
 Historico del primer Viage hecho al 
 rededor del Mundo. 4to. Mad. 1769. 
 
 Ossorio (Jerome) History of the 
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 Ossorius (Hieron.) De Rebus Ema- 
 nuelis Lusitanise Regis. 8vo. Col. 
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 Ovalle (Alonso) Historica Relacion 
 del Reyno de Chili, fol. Rom. 1646. 
 
 An Historical Relation of the 
 
 Kingdom of Chili. Exst. Churchill's 
 Collect, iii. 1. 
 
 Oviedo y Bagnos (D. Jos.) Historia 
 de la Conquista y Publicacion de Vene 
 zuela, fol. Mad. 1723. 
 
 Sommaria, &c. Exst. Ra 
 musio iii. 44. 
 
 (Gonz. Fern, de) Relacion 
 
 Sommaria de la Historia Natural de los 
 Indias. Exst. Barcia Hist. Prim. torn. i. 
 
 Historia Generale et Natu- 
 
 rale dell Indie Occidentale. Exst. 
 Ramusio iii. 74. 
 
 Relatione della Navigatione 
 
 per la grandissima Fiume Maragnon. 
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 Palacio (D. Raim. Mig.) Discurso 
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 Palafox y Mendoza (D. Juan) Vir- 
 tudes del Indios, o Naturaliza y Cos- 
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 Vie de Venerable Dom. Jean 
 
 Palafox Ev6que del'Angelopolis. 12mo. 
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 Pegna (Juan Nugnez de la) C onquista 
 
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 Lima fundada, o Conquista del Peru. 
 Poema Eroyco. 4to. Lima, 1732. 
 
 Calderon (D. Mathias de) EL 
 
 Apostol de las Indias y nueves gentes 
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 Pereira de Berrido (Bernard.) An- 
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 Peru Relatione d'un Capitano 
 
 Spagnuolo del Descoprimento y Con 
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 Relatione d'un Secretario de 
 
 Franc. Pizarro della Conquista del 
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 Relacion del Peru. MS. 
 
 Pesquisa de los Oydores de Panama 
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 tiempo de Guerra. fol. 1755. 
 
 Philip inas Carta que escribe un 
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 Piedrahita (Luc. Fern.) Historia 
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 Reyno dc Granada, fol. Ambres. 
 
 Pinelo (Ant. de Leon) Epitome de 
 la Bibliotneca Oriental y Occidental 
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 las Indias Orientales y Occidentals, 
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 Pinzonius socius Admirantis Columbi 
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 Pizarro y Orellana (D.Fern.) Varonea 
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 Planctus Judorum Christianorum in 
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 Puente (D. Jos. Martinez de la) 
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 cubrimientos de la India Oriental y sus 
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 Quir (Ferd de) Terra Australis in 
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 y Antiguedades de las Islas de Gran 
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 Pegna Montenegro (D. Alonso de la) | delle Navigationi e Viaggi. fol. 3 vols. 
 
 Itinerario para Parochos de Indios, en 
 que tratan les materias mas particu- 
 lares, tocantes a ellos para se buen ad 
 ministration. 4to. Amberes, 1754. 
 
 Penalosa y Mondragon (Fr. Benito 
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 Real Compagnia Guipuzcoana de 
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 Recopilacion de Leyes de los Reynos 
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SPANISH BOOKS AND MANUSCRIPTS. 
 
 15 
 
 Reglamento y Aranceles Reales para 
 el Commercio de Espagna a Indias. 
 
 Relationo d'un Gent5huomo del Sig. 
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 Remesal(Fr. Ant.) Historia general de 
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 Ribadeneyra (De Diego Portichuelo) 
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 Ribadeneyra y Barrientos (D. Ant. 
 Joach.) Manuel Conipcndio de el Rcgio 
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 Ribas (Andr. Perez de) Historia de 
 los Triumphos de Nuestra Sta Fe, entre 
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 Riol (D. Santiago) Representacion 
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 los Papeles universales de la Monar- 
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 Ripia (Juan de la) Practica de la 
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 Rocha Pitta (Sebastiano de) Historia 
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 Rodriguez (Manuel) Explicacion de 
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 (P. Man.) El Maragnon y 
 
 Amozonas Historia de los Descubrimi- 
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 Roman (Hieron.) Republicas del 
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 Roma y Rosell (De Franc.) Las seg- 
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 Rosende (P. Ant. Gonz. de) Vida del 
 Juan de Palafox Arzobispo de Mexico. 
 
 Rubaclava (Don Jos. Gutierrez de) 
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 Ruiz (P. Ant.) Conquista Espiritual 
 hecha por los Religiosos de la Com- 
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 Paraguay, Uraguay, Parana y Tape. 
 
 Salazar de Mendoza (D. Pedro) Mo- 
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 toria de la Conquista de Mexico 
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 Salazar de Mendoza y Zevallos (D. 
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 Sanchez (Ant. Ribero) Dissertation 
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 point e'te' porte"e de 1'Amerique. 1765. 
 
 Sarmiento de Gamboa (Pedro de) 
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 Santa Cruz (El Marq.) Commercio 
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 Sta. Domingo, Puerto Rico, y Marga 
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 Schemidel (Hulderico) Historia y 
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 Paraguay. Exst. Barcia Hist. Prim, 
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 Sebara da Sylva (Jos. de) Recueil 
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 Segni (D. Diego Raymundo) Anti- 
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 Sepulveda (Genesius) Dialogus de 
 justis Belli Causis, preesertim in Indos 
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 (Jo. Genesius) Epist. Lib.VII. 
 
 Sepulveda de Regno, Libri III. 1570. 
 
 Seyxas y Lovero, (D. Fr.) Theatro 
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 Descripcion Geographica y 
 
 Derrotera de la Religion Austral Ma- 
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 Simon (Pedro) Noticias Historiales 
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 las Indias Occidentales. Cuen<ja, 1627. 
 
 Solis (D. Ant. de) Historias de las 
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 History of the Conquest of Mex 
 
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 Solarzono y Pereyrra (Joan) Politica 
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 De Indiarum Jure, sive de justa 
 
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 Soto y Marne (P. Franc, de) Copia de 
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 Spilbergen et Le Maire SpeculumOri- 
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 Tanco (Luis Bezerra) Felicidad de 
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 Tprres (Sim. Per. de) Viage del 
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 Torribio (P. F. Jos.) Aparato para 
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 Totanes (F. Sebastian de) Manual 
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 Ulloa (D. Ant. de) Voyage Historique 
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 Verages (D. Thorn. Tamaio de) Re- 
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 Veitia Linage Norte de la Contra- 
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THE 
 
 HISTORY OF AMERICA. 
 
 BY WILLIAM ROBERTSON, D.D. 
 
 HIINCIPAL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH, ETC. ETC* 
 
THE 
 
 HISTORY OF AMERICA, 
 
 BOOK I< 
 
 THE progress of men, in discovering and peopling the various parts of the 
 earth, has been extremely slow. Several ages elapsed before they removed 
 far from those mild and fertile regions in which they were originally placed 
 by their Creator. The occasion of their first general dispersion is known ; 
 but we are unacquainted with the course of their migrations, or the time 
 when they took possession of the different countries which they now inhabit. 
 Neither history nor tradition furnishes such information concerning these 
 remote events, as enables us to trace, with any certainty, the operations of 
 the human race in the infancy of society. 
 
 We may conclude, however, that all the early migrations of mankind 
 were made by land. The ocean which surrounds the habitable earth, as 
 well as the various arms of the sea which separate one region from another, 
 though destined to facilitate the communication between distant countries, 
 seem, at first view, to be formed to check the progress of man, and to mark 
 the bounds of that portion of the globe to which nature had confined him. 
 It was long, we may believe, before men attempted to pass these formidable 
 barriers, and became so skilful and adventurous as to commit themselves 
 to the mercy of the winds and waves, or to quit their native shores in quest 
 of remote and unknown regions. 
 
 Navigation and shipbuilding are arts so nice and complicated, that they 
 require the ingenuity, as well as experience, of many successive ages to 
 bring them to any degree of perfection. From the raft or canoe, which 
 first served to carry a savage over the river that obstructed him in the chase, 
 to the construction of a vessel capable of conveying a numerous crew with 
 safety to a distant coast, the progress in improvement is immense. Many 
 efforts would be made, many experiments would be tried, and much labour 
 as well as invention would be employed, before men could accomplish this 
 arduous and important undertaking. The rude and imperfect state in which 
 navigation is still found among all nations which are not considerably civil 
 ized, corresponds with this account of its progress, and demonstrates that 
 in early times the art was not so far improved as to enable men to undertake 
 distant voyages, or to attempt remote discoveries. 
 
 As soon, however, as the art of navigation became known, a new species 
 of correspondence among men took place. It is from this era that we 
 must date the commencement of such an intercourse between nations as 
 deserves the appellation of commerce. Men are, indeed, far advanced in 
 improvement before commerce becomes an object of great importance to 
 them. They must even have made some considerable progress towards 
 civilization, before they acquire the idea of property, and ascertain it so 
 
 VOL. I. 3 3 
 
18 HISTORY OF [BOOK I. 
 
 perfectly as to be acquainted with the most simple of all contracts, that of 
 exchanging by barter one rude commodity for another. But as soon as this 
 important ri^ht is established, and every individual feels that he has an 
 exclusive title to possess or to alienate whatever he has acquired by his 
 own labour and dexterity, the wants and ingenuity of his nature suggest 
 to him a new method of increasing his acquisitions and enjoyments, by 
 disposing of what is superfluous in his own stores, in order to procure 
 what is necessary or desirable in those of other men. Thus a commercial 
 intercourse begins, and is carried on among the members of the same com 
 munity. By degrees, they discover that neighbouring tribes possess what 
 they themselves want, and enjoy comforts of which they wisn to partake. 
 In the same mode, and upon the same principles, that domestic traffic is 
 carried on within the society, an external commerce is established with 
 other tribes or nations. Their mutual interest and mutual wants render this 
 intercourse desirable, and imperceptibly introduce the maxims and laws 
 which facilitate its progress and render it secure. But no very extensive 
 commerce can take place between contiguous provinces, whose soil and 
 climate being nearly the same yield similar productions. Remote countries 
 cannot convey their commodities, by land, to those places where on 
 account of their rarity they are desired, and become valuable. It is to navi 
 gation that men are indebted for the power of transporting the superfluous 
 stock of one part of the earth to supply the wants of another. The luxu 
 ries and blessings of a particular climate are no longer confined to itself 
 alone, but the enjoyment of them is communicated to the most distant 
 regions. 
 
 In proportion as the knowledge of the advantages derived from naviga 
 tion and commerce continued to spread, the intercourse among nations ex 
 tended. The ambition of conquest, or the necessity of procuring new set 
 tlements, were no longer the sole motives of visiting distant lands. The 
 desire of gain became a new incentive to activity, roused adventurers, and 
 sent them forth upon lon^ voyages, in search ot countries whose products 
 or wants might increase that circulation which nourishes and gives vigour 
 to commerce. Trade proved a great source of discovery : it opened un 
 known seas, it penetrated into new regions, and contributed more than any 
 other cause to bring men acquainted with the situation, the nature, and com 
 modities of the different parts of the globe. But even after a regular com 
 merce was established in the world, after nations were considerably civil 
 ized, and the sciences and arts were cultivated with ardour and success, 
 navigation continued to be so imperfect, that it can hardly be said to have 
 advanced beyond the infancy of its improvement in the ancient world. 
 
 Among all the nations of antiquity, the structure of their vessels was ex 
 tremely rude, and their method of working them very defective. They 
 were unacquainted with several principles and operations in navigation, 
 which are now considered as the first elements on which that science is 
 founded. Though that property of the magnet by which it attracts iron 
 was well known to the ancients, its more important and amazing virtue of 
 pointing to the poles had entirely escaped their observation. Destitute of 
 this faithful guide, which now conducts the pilot with so much certainty in 
 the unbounded ocean, during the darkness of night, or when the heavens are 
 covered with clouds, the ancients had no other method of regulating their 
 course than by observing the sun and stars. Their navigation was of con 
 sequence uncertain and timid. They durst seldom quit sight of land, but 
 crept along the coast, exposed to all the dangers, arid retarded by all the ob 
 structions, unavoidable in holding such an awkward course. An incredible 
 length of time was requisite for performing voyages which are now- 
 finished in a short space. Even in the mildest climates, and in seas the 
 least tempestuous, it was only during the summer months that the ancients 
 ventured out of their harbours. The remainder of the year was lost in in- 
 
AMERICA. 19 
 
 activity. It would have been deemed most inconsiderate rashness to have 
 braved the fury of the winds and waves during winter.* _ 
 
 While both the science and practice of navigation continued to be so de 
 fective, it was an undertaking of no small difficulty and danger to visit any 
 remote region of the earth. Under every disadvantage, however, the 
 active spirit of commerce exerted itself. The Egyptians, soon after the 
 establishment of their monarchy, are said to have opened a trade between the 
 Arabian Gulf, or Red Sea, and the western coast of the great Indian conti 
 nent. The commodities which they imported from the East, were carried 
 by land from the Arabian Gulf to the banks of the Nile, and conveyed down 
 that river to the Mediterranean. But if the Egyptians in early times ap 
 plied themselves to commerce, their attention to it was of short duration. 
 The fertile soil and mild climate of Egypt produced the necessaries and 
 comforts of life with such profusion, as rendered its inhabitants so inde 
 pendent of other countries, that it became an established maxim among that 
 people, whose ideas and institutions differed in almost every point from 
 those of other nations, to renounce all intercourse with foreigners. In con 
 sequence of this, they never went out of their own country ; they held all 
 seafaring persons in detestation, as impious and profane ; and fortifying 
 their own harbours, they denied strangers admittance into them.f It was in 
 the decline of their power, and when their veneration for ancient maxims 
 had greatly abated, that they again opened their ports, and resumed any 
 communication with foreigners. 
 
 The character and situation of the Phenicians were as favourable to the 
 spirit of commerce and discovery as those of the Egyptians were adverse 
 to it. They had no distinguishing peculiarity in their manners and institu 
 tions ; they were not addicted to any singular and unsocial form of super 
 stition ; they could mingle with other nations without scruple or reluctance. 
 The territory which they possessed was neither large nor fertile. Com 
 merce was the only source from which they could derive opulence or 
 power. Accordingly, the trade carried on by the Phenicians of Sidon and 
 Tyre, was more extensive and enterprising than that of any state in the an 
 cient world. The genius of the Phenicians, as well as the object of their 
 policy and the spirit of their laws, were entirely commercial. They were 
 a people of merchants, who aimed at the empire of the sea, and actually- 
 possessed it. Their ships not only frequented all the ports in the Medi 
 terranean, but they were the first who ventured beyond the ancient boun 
 daries of navigation, and, passing the Straits of Gad.es, visited the western 
 coasts of Spain and Africa. In many of the places to which they resorted, 
 they planted colonies, and communicated to the rude inhabitants some 
 knowledge of their arts and improvements. While they extended their dis 
 coveries towards the north and the west, they did not neglect to penetrate 
 into the more opulent and fertile regions of the south and east. Having 
 rendered themselves masters of several commodious harbours towards the 
 bottom of the Arabian Gulf, they, after the example of the Egyptians, esta 
 blished a regular intercourse with Arabia and the continent ot India on the 
 one hand, and with the eastern coast of Africa on the other. From these 
 countries they imported many valuable commodities unknown to the rest 
 of the world, and during a long period engrossed that lucrative branch oi 
 commerce without a rival, [l] 
 
 The vast wealth which the Phenicians acquired by monopolizing the 
 trade earned on in the Red Sea, incited their neighbours the Jews, under 
 the prosperous reigns of David and Solomon, to aim at being admitted to 
 some shafe of it. This they obtained, partly by their conquest of Idumea, 
 which stretches along the Red Sea, and partly by their alliance with Hi- 
 
 * VegitiuB de Re raiHt. Kb. iv. t Diod. Sicul. lib. i. p. 78. ed. Wesselingii. Arast. 1756. Stra- 
 to, lib. xvu. p. 1142. ed. Amst. 1707. 
 
20 HISTORY OF [Boos I. 
 
 ram, king of Tyre. Solomon fitted out fleets, which, under the direction of 
 Phenician pilots, sailed from the Red Sea to Tarshish and Ophir. These, 
 it is probable, were ports in India and Africa, which their conductors were 
 accustomed to frequent, and from them the Jewish ships returned with such 
 valuable cargoes as suddenly diffused wealth and splendour through the 
 Kingdom of Israel.* But the singular institutions of the Jews, the ob 
 servance of which was enjoined by their divine Legislator, with an inten 
 tion of preserving them a separate people, uninfected by idolatry, formed 
 a national character, incapable of that open and liberal intercourse with 
 strangers which commerce requires. Accordingly, this unsocial genius of 
 the people, together with the disasters which befell the kingdom of Israel, 
 prevented the commercial spirit which their monarchs laboured to introduce 
 and to cherish, from spreading among them. The Jews cannot be num 
 bered among the nations whicn contributed to improve navigation, or to ex 
 tend discovery. 
 
 But though the instructions and example of the Phenicians were unable 
 to mould the manners and temper of the Jews, in opposition to the tendency 
 of their laws, they transmitted the commercial spirit with facility, and 
 in full vigour, to their own descendants the Carthaginians. The common 
 wealth of Carthage applied to trade and naval affairs, with no less ardour, 
 ingenuity, and success, than its parent state. Carthage early rivalled and 
 soon surpassed Tyre in opulence and power, but seems not to have aimed 
 at obtaining any share in the commerce with India. The Phenicians had 
 engrossed this, and had such a command of the Red Sea as secured to them 
 the exclusive possession of that lucrative branch of trade. The commercial 
 activity of the Carthaginians was exerted in another direction. Without 
 contending for the trade of the East with their mother country, they extend 
 ed their navigation chiefly towards the west and north. Following the 
 course which the Phenicians had opened, they passed the Strarts of Gades, 
 and pushing their discoveries far beyond those of the parent state, visited 
 not only all the coasts of Spain, but those of Gaul, and penetrated at last 
 into Britain. At the same time that they acquired knowledge of new coun 
 tries in this part of the globe, they gradually carried their researches towards 
 the south. They made considerable progress by land into the interior pro 
 vinces of Africa, traded with some of them, and subjected others to their 
 empire. They sailed along the western coast of that great continent almost 
 to the tropic oif Cancer, and planted several colonies, in order to civilize the 
 natives and accustom them to commerce. They discovered the Fortunate 
 Islands, now known by the name of the Canaries, the utmost boundary of 
 ancient navigation in the western ocean.f 
 
 Nor was the progress of the Phenicians and Carthaginians in their 
 knowledge of the globe, owing entirely to the desire of extending their 
 trade from one country to another. Commerce was followed by its usual 
 effects among both these people. It awakened curiosity, enlargea the ideas 
 and desires of men, and incited them to bold enterprises. Voyages were 
 undertaken, the sole object of which was to discover new countries, and to 
 explore unknown seas. Such, during the prosperous age of the Cartha 
 ginian republic, were the famous navigations of Hanno and Himlico. Both 
 their fleets were equipped by authority of the senate, and at public ex 
 pense. Hanno was directed to steer towards the south, along the coast of 
 Africa, and he seems to have advanced much nearer the equinoctial line 
 than any former navigator. j Himlico had it in charge to proceed towards 
 the north, and to examine the western coasts of the European continent. 
 Of the same nature was the extraordinary navigation of tho PJienicians 
 
 * Memoire SUT le Pays d'Ophir, par M. d'Anville, Mem. de PAcadem. des Inscript. &c. torn. 
 MX. 83. f Plinii Nat. Hist. lib. vi. c. 37. edit, in usum Delph. 4to. A685. + Plinii Mat. Hist, lib.v. 
 c. 1. Hannonis Periplus ap. Gcograph. minores, edit. Hudson!, vol. i. p. 1. Plinii Nat. Hist. lib. 
 f e. 67. Festus Avienus apudUochart. Geogr. Sacer. lib. i. c. CO. p. 652. Oper. vol. iii. L. Bat. 1707' 
 
AMERICA. 21 
 
 round Africa. A Phemcian fleet, we are told, fitted out by Necho king of 
 Egypt, took, its departure about six hundred and four years before the 
 Christian era, from a port in the Red Sea, doubled the southern promontory 
 of Africa, and after a voyage of three years returned b^ the Straits o"t 
 Gades to the mouth of the Kile.* Eudoxus of Cyzicus is said to have held 
 the same course, and to have accomplished the same arduous undertaking.! 
 
 These voyages, if performed in the manner which I have related, may 
 justly be reckoned the greatest effort of navigation in the ancient world ; 
 and if we attend to the imperfect state of the art at that time, it is difficult 
 to determine whether we should most admire the courage and sagacity 
 with which the design was formed, or the conduct and good fortune with 
 which it was executed. But unfortunately all the original and authentic 
 accounts of the Phenician and Carthaginian voyages, whether undertaken 
 by public authority or m prosecution of their private trade, have perished. 
 1 he information which we receive concerning them from the Greek and 
 Roman authors is not only obscure and inaccurate, but if we except a short 
 narrative of Harmo's expedition, is of suspicious authority. [2] Whatever 
 acquaintance with the remote regions of the earth the Pheniciansor Cartha 
 ginians may have acquired, was concealed from the rest of mankind with a 
 mercantile jealousy. Every thing relative to the course of their navigation 
 was not only a mystery of trade, but a secret of state. Extraordinary facts 
 are related concerning their solicitude to prevent other nations from pene 
 trating into what they wished should remain undivulged.^ Many of their 
 discoveries seem, accordingly, to have been scarcely known beyond the 
 precincts of their own states. The navigation round Africa, in particular, is 
 recorded by the Greek and Roman writers rather as a strange amusing tale, 
 which they did not comprehend or did not believe, than as a real transac 
 tion which enlarged their knowledge and influenced their opinions. [3] As 
 neither the progress of the Phenician or Carthaginian discoveries, nor the 
 extent of their navigation, were communicated to the rest of mankind, all 
 memorials of their extraordinary skill in naval affairs seem, in a great mea 
 sure, to have perished, when the maritime power of the former was anni 
 hilated by Alexander's conquest of Tyre, and the empire of the latter was 
 overturned by the Roman arms. 
 
 Leaving, then, the obscure and pompous accounts of the Phenician and 
 Carthaginian voyages to the curiosity and conjectures of antiquaries, history 
 must rest satisfied with relating the progress of navigation and discovery 
 among the Greeks and Romans, which, though less splendid, is better as 
 certained. It is evident that the Phenicians, who instructed the Greeks in 
 many other useful sciences and arts, did not communicate to them that ex 
 tensive knowledge of navigation which they themselves possessed ; nor did 
 the Romans imbibe that commercial spirit and ardour for discovery which 
 distinguished their rivals the Carthaginians. Though Greece be almost 
 encompassed by the sea, which formed many spacious bays and commo 
 dious harbours : though it be surrounded by a great number of fertile islands, 
 yet, notwithstanding such a favourable situation, which seemed to invite 
 that ingenious people to apply themselves to navigation, it was long before 
 this art attained any degree of perfection among them. Their early; voy 
 ages, the object of which was piracy rather than commerce, were so incon 
 siderable that the expedition of the Argonauts from the coast of Thessaly 
 to the Euxine Sea, appeared such an amazing effort of skill and courage, 
 as entitled the conductors of it to be ranked among the demigods, and ex- 
 alted the vessel in which they sailed to a place among the heavenly con 
 stellations. Even at a later period, when the Greeks engaged in the famous 
 enterprise against Troy, their knowledge in naval affairs seems not to have 
 been much improved. According to the account of Homer, the only poet 
 
 * Herodot. lib. iv. c. 42. j Pliuii Nat. Hist. lib. ii c. 67. J Strab. Geogr. lih. iii. p. 365. lib.xviij. 
 
22 HISTORY OF [BOOK L 
 
 to whom history ventures to appeal, and who, by his scrupulous accuracy 
 in describing the manners and arts of early ages, merits this distinction, the 
 science of navigation at that time had hardly advanced beyond its rudest 
 state. The Greeks in the heroic age seem to have been unacquainted with 
 the use of iron, the most serviceable of all the metals, without which no 
 considerable progress was ever made in the mechanical arts. Their ves-< 
 sels were of inconsiderable burden, and mostly without decks. They had 
 only one mast, which was erected or taken down at pleasure. They were 
 strangers to the use of anchors. All their operations in sailing were clumsy 
 and unskilful. They turned their observations towards stars, which were 
 improper for regulating their course, and their mode of observing them was 
 inaccurate and fallacious. When they had finished a voyage they drew 
 their paltry barks ashore, as savages do their canoes, and these remained on 
 dry land until the season of returning to sea approached. It is not then in 
 the early heroic ages of Greece that we can expect to observe the science 
 of navigation, and the spirit of discovery, making any considerable progress. 
 During that period of disorder and ignorance, a thousand causes concurred 
 in restraining curiosity and enterprise within very narrow bounds. 
 
 But the Greeks advanced with rapidity to a state of greater civilization 
 and refinement. Government, in its most liberal and perfect form, began to 
 be established in their different communities ; equal laws and regular po 
 lice were gradually introduced ; the sciences and arts which are useful or 
 ornamental in life were carried to a high pitch of improvement ; and seve 
 ral of the Grecian commonwealths applied to commerce with such ardour 
 and success, that they were considered, in the ancient world, as maritime 
 powers of the first rank. Even then, however, the naval victories of the 
 Greeks must be ascribed rather to the native spirit of the people, and to 
 that courage which the enjoyment of liberty inspires, than to any extraordi 
 nary progress in the science of navigation. In the Persian war, those ex 
 ploits, which the genius of the Greek historians has rendered so famous, were 
 performed by fleets composed chiefly of small vessels without decks;* 
 the crews of which rushed forward with impetuous valour, but little art, to 
 board those of the enemy. In the war of Peloponnesus, their ships seem 
 still to have been of inconsiderable burden and force. The extent of their 
 trade, how highly soever it may have been estimated in ancient times, was 
 in proportion to this low condition of their marine. The maritime states 
 of Greece hardly carried on any commerce beyond the limits of the Medi 
 terranean sea. Their chief intercourse was with the colonies of their country 
 men planted in the Lesser Asia, in Italy, and Sicily. They sometimes vi 
 sited the ports of Egypt, of the southern provinces of Gaul, and of Thrace ; 
 or, passing through the Hellespont, they traded with the countries situated 
 around the Euxine sea. Amazing instances occur of their ignorance, even 
 of those countries which lay within the narrow precincts to which their 
 navigation was confined. When the Greeks had assembled their combined 
 fleet against Xerxes at Egina, they thought it unadvisable to sail to Samos, 
 because they believed the distance between that island and Egina to be as 
 great as the distance between Egina and the Pillars of Hercules.j They 
 were either utterly unacquainted with all the parts of the globe beyond the 
 Mediterranean sea, or what knowledge they had of them was founded on 
 conjecture, or derived from the information of a few persons whom curiosity 
 and the love of science had prompted to travel by land into the Upper 
 Asia, or by sea into Egypt, the ancient seats of wisuom and arts. After all 
 that the Greeks learned from them, they appear to have been ignorant of 
 the most important facts on which an accurate and scientific knowledge of 
 Jhe globe is founded. 
 
 The expedition of Alexander the Great into the East considerably en* 
 
 * Thucyd. lib. i- c. 14. t Herodot. lib vtti, c. 13*. 
 
AMERICA. 23 
 
 forged the sphere of navigation and of geographical knowledge among the 
 Greeks. That extraordinary man, notwithstanding the violent passions 
 which incited him at some times to the wildest actions and the most extra 
 vagant enterprises, possessed talents which fitted him, not only to conquer, 
 but to govern the world. He was capable of framing those Bold and ori 
 ginal schemes of policy, which gave a new form to human affairs. The 
 revolution in commerce, brought about by the force of his genius, is hardly 
 inferior to that revolution in empire occasioned by the success of his arms. 
 It is probable that the opposition and efforts of the republic of Tyre, which 
 checked him so long in the career of his victories, gave Alexander an op 
 portunity of observing the vast resources of a maritime power, and convey 
 ed to him some idea of the immense wealth which the Tynans derived 
 from their commerce, especially that with the East Indies. As soon as he 
 had accomplished the destruction of Tyre, and reduced Egypt to subjection, 
 he formed the plan of rendering the empire which he proposed to establish, 
 the centre of commerce as well as the seat of dominion. With this view 
 he founded a great city, which he honoured with his own name, near one 
 of the mouths of the river Nile, that by the Mediterranean sea, and the 
 neighbourhood of the Arabian Gulf, it might command the trade both of the 
 East and West.* This situation was chosen with such discernment, that 
 Alexandria soon became the chief commercial city in the world. Not only 
 during the subsistence of the Grecian empire in Egypt and in the East, but 
 amidst all the successive revolutions in those countries from the time of the 
 Ptolemies to the discovery of the navigation by the Cape of Good Hope, 
 commerce, particularly that of the East Indies, continued to flow in the 
 channel which the sagacity and foresight of Alexander had marked out 
 for it. 
 
 His ambition was not satisfied with having opened to the Greeks a com 
 munication with India by sea ; he aspired to the sovereignty of those regions 
 which furnished the rest of mankind with so many precious commodities, 
 and conducted his army thither by land. Enterprising, however, as he was, 
 he may be said rather to have viewed than to have conquered that country. 
 He did not, in his progress towards the East, advance beyond the banks of 
 the rivers that fall into the Indus, which is now the western boundary of the 
 vast continent of India. Amidst the wild exploits which distinguish this 
 part of his history, he pursued measures that mark the superiority of his ge 
 nius as well as the extent of his views. He had penetrated as far into Inclia 
 as to confirm his opinion of its commercial importance, and to perceive that 
 immense wealth might be derived from intercourse with a country where 
 the arts of elegance, having been more early cultivated, were arrived at 
 greater perfection than in any other part of the earth.j Full of this idea, he 
 resolved to examine the course of navigation from the mouth of the Indus 
 to the bottom of the Persian Gulf; and, if it should be found practicable, to 
 establish a regular communication between them. In order to effect this, 
 he proposed to remove the cataracts, with which the jealousy of the Per 
 sians, and their aversion to correspondence with foreigners, had obstructed 
 the entrance into the Euphrates ; J to carry the commodities of the East up 
 that river, and the Tigris, which unites with it, into the interior parts of his 
 Asiatic dominions ; while, by the way of the Arabian Gulf and the river 
 Nile, they might be conveyed to Alexandria, and distributed to the rest of 
 the world. Nearchus, an officer of eminent abilities, was intrusted with the 
 command of the fleet fitted out for this expedition. He performed this 
 voyage, which was deemed an enterprise so arduous and important, that 
 Alexander reckoned it one of the most extraordinary events which distin 
 guished his reign. Inconsiderable as it may now appear, it was at that 
 
 * Strab. Geogr. lib. xvii. p 1143. 1149. t Strab. Geogr. lib. xv. p. 1036. Q. Curtius , lib. xviii. 
 c. 9. J Strab. Geogr. lib. xvi. p. 1075. 
 
24 HISTORY OF [BOOK I. 
 
 time an undertaking of no little merit and difficulty. In the prosecution of 
 it, striking instances occur of the small progress which the Greeks had made 
 in naval Knowledge. [4] Having never sailed beyond the bounds of the 
 Mediterranean, where the ebb and flow of the sea are hardly perceptible, 
 when they first observed this phenomenon at the mouth of the Indus, it ap 
 peared to them a prodigy, by which the gods testified the displeasure of 
 heaven against their enterprise .[5] During their whole course, they seem 
 never to have lost sight of land, but followed the bearings of the coast so 
 servilely, that they could not avail themselves of those periodical winds 
 which facilitate navigation in the Indian ocean. Accordingly they spent 
 no less than ten months in performing this voyage,* which, from the mouth 
 of the Indus to that of the Persian Gulf, does not exceed twenty degrees. 
 It is probable, that amidst the convulsions and frequent revolutions in the 
 East, occasioned by the contests among the successors of Alexander, the 
 navigation to India by the course which Nearchus had opened was discon 
 tinued. The Indian trade carried on at Alexandria, not only subsisted, but 
 was so much extended, under the Grecian mpnarchs of Egrypt, that it proved 
 a great source of the wealth which distinguished their kingdom. 
 
 The progress which the Romans made in navigation and discovery, was 
 still more inconsiderable than that of the Greeks. The genius of the Ro 
 man people, their military education, and the spirit of their laws, concurred 
 in estranging them from commerce and naval affairs. It was the necessity 
 of opposing a formidable rival, not the desire of extending trade, which 
 first prompted them to aim at maritime power. Though they soon per 
 ceived, that in order to acquire the universal dominion after which they as 
 pired, it was necessary to render themselves masters of the sea, they still 
 considered the naval service as a subordinate station, and reserved for it 
 such citizens as were not of a rank to be admitted into the legions.f In 
 the history of the Roman republic, hardly one event occurs, that marks 
 attention to navigation any further than it was instrumental towards conquest. 
 When the Roman valour and discipline had subdued all the maritime states 
 known in the ancient world ; when Carthage, Greece, and Egypt had sub 
 mitted to their power, the Romans did not imbibe the commercial spirit of 
 the conquered nations. Among that people of soldiers, to have applied to 
 trade would have been deemed a degradation to a Roman citizen. They 
 abandoned the mechanical arts, commerce, and navigation, to slaves, to 
 freedmen, to provincials, and to citizens of the lowest class. Even after the 
 subversion of liberty, when the severity and haughtiness of ancient manners 
 began to abate, commerce did not rise into high estimation among the 
 Romans. The trade of Greece, Egypt, and the other conquered countries, 
 continued to be carried on in its usual channels, after they were reduced 
 into the form of Roman provinces. As Rome was the capital of the world, 
 and the seat of government, all the wealth and valuable productions of the 
 provinces flowed naturally thither. The Romans, satisfied with this, seem 
 to have suffered commerce to remain almost entirely in the hands of the 
 natives of the respective countries. The extent, however, of the Roman 
 power, which reached over the greatest part of the known world, the vigi 
 lant inspection of the Roman magistrates, and the spirit of the Roman 
 government, no less intelligent than active, gave such additional security to 
 commerce as animated it with new vigour. The union among nations was 
 never so entire, nor the intercourse so perfect, as within the bounds of this 
 vast empire. Commerce, under the Roman dominion, was not obstructed 
 by the jealousy of rival states, interrupted by frequent hostilities, or limited 
 by partial restrictions. One superintending power moved and regulated 
 the industry of mankind, and enjoyed the fruits of their joint efforts. 
 
 Navigation felt its influence, and improved under it. As soon as the 
 
 .t'tJ. .4lJ . 
 
 * Pirn. Hist Nat. lib. vi. c. 23. t Polyb. lib. v. 
 
 \ 
 
AMERICA. 23 
 
 Romans acquired a taste for the luxuries of the East, the trade with India 
 through Egypt was pushed with new vigour, and carried on to greater 
 extent. By trequenting the Indian continent, navigators became acquainted 
 with the periodical course of the winds, which, in the ocean that separates 
 Africa from India, blow with little variation during one half of the year from 
 the east, andduring the other half blow with equal steadiness from the west. 
 Encouraged by observing this, the pilots who sailed from Egypt to India 
 abandoned their ancient slow and dangerous course along the coast, and, as 
 soon as the western monsoon set in, took their departure from Ocelis, at the 
 mouth of the Arabian Gulf, and stretched boldly across the ocean.* The uni 
 form direction of the wind, supplying the place of the compass, and rendering 
 the guidance of the stars less necessary, conducted them to the port of Musi- 
 ris, on the western shore of the Indian continent. There they took on board 
 their cargo, and, returning with the eastern monsoon, finished their voyage 
 to the Arabian Gulf within the year. This part of India, now known b>; 
 the name of the Malabar coast, seems to have been the utmost limit 01 
 ancient navigation in that quartfc 1 of the globe. What imperfect knowledge 
 the ancients had of the immense countries which stretch beyond this towards 
 the East, they received from a few adventurers who had visited them by 
 land. Such excursions were j^ither frequent nor extensive, and it is proba 
 ble that, while the Roman Mtercourse with India subsisted, no traveller 
 ever penetrated further thanJrthe banks of the Ganges.|[6j The fleets from 
 Egypt which traded at MiMris were loaded it is true, with the spices and 
 other rich commodities of the continent and islands of the further India ; but 
 these were brought to that port, which became the staple of the commerce 
 between the east and west, by the Indians themselves in canoes hollowed 
 out of one tree.J The Egyptian and Roman merchants, satisfied with 
 acquiring those commodities in this manner, did not think it necessary to 
 explore unknown seas, and venture upon a dangerous navigation, in quest ot 
 the countries which produced them. But though the discoveries of the Romans 
 in India were so limited, their commerce there was such as will appear 
 considerable, even to the present age, in which the Indian trade has been 
 extended iar beyond the practice or conception of any preceding period. 
 We are informed by one author of credit, that the commerce with India 
 drained the Roman empire every year of more than four hundred thousand 
 pounds ; and by another, that one hundred and twenty ships sailed annually 
 from the Arabian Gulf to that country.|| 
 
 The discovery of this new method of sailing to India, is the most con 
 siderable improvement in navigation made during the continuance of the 
 Roman power. But in ancient times, the knowledge of remote countries 
 was acquired more frequently by land than by sea ;[7] and the Romans, from 
 their peculiar disinclination to naval affairs, may be said to have neglected 
 totally the latter, though a more easy and expeditious method of discovery. 
 The progress, however, of their victorious armies through a considerable 
 portion oi s Europe, Asia, and Africa, contributed greatly to extend discovery 
 by land, and gradually opened the navigation of new and unknown seas. 
 Previous to the Roman conquests, the civilized nations of antiquity had 
 little communication with those countries in Europe which now form its 
 most opulent and powerful kingdoms. The interior parts of Spain and 
 Gaul were imperfectly known. Britain, separated from the rest of the 
 world, had never been visited, except by its neighbours the Gauls, and by a 
 few Carthaginian merchants. The name of Germany had scarcely been 
 beard of. Into all these countries the arms of the Romans penetrated. 
 They entirely subdued Spain and Gaul ; they conquered the greatest and 
 most fertile part of Britain ; they advanced into Germany, as far as the 
 
 * Pirn. Nat. Hist. lib. vi. c. 23. f Slrab. Geogr. lib. xv. p. 10061010. } Plin. Nat. Hist 
 lib. vi. c. -2(5. ibid. j| Strab. Geogr. lib. ii. p. 179. 
 VOL. I. 4 
 
26 HISTORY OF [BOOK I. 
 
 banks of the river Elbe. In Africa, they acquired a considerable know 
 ledge of the provinces, which stretched along the Mediterranean Sea, from 
 Egypt westward to the Straits of Gades. In Asia, they not only subjected 
 to their power most of the provinces which composed the Persian and 
 the Macedonian empires, but after their victories over Mithridates and 
 Tigranes, they seem to have made a more accurate survey of the countries 
 contiguous to the Euxine and Caspian seas, and to have carried on a more 
 extensive trade than that of the Greeks with the opulent and commercial 
 nations then seated round the Euxine sea. 
 
 From this succinct survey of discovery and navigation, which I have 
 traced from the earliest dawn of historical knowledge, to the full esta 
 blishment of the Roman dominion, the progress of both appears to 
 have been wonderfully slow. It seems neither adequate to what we 
 might have expected from the activity and enterprise of the human mind, 
 nor to what might have been performed by the power of the great empires 
 which successively governed the world. If we reject accounts that are 
 fabulous and obscure ; if we adhere steady to the light and information 
 of authentic history, without substituting in its place the conjectures of 
 fancy or the dreams of etymologists, we must conclude, that the knowledge 
 which the ancients had acquired of the habitable globe was extremely 
 confined. In Europe, the extensive provincM in the eastern part of Ger 
 many were little known to them. They we^^lmost totally unacquainted 
 with the vast countries which are now subjecVto the kings of Denmark, 
 Sweden, Prussia, Poland, and the Russian empire. The more barren 
 regions that stretch within the arctic circle, were quite unexplored. In 
 Africa, their researches did not extend far beyond the provinces which 
 border on the Mediterranean, and those situated on the western shore of 
 the Arabian Gulf. In Asia, they were unacquainted, as I formerly observed, 
 with all the fertile and opulent countries beyond the Ganges, which furnish 
 the most valuable commodities that in modern times have been the great 
 object of the European commerce with India ; nor do they seem to have 
 ever penetrated into those immense regions occupied by the wandering- 
 tribes, which they called by the general name of Sarmatians or Scythians, 
 and which are now possessed by Tartars of various denominations, and by 
 the Asiatic subjects of Russia. 
 
 But there is one opinion, that universally prevailed amon? the ancients, 
 which conveys a more striking idea of the small progress they had made 
 in the knowledge of the habitable globe than can be derived from any 
 detail of their discoveries. They supposed the earth to be divided into 
 five regions, which they distinguished by the name of Zones. Two of 
 these, which were nearest the poles, they termed Frigid zones, and believed 
 that the extreme cold which reigned perpetually there rendered them unin 
 habitable. Another, seated under the line, and extending on either side 
 towards the tropics, they called the Torrid zone, and imagined it to be so 
 burned up with unremitting heat, as to be equally destitute of inhabitants. 
 On the two other zones, which occupied the remainder of the earth, they 
 bestowed the appellation of Temperate, and taught that these, being the 
 only regions in which life could subsist, were allotted to man for his habita 
 tion. This wild opinion was not a conceit of the uninformed vulgar, or a 
 fanciful fiction of the poets, but a system adopted by the most enlightened 
 philosophers, the most accurate historians and geographers in Greece and 
 Rome. According to this theory, a vast portion of the habitable earth was 
 pronounced to be unfit for sustaining the human species. Those fertile and 
 populous regions within the torrid zone, which are now known not only to 
 yield their own inhabitants the necessaries and comforts of life with most 
 luxuriant profusion, but to communicate their superfluous stores to the rest of 
 the world, were supposed to be the mansion of perpetual sterility and 
 desolation. As all the parts of the globe with which the ancients were 
 
AMERICA. 2 
 
 acquainted lay within the northern temperate zone, their opinion that the 
 other temperate zone was filled with inhabitants, was founded on reasoning 
 and conjecture, not on discover}'. They even believed that, by the intole 
 rable heat of the torrid zone such an insuperable barrier was placed 
 between the two temperate regions of the earth as would prevent for ever 
 any intercourse between their respective inhabitants. Thus, this extrava 
 gant theory not only proves that the ancients were unacquainted with the 
 true state of the globe, but it tended to render their ignorance perpetual, by 
 representing all attempts towards opening a communication with the remote 
 regions of the earth, as utterly impracticable. [8] 
 
 But, however imperfect or inaccurate the geographical knowledge which 
 he Greeks and Romans had acquired may appear, in respect of the 
 present improved state of that science, their progress in discovery will seem 
 considerable, and the extent to which they carried navigation ana commerce 
 must be reckoned great, when compared with the ignorance of early times. 
 As long as the Roman Empire retained such vigour as to preserve its authority 
 over the conquered nations, and to keep them united, it was an object 61 
 public policy, as well as of private curiosity, to examine and describe the 
 countries which composed this great body. Even when the other sciences 
 began to decline, geography, enriched with new observations, and receiving 
 some accession from the experience of every age, and the reports of every 
 traveller, continued to improve. It attained to the highest point of perfec 
 tion and accuracy to which it ever arrived in the ancient world, by the 
 industry and genius of Ptolemy 'the philosopher. He flourished in the 
 second century of the Christian eera, and published a description of the ter 
 restrial globe, more ample and exact than that of any of his predecessors. 
 
 But, soon after, violent convulsions began to shake the Roman state ; the 
 fatal ambition or caprice of Constantine, by changing the seat of govern 
 ment, divided and weakened its force ; the barbarous nations, which Pro 
 vidence prepared as instruments to overturn the mighty fabric of the 
 Roman power, began to assemble and to muster their armies on its frontier : 
 the empire tottered to its fall. During this decline and old age of the 
 Roman state, it was impossible that the sciences should go on improving. 
 The efforts of genius were, at that period, as languid and feeble as those of 
 government. From the time of Ptolemy, no considerable addition seems to 
 have been made to geographical knowledge, nor did any important revo 
 lution happen in trade, excepting that Constantinople, by its advantageous 
 situation, and the encouragement of the eastern emperors, became a com 
 mercial city of the first note. 
 
 At length, the clouds which had been so long gathering round the Roman 
 empire burst into a storm. Barbarous nations rushed in from several quar 
 ters with irresistible impetuosity, and in the general wreck, occasioned by 
 the inundation which overwhelmed Europe the arts, sciences, inventions, 
 and discoveries of the Romans perished in a great measure, and disap 
 peared.* All the various tribes which settled in the different provinces of 
 the Roman empire were uncivilized, strangers to letters, destitute of arts, 
 unacquainted with regular government, subordination, or laws. The man 
 ners and institutions of some of them were so rude as to be hardly compati 
 ble with a state of social union. Europe, when occupied by such inhabit 
 ants, may be said to have returned to a second infancy, and had to begin 
 anew its career in improvement, science, and civility. The first effect of 
 the settlement of those barbarous invaders was to dissolve the union by which 
 the Roman power had cemented mankind together. They parcelled out 
 Europe into many small and independent states, differing from each othef 
 in language and customs. No intercourse subsisted between the members 
 of those divided and hostile communities. Accustomed to a simple mode 
 
 * Hisf. of Charles V. vol. i. 
 
28 HISTORY OF [BOOK 1. 
 
 of life, and averse to industry, they had few wants to supply, and few super 
 fluities to dispose of. The names of stranger and enemy became once 
 more words of the same import. Customs every where prevailed, and 
 even laws were established, which rendered it disagreeable and dangerous 
 to visit any foreign country.* Cities, in which alone an extensive commerce 
 can be carried on, were few, inconsiderable, and destitute of those immuni 
 ties which produce security or excite enterprise. The sciences, on which 
 geography and navigation are founded, were little cultivated. The accounts 
 of ancient improvements and discoveries, contained in the Greek and 
 Roman authors, were neglected or misunderstood. The knowledge of 
 remote regions was lost, their situation, their commodities, and almost their 
 names, were unknown. 
 
 One circumstance prevented commercial intercourse with distant nations 
 from ceasing altogether. Constantinople, though often threatened by the 
 fierce invaders who spread desolation over the rest of Europe, was so for 
 tunate as to escape their destructive rage. In that city the knowledge of 
 ancient arts and discoveries was preserved ; a taste for splendour and ele 
 gance subsisted ; the productions and luxuries of foreign countries were in 
 request ; and commerce continued to flourish there when it was almost 
 extinct in every other part of Europe. The citizens of Constantinople did 
 not confine their trade to the islands of the Archipelago, or to the adjacent 
 coasts of Asia ; they took a wider range, and, following the course which 
 the ancients had marked out, imported the commodities of the East Indies 
 from Alexandria. When Egypt was torn from the Roman empire by the 
 Arabians, the industry of the Greeks discovered a new channel by which 
 the productions of India might be conveyed to Constantinople. They were 
 carried up the Indus as far as that great river is navigable ; thence they 
 were transported by land to the banks of the river Oxus, and proceeded 
 down its stream to the Caspian sea. There they entered the Volga, and, 
 sailing up it, were carried by land to the Tanais, which conducted them 
 into the Euxine sea, where vessels from Constantinople waited their arrival.! 
 This extraordinary and tedious mode of conveyance merits attention, not 
 only as a proof of the violent passion which the inhabitants of Constantinople 
 had. conceived for the luxuries of the East, and as a specimen of the ardour 
 and ingenuity with which they carried on commerce ; but because it 
 demonstrates that, during the ignorance which reigned in the rest of Europe, 
 an extensive knowledge of remote countries was still preserved in the capi 
 tal of the Greek empire. 
 
 At the same time a gleam of light and knowledge broke in upon the 
 East. The Arabians having contracted some relish for the sciences of the 
 people whose empire they had contributed to overturn, translated the 
 books of several of the Greek philosophers into their own language. One 
 of the first was that valuable work of Ptolemy which I have already men 
 tioned. The study of geography became, of consequence, an early object of 
 attention to the Arabians. But that acute and ingenious people cultivated 
 chiefly the speculative and scientific parts of geography. In order to ascer 
 tain the figure and dimensions of the terrestrial globe, they applied the 
 principles of geometry, they had recourse to astronomical observations, they 
 employed experiments and operations, which Europe in more enlightened 
 times has been proud to adopt and to imitate. At that period, however, 
 ihe fame of the improvements made by the Arabians did not reach Europe. 
 The knowledge of their discoveries was reserved for ages capable of com 
 prehending and of perfecting them. 
 
 ^ By degrees the calamities and desolation brought upon the western pro 
 vinces of the Roman empire by its barbarous conquerors were forgotten, 
 and in some measure repaired. The rude tribes which settled there 
 
 * Hist, of Charles V. t Kamusio, vol. i. p. 372. F. 
 
AMERICA. 29 
 
 acquiring insensibly some idea of regular government, and some relish for 
 the functions and comforts of civil life, Europe began to awake from its 
 torpid and inactive state. The first symptoms of revival were discerned 
 in Italy. The northern tribes which took possession of this country, made 
 progress in improvement with greater rapidity than the people settled in 
 other parts of Europe. Various causes, which it is not tne object of this 
 work to enumerate or explain, concurred in restonng liberty and independ 
 ence to the cities of Italy.* The acquisition of these roused industry, and 
 gave motion and vigour to all the active powers of the human mind. 
 Foreign commerce revived, navigation was attended to and improved. 
 Constantinople became the chief mart to which the Italians resorted. There 
 they not only met with a favourable reception, but obtained such mercan 
 tile privileges as enabled them to carry on trade with great advantage. 
 They were supplied both with the precious commodities of the East, and 
 with many curious manufactures, the product of ancient arts and ingenuity 
 which still subsisted among the Greeks. As the labour and expense of con 
 veying the productions of India to Constantinople by that long and indirect 
 course .which I have described, rendered them extremely rare, and of an 
 exorbitant price, the industry of the Italians discovered other methods of 
 procuring them in greater abundance and at an easier rate. They some 
 times purchased them in Aleppo, Tripoli, and other ports on the coast of 
 Syria, to which they were brought by a route not unknown to the ancients. 
 They were conveyed from India by sea up the Persian Gulf, and, ascending 
 the Euphrates and Tigris as far as Bagdat, were carried by land across the 
 desert of Palmyra, and from thence to the towns on the Mediterranean. 
 But, from the length of the journey, and the dangers to which the caravans 
 were exposed, this proved always a tedious and often a precarious mode of 
 conveyance. At length the Soldans of Egypt, having revived the commerce 
 with India in its ancient channel, by the Arabian Gulf, the Italian merchants, 
 notwithstanding the violent antipathy to each other with which Christians 
 and the followersof Mahomet were then possessed, repaired to Alexandria, and 
 enduring, from the love of gain, the insolence and exactions of the Mahometans, 
 established a lucrative trade in that port. From that period the commer 
 cial spirit of Italy became active and enterprising. Venice, Genoa, Pisa, 
 rose from inconsiderable towns to be populous and wealthy cities. Their 
 naval power increased ; their vessels frequented not only all the ports in the 
 Mediterranean, but venturing sometimes beyond the Straits, visited the 
 maritime towns of Spain, France, the Low Countries, and England ; and, 
 by distributing their commodities over Europe, began to communicate to its 
 various nations some taste for the valuable productions of the East, as well 
 as some ideas of manufactures and arts, which were then unknown beyond 
 the precincts of Italy. 
 
 While the cities of Italy were thus advancing in their career of improve 
 ment, an event happened, the most extraordinary, perhaps, in the history of 
 mankind, which, instead of retarding the commercial progress of the Italians, 
 rendered it more rapid. The martial spirit of the Europeans, heightened 
 and inflamed by religious zeal, prompted them to attempt the deliverance 
 of the Holy Land from the dominion of Infidels. Vast armies, composed of 
 all the nations in Europe, marched towards Asia upon this wild enterprise. 
 The Genoese, the Pisans, and Venetians, furnished the transports which 
 carried them thither. They supplied them with provisions and military 
 stores. Besides the immense sums which they received on this account, 
 they obtained commercial privileges and establishments of great conse 
 quence in the settlements which the Crusaders made in Palestine, and in 
 other ^provinces of Asia. From those sources prodigious wealth flowed into 
 the cities which I have mentioned. This was accompanied with a proper- 
 
 * Hist, of Charles V. 
 
30 HISTORY OF [BOOK 1. 
 
 tional increase of power ; and, by the end of the Holy War, Venice iri 
 particular became a great maritime state, possessing an extensive commerce 
 and ample territories.* Italy was not the only country in which the Cru 
 sades contributed to revive and diffuse such a spirit as prepared Europe for 
 future discoveries; By their expeditions into Asia, the other European 
 nations became well acquainted with remote regions, which formerly they 
 knew only by name, or by the reports of ignorant and credulous pilgrims. 
 They haa an opportunity of observing the manners, the arts, and the accommo 
 dations of people more polished than themselves. This intercourse between 
 the East and West subsisted almost two centuries. The adventurers who 
 returned from Asia communicated to their countrymen the ideas which they 
 had acquired, and the habits of life they had contracted by visiting more 
 refined nations. The Europeans began to be sensible of wants with which 
 they were formerly unacquainted : new desires were excited ; and such a 
 taste for the commodities and arts of other countries gradually spread among 
 them, that they -not only encouraged the resort of foreigners to their harbours, 
 but began to perceive the advantage and necessity of applying to commerce 
 themselves.t 
 
 This communication, which was opened between Europe and the western 
 provinces of Asia, encouraged several persons to advance far beyond the 
 countries in which the Crusaders carried on their operations, and to travel by 
 land into the more remote and opulent regions of the East. The wild fanati 
 cism, which seems at that period to have mingled in all tJie schemes of 
 individuals, no less than in all the counsels of nations, first incited men to 
 enter upon those long and dangerous peregrinations. They were artel-wards 
 undertaken from prospects oif commercial advantage, or from motives of 
 mere curiosity. Benjamin, a Jew of Tudela, in the kingdom of Navarre, 
 possessed with a superstitious veneration for the law of Moses, and solicitous 
 to visit his countrymen in the East, whom he hoped .to find in such a state 
 of power and opulence as might redound to the honour of his sect, set out 
 from Spain, in the year 1160, and, travelling by land to Constantinople, pro 
 ceeded through the countries to the north of the Euxine and Caspian seas, 
 as far as Chinese Tartary. From thence he took his route towards the 
 south, and after traversing various provinces of the further India, he em 
 barked on the Indian Ocean^ visited several of its islands, and returned at 
 the end of thirteen years, by the way of Egypt, to Europe, with much 
 information concerning a large district of the globe altogether unknown at 
 that time to the western world.;}; The zeal of the head of the Christian 
 church co-operated with the superstition of Benjamin the Jew in discovering 
 the interior and remote provinces of Asia. All Christendom having been 
 alarmed with the accounts of the rapid progress of the Tartar arms under 
 Zengis Khan [1246J, Innocent IV., who entertained most exalted ideas 
 concerning the plenitude of his own power, and the submission due to his 
 injunctions, sent Father John de Piano Carpini, at the head of a mission of 
 Franciscan monks, and Father Ascolino, at the head of another of Domini 
 cans, to enjoin Kayuk Khan, the grandson of Zengis, who was then at the 
 head of the Tartar empire, to embrace the Christian faith, and to desist 
 from desolating the earth by his arms. The haughty descendant of the 
 greatest conqueror Asia had ever beheld, astonished at this strange mandate 
 from an Italian priest, whose name and jurisdiction were alike unknown to 
 him, received it with the contempt which it merited, though he dismissed 
 the mendicants who delivered it with impunity. But, as they had pene-* 
 trated into the country by different routes, and followed for some time the 
 Tartar camps, which were always in motion, they had opportunity of visit 
 ing a great part of Asia. Carpini, who proceeded by the way of Poland 
 
 * Essai de 1'Histoire du Commerce de Venise, p. 52, &c. t Hist of Charles V. 
 
 1 Bergeron, Recueil des Voyages, &c. torn i. p 1. 
 
AxMERICA. 31 
 
 and Russia, travelled through its northern provinces as far as the extremities 
 of Thibet. Ascolino, who seems to have landed somewhere in Syria, 
 advanced through its southern provinces Into the interior parts of Persia.* 
 
 Not long after [1253], St. Louis of France contributed further towards 
 extending the knowledge which the Europeans had begun to acquire of those 
 distant regions. Some designing impostor, who took advantage of the 
 slender acquaintance of Christendom with the state and character of the Asiatic 
 nations, having informed him that a powerful Khan of the Tartars had 
 embraced the Christian faith, the monarch listened to the tale with pious 
 credulity, and instantly resolved to send ambassadors to this illustrious 
 convert, with a view of enticing him to attack their common enemy the 
 Saracens in one quarter, while he fell upon them in another. As monks 
 were the only persons in that age who possessed such a degree of know 
 ledge as qualified them for a service of this kind, he employed in it 
 Father Andrew, a Jacobine, who was followed by Father William de 
 Rubruquis, a Franciscan. With respect to the progress of the former, 
 there is no memorial extant. The journal of the latter has been published 
 He was admitted into the presence of Mangu, the third Khan in succession 
 from Zengis, and made a circuit through the interior parts of Asia, more 
 extensive than that of any European who had hitherto explored them.t 
 
 To those travellers whom religious zeal sent forth to visit Asia, succeeded 
 others who ventured into remote countries from the prospect of commercial 
 advantage, or from motives of mere curiosity. The first and most eminent 
 of these was Marco Polo, a Venetian of a noble family. Having engaged 
 early in trade [126 5], according to the custom of his country, his aspiring 
 mind wished for a sphere of activity more extensive than was afforded to it 
 by the established traffic carried on in those ports of Europe and Asia which 
 the Venetians frequented. This prompted him to travel into unknown 
 countries, in expectation of opening a commercial intercourse with them 
 more suited to the sanguine ideas and hopes of a young adventurer. 
 
 As his father had already carried some European commodities to the court 
 of the great Khan of the Tartars, and had disposed of them to advantage, 
 ke resorted thither. Under the protection of Kublay Khan, the most 
 powerful of all the successors of Zengis, he continued his mercantile pere 
 grinations in Asia upwards of twenty-six years ; and during that time ad 
 vanced towards the east, far beyond the utmost boundaries to which any 
 European traveller had ever proceeded. Instead of following the course 
 of Carpini and Rubruquis, along the vast unpeopled plains of Tartary, he 
 passed through the chief trading cities in the more cultivated parts of Asia, 
 and penetrated to Cambalu,or Peking, the capital of the great kingdom of 
 Cathay, or China, subject at that time to the successors of Zengis. He 
 made more than one voyage on the Indian ocean ; he traded in many of 
 the islands from which Europe had long received spiceries and other com 
 modities which it held in high estimation, though unacquainted with the 
 particular countries to which it was indebted for those precious productions : 
 and he obtained information concerning several countries which he did not 
 visit in person, particularly the island Zipangri, probably the same now 
 known by the name of Japan.! On his return, he astonished his contempo 
 raries with his descriptions of vast regions whose names had never been 
 heard of in Europe, and with such pompous accounts of their fertility, their 
 populousness, their opulence, the variety of their manufactures, and the 
 f.xtent of their trade, as rose far above the conception of an uninformed age 
 
 About half a century after Marco Polo [1322], Sir John Mandeville, an 
 Englishman, encouraged by his example, visited most of the countries in 
 the East which he had described, and, like him, published an account of 
 
 * Hakluyt, i. 21. Bergeron, torn. i. T Hakl. i. 71. Recueii des Voyages par Bergeron, torn. i. 
 J . laggi di Marco Polo. Ramus. ii. 2. Bergeron, torn. ii. 
 
32 HISTORY OF [BooKl. 
 
 them,* The narrations of those early travellers abound with many wild 
 incoherent tales, concerning giants, enchanters, and monsters. But they 
 were not from that circumstance less acceptable to an ignorant age, which 
 delighted in what was marvellous. The wonders which they told, mostly 
 on hearsay, filled the multitude with admiration. The facts which they 
 related from their own observation attracted the attention of the more dis 
 cerning. The former, which may be considered as the popular traditions 
 and fables of the countries through which they had passed, were gradually 
 disregarded as Europe advanced in knowledge. The latter, however 
 incredible some of them may have appeared in their own time, have been 
 confirmed by the observations of modern travellers. By means of both, 
 however, the curiosity of mankind was excited with respect to the remote 
 parts of the earth ; their ideas were enlarged ; and they were not only 
 insensibly disposed to attempt new discoveries, but received such informa 
 tion as directed to that particular course in which these were afterwards 
 carried on. 
 
 While this spirit was gradually forming in Europe, a fortunate discovery 
 was made, which contributed more than all the efforts and ingenuity ol 
 preceding ages to improve and to extend navigation. That wonderful pro 
 perty of the magnet, by which it communicates such virtue to a needle 
 or slender rod of iron as to point towards the poles of the earth, was 
 observed. The use which might be made of this in directing navigation 
 was immediately perceived. That valuable, but now familiar instrument, 
 the mariner's compass, was constructed. When by means of it navigators 
 found that, at all seasons and in every place, they could discover the north 
 and south with so much ease and accuracy, it became no longer necessary 
 to depend merely on the light of the stars and the observation of the sea- 
 coast. They gradually abandoned their ancient timid and lingering course 
 along the snore, ventured boldly into the ocean, and, relying on this new 
 guide, could steer in the darkest night, and under the most cloudy sky, 
 with a security and precision hitherto unknown. The compass may be 
 said to have opened to man the dominion of the sea, and to have put him 
 in fiill possession of the earth by enabling him to visit every part of it. 
 Flavio Gioia, a citizen of Amalfi, a town of considerable trade in the king 
 dom of Naples, was the author of this great discovery, about the year one 
 thousand three hundred and two. It hath been often the fate^of those illus 
 trious benefactors of mankind who have enriched science and improved 
 the arts by their inventions, to derive more reputation than benefit from the 
 happy efforts of their genius. But the lot of Gioia has been still more 
 cruel ; through the inattention or ignorance of contemporary historians, he 
 has been defrauded even of the fame to which he had such a just title. 
 We receive from them no information with respect to his profession, his 
 character, the precise time when he made this important discovery, or the 
 accidents and inquiries which led to it. The knowledge of this event, 
 though productive of greater effects than any recorded in the annals of the 
 human race, is transmitted to us without any of those circumstances which 
 can gratify the curiosity that it naturally awakens. | But though the use 
 of the compass might enable the Italians to perform the short voyages to 
 which they were accustomed with greater security and expedition, its in 
 fluence was not so sudden or extensive as immediately to render navigation 
 adventurous, and to excite a spirit of discovery. Many causes combined 
 in preventing this beneficial invention from producing its full effect instanta 
 neously. Men relinquish ancient habits slowly and with reluctance. They 
 are averse to new experiments, and venture upon them with timidity. The 
 commercial jealousy of the Italians, it is probable, laboured to conceal the 
 
 * Voyages and Travels, by Sir John Mandeville. t Collinas et Trombellus de Acus Nauticte 
 Inventore, Instil. Acad. Bonon. torn. ii. part iii. p. 372. 
 
AMERICA. 33 
 
 happy discovery of their countrymen from other nations. The art of 
 steering by the ' compass with such skill and accuracy as to inspire a full 
 confidence in its direction, was acquired gradually. Sailors unaccustomed 
 to quit the sight of land, durst not launch out at once and commit themselves 
 to unknown seas. Accordingly, near half a century elapsed from the time 
 of Gioia's discovery, before navigators ventured into any seas which they 
 had not been accustomed to frequent. 
 
 The first appearance of a bolder spirit may be dated from the voyages 
 of the Spaniards to the Canary or Fortunate Islands. By what accident 
 they were led to the discovery of those small isles, which lie near five hun 
 dred miles from the Spanish coast, and above a hundred a^d fifty miles 
 from the coast of Africa, contemporary writers have not explained. But, 
 about the middle of the fourteenth century, the people of all the different 
 kingdoms into which Spain was then divided, were accustomed to make 
 piratical excursions thither, in order to plunder the inhabitants, or to carry 
 them off as slaves. Clement VI. in virtue of the right claimed by the Holy 
 See to dispose of all countries possessed by infidels, erected those isles 
 into a kingdom in the year one thousand three hundred and forty-four, and 
 conferred it on Lewis de la Cerda descended from the royal family ot 
 Castile. But that unfortunate prince, destitute of power to assert his 
 nominal title, having never visited the Canaries, John de Bethencourt, a 
 Norman baron, obtained a grant of them from Henry III. of Castile.* 
 Bethencourt, with the valour and good fortune which distinguished the 
 adventurers of his country, attempted and effected the conquest ; and 
 the possession of the Canaries remained for some time in his family, as a 
 fief held of the crown of Castile. Previous to this expedition of Bethen 
 court, his countrymen settled in Normandy are said to have visited the 
 coast of Africa, and to have proceeded far to the south of the Canary 
 Islands [1365]. But their voyages thither seern not to have been under 
 taken in consequence of any pumic or regular plan for extending navigation 
 and attempting new discoveries. They were either excursions suggested 
 by that roving piratical spirit which descended to the Normans from their 
 ancestors, or the commercial enterprises of private merchants, which attracted 
 so little notice that hardly any memorial of them is to be found in contem 
 porary authors. In a general survey of the progress of discovery, it is 
 sufficient to have mentioned this event ; and leaving it among those of 
 dubious existence, or of small importance, we may conclude, that though 
 much additional information concerning the remote regions of the East had 
 been received by travellers who visited them by land, navigation at the be 
 ginning of the fifteenth century had not advanced beyond tfie state to which 
 it had attained before the downfal of the Roman empire. 
 
 At length the period arrived, when Providence decreed that men were 
 to pass the limits within which they had been so long confined, and open 
 to themselves a more ample field wherein to display their talents, their 
 enterprise, and courage. The first considerable efforts towards this were 
 not made by any of the more powerful states of Europe, or by those \vho 
 had applied to navigation with the greatest assiduity and success. The 
 glory of leading the way in this new career was reserved for Portugal, one 
 of the smallest and least powerful of the European kingdoms. As the 
 attempts of the Portuguese to acquire the knowledge of those parts of the 
 globe with which mankind were then unacquainted, not only improved and 
 extended the art of navigation, but roused such a spirit of curiosity and 
 enterprise as led to the discovery of the New World, of which I propose to 
 write the history, it is necessary to take a full view of the rise, the progress, 
 and success of their various naval operations. It was in this school that the 
 discoverer of America was trained ; and unless we trace the steps by which 
 
 * Viera y Clavijo Notic. de la HiJtor. de Canaria, i. 268, Sec. Glas. Hist. c. 1. 
 
 VOL. 1. 5 
 

 34 HISTORY OF [BOOK L 
 
 his instructors and guides advanced, it will be impossible to comprehend 
 the circumstances which suggested the idea, or facilitated the execution, of 
 his great design. 
 
 Various circumstances prompted the Portuguese to exert their activity ir* 
 this new direction, and enabled them to accomplish undertakings apparently 
 superior to the natural force of their monarchy. The kings of Portugal, 
 having driven the Moors out of their dominions, had acquired power as 
 well as glory, by the success of their amis against the infidels. By their 
 victories over them, they had extended the royal authority beyond the nar 
 row limits within which it was originally circumscribed in Portugal, as weU 
 as in other feudal kingdoms. They had the command of the national force, 
 could rouse it to act with united vigour, and, after the expulsion of the 
 Moors, could employ it without dread of interruption from any domestic 
 enemy. By the perpetual hostilities carried on for several centuries against 
 the Mahometans, the martial and adventurous spirit which distinguished all 
 the European nations during the middle ages, was improved and heightened 
 among the Portuguese. A fierce civil war towards the close of the four 
 teenth century, occasioned by a disputed succession, augmented the military 
 ardour of the nation, and formed or called forth men of such active and 
 daring genius as are fit for bold undertakings. The situation of the 
 kingdom, bounded on every side by the dominions of a more powerful 
 neighbour, did not afford free scope to the activity of the Portuguese by 
 land, as the strength of their monarchy was no match for that of Castile. 
 But Portugal was a maritime state, in which there were many commodious 
 harbours ; the people had begun to make some progress in the knowledge 
 and practice of navigation, and the sea was open to them, presenting the 
 only field of enterprise in which they could distinguish themselves. 
 
 Such was the state of Portugal, and such the disposition of the people, 
 when John I. surnamed the Bastard, obtained secure possession of the 
 crown by the peace concluded with Castile, in the year one thousand four hun 
 dred and eleven. He was a prince of great merit, who, by superior courage 
 and abilities, had opened his way to a throne which of right did not belong 
 to him. He instantly perceived that it would be impossible to preserve 
 public order, or domestic tranquillity, without finding some employment for 
 the restless spirit of his subjects. With this view he assembled a numerous 
 fleet at Lisbon, composed of all the ships which he could fit out in his own 
 kingdom, and of many hired from foreigners. This great armament was 
 destined to attack the Moors settled on the coast of Barbary [1412.] While 
 it was equipping, a few vessels were appointed to sail along the western 
 shore of Africa bounded by the Atlantic ocean, and to discover the unknown 
 countries situated there. From this inconsiderable attempt, we may date 
 the commencement of that spirit of discovery which opened the barriers 
 that had so long shut out mankind from the knowledge of one half of the 
 terrestrial globe. 
 
 At the time when John sent forth these ships on this new voyage, the art 
 of navigation was still very imperfect. Though Africa lay so near to Por 
 tugal, and the fertility of' the countries, already known on that continent 
 invited men to explore it more fully, the Portuguese had never ventured to 
 sail beyond Cape JVbw. That promontory, as its name imports,, was 
 hitherto considered as a boundary which could not be passed. But the nations 
 of Europe had now acquired as much knowledge as emboldened them to 
 disregard the prejudices and to correct the errors of their ancestors. The 
 long reign of ignorance, the constant enemy of every curious inquiry and 
 of every new undertaking, was approaching to its period. The light ot 
 science began to dawn. The works of the ancient Greeks and Romans, 
 began to be read with admiration and profit. The sciences cultivated by 
 the Arabians were introduced into Europe by the Moors settled in Spain 
 and Portugal, and by the Jews, who were very numerous in both these 
 
AMERICA. 35 
 
 Kingdoms. Geometry, astronomy, and geography, the sciences on which 
 the art of navigation is founded, became objects of studious attention. 
 The memory of the discoveries made by the ancients was revived, and the 
 progress of their navigation and commerce began to be traced. Some of 
 the causes which have obstructed the cultivation of science in Portugal, 
 during this century and the last, did not exist, or did not operate in the same 
 manner, in the fifteenth century ; [9] and the Portuguese at that period 
 seem to have kept pace with other nations on this side of the Alps in lite 
 rary pursuits. 
 
 As the genius of the age favoured the execution of that new undertaking, 
 to which the peculiar state of the country invited the Portuguese ; it proved 
 successful. The vessels sent on the discovery doubled that formidable 
 Cape, which had terminated the progress of former navigators, and pro 
 ceeded a hundred and sixty miles beyond it, to Cape Bojador. As its 
 rocky clifts. which stretched a considerable way into the Atlantic, appeared 
 nrore dreadful than the promontory which they had passed, the Portuguese 
 commanders durst not attempt to sail round it, but returned to Lisbon, more 
 satisfied with having advanced so far, than ashamed of having ventured no 
 further. 
 
 Inconsiderable as this voyage was, it increased the passion for discovery 
 which began to arise in Portugal. The fortunate issue of the king's expe 
 dition against the Moors of Barbary added strength to that spirit in the 
 nation, and pushed it on to new undertakings. In order to render these suc 
 cessful, it v/as necessary that they should be conducted by a person who 
 possessed abilities capable of discerning what was attainable, who enjoyed 
 leisure to form a regular system for prosecuting discovery, and who was 
 animated with ardour that would persevere in spite of obstacles and re 
 pulses. Happily for Portugal, she found all those qualities in Henry Duke 
 of Viseo, the fourth son of King John, by Philippa of Lancaster, sister of 
 Henry IV. king of England. That prince, in his early youth, having ac 
 companied his father in his expedition to Barbary, distinguished himself 
 by many deeds of valour. To the martial spirit, which was the charac 
 teristic of every man of noble birth at that time, he added all the accom 
 plishments of a more enlightened and polished age. He cultivated the 
 arts and sciences, which were then unknown and despised by persons of 
 his rank. He applied with peculiar fondness to the study of geography ; 
 and by the instruction of able masters, as well as by the accounts of tra 
 vellers, he early acquired such knowledge of the habitable globe, as dis 
 covered the great probability of finding new arid opulent countries, by sail 
 ing along the coast of Africa. Such an object was formed to awaken the 
 enthusiasm and ardour of a youthful mind, and he espoused with the utmost 
 zeal the patronage of a design which might prove as beneficial as it ap 
 peared to be splendid and honourable. In order that he might pursue this 
 
 great scheme without interruption, he retired from court immediately after 
 his return from Africa, and fixed his residence at Sagres, near Cape St. Vin- 
 
 >y 
 
 country, who aided him in his researches. He applied for information to 
 the Aloors of Barbarj, who were accustomed to travel by land into the 
 interior provinces of Africa in quest of ivory, gold dust, and other rich 
 commodities. He consulted the Jews settled in Portugal. By promises, 
 rewards, and marks of respect, he allured into his service several persons, 
 foreigners as well as Portuguese, who were eminent for their skill in navi 
 gation. In taking those preparatory steps, the great abilities of the prince 
 were seconded by his private virtues. His integrity, his affability, his 
 respect for religion, his zeal for the honour of his country, engaged persons 
 of all ranks to applaud his design, and to favour the execution of it. His 
 
36 HISTORY OF [BOOK I 
 
 schemes were allowed, by the greater part of his countrymen, to proceed 
 neither from ambition nor the desire of wealth, but to flow irom the warm be- 
 nevolenoe of a heart eager to promote the happiness of mankind, and which 
 justly entitled him to assume a motto for his device, that described the 
 quality by which he wished to be distinguished, the talent of doing good. 
 
 His first effort, as is usual at the commencement of any new undertaking, 
 was extremely inconsiderable. He fitted out a single ship [1418], and 
 giving the command of it to John Gonzales Zarco and Tristan Vaz, two 
 gentlemen of his household, who voluntarily offered to conduct the enter 
 prise, he instructed them to use their utmost efforts to double Cape Bojador,, 
 and thence to steer towards the south. They, according to the mode oi 
 navigation which still prevailed, held their course along the shore ; and by 
 following that direction, they must have encountered almost insuperable 
 difficulties in attempting to pass Cape Bojador. But fortune came in aid 
 to their want of skill, and prevented the voyage from being altogether 
 fruitless. A sudden squall of wind arose, drove them out to sea, and when 
 they expected every moment to perish, landed them on an unknown island, 
 which from their happy escape they named Porto Santo. In the infancy 
 of navigation, the discovery of this small island appeared a matter of such 
 moment, that they instantly returned to Portugal with the good tidings, and 
 were received by Henry with the applause and honour due to fortunate 
 adventurers. This faint dawn of success filled a mind ardent in the pursuit 
 of a favourite object, with such sanguine hopes as were sufficient incite 
 ments to proceed. Next year [1419] Henry sent out three ships under the 
 same commanders, to whom he joined Bartholomew Perestrellow, in order 
 to take possession of the island which they had discovered. When they 
 began to settle in Porto Santo, they observed towards the south a fixed 
 spot in the horizon like a small black cloud. By degrees, they were led 
 to conjecture that it might be land ; and steering towards it, they arrived 
 at a considerable island, uninhabited and covered with wood, which on 
 that account they called Madeira.* As it was Henry's chief object to 
 render his discoveries useful to his country, he immediately equipped a fleet 
 to carry a colony of Portuguese to these islands [1420]. By his provident 
 care, they were furnished not only with the seeds, plants, and domestic 
 animals common in Europe ; but, as he foresaw that the warmth of the 
 climate and fertility of the soil would prove favourable to the rearing of 
 other productions, he procured slips of the vine from the island of Cyprus, 
 the rich wines of which were then in great request, and plants of the sugar 
 cane from, Sicily, into which it had been lately introduced. These throve 
 so prosperously in this new country, that the benefit of cultivating them was 
 immediately perceived, and the sugar and wine of Madeira quickly became 
 articles of some consequence in the commerce of Portugal.! 
 
 As soon as the advantages derived from this first settlement to the west 
 of the European continent began to be felt, the spirit of discovery appeared 
 less chimerical, and became more adventurous. By their voyages to Ma 
 deira, the Portuguese were gradually accustomed to a bolder navigation, 
 and, instead of creeping servilely along the coast, ventured into the open 
 sea. In consequence of taking this course, Giliariez, who commanded one 
 of prince' Henry's ships, doubled Cape Bojador [1433], the boundary of 
 the Portuguese navigation upwards of twenty years, and which had hitherto 
 been deemed unpassable. This successful voyage, which the igno 
 rance of the age placed on a level with the most famous exploits recorded 
 in history, opened a new sphere to navigation, as it discovered the vast 
 continent of Africa, still washed by the Atlantic ocean, and stretching to 
 wards the south. Part of this was soon explored; the Portuguese ad- 
 
 * Historical Relation of the first Discovery of Madeira, translated from the Portuguese of Fran. 
 Alcafarano, p. 15, &c. t J-ud. Guicciardini Descritt. de Paesi Bassi, p. 180, 181. 
 
AMERICA. 37 
 
 Danced within the tropics, and in the space of a few years they discovered 
 the river Senegal, and all the coast extending fiom Cape Blanco to Cape 
 de Verd. 
 
 Hitherto the Portuguese had been guided in their discoveries, or en 
 couraged to attempt them, by the light and information which they received 
 from the works of the ancient mathematicians and geographers. But when 
 they began to enter the torrid zone, the notion which prevailed among the 
 ancients, that the heat which reigned perpetually there was so excessive as 
 to render it uninhabitable, deterred them, for some time, from proceeding. 
 Their own observations, when they first ventured into this unknown and 
 formidable region, tended to confirm the opinion of antiquity concerning the 
 violent operation of the direct rays of the sun. As far as the river Senegal, 
 the Portuguese had found the coast of Africa inhabited by people nearly 
 resembling the Moors of Barbary. When they advanced to the south of 
 that river, the human form seemed to put on a new appearance. They 
 beheld men with skins black as ebony, with short curled hair, flat noses, thick 
 lips, and all the peculiar features which are now known to distinguish the 
 race of negroes. This surprising alteration they naturally attributed to the 
 influence of heat, and if they should advance nearer to the line, they began 
 to dread that its effects would be still more violent. Those dangers were 
 exaggerated; and many other objections against attempting further disco 
 veries were proposed by some of the grandees, who, from ignorance, from 
 envy, or from that cold timid prudence which rejects whatever has the air 
 of novelty or enterprise, had hitherto condemned all prince Henry's schemes. 
 They represented, that it was altogether chimerical to expect any advantage 
 from countries situated in that region which the wisdom and experience of 
 antiquity had pronounced to be unfit for the habitation of men ; that their 
 forefathers, satisfied with cultivating the territory which Providence had 
 allotted them, did not waste the strength of the kingdom by fruitless pro 
 jects in quest of new settlements ; that Portugal was already exhausted by 
 the expense of attempts to discover lands which either did not exist, or 
 which nature destined to remain unknown ; and was drained of men, who 
 might have been employed in undertakings attended with more certain suc 
 cess, and productive of greater benefit. But neither their appeal to the 
 authority of the ancients, nor their reasonings concerning the interests of 
 Portugal, made any impression upon the determined philosophic mind of 
 prince Henry. The discoveries which he had already made, convinced him 
 that the ancients had little more than a conjectural knowledge of the torrid 
 zone. He was no less satisfied that the political arguments of his opponents, 
 with respect to the interest of Portugal, were malevolent and ill founded. 
 In those sentiments he was strenuously supported by his brother Pedro, 
 who governed the kingdom as guardian of their nephew Alphonsp V. who 
 had succeeded to the throne during his minority [1438] ; and, instead of 
 slackening his efforts, Henry continued to pursue his discoveries with fresh 
 ardour. 
 
 But in order to silence all the murmurs of opposition, he endeavoured to 
 obtain the sanction of the highest authority in favour of his operations. 
 With this view he applied to the Pope, and represented, in pompous terms, 
 the pious and unwearied zeal with which he had exerted himself during 
 twenty years, in discovering unknown countries, the wretched inhabitants 
 of which were utter strangers to true religion, wandering in heathen dark 
 ness, or led astray by the delusions of Mahomet. He besought the holy 
 father, to whom, as the vicar of Christ, all the kingdoms of the earth were 
 subject, to confer on the crown of Portugal a right to all the countries pos 
 sessed by infidels, which should be discovered by the industry of its sub 
 jects, and subdued by the force of its arms. He entreated him to enjoin 
 all Christian powers, under the highest penalties, not to molest Portugal 
 while engaged in this laudable enterprise, and to prohibit them from settling 
 
38 HISTORY OF [BOOK I, 
 
 in any of the countries which the Portuguese should discover. He pro 
 mised that, in all their expeditions, it should be the chief object of his 
 countrymen to spread the knowledge of the Christian religion, to establish 
 the authority of the Holy See, and to increase the flock of the universal 
 pastor. As it was by improving with dexterity every favourable conjunc 
 ture for acquiring new powers, that the court of Kome had gradually 
 extended its usurpations, Eugene IV., the Pontiff to whom this application 
 was made, eagerly seized the opportunity which now presented itself. He 
 instantly perceived that, by complying with prince Henry's request, he 
 might exercise a prerogative no less flattering in its own nature than likely 
 to Drove beneficial in its consequences. A bull was accordingly issued, in 
 which, after applauding in the strongest terms the past efforts bt the Portu 
 guese, and exhorting them to proceed in that laudable career on which they 
 had entered, he granted them an exclusive right to all the countries which 
 they should discover, from Cape Non to the continent of India. 
 
 Extravagant as this donation, comprehending such a large portion of the 
 habitable globe, would now appear, even in Catholic countries, no person in 
 the fifteenth century doubted that the Pope in the plentitude of his apos 
 tolic power, had a right to confer it. Prince Henry was soon sensible of 
 the advantages which he derived from this transaction. His schemes were 
 authorized and sanctified by the bull approving of them. The spirit of 
 discovery was connected with zeal for religion, which in that age was a 
 principle of such activity and vigour as to influence the conduct ot nations. 
 All Christian princes were deterred from intruding into those countries 
 which the Portuguese had discovered, or from interrupting the progress of 
 their navigation and conquests. [10] 
 
 The fame of the Portuguese voyages soon spread over Europe. Men 
 long accustomed to circumscribe the activity and knowledge of the human 
 mind within the limits to which they had been hitherto confined, were 
 astonished to behold the sphere of navigation so suddenly enlarged, and a 
 prospect opened of visiting regions of the globe the existence of which 
 was unknown in former times. The learned and speculative reasoned and 
 formed theories concerning those unexpected discoveries. The vulgar 
 inquired and wondered ; while enterprising adventurers crowded from every 
 part of Europe, .soliciting prince Henry to employ them in this honourable 
 service. Many Venetians and Genoese, in particular, who were at that 
 time superior to all other nations in the science of naval affairs, entered 
 aboard the Portuguese ships, and acquired a more perfect and extensive 
 knowledge of their profession in that new school of navigation. In emu 
 lation of these foreigners, the Portuguese exerted their own talents. The 
 nation seconded the designs of the prince. Private merchants formed com 
 panies [1446], with a view to search for unknown countries. The Cape 
 de Verd Islands, which lie off the promontory of that name, were discovered 
 [1449], and soon after the isles called Azores. As the former of these are 
 above three hundred miles from the African coast, and the latter nine hundred 
 miles from any continent, it is evident by their venturing so boldly into the 
 open seas, that the Portuguese had by this time improved greatly in the art 
 of navigation. 
 
 While the passion for engaging in new undertakings was thus warm and 
 active, it received an unfortunate check by the death of prince Henry 
 [1463], whose superior knowledge had hitherto directed all the operations 
 of the discoverers, and whose patronage had encouraged and protected 
 them. But notwithstanding all the advantages which they derived from 
 these, the Portuguese during his life did not advance in their utmost progress 
 towards the south, within five degrees of the equinoctial line ; and after 
 their continued exertions for half a century [from 1412 to 1463], hardly 
 fifteen hundred .miles of the coast of Africa were discovered. To an age 
 Acquainted with the efforts of navigation in its state of maturity and in> 
 
AMERICA. 39 
 
 provement, those essays of its early years must necessarily appear feeble 
 and unskilful. But inconsiderable as they may be deemed, they were suffi 
 cient to turn the curiosity of the European nations into a new channel, to 
 excite an enterprising spirit, and to point the way to future discoveries. 
 
 Alphonso, who possessed the throne of Portugal at the time of prince 
 Henry's death, was so much engaged in supporting his own pretensions to the 
 crown of Castile, or in carrying on his expeditions against the Moors in 
 Barbary, that, the force of his kingdom being exerted in other operations, 
 he could not prosecute the discoveries in Africa with ardour. He committed 
 the conduct of them to Fernando Gomez, a merchant in Lisbon, to whom 
 he granted an exclusive right of commerce with all the countries of which 
 prince Henry had taken possession. Under the restraint and oppression of 
 a monopoly, the spirit of discovery languished. It ceased to be a national 
 object, and became the concern of a private man more attentive to his own 
 gain than to the glory of his country. Some progress, however, was made 
 The Portuguese ventured at length [1471], to cross the line, and, to their 
 astonishment, found that region of the torrid zone, which was supposed to 
 be scorched with intolerable heat, to be not only habitable, but populous 
 and fertile. 
 
 John II. who succeeded his father Alphonso [1481], possessed talents 
 
 capable both of forming and executing great designs. As part of his reve 
 nues, while prince, had arisen from duties on the trade with the newly 
 discovered countries, this naturally turned his attention towards them, and 
 satisfied him with respect to their utility and importance. In proportion as 
 his knowledge of these countries extended, the possession of them appeared 
 to be of greater consequence. While the Portuguese proceeded along the 
 coast of Africa, from Cape Non to the river of Senegal, they found all that 
 extensive tract to be sandy, barren, and thinly inhabited by a wretched 
 people professing the Mahometan religion, and subject to the vast empire 
 of Morocco. But to the south of that river, the power and religion of the 
 Mahometans were unknown. The country was divided into small inde 
 pendent principalities, the population was considerable, the soil fertile,* and 
 the Portuguese soon discovered that it produced ivory, rich gums, gold, and 
 other valuable commodities. By the acquisition of these, commerce was 
 enlarged, and became more adventurous. Men, animated and rendered 
 active by the certain prospect of gain, pursued discovery with greater 
 eagerness than when they were excited only by curiosity and hope. 
 
 This spirit derived no small reinforcement of vigour from the countenance 
 of such a monarch as John. Declaring himself the patron of every attempt 
 towards discovery, he promoted it with all the ardour of his grand-uncle 
 prince Henry, and with superior power. The effects of this were imme 
 diately felt. A powerful fleet was fitted out [1484], which after discovering 
 the kingdoms oi Benin and Congo, advanced above fifteen hundred miles 
 beyond the line, and the Portuguese, for the first time, beheld a new heaven, 
 and observed the stars of another hemisphere, John was not only solicitous 
 to discover, but attentive to secure the possession of those countries. He 
 built forts on the coast of Guinea ; he sent out colonies to settle there ; he 
 established a commercial intercourse with the more powerful kingdoms ; 
 he endeavoured to tender such as were feeble or divided tributary to the 
 crown of Portugal. Some of the petty princes voluntarily acknowledged 
 themselves his vassals. Others were compelled to do so by force of arms 
 A regular and well digested system was formed with respect to this new 
 object of policy, and, by firmly adhering to it, the Portuguese power and 
 commerce in Africa were established upon a solid foundation. 
 
 By their constant intercourse with the people of Africa, the Portuguese 
 gradually acquired some knowledge of those parts of that country which 
 
 * Navigatio Aloysii Cadamusti apud Novum Orbem Grynsci, p. -2. 18. Navigat. all Isola di San 
 Tome per un Pilotto Ponug. Ramusio, i. H5 
 
40 HISTORY OF [BOOK 1. 
 
 they had not visited. The information which they received from the natives, 
 added to what they had observed in their own voyages, began to opeo 
 prospects more extensive, and to suggest the idea of schemes more impor 
 tant than those which had hitherto allured and occupied them. They had 
 detected the error of the ancients concerning the nature of the torrid zone. 
 They found as ; they proceeded southwards, that the continent of Africa, 
 instead of extending in breadth, according to the doctrine of Ptolemy,* at 
 that time the oracle and guide of the learned in the science of geography, 
 appeared sensibly to contract itself, and to bend towards the east. This 
 induced them to give credit to the accounts of the ancient Phenician voyages 
 round Africa, which had long been deemed fabulous, and led them to 
 conceive hopes that, by following the same route, they might arrive at the 
 East Indies, and engross that commerce which has been the source of wealth 
 and power to every nation possessed of it. The comprehensive genius of 
 prince Henry, as we may conjecture from the words of the Pope's bull, had 
 early formed some idea of this navigation. But though his countrymen, at 
 that period, were incapable of conceiving the extent of his views and 
 schemes, all the Portuguese mathematicians and pilots now concurred in 
 representing them as well founded and practicable. The king entered 
 with warmth into their sentiments, and began to concert measures for this 
 arduous and important voyage. 
 
 Before his preparations for this expedition were finished, accounts were 
 transmitted from Africa, that various nations along the coast had mentioned 
 a mighty kingdom situated on their continent, at a great distance towards 
 the east, the king of which, according to their description, professed the 
 Christian religion. The Portuguese monarch immediately concluded, that 
 this must be the emperor of Abyssinia, to whom the Europeans, seduced by 
 a mistake of Rubruquis, Marco Polo, and other travellers to the East, 
 absurdly gave the name of Prester or Presbyter John ; and, as he hoped to 
 receive information and assistance from a Christian prince, in prosecuting a 
 scheme that tended to propagate their common faith, he resolved to open, 
 if possible, some intercourse with his court. With this view, he made 
 choice of Pedro de Covillam and Alphonso de Pay va, who were periect 
 masters of the Arabic language, and sent them into the East to search for 
 the residence of this unknown potentate, and to make him proffers of 
 friendship. They had in charge likewise to procure whatever intelligence 
 the nations which they visited could supply, with respect to the trade of 
 India, and the course of navigation to that continent.! 
 
 While John made this new attempt by land, to obtain some knowledge 
 of the country which he wished so ardently to discover, he did not neglect 
 the prosecution of this great design by sea. The conduct of a voyage for 
 this purpose, the most arduous and important which the Portuguese had 
 ever projected, was committed to Bartholomew Diaz [i486], an officer 
 whose sagacity, experience, and fortitude rendered him equal to the under 
 taking. He stretched boldly towards the south, and proceeding beyond the 
 utmost limits to which his countrymen had hitherto advanced, discovered 
 near a thousand miles of new country. Neither the danger to which he 
 was exoosed, by a succession of violent tempests in unknown seas, and by 
 the frequent mutinies of his , crew, nor the calamities of famine which he 
 suffered from losing his storeship, could deter him from prosecuting his 
 enterprise. In recompense of his labours- and perseverance, he at last 
 descried that lofty promontory which bounds Africa to the south. But to 
 descry it was all that he had in his power to accomplish. The violence of 
 the winds, the shattered condition of his ships, and the turbulent spirit ojf 
 the sailors, compelled him to return after a voyage of sixteen months, in 
 which he discovered a far greater extent of countrythan any former navigator. 
 Diaz had called the promontory which terminated his voyage Cabo Tor* 
 
 * Vide Nov. Orbis Tabul. Geograph. secund. Ptolem. Auist. 1730. | Fai'ia Y Sousa Pon. 
 
 Asia vol. i. p. 26. Lafitau Decouv. de Port. i. 46. 
 
AMERICA. 41 
 
 nuiitoso, or the Stormy Cape ; but the king, his master, as he now entertained 
 no doubt of having found the long-desired route tc India, gave it a name 
 more inviting, and of better omen, The Cape of Good Hope* 
 
 Those sanguine expectations of success were confirmed by the intelli 
 gence which John received over land, in consequence of his embassy to 
 Abyssinia. Covillam and Pay va, in obedience to their master's instructions, 
 had repaired to Grand Cairo. From that city they travelled along with a 
 caravan of Egyptian merchants, and, embarking on the Red Sea, arrived at 
 Aden, in Arabia. There they separated : Payva sailed directly towards 
 Abyssinia ; Covillam embarked for the East Indies, and, having visited 
 Calecut, Goa, and other cities on the Malabar coast, returned to Sofala, on 
 the east side of Africa, and thence to Grand Cairo, which Payva and he 
 had fixed upon as their place of rendezvous. Unfortunately the former was 
 cruelly murdered in Abyssinia ; but Covillam found at Cairo two Portuguese 
 Jews, whom John, whose provident sagacity attended to every circumstance 
 that could facilitate the execution of his schemes, had despatched after 
 them, in order to receive a detail of their proceedings, and to communicate 
 to them new; instructions. By one of these Jews, Covillam transmitted to 
 Portugal a journal of his travels by sea and land, his remarks upon the 
 trade of India, together with exact maps of the coasts on which he had 
 touched ; and from what he himself had observed, as well as irom the infor 
 mation of skilful seamen in different countries, he concluded, that, by sailing 
 round Africa, a passage might be found to the East Indies.! 
 
 The happy coincidence of Covillam's opinion and report with the disco 
 veries which Diaz had lately made, left hardly any shadow of doubt with 
 respect to the possibility of sailing from Europe to India. But the vast 
 length of the voyage, and the furious storms which Diaz had encountered 
 near the Cape of Good Hope, alarmed and intimidated the Portuguese to 
 such a degree, although by long experience they were now become adven 
 turous and skilful mariners, that some time was requisite to prepare their 
 minds for this dangerous and extraordinary voyage. The courage, how 
 ever, and authority of the monarch gradually dispelled the vain fears of 
 his subjects, or made it necessary to conceal them. As John thought himself 
 now upon the eve of accomplishing that great design which had been the 
 principal object of his reign, his earnestness in prosecuting it became so 
 vehement, that it occupied his thoughts by day, and bereaved him of sleep 
 through the night. While he was taking every precaution that his wisdom 
 and experience could suggest, in order to ensure the success of the expedition, 
 which was to decide concerning the fate of his favourite project, the fame 
 of the vast discoveries which the Portuguese had already made, the reports 
 concerning the extraordinary intelligence which they had received from the 
 East, and the prospect of the voyage which they now meditated, drew the 
 attention of all the European nations, and held them in suspense and 
 expectation. By some, the maritime skill and navigations of the Portuguese 
 were compared with those of the Phenicians and Carthaginians, and exalted 
 above them. Others formed conjectures concerning the revolutions which 
 the success of the Portuguese schemes might occasion in the course of trade, 
 and the political state of Europe. The Venetians began to be disquieted 
 with the apprehension of losing their Indian commerce, the monopoly of 
 which was the chief source of their power as well as opulence, and the 
 Portuguese already enjoyed in fancy the wealth of the East. But during 
 this interval, which gave such scope to the various workings of curiosity, oi 
 hope, and of fear, an account was brought to Europe of an event no less 
 extraordinary than unexpected, the discovery of a [New World situated on 
 the West ; and the eyes and admiration of mankind turned immediately 
 towards that great object. 
 
 * Faria y Sousa Port. Asia vol. i. p. 20. t Ibid- P- 27. Lafitau Decouv. i. p. 48. 
 
 VOL. I. 6 A 
 
42 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 AMONG the foreigners whom the fame of the discoveries made by the 
 Portuguese had allured into their service, was Christopher Colon, or 
 Columbus, a subject of the republic of Genoa. Neither the time nor place 
 of his birth is known with certainty [ll] ; but he was descended of an 
 honourable family, though reduced 'to indigence by various misfortunes. 
 His ancestors having betaken themselves for subsistence to a seafaring life, 
 Columbus discovered in his early youth the peculiar character and talents 
 which mark out a man for that profession. His parents, instead of thwarting 
 this original propensity of his mind, seem to have encouraged and confirmed 
 it by the education which they gave him. After acquiring some knowledge 
 of the Latin tongue, the only language in which science was taught at that 
 time, he was instructed in geometry, cosmography, astronomy, and the art 
 of drawing. To these he applied with such arcfour and predilection, on 
 account of their connexion with navigation, his favourite object, that he 
 advanced with rapid proficiency in the study of them. Thus qualified, he 
 went to sea at the age of fourteen [1461], and began his career on that 
 element which conducted him to so much glory. His early voyages were 
 to those ports in the Mediterranean which his countrymen the Genoese 
 frequented. This being a sphere too narrow for his active mind, he made 
 an excursion to the northern seas [1467], and visited the coast of Iceland, 
 to which the English and other nations had begun to resort on account of 
 its fishery. As navigation, in every direction, was now become enterprising, 
 he proceeded beyond that island, the Thule of the ancients, and advanced 
 several degrees within the polar circle. Having satisfied his curiosity, by a 
 voyage which tended more to enlarge his knowledge of naval affairs than 
 to improve his fortune, he entered into the service of a famous sea-captain 
 of his own name and family. This man commanded a small squadron 
 fitted out at his own expense, and by cruising sometimes against the 
 Mahometans, sometimes against the Venetians, the rivals of his country in 
 trade, had acquired both wealth and reputation. With him Columbus 
 continued for several years, no less distinguished for his courage than for 
 his experience as a sailor. At length, in an obstinate engagement off the 
 coast of Portugal, with some Venetian carayals returning richly laden from 
 the Low Countries, the vessel on board which he served took fire, together 
 with dne of the enemy's ships to which it was fast grappled. In this 
 dreadful extremity his intrepidity and presence of mind did not forsake him. 
 He threw himself into the sea, laid hold of a floating oar ; and by the support 
 of it, and his dexterity in swimming, he reached the shore, though above 
 two leagues distant, and saved a life reserved for great undertakings.* 
 
 As soon as he recovered strength for the journey, he repaired to Lisbon, 
 where many of his countrymen were settled. They soon conceived such a 
 favourable opinion of his merit, as well as talents, that they warmly solicited 
 him to remain in that kingdom, where his naval skill and experience could 
 not fail of rendering him conspicuous. To every adventurer animated either 
 with curiosity to visit new countries, or with ambition to distinguish himseK, 
 the Portuguese service was at that time extremely inviting. Columbus 
 listened with a favourable ear to the advice of his friends, and, having gained 
 the esteem of a Portuguese lady, whom he married, fixed his residence in 
 Lisbon. This alliance, instead of detaching him from a seafaring life, 
 contributed to enlarge the sphere of his naval knowledge, and to excite a 
 
 * Life of Columbus, c. v. 
 
 - *~~ = t . 
 
AMERICA. 43 
 
 desire of extending it still further. His wife was a daughter of Bartholomew 
 Perestrello, one of the captains employed by prince Henry in his early 
 navigations, and who, under his protection, had discovered and planted the 
 islands of Porto Santo and Madeira. Columbus got possession of the journals 
 and charts of this experienced navigator ; and from them he learned the course 
 which the Portuguese had held in making their discoveries, as well as the 
 various circumstances which guided or encouraged them in their attempts. 
 The study of these soothed and inflamed his favourite passion ; and while he 
 contemplated the maps, and read the descriptions of the new countries 
 which Perestrello had seen, his impatience to visit them became irresistible. 
 In order to indulge it, he made a voyage to Madeira, and continued during 
 several years to trade with that island, with the Canaries, the Azores, the 
 settlements in Guinea, and all the other places which the Portuguese had 
 discovered on the continent of Africa.* 
 
 By the experience which Columbus acquired, during such a variety of 
 voyages to almost every part of the globe with which at that time any 
 intercourse was carried on by sea, he was now become one of the most 
 skilful navigators in Europe. But, not satisfied with that praise, his ambition 
 aimed at something more. The successful progress of the Portuguese 
 navigators had awakened a spirit of curiosity and emulation, which set every 
 man of science upon examining all the circumstances that led to the 
 discoveries which they had made, or that afforded a prospect of succeeding 
 in anv new and bolder undertaking. The mind of Columbus, naturally- 
 inquisitive, capable of deep reflection, and turned to speculations of this 
 kind, was so often employed in revolving the principles upon which the 
 Portuguese had founded their schemes of discovery, and the mode on which 
 they had carried them on, that he gradually began to form an idea of 
 improving upon their plan, and of accomplishing discoveries which hitherto 
 they had attempted in vain. 
 
 To find out a passage by sea to the East Indies, was the important 
 object in view at that period. From the time that the Portuguese doubled 
 Cape de Verd, this was the point at which they aimed in all their navigations, 
 and in comparison with it all their discoveries in Africa appeared incon 
 siderable. The fertility and riches of India had been known for many ages : 
 its spices and other valuable commodities were in high request throughout 
 Europe, and the vast wealth of the Venetians, arising from their having 
 engrossed this trade, had raised the envy of all nations. But how intent 
 soever the Portuguese were upon discovering a new route to those desirable 
 regions, they searched for it only by steering towards the south, in hopes of 
 arriving at India by turning to the east after they had sailed round the further 
 extremity of Africa. This course was still unknown, and even if discovered, 
 was of such immense length, that a voyage from Europe to India must have 
 appeared at that period an undertaking extremely arduous, and of very 
 uncertain issue. More than half a century had been employed in advancing 
 from Cape Non to the equator ; a much longer space of time might elapse 
 before the more extensive navigation from that to India could be accomplished. 
 These reflections upon the uncertainty, the danger, and tediousness of the 
 course which the Portuguese were pursuing, naturally led Columbus to 
 consider whether a shorter and more direct passage to the East Indies might 
 not be found out. After revolving long and seriously every circumstance 
 suggested by his superior knowledge in the theory as well as the practice 
 of navigation ; after comparing attentively the observations of modern pilots 
 with the hints and conjectures of ancient authors, he at last concluded, thai 
 by sailing directly towards the west, across the Atlantic ocean, new countries, 
 which probably formed a part of the great continent of India, must infallibly 
 be discovered. 
 
 * Life of Columbus, c. iv. v. 
 
44 HISTORY OF (BOOK II. 
 
 Principles and arguments of various kinds, and derived from different 
 sources, induced him to adopt this opinion, seemingly as chimerical as it 
 was new and extraordinary. The spherical figure of the earth was known, 
 and its magnitude ascertained with some degree of accuracy. From this 
 it was evident, that the continents of Europe, Asia, and Atrica, as far as 
 they were known at that time, formed but a small portion of the terraqueous 
 globe. It was suitable to our ideas concerning the wisdom and beneficence 
 of the Author of Nature, to believe that the vast space still unexplored was not 
 covered entirely by a waste unprofitable ocean, but occupied by countries 
 fit for the habitation of man. It appeared likewise extremely provable that 
 the continent on this side of the globe was balanced by a proportional quantity 
 of land in the other hemisphere. These conclusions concerning the existence 
 of another continent, drawn from the figure and structure of the globe, were 
 confirmed by the observations and conjectures of modern navigators. A 
 Portuguese pilot, having stretched further to the west than was usual at that 
 time, took up a piece of timber artificially carved floating upon the sea ; 
 and PS it was driven towards him by a westerly wind, he concluded that it 
 came from some unknown land situated in that quarter. Columbus's brother- 
 in-law had found to the west of the Madeira isles, a piece of timber fashioned 
 in the same manner, and brought by the same wind ; and had seen likewise 
 canes of an enormous size floating upon the waves, which resembled those 
 described by Ptolemy as productions peculiar to the East Indies.* After 
 a course of westerly winds, trees torn up by the roots were often driven upon 
 the coasts of the Azores ; and at one time, the dead bodies of two men 
 with singular features, resembling neither the inhabitants of Europe nor of 
 Africa, were cast ashore there. 
 
 As the force of this united evidence, arising from theoretical principles 
 and practical observations, led Columbus to expect the discovery of new 
 countries in the western ocean, other reasons induced him to believe that 
 these must be connected with the continent of India. Though the ancients 
 had hardly ever penetrated into India further than the banks of the Ganges, 
 yet some Greek authors had ventured to describe the provinces beyond that 
 river. As men are prone, and at liberty, to magnify what is remote or 
 unknown, they represented them as regions of an immense extent. Ctesias 
 affirmed that India was as large as all the rest of Asia. Onesicritus, whom 
 Pliny the naturalist follows,! contended that it was equal to a third part 
 of the habitable earth. Nearchus asserted, that it would take four months 
 to march in a straight line from one extremity of India to the other. J The 
 journal of Marco Polo, who had proceeded towards the East far beyond the 
 limits to which any European had ever advanced, seemed to confirm these 
 exaggerated accounts of the ancients. By his magnificent descriptions of 
 the kingdoms of Cathay and Cipango, and of many other countries the 
 names of which were unknown in Europe, India appeared to be a region 
 of vast extent. From these accounts, which, however defective, were the 
 most accurate that the people of Europe had received at that period with 
 respect to the remote parts of the East, Columbus drew a just conclusion. 
 He contended that, in proportion as the continent of* India stretched out 
 towards the East, it must, in consequence of the spherical figure of the earth, 
 approach near to the islands which had lately been discovered to the west 
 of Africa ; that the distance from the one to the other was probably not 
 very considerable ; and that the most direct as well as shortest course to the 
 remote regions of the East was to be found by sailing due west. [12] This 
 notion concerning the vicinity of India to the western parts of our continent, 
 was countenanced by some eminent writers among the ancients, the sanction 
 of whose authority Was necessary, in that age, to procure a favourable 
 reception to any tenet. Aristotle thought it probable that the Columns ot 
 
 * Lib. i. c. 17. j Nat. Hist. lib. vi. c. 17. J Stiab. Geogr. lib. xv. p. 1011. 
 
AMERICA. 45 
 
 1 f ercules, or Straits of Gibraltar, were not far removed from the East Indies, 
 and that there might be a communication by sea between them.* Seneca, 
 tn terms still more explicit, affirms, that with a fair wind one might sail 
 from Spain to India in a few days.t The famous Atlantic island described 
 by Plato, and supposed by many to be a real country, beyond which an 
 unknown continent was situated, is represented by him as lying at no great 
 distance from Spain. After weighing all these particulars, Columbus, in 
 whose character the modesty and diffidence of true genius were united with 
 the ardent enthusiasm of a projector, did not rest with such absolute 
 assurance either upon his own arguments, or upon the authority of the 
 ancients, as not to consult such of his contemporaries as were capable of 
 comprehending the nature of the evidence which he produced in support 
 of his opinion. As early as the year one thousand four hundred and seventy- 
 four, he communicated his ideas concerning the probability of discovering new 
 countries, by sailing westward, to Paul, a physician of Florence, eminent 
 for his knowledge of cosmography, and who, from the learning, as well as 
 candour which he discovers in his reply, appears to have been well entitled 
 to the confidence which Columbus placed in him. He warmly approved 
 of the plan, suggested several facts in confirmation of it, and encouraged 
 Columbus to persevere in an undertaking so laudable, and which must 
 redound so much to the honour of his country and the benefit of Europe.J; 
 
 To a mind less capable of forming and of executing great designs than 
 that of Columbus, all those reasonings and observations and authorities 
 would have served only as the foundation of some plausible and fruitless 
 theory, which might have furnished matter for ingenious discourse or fanciful 
 conjecture. But with his sanguine and enterprising temper speculation led 
 directly to action. Fully satisfied himself with respect to the truth of his 
 system, he was impatient to bring it to the test of experiment, and to set out 
 upon a voyage of discovery. The first step towards this was to secure the 
 patronage ot some of the considerable powers in Europe capable of under 
 taking such an enterprise. As long absence had not extinguished the affection 
 which he bore to his native country, he wished that it should reap the fruits 
 of his labours and invention. With this view, he laid his scheme before the 
 senate of Genoa, and, making his country the first tender of his service, 
 offered to sail under the banners of the republic in quest of the new regions 
 which he expected to discover. But Columbus had resided for so many 
 years in foreign parts, that his countrymen were unacquainted with his 
 abilities and character ; and, though a maritime people, were so little accus 
 tomed to distant voyages, that they could form no just idea of the principles 
 on which he founded his hopes of success. They inconsiderately rejected 
 his proposal, as the dream of a chimerical projector, and lost for ever the 
 opportunity of restoring their commonwealth to its ancient splendour. 
 
 Having performed what was due to his country, Columbus was so little 
 discouraged by the repulse which he had received, that instead of relin 
 quishing his undertaking he pursued it with fresh ardour. He made his 
 next overture to John II. king of Portugal, in whose dominions he had been 
 long established, and whom he considered on that account, as having the 
 second claim to his service. Here every circumstance seemed to promise 
 him a more favourable reception : he applied to a monarch of an enterprising 
 genius, no incompetent judge in naval affairs, and proud of patronising every 
 attempt to discover new countries. His subjects were the most experienced 
 navigators in Europe, and the least apt to be intimidated either by the 
 novelty or boldness of any maritime expedition. In Portugal, the professional 
 skill of Columbus, as well as his personal good qualities, were thoroughly 
 known : and as the former rendered it probable that his scheme was not 
 
 * Aristot. de Coelo, lib. ii. c. 14. edit. Du Val. Par. 1629. vol. i, p. 472. t Scncc. duiEst. Natur. 
 lib. i. in proem. { Life of Columbus, c. viii. $ Herrera Hiet. de las Indias Occid. dec. i. 
 
 Jib. i. c. vii. 
 
46 HISTORY OF [BOOK it 
 
 altogether visionary, the latter exempted him from the suspicion of any 
 sinister intention in proposing it. Accordingly, the king listened to him in 
 the most gracious manner, and referred the consideration of his plan to 
 Diego Ortiz, bishop of Ceuta, and two Jewish physicians, eminent cos- 
 mo^raphers, whom he was accustomed to consult in matters of this kind. 
 As in Genoa, ignorance had opposed and disappointed Columbus ; in Lisbon, 
 he had to combat with prejudice, an enemy no less formidable. The persons 
 according to whose decision his scheme was to be adopted, or rejected, had 
 been the chief directors of the Portuguese navigations, and had advised to 
 search for a passage to India by steering a course directly opposite to that 
 which Columbus recommended as shorter and more certain. They could 
 not, therefore, approve of his proposal without submitting to the double 
 mortification of condemning their own theory, and acknowledging his 
 superior sagacity. After teasing him with captious questions, and starting 
 innumerable objections, with a view of betraying him into such a particular 
 explanation of his system as might draw from him a full discovery of its 
 nature, they deferred passing a final judgment with respect to it. In the 
 mean time they conspired to rob him of the honour and advantages which 
 he expected from the success of his scheme, advising the king to despatch 
 a vessel secretly, in order to attempt the proposed discovery by following 
 exactly the course which Columbus seemed to point out. John, forgetting 
 on this occasion the sentiments becoming a monarch, meanly adopted this 
 perfidious counsel. But the pilot chosen to execute Columbus's plan had 
 neither the genius nor the fortitude of its author. Contrary winds arose, 
 no sight of approaching land appeared, his courage failed, and he returned 
 to Lisbon, execrating the project as equally extravagant and dangerous.* 
 
 Upon discovering this dishonourable transaction, Columbus felt the 
 indignation natural to an ingenuous mind, and in the warmth of his resent 
 ment determined to break off all intercourse with a nation capable of such 
 flagrant treachery. He instantly quitted the kingdom, and landed in Spain 
 towards the close of the year one thousand four hundred and eighty-four. 
 As he was now at liberty to court the protection of any patron whom he 
 could engage to approve of his plan, and to carry it into execution, he 
 resolved to propose it in person to Ferdinand and Isabella, who at that time 
 governed the united kingdoms of Castile and Aragon. But as he had 
 already experienced the uncertain issue of application to kings and ministers, 
 he took the precaution of sending into England his brother Bartholomew, 
 to whom he had fully communicated his ideas, in order that he might 
 negociate at the same time with Henry VII., who was reputed one of the 
 most sagacious as well as opulent princes in Europe. 
 
 It was not without reason that Columbus entertained doubts and fears 
 with respect to the reception of his proposals in the Spanish court. Spain 
 was at that juncture engaged in a dangerous war with Granada, the last of 
 the Moorish kingdoms in that country. The wary and suspicious temper 
 of Ferdinand was not formed to relish bold or uncommon designs. Isabella, 
 though more generous and enterprising, was under the influence of her 
 husband in all her actions. The Spaniards had hitherto made no efforts to 
 extend navigation beyond its ancient limits, and had beheld the amazing 
 progress of discovery among their neighbours the Portuguese without one 
 attempt to imitate or to rival them. The war with the Infidels afforded an 
 ample field to the national activity and love of glory. Under circumstances 
 so unfavourable, it was impossible for Columbus to make rapid progress with 
 a nation naturally slow and dilatory in forming all its resolutions. His 
 character, however, was admirably adapted to that of the people whose 
 confidence and protection he solicited. He was grave, though courteous in 
 tis deportment ; circumspect in his words and actions, irreproachable in his 
 
 * Life of Columbus, c. xi. Herrera, dec. i. lib. i. c. 7. 
 
AMERICA. 47 
 
 morals, and exemplary in his attention to all the duties and functions of 
 religion. By qualities so respectable, he not only gained many private 
 friends, but acquired such general esteem, that, notwithstanding the plainness 
 of his appearance, suitable to the mediocrity of his fortune, he was not 
 considered as a mere adventurer, to whom indigence had suggested a 
 visionary project, but was received as a person to whose propositions serious 
 attention was due. 
 
 Ferdinand and Isabella, though fully occupied by their operations against 
 the Moors, paid so much regard to Columbus, as to remit the consideration 
 of his plan to the queen's confessor, Ferdinand de Talavera. He consulted 
 such of his countrymen as were supposed best qualified to decide with respect 
 to a subject of this kind. But true science had hitherto made so little 
 progress in Spain, that the pretended philosophers, selected to judge in a 
 matter of such moment, did not comprehend the first principles upon which 
 Columbus founded his conjectures and hopes. Some of them, from mistaken 
 notions concerning the dimensions of the globe, contended that a voyage to 
 those remote parts of the east which Columbus expected to discover, could 
 not be performed in less than three years. Others concluded, that either he 
 would find the ocean to be of infinite extent, according to the opinion of 
 some ancient philosophers ; or, if he should persist in steering towards the 
 west beyond a certain point, that the convex figure of the globe would 
 prevent his return, and that he must inevitably perish in the vain attempt to 
 open a communication between the two opposite hemispheres which nature 
 had for ever disjoined. Even without deigning to enter into any particular 
 discussion, many rejected the scheme in general, upon the credit of a maxim, 
 under which the ignorant and unenterprising shelter themselves in every 
 age, " That it is presumptuous in any person, to suppose that he alone 
 possesses knowledge superior to all the rest of mankind united." They 
 maintained, that if there were really any such -countries as Columbus pre 
 tended, they could not have remained so long concealed, nor would the 
 wisdom and sagacity of former ages have left the glory of this invention to 
 an obscure Genoese pilot. 
 
 It required all Columbus's patience and address to negotiate with men 
 capable of advancing such strange propositions. He had to contend not 
 only with the obstinacy of ignorance, but with what is still more intractable, 
 the pride of false knowledge. After innumerable conferences, and wasting 
 five years in fruitless endeavours to inform and to satisfy judges so little 
 capable of deciding with propriety, Talavera at last made such an unfa 
 vourable report to Ferdinand and Isabella, as induced them to acquaint 
 Columbus, that until the war with the Moors should be brought to a period 
 it would be imprudent to engage in any new and extensive enterprise. 
 
 Whatever care was taken to soften the harshness of this declaration, 
 Columbus considered it as a final rejection of his proposals. But, happily 
 for mankind, that superiority of genius, which is capable of forming great 
 and uncommon designs, is usually accompanied with an ardent enthusiasm, 
 which can neither be cooled by delays nor damped by disappointment. 
 Columbus was of this sanguine temper. Though he felt deeply the cruel 
 blow given to his hopes, and retired immediately from a court where he 
 had been amused so long with vain expectations, his confidence in the just 
 ness of his own system did not diminish, and his impatience to demonstrate 
 the truth of it by an actual experiment became greater than ever. Having 
 courted the protection of sovereign states without success, he applied next 
 to persons of inferior rank, and addressed successively the Dukes of Medina 
 Sidonia and Medina Celi, who, though subjects, were possessed of power 
 and opulence more than equal to the enterprise which he projected. His 
 negotiations with them proved as fruitless as those in which he had been 
 hitherto engaged ; for these noblemen were either as little convinced by Colum 
 bus's arguments as their superiors, or they were afraid of alarming the jealousy 
 
48 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 
 
 and offending' the pride of Ferdinand, by countenancing a scheme which he 
 had rejected.* 
 
 Amid the painful sensations occasioned by such a succession of disap 
 pointments, Columbus had to sustain the additional distress of having 
 received no accounts of his brother whom he had sent to the court of England* 
 In his voyage to that country, Bartholomew had been so unfortunate as to 
 fall into the hands of pirates, who having stripped him of every thing 
 detained him a prisoner for several years. At length he made his escape, 
 and arrived in London, but in such extreme indigence, that he was obliged 
 to employ himself, during a considerable time in drawing and selling maps, 
 in order to pick up as much money as would purchase a decent dress in 
 which he might venture to appear at court. He then laid before the king 
 the proposals with which he had been intrusted by his brother; and not 
 withstanding Henry's excessive caution and parsimony, which rendered 
 him averse to new or extensive undertakings, he received Columbus's 
 overtures with more approbation than any monarch to whom they had 
 hitherto been presented. 
 
 Meanwhile, Columbus being unacquainted with his brother's fate, and 
 having now no prospect of encouragement in Spain, resolved to visit the 
 court of England in person, in hopes of meeting, with a more favourable 
 reception there. He had already made preparations for this purpose, and 
 taken measures for the disposal of his children during his absence, when 
 Juan Perez, the guardian of the monastery of Rabida, near Palos, in which 
 they had been educated, earnestly solicited him to defer his journey for a 
 short time. Perez was a man of considerable learning, and of some credit 
 with queen Isabella, to whom he was known personally. He was warmly 
 attached to Columbus, with whose abilities as well as integrity he had 
 many opportunities of being acquainted. Prompted by curiosity or 
 by friendship, he entered upon an accurate examination of his system, in 
 conjunction with a physician settled in the neighbourhood, who was a con 
 siderable proficient in mathematical knowledge. This investigation satisfied 
 them so thoroughly, with respect to the solidity of the principles on which 
 Columbus founded his opinion, and the probability of success in executing 
 the plan which he proposed, that Perez, in order to prevent his countiy 
 from being deprived of the glory and benefit which must accrue to the 
 patrons of such a grand enterprise, ventured to write to Isabella, conjuring 
 ner to consider the matter anew with the attention which it merited. 
 
 Moved by the representations of a person whom she respected, Isabella 
 desired Perez to repair immediately to the village of Santa Fe, in which, 
 on account of the siege of Granada, the court resided at that time, that she 
 might confer with him upon this important subject. The first effect of 
 their interview was a gracious invitation of Columbus back to court, accom 
 panied with the present of a small sum to equip him for the journey. As 
 there was now a certain prospect that the war with the Moors would 
 speedily be brought to a happy issue by the reduction of Granada, which 
 would leave the nation at liberty to engage in new undertakings ; this, as 
 well as the mark of royal favour, with which Columbus had been lately 
 honoured, encouraged his friends to appear with greater confidence than 
 formerly in support of his scheme. The chief of these, Alonso de Quinta- 
 nilla, comptroller of the finances in Castile, and Luis de Santangel, receiver 
 of the ecclesiastical revenues in Aragon, whose meritorious zeal in promoting 1 
 this great design entitles their names to an honourable place in histoiy, 
 introduced Columbus to many persons of high rank, and interested them 
 warmly in his behalf. 
 
 But it was not an easy matter to inspire Ferdinand with favourable sen 
 timents. He still regarded Columbus's project as extravagant and chime- 
 
 * Life of Colurab. c. 13 Herrera, dec. 1. lib. i. c. 7. 
 
AMERICA. 49 
 
 rical ; and in order to render the efforts of his partisans ineffectual, he had 
 the address to employ, in this new negotiation with him, some of the persons 
 who had formerly pronounced his scheme to be impracticable. To their 
 astonishment, Columbus appeared before them with the same confident 
 hopes of success as formerly, and insisted upon the same high recompense. 
 He proposed that a small fleet should be fitted out, under his command, to 
 attempt the discovery, and demanded to be appointed hereditary admiral 
 and viceroy of all the seas and lands which he should discover, and to have 
 the tenths of the profits arising from them settled irrevocably upon himself 
 and his descendants. At the same time, he offered to advance the eighth 
 part of the sum necessary for accomplishing his design, on condition that he 
 should be entitled to a proportional share of benefit from the adventure. 
 If the enterprise should totally miscarry, he made no stipulation for any re 
 ward or emolument whatever. Instead of viewing this conduct as the 
 clearest evidence of his full persuasion with respect to the truth of his own 
 system, or being struck with that magnanimity which, after so many delays 
 and repulses, would stoop to nothing inferior to its original claims, the per 
 sons with whom Columbus treated began meanly to calculate the expense 
 of the expedition, and the value of the reward which he demanded. The 
 expense, moderate as it was, they represented to be too great for Spain in 
 the present exhausted state of its finances. They contended that the honours 
 and emoluments claimed by Columbus were exorbitant, even if he should 
 perform the utmost of what he had promised ; and if all his sanguine hopes 
 should prove illusive, such vast concessions to an adventurer would be 
 deemed not only inconsiderate, but ridiculous. In this imposing garb of 
 caution and prudence, their opinion appeared so plausible, and was so 
 warmly supported by Ferdinand, that Isabella declined giving any coun 
 tenance to Columbus, and abruptly broke off the negotiation with him which 
 she had begun. 
 
 This was more mortifying to Columbus than all the disappointments 
 which he had hitherto met with. The invitation to court from Isabella, like 
 an unexpected ray of light, had opened such prospects of success as en 
 couraged him to hope that his labours were at an end ; but now darkness 
 and uncertainty returned, and his mind, firm as it was, could hardly support 
 the shock of such an unforeseen reverse. He withdrew in deep anguish 
 from court, with an intention of prosecuting his voyage to England as his 
 last resource. 
 
 About that time Granada surrendered, and Ferdinand and Isabella, in 
 triumphal pomp, took possession of a city [Jan. 2, 1492], the reduction of 
 which extirpated a foreign power from the heart of their dominions, and 
 rendered them masters of all the provinces extending from the bottom of 
 the Pyrenees to the frontiers of Portugal. As the flow of spirits which ac 
 companies success elevates the mind, and renders it enterprising, Quintanilla 
 and Santangel, the vigilant and discerning patrons of Columbus, took ad 
 vantage of this favourable situation, in order to make one effort more in 
 behali" of their friend. They addressed themselves to Isabella ; and after 
 expressing some surprise, that she, who had always been the munificent pa 
 troness of generous undertakings, should hesitate so long to countenance the 
 most splendid scheme that had ever been proposed to any monarch ; they 
 represented to her, that Columbus was a man of a sound understanding and 
 virtuous character, well qualified, by his experience in navigation, as well 
 as his knowledge of geometry, to form just ideas with respect to the struc 
 ture of the globe and the situation of its various regions ; that, by offering 
 to risk his own life and fortune in the execution of his scheme, he gave the 
 most satisfying evidence both of his integrity and hope of success ; that the 
 sum requisite for equipping such an armament as he demanded was incon 
 siderable, and the advantages which might accrue from his undertaking were 
 immense ; that he demanded no recompense for his invention and labour, 
 
 VOL. I. 7 
 
50 HISTORY OF [Boox 1L 
 
 but what was to arise from the countries which he should discover ; thai, 
 as it was worthy of her magnanimity to make this noble attempt to extend 
 the sphere of human knowledge, and to open an intercourse with regions 
 hitherto unknown, so it would afford the highest satisfaction to her piety 
 and zeal, after re-establishing the Christian feith in those provinces of Spain 
 from which it had been long banished, to discover a new world, to which 
 she might communicate the light and blessings of divine truth ; that if now 
 she did not decide instantly, the opportunity would be irretrievably lost , 
 that Columbus was on his way to foreign countries, where some prince, 
 more fortunate or adventurous, would close with his proposals, and Spain 
 would for ever bewail that fatal timidity which had excluded her from the 
 glory and advantages that she had once in her power to have enjoyed. 
 
 These forcible arguments, urged by persons of such authority, and at a 
 juncture so well chosen, produced the desired effect. They dispelled all 
 Isabella's doubts and fears ; she ordered Columbus to be instantly recalled, 
 declared her resolution 1 of employing him on his own terms, and, regretting 
 the low estate of her finances, generously offered to pledge her own jewels 
 in order to raise as much money as might be needed in making preparations 
 for the voyage. Santangel, in a transport of gratitude, kissed the Queen's 
 hand, and, in order to save her from having recourse to such a mortifying 
 expedient for procuring money, engaged to advance immediately the sum 
 that was requisite.* 
 
 Columbus had proceeded some leagues on his journey, when the messenger 
 from Isabella overtook him. Upon receiving an account of the unexpected 
 resolution in his favour, he returned directly to Santa Fe, though some 
 
 t / iMY" j _x'll Z v-1 _ J -A-.-^1i* ,,-!*!. "L^ 1 _ ID..*. AU JI_1 
 
 thoughts and wishes, soon effaced the remembrance of all that he had sul- 
 fered in Spain during ei^ht tedious years of solicitation and suspense. The 
 negotiation now went forward with facility and despatch, and a treaty or 
 capitulation with Columbus was signed on the seventeenth of April, one 
 thousand four hundred and ninety-two. The chief articles of it were : 
 
 1. Ferdinand and Isabella, as sovereigns of the oce?n, constituted Columbus 
 their high admiral in all the seas, islands, and continents, which should be 
 discovered by his industry ; and stipulated that he and his heirs for ever 
 should enjoy this office, with the same powers and prerogatives which 
 belonged to the high admiral of Castile within the limits of his jurisdiction 
 
 2. They appointed Columbus their viceroy ip all the islands and continents 
 which he should discover ; but if, for the better administration of affairs, it 
 should hereafter be necessary to establish a separate governor in any of 
 those countries, they authorized Columbus to name three persons of whom 
 they would choose one for that office ; and the dignity of viceroy, with all 
 its immunities, was likewise to be hereditary in the family of Columbus. 
 
 3. They granted to Columbus and his heirs for ever, the tenth of the free 
 profits accruing from the productions and commerce of the countries which 
 he should discover. 4. They declared, that if any controversy or lawsuit 
 shall arise with respect to any mercantile transaction in the countries which 
 should be discovered, it should be determined by the sole authority of 
 Columbus, or of judges to be appointed by him. 5. They permitted 
 Columbus to advance one-eighth part of what should be expended in 
 preparing for the expedition, and in carrying on commerce with the countries 
 which he should discover, and entitled him, in return, to an eighth part of 
 the profit.! 
 
 Though the name of Ferdinand appears conjoined with that of Isabella 
 in this transaction, his distrust of Columbus was still so violent that he 
 
 '!*'>"! &K:* ' 4 . . ...:, f -I '' ' (' 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 1. lib. i. c. 8. T Life of Columbus, c. 15. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. i. c. 9. 
 
AMERICA. 51 
 
 refused to take any part in the enterprise as king of Aragon. As the whole 
 expense of the expedition was to be defrayed by the crown of Castile, 
 Isabella reserved for her subjects of that kingdom an exclusive right to all 
 the benefits which might redound from its success. 
 
 As soon as the treaty was signed, Isabella, by her attention and activity 
 in forwarding the preparations for the voyage, endeavoured to make some 
 reparation to Columbus for the time which he had lost in fruitless solicitation. 
 By the twelfth of May, all that depended upon her was adjusted ; and 
 Columbus waited on the king and queen in order to receive their final 
 instructions. Every thing respecting the destination and conduct of the 
 voyage they committed implicitly to the disposal of his prudence. But 
 that they might avoid giving any just cause of offence to the king of Portugal, 
 they strictly enjoined him not to approach near to the Portuguese settlements 
 on the coast of Guinea, or in any of the other countries to which the 
 Portuguese claimed right as discoverers. Isabella had ordered the ships 
 of which Columbus was to take the command to be fitted out in the port of 
 Palos,a small maritime town in the province of Andalusia. As the guardian 
 Juan Perez, to whom Columbus had already been so much indebted; 
 resided in the neighbourhood of this place, he, by the influence of that 
 good ecclesiastic, as well as by his own connection with the inhabitants, not 
 only raised among them what he wanted of the sum that he was bound by 
 treaty to advance, but engaged several of them to accompany him in the 
 voyage. The chief of these associates were three brothers of the name 
 of Pinzon, of considerable wealth, arid of great experience in naval affairs, 
 who were willing to hazard their lives and fortunes in the expedition. 
 
 But after all the efforts of Isabella and Columbus, the armament was not 
 suitable either to the dignity of the nation by which it was equipped, or 
 to the importance of the service for which it was destined. It consisted of 
 three vessels. The largest, a ship of no considerable burden, was com 
 manded by Columbus, as admiral, who gave it the name of Santa Maria, 
 out of respect for the Blessed Virgin, whom he honoured with singular 
 devotion. Of the second, called the Pinta, Marton Pinzon was captain, and 
 his brother Francis pilot. The third, named the Nigna, was under the 
 command of Vincent Yanez Pinzon. These two were light vessels hardly 
 superior in burden or force to large boats. The squadron, if it merits that 
 name, was victualled for twelve months, and had on board ninety men, 
 mostly sailors, together with a few adventurers who followed the fortune of 
 Columbus, and some gentlemen of Isabella's court, whom she appointed to 
 accompany him. Though th expense of the undertaking was one of the 
 circumstances which chiefly alarmed the court of Spain, and retarded so 
 long the negotiation with Columbus, the sum employed in fitting out this 
 squadron did not exceed four thousand pounds. 
 
 As the art of ship-building in the fifteenth century was extremely rude, 
 and the bulk of vessels was accommodated to the short and easy voyages 
 along the coast which they were accustomed to perform, it is a proof of 
 the courage, as well as enterprising genius of Columbus, that he ventured, 
 with a fleet so unfit for a distant navigation, to explore unknown seas, where 
 he had no chart to guide him, no knowledge of the tides and currents, and 
 no experience of the dangers to which he might be exposed. His eagerness 
 to accomplish the great design which had so long engrossed his thoughts, 
 made him overlook or disregard every circumstance that would have 
 intimidated a mind less adventurous. He pushed forward the preparations 
 with such ardour, and was seconded so effectually by; the persons to whom 
 Isabella committed the superintendence of this business, that every thing 
 was soon in readiness for the voyage. But as Columbus was deeply 
 impressed with sentiments of religion, he would not set out upon an expe 
 dition so arduous, and of which one great object was to extend the know 
 ledge of the Christian faith, without imploring publicly the guidance and 
 
tit, HISTORY OF [BOOK IL 
 
 protection of Heaven. With this view, he, together with all the persona 
 under his command, marched in solemn procession to the monastery of 
 Rabida. After confessing their sins, and obtaining absolution, they received 
 the holy sacrament from the hands of the guardian, who joined his 
 prayers to theirs for the success of an enterprise which he had so zealously 
 patronized. 
 
 Next morning, being Friday the third day of August, in the year one 
 thousand four hundred and ninety-two, Columbus set sab\ a little before 
 sunrise, in presence of a vast crowd of spectators, who sent up their sup 
 plications to Heaven for the prosperous issue of the voyage, which they 
 wished rather than expected. Columbus steered directly for the Canaiy 
 Islands, and arrived there [Aug. 13] without any occurrence that would 
 have deserved notice on any other occasion. I3ut, in a voyage of such 
 expectation and importance, every circumstance was the object of attention. 
 The rudder of the Pinta broke loose the day after she left the harbour ; and 
 that accident alarmed the crew, no less superstitious than unskilful, as a 
 certain omen of the unfortunate destiny of the expedition. Even in the 
 short run to the Canaries, the ships were found to be so crazy and ill 
 appointed, as to be very improper for a navigation which was expected tp 
 be both long and dangerous. Columbus refitted them, however, to the 
 best of his power ; and having supplied himself with fresh provisions, he 
 took his departure from Gomera, one of the most westerly of the Canary 
 Islands, on the sixth day of September. 
 
 Here the voyage of discovery may properly be said to begin ; for 
 Columbus, holding his course due west, left immediately the usual track of 
 navigation, and stretched into unfrequented and unknown seas. The first 
 day, as it was very calm, he made but little way ; but on the second he 
 lost sight of the Canaries ; and many of the sailors, dejected already, and 
 dismayed, when they contemplated the boldness of the undertaking, began 
 to beat their breasts, and to shed tears, as if they were never more to 
 behold land. Columbus comforted them with assurances of success, and 
 the prospect of vast wealth in those opulent regions whither he was con 
 ducting them. This early discovery of the spirit of his followers taught 
 Columbus that he must prepare to struggle not only with the unavoidable 
 difficulties which might be expected from the nature of his undertaking, 
 but with such as were likely to arise from the ignorance and timidity of 
 the people under his command ; and he perceived that the art of 
 governing the minds of men would be no less requisite for accomplishing 
 the discoveries which he had in view, than naval skill and undaunted 
 courage. Happily for himself, and for the country by which he was 
 employed, he joined to the ardent temper and inventive genius of a pro 
 jector, virtues of another species, which are rarely united with them. He 
 possessed a thorough knowledge of mankind, an insinuating address, a 
 patient perseverance in executing any plan, the perfect government of his 
 own passions, and the talent of acquiring an ascendant over those of other 
 men. All these qualities, which formed him for command, were accom 
 panied with that superior knowledge of his profession, which begets 
 confidence in times of difficulty and danger. To unskilful Spanish 
 sailors, accustomed only to coasting voyages in the Mediterranean, the 
 maritime science of Columbus, the fruit of thirty years' experience, im 
 proved by an acquaintance with all the inventions of the Portuguese, 
 appeared immense. As soon as they put to sea, he regulated every thing 
 by his sole authority ; he superintended the execution of every order ; ana 
 allowing himself only a few hours for sleep, he was at all other times 
 upon deck. As his course lay through seas which had not formerly been 
 visited, the sounding line, or instruments for observation, were continually 
 in his hands. After the example of the Portuguese discoverers, he attended 
 to the motion of tides and currents, watched the flight of birds, the 
 
A M E R I C A. 53 
 
 snce of fishes, of seaweeds, and of every thing that floated on the waves, and 
 entered every occurrence, with a minute exactness, in the journal which he 
 kept. As the length of the voyage could not fail of alarming sailors habitu 
 ated only to short excursions, Columbus endeavoured to conceal from them 
 the real progress which they made. With this view, though they run 
 eighteen leagues on the second day after they left Gomera, he gave out that 
 they had advanced only fifteen, and he uniformly employed the same artifice 
 of reckoning short during the whole voyage. By the fourteenth of Septem 
 ber the fleet was above two hundred leagues to the west of the Canary Isles, 
 at a greater distance from land than any Spaniard had been before that time. 
 There they were struck with an appearance no less astonishing than new 
 They observed that the magnetic needle, in their compasses, did not point 
 exactly to the polar star, but varied towards the west ; and as they proceeded, 
 this variation increased. This appearance, which is now familiar, though 
 it still remains one of the mysteries of nature, into the cause of which the 
 sagacity of man hath not been able to penetrate, filled the companions of 
 Columbus with terror. They were now in a boundless and unknown ocean, 
 far from the usual course of navigation ; nature itself seemed to be altered, 
 and the only guide which they had left was about to fail them. Columbus, 
 with no less quickness than ingenuity, invented a reason for this appearance, 
 which, though it did not satisfy himself, seemed so plausible to them, that 
 it dispelled their fears, or silenced their murmurs. 
 
 He still continued to steer due west, nearly in the same latitude with the 
 Canary Islands. In this course he came within the sphere of the trade 
 wind, which blows invariably from east to west, between the tropics and a 
 few degrees beyond them. He advanced before this steady gale with such 
 uniform rapidity that it was seldom necessary to shift a sail. When about 
 four hundred leagues to the west of the Canaries, he found the sea so 
 covered with weeds, that it resembled a meadow of vast extent, and in 
 some places they were so thick as to retard the motion of the vessels. This 
 strange appearance occasioned new alarm and disquiet. The sailors ima 
 gined that they were now arrived at the utmost boundary of the navigable 
 ocean ; that these floating weeds would obstruct their further progress, 
 and concealed dangerous rocks, or some large track of land, which had 
 sunk, they knew not how, in that place. Columbus endeavoured to per 
 suade them, that what had alarmed ought rather to have encouraged them, 
 and was to be considered as a sign of approaching land. At the same time, 
 a brisk gale arose, and carried them forward. Several birds were seen 
 hovering about the ship [13], and directing their flight towards the west. 
 The desponding crew resumed some degree of spirit, and began to entertain 
 fresh hopes. 
 
 Upon the first of October they were, according to the admiral's reckon 
 ing, seven hundred and seventy leagues to the west of the Canaries ; but 
 lest his men should be intimidated by the prodigious length of the naviga 
 tion, he gave out that they had proceeded only five hundred and eighty- 
 four leagues, and fortunately, for Columbus, neither his own pilot, nor those 
 of the other ships, had skill sufficient to correct this error, and discover the 
 deceit. They had now been above three weeks at sea ; they had pro 
 ceeded far beyond what former navigators had attempted or deemed possi 
 ble ; all their prognostics of discovery, drawn from the flight of birds and 
 other circumstances, had proved fallacious ; the appearances of land, with 
 which their own credulity or the artifice of their commander had from time to 
 time flattered and amused them, had been altogether illusive, and their prospect 
 of success seemed now to be as distant as ever. These reflections occurred 
 often to men who had no other object or occupation than to reason and 
 discourse concerning the intention and circumstances of their expedition 
 They made impression at first upon the ignorant and timid, and, extending 
 by degrees to such as were better informed or more resolute, the contagion 
 
54 HISTORY OF [BOOK II, 
 
 spread at length from ship to ship. From secret whispers or murmuring*, 
 they proceeded to open cabals and public complaints. They taxed their 
 sovereign with inconsiderate credulity, in paying such regard to the vain 
 promises and rash conjectures of an indigent foreigner, as to hazard the 
 lives of so many of her own subjects in prosecuting a chimerical scheme 
 They affirmed that they had fully performed their duty, by venturing so far 
 in an unknown and hopeless course, and could incur no blame for refusing 
 to follow any longer a desperate adventurer to certain destruction. They 
 contended, that it was necessary to think of returning to Spain, while 
 their crazy vessels were still in a condition to keep the sea, but expressed 
 their fears that , the attempt would prove vain, as the wind, which had 
 hitherto been so favourable to their course, must render it impossible to sail 
 in an opposite direction. All agreed that Columbus should be compelled by 
 force to adopt a measure on which their common safety depended. Some 
 of the more audacious proposed, as the most expeditious and certain method 
 of getting rid at once of his remonstrances, to throw him into the sea, being 
 persuaded that, upon their return to Spain, the death of an unsuccessful 
 projector would excite little concern, and be inquired into with no curiosity. 
 
 Columbus was fully sensible of his perilous situation. He had observed, 
 withgreat uneasiness, the fatal operation of ignorance and of fear in producing 
 disaffection among his crew, and saw that it was now ready to burst out 
 into open mutiny. He retained, however, perfect presence of mind. He 
 affected to seem ignorant of their machinations. Notwithstanding the 
 agitation and solicitude of his own mind, he appeared with a cheerful 
 countenance, like a man satisfied with the progress he had made, and 
 confident of success. Sometimes he employed all the arts of insinuation 
 to soothe his men. Sometimes he endeavoured to work upon their ambition 
 or avarice, by magnificent descriptions of the fame and wealth which they 
 were about to acquire. On other occasions he assumed a tone of authority, 
 and threatened them with vengeance from their sovereign, if, by their 
 dastardly behaviour, they should defeat this noble effort to promote the 
 glory of God, and to exalt the Spanish name above that of every other 
 nation. Even with seditious sailors, the words of a man whom they had 
 been accustomed to reverence, were weighty and persuasive, and not only 
 restrained them from those violent excesses which they meditated, but 
 prevailed with them to accompany their admiral for some time longer. 
 
 As they proceeded, the indications of approaching land seemed to be 
 more certain, and excited hope in proportion. The birds begjan to appear 
 in flocks, making towards the southwest. Columbus, in imitation of the 
 Portuguese navigators, who had been guided, in several of their discoveries, 
 by the motion of birds, altered his course from due west towards that quarter 
 whither they pointed their flight. But, after holding on for several days in 
 this new direction, without any better success than formerly, having seen 
 no object, during thirty days, but the sea and the sky, the hopes of his 
 companions subsided faster' than they had risen ; their fears revived with 
 additional force ; impatience, rage, and despair, appeared in every counte 
 nance. All sense of subordination was lost : the officers, who had hitherto 
 concurred with Columbus in opinion, and supported his authority, now 
 took part with the private men ; they assembled tumultuously on the deck, 
 expostulated with their commander, mingled threats with their expostulations, 
 and required him instantly to tack about and to return to Europe. Columbus 
 perceived that it would be of no avail to have recourse to any of his former 
 arts, which, having been tried so often, had lost their effect ; and that it was 
 impossible to rekindle any zeal for the success of the expedition among 
 men in whose breasts fear had extinguished every generous sentiment. He 
 saw that it was no less vain to think of employing either gentle or severe 
 measures to quell a mutiny so general and so violent. It was ^necessary, on 
 all these accounts, to soothe passions which he could no longer command, 
 
AMERICA. 55 
 
 fcttd. to give way to a torrent too impetuous to be checked. He promised 
 solemnly to his men that he would comply with their request, provided they 
 would accompany him, and obey his command for three days longer, and 
 if, during that time, land were not discovered, he would then abandon the 
 enterprise, and direct his course towards Spain.* 
 
 Enraged as the sailors were, and impatient to turn their faces again towards 
 their native country, this proposition did not appear to them unreasonable. 
 Nor did Columbus hazard much in confining himself to a term so short. 
 The presages of discovering land were now so numerous and promising, 
 that he deemed them infallible. For some days the sounding line reached 
 the bottom, and the soil which it brought up indicated land to be at no 
 great distance. The flocks of birds increased, and were composed not only 
 of seafowl, but of such land birds as could not be supposed to fly far from 
 the shore. The crew of the Pinta observed a cane floating, which seemed to 
 have been newly cut, and likewise a piece of timber artificially carved. The 
 sailors aboard the Nigna took up the branch of a tree with red berries, 
 perfectly fresh. The clouds around the setting sun assumed a new appear 
 ance ; the air was more mild and warm, and during the night the wind 
 became unequal and variable. From all these symptoms, Columbus was 
 so confident of being near land, that on the evening of the eleventh of 
 October, after public prayers for success, he ordered the sails to be furled, 
 and the ships to lie to, keeping strict watch, lest they should be driven ashore 
 in the night. During this interval of suspense and expectation, no man shut 
 his eyes, all kept upon deck, gazing intently towards that quarter where 
 they expected to discover the land, which had been so long the object of 
 their wishes. 
 
 About two hours before midnight, Columbus, standing on the forecastle, 
 observed a light at a distance, and privately pointed it out to Pedro Guttierez, 
 a page of the Queen's wardrobe. Guttierez perceived it, and calling to 
 Salcedo, comptroller of the fleet, all three saw it in motion, as if it were 
 carried from place to place. A little after midnight the joyful sound of 
 land ! land ! was heard from the Pinta, which kept always a head of the 
 other ships. But, having been so often deceived by fallacious appearances, 
 every man was now become slow of belief, and waited in all the anguish of 
 uncertainty and impatience for the return of day. As soon as morning dawned 
 [Oct. 12], all doubts and fears were dispelled. From every ship an island was 
 seen about two leagues to the north, whose flat and verdant fields, well stored 
 with wood, and watered with many rivulets, presented the aspect of a 
 delightful country. The crew of the Pinta instantly began the Te Deum, 
 as a^hymn of thanksgiving to God, and were joined by those of the other 
 ships, with tears of joy and transports of congratulation. This office of 
 gratitude to Heaven was followed by an act of justice to their commander. 
 They threw themselves at the feet of Columbus, with feelings of self- 
 condemnation mingled with reverence. They implored him to pardon 
 their ignorance, incredulity, and insolence, which had created him so much 
 unnecessary disquiet, and had so often obstructed the prosecution of his 
 well-concerted plan j and passing, in the warmth of their admiration, from 
 one extreme to another, they now pronounced the man, whom they had so 
 lately reviled and threatened, to be a person inspired by Heaven with 
 sagacity and fortitude more than human, in order to accomplish a design 
 so far beyond the ideas and conception of all former ages. 
 
 As soon as the sun arose, all their boats were manned and armed. They 
 rowed towards the island with their colours displayed, with warlike music, 
 and other martial pomp. As they approached the coast, they saw it covered 
 with a multitude of people, whom the novelty of the spectacle had drawn 
 together, whose attitudes and gestures expressed wonder and astonishment 
 
 * Oviedo, Hist. ap. Ramus, vol. iii. p. 81. E. 
 
56 HISTORY OF [BOOK II 
 
 at the strange objects which presented themselves to their view. Columbns 
 was the first European who set foot in the New World which he had dis 
 covered. He landed in a rich dress, and with a naked sword in his hand. 
 His men followed, and kneeling down, they all kissed the ground which 
 they had so long desired to see. They next erected a crucifix, and 
 prostrating themselves before it, .returned thanks to God for conducting 
 their voyage to such a happy issue: They then took solemn possession of 
 the country, for the crown of Castile and Leon, with all the formalities 
 which the Portuguese were accustomed to observe in acts of this kind, in 
 their new discoveries.* 
 
 The Spaniards, while thus employed, were surrounded by many of the 
 natives, who gazed in silent admiration upon actions which they could not 
 comprehend, and of which they did not foresee the consequences. The 
 dress of the Spaniards, the whiteness of their skins, their beards, their 
 arms, appeared strange and surprising. The vast machines in which they 
 had traversed the ocean, that seemed to move upon the waters with wings, 
 and uttered a dreadful sound resembling thunder, accompanied with lightning 
 and smoke, struck them with such terror, that they began to respect their 
 new guests as a superior order of beings, and concluded that they were 
 children of the Sun, who had descended to visit the earth. 
 
 The Europeans were hardly less amazed at the scene now before them. 
 Every herb, and shrub, and tree, was different from those which flourished in 
 Europe. The soil seemed to be rich, but bore few marks of cultivation. 
 The climate, even to the Spaniards, felt warm, though extremely delightful. 
 The inhabitants appeared in the simple innocence of nature, entirely naked. 
 Their black hair, long and uncurled, floated upon their shoulders, or was 
 bound in tresses around their heads. They had no beards, and every part 
 of their bodies was perfectly smooth. Their complexion was of a dusky- 
 copper colour, their features singular, rather than disagreeable, their aspect 
 gentle and timid. Though not tall, they were well shaped and active. 
 Their faces, and several parts of their body, were fantastically painted with 
 glaring colours. They were shy at first through fear, but soon became 
 familiar with the Spaniards, and with transports of joy received from them 
 hawksbells, glass beads, or other baubles, in return for which they gave 
 such provisions as they had, and some cotton yarn, the only commodity of 
 value that they could produce. Towards evening, Columbus returned to 
 his ship, accompanied by many of the islanders in their boats, which they 
 called canoes, and though rudely formed out of the trunk of a single tree, 
 they rowed them with surprising dexterity. Thus, in the first interview 
 between the inhabitants of the old and new worlds, every thing was con 
 ducted, amicably, and to their mutual satisfaction. The former, enlightened 
 and ambitious, formed already vast ideas with respect to the advantages 
 which they might derive from the regions that began to open to their view. 
 The latter, simple and undiscerning, had no foresight of the calamities and 
 desolation which were approaching their country. 
 
 f Columbus, who now assumed the title and authority of admiral and 
 viceroy, called the island which he had discovered San Salvador. It is 
 oetter known by the name of Guanahani, which the natives gave to it, and 
 is one of that large cluster of islands called the Lucaya or Bahama isles 
 It is situated above three thousand miles to the west of Gomera ; from 
 which the squadron took its departure, and only four degrees to the south 
 of it ; so little had Columbus deviated from the westerly course, which he 
 had chosen as the most proper. 
 
 Columbus employed the next day in visiting the coasts of the island ; and 
 from the universal poverty of the inhabitants, he perceived that this was 
 not the rich country for which he sought. But, conformably to his theory 
 
 * Life of Columbus, c. 22, 23. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. i. c. 23. 
 
AMERICA. 57 
 
 f oncoming the discovery of those regions of Asia which stretched towards 
 the east, he concluded that San Salvador was one of the isles which 
 geographers described as situated in the great ocean adjacent to India.* 
 Having observed that most of the people whom he had seen wore small 
 plates of gold, by way of ornament, in their nostrils, he eagerly inquired 
 where they got that precious metal. They pointed towards the south, and 
 made him comprehend by signs, that gold abounded in countries situated in 
 that quarter. Thither he immediately determined to direct his course, in 
 full confidence of rinding there those opulent regions which had been the 
 object of his voyage, and would be a recompense for all his toils and 
 dangers. He took along with him seven of the natives of San Salvador, 
 that, by acquiring the Spanish language, they might serve as guides and 
 interpreters ; and those innocent people considered it as a mark of distinction 
 when they were selected to accompany him. 
 
 He saw several islands, and touched at three of the largest, on which 
 he bestowed the names of St. Mary of the Conception, Fernandina, and 
 Isabella. But, as their soil, productions, and inhabitants nearly resembled 
 those of San Salvador, he made no stay in any of them. He inquired every 
 where for gold, and the signs that were uniformly made by way of answer, 
 confirmed him in the opinion that it was brought from the south. He 
 followed that course, and soon discovered a country which appeared very 
 extensive, not perfectly level, like those which he nad already visited, but 
 so diversified with rising grounds, hills, rivers, woods, and plains, that he 
 was uncertain whether it might prove an island, or part of the continent. 
 The natives of San Salvador, whom he had on board, called it Cuba ; 
 Columbus gave it the name of Juana. He entered the mouth of a large 
 river with his squadron, and all the inhabitants fled to the mountains as he 
 approached the shore. But as he resolved to careen the ships in that place, 
 he sent some Spaniards, together with one of the people of San Salvador, 
 to view the interior part of the country. They, having advanced above 
 sixty miles from the shore, reported, upon their return, that the soil was 
 richer and more cultivated than any they had hitherto discovered ; that, 
 besides many scattered cottages, they had found one village, containing 
 above a thousand inhabitants ; that the people, though naked, seemed to 
 be more intelligent than those of San Salvador, but had treated them with 
 the same respectful attention, kissing their feet, and honouring them as sacred 
 beings allied to heaven ; that they had given them to eat a certain root, the 
 taste of which resembled roasted chestnuts, and likewise a singular species 
 of corn called maize, which, either when roasted whole or ground into meal, 
 was abundantly palatable ; that there seemed to be no four-footed animals 
 in the country, but a species of dogs, which could not bark, and a creature 
 resembling a rabbit, but of a much smaller size ; that they had observed 
 some ornaments of gold among the people, but of no great value. t 
 
 These messengers had prevailed with some of the natives to accompany 
 them, who informed Columbus, that the gold of which they made their 
 ornaments was found in Cubanacan. By this word they meant the middle 
 or inland part of Cuba ; but Columbus, being ignorant of their language, 
 as well as unaccustomed to their pronunciation, and his thoughts running 
 continually upon his own theory concerning the discovery of the East Indies, 
 he was led, by the resemblance of sound, to suppose that they spoke of 
 the great Khan, and imagined that the opulent kingdom of Cathay, described 
 by Marto Polo, was not very remote. This induced him to employ some 
 time in viewing the country. He visited almost every harbour, from Porto 
 del Principe, on the north coast of Cuba, to the eastern extremity of the 
 island : but, though delighted with the beauty of the scenes which every 
 where presented themselves, and amazed at the luxuriant fertility of the 
 
 * Pet. MsrL epifit. 135. t Life of Columbus, c. 3428. Herrcrn, dec. 1. lib. i. c. 14. 
 
 VOL L 8 
 
HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 
 
 soi^ both which, from their novelty, made a more lively impression upon 
 his imagination [14], he did not find gold in such quantity as was sufficient 
 to satisfy either the avarice of his followers, or the expectations of the court 
 to which he was to return. The people of the country, as much astonished 
 at his eagerness in quest of gold as the Europeans were at their ignorance 
 and simplicity, pointed towards the east, where an island which they called 
 Hayti was situated, in which that metal was more abundant than among 
 them. Columbus ordered his squadron to bend its course thither j but 
 Marton Alonso Pinzon, impatient to be the first who should take possession 
 of the treasures which this country was supposed to contain, quitted his 
 companions, regardless of all the admiral's signals to slacken sail until they 
 should come up with him. 
 
 Columbus, retarded by contrary winds, did not reach Hayti till the sixth 
 of December. He called the port where he first touched St. Nicholas, and 
 the island itself Espagnola, in honour of the kingdom by which he was 
 employed ; and it is the only country, of those he had yet discovered, which 
 has retained the name that he gave it. As he could neither meet with the 
 Pinta, nor have any intercourse with the inhabitants, who fled in great 
 consternation towards "the woods, he soon quitted St. Nicholas, and, sailing 
 along the northern coast of the island, he entered another harbour, which he 
 called Conception. Here he was more fortunate ; his people overtook a 
 woman who was flying from them, and after treating her with great gentle 
 ness, dismissed her with a present of such toys as they knew were most 
 valued in those regions. The description which she gave to her countrymen 
 of the humanity and wonderful qualities of the strangers ; their admiration 
 of the trinkets, which she showed with exultation ; and their eagerness to 
 participate of the same favours ; removed all their fears, and induced many 
 of them to repair to the harbour. The strange objects which they beheld, 
 and the baubles which Columbus bestowed upon them, amply gratified their 
 curiosity and their wishes. They nearly resembled the people of 
 Guanahani and Cuba. They were naked like them, ignorant and simple ; 
 and seemed to be equally unacquainted with all the arts which appear most 
 necessary in polished societies ; but they were gentle, credulous, and timid, 
 to a degree which rendered it easy to acquire the ascendant over them, espe 
 cially as their excessive admiration led them into the same error with the 
 people of the other islands, in believing the Spaniards to be more than mortals, 
 and descended immediately from heaven. They possessed gold in greater 
 abundance than their neighbours, which they readily exchanged for bells, 
 beads, or pins ; and in this unequal traffic both parties were highly pleased, 
 each considering themselves as gainers by the transaction. Here Columbus 
 was visited by a prince or cazique of the country. He appeared with all 
 the pomp known among a simple people, being carried in a sort of palanquin 
 upon the shoulders of four men, and attended by many of his subjects, who 
 served him with great respect. His deportment was grave and stately, 
 very reserved towards his own people, but with Columbus and the Spaniards 
 extremely courteous. He gave the admiral some thin plates of gold, and a 
 girdle of curious workmanship, receiving in return presents of small value, 
 but highly acceptable to him.* 
 
 Columbus, still intent on discovering the mines which yielded gold, 
 continued to interrogate all the natives with whom he had any intercourse, 
 concerning their situation. They concurred in pointing out a mountainous 
 country, which they called Cibao, at some distance from the sea, and further 
 towards the east. Struck with this sound, which appeared to him the same 
 with Cipango, the name by which Marco Polo, and other travellers to the 
 east, distinguished the island of Japan, he no longer doubted with respect 
 to the vicinity of the countries which he had discovered to the remote parts 
 
 * Life of Columbus, c. 32. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. i. c. 15, &c. 
 
AMERICA. 59 
 
 Vsla ; and, in full expectation of reaching soon those regions which had 
 n the object of his voyage, he directed his course towards the east. He 
 
 of Asia 
 
 been tht ^ . _. _, 
 
 put into a commodious harbour, which he called St. Thomas, and found 
 that district to be under the government of a powerful cazique, named 
 Guacanahari, who, as he afterwards learned, was one of the five sovereigns 
 among whom the whole island was divided. He immediately sent messen 
 gers to Columbus, who in his name delivered to him the present of a mask 
 curiously fashioned with the ears, nose, and mouth of beaten gold, and 
 invited him to the place of his residence, near the harbour now called Cape 
 Francois, some leagues towards the east. Columbus despatched some of 
 his officers to visit this prince, who, as he behaved himself with greater 
 dignity, seemed to claim more attention. They returned with such favour 
 able accounts both of the country and of the people, as made Columbus 
 impatient for that interview with Guacanabari to which he had been invited. 
 
 He sailed for this purpose from St. Thomas, on the twenty-fourth of 
 December, with a fair wind, and the sea perfectly calm ; and as, amidst the 
 multiplicity of his occupations, he had not shut his eyes for two days, he 
 retired at midnight in order to take some repose, having committed the 
 helm to the pilot, with strict injunctions not to quit it for a moment. The 
 pilot, dreading no danger, carelessly left the helm to an unexperienced 
 cabin boy, and the ship, carried away by a current, was dashed against a 
 rock. The violence of the shock awakened Columbus. 'He ran up to the 
 deck. There all was confusion and despair. He alone retained presence 
 of mind. He ordered some of the sailors to take a boat, and carry out an 
 anchor astern ; but, instead of obeying, they made off towards the Nigna, 
 which was about half a league distant. He then commanded the masts to 
 be cut down, in order to lighten the ship ; but all his endeavours were too 
 late ; the vessel opened near the keel, and filled so fast with water that its 
 loss was inevitable. The smoothness of the sea, and the timely assistance 
 of boats from the Nigna, enabled the crew to save their lives. As soon as 
 the islanders heard of this disaster, they crowded to the shore, with their 
 prince Guacanahari at their head. Instead of taking advantage of the 
 distress in which they beheld the Spaniards, to attempt any thing to their 
 detriment, they lamented their misfortune with tears of sincere condolence. 
 Not satisfied with this unavailing expression of their sympathy, they put tc 
 sea a number of canoes, and, under the direction of the Spaniards, assisted 
 in saving whatever could be got out of the wreck ; and, by the united 
 labour of so many hands, almost every thing of value was carried ashore. 
 As fast as the goods were landed, Guacanahari in person took charge of 
 them. By his orders they were all deposited in one place, and armed 
 sentinels were posted, who kept the multitude at a distance, in order to 
 prevent them not only from embezzling, but from inspecting too curiously 
 what belonged to their guests. [15] Next morning this prince visited 
 Columbus, who was now on board the Nigna, and endeavoured to console 
 him for his loss, by offering all that he possessed to repair it.* 
 
 The condition of Columbus was such that he stood in need of consolation. 
 He had hitherto procured no intelligence of the Pinta, and no longer doubted 
 but that his treacherous associate had set sail for Europe, in order to have 
 the merit of carrying the first tidings of the extraordinary discoveries which 
 had been made, and to preoccupy so far the ear of their sovereign, as to 
 rob him of the glory and reward to which he was justly entitled. There 
 remained but one vessel, and that the smallest and most crazy of the squadron, 
 to traverse such a vast ocean, and carry so many men back to Europe. 
 Each of those circumstances was alarming, and filled the mind of Columbus 
 with the utmost solicitude. The desire of overtaking Pinzon, and of effacing 
 the unfavourable impressions which his misrepresentations might make in 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 1. lib. i. c. 18. 
 
60 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 
 
 Spain, made it necessary to return thither without delay. The difficulty 
 of taking such a number of persons on board the Nigna confirmed him in 
 an opinion which the fertility of the country, and the gentle temper of the 
 people, had already induced him to form. He resolved to leave a part of 
 his crew in the island, that by residing there, they might learn the language 
 of the natives, study their disposition, examine the nature of the country, 
 search for mines, prepare for the commodious settlement of the colony with 
 which he purposed to return, and thus secure and facilitate the acquisition 
 of those advantages which he expected from his discoveries. When he 
 mentioned this to his men, all approved of the design ; and from impatience 
 under the fatigue of a long voyage, from the levity, natural to sailors, or 
 from the hopes of amassing wealth in a country which afforded such promising 
 specimens of its riches, many offered voluntarily to be. among the number 
 of those who should remain. 
 
 Nothing was now wanting towards the execution of this scheme, but to 
 obtain the consent of Guacanahari; and nis unsuspicious simplicity soon 
 presented to the admiral a favourable opportunity of proposing it. Columbus 
 having, in the best manner he could, by broken words and signs, expressed 
 some curiosity to know the cause which had moved the islanders to fly 
 with such precipitation upon the approach of his ships, the cazique informed 
 him that the country was much infested by the incursions of certain people, 
 whom he called Carribeans, who inhabited several islands to the south-east. 
 These he described as a fierce and warlike race of men, who delighted in 
 blood, and devoured the flesh of the prisoners who were so unhappy as to 
 fall into their hands ; and as the Spaniards at their first appearance were 
 supposed to be Carribeans, whom the natives, however numerous, durst not 
 face in battle, they had recourse to their usual method of securing their 
 safety, by flying into the thickest and most impenetrable woods. Guacanahari, 
 while speaking. of those dreadful invaders, discovered such symptoms of 
 terror, as well as such consciousness of the inability of his own people to 
 resist them, as led Columbus to conclude that he would not be alarmed at 
 the proposition of any scheme which afforded him the prospect of an addi 
 tional security against their attacks. He instantly .offered him the assistance 
 of the Spaniards to repel his enemies : he engaged to take him and his 
 people under, the protection of the powerful monarch whom he served, and 
 offered to leave in the island such a number of his men as should be suffi 
 cient, not only to defend the inhabitants from future incursions, but to 
 avenge their past wrongs. 
 
 The credulous prince closed eagerly with the proposal, and thought 
 himself already safe under the patronage of beings sprung from heaven, 
 and superior in power to mortal men. The ground was marked out for a 
 small fort, which Columbus called Navidad, ^because he had landed there 
 on Christmas day. A deep ditch was drawn around it. The ramparts were 
 fortified with pallisades, and the great guns, saved out of the admiral's ship, 
 were planted upon them. In ten days the work was finished ; that simple 
 race of men labouring with inconsiderate assiduity in erecting this first 
 monument of their own servitude. During this time, Columbus, by his 
 caresses and liberality, laboured to increase the high opinion which the 
 natives entertained of the Spaniards. But while he endeavoured to inspire 
 them with confidence in their disposition to do good, he wished likewise 
 to give them some striking idea of their power to punish and destroy such 
 as were the objects of their indignation. With this view, in presence of a 
 vast assembly, he drew up his men in order of battle, and made an ostenta 
 tious but innocent display of the sharpness of the Spanish swords, of the force 
 of their spears, and the operation of their cross-bows. These rude people, 
 strangers to the use of iron, and unacquainted with any hostile weapons but 
 arrows of reed pointed with the bones of fishes, wooden swords, andjavelins 
 hardened in the fire, wondered and trembled. Before this surprise or fear 
 
AMERICA. 61 
 
 had time to abate, he ordered the great guns to be fired. The sudden 
 explosion struck them with such terror that they fell flat to the ground, 
 covering their faces with their hands ; and when they beheld the astonishing 
 effect o? the bullets among the trees, towards which the cannon had been 
 pointed, they concluded that it was impossible to resist men, who had the 
 command of such destructive instruments, and who came armed with 
 thunder and lightning against their enemies. 
 
 After giving such impressions both of the beneficence and power of the 
 Spaniards, as might have rendered it easy to preserve an ascendant over 
 the minds of the natives, Columbus appointed thirty-eight of his people to 
 remain in the island. He intrusted the command of these to Diego de 
 Arado, a gentleman of Cordova, investing him with the same powers which 
 he himself had received from Ferdinand and Isabella ; and furnished him 
 with every thing requisite for the subsistence or defence of this infant 
 colony. He strictly enjoined them to maintain concord among themselves, 
 to yield an unreserved obedience to their commander, to avoid giving offence 
 to the natives by any violence or exaction, to cultivate the friendship of 
 Guacanahari, but not to put themselves in his power by straggling in small 
 parties, or marching too far from the fort. He promised to visit them soon 
 with such a reinforcement of strength as might enable them to take full 
 possession of the country, and to reap all the fruits of their discoveries. In the 
 mean time he engaged to mention their names to the king and queen, and 
 to place their merit and services in the most advantageous light.* 
 
 Having thus taken every precaution for the security of the colony, he 
 left Navidad on the fourth of January, one thousand four hundred and 
 ninety-three, and steering towards the east, discovered and gave names to 
 most of the harbours on the northern coast of the island. On the sixth he 
 descried the Pinta, and soon came up with her, after a separation of more 
 than six weeks. Pinzon endeavoured to justify his conduct by pretending 
 that he had been driven from his course by stress. of weather, and prevented 
 from returning by contrary winds. The admiral, though he still suspected 
 his perfidious intentions, and knew well what he urged in his own defence 
 to be frivolous as well as false, was so sensible that this was not a proper 
 time for venturing upon any high strain of authority, and felt such satisfaction 
 in this junction with his consort, which delivered him from many disquieting 
 apprehensions, that, lame as Pinzon's apology was, he admitted of it without 
 difficulty, and restored him to favour. During his absence from the 
 admiral, Pinzon had visited several harbours in the island, had acquired 
 some gold by trafficking with the natives, but had made no discovery of 
 any importance. 
 
 From the condition of his ships, as well as the temper of his men, 
 Columbus now found it necessary to hasten his return to Europe. The 
 former having suffered much during a voyage of such an unusual length, 
 were extremely leaky. The latter expressed the utmost impatience to 
 revisit their native country, from which they had been so long absent, and 
 where they had things so wonderful and unheard-of to relate. Accordingly, 
 on the sixteenth of January, he directed his course towards the north-east, and 
 soon lost sight of land. He had on board some of the natives, whom he had 
 taken from the different islands which he discovered ; and besides the gold, 
 which was the chief object of research, he had collected specimens of all 
 the productions which were likely to become subjects of commerce in the 
 several countries, as well as many unknown birds, and other natural 
 curiosities, which might attract the attention of the learned, or excite the 
 wonder of the people. The voyage was prosperous to the fourteenth of 
 February, and he had advanced near five hundred leagues across the Atlantic 
 ocean, when the wind began to rise, and continued to blow with increasing 
 
 * Oviedo ap. Ramusio, iii p. 82. E. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. i. c. 20. Life of Columbus, c. 34. 
 
HISTORY OF fBooK 11. 
 
 j, which terminated in a furious hurricane. Every thing that the naval 
 [ and experience of Columbus could devise was employed in order to 
 save the ships. But it was impossible to withstand the violence of the 
 storm, and, as they were still far from any land, destruction seemed inevitable. 
 The sailors had recourse to prayers to Almighty God, to the invocation 
 of saints, to vows, and charms, to every thing that religion dictates, or 
 superstition suggests to the affrighted mind of man. No prospect of 
 deliverance appearing, they abandoned themselves to despair, and expected 
 every moment to be swallowed up in the waves. Besides the passions 
 which naturally agitate and alarm the human mind in such awful situations, 
 when certain aeath, in one of his most terrible forms, is before it, Columbus 
 had to endure feelings of distress peculiar to himself. He dreaded that 
 all knowledge of the amazing discoveries whkh he had made was now 
 to perish ; mankind were to be deprived of every benefit that might have 
 been derived from the happy success of his schemes, and his own name 
 would descend to posterity as that of a rash deluded adventurer, instead ot 
 being transmitted with the honour due to the author and conductor of the 
 most noble enterprise that had ever been undertaken. These reflections 
 extinguished all sense of his own personal danger 1 . Less affected with the 
 loss of life than solicitous to preserve the memory of what he had attempted 
 and achieved, he retired to nis cabin and wrote upon a parchment a short 
 account of the voyage which he had made, of the course which he had 
 taken, of the situation and riches of the countries which he had discovered, 
 and of the colony that he had left there. Having wrapped up this in an 
 oiled cloth, which he enclosed in a cake of wax, he put it into a cask 
 carefully stopped up, and threw it into the sea, in hopes that some 
 fortunate accident might preserve a deposit of so much importance to the 
 world.*[!6] 
 
 At length Providence interposed to save a life reserved for other services. 
 The wind abated, the sea became calm, and on the evening of the fifteenth, 
 Columbus and his companions discovered land ; and though uncertain what 
 it was, they made towards it. They soon knew it tp be St. Mary, one of 
 the Azores or western isles, subject- to the crown of Portugal. There, 
 after a violent contest with the governor, in which Columbus displayed no 
 less spirit than prudence, he obtained a supply of fresh provisions, and 
 whatever else he needed. One circumstance, however, greatly disquieted 
 him. The Pinta, of which he had lost sight on the first day of the hurri 
 cane, did not appear ; he "dreaded for some time that she had foundered at 
 sea, and that all her crew had perished ; afterwards, bis former suspicions 
 recurred, and he became apprehensive that Pinzpn had borne away for 
 Spain, that he might reach it before him, and by giving the first account of 
 his discoveries, might obtain some share of his fame. 
 
 In order to prevent this, he left the Azores as soon as the weather would 
 permit [Feb. 24]. At no great distance from the coast of Spain, when near 
 the end of his voyage, and seemingly beyond the reach of any disaster, 
 another storm arose, little inferior to the former in violence ; and after 
 driving before it during two days and two nights, he was forced to take 
 shelter in the river Tagus [March 4]. Upon application to the King of 
 Portugal, he was allowed to come up to Lisbon ; and, notwithstanding the 
 envy which it was natural for the Portuguese to feel, when they beheld 
 another nation entering upon that province of discovery which they had 
 hitherto deemed peculiarly their own, and in its first essay not only rivalling 
 but eclipsing their fame, Columbus was received with all the marks of 
 distinction due to a man who had performed things so extraordinary and 
 unexpected. The King admitted him into his presence, treated him with 
 the highest respect, and listened to the account which he gave of his voyage 
 
 * Life of Columbus, c. 37. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. ii. c. 1, 2. 
 
AMERICA. 6 
 
 \vith admiration mingled with regret. While Columbus, on his part, 
 enjoyed the satisfaction of describing the importance of his discoveries, and 
 of being now able to prove the solidity of his schemes to those very 
 persons, who, with an ignorance disgraceful to themselves, and fatal to their 
 country, had lately rejected them as the projects of a visionary or designing 
 adventurer.* 
 
 Columbus was so impatient to return to Spain, that he remained only 
 five days in Lisbon. On the fifteenth of March he arrived in the port ot 
 Palos, seven months and eleven days from the tirrie when he set out thence 
 upon his voyage. As soon as the ship was discovered approaching the 
 port, all the inhabitants of Palps ran eagerly to the shore, in order to welcome 
 their relations and fellow-citizens, and to hear tidings of their voyage. 
 When the prosperous issue of it was known, when they beheld the strange 
 people, the unknown animals, and singular productions, brought from the 
 countries which had been discovered, the effusion of joy was general and 
 unbounded. The bells were rung, the cannon fired; Columbus was 
 received at landing with royal honours, and all the people in solemn pro 
 cession, accompanied him and his crew to the church, where they returned 
 thanks to Heaven, which had so wonderfully conducted and crowned with 
 success a voyage of greater length and of more importance than had been 
 attempted in any former age. On the evening of the same day, he had the 
 satisfaction of seeing the Pinta, which the violence of the tempest had driven 
 far to the north, enter the harbour. 
 
 The first care of Columbus was to inform the King and Queen, who were 
 then at Barcelona, of his arrival and success. Ferdinand and Isabella, no 
 less astonished than delighted with this unexpected event, desired Columbus, 
 in terms the most respectful and flattering, to repair immediately to court, 
 that from his own mouth they might receive a full detail of his extraordinary 
 services and discoveries. During his journey to Barcelona, the people 
 crowded from the adjacent country, following him every where with admi 
 ration and applause. His entrance into the city was conducted, by order 
 of Ferdinand and Isabella, with poinp suitable to the great event, which 
 added such distinguishing lustre to their reign. The people whom he 
 brought along with him from the countries which he had discovered, 
 marched first, and by their singular complexion, the wild peculiarity of their 
 features, and uncouth finery, appeared like men of another species. Next 
 to them were carried the ornaments of gold, fashioned by ihe rude art of 
 the natives, the grains of gold found in the mountains, and dust of the same 
 metal gathered in the rivers. After these appeared the various commodities 
 of the new discovered countries, together with their curious productions. 
 Columbus himself closed the procession, and attracted the eyes of all the 
 spectators, who gazed with admiration on the extraordinary man, whose 
 superior sagacity and fortitude had conducted their countrymen, by a route 
 concealed from past ages, to the knowledge of a new world. Ferdinand 
 and Isabella received him clad in their royal robes, and seated upon a 
 throng under a magnificent canopy. When he approached, they stood up, 
 and raising him as he kneeled to kiss their hands, commanded him to take 
 his seat upon a chair prepared for him, and to give a circumstantial account 
 of his voyage. He delivered it with a gravity and composure no less 
 suitable to the disposition of the Spanish nation than to the dignity of the 
 audience ^ in which he spoke, and with that modest simplicity which 
 characterizes men of superior minds, who, satisfied with having performed 
 great actions, court not vain applause by an ostentatious display of their 
 exploits. When he had finished his narration, the king and queen, kneeling 
 down, offered up solemn thanks to Almighty God for the discovery of those 
 new regions, from which they expected ?o many advantages to flow in upoi' 
 
 * Life of Columbus, c. 40, 41. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. ii. c. 3 
 
f4 HISTORY OF [Boo* 11 
 
 the kingdoms subject to their government. [17] Every mark of honour 
 that gratitude or admiration could suggest was conferred upon Columbus. 
 Letters patent were issued, confirming to him and to his heirs all the privileges 
 contained in the capitulation concluded at Santa Fe ; his family was enno 
 bled ; the king and queen, and after their example the courtiers, treated him 
 on every occasion with all the ceremonious respect paid to persons of the 
 highest rank. But what pleased him most, as it gratified his active mind, 
 bent continually upon great objects, was an order to equip, without delay, 
 an armament of such force as might enable him not only to take possession 
 of the countries which he had already discovered, but to go in search of 
 those more opulent regions which he still confidently expected to find.* 
 
 While preparations were making for this expedition, the lame of Columbus's 
 successful voyage spread over Europe, and excited general attention. The 
 multitude, struck with amazement when they heard that a new world had 
 been found, could hardly believe an event so much above their conception. 
 Men of science, capable of comprehending the nature, and of discerning 
 the effects of this great discovery, received the account of it with admiration 
 and joy. They spoke of his vovage with rapture, and congratulated one 
 another upon their felicity in having lived in the period when, by this ex 
 traordinary event, the boundaries of human knowledge were so much 
 extended, and such a new field of inquiry and observation opened, as would 
 lead mankind to a perfect acquaintance with the structure and productions 
 of the habitable globe. | [18] Various opinions arid conjectures were 
 formed concerning the new found countries, and what division of the earth 
 they belonged to. Columbus adhered tenaciously to his original opinion, 
 that they snould be reckoned a part of those vast regions in Asia, compre 
 hended under the general name of India. This sentiment was confirmed 
 by the observations which he made concerning the productions of the 
 countries he had discovered. Gold was known to abound in India, and he 
 had met with such promising samples of it in the islands which he visited, 
 as led him to believe that rich mines of it might be found. Cotton, another 
 production of the East Indies, was common there. The pimento of the 
 islands he imagined to be a species of the East Indian pepper. He mistook 
 a root, somewhat resembling rhubarb, for that valuable drug, which was 
 then supposed to be a plant peculiar to the East Indies.J The birds brought 
 home by him were adorned with the same rich plumage which distin 
 guishes those of India. The alligator of the one country appeared to be 
 the same with the crocodile of the other. After weighing all these circum 
 stances, not only the Spaniards, but the other nations of Europe, seem to 
 have adopted the opinion of Columbus. The countries which he had 
 discovered were considered as a part of India. In consequence of this 
 notion, the name of Indies is given to them by Ferdinand and Isabella, in 
 a ratification of their former agreement, which was granted to Columbus 
 upon his return. Even after the error which gave rise to this opinion was 
 detected, and the true position of the New World was ascertained, the 
 name has remained, and the appellation of West Indies is given by all the 
 people of Europe to the country, and that of Indians to its inhabitants. 
 
 The name by which Columbus distinguished the countries which he had 
 discovered was so inviting, the specimens of their riches and fertility which 
 he produced were so considerable, and the reports of his companions, 
 delivered frequently with the exaggeration natural to travellers, so favourable, 
 as to excite a wonderful spirit of enterprise among the Spaniards. Though 
 little accustomed to naval expeditions, they were impatient to set out upon 
 their voyage. Volunteers of every rank solicited to be employed. Allured 
 by the inviting prospects which opened to their ambition and avarice, 
 
 * Life of Columbus, c. 42, 43. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. ii. c. 3. t 2 P. Mart, epist. 133, 134, 135. 
 t Herrera, dec. 1. lib. i. c. 20. Gomera Hist. c. 17. $ Life of Columbus, c. 44. 
 
AMERICA. 65 
 
 neither the length nor danger of the navigation intimidated them. Cautious 
 as Ferdinand was, and averse to every thing new or adventurous, he seems 
 to have catched the same spirit with his subjects. Under its influence, 
 preparations for a second expedition were carried on with rapidity unusual 
 in Spain, and to an extent that would be deemed not inconsiderable in the 
 present age. The fleet consisted of seventeen ships, some of which were 
 of good burden. It had on board fifteen hundred persons, among whom 
 were many of noble families, who had served in honourable stations. The 
 greater part of these, being destined to remain in the country, were fur 
 nished with every thing requisite for conquest or settlement, with all kinds 
 of European domestic animals, with such seeds and plants as were most 
 likely to thrive in the climate of the West Indies, with utensils and instruments 
 of every sort, and with such artificers as might be most useful in an infant 
 colony.* 
 
 But, formidable and well provided as this fleet was, Ferdinand and 
 Isabella did not rest their title to the possession of the newly discovered 
 countries upon its operations alone. The example of the Portuguese, as 
 well as the superstition of the age, made it necessary to obtain from the 
 Roman pontiff a grant of those territories which they wished to occupy. 
 The Pope, as the vicar and representative of Jesus Christ, was supposed 
 to have a right of dominion over all the kingdoms of the earth. Alexander 
 VI., a pontiff infamous for every crime which disgraces humanity, filled the 
 Papal throne at that time. As he was born Ferdinand's subject, and very 
 solicitous to secure the protection of Spain, in order to facilitate the execution 
 of his ambitious schemes in favour of his own family, he was extremely 
 willing to gratify the Spanish monarchs. By an act of liberality which 
 cost him nothing, and that served to establish the jurisdiction and pretensions 
 of the Papal See, he granted in full right to Ferdinand and Isabella all the 
 countries inhabited by Infidels, which they had discovered, or should discover ; 
 and, in virtue of that power which he derived from Jesus Christ, he con 
 ferred on the crown of Castile vast regions, to the possession of which he 
 himself was so far from having any title, that he was unacquainted with 
 their situation, and ignorant even of their existence. As it was necessary 
 to prevent this grant from interfering with that formerly made to the crown 
 of Portugal, he appointed that a line, supposed to be drawn from pole to 
 pole, a hundred leagues to the westward of the Azores, should serve as a 
 limit between them ; and, in the plenitude of his power, bestowed all to 
 the east of this imaginary line upon the Portuguese, and all to the west ot 
 it upon the Spaniards.! Zeal for propagating the Christian faith was the 
 consideration employed by Ferdinand in soliciting this bull, and is mentioned 
 by Alexander as his chief motive for issuing it. In order to manifest some 
 concern for this laudable object, several friars, under the direction of Father 
 Boyl, a Catalonian monk of great reputation, as apostolical vicar, were 
 appointed to accompany Columbus, and to devote themselves to the 
 instruction of the natives. The Indians, whom Columbus had brought along 
 with him, having received some tincture of Christian knowledge, were 
 baptized with much solemnity, the king himself, the prince his son, and the 
 chief persons of his court, standing as their godfathers. Those first fruits 
 of the New World have not been followed by such an increase as pious men 
 wished, and had reason to expect. 
 
 Ferdinand and Isabella having thus acquired a title, which was then 
 deemed completely valid, to extend their discoveries and to establish their 
 dominion over such a considerable portion of the globe, nothing now retarded 
 the departure ^of the fleet. Columbus was extremely impatient to revisit 
 roe colony which he had left, and to pursue that career of glory upon which 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 1. lib. ii. c. 5. Life of Columbus, c. 45. f Herrera, dec. 1. lib. ii. c. 4. 
 
 Torquemeda Mon. Ind. lib. xviii. c. 3. 
 
 VOL. I. 9 K 
 
66 HISTORY OF [BooKlL 
 
 he had entered. He set sail from the bay of Cadiz on the twenty-fifth of 
 September, and touching again at the island of Gomera, he steered further 
 towards the south than in his former voyage. By holding this course, he 
 enjoyed more steadily the benefit of the' regular winds, which reign within 
 the tropics, and was carried towards a large cluster of islands, ^situated 
 considerably to the east of those which he had already discovered. ' On the 
 twenty-sixth day after his departure from Gomera [Nov. 2], he made land.* 
 It was one of the Carribbee Or Leeward Islands, to which he gave the name 
 of Deseada, on account of the impatience of his crew to discover some part 
 of the New World. After this he visited successively Dominica, Mari- 
 galante, Guadaloupe, Antigua, San Juan de Puerto Rico, and several other 
 islands, scattered in his way as he advanced towards the north-west. All 
 these he found to be inhabited by that fierce race of people whom Guacan- 
 ahari had painted in such frightful colours. His descriptions appeared not 
 to have been exaggerated. The Spaniards never attempted to land without 
 meeting with such a reception as discovered the martial and daring spirit 
 of the natives ; and in their habitations were found relics of those horrid 
 feasts which they had made upon the bodies of their enemies taken in war. 
 But as Columbus was eager to know the state of the colony which he 
 had planted, and to supply it with the necessaries of which he supposed it 
 to be in want, he made no stay in any of those islands, and proceeded 
 directly to Hispaniola [Nov. 22].| When he arrived off Navidad, the 
 station in which he had left the thirty-eight men under the command ol 
 Arada, he was astonished that none of them appeared, and expected every 
 moment to see them running with transports of joy to welcome their 
 countrymen. Full of solicitude about their safety, and foreboding in his 
 mind what had befallen them, he rowed instantly to land. All the natives 
 from whom he might have received information had fled. But the fort 
 which he had built was entirely demolished, and the tattered garments, the 
 broken arms and utensils scattered about it, left no room to doubt concerning 
 the unhappy fate of the garrison. J While the Spaniards were shedding 
 tears over those sad memorials of their fellow-citizens, a brother of the 
 cazique Guacanahari arrived. From him Columbus received a particular 
 detail of what had happened after his departure from the island. The 
 familiar intercourse of the Indians with the Spaniards tended gradually to 
 diminish the superstitious veneration with which their first appearance had 
 inspired that simple people. By their own indiscretion and ill conduct, the 
 Spaniards speedily effaced those favourable impressions, and soon convinced 
 the natives, that they had all the wants, and weaknesses, and passions of 
 men. As soon as the powerful restraint which the presence and authority 
 of Columbus imposed was withdrawn, the garrison threw off all regard for 
 the officer whom he had invested with command. Regardless of the 
 prudent instructions which he had given them, every man became inde 
 pendent, and gratified his desires without control. The gold, the women, 
 the provisions of the natives, were all the prey of those licentious oppressors 
 They roamed in small parties over the island, extending their rapacity and 
 insolence to every corner of it. Gentle and timid as the people were, those 
 unprovoked injuries at length exhausted their patience, and roused their 
 courage. The cazique of Cibao, whose country the Spaniards chiefly 
 infested on account of the gold which it contained, surprised and cut off 
 several of them, while they straggled in as perfect security as if their 
 conduct had been altogether inoffensive. He then assembled his subjects, 
 and surrounding the fort, set it on fire. Some of the Spaniards were killed 
 in defending it ; the rest perished in attempting to make their escape by 
 crossing an arm of the sea. Guacanahari, whom all their exactions had 
 
 * Oviedo ap. Ramus. iU. 85. f P. Martyr, dec. p. 15. 18. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. ii. c. 7. Lift 
 of Columbus, c. 46. &c. J Hist, de Cura de los Palacios. MS. 
 
AMERICA. 61 
 
 tiot alienated from the Spaniards, took arms in their behalf, and, in endea 
 vouring to protect them, had received a wound, by which he was still 
 
 . J * 
 
 confined. 
 
 Though this account was far from removing the suspicions which the 
 Spaniards entertained with respect to the fidelity of Guacanahari, Columbus 
 perceived so clearly that this was not a proper juncture for inquiring into his 
 conduct with scrupulous accuracy, that he rejected the advice of several of 
 his officers, who urged him to seize the pefson of that Prince, and to revenge 
 the death of their countrymen by attacking his subjects He represented 
 to them the necessity of securing the friendship of some potentate of the 
 country, in order to facilitate the settlement which they intended, and the 
 danger of driving the natives to unite in some desperate attempt against 
 them, by such an ill-timed and unavailing, exercise of rigour. Instead of 
 wasting his time in punishing past wrongs, he took precautions for preventing 
 any future injury. With this view, he made choice of a situation more 
 healthy and commodious than that of Navidad. He traced out the plan of 
 a town in a large plain near a spacious bay, and obliging every person to 
 put his hand to a work on which their common safety depended, the houses 
 arid ramparts were soon so far advanced, by their united labour, as to afford 
 them shelter and security. This rising city, the first chat the Europeans 
 founded in the New World, he named Isabella, in honour of his patroness 
 the Queen of Castile. t 
 
 In carrying on this necessary work, Columbus had not only to sustain all 
 the hardships, and to encounter all the difficulties, to which infant colonies 
 are exposed when they settle in an uncultivated country, but he had to 
 contend with what was more insuperable, the laziness, the impatience, and 
 mutinous disposition of his followers. By the enervating influence of a hot 
 climate, the natural inactivity of the Spaniards seemed to increase. Many 
 of them were gentlemen, unaccustomed to the fatigue of bodily labour, 
 and all had engaged in the enterprise with the sanguine hopes excited by 
 the splendid and exaggerated description of their countrymen who returned 
 from the first voyage, or by the mistaken opinion of Columbus, that the 
 country which he had discovered was either the Cipango of Marco Polo, 
 or the Ophir,| from which Solomon imported those precious commodities 
 which suddenly diiFused such extraordinary riches through his kingdom. 
 But when, instead of that golden harvest which they had expected to reap 
 without toil or pains, the Spaniards saw that their prospect of wealth was 
 remote as well as uncertain, and that it could not be attained but by the 
 slow and persevering efforts of industry, the disappointment of those 
 chimerical hopes occasioned such dejection of mind as bordered on despair, 
 and led to general discontent. In vain did Columbus endeavour to revive 
 their spirits by pointing out the fertility of the soil, and exhibiting the 
 specimens of gold daily brought in from different parts of the island. 
 They had not patience to wait for the gradual returns which the former 
 might yield, and the latter they despised as scanty and inconsiderable. 
 The spirit of disaffection spread, and a conspiracy was formed, which might 
 have been fatal to Columbus and the colony. Happily he discovered it ; 
 and, seizing the ringleaders, punished some of them, sent others prisoners 
 into Spain, whither he despatched twelve of the ships which had served 
 as transports, with an earnest request for a reinforcement of men and a large 
 supply of provisions.^ 
 
 1494.] Meanwhile, in order to banish that idleness which, by allowing 
 his people leisure to brood over their disappointment, nourished the spirit 
 of discontent, Columbus planned several expeditions into the interior part of 
 
 * P. Martyr, dec. p. 22, &c. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. ii. c. 7. 9. Life of Columbus, c. 49, 50. t Life 
 of Columbus, c. 51. Herrera, dec, 1. lib. ii. c. 10. } P. Martyr, dec. p. 29. $ Herrera, dee. 
 I. lib. ii. c. 10, 1L 
 
68 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 
 
 the country. He sent a detachment, under the command of Alonzo de 
 Ojeda, a vigilant and enterprising officer, to visit the district of Cibao, which 
 was said to yield the greatest quantity of gold, and followed him in person 
 with the main body 01 his troops. In this expedition he displayed all the 
 pomp of military magnificence that he could exhibit, in order to strike the 
 imagination of tne natives.- He marched with colours flying, with martiaJ 
 music, and with a small body of cavalry that paraded sometimes in the front 
 and sometimes in the rear. As those were the first horses which appeared 
 in the New World, they were objects of terror no less than of admiration 
 to the Indians, who, having no tame animals themselves, were unacquainted 
 with that vast accession ot power which man hath acquired by subjecting 
 them to his dominion. They supposed them to be rational creatures. They 
 imagined that the horse and the rider formed one animal, with whose speed 
 they were astonished, and whose impetuosity and strength they considered 
 as irresistible. But while Columbus endeavoured to inspire the natives 
 with a dread of his power, he did not neglect the arts of gaining their love 
 and confidence. He adhered scrupulously to the principles of integrity and 
 justice in all his transactions with them, and treated them, on every occasion, 
 not only with humanity, but with indulgence. The district of Cibao 
 answered the description given of it by the natives. It was mountainous 
 and uncultivated, but in every river and brook gold was gathered either in 
 dust or in grains, some of which were of considerable size. The Indians had 
 never opened any mines in search of gold. To penetrate into the bowels of 
 the earth, and to refine the rude ore, were operations too complicated and 
 laborious for their talents and industry, and they had no such high value for 
 gold as to put their ingenuity and invention upon the stretch in order to 
 obtain it.* The small quantity of that precious metal which they possessed, 
 was either picked up in the beds of the rivers, or washed from the mountains 
 by the heavy rains that fall within the tropics. But from those indications, 
 the Spaniards could no longer doubt that the country contained rich treasures 
 in its bowels, of which they hoped soon to be masters.! In order to secure 
 the command of this valuable province, Columbus erected a small fort, to 
 which he gave the name of St. Thomas, by way of ridicule upon some of 
 his incredulous followers, who would not believe that the country produced 
 gold, until they saw it with their own eyes, and touched it with their 
 hands.J 
 
 The account of those promising appearances of wealth in the country of 
 Cibao came very seasonably to comfort the desponding colony, which was 
 affected with distresses of various kinds. The stock of provisions which 
 had been brought from Europe was mostly consumed ; what remained was 
 so much corrupted by the heat and moisture of the climate as to be almost 
 unfit for use ; the natives cultivated so small a portion of ground, and with 
 so little skill, that it hardly yielded what was sufficient for their own sub 
 sistence ; the Spaniards at Isabella had hitherto neither time nor leisure to clear 
 the soil, so as to reap any considerable fruits of their own industry. On all 
 these accounts, they became afraid of perishing with hunger, and were 
 reduced already to a scanty allowance. At the same time, the diseases 
 predominant in the torrid zone, and which rage chiefly in those uncultivated 
 countries where the hand of industry has not opened the woods, drained the 
 marshes, and confined the rivers within a certain channel, began to spread 
 among them. Alarmed at the violence and unusual symptoms of those 
 maladies, they exclaimed against Columbus and his companions in the 
 former voyage, who, by their splendid but deceitful descriptions of Hispa- 
 niola, had allured them to quit Spain for a barbarous uncultivated land, 
 where they must either be cut off" by famine, or die of unknown distempers. 
 
 * Oviedo, lib. ii. p. 90. A. f P- Martyr, dec. p. 32. } Herrera, dec. 1. lib. ii. c. 12. Life 
 of Columbus, c. 52. 
 
AMERICA. 69 
 
 Several of the officers and persons of note, instead of checking, joined in 
 those seditious complaints. Father Boyi, the apostolical vicar, was one of 
 the most turbulent and outrageous. It required all the authority and address 
 of Columbus to re-establish subordination and tranquillity in the colony. 
 Threats and promises were alternately employed for this purpose ; but 
 nothing contributed more to soothe the malecontents than the prospect of 
 finding, in the mines of Cibao, such a rich store of treasure as would be a 
 recompense for all their sufferings, and efface the memory of former 
 disappointments. 
 
 When, by his unwearied endeavours, concord and order were so far 
 restored that he could venture to leave the island, Columbus resolved to 
 pursue his discoveries, that he might be able to ascertain whether those new 
 countries with which he had opened a communication were connected with 
 any region of the earth already known, or whether they were to be con 
 sidered as a separate portion of the globe hitherto unvisited. He appointed 
 his brother Don Diego, with the assistance of a council of officers, to govern 
 the island in his absence ; and gave the command of a body of soldiers to 
 Don Pedro Margarita, with which he was to visit the different parts of the 
 island, and endeavour to establish the authority of the Spaniards among the 
 inhabitants. Having left them very particular instructions with respect to 
 their conduct, he weighed anchor on the 24th of April, with one ship and 
 two small barks under his command. During a tedious voyage of full five 
 months, he had a trial of almost all the numerous hardships to which 
 persons of his profession are exposed, without making any discovery ol 
 importance, except the island of Jamaica. As he ranged along the southern 
 coast of Cuba [l9],he was entangled in a labyrinth formed by an incredible 
 number of small islands, to which he gave the name of the Queen's Garden. 
 In this unknown course, among rocks and shelves, he was retarded by con 
 trary winds, assaulted with furious storms, and alarmed with the terrible 
 thunder and lightning which is often almost incessant between the tropics. At 
 length his provisions fell short ; his crew, exhausted with fatigue as well as 
 hunger, murmured and threatened, and were ready to proceed to the most 
 desperate extremities against him. Beset with danger in such various forms, 
 he was obliged to keep continual watch, to observe every occurrence with 
 his own eyes, to issue every order, and to superintend the execution of it. 
 On no occasion was the extent of his skill and experience as a navigator so 
 much tried. To these the squadron owed its safety. But this unrernitted 
 fatigue of body, and intense application of mind, overpowering his consti 
 tution, though naturally vigorous and robust, brought on a feverish disorder, 
 which terminated in a lethargy, that deprived him of sense and memory, 
 and had almost proved fatal to his life.* 
 
 But, on his return to Hispanipla [Sept. 27], the sudden emotion of joy 
 which he felt upon meeting with his brother Bartholomew at Isabella, 
 occasioned such a flow of spirits as contributed greatly to his recovery. 
 It was now thirteen years since the two brothers, whom similarity of talents 
 united in close friendship, had separated from each other, and during that 
 long period there had been no intercourse between them. Bartholomew, 
 after finishing his negotiation in the court of England, had set out for Spain 
 by the way of France. At Paris he received an account of the extraordinary 
 discoveries which his brother had made in his first voyage, and that he was 
 then preparing to embark on a second expedition. Though this naturally 
 induced him to pursue his journey with the utmost despatch, the admiral 
 had sailed for Hispaniola before he reached Spain. Ferdinand and Isabella 
 received him with the respect due to the nearest kinsman of a person whose 
 merit and services rendered him so conspicuous ; and as they knew what 
 consolation his presence would afford to his brother, they persuaded him to 
 
 * Life of Columbus, c. 54, &c. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. ii. c. 13, 14 P. Martyr, dec. I. p. 34, fee. 
 
70 HISTORY OF [BOOK IL 
 
 take the command of three ships, which they had appointed to carry 
 provisions to the colony at Isabella.* 
 
 He could not have arrived at anv juncture when Columbus stood more 
 in need of a friend capable of assisting him with his counselor of dividing 
 with him the cares and burdens of government. For although the provisions 
 now brought from Europe afforded a temporary relief to the Spaniards from 
 the calamities of famine, the supply was not in such quantity as to support 
 them long, and the island did not hitherto yield what was sufficient for their 
 sustenance. They were threatened with another danger, still more formida 
 ble than the return of scarcity, and which demanded more immediate 
 attention. No sooner did Colurnbus leave the island on his voyage ot 
 discovery, than the soldiers under Margarita, as if they had been set free 
 from discipline and subordination, scorned all restraint. Instead of con 
 forming to the prudent instructions of Columbus, they dispersed in straggling 
 parties over the island, lived at discretion upon the natives, wasted their 
 provisions, seized their women, and treated that inoffensive race with all the 
 insolence of military oppression.! 
 
 As long as the Indians had any prospect that their sufferings might come 
 to a period by the voluntary departure of the invaders, they submitted in 
 silence, and dissembled their sorrow ; but they now perceived that the yoke 
 would be as permanent as it was intolerable. The Spaniards had built a 
 town, and surrounded it with ramparts. They had erected forts in different 
 places. They had enclosed and sown several fields. It was apparent 
 that they came not to visit the country, but to settle in it. Though the 
 number of those strangers was inconsiderable, the state of cultivation among 
 these rude people was so imperfect, and in such exact proportion to their 
 own consumption, that it was with difficulty they could afford subsistence 
 to their new guests. Their own mode of life was so indolent and inactive, 
 the warmth of the climate so enervating, the constitution of their bodies 
 naturally so feeble, and so unaccustomed to the laborious exertions 01 
 industry, that they were satisfied with a proportion of food amazingly small. 
 A handful of maize, or a little of the insipid bread made of the cassada- 
 root, was sufficient to support men whose strength and spirits were not 
 exhausted by any vigorous efforts either of body or mind. The Spaniards, 
 though the most abstemious of all the European nations, appeared to them 
 excessively voracious. One Spaniard consumed as much as several Indians. 
 This keenness of appetite surprised them so much, and seemed to be so 
 insatiable, that they supposed the Spaniards had left their own country 
 because it did not produce as much as was requisite to gratify their immo 
 derate desire of food, and had come among them in quest of nourishment.^ 
 Self-preservation prompted them to wish for the departure of guests who 
 wasted so fast their slender stock of provisions. The injuries which they 
 suffered added to their impatience for this event. They had long expected 
 that the Spaniards would retire of their own accord. They now perceived 
 that, in order to avert the destruction with which they were threatened, either 
 by the slow consumption of famine, or by the violence of their oppressors, it 
 was necessary to assume courage, to attack those formidable invaders with 
 united force, and drive them from the settlements of which they had 
 violently taken possession. 
 
 Such were the sentiments which universally prevailed among the Indians, 
 when Columbus returned to Isabella. Inflamed, by the unprovoked out 
 rages of the Spaniards, with a degree of rage of which their gentle natures, 
 formed to suffer and submit, seemed hardly susceptible, they waited only 
 for a signal from their leaders to fall upon the colony. Some of the 
 caziques had already surprised and cut off several stragglers. The dread 
 of this impending danger united the Spaniards, and re-established the 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 1. lib. ii. c. 15. t P. Martyr, dec. p. 47. $ Herrera, dec. 1. lib. ii. c. 17. 
 
AMERICA. 71 
 
 authority of Columbus, as they saw no prospect of safety but in committing 
 themselves to his prudent guidance. It was now necessary to have recourse 
 to arms, the employing of which against the Indians Columbus had hitherto 
 avoided with the greatest solicitude. Unequal as the conflict may seem, 
 between the naked inhabitants of the New World armed with clubs, sticks 
 hardened in the fire, wooden swords, and arrows pointed with bones or flints, 
 and troops accustomed to the discipline, and provided with the instruments 
 of destruction known in the European art of war, the situation of the 
 Spaniards was far from being exempt from danger. The vast superiority 
 of the natives in number compensated many defects. A handful of men 
 was about to encounter a whole nation. One adverse event, or even any 
 unforeseen delay in determining the fate of the war, might prove fatal to the 
 Spaniards. Conscious that success depended on the vigour and rapidity ot 
 his operations, Columbus instantly assembled his forces. They were 
 reduced to a very small number. Diseases, engendered by the warmth 
 and humidity of the country, or occasioned by their own licentiousness, had 
 raged among them with much violence ; experience had not yet taught them 
 the art either of curing these, or the precautions requisite for guarding against 
 them ; two-thirds of the original adventurers were dead, and many ot 
 those who survived were incapable of service.* The body which took 
 the field [March 24,, 1495] consisted only of two hundred foot, twenty 
 horse, and twenty large dogs ; and how strange soever it may seem to 
 mention the last as composing part of a military force, they were not perhaps 
 the least formidable and destructive of the whole, when employed against 
 naked and timid Indians. All the caziques of the island, Guacanahari 
 excepted, who retained an inviolable attachment to the Spaniards, were in 
 arms to oppose Columbus, with forces amounting, if we may believe the 
 Spanish historians, to a hundred thousand men. Instead of attempting to 
 draw the Spaniards into the fastnesses of the woods and mountains, they 
 were so imprudent as to take their station in the Vega Real, the most open 
 plain in the country. Columbus did not allow them time to perceive their 
 error, or to alter their position. He attacked them during the night, when 
 undisciplined troops are least capable of acting with union and concert, and 
 obtained an easy and bloodless victory. The consternation with which the 
 Indians were filled by the noise and havoc made by the fire arms, by the 
 impetuous force of the cavalry, and the fierce onset of the dogs was so 
 great, that they threw down their weapons, and fled without attempting 
 resistance. M'any were slain ; more were taken prisoners, and reduced to 
 servitude [20] ; and so thoroughly were the rest intimidated, that from that 
 moment they abandoned themselves to despair, relinquishing all thoughts 
 of contending with aggressors whom they deemed invincible. 
 
 Columbus employed several months in marching through the island, and 
 in subjecting it to the Spanish government, without meeting with any 
 opposition. He imposed a tribute upon all the inhabitants above the age of 
 fourteen. Each person who lived in those districts where gold was found, 
 was obliged to pay quarterly as much gold dust as filled a hawk's bell ; 
 from those in other parts of the country, twenty-five pounds of cotton were 
 demanded. This was the first regular taxation of the Indians, and served 
 as a precedent for exactions still more intolerable. Such an imposition was 
 extremely contrary to those maxims which Columbus had hitherto inculcated 
 with respect to the mode of treating them. But intrigues were carrying 
 on in the court of Spain at this juncture, in order to undermine his power, 
 and discredit his operations, which constrained him to depart from his own 
 system of administration. Several unfavourable accounts of his conduct, as 
 well as of the countries discovered by him, had been transmitted to Spain. 
 Margarita and Father Boyl were now at court, and in order to justify their 
 
 * Life of Columbus, c. 61. 
 
72 HISTORY OF [Boon II. 
 
 own conduct, or to gratify their resentment, watched with malevolent 
 attention for every opportunity of spreading insinuations to his detriment. 
 Many of the courtiers viewed his growing reputation and power with 
 envious eyes. Fonseca, archdeacon of Seville, who was intrusted with the 
 chief direction of Indian affairs, had conceived such an unfavourable opinion 
 of Columbus, for some reason which the contemporary writers have not 
 mentioned, that he listened with partiality to every invective against him. 
 It was not easy for an unfriended stranger, unpractised in courtly arts, to 
 counteract the machinations of so many enemies. Columbus saw that there 
 was but one method of supporting his own credit, and of silencing all his 
 adversaries. He must produce such a quantity of gold as would not only 
 justify what he had reported with respect to the richness of the country, but 
 encourage Ferdinand and Isabella to persevere in prosecuting his plans. 
 The necessity of obtaining it forced him not only to impose this heavy tax 
 upon the Indians, but to exact payment of it with extreme rigour ; and may 
 be pleaded in excuse for his deviating on this occasion from the mildness 
 and humanity with which he uniformly treated that unhappy people.* 
 
 The labour, attention, and foresight which the Indians were obliged to 
 employ in procuring the tribute demanded of them, appeared the most 
 intolerable of all evils, to men accustomed to pass their days in a careless 
 improvident indolence. They were incapable of such a regular and 
 persevering exertion of industry, and felt it such a grievous restraint upon 
 their liberty, that they had recourse to an expedient for obtaining deliverance 
 from this yoke, which demonstrates the excess of their impatience and 
 despair. They formed a scheme of starving those oppressors whom they 
 durst not attempt to expel j and from the opinion which they entertained 
 with respect to the voracious appetite of the Spaniards, they concluded 
 the execution of it to be very practicable. With this view they suspended 
 all the operations of agriculture ; they sowed no maize, they pulled up the 
 roots of the manioc or cassada which were planted, and, retiring to the most 
 inaccessible parts of the mountains, left the uncultivated plains to their 
 enemies. This desperate resolution produced in some degree the effects 
 which they expected. The Spaniards were reduced to extreme want ; 
 but they received such seasonable supplies of provisions from Europe, and 
 found so many resources in their own ingenuity and industry, that they 
 suffered no great loss of men. The wretched Indians were the victims of 
 their own ill-concerted policy. A great multitude of people, shut up in the 
 mountainous or wooded part of the country, without any food but the spon 
 taneous productions of the earth, soon felt the utmost distresses of famine. 
 This brought on contagious diseases ; and in the course of a few months 
 more than a third part of the inhabitants of the island perished, after 
 experiencing misery in all its various forms.! 
 
 But while Columbus was establishing the foundations of the Spanish 
 grandeur in the New World, his enemies laboured with unwearied assiduity 
 to deprive him of the glory and rewards which, by his services and 
 sufferings, he was entitled to enjoy. The hardships unavoidable in a new 
 settlement, the calamities occasioned by an unhealthy climate, the disasters 
 attending a voyage in unknown seas, were all represented as the effects of 
 his restless and inconsiderate ambition. His prudent attention to preserve 
 discipline and subordination was denominated excess of rigour; the 
 punishments which he inflicted upon the mutinous and disorderly were 
 imputed to cruelty. These accusations gained such credit in a jealous 
 court, that a commissioner was appointed to repair to Hispaniola, and to 
 inspect into the conduct of Columbus. By the recommendation of his 
 enemies, Aguado, a groom of the bedchamber, was the person to whom 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 1. lib. ii. c. 17. t Hen-era, dec. 1. lib. xi. c. 18. Life of Columbus, c. 61 
 
 Oviedo, lib. lii. p. 93. D. Benzon Higt. Novi Orbiu, lib. i. c. 9. P. Martyr, dec. p. 48. 
 
AMERICA. 73 
 
 ihis important trust was committed. But in this choice they seem to have 
 been more influenced by the obsequious attachment of the man to their 
 interest, than by his capacity for the station. Puffed up with such sudden 
 elevation, Aguado displayed, in the exercise of this office, all the frivolous 
 self-importance, and acted with all the disgusting insolence which are natural 
 to little minds, when raised to unexpected dignity, or employed in functions 
 to which they are not equal. By listening with eagerness to every accusa 
 tion against Columbus, and encouraging not only the malecontent Spaniards, 
 but even the Indians, to produce their grievances, real or imaginary, he 
 fomented the spirit of dissension in the island, without establishing any 
 regulations of public utility, or that tended .to redress the many wrongs, 
 with tne odium of which he wished to load the admiral's administration. 
 As Columbus felt sensibly how humiliating his situation must be, if he 
 should remain in the country while such a partial inspector observed his 
 motions and controlled his jurisdiction, he took the resolution of returning to 
 Spain, in order to lay a full account of all his transactions, particularly with 
 respect to the points in dispute between him and his adversaries, before 
 Ferdinand and Isabella, from whose justice and discernment he expected an 
 equal and a favourable decision [1496]. He committed the administration 
 01 affairs, during his absence, to Don Bartholomew, his brother, with the 
 title of Adelantado, or Lieutenant-Governor. By a choice less fortunate, 
 and which proved the source of many calamities to the colony, he appointed 
 Francis Roldan chief justice, with very extensive powers.* 
 
 In returning to Europe, Columbus held a course different from that which 
 he had taken in his former voyage. He steered almost due east from 
 Hispaniola, in the parallel of twenty-two degrees of latitude ; as experience 
 had not yet discovered the more certain and expeditious method of stretching 
 to the north, in order to fall in with the south-west winds. By this ill 
 advised choice, which, in the infancy of navigation between the New and 
 Old Worlds, can hardly be imputed to the admiral as a defect in naval skill, 
 he was exposed to infinite fatigue and danger, in a perpetual struggle with 
 the trade winds, which blow without variation from the east between the 
 tropics. Notwithstanding the almost insuperable difficulties of such a 
 navigation, he persisted in his course with his usual patience and firmness, 
 but made so little way that he was three months without seeing land. At 
 length his provisions "began to fail, the crew was reduced to the scanty 
 allowance of six ounces of bread a day for each person. The admiral fared 
 no better than the meanest sailor. JBut, even in this extreme distress, he 
 retained the humanity which distinguishes his character, and refused to 
 comply with the earnest solicitations of his crew, some of whom proposed 
 to feed upon the Indian prisoners whom they were carrying over, and others 
 insisted to throw them overboard, in order to lessen the consumption of 
 their small stock. He represented that they were human beings, reduced 
 by a common calamity to the same condition with themselves, and entitled 
 to share an equal fate. His authority and remonstrances dissipated those 
 wild ideas suggested by despair. Nor had they time to recur; as he came 
 soon within sight of the coast of Spain, when all their fears and sufferings 
 ended.f 
 
 Columbus appeared at court with the modest but determined confidence 
 of a man conscious not only of integrity, but of having performed great 
 services. Ferdinand and Isabella, ashamed of their own facility in lending 
 too favourable an ear to frivolous or unfounded accusations, received him 
 with such distinguished marks of respect as covered his enemies with 
 shame. Their censures and calumnies were no more heard of at that 
 juncture. The gold, the pearls, the cotton, and other commodities of value 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 1. lib. ii. c. 18. lib. iii. c. 1. | Herrera, dec. 1. lib. iii. c. 1. Life of 
 
 Columbus, c. 64. 
 
 VOL. I. 10 
 
74 HISTORY OF [BOOK 11. 
 
 which Columbus produced, seemed fully to refute what the malecontents 
 had propagated with respect to the poverty of the country. By reducing 
 the Indians to obedience, and imposing a regular tax upon them, he had 
 secured to Spain a large accession of new subjects, and the establishment 
 of a revenue that promised to be considerable. By the mines which he had 
 found out and examined, a source of wealth still more copious was opened. 
 Great and unexpected as those advantages were, Columbus represented 
 them only as preludes to future acquisitions, and as the earnest of more 
 important discoveries, which he still meditated, and to which those he had 
 already made would conduct him with ease and certainty.* 
 
 The attentive consideration of all these circumstances made "such an 
 impression, not only upon Isabella, who was flattered with the idea of being 
 the patroness of all Columbus 's enterprises, but even upon Ferdinand, who 
 having originally expressed his disapprobation of his schemes, was still apt 
 to doubt of their success, that they resolved to supply the colony of 
 Hispaniola with every thing which could render it a permanent establish 
 ment, and to furnish Columbus with such a fleet, that he might proceed to 
 search for those new countries of .whose existence he seemed to be confident. 
 The measures most proper for accomplishing both these designs were 
 concerted with Columbus. Discovery had been the sole object of the first 
 voyage to the New World ; and though, in the second, settlement had been 
 proposed, the precautions taken for that purpose had either been insuffi 
 cient, or were rendered ineffectual by the mutinous spirit of the Spaniards, 
 and the unforeseen calamities arising from various causes. Now a plan was 
 to be formed of a regular colony, that might serve as a model in all future 
 establishments. Every particular was considered with attention, and the 
 whole arranged with a scrupulous accuracy. The precise number of 
 adventurers who should be permitted to embark was fixed. They were 
 to be of different ranks and professions, and the proportion of each was 
 established according to their usefulness arid the wants of the colony. A 
 suitable number of women were to be chosen to accompany these new 
 settlers. As it was the first object to raise provisions in a country where 
 scarcity of food had been the occasion of so much distress, a considerable 
 body of husbandmen was to be carried over. As the Spaniards had then 
 no conception of deriving any benefit from those productions of the New 
 World which have since yielded such large returns of wealth to Europe, 
 but had formed magnificent ideas, and entertained sanguine hopes with 
 respect to the riches contained in the mines which had been discovered, a 
 band of workmen, skilled in the various arts employed in digging and 
 refining the precious metals, was provided. All these emigrants were to 
 receive pay and subsistence for some years, at the public expense.f 
 
 Thus far the regulations were prudent, and well adapted to the end in 
 view. But as it was foreseen that few Would engage voluntarily to settle 
 in a country whose noxious climate had been fatal to so many of their 
 countrymen, Columbus proposed to transport to Hispaniola such malefactors 
 as haa been convicted of crimes which, though capital, were of a less 
 atrocious nature ; and that for the future a certain proportion of the offenders 
 usually sent to the galleys, should be condemned to labour in the mines 
 which were to be opened. This advice, given without due reflection, was 
 as inconsiderately adopted. The prisons of Spain were drained, in order 
 to collect members for the intended colony ; and the judges empowered to 
 try criminals were instructed to recruit it by their future sentences. It was 
 not, however, with such materials that the foundations of a society, destined 
 to be permanent, should be laid. Industry, sobriety, patience, and mutual 
 confidence, are indispensably requisite in an infant settlement, where purity 
 of morals must contribute more towards establishing order than the operation 
 
 * Life of Columbus, c. 65. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. iii. c. 1. t Herrera, dec. 1. lib. iii. c. 2. 
 
AMERICA. 75 
 
 or authority of laws. But when such a mixture 0f what is corrupt is 
 admitted into the original constitution of the political body, the vices of 
 those unsound and incurable members will probably infect the whole, and 
 must certainly be productive of violent and unhappy effects. This the 
 Spaniards fatally experienced; and the other European nations having 
 successively imitated the practice of Spain in this particular, pernicious 
 consequences have followed in their settlements, which can be imputed to 
 no other cause.* 
 
 Though Columbus obtained, with great facility and despatch, the royal 
 approbation of every measure and regulation that he proposed, his endeavours 
 to carry them into execution were so long retarded, as must have tired out 
 the patience of any man less accustomed to encounter and to surmount 
 difficulties. Those delays were occasioned partly by that tedious formality 
 and spirit of procrastination, with which the Spaniards conduct business, 
 and partly by the exhausted state of the treasury, which was drained by the 
 expense of celebrating the marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella's only son 
 with Margaret of Austria, and that of Joanna, their second daughter, with 
 Philip Archduke of Austria ;| but must be chiefly imputed to the malicious 
 arts of Columbus's enemies. Astonished at the reception which he met 
 with upon his return, and overawed by his presence, they gave way, for 
 some time, to a tide of favour too strong for them to oppose. Their enmity, 
 however, was too inveterate to remain long inactive. They resumed their 
 operations ; and by the assistance of Fonseca, the minister for Indian affairs, 
 who was now promoted to the bishopric of Badajos, they threw in so many 
 obstacles to protract the preparations for Columbus's expedition, that a year 
 elapsedj before he could procure two ships to carry over a part of the 
 supplies destined for the colony, and almost two years were spent before 
 the small squadron was equipped, of which he himself was to take the 
 command.^ 
 
 1498.] This squadron consisted of six ships only, of no great burden, and 
 but indifferently provided for a long or dangerous navigation. The voyage 
 which he now meditated was in a course different from any he had under 
 taken. As he was fully persuaded that the fertile regions of India lay to the 
 south-west of those countries which he had discovered, he proposed, as the 
 most certain method of finding out these, to stand directly south from the 
 Canary or Cape de Verd islands, until he came under the equinoctial line, 
 and then to stretch to the west before the favourable wind for such a course, 
 which blows invariably between the tropics. With this idea he set sail 
 [May 30], and touched first at the Canary, and then at the Cape de Verd 
 islands [July 4], From the former he despatched three of his ships with a 
 supply of provisions for the colony in Hispaniola ; with the other three, he 
 continued his voyage towards the south. No remarkable occurrence 
 happened until they arrived within five degrees of the line [July 19], 
 There they were becalmed, and at the same time the heat became so 
 excessive that many of their wine casks burst, the liquors in others soured, 
 and their provisions corrupted.il The Spaniards, who had never ventured 
 so far to the south, were afraid that the ships would take fire, and began to 
 apprehend the reality of what the ancients had taught concerning the 
 destructive qualities of that torrid region of the globe. They were 
 relieved, in some measure, from their fears by a seasonable fall of rain. 
 This, however, though so heavy and unintermitting that the men could 
 hardly keep the deck, did not greatly mitigate the intenseness of the heat. 
 The admiral, who with his usual vigilance had in person directed every 
 operation from the beginning of the voyage, was so much exhausted by 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 1. lib. iii. c. 2. Touron Hist. Gener. de 1'Amerique, i. p. 51. t P- Martyr, 
 
 epist. 168. J Life of Columbus, c. 65. Herrera. dec. 1. lib. iii. c. 9. If P. Martyr, 
 dec. p. 70. 
 
76 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 
 
 fatigue and want of sleep, that it brought on a violent fit of the gout, 
 accompanied with a fever. All these circumstances constrained him to 
 yield to the importunities of his crew, and to alter his course to the north 
 west, in order to reach some of the Caribbee islands, where he might refit, 
 and be supplied with provisions. 
 
 On the first of August, the man stationed in the round top surprised them 
 with the joyful cry of Land! They stood toward it, and discovered a 
 considerable island, which the admiral called Trinidad, a name it still 
 retains. It lies on the coast of Guiana, near the mouth of the Orinoco. 
 This, though a river only of the third or fourth magnitude in the New 
 World, far surpasses any of the streams in our hemisphere. It rolls towards 
 the ocean such a vast body of 'water, and rushes into it with such impetuous 
 force, that when it meets the tide, which on that coast rises, to an uncommon 
 height, their collision occasions a swell and agitation of the waves no less 
 surprising than formidable. In this conflict, the irresistible torrent of the 
 river so far prevails, that it freshens the ocean many leagues with its flood.* 
 Columbus, before he could conceive the danger, was entangled among those 
 adverse currents and tempestuous waves, and it was with the utmost 
 difficulty that he escaped through a narrow strait, which appeared so 
 tremendous that he called it La Boca del Drago. As soon as the conster 
 nation which this occasioned permitted him to reflect upon the nature of an 
 appearance so extraordinary, he discerned in it a source of comfort and 
 hope. He justly concluded that such a vast body of water as this river con 
 tained, could not be supplied by any island, but must flow through a country 
 of immense extent, and of consequence that he was now arrived at that 
 continent which it had long been the object of his wishes to discover. 
 Full of this idea, he stood to the west along the coast of those provinces 
 which are now known by the names of Paria and Cumana. He landed 
 in several places, and had some intercourse with the people, who resembled 
 those of Hispaniola in their appearance and manner of life. They wore, 
 as ornaments, small plates of gold, and pearls of considerable value, which 
 they willingly exchanged for European toys. They seemed to possess a 
 better understanding and greater courage than the inhabitants of the islands. 
 The country produced four-footed animals of several kinds, as well as a 
 great variety of fowls and fruits.j The admiral was so much delighted 
 with its beauty and fertility, that, with the warm enthusiasm of a discoverer, 
 he imagined'it to be the Paradise described in Scripture, which the Almighty 
 chose tar the residence of man while he retained innocence that rendered 
 him worthy of such a habitation.]; [21] Thus Columbus had the glory 
 not only of discovering to mankind the existence of a new World, but made 
 considerable progress towards a perfect knowledge of it ; and was the first 
 man who conducted the Spaniards to that vast continent which has been the 
 chief seat of their empire, and the source of their treasures in this quarter 
 of the globe. The shattered condition of his ships, scarcity of provisions, 
 his own infirmities, together with the impatience of his crew, prevented 
 him from pursuing his discoveries any further, and made it necessary to 
 bear away for Hispaniola. In his way thither he discovered the islands ot 
 Cubagua and Margarita, which afterwards became remarkable for their 
 pearl-fishery. When he arrived at Hispaniola [Aug. 30], he was wasted 
 to an extreme degree, with fatigue and sickness ; but found the affairs 01 
 the colony in such a situation as afforded him no* prospect of enjoying that 
 repose 01 which he stood so much in need. 
 
 Many revolutions had happened in that country dining his absence. His 
 brother, the adelantado, in consequence of an advice which the admiral 
 gave before his departure, had removed the colony from Isabella to a more 
 
 * Gumilla Hist, de 1'Orenoque, torn. i. p. 14. t Herrera, dec. 1. lib. iii. c. 911. Life of 
 
 Columbus, c. 66 T3. J Herrera, dec. 1. lib. iii. c. 12. Gomara, c. 84. 
 
AMERICA, 77 
 
 commodious station, on the opposite side of the island, and laid the foundation 
 of St. Domingo,* which was long the most considerable European town in 
 the New World, and the seat of the supreme courts in the Spanish dominions 
 there. As soon as the Spaniards were established in this new settlement, 
 the adelantado, that they might neither languish in inactivity, nor have 
 leisure to form new cabals, marched into those parts of the island which 
 his brother had not yet visited or reduced to obedience. As the people were 
 unable to resist, they submitted every where to the tribute which he im 
 posed. But they soon found the burden to be so intolerable that, overawed 
 as they were by the superior power of their oppressors, they took arms 
 against them. Those insurrections, however, were not formidable. A 
 conflict with timid and naked Indians was neither dangerous nor of doubtful 
 issue. 
 
 But while the adelantado was employed against them in the field, a 
 mutiny of an aspect far more alarming broke out among the Spaniards. 
 The ringleader of it was Francis Roldan, whom Columbus had placed in 
 a station which required him to be the guardian of order and tranquillity 
 in the colony. A turbulent and inconsiderate ambition precipitated him 
 into this desperate measure, so unbecoming his rank. The arguments 
 which he employed to seduce his countrymen were frivolous and ill 
 founded. He accused Columbus and his two brothers of arrogance and 
 severity ; he pretended that they aimed at establishing an independent 
 dominion in the country ; he taxed them with an intention of cutting off 
 part of the Spaniards by hunger and fatigue, that they might more easily 
 reduce the remainder to subjection ; he represented, it as unworthy of 
 Castilians, to remain the tame and passive slaves of these Genoese 
 adventurers. As men have always a propensity to impute the hardships 
 of which they feel the pressure to the misconduct of their rulers ; as every 
 nation views with a jealous eye the power and exaltation of foreigners, 
 Roldan's insinuations made a deep impression on his countrymen. His 
 character and rank added weight to them. A considerable number of the 
 Spaniards made choice of him as their leader ; and, taking arms against 
 the adelantado and his brother, seized the king's magazine of provisions, 
 and endeavoured to surprise the fort at St. Domingo. This was preserved 
 by the vigilance and courage of Don Diego Columbus. The mutineers 
 were obliged to retire to the province of Xaragua, where they continued 
 not only to disclaim the adelantado's authority themselves, but excited the 
 Indians to throw off the yoke.f 
 
 Such was the distracted state of the colony when Columbus landed at 
 St. Domingo. He was astonished to find that the three ships which he had 
 despatched from the Canaries were not yet arrived. By the unskilfulness of 
 the pilots, and the violence of currents, they had been carried a hundred and 
 sixty miles to the west of St. Domingo, and forced to take shelter in a 
 harbour of the province of Xaragua, where Roldan and his seditious 
 followers were cantoned. Roldan carefully concealed from the commanders 
 of the ships his insurrection against the adelantado, and, employing his 
 utmost address to gain their confidence, persuaded them to set on shore a 
 considerable part of the new settlers whom they brought over, that they 
 might proceed by land to St. Domingo. It required but few arguments to 
 prevail with those men to espouse his cause. They were the refuse of the 
 jails of Spain, to whom idleness, licentiousness, and deeds of violence were 
 familiar ; and they returned eagerly to a course of life nearly resembling 
 that to which they had been accustomed. The commanders of the ships 
 perceiving, when it was too late, their imprudence in disembarking so many 
 of their men, stood away for St. Domingo, and got safe into the port a few 
 
 * P. Martyr, dec. p. 56. t Herrera, dec. 1. lib. iii. c. 5-8. Lift of Columbus, c. 7<fr-77, 
 
 Gomara, c. 23. P. Martyr, p. 78. 
 
T8 HISTORY OF [Boox II. 
 
 days after the admiral ; but their stock of provisions was so wasted during 
 a voyage of such long continuance that they brought little relief to the 
 colony."* 
 
 By this junction with a band of such bold and desperate associates, 
 Roman became extremely formidable, and no less extravagant in his 
 demands. Columbus, though filled with resentment at his ingratitude, and 
 highly exasperated by the insolence of his followers, made no haste to take 
 the field. He trembled at the thoughts of kindling the flames of a civil 
 war, in which, whatever party prevailed, the power and strength of both 
 must be so much wasted as migh't encourage the common enemy to unite 
 and complete their destruction. At the same time, he observed, that the 
 prejudices and passions which incited the rebels .to take arms, had so far 
 infected those who still adhered to him, that many of them were adverse, 
 and all cold to the service. From such sentiments, with respect to the 
 public interest, as well as from this view of his own situation, he chose to 
 negotiate rather than to fight. By a seasonable proclamation, offering free 
 pardon to such as should merit it by returning to their duty, he made 
 impression upon some of the malecontents. Bj engaging to grant such as 
 should desire it the liberty of returning to Sj>ain, he allured all those unfor 
 tunate adventurers, who, from sickness and disappointment, were disgusted 
 with the country. By promising to re-establish Roldan in his former office, 
 ne soothed his pride; .and, by complying with most* of his demands in 
 behalf of his followers, he satisfied their avarice. Thus, gradually and 
 without bloodshed, but after many tedious negotiations, he dissolved this 
 dangerous combination, which threatened the colony with ruin ; and restored 
 the appearance of order, regular government, and tranquillity.! 
 
 In consequence of this agreement with the mutineers, lands were allotted 
 them in different parts of the island, and the Indians settled in each district 
 were appointed to cultivate a certain portion of ground for the use of those new 
 masters [1499]. The performance of this work was substituted in place of 
 the tribute formerly imposed ; and how necessary soever such a regulation 
 might be in a sickly and feeble colony, it introduced among the Spaniards 
 the Repartimientos, or distributions of Indians established by them in all 
 their settlements, which brought numberless calamities upon that unhappy 
 people, and subjected them to the most grievous oppession.t This was 
 not the only bad effect of the insurrection in Hispaniola; it prevented 
 Columbus from prosecuting his discoveries on the continent, as self-pre 
 servation obliged him to keep near his person his brother the adelantado, 
 and the sailors whom he intended to have employed in that service. As 
 soon as his affairs would permit, he sent some of his ships to Spain with a 
 journal of the voyage which he had made, a description ot the new countries 
 which he had discovered, a chart of the coast along which he had sailed, 
 and specimens of the gold, the pearls, and other curious or valuable pro 
 ductions which he had acquired by trafficking with the natives. At the 
 same time he transmitted an account of the insurrection in Hispaniola ; he 
 accused the mutineers not only of having thrown the colony into such violent 
 convulsions as threatened its dissolution, but of having obstructed every 
 attempt towards discovery and improvement, by their unprovoked rebellion 
 against their superiors, and proposed several regulations for the better 
 government of the island, as well as the extinction of that mutinous spirit, 
 which, though suppressed at present, might soon burst out with additional 
 rage. Rolctan and his associates did not neglect to convey to Spain, by the 
 same ships, an apology for their own conduct, together with their recrimi 
 nations upon the admiral and his brothers. Unfortunately for the honour of 
 
 * Heirera, dec. 1. lib. iii. c. 12. Life of Columbus, c. 78, 79. t Herrera. dec. 1. lib. ill c 
 
 13, 14. Life of Columbus, c. 80. &c. ; Herrera, dec. 1. lib. iii. c. 14, &c. 
 
AMERICA. 79 
 
 Spain and the happiness of Columbus, the latter gained most credit in the 
 court of Ferdinand and Isabella, and produced unexpected effects.* 
 
 But, previous to the relating of these, it is proper to take a view of some 
 events, which merit attention, both on account of their own importance, and 
 their connection with the history of the New World. While Columbus 
 was engaged in his successive voyages to the west, the spirit of discovery 
 did not languish in Portugal, the kingdom where it first acquired vigour, 
 and became enterprising. Self-condemnation and neglect were not the only 
 sentiments to which the success of Columbus, and reflection upon their own 
 imprudence in rejecting his proposals, gave rise among the Portuguese. 
 They excited a general emulation to .surpass his performances, and an ardent 
 desire to make some reparation to their country for their own error. With 
 this view, Emanuel, who inherited the enterprising genius of his predecessors, 
 persisted in their grand scheme of opening a passage to the East Indies by 
 the Cape of Good Hope, and soon after his accession to the throne equipped 
 a squadron for that important voyage. He gave the command of it to Vasco 
 de Gama, a man of noble birth, possessed of virtue, prudence, and courage, 
 equal to the station. The squadron, like all those fitted put for discovery 
 in the infancy of navigation, was extremely feeble, consisting only of three 
 vessels, of neither burden nor force adequate to the service. As the 
 Europeans were at that time little acquainted with the course of the trade- 
 winds and periodical monsoons, which render navigation in the Atlantic 
 ocean as well as in the sea that separates Africa from India, at some 
 seasons easy, and at others not only dangerous but almost impracticable, the 
 time chosen for Garna's departure was the most improper during the whole 
 year. He set sail from Lisbon on the ninth of July, [1497], and, standing 
 towards the south, had to struggle for four months with contrary winds 
 before he could reach the Cape ot Good Hope. Here their violence began 
 to abate [Nov. 20] ; and during an interval of calm weather, Gama doubled 
 that formidable promontory, which had so long been the boundary of 
 navigation, and directed his course towards the north-east, along the African 
 coast. He touched at several ports ; and after various adventures, which 
 the Portuguese historians relate with high but just encomiums upon his 
 conduct and intrepidity, he came to anchor before the city of Melinda. 
 Throughout all the vast countries which extend along the coast of Africa, 
 from the river Senegal to the confines of Zanguebar, the Portuguese had 
 found a race of men rude and uncultivated, strangers to letters, to arts, and 
 commerce, and differing from the inhabitants ot Europe no less in their 
 features and complexion than in their manners and institutions. As they 
 advanced from this, they observed, to their inexpressible joy, that the 
 human form gradually altered and improved ; the Asiatic features began 
 to predominate, marks of civilization appeared, letters were known, the 
 Mahometan religion was established, arid a commerce far from being incon 
 siderable was carried on. At that time several vessels from India were in 
 the port of Melinda. Gama now pursued his voyage with almost absolute 
 certainty of success, and, under the conduct of a Mahometan pilot, arrived 
 at Calecut, upon the coast of Malabar, on the twenty-second of May, one 
 thousand four hundred and ninety-eight. What he beheld of the wealth, 
 the populousness, the cultivation, the industry, and arts of this highly 
 civilized country, far surpassed any idea that he had formed, from the 
 imperfect accounts which the Europeans had hitherto received of it. But 
 as he possessed neither sufficient force to attempt a settlement, nor proper 
 commodities with which he could carry on commerce of any consequence, 
 he hastened back to Portugal, with an account of his success in performing 
 a voyage, the longest, as well as most difficult, that had ever been made 
 since the first invention of navigation. He landed at Lisbon on the four- 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 1. lib. iii. c. 14. Benzon. Hiet. Nov. Orb. lib. i. c. 2. 
 
80 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 
 
 teenth of September, one thousand four hundred and ninety-nine, two years 
 two months and five days from the time he left that port.* 
 
 Thus, during the course of the fifteenth century, mankind made greater 
 progress in exploring the state of the habitable globe, than in all the ages 
 which had elapsed previous to that period. The spirit of discovery, feeble 
 at first and cautious, moved within a very narrow sphere, and made its 
 efforts with hesitation and timidity. Encouraged by success, it became 
 adventurous, and boldly extended its operations. In the course of its pro 
 gression, it continued to acquire vigour, and advanced at length with a 
 rapidity and force which burst through all the limits within which ignorance 
 and fear had hitherto circumscribed the activity of the human race. Almost 
 fifty years were employed by the Portuguese in creeping along the coast 
 of Africa from Cape Non to Cape de Verd, the latter of which lies only 
 twelve degrees to the south of the former. In less than thirty years they 
 ventured beyond the equinoctial line into another hemisphere, and penetrated 
 to the southern extremity of Africa, at the distance of forty-nine degrees 
 from Cape de Verd. During the last seven years of the century, a New 
 World was discovered in the west, not inferior in extent to all the parts of 
 the earth with which mankind were at that, time acquainted. In the East, 
 unknown seas and countries were found out, and a communication, long 
 desired, but hitherto concealed, was opened between Europe and the 
 opulent regions of India. In comparison with events so wonderful and 
 unexpected, all that had hitherto been deemed great or splendid faded away 
 and disappeared. Vast objects now presented themselves. The human 
 mind, roused and interested by the prospect, engaged with ardour in pursuit 
 of them, and exerted its active powers in a new direction. 
 
 This spirit of enterprise, though but newly awakened in Spain, began 
 soon to operate extensively. All the attempts towards discovery made in 
 that kingdom had hitherto been carried on by Columbus alone, and at the 
 expense of the Sovereign, But nOw private adventurers, allured by the 
 magnificent descriptions he gave of the regions which he had visited, as 
 well as by the specimens of their wealth which he produced, offered to fit 
 out squadrons at their own risk, and to go in quest of new countries. The 
 Spanish court, whose scanty revenues were exhausted by the charge of its 
 expeditions to the New World, which, though they opened alluring piospects 
 of future benefit, yielded a very sparing return of present profit, was 
 extremely willing to devolve the burden of discovery upon its subjects. 
 It seizea with joj an opportunity of rendering the avarice, the ingenuity, 
 and efforts of projectors instrumental in promoting designs of certain advan 
 tage to the public, though of doubtful success with respect to themselves. 
 One of the first propositions of this kind was made by Alonzo de Ojeda, a 
 gallant and active officer, who had accompanied Columbus in his second 
 voyage. His rank and character procured him such credit with the mer 
 chants of Seville, that they undertook to equip four ships, provided he 
 could obtain the royal license, authorizing the voyage. The powerful 
 patronage of the Bishbp of Badajos easily secured success in a suit 
 so agreeable to the court. Without consulting Columbus, or regarding 
 the rights and jurisdiction which he had acquired by the capitulation 
 in one thousand four hundred and ninety-two, Ojeda was permitted 
 to set out for the New World. In order to direct his course, the bishop 
 communicated to him the admiral's journal of his last voyage, and his 
 charts of the countries which he had discovered. Ojeda struck out into no 
 new path of navigation, but adhering servilely to the route which Columbus 
 had taken, arrived on the coast of Paria [May]. He traded with the 
 natives, and, standing to the west, proceeded as far as Cape de Vela, and 
 rangpd along a considerable extent of coast beyond that on which Columbus 
 
 * Raimirio, vol. i. 119. D. 
 
AMERICA. 81 
 
 had touched. Having thus ascertained the opinion of Columbus, that this 
 country was a part of the continent, Ojeda returned by way of Hispaniola 
 to Spain [October], with some reputation as a discoverer, but with little 
 benefit to those who had raised the funds for the expedition.* 
 
 Amerigo Vespucci, a Florentine gentleman, accompanied Ojeda in this 
 voyage. In what station he served is uncertain ; but as he was an experienced 
 sailor, and eminently skilled in all the sciences subservient to navigation, 
 he seems to have acquired such authority amonsf his companions, that they 
 willingly allowed him to have a chief share in diiecting their operations 
 during the voyage. Soon after his return, he transmitted an account of his 
 adventures and discoveries to one of his countrymen ; and labouring with 
 the vanity of a traveller to magnify his own exploits, he had the address 
 and confidence to frame his narrative so as to make it appear that he had 
 the glory of having first discovered the continent in the New World. 
 Amerigo s account was drawn up not only with art, but with sorue elegance. 
 It contained an amusing history of his voyage, and judicious observations 
 upon the natural productions, the inhabitants, and the customs of the 
 countries which he had visited. As it was the first description of any part 
 of the New World that was published, a performance so we)! calculated to 
 gratify the passion of mankind for what is new and marvellous, circulated 
 rapidly, and was read with admiration. The country of which Amerigo 
 was supposed to be the discoverer, came gradually to be called by his 
 name. The caprice of mankind, often as unaccountable as unjust, has 
 perpetuated this error. By the universal consent of nations, America is the 
 name bestowed on this new quarter of the globe. The bold pretensions of 
 a fortunate impostor, have robbed the discoverer of the New World of a 
 distinction which belonged to him. The name of Amerigo has supplanted 
 that of Columbus ; and mankind may regret an act of injustice, which, 
 having received the sanction of time, it is now too late to redress. [22] 
 
 During the same year, another voyage of discovery was undertaken. 
 Columbus not only introduced the spirit of naval enterprise into Spain, but 
 all the first adventurers who distinguished themselves in this new career 
 were formed by his instructions, and acquired in his voyages the skill and 
 information which qualified them to imitate his example Alonso Nigno, 
 who had served under the admiral in his last expedition, fitted out a single 
 ship, in conjunction with Christopher Guerra, a merchant of Seville, and 
 sailed to the coast of Paria. This voyage seems to have been conducted 
 with greater attention to private emolument than to any general or national 
 object. Nigno and Guerra made no discoveries of any importance ; but 
 they brought home such a return of gold and pearls as inflamed their coun 
 trymen with the desire of engaging in similar adventures.t 
 
 Soon after [Jan. 13, 1500], Vincent Yanez Pinzon, one of the admiral's 
 companions in his first voyage, sailed from Palos with four ships. He stood 
 boldly towards the south, and was the first Spaniard who ventured across 
 the equinoctial line ; but he seems to have landed on no part of the coast 
 beyond the mouth of the Maragnon, or river of the Amazons. All these 
 navigators adopted the erroneous theory of Columbus, and believed that 
 the countries which they had discovered were part of the vast continent of 
 India.} 
 
 During the last year of the fifteenth century, that fertile district of 
 America, on the confines of which Pinzon had stopped short, was more 
 fully discovered. The successful voyage of Gama to the East Indies having 
 encouraged the King of Portugal to fit out a fleet so powerful as not oiJy 
 to carry on trade but to attempt conquest, he gave the command of it to 
 Pedro Alvarez Cabral. In order to avoid the coast of Africa, where he was 
 
 * Hcrrera, dec. 1. lib. iv. c. 1, 9, 3. t P- Martyr, dec. p. 87. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. iv. c. 5 
 J Herrera, dec. 1. lib. iv, c. 6. P. Martyr, dee. p. $5. 
 
 VOL. I. 11 
 
82 HISTORY OF [BOOK IJ. 
 
 certain of meeting with variable breezes or frequent calms, which might 
 retard his voyage, Cabral stood out to sea, and kept so far to the west, that, 
 to his surprise, he found himself upon the shore of an unknown country, in 
 the tenth degree beyond the line. He imagined at first that it was some 
 island in the Atlantic ocean, hitherto unobserved ; but, proceeding along 
 its coast for several days, he was led gradually to believe, that a country 
 so extensive formed a part of some great continent. This latter opinion 
 was well founded. The country with which he fell in belongs to that 
 province in South America now known by the name of Brasil. He landed ; 
 and having formed a very high idea of the fertility of the soil, and agreea- 
 bleness of the climate, he took possession of it for the crown of Portugal, 
 and despatched a ship to Lisbon with an account of this event, which 
 appeared to be no less important than it was unexpected.* Columbus's 
 discovery of the New World was the effort of an active genius enlightened 
 by science, guided by experience, and acting upon a regular plan executed 
 with no less courage than perseverance. But from this adventure of the 
 Portuguese, it appears that chance might have accomplished that great 
 design which it is now the pride of human reason to have formed and 
 perfected. If the sagacity of Columbus had not conducted mankind to 
 America, Cabral, by a fortunate accident, might have led them, a few years 
 later, to the knowledge of that extensive continent.! 
 
 While the Spaniards and Portuguese, by those successive voyages, were 
 daily acquiring more enlarged ideas of the extent and opulence of that 
 quarter of the globe which Columbus had made known to them, he 
 himself, far from enjoying the tranquillity and honours with which his 
 services should have been recompensed, was struggling with every distress 
 in which the envy and malevolence of the people under his command, or 
 the ingratitude of the court which he served, could involve him. Though 
 the pacification with Roldan broke the union and weakened the force of the 
 mutineers, it did not extirpate the seeds of discord out of the island. 
 Several of the malecontents continued in arms, refusing to submit to the 
 admiral. He and his brothers were obliged to take the field alter 
 nately, in order to check their incursions, or to punish their crimes. The 
 perpetual occupation and disquiet which this created, prevented him 
 from giving due attention to the dangerous machinations of his enemies in 
 the court of Spain. A good number of such as were most dissatisfied with 
 his administration had embraced the opportunity of returning to Europe with 
 the ships which he despatched from St. Domingo. The final disappointment 
 of all their hopes inflamed the rage of these unfortunate adventurers against 
 Columbus to the utmost pitch. Their poverty and distress, by exciting 
 compassion, rendered their accusations credible, and their complaints inte 
 resting. They teased Ferdinand and Isabella incessantly with memorials, 
 containing the detail of their own grievances, and the articles of their 
 charge against Columbus. Whenever either the king or queen appeared 
 in public, they surrounded them in a tumultuary manner, insisting with 
 importunate clamours for the payment of the arrears due to them, and de 
 manding vengeance upon the author of their sufferings. They insulted the 
 admiral's sons wherever they met them, reproaching them as the offspring 
 of the projector, whose fatal curiosity had discovered those pernicious 
 regions which drained Spain of its wealth, and would prove the grave of 
 its people. These avowed endeavours of the malecontents from America 
 to ruin Columbus, were seconded by the secret but more dangerous insinu 
 ations of that party among the courtiers, which had always thwarted his 
 schemes, and envied his success and credit.| 
 
 Ferdinand was disposed to listen, not only with a willing but with a partial 
 ear, to these accusations. Notwithstanding the flattering accounts which 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 1. lib. iv. c. 7. T Ibid. dec. 1. lib. vii. c. 5. ? Life of Columbus, c. 85. 
 
AMERICA. 83 
 
 Columbus had given of the riches of America, the remittances from it had 
 hitherto been so scanty that they fell far short of defraying the expense of 
 the armaments fitted out. The glory of the discovery, together with the 
 prospect of remote commercial advantages, was all that Spain had yet 
 received in return for the efforts which she had made. But time had 
 already diminished the first sensations of joy which the discovery of a 
 New World occasioned, and fame alone was not an object to satisfy the 
 cold interested mind of Ferdinand. The nature of commerce was then so 
 little understood that, where immediate gain was not acquired, the hope of 
 distant benefit, or of slow and moderate returns, was totally disregarded. 
 Ferdinand considered Spain, on this account, as having lost by the enterprise 
 of Columbus, and imputed it to his misconduct and incapacity for govern 
 ment, that a country abounding in gold had yielded nothing of value to its 
 conquerors. Even Isabella, who from the favourable opinion which she 
 entertained of Columbus had uniformly protected him, was shaken at length 
 by the number and boldness of his accusers, and began to suspect that 
 a disaffection so general must have been occasioned by real grievances which 
 called for redress. The Bishop of Badajos, with his usual animosity against 
 Columbus, encouraged these suspicions, and confirmed them. 
 
 As soon as the queen began to give way to the torrent of calumny, a 
 resolution fatal to Columbus was taken. Francis de Bovadilla, a knight ot 
 Calatrava, was appointed to repair to Hispaniola, with full powers to inquire 
 into the conduct of Columbus, and if he should find the charge of malad 
 ministration proved, to supersede him, and assume the government of the 
 island. It was impossible to escape condemnation, when this preposterous 
 commission made it the interest of the judge to pronounce the person whom 
 he was sent to try, guilty. Though Columbus had now composed all the 
 dissensions in the island ; though he had brought both Spaniards and 
 Indians to submit peaceably to his government ; though he had made such 
 effectual provision for working the mines, and cultivating the country, as 
 would have secured a considerable revenue to the king, as well as large 
 profits to individuals ; Bovadilla, without deigning to attend to the nature 
 or merit of those services, discovered from the moment that he landed in 
 Hispaniola, a determined purpose of treating him as a criminal. He took 
 possession of the admiral s house in St. Domingo, from which its master 
 happened at that time to be absent, and seized his effects, as if his guilt had 
 been already fully proved ; he rendered himself master of the fort and of the 
 King's stores by violence ; he required ail persons to acknowledge him as 
 supreme governor ; he set at liberty the prisoners confined by the admiral, 
 and summoned him to appear before his tribunal, in order to answer for his 
 conduct ; transmitting to him, together with the summons, a copy of the 
 royal mandate, by which Columbus was enjoined to yield implicit obedience 
 to his commands. 
 
 Columbus, though deeply affected with the ingratitude and injustice of 
 Ferdinand and Isaoella, did not hesitate a moment about his own conduct. 
 He submitted to the will of his sovereigns with a respectful silence, and 
 repaired directly [October] to the court of that violent and partial judge 
 whom they had authorized to try him. Bovadilla, without admitting him 
 into his presence, ordered him instantly to be arrested, to be loaded with 
 chains, and hurried on board a ship. Even under this humiliating reverse 
 of fortune, the firmness of mind .which distinguishes the character of Columbus 
 did not forsake him. Conscious of his own integrity, and solacing himself 
 with reflecting upon the great things which he had. achieved, he endured 
 this insult offered to his character, not only with composure but with 
 dignity. Nor had he the consolation of sympathy to mitigate his sufferings. 
 Bovadilla had already rendered himself so extremely popular, by granting 
 various immunities to the colony, by liberal donations of Indians to all who 
 applied for them, and by relaxing the reins of discipline and government. 
 
84 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 
 
 that the Spaniards, who were mostly adventurers, whom their indigence of 
 crimes had compelled to abandon their native country, expressed the most 
 indecent satisfaction with the disgrace and imprisonment of Columbus. 
 They flattered themselves that now they should enjoy an uncontrolled liberty 
 more suitable to their disposition and former habits of life. Among persona 
 thus prepared to censure the proceedings, and to asperse the character of 
 Columbus, Bovadilla collected materials for a charge against him. All 
 accusations, the most improbable as well as inconsistent, were received. 
 No informer, however infamous, was rejected. . The result of this inquest, 
 no less indecent than partial, he transmitted to Spain. At the same time he 
 ordered Columbus, with his two brothers, to be carried thither in fetters ; 
 and, adding cruelty to insult, he confined them in different ships, and 
 excluded them from the comfort of that friendly intercourse which mighf 
 have soothed their common distress. But while the Spaniards in Hispaniola 
 viewed the arbitrary and insolent proceedings of Bovadilla with a general 
 approbation, which reflects dishonour upon their name and country, one man 
 still retained a proper sense of the great actions which Columbus had 
 performed, and was touched with the sentiments of veneration and pity 
 due to his rank, his age, and his merit. Alonzo de Valejo, the captain of 
 the vessel on board which the admiral was confined, as soon as he was clear 
 of the island, approached his prisoner with great respect, and offered to 
 release him from the fetters with which he was unjustly loaded. " No," 
 replied Columbus with a generous indignation, "I wear these irons in 
 consequence of an order from my sovereigns. They shall find me as 
 obedient to this as to their other injunctions. By their command I have 
 been confined, and their command alone shall set me at liberty."* 
 
 Nov. 23.] Fortunately, the voyage to Spain was extremely short. As 
 soon as Ferdinand and Isabella were informed that Columbus was brought 
 home a prisoner and in chains, they perceived at once what universal 
 astonishment this event must occasion, and what an impression to their 
 disadvantage it must make. All Europe, they foresaw, would be filled with 
 indignation at this ungenerous requital of a man who had performed actions 
 worthy of the highest recompense, and would exclaim against the injustice 
 of the nation, to which he had been such an eminent benefactor, as well as 
 against the ingratitude of the princes whose reign he had rendered illustrious. 
 Ashamed of their own conduct, and eager not only to make some reparation 
 for this injury, but to efface the stain which it might fix upon their character, 
 t^ey instantly issued orders to set Columbus at liberty [Dec. 17], invited 
 him to court, and remitted money to enable him to appear there in a manner 
 suitable to his rank. When he entered the royal presence, Columbus threw 
 himself at the feet of his sovereigns. He remained for some time silent ; 
 the various passions which agitated his mind suppressing his power of 
 utterance. At length he recovered himself, and vindicated his conduct in a 
 long discourse, producing the most satisfying proofs of his own integrity as 
 well as good intention, and evidence, no less clear, of the malevolence of 
 his enemies, who, not satisfied with having ruined his fortune, laboured to 
 deprive him of what alone was now left, his honour and his fame. Ferdi 
 nand received him with decent civility, and Isabella with tenderness and 
 respect. They both expressed their sorrow for what had happened, 
 disavowed their knowledge of it, and joined in promising him protection 
 and future favour. But though they instantly degraded Bovadilla, in order 
 to remove from themselves any suspicion of having^ authorized his violent 
 proceedings, they did not restore to Columbus his jurisdiction and privileges 
 as viceroy of those countries which he had discovered. Though willing to 
 appear the avengers of Columbus's wrongs, that illiberal jealousy which 
 
 * Life of Columbus, c. 86. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. Jv. c. 811. Gomara Hist. c. 23. Ovtedo, 
 lib. iii. c. 6. 
 
AMERICA 85 
 
 prompted them to invest Bovadilla with such authority, as put it in his 
 power to treat the admiral with indignity, still subsisted. They were 
 afraid to trust a man to whom they had been so highly indebted ; and 
 retaining him at court under various pretexts, they appointed Nicholas 
 de Ovando, a knight of the military order of Alcantara, governor ot 
 Hispaniola.* 
 
 Columbus was deeply affected with this new injury, which came from 
 hands that seemed to be employed in making reparation for his past 
 sufferings. The sensibility with which great minds feel every thing that 
 implies any suspicion of their integrity, or that wears the aspect of an 
 affront, is exquisite. Columbus had experienced both from the Spaniards, 
 and their ungenerous conduct exasperated him to such a degree that he 
 could no longer conceal the sentiments which it excited. Wherever he 
 went he carried about with him, as a memorial of their ingratitude, those 
 fetters with which he had been loaded. They were constantly hung up 
 in his chamber, and he gave orders, that when he died they should be 
 buried in his grave.j 
 
 1501.] Meanwhile the spirit of discovery, notwithstanding the severe 
 check which it had received by the ungenerous treatment of the man who 
 first excited it in Spain, continued active and vigorous. [January] Roderigo 
 de Bastidas, a person of distinction, fitted out two ships in copartnery with 
 John de la Cosa, who haying served under the admiral in two of his voyages 
 was deemed the most skilful pilot in Spain. They steered directly towards 
 the continent, arrived on the coast of Paria, and, proceeding to the west, 
 discovered all the coast of the province now known by the name of Tierra 
 Firme, from Cape de Vela to the Gulf of Darien. Not long after Ojeda, 
 with his former associate Amerigo Vespucci, set out upon a second voyage, 
 and, being unacquainted with the destination of Bastidas, held the same 
 course and touched at the same places. The voyage of Bastidas was 
 prosperous and lucrative, that of Ojeda unfortunate. &ut both tended to 
 increase the ardour of discovery ; for in proportion as the Spaniards acquired 
 a more extensive knowledge of the American continent, their idea of its 
 opulence and fertility increased.| 
 
 Before these adventurers returned from their voyages, a fleet was 
 equipped, at the public expense, for carrying over Ovando, the new 
 governor, to Hispanipla. His presence there was extremely requisite, in 
 order to stop the inconsiderate career of Bovadilla, whose imprudent 
 administration threatened the settlement with ruin. Conscious of the violence 
 and iniquity of his proceedings against Columbus, he continued to make it 
 his sole object to gain the favour and support of his countrymen, by 
 accommodating himself to their passions and prejudices. With this view, 
 he established regulations in every point the re verse of those which Columbus 
 deemed essential to the prosperity of the colony. Instead of the severe 
 discipline, necessary in order to habituate the dissolute and corrupted members 
 of which the society was composed, to the restraints of law and subordination, 
 he suffered them to enjoy such uncontrolled license as encouraged the wildest 
 excesses. Instead of protecting the Indians, he gave a legal sanction to the 
 oppression of that unhappy people. He took the exact number of such as 
 survived their past calamities, divided them into distinct classes, distributed 
 them in property among his adherents, and reduced all the people of the 
 island to a state of complete servitude. As the avarice of the Spaniards 
 was too rapacious and impatient to try any method of acquiring wealth 
 but that of searching for gold, this servitude became as grievous as it was 
 unjust. The Indians were driven in crowds to the mountains, and compelled 
 to work in the mines, by masters who imposed thek tasks without mercy or 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 1. lib. iv. c. 1012. Life of Columbus, c. 87 t Life of Columbus, c. 86. 
 
 p. 577. J Herrera, dec. 1. lib. iv. c. 11. 
 
6 HISTORY OF [BOOK H. 
 
 discretion. Labour so disproportioned to their strength and former habit* 
 of life, wasted that feeble race of men with such rapid consumption, as must 
 have soon terminated in the utter extinction of the ancient inhabitants of 
 the country.* 
 
 The necessity of applying a speedy remedy to those disorders hastened 
 Ovando's departure. He had the command of the most respectable arma 
 ment hitherto fitted out for the New World. It consisted of thirty -two ships, 
 on board of which two thousand five hundred persons embarked with an 
 intention of settling in the country. [1502.] Upon the arrival of the new 
 governor with this powerful reinforcement to the colony, Bovadilla resigned 
 his charge, and was commanded to return instantly to Spain, in order to 
 answer for his conduct. Roldan and the other ringleaders of the mutineers, 
 who had been most active in opposing Columbus, were required to leave 
 the island at the same time. A proclamation was issued, declaring the 
 natives to be free subjects of Spain, of whom no service was to be expected 
 contrary to their own inclination, and without paying them an adequate price 
 for their labour. With respect to the Spaniards themselves, various regu 
 lations were made, tending to suppress the licentious spirit which had been 
 so fatal to the colony, and to establish that reverence for law and order on 
 which society is founded, and to which it is indebted for its increase and 
 stability. In order to limit the exorbitant gain which private persons were 
 supposed to make by working the mines, an ordinance was published, 
 directing all the gold to be brought to a public smelting-house, and declaring 
 one half of it to be the property of the crown.f 
 
 While these steps were taking for securing the tranquillity and welfare 
 of the colony which Columbus had planted, he himself was engaged in the 
 unpleasant employment of soliciting the favour of an ungrateful court, and 
 notwithstanding all his merit and services, he solicited in vain. He 
 demanded, in terms of the original capitulation in one thousand four hundred 
 and ninety-two, to be reinstated in his office of viceroy over the countries 
 which he had discovered. By a strange fatality, the circumstance which 
 he urged in support of his claim, determined a jealous monarch to reject 
 it. The greatness of his discoveries, and the prospect of their increasing 
 value, made Ferdinand consider the concessions in the capitulation as 
 extravagant and impolitic. He was afraid of intrusting a subject with the 
 exercise of a jurisdiction that now appeared to be so extremely extensive, 
 and might grow to be no less formidable. He inspired Isabella with the 
 same suspicions ; and under various pretexts, equally frivolous and unjust, 
 they eluded all Columbus's requisitions to perform that which a solemn 
 compact bound them to accomplish. After attending the Court of Spain 
 for near two years, as an humble suitor, he found it impossible to remove 
 Ferdinand's prejudices and apprehensions ; and perceived at length that 
 he laboured in vain, when he urged a claim of justice or merit with an 
 interested and unfeeling prince. 
 
 But even this ungenerous return did not discourage him from pursuing 
 the great object which first called forth his inventive genius, and excited 
 him to attempt discovery. To open a new passage to the East Indies was 
 his original and favourite scheme. This still engrossed his thoughts ; and 
 either from his own observations in his voyage to Paria, or from some 
 obscure hint of the natives, or from the accounts given by Bastidas and de 
 la Cosa of their expedition, he conceived an opinion that beyond the con 
 tinent of America there was a sea which extended to the East Indies, and 
 hoped to find some strait or narrow neck of land, by which a communica 
 tion might be opened with it and the part of the ocean already known. 
 By a very fortunate conjecture, he supposed this strait or isthmus to be 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 1. lib. iv. c. 11, &c. Oviedo Hist. lib. iii. c. 6. p. 97. Benzon Hint. lib. i. c. 12, 
 p. 51. f Solorzano Politica Indiana, lib. i. c. 12. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. iv. c. 12. 
 
AMERICA. 87 
 
 situated near the Gulf of Darieri. Full of this idea, though he was now of 
 "an advanced age, worn out with fatigue, and broken with infirmities, he 
 offered, with the alacrity of a youthful adventurer, to undertake a voyage 
 which would ascertain this important point, and perfect the grand scheme 
 which from the beginning he proposed to accomplish. Several circumstances 
 concurred in disposing Ferdinand and Isabella to lend a favourable ear to 
 this proposal. They were glad to have the pretext of any honourable 
 employment for removing from court a man with whose demands they 
 deemed it impolitic to comply, and whose services it was indecent to 
 neglect. Though unwilling to reward Columbus, they were not insensible 
 of his merit, and from their experience of his skill and conduct, had reason 
 to give credit to his conjectures, and to confide in his success. To these 
 considerations, a third must be added of still more powerful influence. 
 About this time the Portuguese fleet, under Cabral, arrived from the Indies ; 
 and, by the richness of its cargo, gave the people of Europe a more perfect 
 idea than they had hitherto been able to form, of the opulence and fertility 
 of the East. The Portuguese had been more fortunate in their discoveries 
 than the Spaniards. They had opened a communication with countries 
 where industry, arts, and elegance flourished ; and where commerce had 
 been longer established, and carried to greater extent than in any region 
 of the earth. Their first voyages thither yielded immediate as well as vast 
 returns of profit, in commodities extremely precious and in great request. 
 Lisbon became immediately the seat of commerce and wealth ; while Spain 
 had only the expectation of remote benefit, and of future gain, from the western 
 world. Nothing, then, could be more acceptable to the Spaniards than 
 Columbus's offer to conduct them to the East, by a route which he expected 
 to be shorter, as well as less dangerous than that which the Portuguese had 
 taken. Even Ferdinand was roused by such a prospect, and warmly 
 approved of the undertaking. 
 
 But interesting as the object of this voyage was to the nation, Columbus 
 could procure only four small barks, the largest of which did not exceed 
 seventy tons in burden, for performing it. Accustomed to brave danger, 
 and to engage in arduous undertakings with inadequate force, he did not 
 hesitate to accept the command of this pitiful squadron. His brother Bar 
 tholomew, and his second son Ferdinand, the historian of his actions, 
 accompanied him. He sailed from Cadiz on the ninth of May, and touched, 
 as usual, at the Canary islands ; from thence he proposed to have stood 
 directly for the continent ; but his largest vessel was so clumsy and unfit 
 for service, as constrained him to bear away for Hispaniola, in hopes of 
 exchanging her for some ship of the fleet that had carried out Ovando. 
 When he arrived at St. Domingo [June 29], he found eighteen of these 
 ships ready loaded, and on the point of departing for Spain. Columbus 
 immediately acquainted the governor with the destination of his voyage, 
 and the accident which had obliged him to alter his route. He requested 
 permission to enter the harbour, not only that he mi^ht negotiate the 
 exchange of his ship, but that he might take shelter during a violent hurri 
 cane, of which he discerned the approach from various prognostics which 
 his experience and sagacity had taught him to observe. On that account, 
 he advised him likewise to put off for some days the departure of tne 
 fleet bound for Spain. But Ovando refused his request, and despised his 
 counsel. Under circumstances in which humanity would have afforded 
 refuge to a stranger, Columbus was denied admittance into a country of 
 which he had discovered the existence and acquired the possession. His 
 salutary warning, which merited the greatest attention, was regarded as 
 the dream of a visionary prophet, who arrogantly pretended to predict an 
 event beyond the reach of human foresight. The fleet set sail for Spain. 
 Next night the hurricane came on with dreadful impetuosity. Columbus, 
 aware of the danger, took precautions against it, and saved his little squadron. 
 
8 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 
 
 The fleet destined for Spain met with the fate which the rashness and 
 obstinacy of its commanders deserved. Of eighteen ships two or three 
 only escaped. In this general wreck perished Bovadilla, Roldan, and the 
 greater part of those who had been the most active in persecuting Columbus, 
 and oppressing the Indians. Together with themselves, all the wealth 
 which they had acquired by their injustice and cruelty was swallowed up. 
 It exceeded in value two hundred thousand pesos ; an immense sum at that 
 period, and sufficient not only to have screened them from any severe scrutiny 
 into their conduct, but to have secured them a gracious reception in the 
 Spanish court. Among the ships that escaped, one had on board all the 
 effects of Columbus which had been recovered from the ruins of his 
 fortune. Historians, struck with the exact discrimination of characters, as 
 well as the just distribution of rewards and punishments, conspicuous in 
 those events, universally attribute them to an immediate interposition of Divine 
 Providence, in order to avenge the wrongs of an injured man, and to punish the 
 oppressors of an innocent people. Upon the ignorant and superstitious race 
 ot men, who were witnesses of this occurrence, it made a different im 
 pression. From an opinion which vulgar admiration is apt to entertain 
 with respect to persons who have distinguished themselves by their sagacity 
 and inventions, they believed Columbus to be possessed of supernatural 
 powers, and imagined that he had conjured up this dreadful storm by 
 magical art and incantations in order to be avenged of his enemies.* 
 
 Columbus soon left Hispaniola [July 14], where he met with such an 
 inhospitable reception, and stood towards the continent. After a tedious 
 and dangerous voyage, he discovered Guanaia, an island not far distant 
 from the coast of Honduras. There he had an interview with some 
 inhabitants of the continent, who arrived in a large canoe. They appealed 
 to be a people more civilized, and who had made greater progress in the 
 knowledge of useful arts than any whom he had hitherto discovered. In 
 return to the inquiries which the Spaniards made, with their usual eager 
 ness, concerning the places where the Indians got the gold which they 
 wore by way of ornament, they directed them to countries situated to the 
 west, in which gold was found in such profusion that it was applied to the 
 most common uses. Instead of steering in quest of a country so inviting, 
 which would have conducted him along the coast of Yucatan to the rich 
 Empire of Mexico, Columbus was so bent upon his favourite scheme of 
 finding out the strait which he supposed to communicate with the Indian 
 ocean, that he bore away to the east towards the gulf of Darien. In this 
 navigation he discovered all the coast of the continent, from Cape Gracias 
 a Dios to a harbour which, on account of its beauty and security, he called 
 Porto Bello. He searched in vain for the imaginary strait, through which 
 he expected to make his way into an unknown sea ; and though he went 
 on shore several times, and advanced into the country, he did not penetrate 
 so far as to cross the narrow isthmus which separates the Gulf of Mexico 
 from the great Southern ocean. He was so much delighted, however, 
 with the fertility of the country, and conceived such an idea of its wealth 
 from the specimens of gold produced by the natives, that he resolved to leave 
 a small colony upon the river Belen, in the province of Veragua, under the 
 command of his brother, and to return himself to Spain [1503], in order to 
 procure what was requisite for rendering the establishment permanent. But 
 the ungovernable spirit of the people under his command, deprived Colum 
 bus of the glory of planting the first colony on the continent of America. 
 Their insolence and rapaciousness provoked the natives to take arms ; and 
 as these were a more hardy and warlike race of men than the inhabitants 
 of the islands, they cut off part of the Spaniards, and obliged the rest to 
 abandon a station which was found to be untenable.! 
 
 * Oviedo, lib, iii. c. 7. 9. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. v. c. 1, 2. Lif* of Columbue, c. 88. t Herrera 
 dec 1. lib. v, c. 5, &c. Life of Columbus, c. 89, &c. Oviedo. lib in c. 9. 
 
AMERICA. 89 
 
 This repulse, the first that the Spaniards met with from any of the Ame 
 rican nations, was not the only misfortune that befell Columbus ; it was 
 followed by a succession of all the disasters to which navigation is exposed. 
 Furious hurricanes, with violent storms of thunder and lightning, threatened 
 his leaky vessels with destruction ; while his discontented crew, exhausted 
 with fatigue, and destitute of provisions, was unwilling or unable to execute 
 his commands. One of his ships perished ; he was obliged to abandon 
 another, as unfit for service ; and with the two which remained, he quitted 
 that part of the continent, which, in his anguish, he named the Coast of 
 Vexation,* and bore away for Hispaniola. New distresses awaited him 
 in this voyage. He was driven back by a violent tempest from the coast of 
 Cuba, his ships fell foul of one another, and were so much shattered by the 
 shock that with the utmost difficulty they reached Jamaica [June 24], 
 where he was obliged to run them aground, to prevent them from sinking. 
 The measure of his calamities seemed now to be full. He was cast ashore 
 upon an island at a considerable distance from the only settlement of the 
 Spaniards in America. His ships were ruined beyond the possibility of 
 being repaired. To convey an account of his situation to Hispaniola 
 appeared impracticable ; and without this it was in vain to expect relief. 
 His genius, fertile in resources, and most vigorous in those perilous extre 
 mities when feeble minds abandon themselves to despair, discovered the 
 only expedient which afforded any prospect of deliverance. He had 
 recourse to the hospitable kindness of the natives, who, considering the 
 Spaniards as beings of a superior nature, were eager, on every occasion, to 
 minister to their wants. From them he obtained two of their canoes, each 
 formed out of the trunk of a single tree hollowed with fire, and so misshapen 
 and awkward as hardly to merit the name of boats. In these, which were 
 fit only for creeping along the coast, or crossing from one side of a bay to 
 another, Mendez, a Spaniard, and Fieschi, a Genoese, two gentlemen parti 
 cularly attached to Columbus, gallantly offered to set out for Hispaniola, 
 upon a voyage of above thirty leagues.! This they accomplished in ten 
 days, after surmounting incredible dangers, and enduring such fatigues that 
 several of the Indians who accompanied them sunk under it, and died. 
 The attention paid to them by the governor of Hispaniola was neither such 
 as their courage merited, nor the distress of the persons from \vhom they 
 came required. Ovando, from a mean jealousy of Columbus, was afraid 
 of allowing him to set foot in the island under his government. This unge 
 nerous passion hardened his heart against every tender sentiment which 
 reflection upon the services and misfortunes of that great man, or compas 
 sion for his own fellow-citizens, involved in the same calamities, must have 
 excited. Mendez and Fieschi spent eight months in soliciting relief for 
 their commander and associates, without any prospect of obtaining it. 
 
 During this period, various passions agitated the mind of Columbus and 
 his companions in adversity. At first, the expectation of speedy deliverance, 
 from the success of Mendez and Fieschi's voyage, cheered the spirits of 
 the most desponding. After some time the most timorous began to suspect 
 that they had miscarried in their daring attempt [1504]. At length, even 
 the most sanguine concluded that they had perished. The ray of hope 
 which had broke in upon them, made their condition appear now more 
 dismal. Despair, heightened by disappointment, settled in every breast. 
 Their last resource had failed, and nothing remained but the prospect of 
 ending their miserable days among naked savages, far from their country 
 and their friends. The seamen, in a transport of rage, rose in open mutiny, 
 threatened the life ot Columbus, whom they reproached as the author of 
 all their calamities, seized ten canoes, which they had purchased from the 
 Indians, and, despising his remonstrances and entreaties, made off with 
 
 * La Costa de los Constrastea. | Oviedo, lib. iii. c. 9. 
 
 VOL. I. 12 6 
 
90 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 
 
 them to a distant part of the island. At the same time the natives mur 
 mured at the long residence of the Spaniards in their country. As their 
 industry was not greater than that of their neighbours in Hispaniola, like 
 them they found the burden of supporting so many strangers to be altoge- 
 thei intolerable. They began to bring in provisions with reluctance, they 
 furnished them with a sparing hand, and threatened to withdraw those 
 supplies altogether. Such a resolution must have been quickly fatal to the 
 Spaniards. Their safety depended upon the good will of the Indians ; and 
 unless they could revive the admiration and reverence with which that 
 simple people had at' first beheld them, destruction was unavoidable. 
 Though the licentious proceedings of the mutineers had in a great measure 
 effaced those impressions which had been so favourable to the Spaniards, 
 the ingenuity of Columbus suggested a happy artifice, that not only restored 
 but heightened the high opinion which the Indians had originally entertained 
 of them. By his skill in astronomy, he knew that there was shortly to be a 
 total eclipse of the moon. He assembled all the principal persons of the 
 district around him on the day before it happened, and, after reproaching 
 them for their fickleness in withdrawing their affection and assistance from 
 men whom they had lately revered, he told them, that the Spaniards 
 were servants of the Great Spirit who dwells in heaven, who made and 
 governs the world : that he, offended at their refusing to support men who 
 were the objects of his peculiar favour, was preparing to punish this crime 
 with exemplary severity, and that very night the moon should withhold her 
 light, and appear of a bloody hue, as a sign of the divine wrath and an 
 emblem of the vengeance ready to fall upon them. To this marvellous 
 prediction some of them listened with the careless indifference peculiar to 
 the people of America ; others, with the credulous astonishment natural 
 to barbarians. But when the moon began gradually to be darkened, and 
 at length appeared of a red colour, all were struck with terror. They ran 
 with consternation to their houses, and returning instantly to Columbus 
 loaded with provisions, threw them at his feet, conjuring him to intercede 
 with the Great Spirit to avert the destruction with which they were threat 
 ened. Columbus, seeming to be moved by their entreaties, promised to 
 comply with their desire. The eclipse went off, the moon recovered its 
 splendour, and from that day the Spaniards were not only furnished profusely 
 with provisions, but the natives, with superstitious attention, avoided every 
 thing that could give them offence.* 
 
 During those transactions, the mutineers had made repeated attempts to 
 pass over to Hispaniola in the canoes which they had seized. But, from 
 their own misconduct or the violence of the winds and currents, their efforts 
 were all unsuccessful. Enraged at this disappointment, they marched towards 
 that part of the island where Columbus remained, threatening him with 
 new insults and danger. While they were advancing, an event happened, 
 more cruel and afflicting than any calamity which he dreaded from them. 
 The governor of Hispaniola, whose mind was still filled with some dark 
 suspicions of Columbus, sent a small bark to Jamaica, not to deliver 
 his distressed countrymen, but to spy out their condition. Lest the sympathy 
 of those whom he employed should afford them relief, contrary to his inten 
 tion, he gave the command of this vessel to Escobar, an inveterate enemy 
 of Columous, who, adhering to his instructions with malignant accuracy, cast 
 anchor at some distance from the island, approached the shore in a small 
 boat, observed the wretched plight of the Spaniards, delivered a letter of 
 empty compliments to the admiral, received his answer, and departed. 
 When the Spaniards first descried the vessel standing towards the island, 
 every heart exulted, as if the long expected hour of their deliverance had 
 at length arrived ; but when it disappeared so suddenly, they sunk into the 
 
 * Life of Columbus, c. 103. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. vi $. 5, 6. Benzon, Hist. lib. i. c. 14. 
 
 a-. Jl-~.i -.JOY 
 
AMERICA. 91 
 
 deepest dejection, and all their hopes died away. Columbus alone, though 
 he felt most sensibly this wanton insult which Ovando added to his past 
 neglect, retained such composure of mind as to be able to cheer his followers. 
 He assured them that Mendez and Fieschi had reached Hispaniola in safety; 
 that they would speedily procure ships to carry them off ; but, as Escobar's 
 vessel could not take them all on board, that he had refused to go with her, 
 because he was determined never to abandon the faithful companions of his 
 distress. Soothed with the expectation of speedy deliverance, and delighted 
 with his apparent generosity in attending more to their preservation than to 
 his own safety, their spirits revived, and he regained their confidence.* 
 
 Without this confidence he could not have resisted the mutineers, who 
 were now at hand. Al] his endeavours to reclaim those desperate men had 
 no effect but to increase their frenzy. Their demands became every day 
 more extravagant, and their intentions more violent and bloody. The 
 common safety rendered it necessary to oppose them with open force. 
 Columbus, who had been long afflicted with the gout, could not take the 
 field. His brother, the adelantado, marched against them [May 20]. 
 They quickly met. The mutineers rejected with scorn terms of accom 
 modation, which were once more offered them, and rushed on boldly to the 
 attack. They fell not upon an enemy unprepared to receive them. In the 
 first shock, several of their most daring leaders were slain. The adelan 
 tado, whose strength was equal to his courage, closed with their captain, 
 wounded, disarmed, and took him prisoner.! At sight of this, the rest 
 fled with a dastardly fear suitable to their former insolence. Soon after, 
 they submitted in a body to Columbus, and bound themselves by the most 
 solemn oaths to obey all his commands. Hardly was tranquillity re 
 established when the ships appeared, whose arrival Columbus had promised 
 with great address, though he could foresee it with little certainty. With 
 transports of joy the Spaniards quitted an island in which the unfeeling 
 jealousy of Ovando had suffered them to languish above a year, exposed to 
 misery in all its various forms. 
 
 When they arrived at St. Domingo [Aug. 13], the governor, with the mean 
 artifice of a vulgar mind, that labours to atone for insolence by servility, 
 fawned on the man whom he envied, and had attempted to ruin. He 
 received Columbus with the most studied respect, lodged him in his own 
 house, and distinguished him with every mark of honour. But amidst those 
 overacted demonstrations of regard, he could not conceal the hatred and 
 malignity latent in his heart. He set at liberty the captain of the mutineers, 
 whom Columbus had brought over in chains to be tried for his crimes ; and 
 threatened such as had adhered to the admiral with proceeding to a judicial 
 inquiry into their conduct. Columbus submitted in silence to what he 
 could not redress ; but discovered an extreme impatience to quit a country 
 which was under the jurisdiction of a man who had treated him, on every 
 occasion, with inhumanity and injustice. His preparations were soon finished, 
 and he set sail for Spain with two ships [Sept. 12]. Disasters similar to 
 those which had accompanied him through life continued to pursue him 
 to the end of his career. One of his vessels being disabled, was soon forced 
 back to St. Domingo ; the other, shattered by violent storms, sailed several 
 hundred leagues with jury-masts, and reached with difficulty the .port of St. 
 Lucar [December].f 
 
 There he received the account of an event the most fatal that could have 
 befallen him, and which completeji his misfortunes. This was the death of 
 his patroness Queen Isabella [Nov. 9], in whose justice, humanity, and 
 favour he confided as his last resource. None now remained to redress his 
 wrongs, or to reward him for his services and sufferings, but Ferdinand, who 
 
 * Life of Columbus, c. 104. Kerrey, dec. 1. lib. vi. c. 17. t Ibid. c. 107. Herrera, dec 1. 
 lib. vi. c. 11. } Ibid. c. 108. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. vi. c. 12. 
 
92 HISTORY OF [BOOK III. 
 
 had so long opposed and so often injured him. To solicit a prince thus 
 
 Erejudiced against him was an occupation no less irksome than hopeless, 
 a this, however, was Columbus doomed to employ the close of his days. 
 As soon as his health was in some degree re-established, he repaired to 
 court ; and though he was received there with civility barely decent, he 
 plied Ferdinand with petition after petition, demanding the punishment of 
 his oppressors, and the restitution of all the privileges oestowed upon him 
 by the capitulation of one thousand four hundred and ninety-two. Ferdi 
 nand amused him with fair words and unmeaning promises. Instead of 
 granting his claims, he proposed expedients in order to elude them, and 
 spun out the affair with such apparent art, as plainly discovered his intention 
 that it should never be terminated. The declining hearth of Columbus 
 flattered Ferdinand with the hopes of being soon delivered from an 
 importunate suitor, and encouraged him to persevere in this illiberal plan. 
 Nor was he deceived in his expectations. Disgusted with the ingratitude of 
 a monarch whom he had served with such fidelity and success, exhausted 
 with the fatigues and hardships which he had endured, and broken with 
 the infirmities which these had brought upon him, Columbus ended his life 
 at Valladolid on the twentieth of May, one thousand five hundred and six 
 in the fifty-ninth year of his age. He died with a composure of mind 
 suitable to the magnanimity which distinguished his character, and with 
 sentiments of piety becoming that supreme respect for religion which he 
 manifested in eveiy occurrence of his life.* 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 WHILE Columbus was employed in his last voyage, several events worthy 
 of notice happened in Hispaniola. The colony there, the parent and nurse 
 of all the subsequent establishments of Spain in the New World, gradually 
 acquired the form of a regular and prosperous society. The humane 
 solicitude of Isabella to protect the Indians from oppression, and particularly 
 the proclamation by which the Spaniards were prohibited to compel them 
 to work, retarded, it is true, for some time the progress of improvement. 
 The natives, who considered exemption from toil as extreme felicity, scorned 
 every allurement and reward by which they were invited to labour. The 
 Spaniards had not a sufficient number of hands either to work the mines or 
 to cultivate the soil. Several of the first colonists who had been accus 
 tomed to the service of the Indians, quitted the island, when deprived of 
 those instruments, without which they knew not how to carry on any 
 operation. Many of the new settlers who came over with Ovando, were 
 seized with the distempers peculiar to the climate, and in a short space above 
 a thousand of them died. At the same time, the exacting one half of the 
 product of the mines, as the royal share, was found to be a demand so exor 
 bitant that no adventurers would engage to work them upon such terms. In 
 order to save the colony from ruin, Ovando ventured to relax the rigour of 
 the royal edicts [1505]. He made a new distribution of the Indians among 
 the Spaniards, and compelled them to labour, for a stated time, in digging 
 the mines, or in cultivating the ground ; but in order to screen himself from 
 the imputation of having subjected them again to servitude, he enjoined 
 their masters to pay them a certain sum, as the price of their work. He 
 
 * Life of Columbus, c. 108. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. vi. c. 13, 14, 15. 
 
AMERICA. 93 
 
 reduced the royal share of the gold found in the mines from the half to the 
 third part, and soon after lowered it to a fifth, at which it long remained. 
 Notwithstanding Isabella's tender concern for the good treatment of the 
 Indians, and Ferdinand's eagerness to improve the Royal revenue, Ovando 
 persuaded the court to approve of both these regulations.* 
 
 But the Indians, after enjoying respite from oppression, though during a 
 short interval, now felt the yoke of bondage to be so galling that they made 
 several attempts to vindicate their own liberty. This the Spaniards consi 
 dered as rebellion, and took arms in order to reduce them to subjection. 
 When war is carried on between nations whose state of improvement is in 
 any degree similar, the means of defence bear some proportion to those 
 employed in the attack ; and in this equal contest snch efforts must be made, 
 such talents are displayed, and such passions roused, as exhibit mankind to 
 view in a situation no less striking than interesting. It is one of the noblest 
 functions of history to observe and to delineate men at a juncture when their 
 minds are most violently agitated, and all their powers and passions are 
 called forth. Hence the operations of war, and the struggles between 
 contending states, have been deemed by historians, ancient as well as 
 modern, a capital and important article in the annals 01 human actions. 
 But in a contest between naked savages, and one of the most warlike of the 
 European nations, where science, courage, and discipline on oqe side, were 
 opposed by ignorance, timidity, and disorder on the other, <x particular 
 detail of events would be as unpleasant as uninstructiye. If the simplicity 
 and innocence of the Indians had inspired the Spaniards with himanity, 
 had softened the pride of superiority into compassion, and had inducei them 
 to improve the inhabitants of the New World, instead of oppressing % hem, 
 some sudden acts of violence, like the too rigorous chastisemen$ of 
 impatient instructors, might have been related without horror. But, unfyr- 
 tunately, this consciousness of superiority operated in a different manftr. 
 The Spaniards were advanced so far beyond the natives of America'^ 
 improvement of every kind, that they viewed them with contempt. Ther 
 conceived the Americans to be animals of an inferior nature, who were nc\ 
 entitled to the rights and privileges of men. In peace they subjected then\ 
 to servitude. In war they paid no regard to those laws which, by a tacit 
 convention between contending nations, regulate hostility, and set some 
 bounds to its rage. They considered them not as men fighting in defence 
 of their liberty, but as slaves who had revolted against their masters.^ Their 
 caziques, when taken, were condemned, like the leaders of banditti, to the 
 most cruel and ignominious punishments ; and all their subjects, without 
 regarding the distinction of ranks established amon^ them, were reduced 
 to the same state of abject slavery. With such a spirit and sentiments were 
 hostilities carried on against the cazique of Higuey, a province at the 
 eastern extremity of the island. This war was occasioned by the perfidy 
 of the Spaniards, in violating a treaty which they had made with the 
 natives, and it was terminated by hanging up the cazique, who defended 
 his people with bravery so far superior to that of his countrymen, as 
 entitled him to a better fate.j 
 
 The conduct of Ovando, in another part of the island, was still more 
 treacherous and cruel. The province anciently named Xaragua, which 
 extends from the fertile plain where Leogane is now situated to the western 
 extremity of the island, was subject to a female cazique, named Anacoana, 
 highly respected by the natives. She, from that partial fondness with which 
 the women of America were attached to the Europeans (the cause of 
 which shall be afterwards explained), had always courted the friendship 
 of the Spaniards, and loaded them with benefits. But some of the adhe 
 rents of Koldan having settled in her country, were so much exasperated 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 1. lib. v. c. 3 f Ibid dec. 1. lib. vi. c. 9, 10. 
 
94 HISTORY OF [BOOK III. 
 
 at her endeavouring to restrain their excesses, that they accused her of 
 having formed a plan to throw off the yoke, and to exterminate the 
 Spaniards. Ovando, though he knew well what little credit was due to 
 such profligate men, marched, without further inquiry, towards Xaragua, 
 with three hundred foot and seventy horsemen. To prevent the Indians 
 from taking alarm at this hostile appearance, he gave out that his sole 
 intention was to visit Anacoana, to whom his countrymen had been so much 
 indebted, in the most respectful manner, and to regulate with her the mode 
 of levying the tribute payable to the, king of Spain. Anacoana, in order 
 to receive this illustrious guest with due honour, assembled the principal men 
 in her dominions, to the number of three hundred ; and advancing at the 
 head of these, accompanied by a great crowd of persons of inferior rank, 
 he welcomed Ovando with songs and dances, according to the mode of 
 the country, and conducted him to the place of her residence. There he 
 was feasted for some days, with all the kindness of simple hospitality, and 
 amused with the games and spectacles usual among the Americans upon 
 occasions of mirth and festivity. But amidst the security which this 
 inspired, Ovando was meditating the destruction of his unsuspicious enter 
 tainer and her subjects ; and the mean perfidy with which he executed this 
 scheme, equalled his barbarity in forming it. Under colour of exhibiting 
 to the Indian? the parade of a European tournament, he advanced with his 
 troops, in battle array, towards the house in which Anacoana and the chiefs 
 who attended her were assembled. The infantry took possession of all the 
 avenues *vhich led to the village. The horsemen encompassed the house. 
 These movements were the object of admiration, without any mixture of 
 fear, intil, upon a signal which had been concerted, the Spaniards suddenly 
 drev their swords, and rushed upon the Indians, defenceless, and astonished 
 at ?n act of treachery which exceeded the conception of undesigning men. 
 In a moment Anacoana was secured. All her attendants were seized and 
 found. Fire was set to the house ; and without examination or conviction, 
 ai these unhappy persons, the most illustrious in their own country, were 
 onsumed in the flames. Anacoana was reserved for a more ignominious 
 ate. She was carried in chains to St. Domingo, and, after the formality of 
 a trial before Spanish judges, she was condemned, upon the evidence of 
 those very men who had betrayed her, to be publicly hanged.* 
 
 Overawed and humbled by this atrocious treatment of their princes and 
 nobles, who were objects of their highest reverence, the people in all the 
 provinces of Hispamola submitted, without further resistance, to the Spanish 
 yoke. Upon the death of Isabella all the regulations tending to mitigate the 
 rigour of their servitude were forgotten. The small gratuity paid to them 
 as the price of their labour was withdrawn, and at the same time the tasks 
 imposed upon them were increased [1506]. Ovando, without any restraint, 
 distributed Indians among his friends in the island. Ferdinand, to whom 
 the Queen had left by will one half of the revenue arising from the settle 
 ments in the New World, conferred grants of a similar nature upon his 
 courtiers, as the least expensive mode of rewarding their services. They 
 farmed out the Indians, of whom they were rendered proprietors, to their 
 countrymen settled in Hispaniola ; and that wretched people, being com 
 pelled to labour in order to satisfy the rapacity of both, the exactions of 
 their oppressors no longer knew any bounds. But, barbarous as their policy 
 was, and fatal to the inhabitants of Hispaniola, it produced, for some time, 
 very considerable effects. By calling forth the force of a whole nation, 
 and exerting itself in one direction, the working of the mines was carried 
 on with amazing rapidity and success. During several years the gold brought 
 into the royal smelting houses in Hispaniola amounted annually to four hundred 
 
 * Ovledo, lib. iii. c. 12. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. vi. c. 4. Relacion de Destruyc. de las Indias por 
 liart de lasCasaa, p. 8. 
 
AMERICA. 95 
 
 and sixty thousand pesos, above a hundred thousand pounds sterling ; which* 
 if we attend to the great change in the value of money since the beginning 
 of the sixteenth century to the present times, must appear a considerable 
 sum. Vast fortunes were created, of a sudden, by some. Others dissipated, 
 in ostentatious profusion, what they acquired with facility. Dazzled by 
 both, new adventurers crowded to America, with the most eager impatience, 
 to share in those treasures which had enriched their countrymen ; and, 
 notwithstanding the mortality occasioned by the unhealthiness of the climate, 
 the colony continued to increase.* 
 
 Ovando governed the Spaniards with wisdom and justice not inferior to 
 the rigour with which he treated the Indians. He established equal laws ; 
 and, by executing them with impartiality, accustomed the people of the 
 colony to reverence them. He founded several new towns in different parts 
 of the island, and allured inhabitants to them by the concession of various 
 immunities. He endeavoured to turn the attention of the Spaniards to 
 some branch of industiy more useful than that of searching for gold in the 
 mines. Some slips of the sugarcane having been brought from the Canary 
 islands by way of experiment, they were found to thrive with such increase 
 in the rich soil and warm climate to which they were transplanted, that 
 the cultivation of them soon became an object of commerce. Extensive 
 
 Elantations were begun ; sugarworks, which the Spaniards called ingenioSj 
 om the various machinery employed in them, were erected, and in a few 
 years the manufacture of this commodity was the great occupation of 
 the inhabitants of Hispaniola, and the most considerable source of their 
 wealth.f 
 
 The prudent endeavours of Ovando, to promote the welfare of the 
 colony, were powerfully seconded by Ferdinand, The large remittances 
 which he received from the New World opened his eyes, at length, with 
 respect to the importance of those discoveries, which he had hitherto 
 affected to undervalue. Fortune, and his own address, having now ex 
 tricated him out of those difficulties in which he had been involved by 
 the death of his Queen [1507], and by his disputes with his son-in-law 
 about the government other dominions,! he had full leisure to turn his 
 attention to the affairs of America. To his provident sagacity Spain is 
 indebted for many of those regulations which gradually formed that 
 system of profound but jealous policy, by which she governs her dominions 
 in the New World. He erected a court distinguished by the title of 
 Casa de Contratacion, or Board of Trade, composed of persons eminent 
 for rank and abilities, to whom he committed the administration of American 
 affairs. This board assembled regularly in Seville, and was invested with 
 a distinct and extensive jurisdiction. He gave a regular form to ecclesias 
 tical government in America, by nominating archbishops, bishops, deans, 
 together with clergymen of subordinate ranks, to take charge of the Spaniards 
 established there, as well as of the natives who should embrace the Christian 
 faith, but notwithstanding the obsequious devotion of the Spanish court to 
 the papal see, such was^Ferdinarid's solicitude to prevent any foreign power 
 from claiming jurisdiction, or acquiring influence, in his new dominions, 
 that he reserved to the crown of Spain the sole right of patronage to the 
 benefices in America, and stipulated that no papal bull or mandate should 
 be promulgated there until it was previously examined and approved of by 
 his council. With the same spirit of jealousy, he prohibited any goods to 
 be exported to America, or any person to settle there without a special 
 license from that council.^ 
 
 But, notwithstanding this attention to the police and welfare of the colony, 
 a calamity impended which threatened its dissolution. The original inha- 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 1. lib. vi. c. 18, &c. t Oviedo, lib. iv. c. 8. * History of tbe Reign of 
 
 Charles V. p. 6, &c. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. vi. c. 19, 20. 
 
96 HISTORY OF [BOOK III. 
 
 bitants, on whose labour the Spaniards in Hispaniola depended for their 
 prosperity, and even their existence, wasted so fast that the extinction of the 
 whole race seemed to be inevitable. When Columbus discovered Hispa 
 niola, the number of its inhabitants was computed to be at least a million.* 
 They were now reduced to sixty thousand in the space of fifteen years. 
 This consumption of the human species, no less amazing than rapid, was 
 the effect of several concurring causes. The natives of the American 
 islands were of a more feeble constitution than the inhabitants of the 
 other hemisphere. They could neither perform the same work nor endure 
 the same fatigue with men whose organs were of a more vigorous con 
 formation. The listless indolence in which they delighted to pass their 
 days, as it was the effect of their debility, contributed likewise to increase 
 it, and rendered them from habit, as well as constitution, incapable of hard 
 labour. The food on which they subsisted afforded little nourishment, and 
 they were accustomed to take it in small quantities, not sufficient to invigorate 
 a languid frame, and render it equal to the efforts of active industry. The 
 Spaniards, without attending to those peculiarities in the constitution of the 
 Americans, imposed tasks upon them which, though not greater than 
 Europeans might have performed with ease, were so disprop>ortioned to 
 their strength, that many sunk under the fatigue, and ended their wretched 
 days. Others, prompted by impatience and despair, cut short their own 
 lives with a violent hand. Famine, brought on by compelling such numbers 
 to abandon the culture of their lands, in order to labour in the mines, proved 
 fatal to many. Diseases of various kinds, some occasioned by the hardships 
 to which they were exposed, and others by their intercourse with the 
 Europeans, who communicated to them some of their peculiar maladies, 
 completed the desolation of the island. The Spaniards, being thus deprived 
 of the instruments which they were accustomed to employ, found it impos 
 sible to extend their improvements, or even to carry on the works which 
 they had already begun [1508], In order to provide an immediate remedy 
 for an evil so alarming, Ovando proposed to transport the inhabitants of the 
 Lucayo islands to Hispaniola, under pretence that they might be civilized 
 with more facility, and instructed to greater advantage in the Christian 
 religion, if they were united to the Spanish colony, and placed under the 
 immediate inspection of the missionaries settled there. Ferdinand, deceived 
 by this artifice, or willing to connive at an act of violence which policy 
 represented as necessary, gave his assent to the proposal. Several vessels 
 were fitted out for the Lucayos, the commanders of which informed the 
 natives, with whose language they were now well acquainted, that they 
 came from a delicious country, in which the departed ancestors of the 
 Indians resided, by whom they were sent to invite their descendants to resort 
 thither, to partake of the bliss enjoyed there by happy spirits. That simple 
 people listened with wonder and credulity : and, fond of visiting their 
 relations and friends in that happy region, followed the Spaniards with 
 eagerness. By this artifice above forty thousand were decoyed into His 
 paniola, to share in the sufferings which were the lot of the inhabitants of 
 that island, and to mingle their groans and tears with those of that wretched 
 race of men.t 
 
 The Spaniards had, for some time, carried on their operations in the 
 mines of Hispaniola with such ardour as well as success, that these seemed 
 to have engrossed their whole attention. The spirit of discovery lan 
 guished ; and, since the last voyage of Columbus, no enterprise of any 
 moment had been undertaken. But as the decrease of the Indians rendered 
 it impossible to acquire wealth in that island with the same rapidity as 
 formerly, this urged some of the more adventurous Spaniards to search for 
 new countries, where their avarice might be gratified with more facility. 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 1. lib. x. c. 12. t Ibid. lib. vii. c. 3. Oviedo, lib. iii. c. 6. Gomara Hist. c. 41. 
 
AMERICA. 97 
 
 Juan Ponce de Leon, who commanded under Ovando in the eastern district 
 of Hispaniola, passed over to the island of St. Juan de Puerto Rico, which 
 Columbus had discovered in his second voyage, and penetrated into the 
 interior part of the country. As he found the soil to be fertile, and ex 
 pected, from some symptoms, as well as from the information of the 
 inhabitants, to discover mines of gold in the mountains, Ovando permitted 
 him to attempt making a settlement in the island. This was easily effected 
 by an officer eminent for conduct no less than for courage. In a few years 
 Puerto Rico was subjected to the Spanish government, the natives were 
 reduced to servitude ; and being treated with the same inconsiderate rigour 
 as their neighbours in Hispaniola) the race of original inhabitants, worn out 
 with fatigue and sufferings, was soon exterminated.* 
 
 About the same time Juan Diazde Solis, in conjunction with Vincent Yanez 
 Pinzon, one of Columbus's original companions, made a voyage to the conti 
 nent. They held the same course which Columbus had taken as far as the 
 island of Guanaios ; but, standing from thence to the west, they discovered 
 a new and extensive province, afterwards known by the name of Yucatan, 
 and proceeded a considerable way along the coast of that country.f 
 Though nothing memorable occurred in this voyage, it deserves notice, 
 because it led to discoveries of greater importance. For the same reason 
 the voyage of Sebastian de Ocampo must be mentioned. By the command 
 of Ovando he sailed round Cuba, and first discovered with certainty, that 
 this country, which Columbus once supposed to be a part of the continent, 
 was a large island.^ 
 
 This voyage round Cuba was one of the last occurrences under the adrni 
 nistration of Ovando. Ever since the death of Columbus, his son, Don 
 Diego, had been employed in soliciting Ferdinand to grant him the offices 
 of viceroy and admiral in the New World, together with all the other 
 immunities and profits which descended to him by inheritance, in consequence 
 of the original capitulation with his father. But if these dignities and 
 revenues appeared so considerable to Ferdinand, that, at the expense of 
 being deemed unjust as well as ungrateful, he had wrested them from 
 Columbus, it was not surprising that he should be unwilling to confer them 
 on his son. Accordingly Don Diego wasted two years in incessant but 
 fruitless importunity. Weary of this, he endeavoured at length to obtain 
 by a legal sentence what he could not procure from the favour of an inte 
 rested monarch. He commenced a suit against Ferdinand before the 
 council which managed Indian affairs ; and that court, with integrity which 
 reflects honour upon its proceedings, decided against the king, and sustained 
 Don Diego's claim of the viceroyalty, together with all the other privileges 
 stipulated in the capitulation. Even after this decree Ferdinand's repugnance 
 to put a subject in possession of such extensive rights might have thrown 
 in new obstacles, if Don Diego had not taken a step which interested very 
 powerful persons in the success of his claims. The sentence of the 
 council of the Indies gave him a title to a rank so elevated, and a fortune so 
 opulent, that he found no difficulty in concluding a marriage with Donna 
 Maria, daughter of Don Ferdinand de Toledo, great commendator of Leon, 
 and brother of the duke of Alva, a nobleman of the first rank, and nearly 
 related to the king. The duke and his family espoused so warmly the 
 cause of their new ally, that Ferdinand could not resist their solicitations 
 [1509], He recalled Ovando, and appointed Don Diego his successor, 
 though even in conferring this favour he could not conceal his jealousy; 
 for he allowed him to assume only the title of governor, not that of viceroy, 
 which had been adjudged to belong to him. 
 
 Don Diego quickly repaired to Hispaniola, attended by his brother, his uncles, 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 1. lib. vii. c. 14. Gomara Hist. c. 44. Relation de B. de las Casas, p. 10. 
 t Ibid. dec. 1. lib. vi. c. 17. J Ibid. lib. vii. c. 1. $ Ibid. dec. 1. lib. vii. c. 4, &c. 
 
 VOL. I. 13 
 
98 HISTORY OF fB 9 oK III, 
 
 his wife, whom the courtesy of the Spaniards honoured with the title of vice 1 - 
 queen, and a numerous retinue of persons of both sexes born of good families, 
 He lived with a splendour and magnificence hitherto unknown in the New 
 World ; and the family of Columbus seemed now to enjoy the honours and 
 rewards due to his inventive genius, of which he himself had been cruelly de 
 frauded. The colony itself acquired new lustre by the accession of so many 
 inhabitants, of a different rank and character from most of those who had 
 hitherto migrated to America, and many of the most illustrious families in the 
 Spanish settlements are descended from the persons who at that time accom 
 panied Don Diego Columbus.* 
 
 No benefits accrued to the unhappy natives from this change of governors. 
 Don Diego was not only authorized by a royal edict to continue the repar- 
 timientos, or distribution of Indians, but the particular number which he 
 might grant to every person, according to his rank in the colony, was spe 
 cified. He availed himself of that permission ; and soon after he landed at 
 St. Domingo, he divided such Indians as were still unappropriated, among 
 his relations and attendants.! 
 
 The next care of the new governor was to comply with an instruction 
 which he received from the king, about settling a colony in Cubagua, a 
 small island which Columbus had discovered in his third voyage. Though 
 this barren spot hardly yielded subsistence to its wretched inhabitants, 
 such quantities of those oysters which produce pearls were found on its 
 coast, that it did not long escape the inquisitive avarice of the Spaniards, 
 and became a place of considerable resort. Large fortunes were acquired 
 by the fishery of pearls, which was carried on with extraordinary ardour. 
 The Indians, especially those from the Lucayo islands, were compelled to 
 dive for them ; and this dangerous and unhealthy employment was an addi 
 tional calamity which contributed not a little to the extinction of that 
 devoted race.J 
 
 About, this period, Juan Diazde Solis and Pinzon set out, in conjunction, 
 upon a second voyage. They stood directly south, towards the equinoctial 
 line, which Pinzon had formerly crossed, and advanced as far as the fortieth 
 degree of southern latitude. They were astonished to find that the conti 
 nent of America stretched on their right hand through all this vast extent of 
 ocean. They landed in different places, to take' possession in name of their 
 sovereign ; but though the country appeared to be extremely fertile and 
 inviting, their force was so small, having been fitted out rather for discovery 
 than making settlements, that they left no colony behind them. Their 
 voyage served, however, to give the Spaniards more exalted and adequate 
 ideas with respect to the dimensions of this new quarter of the globe. 
 
 Though it was about ten years since Columbus had discovered the main 
 land of America, the Spaniards had hitherto made no settlement in any 
 part of it. What had been so long neglected was now seriously attempted, 
 and with considerable vigour ; though the plan for this purpose was neither 
 formed by the crown, nor executed at the expense of the nation, but carried 
 on by the enterprising spirit of private adventurers. The scheme took its 
 rise from Alonso de Ojeda, who had already made two voyages as a disco 
 verer, by which he acquired considerable reputation, but no wealth. But 
 his character for intrepidity and conduct easily procured him associates, who 
 advanced the money requisite to defray the charges of the expedition. 
 About the same time, Diego de Nicuessa, who had acquired a large fortune 
 in Hispaniola, formed a similar design. Ferdinand encouraged both ; and 
 though he refused to advance the smallest sum, he was extremely liberal of 
 titles and patents. .He erected two governments on the continent, one ex 
 tending from Cape de Vela to the Gulf of Darien, and the other from that to 
 Cape Gracias a Bios. The former was given to Ojeda, the latter to Nicuessa. 
 
 * Oviedo, lib. iii. c. 1. f Recopilacion de Leyes, lib. vi. tit. 8. 1. 1, 2. Herrera, dec. 1 lib. 
 TU. c. 10. J Herrera, dec. 1. lib. vii. c. 9. Gomara Hist. c. 7S. $ Ibid. dec. 1. lib. vii. c. 9. 
 
AMERICA. 99 
 
 Ojeda fitted out a ship and two brigantines, with three hundred men, 
 Nicuessa, six vessels, with seven hundred and eighty men. They sailed 
 about the same time from St. Domingo for their respective governments. 
 In order to give their title to those countries some appearance of validity, 
 several of the most eminent divines and lawyers in Spain were employed to 
 prescribe the mode in which they should take possession of them.* There 
 is not in the history pf mankind any thing more singular or extravagant than 
 the form which they devised for this purpose. They instructed those 
 invaders, as soon as they landed on the continent, to declare to the natives 
 the principal articles of the Christian faith ; to acquaint them in parti 
 cular, with the supreme jurisdiction of the Pope over all the kingdoms of 
 the earth ; to inform them of the grant which this holy pontiff had made of 
 their country to the king of Spain ; to require them to embrace the doctrines 
 of that religion which the Spaniards made known to them ; and to submit 
 to the sovereign whose authority they proclaimed. If the natives refused to 
 comply with this requisition, the terms, of which must have been utterly 
 incomprehensible to uninstructed Indians, then Ojeda and Nicuessa were 
 authorized to attack them with fire and sword ; to reduce them, their 
 wives and children, to a state of servitude ; and to compel them by force 
 to recognise the jurisdiction of the church, and the authority of the monarch, 
 to which they would not voluntarily subject themselves [23]. 
 
 As the inhabitants of the continent could not at once yield assent to 
 doctrines too refined for their uncultivated understandings, and explained to 
 them by interpreters imperfectly acquainted with their language ; as they 
 did not conceive how a foreign priest, of whom they had never heard, 
 could have any right to dispose of their country, or how an unknown prince 
 should claim jurisdiction over them as his subjects ; they fiercely opposed 
 the new invaders of their territories. Ojeda and Nicuessa endeavoured 
 to effect by force what they could not accomplish by persuasion. The 
 contemporary writers enter into a very minute detail in relating their 
 transactions ; but as they made no discovery of importance, nor established 
 any permanent settlement, their adventures are not entitled to any consi 
 derable place in the general history of a period where romantic valour, 
 struggling with incredible hardships, distinguishes every effort of the 
 Spanish arms. They found the natives in those countries of which they 
 went to assume the government, to be of a character very different from that 
 of their countrymen in the islands. They were free and warlike. Their 
 arrows were dipped in a poison so noxious, that every wound was followed 
 with certain death. In one encounter they slew above seventy of Ojeda's 
 followers, and the Spaniards, for the first time, were taught to dread the 
 inhabitants of the New World. Nicuessa was opposed by people equally 
 resolute in defence of their possessions. Nothing could soften their 
 ferocity. Though the Spaniards employed every art to soothe them, and to 
 gain their confidence, they refused to hold any intercourse, or to exchange 
 any friendly office, with men whose residence arnong them they considered 
 as fatal to their liberty and independence [1510]. This implacable enmity 
 of the natives, though it rendered an attempt to establish a settlement in 
 their country extremely difficult as well as dangerous, might have been 
 surmount&d at length by the perseverance of the Spaniards, by the supe 
 riority of their arms, and their skill in the art of war. But every disaster 
 which can be accumulated upon the unfortunate combined to complete their 
 ruin. The loss of their ships by various accidents upon an unknown 
 coast, the diseases peculiar to a climate the most noxious in all America, 
 the want of provisions unavoidable in a country imperfectly cultivated, 
 dissension among themselves, and the incessant hostilities 01 the natives, 
 involved them in a succession of calamities, the bare recital of which strikes 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 1. lib. vii. c. 15. 
 
100 HISTORY OF [BOOK III, 
 
 one with horror. Though they received two considerable reinforcements 
 from Hispaniola, the greater part .of those who had engaged in this unhappy 
 expedition perished, in less than a year, in the most extreme misery. A 
 few who survived settled as a feeble colony at Santa Maria el Antigua, on 
 the Gulf of Darien, under the command of Vasco Nugnez de Balboa, who, 
 in the most desperate exigencies, displayed such courage and conduct as 
 first gained the confidence of his countrymen, and marked him out as their 
 leader in more splendid and successful undertakings. Nor was he the 
 only adventurer in this expedition who will appear with lustre in more 
 important scenes. Francisco Pizarro was one of Ojeda's companions, and 
 in this school of adversity acquired or improved the talents which fitted him 
 f or the extraordinary actions which he afterwards performed. Hernan 
 Cortes, whose name became still more famous, had likewise engaged early 
 in this enterprise, which roused all the active youth of Hispaniola to arms ; 
 but the good fortune that accompanied him in his subsequent adventures 
 interposed to save him from the disasters to which his companions were 
 exposed. He was taken ill at St. Domingo before the departure of the 
 fleet, and detained there by a tedious indisposition.* 
 
 Notwithstanding the unfortunate issue of this expedition, the Spaniards 
 were not deterred from engaging in new schemes of a similar nature. 
 When wealth is acquired gradually by the persevering hand of industry, or 
 accumulated by the slow operations of regular commerce, the means 
 employed are so proportioned to the end attained, that there is nothing to 
 strike the imagination, and little to urge on the active powers of the mind 
 to uncommon efforts. But when large fortunes were created almost 
 instantaneously ; when gold and pearls were procured in exchange for 
 baubles ; when the countries which produced these rich commodities, 
 defended only by naked savages, might be seized by the first bold invader ; 
 objects so singular and alluring roused a wonderful spirit of enterprise 
 among the Spaniards, who rushed with ardour into this new path that was 
 opened to wealth and distinction. While this spirit continued warm and 
 vigorous, every attempt either towards discovery or conquest was applauded, 
 and adventurers engaged in it wjth emulation. The passion for new under 
 takings, which characterizes the age of discovery in the latter part of the 
 fifteenth and beginning of the sixteenth' century, would alone have been 
 sufficient to prevent the Spaniards from stopping short in their career. But 
 circumstances peculiar to Hispaniola, at this juncture, concurred with it in 
 extending their navigation and conquests. The rigorous treatment of the 
 inhabitants of that island having almost extirpated the race, many of the 
 Spanish planters, as I have already observed, finding it impossible to carry 
 on their works with the same vigour and profit, were obliged to look out for 
 settlements in some country where people were not yet wasted by op 
 pression. Others, with the inconsiderate levity natural to men upon whom 
 wealth pours in with a sudden flow, had squandered in thoughtless prodigality 
 what they acquired with ease, and were driven by necessity to embark ir* 
 the most desperate schemes, in order to retrieve their affairs. From all 
 these causes, when Don Diego Columbus proposed [1511] to conquer the 
 island of Cuba, and to establish a colony there, many persons of chief 
 distinction in Hispaniola engaged with alacrity in the measure. He gave 
 the command of the troops destined for that service to Diego Velasquez, 
 one of his father's companions in his second voyage, and who, having been 
 long settled in Hispaniola, had acquired an ample fortune, with such repu 
 tation for probity and prudence, that he seemed to be well qualified for 
 conducting an expedition of importance. Three hundred men were deemed 
 sufficient for the conquest of an island of above seven hundred miles in 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 1. lib. vii. c. 11, &c. Gomara Hist. c. 57, 58, 59. 
 F.MartyMecad.p. 122. 
 
 Benzon. Hist. lib. i. c. 1923. 
 
AMERICA. 101 
 
 length, and filled with inhabitants. But they were of the same unwarlike 
 character with the people of Hispaniola. They were not only intimidated 
 by the appearance of their new enemies, but unprepared to resist them. 
 Iror though, from the time that the Spaniards took possession of the adjacent 
 island, there was reason to expect a descent on their territories, none of 
 the small communities into which Cuba was divided, had either made any 
 provision for its own defence, or had formed any concert for their common 
 safety. The only obstruction the Spaniards met with w r as from Hatuey, a 
 cazique, who had fled from Hispaniola, and had taken possession of the 
 eastern extremity of Cuba. He stood upon the defensive at their first 
 landing, and endeavoured to drive them back to their ships. His feeble 
 troops, however, were soon broken and dispersed ; and he himself being 
 taken prisoner, Velasquez, according to the barbarous maxim of the 
 Spaniards, considered him as a slave who had taken arms against his master, 
 'and condemned him to the flames. When Hatuey was fastened to the 
 stake, a Franciscan friar, labouring to convert him, promised him imme- 
 
 regior DIISS wmcn you aescnoe : - les, replied me monK, uui 
 only such as are worthy and good." " The best of them," returned the 
 indignant cazique, " have neither worth nor goodness : I will not go to a 
 place where I may meet with one of that accursed race."* This dreadful 
 example of vengeance struck the people of Cuba with such terror that they 
 scarcely gave any opposition to the progress of their invaders ; and Velas 
 quez, without the loss of a man, annexed this extensive and fertile island to 
 the Spanish monarchy.! 
 
 The facility with which this important conquest was completed served 
 as an incitement to other undertakings. Juan Ponce de Leon, having 
 acquired both fame and wealth by the reduction of Puerto Rico, was 
 Impatient to engage in some new enterprise. He fitted out three ships at 
 his own expense, for a voyage of discovery [1512], and his reputation soon 
 drew together a respectable body of followers. Ke directed his course 
 towards the Lucayo islands ; and after touching at several of them, as well 
 as of the Bahama isles, he stood to the south-west, and discovered a country 
 hitherto unknown to the Spaniards, which he called Florida, either because 
 he fell in with it on Palm Sunday, or on account of its gay and beautiful 
 appearance. He attempted to land in different places, but met with such 
 vigorous opposition from the natives, who were fierce and warlike, as con 
 vinced him that an increase of force w r as requisite to effect a settlement. 
 Satisfied with having opened a communication with a new country, of whose 
 value and importance he conceived very sanguine hopes, he returned to 
 Puerto Rico through the channel no\v known by the name of the Gulf of 
 Florida. 
 
 It was not merely the passion of searching for new countries that prompted 
 Ponce de Leon to undertake this voyage ; he was influenced by one of 
 those visionary ideas, which at that time often mingled with the spirit of 
 discovery, and rendered it more active. A tradition prevailed among the 
 natives of Puerto Rico, that in the isle of Bimini, one of the Lucayos, there 
 was a fountain of such wonderful virtue as to renew the youth and recall 
 the vigour of every person who bathed in its salutary waters. In hopes of 
 finding this grand restorative, Ponce de Leon and his followers ranged 
 through the islands, searching with fruitless solicitude and labour for the 
 fountain which was the chief object of their expedition. That a tale so 
 fabulous should gain credit among simple and uninstructed Indians is not 
 surprising. That it should make any impression upon an enlightened people 
 appears in the present age altogether incredible. The fact, however, is 
 
 * B. de las Casas, p. 40. t Herrera, doc. 1. lib. ix. c. 2, 3, &c. Oviodo, lib. xvii. e. 3. p. 170. 
 
102 HISTORY OF [BOOK III, 
 
 certain ; and the most authentic Spanish historians mention this extravagant 
 sally of their credulous countrymen. The Spaniards at that period were 
 engaged in a career of activity which gave a romantic turn to their imagina 
 tion, and daily presented to them strange and marvellous objects. A New 
 World was opened to their view. They visited islands and continents, of 
 whose existence mankind in former ages had no conception. Irj those 
 delightful countries nature seemed to assume another form : every tree and 
 plant and animal was different from those of the ancient hemisphere. They 
 seemed to be transported into enchanted ground ; and after the wonders 
 which they had seen, nothing, in the warmth and novelty of their admira 
 tion, appeared to them so extraordinary as to be beyond belief. If the 
 rapid succession of new .and striking scenes made such impression even 
 upon the sound understanding of Columbus, that he boasted of having fourid 
 the seat of Paradise, it will not appear strange that Ponce de Leon should 
 dream of discovering the fountain of youth.* 
 
 Soon after the expedition to Florida, a discovery of much greater import 
 ance was made in another part of America. Balboa having been raised 
 to the government of the small colony at Santa Maria in Darien, by the 
 voluntary suffrage of nis associates, was so extremely desirous to obtain 
 from the crown a confirmation of their election, that he despatched one of 
 his officers to Spain, in order to solicit a royal commission, which might 
 invest him with a legal title to the supreme command. Conscious, however, 
 that he could not expect success from the patronage of Ferdinand's ministers, 
 with whom he was unconnected, or from negotiating in a cpprt to the arts 
 of which he was a stranger, he endeavoured to merit the dignity to which 
 he aspired, and aimed at performing some signal service that would secure 
 him the preference to every competitor. Full of this idea, he made frequent 
 inroads into the adjacent country, subdued several of the caziques, and 
 collected a considerable quantity of gold, which abounded more in that 
 part of the continent than in the islands. In one of those excursions, the 
 Spaniards contended with such eagerness about the division of some gold, 
 that they were at the point of proceeding to acts of violence against one 
 another. A young cazique who was present, astonished at the high value 
 which they set upon a thing of which he did not discern the use, tumbled 
 the gold out of the balance with indignation ; and turning to the Spaniards, 
 " Why do you quarrel (says he) about such a trifle 1' If you are so passion 
 ately fond of gold, as to abandon your own country, and to disturb the 
 tranquillity of distant nations for its sake, I will conduct you to a region 
 where the metal which seems to be the chief object of your admiration and 
 desire is so common that the meanest utensils are formed of it." Transported 
 with what they heard, Balboa and his companions inquired eagerly 
 where this happy country lay, and how they might arrive at it. ne 
 informed them that at the distance of six suns, that is, of six days' jpurnev, 
 towards the south, they should discover another ocean, near to which this 
 wealthy kingdom was situated ; but if they intended to attack that powerful 
 state, they must assemble forces far superior in number and strength to those 
 with which they novv appeared.! 
 
 This was the first information which the Spaniards received concerning 
 the great southern ocean, or the opulent and extensive country known after 
 wards by the name of Peru. Balboa had now before him objects suited 
 to his boundless ambition, and the enterprising ardour of his genius. He 
 immediately concluded the ocean which the cazique mentioned, to be that 
 for which Columbus had searched without success in this part of America, 
 in hopes of opening a more direct communication with the East Indies ; and he 
 
 * P. Martyr, decad. p. 202. Ensayo Chronol. para la Hist, de la Florida, par de Gab. Cardenas, 
 
 p. 1. Oviedo, lib. xvi. c. 11. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. ix. c. 5. Hist, de la Conq. de la Florida, par 
 
 Garc. de la Vega, lib. 1. c. 3. t Horrera, dec. 1. lib. ii. c, 2. Gomara, c. 60. P. Martyr, dec, 
 149. 
 
AMERICA. 103 
 
 jsctured that the rich territory which had been described to him must be 
 'part of that vast and opulent region of the earth. Elated with the idea 
 of performing what so great a man had attempted in vain, and eager to 
 accomplish a discovery which he knew would be no less acceptable to the 
 king than beneficial to his country, he was impatient until he could set out 
 upon this enterprise, in comparison of which all his former^exploits appeared 
 inconsiderable. But previous arrangement and preparation were requisite 
 to ensure success. He began with courting and securing the friendship of 
 the neighbouring caziques. He sent some of his officers to Hispaniola with 
 a large quantity of gold, as a proof of his past success, and an earnest of 
 his future hopes. By a proper distribution of this, they secured the favour 
 of the governor, and allured volunteers into the service. A considerable 
 reinforcement from that island joined him, and he thought himself in a con 
 dition to attempt the discovery. 
 
 The isthmus of Darien is not above sixty miles in breadth ; but this neck 
 of land which binds together the continents of North and South America, 
 is strengthened by a chain of lofty mountains stretching through its whole 
 extent, which render it a barrier of solidity sufficient to resist the impulse 
 of two opposite oceans. The mountains are covered with forests almost 
 inaccessible. The valleys in that moist climate where it rains during two- 
 thirds of the year, are marshy, and so frequently overflowed that the 
 inhabitants find it necessary, in many places; to build their houses upon 
 trees, in order to be elevated at some distance from the damp soil, and the 
 odious reptiles engendered in the putrid waters.* Large rivers rush down 
 with an impetuous current from the high grounds. In 'a region thinly 
 inhabited by wandering savages, the hand of industry had done nothing to 
 mitigate or correct those natural disadvantages. To march across this 
 unexplored country with no other guides but Indians, whose fidelity could 
 be little trusted, was, on all those accounts, the boldest enterprise on which 
 the Spaniards had hitherto ventured in the New World. But the intrepidity 
 of Balboa was such as distinguished him among his countrymen, at a period 
 wnen every adventurer was conspicuous for daring courage [1513]. Nor 
 was bravery his only merit ; he was prudent in conduct, generous, affable, 
 and possessed of those popular talents which, in the most desperate under 
 takings, inspire confidence and secure attachment. Even after the junction 
 of the volunteers from Hispaniola, he was able to muster only a hundred 
 and ninety men for his expedition. But they were hardy veterans, inured 
 to the climate of America, and ready to follow him through every danger. 
 A thousand Indians attended them to carry their provisions ; and, to com 
 plete their warlike array, they took with them several of those fierce dogs, 
 which were no less fomiidable than destructive to their naked enemies. 
 
 Balboa set out upon this important expedition on the first of September, 
 about the time that the periodical rains began to abate. He proceeded 
 by sea, and without any difficulty, to the territories of a cazique^ whose 
 friendship he had gained ; but no sooner did he begin to advance into the 
 interior part of the country, than he was retarded by every obstacle, which 
 he had reason to apprehend, from the nature of the territory, or the dispo 
 sition of its inhabitants. Some of the caziques, at his approach, fled to the 
 mountains with all their people, and carried off or destroyed whatever 
 could afford subsistence to his troops. Others collected their subjects, in 
 order to oppose his progress ; and he quickly perceived what an arduous 
 undertaking it was to conduct such a body of men through hostile 1 nations, 
 across swamps, and rivers, and woods, wnich had never been passed but 
 by straggling Indians. But by sharing in every hardship with the meanest 
 soldier, by appearing the foremost to meet every danger, by promising 
 confidently to nis troops the enjoyment of honour and riches superior to 
 
 * P. Martyr, dec. p, 15& 
 
104 HISTORY OF [Boon III. 
 
 what had been attained by the most successful of their countrymen, he 
 inspired them with such enthusiastic resolution, that they followed him 
 without murmuring. When they had penetrated a good way into ihs 
 mountains, a powerful cazique appeared in a narrow pass, with a numerous 
 body of his subjects, to obstruct their progress. But men who had sur 
 mounted so many obstacles, despised the opposition of such feeble enemies 
 They attacked them with impetuosity, and, haying dispersed them with 
 much ease and great slaughter, continued their inarch. Though their 
 guides had represented the breadth of the isthmus to be only a journey of 
 six days, they had already spent, twenty-five in forcing their way through 
 the woods and mountains. Many of them were ready to sink under such 
 uninterrupted fatigue in that sultry climate, several were taken ill of the 
 dysentery and other diseases frequent in that country, and all became 
 impatient to reach the period of their labours and sufferings. At length 
 the Indians assured them, that from the top of the next mountain they 
 should discover the ocean which was the object of their wishes. When, 
 with infinite toil, they had climbed up the greater part of that steep ascent, 
 Balboa commanded his men to halt, and advanced alone to the summit, 
 that he might be the first who should enjoy a spectacle which he had so 
 long desired. As soon as he beheld the South Sea stretching in endless 
 prospect below him, he fell $n his knees, and, lifting up his hands to 
 heaven, returned thanks to God, who had conducted him to a discovery so 
 beneficial to his country,, and so honourable to himself. His followers, 
 observing his transports of joy, rushed forward to join in his wonder, 
 exultation, and gratitude. 1 hey held on their course to the shore with 
 great alacrity, when Balboa,, advancing up to the middle in the waves with 
 his buckler and sword, took possession of that ocean in the name of the 
 king his master, and vowed to defend it with these arms, against all his 
 enemies.* 
 
 That part of the great Pacific or Southern Ocean .which Balboa first 
 discovered, still retains the name of the Gulf of St. Michael, which he 
 gave to it, and is situated to the east of Panama. From several of the 
 petty princes, who governed in the districts adjacent to that gulf, he extorted 
 provisions and gold by force of arms. Others sent them to him volun 
 tarily. To these acceptable presents, some of the caziques added a 
 considerable quantity of pearls ; and he learned from them, with much 
 satisfaction, that pearl oysters abounded in the sea which he had newly 
 discovered. 
 
 Together with the acquisition of this wealth, which served to soothe 
 and encourage his followers, he received accounts which confirmed his 
 sanguine hopes of future and more extensive benefits from the expedition. 
 All the people on the coast of the South Sea concurred in informing him 
 that there was a mighty and opulent kingdom situated at a considerable 
 distance towards the south-east, the inhabitants of which had tame animals 
 to carry their burdens. In order to give the Spaniards an idea of these, they 
 drew upon the sand the figure of the llamas or sheep, afterwards found in 
 Peru, which the Peruvians had taught to perform such services as they 
 described. As the llama in its form nearly resembles a camel, a beast of 
 burden deemed peculiar to Asia, this circumstance, in conjunction with the 
 discovery of the pearls, another noted production of that country, tended to 
 confirm the Spaniards in their mistaken theory with respect to the vicinity 
 of the New World to the East Indies.! 
 
 But though the information which Balboa received from the people on the 
 coast, as well as his own conjectures and hopes, rendered him extremely 
 impatient to visit this unknown country, his prudence restrained him from 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 1. lib. x. c. 1, &c. Gomara, c. 62, &c. P. Martyr, dec. p. 205, &c. t H>id, 
 dec. 1. lib. x. c. 2. 
 
AMERICA. 105 
 
 attempting to invade it with a handful of men exhausted by fatigue and 
 weakened by diseases. [24] He determined to lead back his followers, at 
 present, to their settlement of Santa Maria in Darien, and to return next 
 season with a force more adequate to such an arduous enterprise. In order 
 to acquire a more extensive knowledge of the isthmus, he marched back by 
 a different route, which he found to be no less dangerous and difficult than 
 that which he had formerly taken. But to men elated with success, and 
 animated with hope, nothing is insurmountable. Balboa returned to Santa 
 Maria [1514], from which he had been absent four -months, with greater 
 glory and more treasure than the Spaniards had acquired in any expedition 
 in the New World. None of Balboa's officers distinguished themselves 
 more in this service than Francisco Pizarro, or assisted with greater courage 
 and ardour in opening a communication with those countries in which he 
 was destined to act soon a more illustrious part.* 
 
 Balboa's first care was to send information to Spain of the important dis 
 covery which he had made : and to demand a reinforcement of a thousand 
 men, in order to attempt the conquest of that opulent country concerning 
 which he had received such inviting intelligence. The first account of the 
 discovery of the New World hardly occasioned greater joy than the unex 
 pected tidings that a passage was at last found to the great southern ocean. 
 The communication with the East Indies, by a course to the westward of 
 the line of demarcation drawn by the Pope, seemed now to be certain. 
 The vast wealth which flowed into Portugal, from its settlements and 
 conquests in that country, excited the envy and called forth the emulation 
 of other states. Ferdinand hoped now to come in for a share in this lucra 
 tive commerce, and, in his eagerness to obtain it, was willing to make an 
 effort beyond what Balboa required. But even in this exertion, his jealous 
 policy, as well as the fatal antipathy of Fonseca, now Bishop of Burgos, to 
 every man of merit who distinguished himself in the New World, was con 
 spicuous. Notwithstanding Balboa's recent services, which marked him 
 out as the most proper person to finish that great undertaking which he had 
 begun, Ferdinand was. so ungenerous as to overlook these, and to appoint 
 Pedrarias Davila governor of Darien. He gave him the command of 
 fifteen stout vessels and twelve hundred soldiers. These were fitted out 
 at the public expense, with a liberality which Ferdinand had never dis 
 played in any former armament destined for the New World ; and such 
 was the ardour of the Spanish gentlemen to follow a leader who was about 
 to conduct them to a country where, as fame reported, they had only to 
 throw their nets into the sea and draw out gold,| that fifteen hundred 
 embarked on board the fleet, and, if they had not been restrained, a much 
 greater number would have engaged in the service. J 
 
 Pedrarias reached the Gulf of Darien without any remarkable accident, 
 and immediately sent some of his principal officers ashore to inform Balboa 
 of his arrival, with the king's commission to be governor of the Colony. 
 To their astonishment, they found Balboa, of whose great exploits they 
 had heard so much, and of whose opulence they had formed such high ideas, 
 clad in a canvass jacket, and wearing coarse hempen sandals used only by 
 the meanest peasants, employed, together with some Indians, in thatching 
 his own hut with reeds. Even in this simple garb, which corresponded so 
 ill with the expectations and wishes of his new guests, Balboa received 
 them with dignity. The fame of his discoveries had drawn so many adven 
 turers from the islands, that he could now muster four hundred and fifty men. 
 At the head of those daring veterans, he was more than a match for the 
 forces which Pedrarias brought with him. But, though his troops mur 
 mured loudly at the injustice of the king in superseding their commander, 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 1. lib. x. c. 36. Gomara, c. 64. P. Martyr, dec. p. 229, &c. t Ibid- <= 14. 
 J Tr-id. c. 6, 7. P. Martyr, dec. p. 177. 296. 
 
 VOL. I. 14 
 
106 HISTORY OF [BOOK III. 
 
 and complained that strangers would now reap the fruits of their toil and 
 success, Balboa submitted with implicit obedience to the will of his sove 
 reign, and received Pedrarias with all the deference due to his character.* 
 Notwithstanding this moderation, to which Pedrarias owed the peaceable 
 possession of his government, he appointed a judicial inquiry to be made 
 into Balboa's conduct, while under the command of Nicuessa, and imposed 
 a considerable fine upon him, on account of the irregularities of which he had 
 then been guilty. Balboa felt sensibly the mortification of being subjected 
 to trial and to punishment in a place where he had so lately occupied the firs 
 station. Pedrarias could not conceal his jealousy of his superior merit ; so 
 that the resentment of the one and the envy of the other gave rise to dissen 
 sions extremely detrimental to the colony. It was threatened with a cala 
 mity still more fatal. Pedrarias had landed in Darien at a most unlucky time 
 of the year [July], about the middle of the rainy season, in that part of the 
 torrid zone where the clouds pour down such torrents as are unknown in 
 more temperate clima'es.t The village of Santa Maria was seated in a 
 rich plain, environed with marshes and woods. The constitution of Euro 
 peans was unable to withstand the pestilential influence of such a situation, 
 in a climate naturally so noxious, and at a season so peculiarly unhealthy. 
 A violent and destructive malady carried off many of the soldiers who 
 accompanied Pedrarias. An extreme scarcity of provision augmented this 
 distress, as it rendered it impossible to find proper refreshment for the sick, 
 or the necessary sustenance for the healthy. J In the space of a month, above 
 six hundred persons perished in the utmost misery. Dejection and despair 
 spread through the colony. Many principal persons solicited their dismis 
 sion, and were glad to relinquish all their hopes of wealth, in order to 
 escape from that pernicious region. Pedrarias endeavoured to divert those who 
 remained from brooding over their misfortunes, by finding them employment. 
 With this view, he sent several detachments into the interior parts of the 
 country, to levy gold among the natives, and to search for the mines in 
 which it was produced. Those rapacious adventurers, more attentive to 
 present gain than to the means of facilitating their future progress, plun 
 dered without distinction wherever they marched. Regardless of the 
 alliances which Balboa had made with several of the caziques, they stripped 
 them of every thing valuable, and treated them, as well as their subjects, 
 with the utmost insolence and cruelty. By their tyranny and exactions, 
 which Pedrarias, either from want of authority or inclination, did not restrain, 
 all the country from the Gulf of Darien to the lake of Nicaragua was deso 
 lated, and the Spaniards were inconsiderately deprived of the advantages 
 which they might have derived from the frienoship of the natives, in extend 
 ing their conquests to the South Sea. Balboa, who saw with concern that 
 such ill-judged proceedings retarded the execution of his favourite scheme, 
 sent violent remonstrances to Spain against the imprudent government of 
 Pedrarias, who had ruined a happy and flourishing colony. Pedrarias, 
 on the other hand, accused him of having deceived the King, by magnifying 
 his own exploits, as well as by a false representation of the opulence and 
 value of the country. 
 
 Ferdinand became sensible at length of his imprudence in superseding 
 the most active and experienced officer he had in the New World, and, by 
 way of compensation to Balboa, appointed him Adelantado, or Lieutenant- 
 Governor of the countries upon the South Sea, with very extensive privi 
 leges and authority. At the same time he enjoined Pedrarias to support 
 Balboa in all his operations, and to consult with him concerning every 
 measure which he himself pursued. [1515] But to effect such a sudden 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 1. lib. x. c. 13, 14. f Richard, Hist. Naturelle de T Air, torn. 1, p. 204. 
 
 J Herrera, dec. 1. lib. x. c. 14. P. Martyr, decad. p. 272. $ Ibid. dec. 1. lib. x. c. 15. dec. 2. 
 e. 1, &c. Gomara, c. 66. P. Martyr, dec. 3. c. 10. Relation de B. de las Casas, p. 12. 
 
AMERICA. 107 
 
 transition from inveterate enmity to perfect confidence, exceeded Ferdinand's 
 power. Pedrarias continued to treat his rival with neglect ; and Balboa's 
 fortune being- exhausted by the payment of his fine, and other exactions of 
 Pedrarias, he could not make suitable preparations for taking possession of 
 his new government. At length, by the interposition and exhortations of the 
 Bishop of Darien, they were brought to a reconciliation ; and, in order to 
 cement this union more firmly, Pedrarias agreed to give his daughter in 
 marriage to Balboa. [1516.] The first effect of their concord was, that 
 Balboa was permitted to make several small incursions into the country. 
 These he conducted with such prudence, as added to the reputation which 
 he had already acquired. Many adventurers resorted to him, and, with 
 the countenance and aid of Pedrarias, he began to prepare for his expedi 
 tion to the South Sea. In order to accomplish this, it was necessary to 
 build vessels capable of conveying his troops to those provinces which he 
 purposed to invade. [1517.J After surmounting many obstacles, .and 
 enduring a variety of those hardships which were the portion of the con 
 querors of America, he at length finished four small brigantines. In these, 
 with three hundred chosen men, a force superior to that with which Pizarro 
 afterwards undertook the same expedition, he was ready to sail towards 
 Peru, when he received an unexpected message from Pedrarias.* As his 
 reconciliation with Balboa had never been cordial, the progress which his 
 soB-in-law was making revived his ancient enmity, and added to its rancour. 
 He dreaded the prosperity and elevation of a man whom he had injured 
 so deeply. He suspected that success would encourage him to aim at inde 
 pendence upon his jurisdiction ; and so violently did the passions of hatred, 
 fear, and jealousy operate upon his mind, that, in order to gratify his 
 vengeance, he scrupled not to defeat an enterprise of the greatest moment 
 to his country. Under pretexts which were false, but plausible, he desired 
 Balboa to postpone his voyage for a short time, and to repair to Acla, in 
 order that he might have an interview with him. Balboa, with the unsus 
 picious confidence of a man conscious of no crime, instantly obeyed the 
 summons ; but as soon as he entered the place, he was arrested by order of 
 Pedrarias, whose impatience to satiate his revenge did not suffer him to 
 languish long in confinement. Judges were immediately appointed to pro 
 ceed to his trial. An accusation of disloyalty to the king, and of an intention 
 to revolt against the governor was preferred against him. Sentence of death 
 was pronounced ; and though the judges who passed it, seconded by the 
 whole colony, interceded warmly for his pardon, Pedrarias continued inex 
 orable ; and the Spaniards beheld, with astonishment and sorrow, the public 
 execution of a man whom they universally deemed more capable than any 
 one who had borne command in America, of forming and accomplishing 
 great designs.! Upon his death, the expedition which he had planned was 
 relinquished. Pedrarias, notwithstanding the violence and injustice of his 
 proceedings, was not only screened from punishment by the powerful patron 
 age of the Bishop of Burgos and other courtiers, but continued in power. 
 Soon after he obtained permission to remove the colony from its unwhole 
 some station of Santa Maria to Panama, on the opposite side of the isthmus ; 
 and though it did not gain much in point of healthfulness by the change, 
 the commodious situation of this new settlement contributed greatly to 
 facilitate the subsequent conquests of the Spaniards in the extensive countries 
 situated upon the Southern Ocean.| 
 
 During these transactions in Darien [1515], the history of which it was 
 proper to carry on in an uninterrupted tenour, several important events 
 occurred with respect to the discovery, the conquest, and government of 
 other provinces in the New World. Ferdinand was so intent upon opening 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 2. lib. i. c. 3. lib. ii. c. 11. 13. 21. t Ibid. dec. 2. lib. ii. c. 21. 22. J Ibid. lib. 
 IT. 0.1. 
 
108 HISTORY OF [Booic III. 
 
 a communication with the Molucca or Spice Islands by the west, that in the 
 year one thousand five hundred and fifteen he fitted out two ships at his own 
 expense, in order to attempt such a, voyage, and gave the command of them 
 to Juan Diaz de Solis, wbo was deemed one of the most skilful navigators 
 in Spain. He stood along the coast of South America, and on the first of 
 January, one thousand five hundred and sixteen, entered a river which he 
 called Janeiro, where an extensive commerce is now carried on. From 
 thence he proceeded to a spacious bay, which he supposed to be the entrance 
 into a strait that communicated with the Indian Ocean ; but, upon advancing 
 further, he found it to be the mouth of Rio de , Plata, one of the vast rivers 
 by which the southern continent .of America is watered. In endeavouring 
 to make a descent in 'this country, De Solis and several of his crew were 
 slain by the natives, who, in sight of the ships, cut their bodies in pieces, 
 roasted and devoured them. Discouraged with the loss of their commander, 
 and terrified at this shocking spectacle, the surviving Spaniards set sail for 
 Europe, without aiming at any further discovery.* Though this attempt 
 proved abortive, it was not without benefit. It turned the attention of 
 ingenious men to this course of navigation, and prepared the way for a more 
 fortunate voyage, by which, a few years posterior to this period, the great 
 design that Ferdinand had in view was accomplished. 
 
 Though the Spaniards were thus actively employed in extending their 
 discoveries and settlements in America, they still .considered Hispaniola as 
 their principal colony, and the seat of government. Don Diego Columbus 
 wanted neither inclination nor abilities to have rendered the members of this 
 colony, who were most immediately under his jurisdiction, prosperous and 
 happy. But he was circumscribed in all his operations by the suspicious 
 policy of Ferdinand, who on every occasion, and under pretexts the most 
 frivolous, retrenched his privileges, and encouraged the treasurer, the judges, 
 and other subordinate officers to counteract his measures, and to dispute his 
 authority. The most valuable prerogative which the governor possessed 
 was that of distributing Indians among the Spaniards settled in. the island. 
 The rigorous servitude of those unhappy men having been but little mitigated 
 by all the regulations in their favour, the power of parcelling out such 
 necessary instruments of labour at pleasure, secured to the governor great 
 influence in the colony. In order to strip him of this, Ferdinand created 
 a new office, with the power of distributing the Indians, and bestowed it 
 upon Rodrigo Albuquerque, a relation of Zapata, his confidential minister. 
 Mortified with the injustice as well as indignity of this invasion upon his 
 rights, in a point so essential, Don Diego could no longer remain in a place 
 where his power and consequence were almost annihilated. He repaired 
 to Spain with the vain hopes of obtaining redress.j Albuquerque entered 
 upon his office with all the rapacity of an indigent adventurer impatient to 
 amass wealth. He began with taking the exact number of Indians in the 
 island, and found that from sixty thousand, who in the year one thousand 
 five hundred and eight survived after all their sufferings, they were now 
 reduced to fourteen thousand. These he threw into separate divisions or 
 lots, and bestowed them upon such as were willing to purchase them at the 
 highest price. By this arbitrary distribution several of the natives were 
 removed from their original habitations, many were taken from their ancient 
 masters, and all of them subjected to heavier burdens, and to more intolerable 
 labour, in order to reimburse their new proprietors. Those additional 
 calamities completed the misery, and hastened on the extinction of this 
 wretched and innocent race of men. j 
 
 The violence of these proceedings, together with the fatal consequences 
 which attended them, not only excited complaints among such as thought 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 2. lib. i. c. 7. P. Martyr, dec. p. 317. t Ibid. dec. 1. lib. ix. c. 5. lib. x. c. 12. 
 } Ibid. dec. 1. lib. x. c. 12. 
 
AMERICA. 109 
 
 themselves aggrieved, but touched the hearts of all who retained any 
 sentiments of humanity. From the time that ecclesiastics ,were sent as 
 instructors into America, they perceived that the rigour with which their 
 countrymen treated the natives, rendered their ministry altogether fruitless. 
 The missionaries, in conformity to the mild spirit of that religion which 
 they were employed to publish, early remonstrated against the maxims of 
 the planters with respect to the Americans, and condemned the repartimi- 
 entos, or distributions, by which they were given up as slaves to their 
 conquerors, as no less contrary to natural justice and the precepts of 
 Christianity than to sound policy. The Dominicans, to whom the instruction 
 of the Americans was originally committed, were most vehement in testi 
 fying against the repartimientos. In the year one thousand five hundred 
 and eleven, Montesino,one of their most eminent preachers, inveighed against 
 this practice, in the great church of St. Domingo, with all the impetuosity 
 of popular eloquence. Don Diego Columbus, the principal officers of the 
 colony, and all the laymen who had been his hearers, complained of the 
 monk to his superiors ; but they, instead of condemning, applauded his 
 doctrine as equally pious and seasonable. The Franciscans, influenced by 
 the spirit of opposition and rivalship which subsists between the two orders, 
 discovered some inclination to take part with the laity, and to espouse the 
 defence of the repartimientos. But as they could not with decency give 
 their avowed approbation to a system of oppression so repugnant to the 
 spirit of religion, they endeavoured to palliate what they could not justify, 
 and alleged, in excuse for the conduct of their countrymen, that it was 
 impossible to carry on any improvement in the colony, unless the Spaniards 
 possessed such dominion over the natives that they could compel them to 
 
 T 1 k. 
 
 labour.* 
 
 The Dominicans, regardless of such political and interested considerations, 
 would not relax in any degree the rigour of their sentiments, and even 
 refused to absolve, or admit to the sacrament, such of their countrymen as 
 continued to hold the natives in servitude.! Both parties applied to the 
 king for his decision in a matter of such importance. Ferdinand empowered 
 a committee of his privy council, assisted by pome of the most eminent 
 civilians and divines in Spain, to hear the deputies sent from Hispaniola in 
 support of their respective opinions. , After a long discussion, the speculative 
 point in controversy was determined in favour of the Dominicans, the 
 Indians were declared to be a free people entitled to all the natural rights 
 of men ; but notwithstanding this decision, the repartimientos were continued 
 upon their ancient footing.]; As this determination admitted the principle 
 upon which the Dominicans founded their opinion, they renewed their efforts 
 to obtain relief for the Indians with additional boldness and zeal. At 
 length, in order to quiet the colony, which was alarmed by their remon 
 strances and censures, Ferdinand issued a decree of his privy council [1513], 
 declaring, that after mature consideration of the Apostolic Bull, and other 
 titles by which the crown of Castile claimed a right to its possessions in the 
 New World, the servitude of the Indians was warranted both by the laws 
 of God and of man ; that unless they were subjected to the dominion of 
 the Spaniards, and compelled to reside under their inspection, it would be 
 impossible to reclaim them from idolatry, or to instruct them in the principles 
 of the Christian faith ; that no further scruple oueht to be entertained con 
 cerning the lawfulness of the repartimientos, as the king and council were 
 willing to take the charge of that upon their own consciences ; and that 
 therefore the Dominicans and monks of other religious orders should abstain 
 for the future from those invectives which, from an excess of charitable but 
 ill-informed zeal, they had uttered against that practice. 
 
 That his intention of adhering to this decree might be fully understood, 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 1 lib. viii. c. 11. Oviedo, lib. iii. c. 6. p. 97. t Oviedo, lib. iii. c. 6. p. 97. 
 
 J Herrera, dec. 1. lib viii. c. 12. lib ix. c. 5. Ibid. dec. 1. lib. ix. c. 14. 
 
110 HISTORY OF [BooK 111. 
 
 Ferdinand conferred new grants of Indians upon several of his courtiers [25]. 
 But, in order that he might not seem altogether inattentive to the rights of 
 humanity, he published an edict, in which he endeavoured to provide for 
 the mila treatment of the Indians under the yoke to which he subjected 
 them ; he regulated the nature of the work which they should be required 
 to perform ; he prescribed the mode in which they should be clothed and 
 fed, and gave directions with respect to their instructions in the principles of 
 Christianity.* 
 
 But the Dominicans, who from their experience of what was past judged 
 concerning the future, soon perceived the inefficacy of those provisions, and 
 foretold, that as long as it was the interest of individuals to treat the Indians 
 with rigoui;, no public regulations could render their servitude mild or 
 tolerable. They considered it as vain, to waste their own time and strength 
 in attempting to communicate the sublime truths of religion to men whose 
 spirits were broken and their faculties impaired by oppression. Some ol 
 them in despair, requested the permission of their superiors to remove to 
 the continent, and to pursue the object of their mission among such of the 
 natives as were not hitherto corrupted by the example of the Spaniards, or 
 alienated by their cruelty from the Christian faith. Such as remained in 
 Hispaniola continued to remonstrate, with decent firmness, against the ser 
 vitude of the Indians.f 
 
 The violent operations of Albuquerque, the new distributor of Indians, 
 revived the zeal of the Dominicans against the repartimientos, and called 
 forth an advocate for that oppressed people, who possessed all the courage, 
 the talents, and activity requisite in supporting such a desperate cause. 
 This was Bartholomew de las Casas, a native of Seville, and one of the 
 clergymen sent out with Columbus in his second voyage to Hispaniola, in 
 order to settle in that island. He early adopted the opinion prevalent 
 among ecclesiastics, with respect to the unlawfulness of reducing the 
 natives to servitude ; and that he might demonstrate the sincerity of his 
 conviction, he relinquished all the Indians who had fallen to his own share 
 in the division of the inhabitants among their conquerors, declaring that he 
 should ever bewail his own misfortune and guilt, in having exercised for a 
 moment this impious dominion over his fellow-creatures.J From that time 
 he became the avowed patron of the Indians ; and by his bold interpositions 
 in their behalf, as well as by the respect due to his abilities and character, 
 he had often the merit of setting some bounds to the excesses of his coun 
 trymen. He did not fail to remonstrate warmly against the^ proceedings 
 of Albuquerque ; and though he soon found that attention to his own 
 interest rendered this rapacious officer deaf to admonition, he did not aban 
 don the wretched people whose cause he had espoused. He instantly 
 set out for Spain, with the most sanguine hopes of opening the eyes and 
 softening the heart of Ferdinand, by that striking picture of the oppression 
 of his new subjects which he would exhibit to his view. 
 
 He easily obtained admittance to the King, whom he tound in a declining 
 state of health. With much freedom, and no less eloquence, he repre 
 sented to him all the fatal effects of the repartimientos in the New World, 
 boldly charging him with the guilt of having authorized this impious 
 measure, which had brought misery and destruction upon a numerous and 
 innocent race of men, whom Providence had placed under his protection. 
 Ferdinand, whose mind as well as body was much enfeebled by his dis 
 temper, was greatly alarmed at this charge of impiety, which at another 
 juncture he would have despised. He listened with deep compunction to 
 the discourse of Las Casas, and promised to take into serious consideration 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 1. lib. ix. c. 14. f Id. ibid. Touron. Hisloire G<*n6rale de I' Antique, torn, i 
 
 p. 252. * Fr. Aug. Davila Padilla Hist, de la Fundacion de la Provincia de St. Jago de Mexico, 
 p 303, 304. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. x. c. 12. $ Herrera, dec. 1. lib. x. c. 12. Dec. 2. lib. i. c. 1L, 
 
 Davila Padilla Hist. p. 304. 
 
AMERICA. ill 
 
 the means of redressing the evil of which he complained. But death pre 
 vented him from executing his resolution. Charles of Austria, to whom all 
 his crowns devolved, resided at that time in his paternal dominions in the 
 Low Countries. Las Casas, with his usual ardour, prepared immediately 
 to set out for Flanders, in order to occupy the ear of the young monarch, 
 when Cardinal Ximenes, who, as regent, assumed the reins of government 
 in Castile, commanded him to desist from the journey, and engaged to hear 
 his complaints in person. 
 
 He accordingly weighed the matter with attention equal to its importance ; 
 and as his impetuous mind delighted in schemes bold and uncommon, he soon 
 fixed upon a plan which astonished the ministers trained up under the formal 
 and cautious administration of Ferdinand. Without regarding either the rights 
 of Don Diego Columbus, or the regulations established by the late King, he 
 resolved to send three persons to America as superintendents of all the colonies 
 there, with authority, after examining all circumstances on the spot, to decide 
 finally with respect to the point in question. It was a matter of delibera 
 tion and delicacy to choose men qualified for such an important station. 
 As alMhe laymen settled in America, or who had been consulted in the 
 administration of that department, had given their opinion that the Spaniards 
 couid not keep possession of their new settlements, unless they were allowed 
 to retain their dominion over the Indians, he saw that he could not rely on 
 their impartiality, and determined to commit the trust to ecclesiastics. As 
 the Dominicans and Franciscans had already espoused opposite sides in the 
 controversy, he, from the same principle of impartiality, excluded both these 
 fraternities from the commission. He confined his choice to the monks of 
 St. Jerome, a small but respectable order in Spain. With the assistance of 
 their general, and in concert with Las Casas, he soon pitched upon three 
 persons whom he deemed equal to the charge. To them he joined Zuazo, 
 a private lawyer of distinguished probity, with unbounded power to regu 
 late all judicial proceedings in the colonies. Las Casas was appointed to 
 accompany them, with the title of protector of the Indians.* 
 
 To vest such extraordinary powers, as might at once overturn the system 
 of government established in the New World, in four persons, who, from 
 their humble condition in life, were little entitled to possess this high autho 
 rity, appeared to Zapata, and other ministers of the late king, a measure so 
 wild and dangerous, that they refused to issue the despatches necessary for 
 carrying it into execution. But Ximenes was not of a temper patiently to 
 brook opposition to any of his schemes. He sent for the refractory minis 
 ters, and addressed them in such a tone that in the utmost consternation they 
 obeyed his orders.f The superintendents, with their associate Zuazo and 
 Las Casas, sailed for St. Domingo. Upon their arrival, the first act of their 
 authority was to set at liberty all the Indians who had been granted to the 
 Spanish courtiers, or to any person not residing in America. This, together 
 with the information which had been received from Spam concerning the 
 object of the commission, spread a general alarm. The colonists concluded 
 that they were to be deprived at once of the hands with which they 
 carried on their labour, and that, of consequence, ruin was unavoidable. 
 But the fathers of St. Jerome proceeded with such caution and prudence as 
 soon dissipated all their fears. They discovered, in every step of their 
 conduct, a knowledge of the world, ana of affairs, which is seldom acquired 
 in a cloister ; and displayed a moderation as well as gentleness still more 
 rare among persons trained up in the solitude and austerity of a monastic 
 life. Their ears were open to information from every quarter ; they com 
 pared the different accounts which they received ; and, after a mature 
 consideration of the whole, they were fully satisfied that the state of the 
 colony* rendered it impossible to adopt the plan proposed by Las Casas,. 
 
 * Herrera> dec. 2. lib. ii. c. 3. t Ibid. dec. 2. lib. ii. c. . 
 
112 HISTORY OF {BOOK III. 
 
 and recommended by the Cardinal. They plainly perceived thai the Spaniards 
 settled in America were so few in number, that they could neither work the 
 
 b 
 
 the 
 
 mines which had been opened, nor cultivate the country; that they depended 
 for effecting both upon the labour of the natives, and, if deprived of it, they 
 must instantly relinquish their conquests, or give up all the advantages which 
 they derived from them ; that no allurement was so powerful as to surmount 
 the natural aversion of the Indiaas to any laborious effort, and that nothing 
 but the authority of a master could compel them to work ; and if they were 
 not kepf constantly under the eye and discipline of a superior, so great was 
 their natural listlessness and ^difference, that they would neither attend to 
 religious instruction, nor observe those rites of Christianity which they had 
 been already taught. Upon all those accounts, the superintendents found 
 it necessary to tolerate the repartimientos, and to suffer the Indians to remain 
 under subjection to their Spanish masters." They used their utmost endea 
 vours, however, to prevent the fatal effects of this establishment, and to 
 secure to the Indians the consolation of the best treatment compatible with 
 a state of servitude. For this purpose, they revived former regulations, 
 they prescribed new ones, they neglected no circumstance that tended to 
 mitigate the rigour of the yoke ; and by their authority, their example, and 
 their exhortations, they laboured to inspire their countrymen with sentiments 
 of equity and gentleness towards the unhappy people upon whose industry 
 they depended. Zuazo, in his department, seconded the endeavours of the 
 superintendents. He reformed the courts of justice in such a manner as to 
 render their decisions equitable as well as expeditious, and introduced 
 various regulations which greatly improved the interior policy of the colony. 
 The satisfaction which his conduct and that of the superintendents gave 
 was now universal among the Spaniards settled in the New World ; and all 
 admired the boldness of Ximenes in having departed from the ordinary 
 path of business in forming his plan, as well as his sagacity in pitching upon 
 persons whose wisdom, moderation, and disinterestedness rendered them 
 worthy of this high trust.* 
 
 Las Casas alone was dissatisfied. The prudential consideration which 
 influenced the superintendents made no impression upon him. He regarded 
 their idea of accommodating their conduct to the state of the colony, as the 
 maxim of an unhallowed timid policy, which tolerated what was unjust 
 because it was beneficial. He contended that the Indians were by nature 
 free, and, as their protector, he required the superintendents not to bereave 
 them of the common privilege of humanity. They received his most virulent 
 remonstrances without emotion, but adhered firmly to their own system. 
 The Spanish planters did not bear with him so patiently, and were ready 
 to tear him in pieces for insisting in a requisition so odious to them. Las 
 Casas, in order to screen himself from their rage, found it necessary to take 
 shelter in a convent ; and perceiving that all his efforts in America were 
 fruitless, he soon set out for Europe, with a fixed resolution not to abandon 
 the protection of a people whom he deemed to be cruelly oppressed.! 
 
 Had Ximenes retained that vigour of mind with which he usually applied 
 to business, Las Casas must have met with no very gracious reception upon 
 his return to Spain. But he found the Cardinal languishing under a mortal 
 distemper, and preparing to resign his authority to the young king, who was 
 daily expected from the Low Countries. Charles arrived, took possession 
 of the government, and, by the death of Ximenes, lost a minister whose 
 abilities and integrity entitled him to direct his affairs. Many of the Flemish 
 nobility had accompanied their sovereign to Spain. From that warm pre 
 dilection to his countrymen, which was natural at his age, he consulted them 
 with respect to all the transactions in his new kingdom ; and they, with 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 2. lib. ii. c. 15. Remesal, Hiat. Gener. lib. ii. c. 14, 15,' 16. t Ibid. dec. 2. lib, 
 li. c. 16. 
 
AMERICA. 113 
 
 an indiscreet eagerness, intruded themselves into every business, and seized 
 almost every department of administration.* The direction of American 
 affairs was an object too alluring to escape their attention. Las Casas 
 observed their growing influence ; and though projectors are usually too 
 sanguine to conduct their schemes with much dexterity, he possessed a 
 bustling, indefatigable activity, which sometimes accomplishes its purposes 
 with greater success than the most exquisite discernment and address. He 
 courted the Flemish ministers with assiduity. He represented to them the 
 absurdity of all the maxims hitherto adopted with respect to the govern 
 ment of America, particularly during the administration of Ferdinand, and 
 pointed out the defects of those arrangements which Ximenes had in^ 
 troduced. The memory of Ferdinand was odious to the Flemings. The 
 superior virtues and abilities of Ximenes had long been the object of their 
 envy. They fondly wished to have a plausible pretext for condemning the 
 measures both of the monarch and of the minister, and of reflecting some 
 discredit on their political wisdom. The friends of Don Diego Columbus, 
 as well as the Spanish courtiers who had been dissatisfied with the Cardi 
 nal's administration, joined Las Casas in censuring the scheme of sending 
 superintendents to America. This union of so many interests and passions 
 was irresistible ; and in consequence of it the fathers of St. Jerome, together 
 with their associate Zuazo, were recalled. Roderigo de Figueroa* a 
 lawyer of some eminence, was appointed chief judge of the island, and 
 received instructions, in compliance with the request of Las Casas, to 
 examine once more, with the utmost attention, the point in controversy 
 between him and the people of the colony, with respect to the treatment 
 of the natives ; and in the mean time to do every thing in his power to 
 alleviate their sufferings, and prevent the extinction of the race.j 
 
 This was all that the zeal of Las Casas could procure at that juncture in 
 favour of the Indians. The impossibility of carrying on any improvements 
 in America, unless the Spanish planters could command the labour of the 
 natives, was an insuperable objection to his plan of treating them as free 
 subjects. In order to provide some remedy for this, without which he 
 found it was in vain to mention his scheme, Las Casas proposed to purchase 
 a sufficient number of negroes from the Portuguese settlements on the coast 
 of Africa, and to transport them to America, in order that they might be 
 employed as slaves in working the rnines and cultivating the ground. One 
 of the first advantages which the Portuguese had derived from their disco 
 veries in Africa arose from the trade in slaves. Various circumstances 
 concurred in reviving this odious commerce, which had been long abolished 
 in Europe, and which is no less repugnant to the feelings of humanity than 
 to the principles of religion. As early as the year one thousand five hundred 
 and three, a few negro slaves had been sent into the New World. J In the 
 year one thousand five hundred and eleven, Ferdinand permitted the impor 
 tation of them in greater numbers.^ They were found to be a more robust 
 and hardy race than the natives of America. They were more capable of 
 enduring fatigue, more patient under servitude, and the labour of one negro 
 was computed to be equal to that of four Indians.)! Cardinal Ximenes, 
 however, when solicited to encourage this commerce, peremptorily rejected 
 the proposition, because he perceived the iniquity of reducing one race of 
 men to slavery, while he was consulting about the means of restoring liberty 
 to another.lF But Las Casas, from the inconsistency natural to men who 
 hurry with headlong impetuosity towards a favourite point, was incapable 
 of making this distinction. While he contended earnestly for the liberty of 
 the people born in one quarter of the globe, he laboured to enslave the 
 
 * History of Charles V. f Herrera. dec. 2. lib. ii. c. 16. 19. 21. lib. iii. c. 7, 8. 
 
 I Ibid. dec. 1. lib. v. c. 12. $ Ibid. lib. vili. c. 9. |j Ibid. lib. ix. c. 5. 1T Ibid. dec.*, lib, 
 ii c. 8. 
 
 VOL. L 15 7 
 
114 HISTORY OF [BOOK HI. 
 
 inhabitants of anqther region ; and in the warmth of his zeal to save the 
 Americans from the yoke, pronounced it to be lawful and expedient to impose 
 one still heavier upon the Africans. Unfortunately for the latter, Las Casas's 
 plan was adopted. Charles granted a patent to one of his Flemish favour 
 ites, containing an exclusive right of importing four thousand negroes into 
 America. The favourite sold his patent to some Genoese merchants for 
 twenty-five thousand ducats, and they were the first who brought into a 
 regular form that commerce for slaves between Africa and America, which 
 has since been carried on to such an amazing extent.* 
 
 But the Genoese merchants [1518], conducting their operations, at first, 
 with the rapacity of monopolists, demanded such a high price for negroes, 
 that the number imported into Hispaniola made no great change upon the 
 state of the colony. Las Casas, whose zeal was no less inventive than inde 
 fatigable, had recourse to another expedient for the relief of the Indians 
 He observed, that most of the persons who had settled hitherto in America, 
 were sailors and soldiers employed in the discovery or conquest of the 
 country ; the younger sons of noble families, allured by the prospect of 
 acquiring sudden wealth ; or desperate adventurers, whom their indigence 
 or crimes forced to abandon their native land. Instead of such men, who 
 were dissolute, rapacious, and incapable of that sober persevering industry 
 which is requisite in forming new colonies, he proposed to supply the set 
 tlements in Hispaniola and other parts of the New World with a sufficient 
 number of labourers and husbandmen, who should be allured by suitable 
 premiums to remove thither. These, as they were accustomed to fatigue, 
 would be able to perform the work to which the Indians, from the feebleness 
 of their constitution, were unequal, and might soon become useful and 
 opulent citizens. But though Hispaniola stood much in need of a recruit 
 01 inhabitants, having been visited at this time with the small-pox, which 
 swept off almost all the natives who had survived their long continued op 
 pression; and though Las Casas had the countenance of the Flemish 
 ministers, this scheme was defeated by the bishop of Burgos, who thwarted 
 all his projects.! 
 
 Las Casas now despaired of procuring any relief for the Indians in those 
 places where the Spaniards were already settled. The evil was become 
 so inveterate there as not to admit of a cure. But such discoveries were 
 daily making in the continent as gave a high idea both of its extent and 
 populousness. In all those vast regions there was but one feeble colony- 
 planted ; and except a small spot on the isthmus of Darien, the natives still 
 occupied the whole country. This opened a new and more ample field for 
 the humanity and zeal of Las Casas, who flattered himself that he might 
 
 Erevent a pernicious system from being introduced there, though he had 
 liled of success in his attempts to overturn it where it was already esta 
 blished. Full of this idea, he applied for a grant of the unoccupied country 
 stretching along the seacoast from the Gulf of Paria to the western frontier 
 of that province now known by the name of Santa Martha. He proposed 
 to settle there with a colony composed of husbandmen, labourers, and 
 ecclesiastics. He engaged in the space of two years to civilize ten thousand 
 af the natives, and to instruct them so thoroughly in the arts of social life, 
 that from the fruits of their industry an annual revenue of fifteen thousand 
 ducats should arise to the king. In ten years he expected that his improve 
 ments would be so far advanced as to yield annually sixty thousand ducats* 
 He stipulated, that no soldier or sailor should ever be permitted to settle 
 in this district ; and that no Spaniard whatever should enter it without his 
 permission. He even projected to clothe the people whom he took along 
 with him in some distinguishing garb, which did not resemble the Spanish 
 dress, that they might appear to the natives to be a different race of mer> 
 
 * Herrera dec. 1. lil*. ii. c. 90* t n>l- dec. 2. lib. ii. c. 21. 
 
AMERICA. 115 
 
 from those who had brought so many calamities upon their country.* From 
 this scheme, of which I have traced, only the great lines, it is manifest that 
 Las Casas had formed ideas concerning the method of treating the Indians, 
 similar to those by which the Jesuits afterwards carried on their great 
 operations in another part of the same continent. He supposed that the 
 Europeans, by availing themselves of that aspendarrt which they possessed 
 in consequence of their superior progress in science and improvement, might 
 gradually form the minds of the Americans to relish those comforts of which 
 the/ were destitute, might train them to the arts of civil life, and render them 
 capable of its functions. 
 
 But to the bishop of Burgos, and the council of the Indies, this project, 
 appeared not only chimerical, but dangerous in a high degree. They deemed 
 the faculties of the Americans to be naturally so limited, and their indolence 
 so excessive, that every attempt to instruct or to improve them would be 
 fruitless. They contended, that it would be extremely imprudent to give 
 the command of a country extending above a thousand miles along the coast 
 to a fanciful presumptuous enthusiast, a stranger to the affairs of the worldy 
 and unacquainted with the arts of government. Las Casas, far from being 
 discouraged with a repulse, which he had reason to expect, had recourse 
 once more to the Flemish favourites, who zealously patronized his scheme 
 merely because it had been rejected by the Spanish ministers. They pre 
 vailed with their master, who had lately been raised to the Imperial 
 dignity, to refer the consideration of this measure to a select number of his 
 privy counsellors ; and Las Casas having excepted against the members ot 
 the council of the Indies, as partial and interested, they were all excluded. 
 The decision of men chosen by recommendation of the Flemings was 
 perfectly conformable to their sentiments. They warmly approved of Las 
 Casas's plan, and gave orders for carrying it into execution, but restricted 
 the territory allotted him to three hundred miles along the coast of Cumana j 
 allowing him, however, to extend it as far as he pleased towards the interior 
 part of the country.t 
 
 This determination did not pass uncensured. Almost every person who 
 had been in the West Indies exclaimed against it, and supported their 
 opinion so confidently, and with such plausible reasons, as made it advisable 
 to pause and to review the subject more deliberately. Charles himself, 
 though accustomed, at this early period of his life, to adopt the sentiments 
 of his ministers with such submissive deference as did not promise thai- 
 decisive vigour of mind which distinguished his riper years, could not help 
 suspecting that the eagerness with which the Flemings took part in every 
 affair relating to America flowed from some improper motive, and began to 
 discover an inclination to examine in person into the state of the question 
 concerning the character of the Americans, and the proper manner oi 
 treating them. An opportunity of making this inquiry with great advantage 
 soon occurred [June 20]. Quevedo, the bishop of Darien, who had accom 
 panied Pedrarias to the continent in the year one thousand five hundred 
 and thirteen, happened to land at Barcelona, where the couft then resided. 
 It was quickly known that his sentiments concerning the talents and dis-* 
 position of the Indians differed from those of Las Casas : and Charles 
 naturally concluded that by confronting two respectable persons, who, 
 during their residence in America, had full leisure to observe the manners 
 of the people whom they pretended to describe, he might be able to 
 discover which of them had formed his opinion with the greatest discern 
 ment and accuracy. 
 
 A day for this solemn audience was appointed. The emperor appeared 
 with extraordinary pomp, and took his seat on a throne in the great hall of 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 2. lib. iv. c. 2. f Goraara Hist. Gener. c. 77. Herrera. dec. 2. lib. iv C. 3. 
 
 Oviedo, lib. xix. c. 5. 
 
116 HISTORY OF [Boon III. 
 
 the palace. His principal courtiers attended. Don Diego Columbus, 
 admiral of the Indies, was summoned to be present. The bishop of Darien 
 was called upon first to deliver his opinion. He, in a short discourse, 
 lamented the fatal desolation of America by the extinction of so many of 
 Jts inhabitants; he acknowledged that this must be imputed, in some 
 degree, to the extensive rigour and inconsiderate proceedings of the 
 Spaniards ; but declared that all the people of the New World whom he 
 had seen, either in the continent or in the islands, appeared to him to be a 
 race of men marked out, by the inferiority of their talents, for servitude, 
 and whom it would be impossible to instruct or improve, unless they were 
 kept under the continual inspection of a master. Las Casas, at greater 
 length and with more fervour, defended his own system. He rejected with 
 indignation the idea that any race of men was born to servitude as irreligious 
 and inhuman. He asserted that the faculties of the Americans were not 
 naturally despicable, but unimproved ; that they were capable of receiving 
 instruction in the principles of religion, as well as of acquiring the industry 
 and arts which would qualify them for the various offices of social life ; 
 that the mildness and timidity of their nature rendered them so submissive 
 and docile, that they might be led and formed with a gentle hand. He 
 professed that his intentions in proposing the scheme now under considera 
 tipn were pure and disinterested ; and though from the accomplishment of 
 his designs inestimable benefits would result to the crown 01 Castile, he 
 never had claimed, nor ever would receive, any recompense on that 
 account. 
 
 Charles, after hearing both, and consulting with his ministers, did not 
 think himself sufficiently informed to establish any general arrangement 
 with respect to the state of the Indians ; but as he had perfect confidence in 
 the integrity of Las Casas, and as even the bishop of Darien admitted his 
 scheme to be of such importance that a trial should be made of its effects, 
 he issued a patent [1522], granting him the district of Cumana formerly 
 mentioned, with full power to establish a colony there according to his 
 own plan.* 
 
 Las Casas pushed on the preparations for his voyage with his usual 
 ardour. But, either from his own inexperience in the conduct of affairs, 
 or from the secret opposition of the Spanish nobility, who universally 
 dreaded the success of an institution that might rob them of the industrious 
 and useful hands which cultivated their estates, his progress in engaging 
 husbandmen and labourers was extremely slow, and he could not prevail 
 on more than two hundred to accompany him to Cumana. 
 
 Nothing, however, could damp his zeal. With this slender train, hardly 
 sufficient to take possession of such a large territory, and altogether unequal 
 to any effectual attempt towards civilizing its inhabitants, he set sail. The 
 first place at which he touched was the island of Puerto Rico. There he 
 received an account of a new obstacle to the execution of his scheme, 
 more insuperable than any he had hitherto encountered. When he left 
 America, in the year one thousand five hundred and sixteen, the Spaniards 
 had little intercourse with any part of the continent except the countries 
 adjacent to the Gulf of Darien. But as every species of internal industry 
 began to stagnate in Hispaniola, when, by the rapid decrease of the natives, 
 the Spaniards were deprived of those hands with which they had hitherto 
 carried on their operations, this prompted them to try various expedients 
 for supplying that loss. Considerable numbers of negroes were imported ; 
 but, on account of their exorbitant price, many of the planters could not 
 afford to purchase them. In order to procure slaves at an easier rate, some 
 of the Spaniards in Hispaniola fitted out vessels to cruise along the coast 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 2. lib. iv. c. 3, 4, 5. Argensola Annales d'Aragon, 74. 97. Remisal Hist. Gcner. 
 lib. ii, e. 19, 20; 
 
AMERICA. 117 
 
 ol the continent. In places where they found themselves inferior in strength, 
 they traded with the natives, and gave European toys in exchange for the 
 plates of gold worn by them as ornaments ; but, wherever they could 
 surprise or overpower the Indians, they carried them off by force, and sold 
 them as slaves.* In those predatory excursions such atrocious acts of 
 violence and cruelty had been committed, that the Spanish name was 
 held in detestation all over the continent. Whenever any ships appeared, 
 the inhabitants either fled to the woods, or rushed down to the shore in arms 
 to repel those hated disturbers of their tranquillity. They forced some 
 parties of the Spaniards to retreat with precipitation ; they cut off others ; 
 and in the violence of their resentment against the whole nation, they 
 murdered two Dominican missionaries, whose zeal had prompted them to 
 settle in the province of Cumana.t This outrage against persons revered 
 for their sanctity excited such indignation among the people of Hispaniola, 
 who, notwithstanding all their licentious and cruel proceedings, were 
 possessed with a wonderful zeal for religion, and a superstitious respect 
 for its ministers, that they determined to inflict exemplary punishment, 
 not only upon the perpetrators of that crime, but upon the whole race. 
 With this view, they gave the command of five ships and three hundred 
 men to Diego Ocampo, with orders to lay waste the country of Cumana 
 with fire and sword, and to transport all the inhabitants as slaves to His 
 paniola. This armament Las Casas found at Puerto Rico, in its way to 
 the continent ; and as Ocampo refused to defer his voyage, he immediately 
 perceived that it would be impossible to attempt the execution of his 
 pacific plan in a country destined to be the seat 01 war and desolation.J 
 
 In order to provide against the effects of this unfortunate incident, he 
 set sail directly for St. Domingo [April 12], leaving his followers cantoned 
 out among the planters in Puerto Rico. From many concurring causes, 
 the reception which Las Casas met with in Hispaniola was very unfavour 
 able. In his negotiations for the relief of the Indians, he had censured 
 the conduct of his countrymen settled there with such honest severity as 
 rendered him universally odious to them. They considered their own 
 ruin as the inevitable consequence of his success. They were now elated 
 with hope of receiving a large recruit of slaves from Cumana, which must 
 be relinquished if Las Casas were assisted in settling his projected colony 
 there. Figueroa, in consequence of the instructions which he had received 
 in Spain, had made an experiment concerning the capacity of the Indians, 
 that was represented as decisive against the system of Las Casas. He 
 collected in Hispaniola a good number of the natives, and settled them 
 in two villages, leaving them at perfect liberty, and with the uncontrolled 
 direction of their own actions. But that people, accustomed to a mode 
 of life extremely different from that which takes place wherever civiliza 
 tion has made any considerable progress, were incapable of assuming 
 new habits at once. Dejected with their own misfortunes as well as those 
 of their country, they exerted so little industry in cultivating the ground, 
 appeared so devoid of solicitude or foresight in providing lor their own 
 wants, and were such strangers to arrangement in conducting their affairs, 
 that the Spaniards pronounced them incapable of being formed to live 
 like men in social life, and considered them as children, who should be 
 kept under the perpetual tutelage of persons superior to themselves in 
 wisdom and sagacity. 
 
 Notwithstanding all those circumstances, which alienated the persons 
 in Hispaniola to whom Las Casas applied from himself and from his 
 measures, he, by his activity and perseverance, by some concessions and 
 many threats, obtained at length a small body of troops to protect him 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 3. lib. ii. c. 3. f Oviedo, Hist. lib. xix. p. 3 J Herrera, dec. 2. lib. ix. 
 
 c. 8, 9. $ Ibid. dec. 2. lib. x c. 5. 
 
118 HISTORY OF [BOOK III. 
 
 and his colony at their first landing. But upon his return to Puerto Rico, 
 he found that the diseases of the climate had been fatal to several of his 
 people ; and that others having got employment in that island, refused to 
 tollow him. With the handful that remained, he set sail and landed in 
 Cumana. Ocampo had executed his commission in that province with 
 such barbarous rage, having massacred many of the inhabitants, sent others 
 in chains to Hispaniola, and forced the rest to fly for shelter to the woods, 
 that the people of a small colony, which he had planted at a place which 
 he named Toledo, were ready to perish for want in a desolated country. 
 There, however, Las Casas was obliged to fix his residence, though 
 desjerted both by the troops appointed to protect him, and by those under 
 the command of Ocampo, who foresaw and dreaded the calamities to 
 which he must he exposed in that wretched station. He made the best 
 provision in his power for the safety and subsistence of his followers , lut 
 as his utmost efforts availed little towards securing either the one or the 
 other, he returned to Hispaniola, in order to solicit more effectual aid for 
 the preservation of men who, from confidence in him, had ventured into 
 a post of so much danger. Soon after his departure, the natives, having 
 discovered the feeble and defenceless state of the Spaniards, assembled 
 secretly, attacked them with the fury natural to men exasperated by many 
 injuries, cut off a good number, and compelled the rest to fly in the utmost 
 consternation to the island of Cubagua. The small colony settled there 
 on account of the pearl fishery, catching the panic with which their coun 
 trymen had been seized, abandoned the island, and not a Spaniard remained 
 in any part of the continent, or adjacent islands, from the Gulf of Paria 
 to the borders of Darien. Astonished at such a succession of disasters, 
 Las Casas was ashamed to show his face after this fatal termination of all 
 his splendid schemes. He shut himself up in the convent of the Domini 
 cans at St. Domingo, and soon after assumed the habit of that order.* 
 
 Though the expulsion of the colony from Cumana happened in the year 
 one thousand five hundred and twenty-one, I have chosen to trace the progress 
 of Las Casas's negotiations from their first rise to their final issue without 
 interruption. His system was the object of long and attentive discussion ; and 
 though his efforts in b.ehalf of the oppressed Americans, partly from his own 
 rashness and imprudence, and partly from the malevolent opposition of his 
 adversaries, were not attended with that success which he promised with 
 too sanguine confidence, great praise is due to his humane activity, which 
 gave rise to various regulations that were of some benefit to that unhappy 
 people. I return now to the history of the Spanish discoveries as they 
 occur in the order of tjme.t 
 
 Diego Velasquez, who conquered Cuba in the year one thousand five 
 hundred and eleven, still retained the government of that island, as the 
 deputy of Don Diego Columbus, though he seldom acknowledged his supe 
 rior, and aimed at rendering his own authority altogether independent.} 
 Under his prudent administration, Cuba became one of the most flourish ing 
 of the Spanish settlements. The fame of this allured thither many persons 
 from the other colonies, in hopes of finding either some permanent establish 
 ment or some employment for their activity. As Cuba lay to the west of 
 all the islands occupied by the Spaniards, and as the ocean which stretches 
 beyond it towards that quarter had not hitherto been explored, these circum 
 stances naturally invited the inhabitants to attempt new discoveries. An 
 jexpedition for this purpose, in which activity and resolution might conduct 
 to sudden wealth, was more suited to the genius of the age than the patient 
 industry requisite in clearing ground and manufacturing sugar. Instigated 
 
 * Hen-era, dec. 2. lib. x. c. 5. dec. 3. lib. iJ. c. 3, 4, 5. Oviedo, Hist. lib. xix. c. 5. Gomara, c. 77. 
 Pavila Padilla, lib. i. ,c. 97. Remisal Hist. Gen. lib. xi. c, 22, 23, f Herrera, dec. 2, lib. x. c. 5. p. 
 329. i Ibid, lib. ii.c. 19. 
 
AMERICA. 119 
 
 by this spirit, several officers, who had served under Pedrarias in Darien, 
 entered into an association to undertake a voyage of discovery. They 
 persuaded Franscisco Hernandez Cordova, an opulent planter in Cuba, 
 and a man of distinguished courage, to join with them in the adventure, and 
 chose him to be their commander. Velasquez not only approved of the 
 design, but assisted in carrying it on. As the veterans from Darien were 
 extremely indigent, he and Cordova advanced money for purchasing three 
 small vessels, and furnished them with every thing requisite either for 
 traffic or for war. A hundred and ten men embarked on board of them, 
 and sailed from St. Jago de Cuba, on the eighth of February, one thou 
 sand five hundred and seventeen. By the advice of their chief pilot, 
 Antonio Alaminos, who had served under the first admiral Columbus, they 
 stood directly west, reiving on the opinion of that great navigator, who 
 uniformly maintained mat a westerly course would lead to the most 
 important discoveries. 
 
 On the twenty-first day after their departure from St. Jago, they saw land, 
 which proved to be Cape Catoche, the eastern point of that large peninsula 
 projecting from the continent of America, which still retains its original name 
 of Yucatan. As they approached the shore, five canoes came off full of 
 people decently clad in cotton garments ; an astonishing spectacle to the 
 Spaniards, who had found every other part of America possessed by naked 
 savages. Cordova endeavoured by small presents to gain the good will 
 of these people. They, though amazed at the strange objects now pre 
 sented for the first time to their view, invited the Spaniards to visit their 
 habitations, with an appearance of cordiality. They landed accordingly, 
 and as they advanced into the country, they observed with new wonder 
 some large houses built with stone. But they soon found that, if the 
 people of Yucatan had made progress in improvement beyond their coun 
 trymen, they were likewise more artful and warlike. For though the 
 cazique had. received Cordova with many tokens of friendship, he had 
 posted a considerable body of his subjects in ambush behind a thicket, 
 who, upon a signal given by him, rushed out and attacked the Spaniards 
 with great boldness, and some degree of martial order. At the first flight 
 of their arrows, fifteen of the Spaniards were wounded ; but the Indians 
 were struck with such terror by the sudden explosion of the fire arms, and 
 so surprised at the execution done by them, by the cross bows, and by the 
 other weapons of their new enemies, that they fled precipitately. Cordova 
 quitted a country where he had met with such a fierce reception, carrying 
 off two prisoners, together with the ornaments of a small temple which he 
 plundered in his retreat. 
 
 He continued his course towards the west, without losing sight of the coast, 
 and on the sixteenth day arrived at Campeachy. There the natives re 
 ceived them more hospitably; but the Spaniards were much surprised, that on 
 all the extensive coast along which they had sailed, and which they imagined 
 to be a large island, they had not observed any river [26]. As their water had 
 began to tail, they advanced, in hopes of finding a supply ; and at length 
 they discovered the mouth of a river at Potonchan, some leagues beyond 
 Campeachy. 
 
 Cordova landed all his troops, in order to protect the sailors while em 
 ployed in filling the casks ; but notwithstanding this precaution, the natives 
 rushed down upon them with such fury and in such numbers, that forty- 
 seven of the Spaniards were killed upon the spot, and one man only of tne 
 whole body escaped unhurt. Their commander, though wounded in 
 twelve different places, directed the retreat with presence of mind equal 
 to the courage with which he had led them on in the engagement, and 
 with much difficulty they regained their ships. After this fatal repulse, 
 nothing remained but to hasten back to Cuba with their shattered torces. 
 In their passage thither they suffered the most exquisite distress for want 
 
120 H I S T O R Y O F [BOOK III. 
 
 of water, that men, wounded and sickly, shut up in small vessels, and ex 
 posed to the heat of the torrid zone, can be supposed to endure. Some of 
 them, sinking under these calamities, died by the way ; Cordova, their 
 commander, expired soon after they landed in Cuba."* 
 
 Notwithstanding the disastrous conclusion of this expedition, it con 
 tributed rather to animate than to damp a spirit of enterprise among 
 the Spaniards. They had discovered an extensive country, situated 
 at no great distance from Cuba, fertile in appearance, ana possessed 
 by a people far superior in improvement to any hitherto known in Ame 
 rica. Though they had carried on little commercial intercourse with 
 the natives, they had brought off some ornaments of gold, not conside 
 rable in value, but of singular fabric. These circumstances, related 
 with the exaggeration natural to men desirous of heightening the merit 
 of their own exploits, were more than sufficient to excite romantic hopes 
 and expectations. Great numbers offered to engage in a new expedi 
 tion. Velasquez, solicitous to distinguish himself by some service so 
 meritorious as might entitle him to claim the government of Cuba in 
 dependent of the admiral, not only encouraged their ardour, but at his 
 own expense fitted out four ships for the voyage. Two hundred and 
 forty volunteers, among whom were several persons of rank and fortune, 
 embarked in this enterprise. The command of it was given to Juan de 
 Grijalva, a young man of known merit and courage, with instructions to 
 observe attentively the nature of the countries which he should discover, 
 to barter for gold, and, if circumstances were inviting, to settle a colony in 
 some proper station. He sailed from St. Jago de Cuba on the eighth of 
 April, one thousand five hundred and eighteen. The pilot, Alaminos, 
 held the same course as in the former voyage ; but the violence of the 
 currents carrying the ships to the south, the first land which they made 
 was the island of Cozumel, to the east of Yucatan. As all the inhabitants 
 fled to the woods and mountains at the approach of the Spaniards, they 
 made no long stay there, and without any remarkable occurrence they 
 reached Potonchan on the opposite side of the peninsula. The desire of 
 avenging their countrymen, who had been slain there, concurred with their 
 ideas of good policy, in prompting them to land, that they might chastise 
 the Indians of that district with such exemplary rigour as would strike 
 terror into all the people round them. But though they disembarked all 
 their troops, and carried ashore some field pieces, the Indians fought with 
 such courage, that the Spaniards gained the victory with difficulty, and 
 were confirmed in their opinion that the inhabitants of this country would 
 prove more formidable enemies than any they had met with in other parts of 
 America. From Potonchan they contmuecf their voyage towards the west, 
 keeping as near as possible to the shore, and casting anchor every evening 1 , 
 from dread of the dangerous accidents to which they might be exposed in 
 an unknown sea. During the day their eyes were turned continually 
 towards land, with a mixture of surprise ana wonder at the beauty of the 
 country, as well as the novelty of the objects which they beheld. Many 
 villages were scattered along the coast, in which they could distinguish 
 houses of stone that appeared white and lofty at a distance. In the warmth 
 of their admiration, they fancied these to be cities adorned with towers 
 and pinnacles ; and one of the soldiers happening to remark that this 
 country resembled Spain in appearance, Grijalva, with universal applause, 
 called it JVeTw Spain, the name which still distinguishes this extensive and 
 opulent province of the Spanish empire in America [27]. They landed 
 in a river which the natives called Tabasco [June 9] ; and the fame of their 
 
 * Herrera, doc. 3. lib. ii. c. 17, 18. Hist. Verdadera de la Conqoista de la Nueva Espana poi 
 Bernal Diaz del Coslillo, cap. 17. Oviedo, lib. xvii. c. 3. Gomara, cj 52. P. Martyr de Insulia 
 nupcr inventis, p. 29. 
 
AMERICA, 121 
 
 victory at Fotonchan having reached this place, the cazique not only 
 received them amicably, but bestowed presents upon them of such value, 
 as confirmed the high ideas which the Spaniards had formed with respect 
 to the wealth and fertility of the country. These ideas were raised still 
 higher by what occurred at the place where they next touched. This was 
 considerably to the west of Tabasco, in the province since known by the 
 name of Guaxaca. There they were received with the respect paid to 
 superior beings. The people perfumed them, as they landed, with incense 
 of gum copal, and presented to them as offerings the choicest delicacies of 
 ,heir country. They were extremely fond of trading with their new 
 visitants, and in six days the Spaniards obtained ornaments of gold of 
 curious workmanship, to the value of fifteen thousant pesos, in exchange 
 for European toys ol small price. The two prisoners \v nom Cordova had 
 brought from Yucatan, had hitherto served as interpreters ; but as they did 
 not understand the language of this country, the Spaniards learned from 
 the natives by signs, that they were subjects of a great monarch called 
 Montezuma, whose dominions extended over that and many other provinces 
 Leaving this place, with which he had so much reason to be pleased, 
 Grijalva continued his course towards the west. He landed on a small 
 island [June 19], which he named the Isle of Sacrifices, because there the 
 Spaniards beheld, for the first time, the horrid spectacle of human victims, 
 which the barbarous superstition of the natives offered to their gods. He 
 touched at another small island, which he called St. Juan de Ulua. From this 
 place he despatched Pedro de Alvarado, one of his officers, to Velasquez, 
 with a full account of the important discoveries which he had made, and 
 with all the treasure that he acquired by trafficking with the natives. 
 After the departure of Alvarado, he himself, with the remaining vessels, 
 proceeded along the coast as far as the river Panuco,the country still ap 
 pearing to be well peopled, fertile, and opulent. 
 
 Several of Grijalva's officers contended that it was not enough to have 
 discovered those delightful regions, or to have performed, at their different 
 landing-places, the empty ceremony of taking possession of them for the 
 crown of Castile, and that their glory was incomplete, unless they planted 
 a colony in some proper station, which might not only secure the Spanish 
 nation a footing in the country, but, with the reinforcements which they 
 were certain of receiving, might gradually subject the whole to the 
 dominion of their sovereign. But the squadron had now been above five 
 months at sea ; the greatest part of their provisions was exhausted, and 
 what remained of their stores so much corrupted by the heat of the 
 climate, as to be almost unfit for use ; they had lost some men by death ; 
 others were sickly ; the country was crowded with people who seemed 
 to be intelligent as well as brave ; and they were under the government 
 of one powerful monarch, who could bring them to act against their invaders 
 with united force. To plant a colony under so many circumstances of 
 disadvantage, appeared a scheme too perilous to be attempted. Grijalva, 
 though possessed both of ambition and courage, was destitute of the 
 superior talents capable of forming or executing such a great plan. He 
 judged it more prudent to return to Cuba, having fulfilled the purpose of 
 his voyage, and accomplished all that the armament which he commanded 
 enabled him to perform. He returned to St. Jago de Cuba, on the 
 twenty-sixth of October, from which he had taken his departure about 
 six months before.* 
 
 This was the longest as well as the most successful voyage which the 
 Spaniards had hitherto made in the New World. They had discovered 
 that Yucatan was not an island as they had supposed, but part of the great 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 11. lib. iii. c. 1, 2. 9, 10. Bernal Diaz, c. 8. 17. Oviedo Hist. lib. xvii. c. 9. 20 
 Gomara, c. 49 
 VOL. I. 16 
 
122 HISTORY OF [BOOK IV. 
 
 continent of America. From Potonchan they had pursued their course 
 for many hundred miles along a coast formerly unexplored, stretching at 
 first towards the west, and then turning to the north ; all the country which 
 they had discovered appeared to be no less valuable than extensive. As 
 soon as Alvarado reached Cuba, Velasquez, transported with success so 
 far beyond his most sanguine expectations, immediately despatched a 
 person of confidence to carry this important intelligence to Spain, to 
 exhibit the rich productions of the countries which had been discovered 
 by his means, and to solicit such an increase of authority as might enable 
 and encourage him to attempt the conquest of them. Without waiting 
 for the return of his messenger, or for the arrival of Grijalva, of whom 
 he was become so jealous or distrustful that he was resolved no longer to 
 employ him, he began to prepare such a powerful armament as might 
 prove equal to an enterprise of so much danger and importance. 
 
 But as the expedition upon which Velasquez was now intent terminated 
 in conquests of greater moment than what the Spaniards had hitherto 
 achieved, and led them to the knowledge of a people, who, if compared 
 with those tribes of America with whom they were hitherto acquainted, 
 may be considered as highly civilized ; it is proper to pause before we 
 proceed to the history of events extremely different from those which we 
 have already related, in order to take a view of the state of the New 
 World when first discovered, and to contemplate the policy and manners 
 of the rude uncultivated tribes that occupied all the parts of it with which 
 the Spaniards were at this time acquainted. 
 
 BOOK IT. 
 
 TWENTY-SIX years had elasped since Columbus had conducted the 
 people of Europe to the New World. During that period the Spaniards 
 had made ffreat progress in exploring its various regions. They had 
 visited all the islands scattered in different clusters through that part of 
 the ocean which flows in between North and South America. They had 
 sailed along the eastern coast of the continent from the river De la Plata 
 to the bottom of the Mexican Gulf, and had found that it stretched without 
 interruption through this vast portion of the globe. They had discovered 
 the great Southern Ocean, which opened new prospects in that quarter. 
 They had acquired some knowledge of the coast of Florida, which led 
 them to observe the continent as it extended in an opposite direction ; 
 and though they pushed their discoveries no further towards the North, 
 other nations had visited those parts which they neglected. The English, 
 in a voyage the motives and success of which shall be related in another 
 part of this History, had sailed along the coast of America from Labrador 
 to the confines of Florida ; and the Portuguese, in quest of a shorter 
 passage to the East Indies, had ventured into the northern seas, and 
 vieVved the same regions.* Thus, at the period where I have chosen to 
 fake a view of the state of the New World, its extent was known almost 
 from its northern extremity to thirty-five degrees south of the equator. The 
 countries which stretch from thence to the southern boundary of America, 
 the great empire of Peru, and the interior state of the extensive dominions 
 subject to the sovereigns of Mexico, were still undiscovered. 
 
 * Horrera, dec. 1. lib. vi c. 16 
 
AMERICA. 123 
 
 When we contemplate the New World, the first circumstance that 
 strikes us is its immense extent. It was not a small portion of the earth, 
 so inconsiderable that it might have escaped the observation or research oi 
 former ages, which Columbus discovered. He made known a new 
 hemisphere, larger than either Europe, or Asia, or Africa, the three noted 
 divisions of the ancient continent, and not much inferior in dimensions to a 
 third part of the habitable globe. 
 
 America is remarkable, not only for its magnitude, but for its position. 
 It stretches from the northern polar circle to a high southern latitude, 
 above fifteen hundred miles beyond the furthest extremity of the old 
 continent on that side of the line. A country of such extent passes through 
 all the climates capable of becoming the habitation of man, and fit for 
 yielding the various productions peculiar either to the temperate or to the 
 torrid regions of the earth. 
 
 Next to the extent of the New World, the grandeur of the objects which 
 it presents to view is most apt to strike the eye of an observer. Nature 
 seems here to have carried on her operations upon a larger scale and with 
 a bolder hand, and to have distinguished the features of this country by a 
 peculiar magnificence. The mountains in America are much superior in 
 height to those in the other divisions of the globe. Even the plain of 
 Quito, which may be considered as the base of the Andes, is elevated 
 further above the sea than the top of the Pyrenees. This stupendous 
 ridge of the Andes, no less remarkable for extent than elevation, rises in 
 different places more than one-third above the Peak of Teneriffe, the 
 highest land in the ancient hemisphere. The Andes may literally be said 
 to hide their heads in the clouds ; the storms often roll, and the thunder 
 bursts below their summits, which, though exposed to the rays of the sun 
 in the centre of the torrid zone, are covered with everlasting snows [28], 
 
 From these lofty mountains descend rivers, proportionabry large, with 
 which the streams in the ancient continent are not to be compared, either 
 for length of course, or the vast body of water which they roll towards 
 the ocean. The Maragnon, the Orinoco, the Plata in South America, the 
 Mississippi and St. Laurence in North America, flow in such spacious 
 channels, that long before they feel the influence of the tide, they resemble 
 arms of the sea rather than rivers of fresh water [29]. 
 
 The lakes of the New World are no less conspicuous for grandeur than 
 its mountains and rivers. There is nothing in other parts of the globe 
 which resembles the prodigious chain of lakes in North America. They 
 may properly be termed inland seas of fresh water ; and even those of the 
 second or third class in magnitude are of larger circuit (the Caspian Sea 
 excepted) than the greatest lake of the ancient continent. 
 
 The New World is of a form extremely favourable to commercial inter 
 course. When a continent is formed, like Africa, of one vast solid mass, 
 unbroken by arms of the sea penetrating into its interior parts, with few 
 large rivers, and those at a considerable distance from each other, the 
 greater part of it seems destined to remain for ever uncivilized, and to be 
 debarred from any active or enlarged communication with the rest of 
 mankind. When, like Europe, a continent is opened by inlets of the ocean 
 of great extent, such as the Mediterranean and Baltic ; or when, like 
 Asia, its coasts is broken by deep bays advancing far into the country, such 
 as the Black Sea, the Gulfs of Arabia, of Persia, of Bengal, of Siam, and of 
 Leotang; when the surrounding seas are filled with large and fertile 
 islands, and the continent itself watered with a variety of navigable rivers, 
 those regions may be said to possess whatever can facilitate the progress 
 of their inhabitants in commerce and improvement. In all these respects 
 America may bear a comparison with the other quarters of the globe. The 
 Gulf of Mexico, which flows in between North and South America, may 
 be considered as a Mediterranean sea, which opens a maritime commerce 
 
124 HISTORY OF [BOOK I ^ 
 
 with all the fertile countries by which it is encircled. The islands 
 scattered in it are inferior only to those in the Indian Archipelago, in 
 number, in magnitude, and in value. As we stretch along the northern 
 division of the American hemisphere, the Bay of Chesaj>eak presents a 
 spacious inlet, which conducts the navigator far into the interior parts of 
 provinces no less fertile than extensive ; and if ever the progress of culture 
 and population shall mitigate the extreme rigour of the climate in the more 
 northern districts of America, Hudson's Bay may become as subservient 
 to commercial intercourse in that quarter of the globe, as the Baltic is in 
 Europe. The other great portion of the New World is encompassed on 
 every side by the sea, except one narrow neck which separates the Atlantic 
 from the Pacific Ocean ; and though it be not opened by spacious bays 
 or arms of the sea, its interior parts are rendered accessible by a number of 
 large rivers, fed by so many auxiliary streams, flowing in such various 
 directions, that almost without any aid from the hand of industry and 
 art, an inland navigation may be carried on through all the provinces from 
 the river De la Plata to the Gulf of Paria. Nor is this bounty of nature confined 
 to the southern division of America ; its northern continent abounds no less in 
 rivers which are navigable almost to their sources, and by its immense 
 chain of lakes provision is made for an inland communication, more extensive 
 and commodious than in any quarter of the globe. The countries stretching 
 from the Gulf of Darien on one side, to that of California on the other, 
 which form the chain that binds the two parts of the American continent 
 together, are not destitute of peculiar advantages. Their coast on one 
 side is washed by the Atlantic Ocean, on the omer by the Pacific. Some 
 of their rivers flow into the former, some into the latter, and secure to them 
 all the commercial benefits that may result from a communication with 
 both. 
 
 But what most distinguishes America from other parts of the earth is the 
 peculiar temperature of its climate, and the different laws to which it is 
 subject with respect to the distribution of heat and cold. We cannot 
 determine with precision the portion of heat felt in any part of the globe, 
 merely by measuring its distance from the equator. The climate of a 
 country is affected, in some degree, by its elevation above the sea, by the 
 extent of continent, by the nature of the soil, the height of adjacent moun 
 tains, and many other circumstances. The influence of these, however, 
 is from various causes less considerable in the greater part of the ancient 
 continent ; and from knowing the position of any country there, we can 
 pronounce with greater certainty what will be the warmth of its climate, 
 and the nature of its productions. 
 
 The maxims which are founded upon observation of our hemisphere 
 will not apply to the other. In the New World, cold predominates. The 
 rigour of the frigid zone extends over half of those regions which should 
 be temperate by their position. Countries where the grape and the fig 
 should ripen, are buried under snow one half of the year ; and lands 
 situated in the same parallel with the most fertile and best cultivated 
 provinces in Europe, are chilled with perpetual frosts, which almost 
 destroy the power of vegetation [30]. As we advance to those parts of 
 America which lie in the same parallel with provinces of Asia and Africa, 
 blessed with a uniform enjoyment of such genial warmth as is most friendly 
 to life and to vegetation, the dominion of cold continues to be felt, and 
 winter reigns, though during a short period, with extreme severity. If we 
 proceed along the American continent into the torrid zone, we shall find 
 the cold prevalent in the New World extending itself also to this region of 
 the globe, and mitigating the excess of its fervour. While the negro on 
 the coast of Africa is scorched with unremitting heat, the inhabitant of 
 Peru breathes an air equally mild and temperate, and is perpetually shaded 
 under a canopy of gray clouds, which intercepts the fierce beams of the 
 
AMERICA. I2fr 
 
 sun, without obstructing his friendly influence.* Along the eastern coast 
 of America, the climate, though more similar to that of the torrid zone in 
 other parts of the earth, is nevertheless considerably milder than in those 
 countries of Asia and Africa which lie in the same latitude. If from the 
 southern tropic we continue our progress to the extremity of the American 
 continent, we meet with frozen seas, and countries horrid, barren, and 
 scarcely habitable for cold, much sooner than in the north. | 
 
 Various causes combine in rendering the climate of America so extremely 
 different from that of the ancient continent. Though the utmost extent of 
 America towards the north be not yet discovered, we know that it advances 
 much nearer to the pole than either Europe or Asia. Both these have 
 large seas to the north, which are open during part of the year ; and even 
 when covered with ice, the wind that blows over them is less intensely 
 cold than that which blows over land in the same high latitudes. But in 
 America the land stretches from the river St. Laurence towards the pole, 
 and spreads out immensely to the west. A chain of enormous mountains 
 covered with snow and ice, runs through all this dreary region. The 
 wind, in passing over such an extent of high and frozen land, becomes so 
 impregnated with cold, that it acquires a piercing keenness, which it 
 retains in its progress through warmer climates, and it is not entirely 
 mitigated until it reach the Gulf of Mexico. Over all the continent of 
 North America, a north-westerly wind and excessive cold are synonymous 
 terms. Even in the most sultry weather, the moment that the wincf veers 
 to that quarter, its penetrating influence is felt in a transition from heat to 
 cold no less violent than sudden. To this powerful cause we may ascribe 
 the extraordinary dominion of cold, and its violent inroads into the southerp 
 provinces, in that part of the globe.]; 
 
 Other causes, no less remarkable, diminish the active power of heat In 
 those parts of the American continent which lie between the tropics. In 
 all that portion of the globe, the wind blows in an invariable direction 
 from east to west. As this wind holds its course across the ancient con 
 tinent, it arrives at the countries which stretch along the western shores of 
 Africa, inflamed with all the fiery particles which it hath collected from the 
 sultry plains of Asia, and the burning sands in the African deserts. The 
 coast of Africa is, accordingly, the region of the earth which feels the most 
 fervent heat, and is exposed to the unmitigated ardour of the torrid zone 
 But this same wind, which brings such an accession of warmth to the 
 countries lying between the river of Senegal and Cafraria, traverses the 
 Atlantic Ocean before it reaches the American shore. It is cooled in its 
 passage over this vast body of water, and is felt as a refreshing gale along 
 the coast of Brazil [31], and Guiana, rendering these countries, though 
 among the warmest in America, temperate, when compared with those 
 which lie opposite to them in Africa p52]. As this wind advances in its 
 course across America, it meets with immense plains covered with impe 
 netrable forests, or occupied by large rivers, marshes, and stagnating 
 waters, where it can recover no considerable degree of heat. At length 
 it arrives at the Andes, which run from north to south through the whole 
 continent. In passing over their elevated and frozen summits, it is so 
 thoroughly cooled, that the greater part of the countries beyond them 
 hardly feel the ardour to which they seem exposed by their situation. 
 In the other provinces of America, from Tierra Ferme westward to the 
 Mexican empire, the heat of the climate is tempered, in some places, by 
 the elevation of the land above the sea, in others, by their extraordinary 
 
 * Voyage de TJIIoa, torn. i. p. 453. Anson's Voyage, p. 184. t Anson'a Voyage, p. 74 ; and 
 
 Voyage de Quiros, chez. Hist. Gen. des Voyages, torn. xiv. p. 83. Richard Hist. Naturj de 1'Air, 
 ii. 305, &c. f Charlevoix Hist, de Nouv. Fr. iii. 165. Hist. Generate des Voyages, torn, xv 
 
 915, &c. $ Acosta Hist. Novi Orbis, lib. ii. c. 11. Biiffon Hist. Naturelle, &c. torn, ii.512, &tf. 
 ix. 107, &c. Oeborn's Collect, of Voyages, ii. p. 868. 
 
126 HISTORY OF [BOOK IV. 
 
 humidity, and in all, by the enormous mountains scattered over this tract* 
 The islands of America in the torrid zone are either small or mountainous, 
 and are fanned alternately by refreshing sea and land breezes. 
 
 The causes of the extraordinary cold towards the southern limits of 
 America* and in the seas beyond it, cannot be ascertained in a manner 
 equally satisfying. It was long supposed that a vast continent, distin 
 guished by the name of Terra Jlustralis Incognita, lay between the 
 southern extremity of America and the Antarctic pole. The same prin 
 ciples which account for the extraordinary degree of cold in the northern 
 regions of America, were employed in order to explain that which is felt 
 at Cape Horn and the adjacent countries. The immense extent of the 
 southern continent, and the large rivers which it poured into the ocean, 
 were mentioned and admitted by philosophers as causes sufficient to occa 
 sion the unusual sensation of cold, and the still more uncommon appearances 
 of frozen seas in that region of the globe. But the imaginary continent to 
 which such influence was ascribed, having been searched for in vain, and 
 the space which it was supposed to occupy having been found to be an open 
 sea, new conjectures must be formed with respect to the causes of a tem 
 perature of climate, so extremely different from that which we experience 
 in countries removed at the same distance from the opposite pole [33]. 
 
 After contemplating those permanent and characteristic qualities of the 
 American continent, which arise from the peculiarity of its situation, and 
 the disposition of its parts, the next object that merits attention is its condition 
 when first discovered, as far as that depended upon the industry and operations 
 of man. The effects of human ingenuity and labour are more extensive 
 and considerable than even our own vanity is apt at first to imagine. When 
 we survey the face of the habitable globe, no small part of that fertility and 
 beauty which we ascribe to the hand of nature, is the work of man. His 
 efforts, when continued through a succession of ages, change the appearance 
 and improve the qualities of the earth. As a great part of the ancient 
 continent has long been occupied by nations far advanced in arts and 
 industry, our eye is accustomed to view the earth in that form which it 
 assumes when rendered fit to be the residence of a numerous race of men, 
 and to supply them with nourishment. 
 
 But in the New World, the state of mankind was ruder, and the aspect 
 of nature extremely different. Throughout all its vast regions, there were 
 only two monarchies remarkable for extent of territory, or distinguished 
 by any progress in improvement. The rest of this continent was possessed 
 by small independent tribes, destitute of arts and industry, and neither 
 capable to correct the defects nor desirous to meliorate the condition of 
 hat part of the earth allotted to them for their habitation. Countries 
 occupied by such people were almost in the same state as if they had 
 been without inhabitants. Immense forests covered a great part of the 
 uncultivated earth ; and as the hand of industry had not taught the rivers 
 to run in a proper channel, or drained off the stagnating water, many of 
 the most fertile plains were overflowed with inundations, or converted into 
 marshes. In the southern provinces, where the warmth of the sun, the 
 moisture of the climate, and the fertility of the soil, combine in calling 
 forth the most vigorous powers of vegetation, the woods are so choked 
 with its rank luxuriance as to be almost impervious, and the surface 
 of the ground is hid from the eye under a thick covering of shrubs and 
 herbs and weeds. In this state of wild unassisted nature, a great part of 
 the large provinces in South America, which extend from the bottom of 
 the Andes to the sea, still remain. The European colonies have cleared and 
 cultivated a few spots along the coast ; but the original race of inhabitants, 
 as rude and indolent as ever, have done nothing to open or improve a 
 country possessing almost every advantage of situation and climate. As 
 we advance towards the northern provinces of America, nature continues 
 
AMERICA. 127 
 
 to wear the same uncultivated aspect, and, ki proportion as the rigour of 
 the climate increases, appears more desolate and horrid. There the forests, 
 though not encumbered with the same exuberance of vegetation, are of 
 immense extent ; prodigious marshes overspread the plains, and few marks 
 appear of human activity in any attempt to cultivate or embellish the 
 earth. No wonder that the colonies sent from Europe were astonished at 
 their first entrance into the New World. It appeared to them waste, 
 solitary, and uninviting. When the English began to settle in America, 
 they termed the countries of which they took possession, The Wilderness. 
 Nothing but their eager expectation of finding mines of gold could have 
 induced the Spaniards to penetrate through the woods and marshes of 
 America, where at every step they observed the extreme difference 
 between the uncultivated face of nature, and that which it acquires under 
 the forming hand of industry and art [34]. 
 
 The labour and operations of man not only improve and embellish the 
 earth, but render it more wholesome and friendly to life. When any 
 region lies neglected and destitute of cultivation, the air stagnates in the 
 woods ; putrid exhalations arise from the waters ; the surface of the earth, 
 loaded with rank vegetation, feels not the purifying influence of the sun 
 or of the wind ; the malignity of the distempers natural to the climate 
 increases, and new maladies no less noxious are engendered. Accordingly, 
 all the provinces of America, when first discovered, were found to be 
 remarkably unhealthy. This the Spaniards experienced in every expedi 
 tion into the New World, whether destined for conquest or settlement. 
 Though by the natural constitution of their bodies, their habitual tem 
 perance, and the persevering vigour of their minds, they were as much 
 formed as any people in Europe for active service in a sultry climate, they 
 felt severely the fatal and pernicious qualities of those uncultivated regions 
 through which they marched, or where they endeavoured tc plant colonies. 
 Great' numbers were cut off by the unknown and violent diseases with 
 which they were infected. Such as survived the destructive rage of those 
 maladies, were not exempted from the noxious influence of the climate. 
 They returned to Europe, according to the description of the early Spanish 
 historians, feeble, emaciated, with languid looks, and complexions of such 
 a sickly yellow colour as indicated the unwholesome temperature of the 
 countries where they had resided.* 
 
 The uncultivated state of the New World affected not only the tem 
 perature of the air, but the qualities of its productions. The principle of 
 life seems to have been less active and vigorous there than in the ancient 
 continent. Notwithstanding the vast extent of America, and the variety 
 of its climates, the different species of animals peculiar to it are much 
 fewer in proportion than those of the other hemisphere. In the islands 
 there were only four kinds of quadrupeds known, the largest of which 
 did not exceed the size of a rabbit. On the continent, the variety was 
 greater ; and though the individuals of each kind could not fail of multi 
 plying exceedingly when almost unmolested by men, who were neither so 
 numerous, nor so united in society, as to be formidable enemies to the 
 animal creation, the number of distinct species must still be considered 
 as extremely small. Of two hundred different kinds of animals spread 
 over the^face of the earth, only about one-third existed in America at the 
 time of its discovery .f Nature was not only less prolific in the New 
 World, but she appears likewise to have been less vigorous in her pro 
 ductions. The animals originally belonging to this quarter of the globe 
 appear to be of an inferior race, neither so robust nor so fierce as those of 
 the other continent. America gives birth to no creature of such bulk as 
 
 * Gomara Hist. c. 20. 22. Oviedo Hist. lib. ii. c. 13. lib- v. c. 10, P. Martyr, Epist. 545. Decad. 
 p. 176. t Buffon Hist. Naturelle, torn. ix. p. 86. 
 
128 HISTORY OF [BOOK IV. 
 
 to be compared with the elephant or rhinoceros, or that equals the lion 
 and tiger in strength and ferocity [35]. The Tapyr of Brazil, the largest 
 quadruped of the ravenous tribe in the New World, is not larger than a 
 calf of six months old. The Puma and Jaguar, its fiercest beasts of 
 prey, which Europeans have inaccurately denominated lions and tigers, 
 possess neither the undaunted courage of the former, nor the ravenous 
 cruelty of the latter.* They are inactive and timid, hardly formidable 
 to man, and often turn their backs upon the least appearance of resistance.! 
 The same qualities in the climate of America which stinted the growth, 
 and enfeebled the spirit, of its native animals, have proved pernicious to 
 such as have migrated into it voluntarily from the other continent, or have 
 been transported thither by the Europeans.J The bears, the wolves, the 
 deer of America, are not equal in size to those of the Old World. Most 
 of the domestic animals, with which the Europeans have stored the pro 
 vinces wherein they settled, have degenerated with respect either to bulk 
 or quality, in a country whose temperature and soil seem to be less favour 
 able to the strength and perfection of the animal creation [36] . 
 
 The same causes which checked the growth and the vigour of the 
 more noble animals, were friendly to the propagation and increase ot 
 reptiles and insects. Though this is not peculiar to the New World, and 
 those odious tribes, nourished by heat, moisture, and corruption, infest 
 every part of the torrid zone ; they multiply faster, perhaps, in America, 
 and grow to a more monstrous bulk. As this country is on the whole less 
 cultivated and less peopled than the other quarters of the earth, the active 
 principle of life wastes its force in productions of this inferior form. The 
 air is often darkened with clouds of insects, and the ground covered with 
 shocking and noxious reptiles. The country around Porto Bello swarms 
 with toads in such multitudes as hide the surface of the earth. At Guaya 
 quil, snakes and vipers are hardly less numerous. Carthagena is infested 
 with numerous flocks of bats, which annoy not only the cattle but the 
 inhabitants.)! In the islands, legions of ants have at different times con 
 sumed every vegetable production [37], and left the earth entirely bare 
 as if it had been burned with fire. The damp forests and rank soil oi 
 the countries on the banks of the Orinoco and Maragnon teem with 
 almost every offensive and poisonous creature which the power of a sultry 
 sun can quicken into life. IT 
 
 The birds of the New World are not distinguished by qualities so con 
 spicuous and characteristical as those which we.'have observed in its quad 
 rupeds. Birds are more independent of man, and less affected by the 
 changes which his industry and labour make upon the state of the earth. 
 They have a greater propensity to migrate from one country to another, and 
 can gratify this instinct of their nature without difficulty or danger. Hence 
 the number of birds common to both continents is much greater than that 
 of quadrupeds ; and even such as are peculiar to America nearly resemble 
 those with which mankind were acquainted in similar regions of the ancient 
 hemisphere. The American birds of the torrid zone, like those of the 
 same climate in Asia and Africa, are decked in plumage which dazzles 
 the ey ; e with the beauty of its colours ; but nature, satisfied with clothing 
 them in this gay dress, has denied most of them that melody of sound and 
 variety of notes which catch and delight the ear. The birds of the tem 
 perate climates there, in the same manner as in our continent, are less 
 
 * Buffon Hist. Natur. torn. ix. p. 87. Maregravii Hist. Nat. Brazil, p. 229. f Buffon Hist, 
 
 Natur. ix. 13. 203. Acosta Hist. lib. iv. c. 34. Pisonia Hist. p. 6. Herrera, dec. 4. lib. iv. c. 1. lib. 
 x. c. 13. \ Churchill, v. p. 691. Ovalle Relat. of Cnili, Church, iii. p. 10. Somario de Oviedo, 
 c. 1422. Voyage du Des Marchais, iii. 299. $ Buffon Hist. Natur. ix. 103. Kalm's Travels 
 1. 102, Biet. voy. de France Equinox, p. 339. || Voyage de Ulloa, torn. i. p. 89. Ib. p 147. 
 
 Herrera, dec. 11. lib. iii. c. 3. 19. IT Voyage de Condamine, p. 167. Gumilla, iii. 120, &c. Hist- 
 Gener. dee Voyages, xiv. 317. Dumont Memoire* ma la Louwiane, i. 108. Somario de Oviedo, c. 
 
AMERICA. 129 
 
 splendid in their appearance ; but, in compensation for that defect, they 
 have voices of greater compass, and more melodious. In some districts 
 of America, the unwholesome temperature of the air seems to be un 
 favourable even to this part of the creation. The number of birds is less 
 than in other countries, and the traveller is struck with the amazing solitude 
 and silence of its forests.* It is remarkable, however, that America, 
 where the quadrupeds are so dwarfish and dastardly, should produce the 
 Condor which is entitled to pre-eminence over all the flying tribe, in bulk, 
 in strength, and in courage. f 
 
 The soil in a continent so extensive as America must, of course, be 
 extremely various. In each of its provinces we find some distinguishing 
 peculiarities, the description of which belongs to those who write their 
 particular history. In general we may observe, that the moisture and 
 cold, which predominate so remarkably in all parts of America, must 
 have great influence upon the nature 01 its soil ; countries lying; in the 
 same parallel with those regions which never feel the extreme rigour of 
 winter in the ancient continent, are frozen over in America during a great 
 part of the year. Chilled by this intense cold, the ground never acquires 
 warmth sufficient to ripen the fruits which are found in the corresponding 
 parts of the other continent. If we wish to rear in America the productions 
 which abound in any particular district of the ancient world, we must 
 advance several decrees nearer to the line than in the other hemisphere, as 
 it requires such an increase of heat to counterbalance the natural frigidity 
 of the soil and climate [38]. At the Cape of Good Hope, several of the 
 plants and fruits peculiar to the countries within the tropics are cultivated 
 with success ; whereas, at St. Augustine in Florida, and Charles Town in 
 South Carolina, though considerably nearer the line, they cannot be brought 
 to thrive with equal certainty [39]. But, if allowance be made for this 
 diversity in the degree of heat, the soil of America is naturally as rich 
 and fertile as in any part of the earth. As the country was thinly inhabited, 
 and by a people of little industry, who had none of the domestic animals 
 which civilized, nations rear in such vast numbers, the earth was not ex 
 hausted by their consumption. The vegetable productions, to which the 
 fertility of the soil gave birth, often remained untouched, and, being suffered 
 to corrupt on its surface, returned with increase into its bosom.J As trees 
 and plants derive a great part of their nourishment from air and water ; if 
 they were not destroyed by man and other animals, they would render to 
 the earth more, perhaps, than they take from it, and feed rather than impoverish 
 it. Thus the unoccupied soil of America may have gone on enriching 
 for many ages. The vast number as well as enormous size of the trees in 
 America, indicate the extraordinary vigour of the soil in its native state. 
 When the Europeans first began to cultivate the New World, they were 
 astonished at the luxuriant power of vegetation in its virgin mould ; and in 
 several places the ingenuity of the planter is still employed in diminishing 
 and wasting its superfluous fertility, in order to bring it down to a state fit 
 for profitable culture [40]. 
 
 Having thus surveyed tne state of the New World at the time of its 
 discovery, and considered the peculiar features and qualities which dis 
 tinguish and characterize it, the next inquiry that merits attention is, How 
 was America peopled ? By what course dia mankind migrate from the one 
 continent to the other ? And in what quarter is it most probable that a 
 communication was opened between them ? 
 
 We know, with infallible certainty, that all the human race spring from 
 
 * Bouguer Voy. au Perou, 17. Chanvalon Voyage a la Martinique, p. 96. Warren's Descript. 
 Surinam. Osborn's Collect, ii. 924. Lettres Edif. xxiv. p. 339. Charlev. Hist, de la Nouv. France, 
 jii. 155. t Voyage de Ulloa, i. 363. Voyage de Condamine, 175. Buffon Hist. Nat. xvu 184. 
 
 Voyaae du Des Marchais, iii. 320. J Buffon, Hist. Natur. i. 242. Kalm, i. 151. Charlevoix, 
 Hirt de Nouv. Fran. iii. 405. Voyage du Des Marchais, iii. 229. Lery up. de Bry. part iii p. 174. 
 
 VOL. I. 17 
 
130 HISTORY OF [BOOK IV, 
 
 the same source, and that the descendants of one man, under the protection, 
 as well as in obedience to the command of Heaven, multiplied and 
 replenished the earth. But neither the annals nor the traditions of nations 
 reach back to those remote ages, in which they took possession of the 
 different countries where they are now settled. We cannot trace the 
 branches of this first family, or point out with certainty the time and 
 manner in which they divided and spread over the face of the globe 
 Even among the most enlightened people, the period of authentic history 
 is extremely short ; and every thing prior to that is fabulous or obscure. 
 It is not surprising, then, that the unlettered inhabitants of America, who 
 have no solicitude about futurity, and little curiosity concerning what is 
 passed, should be altogether unacquainted with their own original. The 
 people on the two opposite coasts of America, who occupy those 
 countries in America which approach nearest to the ancient continent are 
 so remarkably rude, that it is altogether vain to search among them for 
 such information as might discover the place from whence they came, or 
 the ancestors of whoirTthey are descended.* Whatever light has been 
 thrown on this subject is derived not from the natives of America, but 
 from the inquisitive genius of their conquerors. 
 
 When the people of Europe unexpectedly discovered a New World, 
 removed at a vast distance from every part of the ancient continent which 
 was then known, and filled with inhabitants whose appearance and manners 
 differed remarkably from the rest of the human species, the question con 
 cerning their original became naturally an object of curiosity and atten 
 tion. The theories and speculations of ingenious men with respect to 
 this subject, would fill many volumes ; but are often so wild and chi 
 merical, that I should offer an insult to the understanding of my readers, if 
 I attempted either minutely to enumerate or to refute them. Some have 
 presumptuously imagined, that the people of America were not the offspring 
 of the same common parent with the rest of mankind, but that they formed 
 a separate race of men, distinguishable by peculiar features in the consti 
 tution of their bodies, as well as in the characteristic qualities of their 
 minds. Others contend, that they are descended from some remnant of 
 the antediluvian inhabitants of the earth, who survived the deluge which 
 swept away the greatest part of the human species in the days of Noah ; 
 and preposterously suppose rude, uncivilized tribes, scattered over an un 
 cultivated continent, to be the most ancient race of people on the earth. 
 There is hardly any nation from the north to the south pole, to which some 
 antiquary, in the extravagance of conjecture, has not ascribed the honour 
 of peopling America. The Jews, the Canaanites, the Phoenicians, the 
 Carthaginians, the Greeks, the Scythians, in ancient times, are supposed to 
 have settled in this western world. The Chinese, the Swedes, the Nor 
 wegians, the Welsh, the Spaniards, are said to have sent colonies thither 
 in later ages, at different periods and on various occasions. Zealous advo 
 cates stand forth to support the respective claims of those people ; and 
 though they rest upon no better foundation than the casual resemblance of 
 some customs, or the supposed affinity between a few words in their dif 
 ferent languages, much erudition and more zeal have been employed, to 
 little purpose, in defence of the opposite systems. Those regions of conjec 
 ture and controversy belong not to the historian. His is a more limited 
 piovince, confined by what is established by certain or highly probable 
 evidence. Beyond this I shall not venture, in offering a few observations 
 which may contribute to throw some light upon this curious and much 
 agitated question 
 
 1. There are authors who have endeavoured by mere conjecture 
 to account for the peopling of America. Some have supposed that it was 
 
 * Vinegas'B Hist, of California, i. 60. 
 
AMERICA. 131 
 
 originally united to the ancient continent, and disjoined from it by the 
 shock ol an earthquake, or the irruption of a delug-e. Others have ima 
 gined, that some vessel being forced from its course by the violence of a 
 westerly wind, might be driven by accident towards the American coast, 
 and have given a beginning to population in that desolate continent.* 
 But with respect to all those systems, it is in vain either to reason or inquire, 
 because it is impossible to come to any decision. Such events as they 
 suppose are barely possible, and may have happened. That they ever did 
 happen, we have no evidence, either from the clear testimony of history, 
 or from the obscure intimations of tradition. 
 
 2. Nothing can be more frivolous or uncertain than the attempts to dis 
 cover the original of the Americans merely by tracing the resemblance 
 between their manners and those of any particular people in the ancient 
 continent. If we suppose two tribes, though placed in the most remote 
 regions of the globe, to live in a climate nearly of the same temperature, 
 to he in the same state of society, and to resemble each other in the 
 degree of their improvement, they must feel the same wants, and exert 
 the same endeavours to supply them. The same objects will allure, the 
 same passions will animate them, and the same ideas and sentiments will 
 arise in their minds. The character and occupations of the hunter in Ame 
 rica must be little different from those of an Asiatic who depends for sub 
 sistence on the chase. A tribe of savages on the banks of the Danube must 
 nearly resemble one upon the plains washed by the Mississippi. Instead 
 then of presuming from this similarity, that there is any affinity between 
 them, we should only conclude that the disposition and manners of men are 
 formed by their situation, and arise from the state of society in which they 
 live. The moment that begins to vary, the character of a people must 
 change. In proportion as it advances in improvement, their manners refine, 
 their powers and talents are called forth. In every part of the earth, the 
 progress of man hath been nearly the same ; and we can trace him in his 
 career from the rude simplicity of savage life, until he attains the industry, 
 the arts, and the elegance of polished society. There is nothing wonder 
 ful, then, in the similitude between the Americans and the oarbarous 
 nations of our continent. Had Lafitau, Garcia, and many other authors 
 attended to this, they would not have perplexed a subject, which they 
 pretend to illustrate, by their fruitless endeavours to establish an affinity 
 between various races of people, in the old and new continents, upon no 
 other evidence than such a resemblance in their manners as necessarily 
 arises from the similarity of their condition. There are, it is true, among 
 every people, some customs which, as they do not flow from any natural 
 want or desire peculiar to their situation, may be denominated usages of 
 arbitrary institution. If between two nations settled in remote parts of the 
 earth, a perfect agreement with respect to any of these should be discovered, 
 one might be led to suspect that they were connected by some affinity. 
 If, for example, a nation were found in America that consecrated the 
 seventh day to religious worship and rest, we might justly^ suppose that it 
 had derived its knowledge of this usage, which is of arbitrary institution, 
 from the Jews. But, if it were discovered that another nation celebrated 
 the first appearance of every new moon with extraordinary demonstrations 
 of joy, we should not be entitled to conclude that the observation of this 
 monthly festival was borrowed from the Jews, but ought to consider it merely 
 as the expression of that joy which is natural to man on the return of the 
 planet which guides and cheers him in the night. The instances of customs, 
 merely arbitrary, common to the inhabitants of both hemispheres, are, 
 indeed, so few and so equivocal, that no theory concerning the population of 
 the New World ought to be founded upon them. 
 
 * Parson's Remains of Japhet, p. 240. Ancient Univers. Hist vol, xx. p. 164* P. Feyjoo Tea- 
 tro Critico, tom. v. p. 304, &c. Acosta Hist. Moral. Novi Orbis, lib. i. 16. c. 19. 
 
13? HISTORYOF [BOOK IV, 
 
 3. The theories which have been formed with respect to the original of 
 the Americans, from observation of their religious rites and practices, are 
 no less fanciful and destitute of solid foundation. When the religious 
 opinions of any people are neither the result of rational inquiry, nor derived 
 from the instructions of revelation, they must needs be wild and extravagant. 
 Barbarous nations are incapable of the former, and have not been blessed 
 with the advantages arising from the latter. Still, however, the human 
 mind, even where its operations appear most wild and capricious, holds a 
 course so regular, that in every age and country the dominion of particular 
 passions will be attended with similar effects. The savage of Europe OF 
 America, when filled with superstitious dread of invisible beings, or with 
 inquisitive solicitude to penetrate into the events of futurity, trembles alike 
 with fear, or glows with impatience. He has recourse to rites and practices 
 of the same kind, in order to avert the vengeance which he supposes to be 
 impending over him, or to divine the secret which is the object of his 
 curiosity. Accordingly, the ritual of superstition in one continent seems, 
 in many particulars, to be a transcript of that established in the other, and 
 both authorize similar institutions, sometimes so frivolous as to excite pity, 
 sometimes so bloody and barbarous as to create horror. But without 
 supposing any consanguinity between such distant nations, or imagining 
 that their religious ceremonies were conveyed by tradition from the one to the 
 other, we may ascribe this uniformity, which in many instances seems very 
 amazing, to the natural operation of superstition and enthusiasm upon the 
 weakness of the human mind. 
 
 4. We may lay it down as a certain principle in this inquiry, that 
 America was not peopled by any nation of the ancient continent which had 
 made considerable progress in civilization. The inhabitants of the New 
 World were in a state of society so extremely rude as to be unacquainted 
 with those arts which are the first essays of human ingenuity in its advance 
 towards improvement. Even the most cultivated nations of America were 
 strangers to many of those simple inventions which were almost coeval with 
 society in other parts of the world, and were known in the earliest periods 
 of civil life with which we have any acquaintance. From this it is 
 manifest, that the tribes which originally migrated to America, came off 
 from nations which must have been no less barbarous than their posterity, 
 at the time when they were first discovered by the Europeans. For, 
 although the elegant or refined arts may decline or perish, amidst the violent 
 shocks of those revolutions and disasters to which nations are exposed, the 
 necessary arts of life, when once they have been introduced among any 
 people, are never lost. None of the vicissitudes in human affairs affect 
 these, and they continue to be practised as long as the race of men exists. 
 If ever the use of iron had been known to the savages of America, or to 
 their progenitors ; if ever they had employed a plough, a loom, or a forge, 
 the utility of those inventions would have preserved them, and it is impos 
 sible that they should have been abandoned or forgotten. We may conclude, 
 then, that the Americans sprung from some people, who were themselves 
 in sudi an early and unimproved stage of society, as to be unacquainted 
 with all those necessary arts, which continued to be unknown among their 
 posterity when first visited by the Spaniards. 
 
 5. It appears no less evident that America was not peopled by any 
 colony from the more southern nations of the ancient continent. None of 
 the rude tribes settled in that part of our hemisphere can be supposed to 
 have visited a country so remote. They possessed neither enterprise, nor 
 ingenuity, nor power that could prompt them to undertake, or enable them 
 to perform such a distant voyage. That the more civilized nations in Asia 
 or Africa are not the progenitors of the Arnericans, is manifest not only from 
 the observations which I have already made concerning their ignorance of 
 the most simple and necessary arts, but from an additional circumstance. 
 

 AMERICA. 133 
 
 Whenever any people have experienced the advantages which men enjoy 
 by their dominion over the inferior animals, they can neither subsist without 
 the nourishment which these afford, nor carry on any considerable operation 
 independent of their ministry and labour. Accordingly, the first care of 
 the Spaniards, when they settled in America, was to stock it with all the 
 domestic animals of Europe ; and if, prior to them, the Tyrians, the 
 Carthaginians, the Chinese, or any other polished people, had taken 
 possession of that continent, we should have found there the animals peculiar 
 to those regions of the globe where they were originally seated. In all 
 America, however, there is not one animal, tame or wild, which properly 
 belongs to the warm or even the more temperate countries of the ancient 
 continent. The camel, the dromedary, the horse, the cow, were as much 
 unknown in America as the elephant or the lion. From which it is obvious, 
 that the people who first settled in the western world did riot issue from 
 the countries where those animals abound, and where men, from having 
 been long accustomed to their aid, would naturally consider it not only as 
 beneficial, but as indispensably necessary to the improvement, and even the 
 preservation of civil society. 
 
 6. From considering the animals with which America is stored, we may 
 conclude that the nearest point of contact between the old and new con 
 tinents is towards the northern extremity of both, and that there the 
 communication was opened, and the intercourse carried on between them. 
 All the extensive countries in America which lie within the tropics, or 
 approach near to them, are filled with indigenous animals of various kinds, 
 entirely different from those in the corresponding regions of the ancient 
 continent. But the northern provinces of the New World abound with 
 many of the wild animals which are common in such parts of our hemisphere 
 as lie in a similar situation. The bear, the wolf, the fox, the hare, the 
 deer, the roebuck, the elk, and several other species, frequent the forests of 
 North America, no less than those in the north of Europe and Asia.* It 
 seems to be evident, then, that the two continents approach each other in 
 this quarter, and are either united, or so nearly adjacent that these animals 
 might pass from the one to the other. 
 
 7. The actual vicinity of the two continents is so clearly established by 
 modern discoveries, that the chief difficulty with respect to the peopling 
 of America is removed. While those immense regions which stretch 
 eastward from the river Oby to the sea of Kamchatka were unknown or 
 imperfectly explored, the north-east extremities of our hemisphere were 
 supposed to be so far distant from any part of the New World, that it was 
 not easy to conceive how any communication should have been carried on 
 between them. But the Russians, having subjected the western part of 
 Siberia to their empire, gradually extended their knowledge of that vast 
 country, by advancing towards the east into unknown provinces. These 
 were discovered by hunters in their excursions after game, or by soldiers 
 employed in levying the taxes ; and the court of Moscow estimated the 
 importance of those countries, only by the small addition which they made to 
 its revenue. At length Peter the Great ascended the Russian throne. His 
 enlightened, comprehensive mind, intent upon every circumstance that could 
 aggrandize his empire, or render his reign illustrious, discerned consequences 
 ot those discoveries which had escaped the observation of his ignorant 
 predecessors. He perceived that in proportion as the regions of AsU 
 extended towards the east, they must approach nearer to America ; , that the 
 communication between the two continents, which had long been searched 
 for in vain, would probably be found in this quarter ; and that by opening 
 it, some part of the wealth and commerce of the western world might be 
 made to flow into his dominions by a new channel. Such an object suited 
 
 * Buffon, Hist. Nat. ix. p. 97, &c. 
 
134 HISTORY OF {BOOK IV 
 
 a genius that delighted in grand schemes. Peter drew up instructions with 
 his own hand for prosecuting this design, and gave orders for carrying it 
 into execution.* 
 
 His successors adopted his ideas and pursued his plan. The officers 
 whom the Russian court employed in this service had to struggle with so 
 many difficulties, that . their progress was extremely slow. Encouraged 
 by some faint traditions among the people of Siberia, concerning a successful 
 voyage in the year one thousand six hundred and forty-eight, round the 
 north-east promontory of Asia, they attempted to follow the same course. 
 Vessels were fitted out, with this view, at different times, from the rivers 
 Lena and Kolyma ; but in a frozen ocean, which nature seems not to have 
 destined for navigation, they were exposed to many disasters, without being 
 able to accomplish their purpose. No vessel fitted out by the Russian 
 court ever doubled this formidable Cape [41] ; we are indebted for what 
 is known of those extreme regions of Asia, to the discoveries made in 
 excursions by land. In all those provinces an opinion prevails, that there 
 are countries of great extent and fertility which lie at no considerable 
 distance from their own coasts. These the Russians imagined to be part 
 of America ; and several circumstances concurred not only in confirming 
 them in this belief, but in persuading them that some portion of that con 
 tinent could not be very remote. Trees of various kinds unknown in those 
 naked regions of Asia, are driven upon the coast by an easterly wind. By 
 the same wind, floating ice is brought thither in a few days ; flights of birds 
 arrive annually from the same quarter ; and a tradition obtains among the 
 inhabitants, of an intercourse formerly carried on with some countries 
 situated to the east. 
 
 After weighing all these particulars, and comparing the position of the 
 countries in Asia which had been discovered, with such parts in the north 
 west of America as were already known, the Russian court formed a 
 plan, which would have hardly occurred to a nation less accustomed to 
 engage in arduous undertakings, and to contend with great difficulties. 
 Orders were issued to build two vessels at the small village of Ochotz, 
 situated on the sea of Kamchatka, to sail on a voyage of discovery. Though 
 that dreary uncultivated region furnished nothing that could be of use in 
 constructing them, but some larch trees : though not only the iron, the 
 cordage, the sails, and all the numerous articles requisite for their equipment, 
 but the provisions for victualling them were to be carried through the 
 immense deserts of Siberia, down rivers of difficult navigation, and along 
 roads almost impassable, the mandate of the sovereign, and the perseverance 
 of the people, at last surmounted every obstacle. Two vessels were 
 finished, and, under the command of the Captains Behring and Tschirikow, 
 sailed from Kamchatka, in quest of the New World in a quarter where it 
 had never been approached. They shaped their course towards the east ; 
 and though a storm soon separated the vessels, which never rejoined, and 
 many disasters befell them, the expectations from the voyage were not 
 altogether frustrated. Each of the commanders discovered land, which to 
 them appeared to be part of the American continent ; and, according to 
 their observation, it seems to be situated within a few degrees of the 
 north-west coast of California. Each set some of his people ashore : but 
 in one place the inliabitants fled as the Russians approached ; in another, 
 they carried off those who landed, and destroyed their boats. The violence 
 of the weather, and the distress of their crews, obliged both captains to 
 quit this inhospitable coast. In their return they touched at several islands 
 which stretch in a chain from east to west between the country which they 
 had discovered and the coast of Asia. They had some intercourse with 
 the natives, who seemed to them to resemble the North Americans. They 
 
 * Muller, Voyages ct D&ouvertes par les Husses, torn. i. p. 4, 5. 141. 
 
AMERICA. 135 
 
 presented to the Russians the calumet, or pipe of peace, which is a symbol 
 of friendship universal among the people of North America, and a usage of 
 arbitrary institution peculiar to them. 
 
 Though the islands of this New Archipelago have been frequented since 
 that time by the Russian hunters, the court of St. Petersburgh, during a 
 period of more than forty years, seems to have relinquished every thought 
 of prosecuting discoveries in that quarter. But in the year one thousand 
 seven hundred and sixty-eight it was unexpectedly resumed. The 
 sovereign who had been lately seated on the throne of Peter the Great, 
 possessed the genius and talents of her illustrious predecessor. During the 
 operations of the most arduous and extensive war in which the Russian 
 empire was ever engaged, she formed schemes and executed undertakings, 
 to which more limited abilities would have been incapable of attending 
 but amidst the leisure of pacific times. A new voyage of discovery irom 
 the eastern extremity of Asia was planned, and Captain Krenitzm and 
 Lieutenant Levashett were appointed to command the two vessels fitted out 
 for that purpose. In their voyage outward they held nearly the same course 
 with the former navigators, they touched at the same islands, observed 
 their situation and productions more carefully, and discovered several new 
 islands with which Behring and Tschirikow had not fallen in. Though 
 they did not proceed so far to the east as to revisit the country which 
 Behring and Tschirikow supposed to be part of the American continent, 
 yet, by returning in a course considerably to the north of theirs, they cor 
 rected some capital mistakes into which their predecessors had fallen, and 
 have contributed to facilitate the progress of future navigators in those 
 seas [42]. 
 
 Thus the possibility of a communication between the continents in this 
 quarter rests no longer upon mere conjecture, but is established by undoubted 
 evidence.* Some tribe, or some families of wandering Tartars, from the 
 restless spirit peculiar to their race, might migrate to the nearest islands, 
 and, rude as their knowledge of navigation Was, might, by passing from one 
 to the other, reach at length the coast of America, and give a beginning to 
 population in that continent. The distance between the Marian or Ladrone 
 islands and the nearest land in Asia, is greater than that between the part of 
 America which the Russians discovered, and the coast of Kamchatka ; and 
 yet the inhabitants of those islands are manifestly of Asiatic extract. If, 
 notwithstanding their remote situation, we admit that the Marian islands 
 were peopled from our continent, distance alone is no reason why we should 
 hesitate about admitting that the Americans may derive their original from 
 the same source. It is probable that future navigators in those seas, by 
 steering further to the north, may find that the continent of America ap 
 proaches still nearer to Asia. According to the information of the barbarous 
 people who inhabit the country about the north-east promontory of Asia, 
 there lies, off the coast, a small island, to which they sail in less than a day. 
 From that they can descry a large continent which, according to their 
 description, is covered with forests, and possessed by people whose language 
 they do not understand.! By them they are supplied with the skins of 
 martens, an animal unknown in the northern parts of Siberia, and which is 
 never found but in countries abounding with trees. If we could rely on 
 this account, we might conclude that the American continent is separated 
 from ours only by a narrow strait, and all the difficulties with respect to the 
 communication between them would vanish. What could be offered only 
 as a conjecture, when this History was first published, is now known to be 
 certain. The near approach of the two continents to each other has been 
 discovered and traced in a voyage undertaken upon principles so pure and 
 so liberal, and conducted with so much professional skill, as reflect lustre 
 
 * Muller's Voyages, torn, i. p. 248, &c, 237, 276. t Ibid. torn. i. p. 166. 
 
136 HISTORY OF [Booic IV. 
 
 upon the reign of the sovereign by whom it was planned, and do honour to 
 the officers intrusted with the execution of it [43]. 
 
 It is likewise evident from recent discoveries, that an intercourse between 
 our continent and America might be carried on with no less facility from 
 the north-west extremities of Europe. As early as the ninth century [A. D. 
 830], the Norwegians discovered Greenland, and planted colonies there. 
 The communication with that country, after a long interruption, was renewed 
 in the last century. Some Lutheran and Moravian missionaries, prompted 
 by zeal for propagating the Christian faith, have ventured to settle in this 
 frozen and uncultivated region.* To them we are indebted for much 
 curious information with respect to its nature and inhabitants. We learn 
 that the north-west coast of Greenland is separated from America by a very 
 narrow strait ; that, at the bottom of the bay into which this strait conducts, 
 it is highly probable that they are united ;| that the inhabitants of the two 
 countries have some intercourse with one another ; that the Esquimaux of 
 America perfectly resemble the Greenlanders in their aspect, dress, and 
 mode of living ; that some sailors who had acquired the knowledge of a 
 few words in the Greenlandish language, reported that these were under 
 stood by the Esquimaux; that, at length [A. D. 1764], a Moravian mis 
 sionary, well acquainted with the language of Greenland, having visited 
 the country of the Esquimaux, found, to his astonishment, that they spoke 
 the same language with the Greenlanders ; that they were in every respect 
 the same people, and he was accordingly received and entertained by 
 them as a friend and a brother. J 
 
 By these decisive facts, not only the consanguinity of the Esquimaux and 
 Greenlanders is established, but the possibility of peopling America from 
 the north of Europe is demonstrated. If the Norwegians, in a barbarous 
 age, when science had hot begun to dawn in the north of Europe, possessed 
 such naval skill as to open a communication with Greenland, their ancestors, 
 as much addicted to roving by sea, as the Tartars are to wandering by 
 land, might, at some more remote period, accomplish the same voyage, 
 and settle a colony there, whose descendants might, in progress of time, 
 migrate into America. But if, instead of venturing to sail directly from 
 their own coast to Greenland, we suppose that the Norwegians held a more 
 'Cautious course, and advanced from Shetland to the Feroe islands, and from 
 them to Iceland, in all which they had planted colonies ; their progress 
 may have been so gradual, that this navigation cannot be considered as 
 either longer or more hazardous than those voyages which that hardy and 
 enterprising race of men is known to have performed in every age. 
 
 8. Though it be possible that America may have received its first inhabit 
 ants from our continent, either by the north-west of Europe or the north 
 east of Asia, there seems to be good reason for supposing that the progenitors 
 of all the American nations from Cape Horn to the southern confines of 
 Labrador, migrated from the latter rather than the former. The Esquimaux 
 are the only people in America, who in their aspect or character bear any 
 resemblance to the northern Europeans. They are manifestly a race of 
 men distinct from all the nations of the American continent, in language, 
 in disposition, and in habits of life. Their original, then, may warrantably 
 be traced up to that source which I have pointed out. But among all the 
 other inhabitants of America, there is such a striking similitude in the form 
 of their bodies and the qualities of their minds, that, notwithstanding the 
 diversities occasioned by the influences of climate, or unequal progress in 
 improvement, we must pronounce them to be descended from one source. 
 There may be a variety in the shades, but we can every where trace the 
 same original colour. Each tribe has something peculiar which distinguishes 
 
 * Crantz' Hist, of Greeol. i. 242. 244. Prevot, Hist. Gn. des Voyages, torn. xv. 152, note (06). 
 t Eggede, p. 2, 3. J Crantz' Hist, of Greenl. p. 261, 262, 
 
AMERICA. 137 
 
 it, but in all of them we discern certain features common to the whole race. 
 Jt is remarkable, that in every peculiarity, whether in their persons or 
 dispositions, which characterize the Americans, they have some resemblance 
 to the rude tribes scattered over the north-east of Asia, but almost none to 
 the nations settled in the northern extremities of Europe. We may, there 
 fore, re r cjr them to the former origin, and conclude that their Asiatic 
 progenitors, having settled in those parts of America where the Russians 
 have discovered the proximity of the two continents, spread gradually over 
 its various regions. This account of the progress of population in America 
 coincides with the traditions of the Mexicans concerning their own origin, 
 which, imperfect as they are, were preserved with more accuracy, and 
 merit greater credit, than those of any people in the New World. Ac 
 cording to them, their ancestors came from a remote country situated to the 
 north-west of Mexico. The Mexicans point put their various stations as 
 they advanced from this into the interior provinces, and it is precisely (he 
 same route which they must have held if they had been emigrants from 
 Asia. The Mexicans, in describing the appearance of their progenitors, 
 their manners and habits of life at that period, exactly delineate those of 
 the rude Tartars from whom I suppose them to have sprung.* 
 
 Thus have I finished a Disquisition which has been deemed of so much 
 importance that it would have been improper to omit it in writing the his 
 tory; of America. I have ventured to inquire, but without presuming to 
 decide. Satisfied with offering conjectures, 1 pretend not to establish any 
 system. When an investigation is, from its nature, so intricate and obscure, 
 that it is impossible to arrive at conclusions which are certain, there ma} 
 be some merit in pointing out such as are probable.f 
 
 The condition and character of the American nations, at the time when 
 they became known to the Europeans, deserve more attentive considera 
 tion than the inquiry concerning their original. The latter is merely an 
 object of curiosity ; the former is one of the most important as well as 
 instructive researches which can occupy the philosopher or historian. In 
 order to complete the history of the human mind, and attain to a perfect 
 knowledge 01 its nature and operations, we must contemplate man in all 
 those various situations wherein he has been placed. We must follow him 
 in his progress through the different stages of society, as he gradually ad 
 vances from the infant state of civil life towards its maturity and decline. 
 We must observe, at each period, how the faculties of his understanding 
 unfold ; we must attend to the efforts of his active powers, watch the va 
 rious movements of desire and affection, as they rise in his breast, and 
 mark whither they tend, and with what ardour they are exerted. The 
 philosophers and historians of ancient Greece and Rome, our guides in 
 this as well as every other disquisition, had only a limited view of this 
 subject, as they had hardly any opportunity of surveying man in his rudest 
 and most early state. In all those regions of the earth with which they 
 were well acquainted, civil society had made considerable advances, and 
 nations had finished a good part of their career before they began to ob 
 serve them. The Scythians and Germans, the rudest people of whom 
 any ancient author has transmitted to us an authentic account, possessed 
 flocks and herds, had acquired property of various kinds, and, when com 
 pared with mankind in their primitive state, may be reckoned to have 
 attained to a great degree of civilization. 
 
 But the discovery of the New World enlarged the sphere of contem 
 plation, and presented nations to our view, in stages of their progress, 
 much less advanced than those wherein they have been observed in our 
 continent. In America, man appears under the rudest form in which we 
 
 * Acosta, Hist. Nat. et Mor. lib. vii. c. 2, Sec. Garcia, Origen de los Indies, lib. v. c. 3. Tor- 
 quemada Monar Ind. lib. i. c. 2. &c. Boturini Benaduci Idea de una Hist, de la Amer. Septentr. 
 sect. xvii. p. 127. t Memolros dur la Louisiana, par Burnout, torn. 1. p. 119. 
 
 VOL. I. 18 8 
 
138 HISTORY OF [BOOK IV. 
 
 can conceive him to subsist. We behold communities just beginning to 
 unite, and may examine the sentiments and actions of human beings in 
 the infancy of social life, while they feel but imperfectly the force of it's 
 ties, and have scarcely relinquished their native liberty. That state of 
 primeval simplicity, which was known in our continent only by the fanci 
 ful description of poets, really existed in the other. The greater part of 
 its inhabitants were strangers to industry and labour, ignorant of arts, im 
 perfectly acquainted with the nature of property, and enjoying almost 
 without restriction or control the blessings which flowed spontaneously 
 from the bounty of nature. There were only two nations in this vast 
 continent which had emerged from this rude state, and had made any 
 considerable progress in acquiring the ideas, and adopting the institutions, 
 which belong to polished societies Their government and manners will 
 fall naturally under our review in relating the discovery and conquest of 
 the Mexican and Peruvian empires ; and we shall have there an oppor 
 tunity of contemplating the Americans in the state of highest improve 
 ment to which they ever attained. 
 
 At present, our attention and researches shall be turned to the small in 
 dependent tribes which occupied every other part of America. Among 
 these, though with some diversity in their character, their manners, and 
 institutions, the state of society was nearly similar, and so extremely rude, 
 that the denomination of savage may be applied to them all. In a gene 
 ral history of America, it would be highly improper to describe the con 
 dition of each petty community, or to investigate every minute circum 
 stance which contributes to form the character of its members. Such an 
 inquiry would lead to details of immeasurable and tiresome extent. The 
 qualities belonging to the people of all the different tribes have such a 
 near resemblance, that they may be painted with the same features. 
 Where any circumstances seem to constitute a diversity in their charac 
 ter and manners worthy of attention, it will be sufficient to point these 
 out as they occur, and to inquire into the cause of such peculiarities. 
 
 It is extremely difficult to procure satisfying and authentic information 
 concerning nations while they remain uncivilized. To discover their true 
 character under this rude form, and to select the features by which they 
 are distinguished, requires an observer possessed of no less impartiality 
 than discernment. For, in every stage of society, the faculties, the sen 
 timents, and desires of men are so accommodated to their own state, that 
 they become standards of excellence to themselves, they affix the idea of 
 perfection and happiness to those attainments which resemble their own, 
 and, wherever the objects and enjoyments to which they have been ac 
 custorned are wanting, confidently pronounce a people to be barbarous 
 and miserable. Hence the mutual contempt with which the members of 
 communities, unequal in their degrees of improvement, regard ea'ch other. 
 Polished nations, conscious of the advantages which they derive from their 
 knowledge alid arts, are apt to view rude nations with peculiar scorn, and, 
 in the pride of superiority, will hardly allow either their occupations, their 
 feelings, or their pleasures, to be worthy of men. It has seldom been the 
 lot of communities, in their early and unpolished state, to fall under the ob 
 servation of persons endowed with force of mind superior to vulgar preju 
 dices, and capable of contemplating man, under whatever aspect he appears, 
 with a candid and discerning eye. 
 
 The Spaniards, who first visited America, and who had opportunity ol, 
 beholding its various tribes while entire and .unsubdued, and before any 
 change had been made in their ideas or manners by intercourse with a race 
 of men much advanced beyond them in improvement, were far from pos 
 sessing the qualities requisite for observing the striking spectacle presented 
 to their view. Neither the age in which they lived, nor the nation to which 
 they belonged, had made such progress in true science, as inspires enlarged 
 
AMERICA. 139 
 
 and liberal sentiments. The conquerors of the New World were mostly 
 illiterate adventurers, destitute of all the ideas which should have directed 
 them in contemplating objects so extremely different from those with which 
 they were acquainted. Surrounded continually with danger or struggling 
 with hardships, they had little leisure, and less capacity, for any speculative 
 inquiry. Eager to take possession of a country of such extent and opu 
 lence, and happy in finding it occupied by inhabitants so incapable to de 
 fend it, they hastily pronounced them to be a wretched order of men, form 
 ed merely for servitude ; and were more employed in computing the profits 
 of their labour, than in inquiring: into the operations of their minds, or the 
 reasons of their customs and institutions. The persons who penetrated at 
 subsequent periods into the interior provinces, to which the knowledge and 
 devastations of the first conquerors did not reach, were generally of a simi 
 lar character ; brave and enterprising in a high decree, but so uninformed 
 as to be little qualified either for observing or describing what they beheld. 
 
 Not only the incapacity but the prejudices of the Spaniards rendered 
 their accounts of the people of America extremely defective. _Spon after 
 they planted colonies in their new conquests, a difference in opinion arose 
 with respect to the treatment of the natives. One party, solicitous to ren 
 der their servitude perpetual, represented them as a brutish, obstinate race, 
 incapable either of acquiring religious knowledge, or of being trained to 
 the functions of social life. The other, full of pious concern for their con 
 version, contended that, though rude and ignorant, they were gentle, affec 
 tionate, docile, and by proper instructions and regulations might be formed 
 gradually into good Christians and useful citizens. This controversy, as I 
 have already related, was carried on with all the warmth which is natural, 
 when attention to interest on the one hand, and religious zeal on the other, 
 animate the disputants. Most of the laity espoused the former opinion ; 
 all the ecclesiastics were advocates for the latter ; and we shall uniformly 
 find that, accordingly as an author belonged to either of these parties, he 
 is apt to magnify the virtues or aggravate the defects of the Americans 
 far beyond truth. Those repugnant accounts increase the difficulty of 
 attaining a perfect knowledge of their character, and render it necessary 
 to peruse all the descriptions of them by Spanish writers with distrust, 
 and to receive their information with some grains of allowance. 
 
 Almost two centuries elapsed after the discovery of America, before 
 the manners of its inhabitants attracted, in any considerable degree, the 
 attention of philosophers. At length they discovered that the contemplation 
 of the condition and characterof the Americans, in their original state, tend 
 ed to complete our knowledge of the human species ; might enable us to 
 fill up a considerable chasm in the history of its progress ; and lead to spe 
 culations no less curious than important. They entered upon this n,ew 
 field of study with great ardour ; but, instead of throwing light upon the 
 subject, they have contributed in some degree to involve it in additional 
 obscurity. Too impatient to inquire, they hastened to decide ; and began 
 to erect systems, when they should have been searching for facts on which 
 to establish their foundations. Struck with the appearance of degene 
 racy in the human species throughout the New World, and astonished at 
 beholding a vast continent occupied by a naked, feeble, and ignorant race 
 of men, some authors, of great name, have maintained that this part of 
 the globe had but lately emerged from the sea, and become fit for the 
 residence of man ; that every thing in it bore marks of a recent original ; 
 and that its inhabitants, lately called into existence, and still at the begin 
 ning of their career, were unworthy to be compared with the people of 
 a more ancient and improved continent.* Others have imagined, that, 
 under the influence of an unkindly climate, which checks and enervates* 
 
 * M. de Buffon Hist. Nat. iii. 484, &c. ix. 103. 114. 
 
HO HISTORY OF [BOOK IV. 
 
 the principle of life, man never attained in America the perfection which 
 belongs to his nature, but remained an animal of an inferior order, defec 
 tive in the vigour of his bodily frame, and destitute of sensibility, as well 
 as of force, in the operations of his minji.* In opposition to both these, 
 other philosophers have supposed that man arrives at his highest dignity 
 and excellence long before he reaches a state of refinement ; and, in the 
 rude simplicity of savage life, displays an elevation of sentiment, an in 
 dependence of mind, and a warmth of attachment, for which it is vain to 
 search among the members of polished societies.! They seem to consi 
 der that as the most perfect state of man which is the least civilized. 
 They describe the manners of the rude Americans with such rapture, as 
 if they proposed them for models to the rest of the species. These con 
 tradictory theories have been proposed with equal -confidence, and un 
 common powers of genius and eloquence have been exerted, in order to 
 clothe them with an appearance of truth. 
 
 As all those circumstances concur in rendering an inquiry into the state 
 of the rude nations in America intricate and obscure, it is necessary to carry 
 it on with caution. When guided in our researches by the intelligent 
 observations of the few philosophers who have visited this part of the 
 globe, we may venture to decide. When obliged to have recourse to the 
 superficial remarks of vulgar travellers, of sailors, traders, buccaneers, and 
 missionaries, we must often pause, and, comparing detached facts, endeavour 
 to discover what they wanted sagacity to observe. Without indulging 
 conjecture, or betraying a propensity to either system, we must study with 
 equal care to avoid the extremes of extravagant admiration, or of supercilious 
 contempt for those manners which we describe. 
 
 In order to conduct this inquiry with greater accuracy, it should be 
 rendered as simple as possible. Man existed as an individual before he 
 became the member of a community ; and the qualities which belong to 
 him under his former capacity should be known, before we proceed to 
 examine those which arise from the latter relation. This is peculiarly 
 necessary in investigating the manners of rude nations. Their political 
 union is so incomplete, their civil institutions and regulations so few, so 
 simple, and of such slender authority, that men in this state ought to be 
 viewed rather as independent agents, than as members of a regular society. 
 The character of a savage results almost entirely from his sentiments or 
 feelings as an individual, and is but little influenced by his imperfect 
 subjection to government and order. I shall conduct my researches 
 concerning the manners of the Americans in this natural order, proceeding: 
 gradually from what is simple to what is more complicated. 
 
 I shall consider, I. The bodily constitution of the Americans in those 
 regions now under review. II. The qualities of their minds. III. Their 
 domestic state. IV. Their political state and institutions. V. Their 
 system of war, and public security. VI. The arts with which they were 
 acquainted. VII. Their religious ideas and institutions. VIII. Such 
 singular detached customs as are not reducible to any of the former heads. 
 IX. I shall conclude with a general review and estimate of their virtues 
 and defects. 
 
 I. The bodily constitution of the Americans. The human body is less 
 affected by climate than that of any other animal. Some animals are 
 confined to a particular region of the globe, and cannot exist beyond it ; 
 others, though they may be brought to bear the injuries of a climate 
 foreign to them, cease to multiply when carried out of that district which 
 nature destined to be their mansion. Even such as seem capable of being 
 naturalized in various climates feel the effect of every remove from their 
 proper station, and gradually dwindle and degenerate from the vigour and 
 
 * M. de P. Recherches Philoe. Bur les Amric. passim. t M. Rousseau. 
 
AMERICA. 141 
 
 perfection peculiar to their species. Man is the only living creature 
 whose frame is at once so hardy and so flexible, that he can spread over 
 the whole earth, become the inhabitant of every region, and thrive and 
 multiply under every climate. Subject, however, to the general law of 
 Nature, the human body is not entirely exempt from the operation of 
 climate ; and when exposed to the extremes either of heat or cold, its 
 size or vigour diminishes. 
 
 The first appearance of the inhabitants of the New World filled the 
 discoverers with such astonishment that they were apt to imagine them a 
 race of men different from those of the other hemisphere. Their com 
 plexion is of a reddish brown, nearly resembling the colour of copper.* 
 The hair of their heads is always black, long, coarse, and uncurled. They 
 have no beard, and every part of their body is perfectly smooth. Their 
 persons are of .a full size, extremely straight, and well proportioned [44], 
 Their features are regular, though often distorted by absurd endeavours 
 to improve the beauty of their natural form, or to render their aspect more 
 dreadful to their enemies. In the islands, where four-footed animals were 
 both few and small, and the earth yielded her productions almost spon 
 taneously, the constitution of the natives, neither braced by the active 
 exercises of the chase, nor invigorated by the labour of cultivation, was 
 extremely feeble and languid. On the continent, where the forests abound 
 with game of various kinds, and the chief occupation of many tribes was 
 to pursue it, the human frame acquired greater firmness. Still, however, 
 the Americans were more remarkable for agility than strength. They 
 resembled beasts of prey, rather than, animals formed for labour [45]. 
 They were not only averse to toil, but incapable of it ; and when roused 
 by force from their native indolence, and compelled to work, they sunk 
 under tasks which the people of the other continent would have performed 
 with ease.j This feebleness of constitution was universal among the 
 inhabitants of those regions in America which we are surveying, and may 
 be considered as characteristic of the species there.J 
 
 The beardless countenance and smooth skin of the American seems to 
 indicate a defect of vigour, occasioned by some vice in his frame. ^ He is 
 destitute of one sign of manhood and of strength. This peculiarity, by 
 which the inhabitants of the New World are distinguished from the 
 people of all other nations, cannot be attributed, as some travellers have 
 supposed, to their mode of subsistence. For though the food of many 
 Americans be extremely insipid, as they are altogether unacquainted with 
 the use of salt, rude tribes in other parts of the earth have subsisted on 
 aliments equally simple, without this mark of degradation, or any apparent 
 symptom of a diminution in their vigour. 
 
 As the external form of the Americans leads us to suspect that there is 
 some natural debility in their frame, the smallness of their appetite for 
 food has been mentioned by many authors as a confirmation of this sus 
 picion. The quantity of food which men consume varies according to the 
 temperature of the climate in which they live, the degree of activity 
 which they exert, and the natural vigour of their constitutions. Under 
 the enervating heat of the torrid zone, and when men pass their days in 
 indolence and ease, they require less nourishment than the active inhabitants 
 of temperate or cold countries. But neither the warmth of their climate, 
 nor their extreme laziness, will account for the uncommon defect of 
 appetite among the Americans. The Spaniards were astonished with 
 observing this, not only in the islands, but in several parts of the continent. 
 The constitutional temperance of the natives far exceeded, in their opinion, 
 
 * Oviedo Somario p. 46. D. Life of Columbus, c. 24. | Oviedo Som. p. 51. C: Voy. 
 
 de Correal, ii. 138. Wafer's Description, p. 13J. $ B. Las Casas Brev. Relac. p. 4. Torquem. 
 
 Motiar. i. 580. Oviedo Somario, p. 41. Histor. lib. iii. c. 6. Herrera, dec. i. Jib. xi. c. 5. Simon, 
 p. 41. Charlev. Hist. de. Nouv. Fr. iii. 310. 
 
142 HISTORY OF [BOOK IV. 
 
 the abstinence of the most mortified hermits :* while, on the other hand, 
 the appetite of the Spaniards appeared to the Americans insatiably 
 voracious ; and they affirmed, that one Spaniard devoured more food in a 
 day than was sufficient for ten Americans.! 
 
 f A proof of some feebleness in their frame, still more striking, is the 
 insensibility of the Americans to the charms of beauty, and the power of 
 love. That passion which was destined to perpetuate life, to be the bond of 
 social union, and the source of tenderness and joy, is the most ardent in 
 the human breast. Though the perils and hardships of the savage state, 
 though excessive fatigue on some occasions, and the difficulty at all times 
 of procuring subsistence, may seem to be adverse to this passion, and to 
 have a tendency to abate its vigour, yet the rudest nations in every other 
 part of the globe seem to feel its influence more powerfully than the 
 inhabitants of the New World. The negro glows with all the warmth of 
 desire natural to his climate ; and the most uncultivated Asiatics discover 
 that sensibility, which, from their situation on the globe, we should expect 
 them to have felt. ^ But the Americans are, in an amazing degree, strangers 
 to the force of this first instinct of nature. In every part of the New 
 World the natives treat their women with coldness and indifference. 
 They are neither the objects of that tender attachment which takes place 
 in civilized society, nor of that ardent desire conspicuous among rude 
 nations. Even in climates where this passion usually acquires its greatest 
 vigour, the savage of America views his female with disdain, as an animal 
 of a less noble species. He is at no pains to win her favour .by the 
 assiduity of courtship, and still less solicitous to preserve it ^indulgence 
 and gentleness.J Missionaries themselves, notwithstanding the austerity 
 of moriastic ideas, cannot refrain from expressing their astonishment at the 
 dispassionate coldness of the American young men in their intercourse 
 with the other sex. Nor is this reserve to be ascribed to any opinion 
 which they entertain with respect to the merit of female chastity. That 
 is an idea too refined for a savage, and suggested by a delicacy of sentiment 
 and affection to which he is a stranger. 
 
 But in inquiries concerning either the bodily or mental qualities of 
 particular races of men, there is not a more common or more seducing 
 error, than that of ascribing to a single cause, those characteristic 
 peculiarities which are the effect of the combined operation of many 
 causes. The climate and soil of America differ in so many respects from 
 those of the other hemisphere, and this difference is so obvious and striking, 
 that philosophers of great eminence have laid hold on this as sufficient to 
 account for what is peculiar in the constitution of its inhabitants. They 
 rest on physical causes alone, and consider the feeble frame and languid 
 desire of the Americans, as consequences of the temperament of that, 
 portion of the globe which they occupy. But the influences of political 
 and moral causes ought not to have been overlooked. These operate with 
 no less effect than that on which many philosophers rest as a full explanation 
 of the singular appearances which have been mentioned. Wherever the 
 state of society is such as to create many^ wants and desires, which cannot 
 be satisfied without regular exertions of industry, the body accustomed to 
 labour becomes robust and patient of fatigue. In a more simple state, 
 where the demands of men are so few and so moderate that they may be 
 gratified, almost without any effort, by the spontaneous productions of 
 nature, the powers of the body are not called forth, nor can they attain their 
 proper strength. The natives of Chili and of North America, the two 
 
 * Ramusip, iii. 304. F. 306. A. Simon Conquista, &c. p. 39. Hakluyt, iii. 468. 508. f Herrcra, 
 dec. 1. lib. ii. c. 16. J Hennepin Mosurs des Sauvages, 32, &c. Rochefort Hist, des Isles 
 
 Antilles, p. 461. Voyage de Correal, ii. 141. Ramusio, iii. 309. F. Lozano Descr. del Gran Chaco, 
 71. Falkner's Descr. of Patagon, p. 125. Lettere di P. Cataneo ap. Muratori II Christian. Felice, 
 i. 305. $ Chanvalon, p. 51. Lettr. Edif. torn. xxiv. 318. Tertre, ii. 377. Venegas, i. 81. 
 
 Ribas Hist, de los Triumf. p. 11. 
 
AMERICA. 143 
 
 temperate regions in the New World, who live by hunting, majr be deemed 
 an active and vigorous race, when compared with the inhabitants of the 
 isies, or of those parts of the continent where hardly any labour is requisite 
 to procure subsistence. The exertions of a hunter are not, however, so 
 regular, or so continued, as those of persons employed in the culture of 
 the earth, or in the various arts of civilized life ; and though his agility 
 may be greater than theirs, his strength is on the whole inferior. If 
 another direction were given to the active powers of man in the New 
 World, and his force augmented by exercise, he might acquire a degree 
 of vigour which he does not in his present state possess. The truth ol 
 this is confirmed by experience. Wherever the Americans have been 
 gradually accustomed to hard labour, their constitutions become robust, 
 and they have been found capable of performing such tasks, as seemed 
 not only to exceed the powers of such a feeble frame as has been deemed 
 peculiar to their country, but to equal any effort of the natives either of 
 Africa or of Europe [46]. 
 
 The same reasoning will apply to what has been observed concerning 
 their slender demand for food. As a proof that this should be ascribed 
 as much to their extreme indolence, and often total want of occupation, as 
 to any thing peculiar in the physical structure of their bodies, it has been 
 observed, that in those districts where the people of America are obliged 
 to exert any unusual effort of activity, in order to procure subsistence, ^or 
 wherever they are employed in severe labour, their appetite is not inferior 
 to that of other men, and in some places, it has struck observers as remark 
 ably voracious.* 
 
 The operation of political and moral causes is still more conspicuous in 
 modifying the degree of attachment between the sexes. In a state of high 
 civilization, this passion, inflamed by restraint, refined by delicacy, and 
 cherished by fashion, occupies and engrosses the heart. It is no longer a 
 simple instinct of nature ; sentiment heightens the ardour of desire, and 
 the most tender emotions of which our Trame is susceptible soothe and 
 agitate the soul. This description, however, applies only to those, who, 
 by their situation, are exempted from the cares and labours of life. ^ Among 
 persons of inferior order, who are doomed by their condition to incessant 
 toil, the dominion of this passion is less violent ; their solicitude to procure 
 subsistence, and to provide for the first demand of nature, leaves little 
 le-isure for attending to its second call. But if the nature of the intercourse 
 between the sexes varies so much in persons of different rank in polished 
 societies, the condition of man while he remains uncivilized must occasion 
 a variation still more apparent. We may well suppose, that amidst the 
 hardships, the dangers, and the simplicity of domestic life, where subsist 
 ence is always precarious and often scanty, where men are almost con 
 tinually engaged in the pursuit of their enemies, or in guarding against their 
 attacks, and where neither dress nor reserve are employed as arts of 
 female allurement, that the attention of the Americans to their women 
 would be extremely feejale, without imputing this solely to any physical 
 defect or degradation in their frame. 
 
 It is accordingly observed, that in those countries of America where, 
 from the fertility of the soil, the mildness of the climate, or some further 
 advances which the natives have made in improvement, the means of 
 subsistence are more abundant, and the hardships of savage life are less 
 severely felt, the animal passion of the sexes becomes more ardent. 
 Striking examples of this occur among some tribes seated on the banks of 
 great rivers well stored with food, among others who are masters of 
 hunting grounds abounding so much with game, that they have a regular 
 and plentiful supply of nourishment with little labour. The superior degree 
 
 * Gumilla, ii. 12. 70.247. Lafitau, i 515. Ovalle Church. 11. 81. Muratori, i. 205, 
 
144 HISTORY OF [BOOK IV. 
 
 of security and affluence which those tribes enjoy is followed by their 
 natural effects. The passions implanted in the human frame by the hand 
 of nature acquire additional force ; new tastes and desires are formed ; the 
 women, as they are more valued and admired, become more attentive to 
 dress and ornament ; the men beginning to feel how much of their own 
 happiness depends upon them, no longer disdain the arts of winning their 
 favour and affection. The intercourse of the sexes becomes very different 
 from that which takes place among their ruder countrymen ; and as hardly 
 any restraint is imposed on the gratification of desire, either by religion or 
 laws or decency, the dissolution of their manners is excessive.* 
 
 Notwithstanding the_ feeble make of the Americans, hardly any of them 
 are deformed, or mutilated, or defective in any of their senses. All 
 travellers have been struck with this circumstance, and have celebrated 
 the uniform symmetry and perfection of their external figure. Some 
 authors search for the cause of this appearance in their physical condition. 
 As (he parents are not exhausted or over fatigued with hard labour, they 
 suppose that their children are born vigorous and sound. They imagine 
 that, in the liberty of savage life, the human body, naked and unconfined 
 from its earliest age, preserves its natural form ; and that all its limbs and 
 members acquire a juster proportion than when fettered with artificial 
 restraints, which stint its growth and distort its shape.f Something, without 
 doubt, may be ascribed to the operation of these causes ; but the true 
 reasons of this apparent advantage, which is common to all savage nations, 
 lie deeper, and are closely interwoven with the nature and genius of that 
 state. The infancy of man is so long and so helpless, that it is extremely 
 difficult to rear children among rude nations. Their means of subsistence 
 are not only scanty, but precarious. Such as live by hunting must range 
 over extensive countries, and shift often from place to place. The care of 
 children, as well as every other laborious task, is devolved upon the women. 
 The distresses and hardships of the savage life, which are often such as 
 can hardly be supported by persons in full vigour, must be fatal to those 
 of more tender age. Afraid of undertaking a task so laborious, and of such 
 long duration, as that of rearing their offspring, the women, in some parts of 
 America, procure frequent abortions by the use of certain herbs, and extin 
 guish the first sparks of that life which they are unable to cherish.]; Sen 
 sible that only stout and well formed children have force of constitution to 
 struggle through such a hard infancy, other nations abandon and destroy 
 such of their progeny as appear feeble or defective, as unworthy of attention. 
 Even when they endeavour to rear all their children without distinction, so 
 great a proportion of the whole number perishes under the rigorous treat 
 ment which must be their lot in the savage state, that few of those who 
 laboured under any original frailty attain the age of manhood.!) Thus- 
 in polished societies, where the means of subsistence are secured with 
 certainty, and acquired with ease ; where the talents of the mind are 
 often of more importance than ,the powers of the body ; children are pre 
 served notwithstanding their defects or deformity, end grow up to be useful 
 citizens. In rude nations, such persons are either cut off as soon as they 
 are born, or, becoming a burden to themselves and to the community, 
 cannot long protract their lives. But in those provinces of the New 
 World, where, by the establishment of the Europeans, more regular pro 
 vision has been made for the subsistence of its inhabitants, and they are 
 restrained from laying violent hands on their children, the Americans are 
 so far from being eminent for any superior perfection in their form, that 
 one should rather suspect some peculiar imbecility in the race, from the 
 
 * Biet. 389. Charlev. iii. 423. Dumont. M6m. sur Louisiane, i. 155. t Piso, p. 6; 
 
 * Ellis's Voyage to Hudson's Bay, 198. Herrera, dec. 7. lib* ix. c. 4. $ Gumilla H ist. ii, 234. 
 
 Techo's Hist, of Paraguay, &c. Churchill's Collect, vi. 108. || Creuxii. Hist. Canad, p. 57. 
 
AMERICA. 145 
 
 extraordinary number of individuals who are deformed, dwarfish, mutilated, 
 blind, or deaf.* 
 
 How feeble soever the constitution of the Americans may be, it is re 
 markable that there is less variety in the human form throughout the New 
 World than in the ancient continent. When Columbus and the other 
 discoverers first visited the different countries of America which lie within 
 the torrid zone, they naturally expected to find people of the same 
 complexion with those in the corresponding regions of the other hemi 
 sphere. To their amazement, however, they discovered that America 
 contained no negroes ;| and the cause of this singular appearance became 
 as much the object of curiosity as the fact itself was of wonder. In what 
 part or membrane of the body that humour resides which tinges the 
 complexion of the negro with a deep black, it is the business of anatomists 
 to inquire and describe. The powerful operation of heat appears mani 
 festly to be the. cause which produces this striking variety in the human 
 species. All Europe, a great part of Asia, and the temperate countries of 
 Africa, are inhabited by men of a white complexion. All the torrid zone 
 in Africa, some of the warmer regions adjacent to it, and several countries 
 in Asia, are filled with people of a deep black colour. If we survey the 
 nations of our continent, making our progress from cold and temperate 
 countries towards those parts which are exposed to the influence of vehe 
 ment and unremitting heat, we shall find that the extreme whiteness ot 
 
 gradually as we 
 lations of shade, 
 
 rica, where the 
 
 agency of heat is checked and abated by various causes, which I have 
 already explained, the climate seems to be destitute of that force which 
 produces such wonderful effects on the human frame. The colour of the 
 natives of the torrid zone in America is hardly of a deeper hue than that 
 of the people in the more temperate parts of their continent. Accurate 
 observers, who had an opportunity of viewing the Americans in very 
 different climates, and in provinces far removed from each other, have 
 been struck with the amazing similarity of their figure and aspect [47]. 
 
 But though the hand of nature has deviated so little from one standard 
 in fashioning the human form in America, the creation of fancy hath been 
 various and extravagant. The same fables that were current in the ancient 
 continent, have been revived with respect to the New World, and America 
 too has been peopled with human beings of monstrous and fantastic 
 appearance. The inhabitants of certain provinces were described to be 
 pigmies of three feet high ; those of others to be giants of an enormous 
 size. Some travellers published accounts of people with only one eye : 
 others pretended to have discovered men without heads, whose eyes and 
 mouths were planted in their breasts. The variety of Nature in her pro 
 ductions is indeed so great, that it is presumptuous to set bounds to her 
 fertility, and to reject indiscriminately every relation that does not perfectly 
 accord with our own linjited observation and experience. But the other 
 extreme, of yielding a hasty assent on the slighest evidence to whatever 
 has the appearance of being strange and marvellous, is still more unbe 
 coming a philosophical inquirer ; as, in every period, men are more apt to 
 be betrayed into error by their weakness in believing too much, than by 
 their arrogance in believing too little. In proportion as science extends^ 
 and nature is examined witn a discerning eye, the wonders which amused 
 ages of ignorance disappear. The tales of credulous travellers concerning 
 America are forgotten ; the monsters which they describe have been 
 searched for in vain ; and those provinces where they pretend to have 
 
 * Voy. de Ulloa, i. 232. t P. Martyr, dec. p. 71. 
 
 VOL. I. 10 
 
146 HISTORY OF [Boos IV, 
 
 found inhabitants of singular forms, are now known to be possessed by a 
 people nowise different from the other Americans. 
 
 Though those relations may, without discussion, be rejected as fabulous, 
 there are other accounts of varieties in the human species in some parts of 
 the New World, which rest upon better evidence, and merit more attentive 
 examination. This variety has been particularly observed in three different 
 districts. The first of these is situated in the isthmus of Darien, near the 
 centre of America. Lionel Wafer, a traveller possessed of more curiosity 
 and intelligence than we should have expected to find in an associate of 
 Buccaneers, discovered there a race of men few in number, but of a 
 singular make. They are of low stature, according to his description^ of 
 a teeble frame, incapable of enduring fatigue. Their colour is a dead 
 milk white ; not resembling that of fair people among the Europeans, but 
 without any tincture of a blush or sanguine complexion. Their skin is 
 covered with a fine hairy down of a chalky white ; the hair of their heads, 
 their eyebrows, and eye-lashes, are of the same hue. Their eyes are of 
 a singular form, and so weak that they can hardly bear the light of the 
 sun ; Taut they see clearly by moonlight, and are most active and gay in 
 the night.* No race similar to this has been discovered in any other part 
 of America. Cortes, indeed, found some persons exactly resembling the 
 white people of Darien among the rare and monstrous animals which 
 Montezuma had collected.! But as the power of the Mexican empire 
 extended to the provinces bordering on the isthmus of Darien, they were 
 probably brought thence. Singular as the appearance of those people may 
 be, they cannot be considered as constituting a distinct species. Among 
 the negroes of Africa, as well as the natives of the Indian islands, nature 
 sometimes produces & small number of individuals;' with all the characteristic 
 features and qualities of the white people, of Darien. The former are 
 called Albinos by the Portuguese, the latter Kadkerlakes by the Dutch. In 
 Darien the parents of those Whites are of the same colour with the other 
 natives of the country ; and this observation applies equally to the anomalous 
 progeny of the Negroes and Indians. The same mother who produces 
 some children of a colour that does not belong to the race, brings forth the 
 rest with a complexion peculiar to her country.! One conclusion may then 
 be formed with respect to the people described by Wafer, the Albinos and 
 the Kackerlakes; they are a degenerated breed, not a separate class of 
 men ; and from some disease or defect of their parents, the peculiar colour 
 and debility which mark their degradation are transmitted to them. As a 
 decisive proof of this, it has been observed, that neither the white people 
 of Darien, nor the- Albinos of Africa, propagate their race : their children 
 are of the colour and temperament peculiar to the natives of their respective 
 countries [48]. 
 
 The second district that is occupied by inhabitants differing in appear 
 ance from the other people 0*" America, is situated in a high northern 
 latitude, extending from the coast of Labrador towards the pole, as far as 
 the country is habitable. The people scattered over those dreary regions 
 are known to the European? by the name of Esquimaux. They them 
 selves, with that idea of their own superiority, which consoles the rudest 
 and most wretched nations, assume the name of Keralit or Men. They 
 are of a middle size, and robust, with, heads of a disproportioned bulk, 
 and feet as remarkably small. Their complexion though swarthy, by being 
 continually exposed to the rigour of a cold climate, inclines to the European 
 white rather than to the copper colour of America, and the men have 
 beards which are sometimes oushy and long.H From these marks of 
 
 * Wafer's Descript. of Isth. ap. Dampier, iii. p. 346. f Cortes ap. Rainus. iii. p. 241. E. 
 
 J Margrav. Hist. Rer. Nat. Bras. lib. viii. c. 4. $ Wafer, p. 348. Demanet Hist, de FAfrique, 
 
 ii. 234. Recherch. Philos. sur les Amer. ii. 1, &c. || Ellis Voy.toHuds. Bay, p. 131. 139. De 
 
 la. Potherie, torn. 1. p. 79. Wales Journ. of a Voy. to Churchill River, Phil. Trans, vol Ix 109. 
 
AMERICA. 147 
 
 distinction, as well as from one still less equivocal, the affinity of their 
 language to that of the Greenlanders, which I have already mentioned, 
 we may conclude, with some degree of confidence, that the Esquimaux 
 are a race different from the rest of the Americans. 
 
 We cannot decide with equal certainty concerning the inhabitants of the 
 third district, situated at the southern extremity of America. These are 
 the famous Patagonians, who, during two centuries and a half, have 
 afforded a subject of controversy to the learned, and an object of wonder 
 to the vulgar. They are supposed to be one of the wandering tribes 
 which occupy the vast but least known region of America, which extends 
 from the river de la Plata to the Straits of Magellan. Their proper 
 station is in that part of the interior country which lies on the banks of the 
 river Negro ; but, in the hunting season, they often roam as far as the straits 
 wnich separate Tierra del Fuego from the- main land. The first accounts 
 of this people were brought to Europe by the companions of Magellan,* 
 who described them as a gigantic race, above eight feet high, and of 
 strength in proportion to their enormous size. Among several tribes of 
 animals, a disparity in bulk as considerable may be observed. Some 
 large breeds of horses and dogs exceed the more diminutive races in 
 stature and strength, as far as the Patasrpnian is supposed to rise above the 
 usual standard ot" the human body, put animals attain the highest per 
 fection of their species only in mild climates, or where they find the most 
 nutritive food in greatest abundance. It is not then in the uncultivated 
 waste of the Magellanic regions, and among a tribe of improvident savages, 
 that we should expect to find man possessing the highest honours of his 
 race, and distinguished by a superiority of size and vigour, far beyond 
 what he has reached in any other part of the earth. The most explicit 
 and unexceptionable evidence is requisite, in. order to establish a fact 
 repugnant to those general principles and laws, which seem to affect the 
 human frame in every other instance, and to decide with respect to its 
 nature and qualities. Such evidence has not hitherto been produced. 
 Though several persons, to whose testimony great respect is due, have 
 visited this part of America since the time of Magellan, and have had 
 interviews with the natives ; though some have affirmed, that such as they 
 saw were of gigantic stature, and others have formed .the same conclusion 
 from measuring their footsteps, or from viewing the skeletons of their dead ; 
 yet their accounts vary from each other in so many essential points, and are 
 mingled with so many circumstances manifestly false or fabulous, as detract 
 much from their credit. On the other han4, some navigators, and those 
 among the most eminent of their order for discernment and accuracy, have 
 asserted that the natives of Patagonia, with whom they had intercourse, 
 though stout and well made, are not of such extraordinary size as to be 
 distinguished from the rest of the human species [49]. The existence of 
 this gigantic race of men seems, then, to be one of those points in natural 
 history, with respect to which a cautious inquirer will hesitate, and will 
 choose to suspend his assent until more complete evidence shall decide 
 whether he ought to admit a fact, seemingly inconsistent with what reason 
 and experience have discovered concerning the structure and condition of 
 man, in all the various situations in which he has been observed. 
 
 In order to form a complete idea with respect to the constitution of the 
 inhabitants of this and the other hemisphere, we should attend not only to 
 the make and vigour of their bodies, but consider what degree of health 
 they enjoy, and to what period of longevity they usually arrive. In the 
 simplicity of the savage state, when man is not oppressed with labour, or 
 enervated by luxury, or disquieted with care, we are apt to imagine that 
 this life will flow on almost untroubled by disease or suffering 1 , until his 
 
 * Falkncr's Description of Patagonia, p. 102. 
 
i& HISTORY OF [BOOK IV. 
 
 days be terminated in extreme old age by the gradual decays of nature^ 
 We find, accordingly, among the Americans, as well as among other rude 
 people, persons whose decrepit and shrivelled form seems to indicate an 
 extraordinary length of life. But as most of them are unacquainted with 
 the art of numbering, and all of them as forgetful of what is past, as they 
 are improvident of what is to come, it is impossible to ascertain their age 
 with any degree of precision.* It is evident that the period of their 
 longevity must vary considerably, according to the diversity of climates, 
 ana their different modes of subsistence. They seem, however, to be 
 every where exempt from many of the distempers which afflict polished 
 nations. None of the maladies, -whicb are the immediate offspring of 
 luxury, ever visited them ; and they have no names in their languages by 
 which to distinguish this numerous train of adventitious evils. 
 
 But whatever be the situation in which man is placed, he is born to 
 suffer ; and his diseases in the savage state, though fewer in number, are, 
 like those of the animals whom he nearly resembles in his mode ol life, 
 more violent and more fatal. If luxury engenders and nourishes distempers 
 of one species, the rigour and distresses of savage life bring on those of 
 another. As men in this state ' are wonderfully improvident, and their 
 means of subsistence precarious, they often pass from extreme want to 
 exuberant plenty, according to the vicissitudes of fortune in the chase, or 
 in consequence of the various degrees of abundance with which the earth 
 affords to them its productions in different seasons. Their inconsiderate 
 gluttony in the one situation, and their severe abstinence in the other, are 
 equally pernicious. ' For though the human constitution may be accustomed 
 by habit, like that of animals of prey, to tolerate long famine, and then to- 
 gorge voraciously, it is not a little affected by such sudden and violent 
 transitions. The strength and vigour of savages are at some seasons 
 impaired by what they suffer from a scarcity of food ; at others they are 
 afflicted with disorders arising from indigestion and a superfluity of gross 
 aliment. These are so common, that they may be considered as the 
 unavoidable consequence of their mode of subsisting, and cut off considerable 
 numbers in the prime of life. They are likewise extremely subject to 
 consumptions, to pleuritic, asthmatic, and paralytic disorders,! brought on 
 by the immoderate hardships and fatigue whicn they endure in hunting 
 and in war ; or owing to the inclemency of the seasons to which they are 
 continually exposed. In the savage state, hardships and fatigue violently 
 assault the constitution. In polished societies, intemperance undermines 
 it. It is not easy to determine which of them operates with most fatal 
 effect, or tends most to abridge human life. The influence of the former is 
 certainly most extensive. The pernicious consequences of luxury reach 
 only a few members in any community ; the distresses of savage life are felt 
 by all. As far as I can judge, after very minute inquiry, the general period 
 of human life is shorter among savages than in well regulated and industri 
 ous societies. 
 
 One dreadful malady, the severest scourge with which, in this life, 
 offended Heaven chastens the indulgence of criminal desire, seems to have 
 been peculiar to the Americans. By communicating it to their conquerors, 
 they have not only amply avenged their own wrongs, but, by adding this 
 calamity to those which formerly imbittered human life, they have, perhaps, 
 more than counterbalanced all the benefits which Europe has derived from 
 the discovery of the New World. This distemper, from the country in 
 which it first raged, or from the people by whom it was supposed to have 
 been spread over Europe, has been sometimes called the .Neapolitan, and 
 sometimes the French disease. At its first appearance, the infection was 
 
 * Ulloa Notkj. Americ. 323. Bancroft Nat. Hiat. of Guiana, 334. t Charlev. I*. Fr. iii. 364. 
 Lafitau, ii. 360. De la Potherie, ii. 37. 
 
AMERICA. 149 
 
 so malignant, its symptoms so violent, its operation so rapid and fatal, as to 
 baffle all the efforts of medical skill. Astonishment and terror accompanied 
 this unknown affliction in its progress, and men began to dread the extinction 
 of the human race by such a cruel visitation. Experience, and the 
 ingenuity of physicians, gradually discovered remedies of such virtue as to 
 cure or to mitigate the evil. During the course of two centuries and a 
 half, its virulence seems to have abated considerably. At length, in the 
 same manner with the leprosy, which raged in Eorope for some centuries, 
 it may waste its force and disappear ; and in some happier age, this 
 western infection, like that from the east, may be known only by descrip 
 tion [50]. 
 
 II. After considering what appears to be peculiar in the bodily constitution 
 of the Americans, our attention is naturally turned towards the powers 
 and qualities of their minds. As the individual advances from the igno 
 rance and imbecility of the infant state to vigour and maturity of under 
 standing, something similar to this may be observed in the progress of the 
 species. With respect to it, too, there is a period of infancy, during which 
 several powers of the mind are not unfolded, and all are feeble and defective 
 in their operation. In the early ages of society, while the condition of 
 man is simple and rude, this reason is but little exercised, and his desires 
 move within a very narrow sphere. Hence arise two remarkable charac 
 teristics of the human mind in this state. Its intellectual powers are 
 extremely limited ; its emotions and efforts are few and languid. Both 
 these distinctions are conspicuous among the rudest and most unimproved 
 of the American tribes, and constitute a striking part of their description. 
 
 What, among polished nations, is called speculative reasoning or research, 
 is altogether unknown in the rude state of society, and never becomes the 
 occupation or amusement of the human faculties, until man be so far 
 improved as to have secured, with certainty, the means of subsistence, as 
 well as the possession of leisure and tranquillity. The thoughts and 
 attention of a savage are confined within the small circle of objects imme 
 diately conducive to his preservation or enjoyment. Every thing beyond 
 that escapes his observation, or is perfectly indifferent to him. Like a 
 mere animal, what is before his eyes interests and affects hini ; what is out 
 of sight, or at a distance, makes little impression.* There are several 
 people in America whose limited understandings seem not to be capable of 
 forming an arrangement for futurity ; neither their solicitude nor their 
 foresight extends so far. They follow blindly the impulse of the appetite 
 which they feel, but are entirely regardless of distant consequences, and 
 even of those removed in the least degree from immediate apprehension. 
 While they highly prize such things as serve for present use, or minister 
 to present enjoyment, they set no value upon those which are not the 
 object of some immediate want.j When, on the approach of the evening, 
 a Caribbee feels himself disposed to go to rest, no consideration will tempt 
 him to sell his hammock. But, in the morning, when he is sallying out to 
 the business or pastime of the day, he will part with it for the slightest toy 
 that catches his fancy. J At the close of winter, while the impression of 
 what he has suffered from the rigour of the climate is fresh in the mind of 
 the North American, he sets himself with vigour to prepare materials for 
 erecting a comfortable hut to protect him against the inclemency of the 
 succeeding season ; but, as soon as the weather becomes mild, he forgets 
 what is past, abandons his work, and never thinks of it more until the return 
 of cold compels him, when too late, to resume it. 
 
 If in concerns the most interesting, and seemingly the most simple, the 
 
 * UHo Noticias Americ. 222. t Venegas Hist, of Calif, i. 66. Supp. Church. Coll. v. 693. 
 
 Borde Descr. des Caraibes, p. 16. Ellis Voy. 194, J Labat Voyages, ii. 114, 115. Tertre, ii. 
 385. Adair's Hist, of Amer. IiiAians, 417 
 
150 HISTORY OF [BOOK IV. 
 
 reason of man, while rude and destitute of culture, differs so little from the 
 thoughtless levity of children, or the improvident instinct of animals, its 
 exertions in other directions cannot be very considerable. The objects 
 towards which reason turns, and the disquisitions in which it engages, 
 must depend upon the state in which man is placed, and are suggested 
 by his necessities and desires. Disquisitions, which appear the most ne 
 cessary and. important to men in one state of society, never occur to those in 
 another. Among civilized nations, arithmetic, or the art of numbering, is 
 deemed an essential and elementary science : and in our continent, the 
 invention and use of it reaches back to a period so remote as is beyond the 
 knowledge of history. But among savages, who have no property to 
 estimate, no hoarded treasures to count, no variety of objects or multiplicity 
 of ideas to enumerate, arithmetic is a superfluous and useless art. Ac 
 cordingly, among some tribes in America it seems to be quite unknown. 
 There are many who cannot reckon further than three ; and have no 
 denomination to distinguish any number above it.* Several can proceed as 
 far as ten, others to twenty. When they would convey an idea of any 
 number beyond these, they point to the hair of their head, intimating that 
 it is equal to them, or with wonder declare it to be so great that it cannot 
 be reckoned.! Not only the Americans, but all nations while extremely 
 rude, seem to be unacquainted with the art of computation.^ As soon, 
 however, as they acquire such acquaintance or connexion with a variety of 
 objects, that there is frequent occasion to combine or divide them, their 
 knowledge Of numbers increases, so that the state of this art among any 
 people may be considered as one standard by which to estimate the degree 
 of their improvement. The Iroquoise,in North America, as they are much 
 more civilized than the rude inhabitants of Brazil, Paraguay, or Guiana, 
 have likewise made greater advances in this respect; though even their 
 arithmetic does not extend beyond a thousand, as in their petty transactions 
 they have no occasion for any higher number. The Cherokee, a less 
 considerable nation, on the same continent, can reckon only as far as a 
 hundred, and to that extent have names for the several numbers ; the 
 smaller tribes in their neighbourhood can rise no higher than ten[| [51J. 
 
 In other respects, the' exercise of the understanding among rude nations 
 is still more limited. T,he first ideas of every human being must be such 
 as he receives by the senses. But in the mind of man, while in the savage 
 state, there seem to be hardly any ideas but what enter by this avenue. 
 The objects around him are presented to his eye. Such as may be sub 
 servient to his use, or can gratify any of his appetites, attract his notice ; 
 he views the rest without curiosity or attention. Satisfied with considering 
 them under that simple mode in which they appear to him, as separate and 
 detached, he neither combines them so as to form general classes, nor con 
 templates their qualities apart from the subject in which they inhere, nor 
 bestows a thought upon the operations of his own mind concerning them. 
 Thus he is unacquainted with all the ideas which have been denominated 
 universal} or abstract, or of reflection. The range of his understanding 
 must, of course, be very confined, and his reasoning powers be employed 
 merely on what is sensible. This is so remarkably the case with the ruder 
 nations of America, that their languages (as we shall afterwards find) have 
 not a word to express any thing but what is material or corporeal. Time, 
 space, substance, and a thousand terms, which represent abstract and 
 universal ideas, are altogether unknown to them.i A naked savage, 
 cowering over the fire in his miserable cabin, or stretched under a few 
 
 * Condam. p. 67. Stadius ap. de Bry, ix. 128. Lery, ibid. 251. Biet. 362. Lettr. Edif. 23. 
 314. f Dumont Louis, i. 187. Herrera, dec. 1. lib, iii. c. 3. Biet. 396. Borde, 6. J This is 
 the case with the Greenlandere, Crantz, i. 225, and with Kamchatkadales, M. 1'AbM Chappe, iii. 
 17. $ Charley. Nouv. Franc, iii. 402. || Adair's Hist, of Amer. Indians, 77. If Condara. 
 p. 54. 
 
AMERICA. 151 
 
 branches which afford him a temporary shelter, has as little inclination as 
 capacity for useless speculation. His thoughts extend not beyond what 
 relates to animal life ; and when they are not directed towards some of 
 its concerns, his mind is totally inactive. In situations where no extraor 
 dinary effort either of ingenuity or labour is requisite, in order to satisfy 
 the simple demands of nature, the powers of the mind are so seldom 
 roused to any exertion, that the rational faculties continue almost dormanf 
 and unexercised. The numerous tribes scattered over the rich plains of 
 South America, the inhabitants of some of the islands, and of several 
 fertile regions on the continent, come under this description. Their vacant 
 countenance, their staring unexpressive eye, their listless inattention, and 
 total ignorance of subjects which seemed to be the first which should 
 occupy the thoughts of rational beings, made such impression upon the 
 Spaniards, when they first beheld those rude people, that they considered 
 them as animals of an inferior order, and could not believe that they 
 belonged to the human species.* It required the authority of a papal 
 bull to counteract this opinion, and to convince them that the Americans 
 were capable of the functions and entitled to the privileges of humanity.! 
 Since that time, persons more enlightened and impartial than the discoverers 
 or conquerors of America, have had an opportunity of contemplating the 
 most savage of its inhabitants, and they have been astonished and humbled 
 with observing how nearly man in this condition approaches to the brute 
 creation. But in severer climates, where subsistence cannot be procured 
 with the same ease, where men must unite more closely, and act with 
 greater concert, necessity calls forth their talents and sharpens their inven 
 tion, so that the intellectual powers are more exercised and improved. 
 The North American tribes, and the natives of Chili, who inhabit the tem 
 perate regions in the two great districts of America, are people of cultivated 
 and enlarged understandings, when viewed jn comparison with some of 
 those seated in the islands, or on the banks of the Maragnon and Orinoco. 
 Their occupations are more various, their system of policy, as well as of 
 war, more complex, their arts more numerous. But even among them, 
 the intellectual powers are extremely limited in their operations, and, 
 unless when turned directly to those objects which interest a savage, are 
 held in no estimation. Both the North Americans and Chilese, when not 
 engaged in some of the functions belonging to a warrior or hunter, loiter 
 away their time in thoughtless indolence, unacquainted with any other 
 subject worthy of their attention, or capable of occupying their minds.t 
 If even among them reason is so much circumscribed in its exertions, and 
 never arrives, in its highest attainments, at the knowledge of those general 
 principles and maxims which serve as the foundation of science, we may 
 conclude that the intellectual powers of man in the savage state are destitute 
 of their proper object, and cannot acquire any considerable degree of vigour 
 and enlargement. 
 
 From the same causes, the active efforts of the mind are few, and on 
 most occasions languid. If we examine into the motives which rouse 
 men to activity in civilized life, and prompt them to persevere in fa 
 tiguing exertions of their ingenuity or strength, we shall find that they arise 
 chiefly from acquired wants and appetites. These are numerous and im 
 portunate ; they keep the mind in perpetual agitation, and, in order to 
 gratify them, invention must be always on the stretch, and industry must 
 be incessantly employed. But the desires of simple nature are few r , and 
 where a favourable climate yields almost spontaneously what suffices to 
 
 S'atify them, they scarcely stir the soul, or excite any violent emotion, 
 ence the people of several tribes in America waste their life in a listless 
 indolence. To be free from occupation, seems to be all the enjoyment 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 2. lib. ii. c. 15. f Torquem. Mon. Ind. Hi. 198. t Lafitau, ii. 2. 
 
152 HISTORY OF [BOOK IV. 
 
 towards which they aspire. They will continue whole days stretched 
 out in their hammocks, or seated on the earth in perfect idleness, without 
 changing their posture, or raising their eyes from the ground, or uttering 
 a single word.* 
 
 Such is their aversion to labour that neither the hope of future good 
 nor the apprehension of future evil can surmount it. They appear equally 
 indifferent to both, discovering, little solicitude, and taking no precautions 
 to avoid the one or to secure the other. The cravings of hunger may 
 rouse them ; but as they devour, with little distinction, whatever will ap 
 pease its instinctive demands, the exertions which these occasion are of 
 short duration. Destitute of ardour, as well as .variety of desire, they 
 feel not the force of those powerful springs which. give vigour to the 
 movements of the mind, and urge the patient hand of industry to perse 
 vere in its efforts. Man, in some parts of America, appears in a form so 
 rude that we can discover no, effects of his activity, and the principle ot 
 understanding^ which should direct it, seems hardly to be unfolded. 
 Like the other animals, he has no fixed residence ; he has erected no ha 
 bitation to shelter him from the inclemency of the weather ; he has taken 
 no measures for securing certain subsistence ; he neither sows nor reaps ; 
 but roams about as led in search of the plants and fruits which the earth 
 brings forth in succession ; and in quest of the game which he kills in the 
 forest, or. of the fish which he catches in the rivers. 
 
 This description, however, applies only to some tribes. Man cannot 
 continue long in this state of feeble ana uninformed infancy. He was 
 made for industry and action, and the powers of his nature, as well as the 
 necessity of his condition, urge him to fulfil his destiny. Accordingly, 
 among most of the American nations, especially those seated in rigorous 
 climates, some efforts are employed, and some previous precautions are 
 taken, for securing subsistence. The career of regular industry is begun, 
 and the laborious arm has made the -first essays of its power. Still, how 
 ever, the improvident and slothful genius of the savage state predomi 
 nates. Even among those more improved tribes, labour is deemed igno 
 minious and degrading. It is only to work of a certain kind that a man 
 will deign to put his hand. The greater part is devolved entirely upon 
 the women. One-half of the community remains inactive, while the 
 other is oppressed with the multitude and variety of its occupations. 
 Thus their industry is partial, and the foresight which regulates it is no 
 less limited. A remarkable instance of this occurs in the chief arrange 
 ment with respect to their manner of living. They depend for their sub 
 sistence, during one part of the year, on fishing ; during another, on hunt 
 ing; during a third, on the produce of their agriculture. Though expe 
 rience has taught them to foresee the return of those various seasons, and 
 to make some provision for the respective exigencies of each, they either 
 want sagacity to proportion this provision to their consumption, or are so 
 incapable of any command over their appetites, that, from their inconsi 
 derate waste, they often feel the calamities of famine as severely as the 
 rudest of the savage tribes. What they suffer one year does not augment 
 their industry, or render them more provident to prevent similar distresses.! 
 This inconsiderate thoughtlessness about futurity, the effect of ignorance 
 and the cause of sloth, accompanies and characterizes man in every stage 
 of savage life ;J and, by a capricious singularity in his operations, he is 
 then least solicitous about supplying his wants, when the means of satis 
 fying them are most precarious, and procured with the greatest diffi 
 culty [52]. 
 
 III. After viewing the bodily constitution of the Americans, and con- 
 
 * Bouguer Voy. au Prou, 102. Borde, 15 t Charlev. N. Fr. iii. 338. Lettr. Edif. 23. 998. 
 Descript. of N. France, Osborn's Collect, ii. 880. De la Potherie. iL 63. J Bancroft's Nat. Hist, 
 of Guiana, 326. 333, 
 
AMERICA. 155 
 
 tempting the powers of their minds, we are led, in the natural order of 
 inquiry, to consider them as united together in society. Hitherto our re 
 searches have been confined to the operations of understanding respecting 
 themselves as individuals ; now they will extend to the degree of their 
 sensibility and affection towards their species. 
 
 The domestic state is the first and most simple form of human associa 
 tion. The union of the sexes among different animals is of longer or 
 shorter duration in proportion to the ease or difficulty of rearing their off 
 spring. Among those tribes where the season of infancy is short, and the 
 young soon acquire vigour or agility, no permanent union is formed. Na 
 ture commits the care of training up the offspring to the mother alone, and 
 her tenderness, without any other assistance, is equal to the task. But 
 where the state of infancy is long and helpless, and the joint assiduity of 
 ooth parents is requisite in tending their feeble progeny, there a more inti 
 mate connexion takes place, and continues until the purpose of nature be 
 accomplished, and the new race grow up to full maturity. As the infancy 
 of man is more feeble and helpless than that of any other animal, and he 
 is dependent during a much longer period on the care and foresight^of his 
 parents, the union between husband and wife came early to be considered 
 not only as a solemn but as a permanent contract. A general state of pro 
 miscuous intercourse between the sexes never existed but in the imagi 
 nation of poets. In the infancy of society, when men, destitute of arts 
 and industry, lead a hard precarious life, the rearing of their progeny de 
 mands the attention and efforts of both parents ; and if their union had 
 not been formed and continued with this view, the race could not have 
 been preserved. Accordingly in America, even among the rudest tribes, 
 a regular union between husband and wife was universal, and the rights 
 of marriage were understood and recognised. In those districts where 
 subsistence was scanty, and the difficulty cf maintaining a family was 
 great, the man confined himself to one wife. In warmer and more fertile 
 provinces, the facility of procuring food concurred with the influence of 
 climate in inducing the inhabitants to increase the number of their wives.* 
 In some countries the marriage-union subsisted during life ; in others, the 
 impatience of the Americans under restraint of any species, together with 
 their natural levity and caprice, prompted them to dissolve it on very 
 slight pretexts, and often without assigning any cause. j 
 
 But in whatever light the Americans considered the obligation of this 
 contract, either as perpetual or only as temporary, the condition of women 
 was equally humiliating and miserable. Whether man has been improved 
 by the progress of arts and civilization in society, is a question which, in 
 ihe wantonness of disputation, 'has been agitated among philosophers. 
 That women are indebted to the refinements of polished manners, for a 
 happy change in their state, is a point which can admit of no doubt. To 
 despise and to degrade the female sex is a characteristic of the savage state 
 in every part of the globe. Man, proud of excelling in strength and in 
 courage, the chief marks of pre-eminence among rude people, treats woman, 
 as an inferior, with disdain. The Americans, perhaps from that coldness 
 and insensibility which has been considered as peculiar to their constitution, 
 add neglect and harshness to contempt. The most intelligent travellers 
 nave been struck with this inattention of the Americans to their women. 
 It is not, as I have already observed, by a studied display of tenderness 
 and attachment that the American endeavours to gain the heart of the 
 woman whom he wishes to marry. Marriage itself, instead of being a 
 union of affection and interests between equals, becomes among them the 
 unnatural conjunction of a master with his slave. It is the observation of 
 
 * Lettr. Edif. 23. 318. Lafitau Moeurs, i. 554. Lery ap. dc Bry, iii. 234. Journal de Grille! et 
 Bechamel, p. 88. t Lafitau, i. 580 . Joutel Journ. Historr 345. Lozano Desc. del Gran Chaco, 
 70. Henuepin Moeurs des Sauvages, p. 30. 33. 
 
 VOL. I. 20 
 
154 HISTORY OF [BooKlV 
 
 an author whose opinions are deservedly of great weight, that wherever 
 wives are purchased their condition is extremely depressed.* They 
 become the property and the slaves of those who buy them. In whatever 
 part of the globe this custom prevails, the observation holds. In countries 
 where refinement has made some progress, women when purchased are 
 excluded from society, shut up in sequestered apartments, "and kept under 
 the vigilant guard of their masters. In ruder nations they are degraded 
 to the meanest functions. Among many people of America the marriage 
 contract is properly a purchase. The man buys his wife of her parents. 
 Though unacquainted with the. use of money, or with such commercial 
 transactions as take place in more improved society, he knows how to give 
 an equivalent for any object which he desires to possess. - In some places, 
 the suitor devotes his service for a certain time to the parents of the maid 
 whom he courts ; in others he hunts for them occasionally', or assists in 
 cultivating their fields and forming their canoes ; in others, he offers presents 
 of such things as are deemed most valuable on account of their usefulness 
 or rarity.j In return for these he receives his wife ; and this circumstance, 
 added to the low estimation of women among savages, leads him to con 
 sider her as a female servant whom he has purchased, and whom he has 
 a title to treat as an inferior. In all unpolishsd nations, it is true, the 
 functions in domestic economy which fall naturally to the share of women 
 are so many, that they are subjected to hard labour, and must bear more 
 than their mil portion of the common burden. But in America their con 
 dition is so peculiarly grievous, and their depression so complete, that 
 servitude is a name too mild to describe their wretched state. A wife 
 among most tribes is no better than a beast of burden, destined to every 
 office of labour and fatigue. While the men loiter out the day in sloth, or 
 spend it in amusement, the women are condemned to incessant toil. 
 Tasks are imposed upon them without pity, and services are received 
 without complacence or gratitude.]; Every circumstance reminds women 
 of this mortifying inferiority. They must approach their lords with rever 
 ence ; they must regard them as more exalted beings, and are not permitted 
 to eat in their presence. There are districts in America where this domi 
 nion is so grievous, and so sensibly felt, that some women, in a wild emo 
 tion of maternal tenderness, have destroyed their female children in their 
 infancy, in order to deliver them from that intolerable bondage to which 
 they knew they were doomed.il Thus the first institution of social life is 
 perverted. That state of domestic union towards which nature leads the 
 human species, in order to soften the .heart to gentleness and humanity, is 
 rendered so unequal as to establish a cruel distinction between the sexes, 
 which forms the one 'to be harsh and unfeeling, and humbles the other to 
 servility and subjection. 
 
 It is owing, perhaps, in some measure, to this state of depression, that 
 women in rude nations are far from being prolific. IT The vigour of their 
 constitution is exhausted by excessive fatigue, and the wants and distresses 
 of savage life are so numerous as to force them to take various precautions 
 in order to prevent top- rapid an increase of their progeny. Among wandering 
 tribes, or such as depend chiefly upon hunting for subsistence, the mother 
 cannot attempt to rear a second child until the first has attained such a 
 degree of vigour as to be in some measure independent of her care 
 From this motive, it is the universal practice of the American women to 
 suckle their children during several years ;** and, as they seldom marry 
 early, the period of their fertility is over before they can finish the long 
 
 * Sketches of Hist, of Man, i. 184. f Lafitau Moeurs, &c. i. 560, &c. Charlev. iii. 285, &c. 
 Herrera, dec. 4. lib. iv. c. 7. Dumont, ii. 156. J Tertre, ii. 382. Borde Relat. des Moeurs des 
 Caraibes, p. 21. Biet. 357. Condamine, p. 110. Fermin. i. 79. Gumilla, i. 153. Barrere, 
 164. Labat, Voy. ii. 78. Clianvalon, 51. Tertre, ii. 300. || Gumilla, ii. 233. 238. Herrera, 
 dec. 7. lib. ix.'c. iv. IT Lafitau, i. 59D. Charlevoix, iii. 304. ** Herrera, dec. 6. lib. i: c. 1- 
 
AMERICA. 155 
 
 but necessary attendance upon two or three children.* Among some of 
 the least polished tribes, whose industry and foresight do not^ extend so far 
 as to make any regular provision for their own subsistence, it is a maxim 
 not to burden themselves with rearing more than two children ;| and no 
 such numerous families as are frequent in civilized societies are to be 
 found among men in the savage state.]; When twins are born, one of them 
 commonly is abandoned, because the mother is not equal to the task of rearing 
 both [53]. When a mother dies while she is nursing a child, all hope of 
 preserving its life fails, and it is buried together with her in the same grave. || 
 As the parents are frequently exposed to want by their own improvident 
 indolence, the difficulty of sustaining their children becomes _so great that 
 it is not uncommon to abandon or destroy them. IT Thus their experience 
 of the difficulty of training up an infant to maturity, amidst the hardships of 
 savage life, often stifles the voice of nature among the Americans, and 
 suppresses the strong emotions of parental tenderness. 
 
 But though necessity compels the inhabitants of America thus to set 
 bounds to the increase of their families, they are not deficient in affection 
 and attachment to their offspring. They feel the power of this instinct in 
 its full force, and as long as their progeny continue feeble and helpless, no 
 people exceed them in tenderness and care.** But in rude nations the 
 dependence of children upon their parents is of shorter continuance than 
 in polished societies. When men must be trained to the various functions of 
 civil life by previous discipline and education, when the knowledge of abstruse 
 sciences must be taught, and dexterity in intricate arts must be acquired, 
 before a young man is prepared to begm his career of action, the attentive feel 
 ings of a parent are not confined to the years of infancy, but extend to what is 
 more remote, the establishment of his child in the worl,d. Even then his 
 solicitude does not terminate. His protection may still be v requisite, and 
 his wisdom and experience still prove useful guides. Thus a permanent 
 connection is formed ; parental tenderness is exercised, and filial respect 
 returned, throughout the whole course of life. But in the simplicity of the 
 savage state the affection of parents, like the instinctive fondness of animals, 
 ceases almost entirely as soon as their offspring attain maturity. Little in 
 struction fits them for that mode of life to which they are destined. The 
 parents, as if their duty were accomplished, when they have conducted 
 their children through the helpless years of infancy* leave them afterwards 
 at entire liberty. Even in their tender age, they seldom advise or admonish, 
 they never chide or chastise them. They suffer them to be absolute masters 
 of their own actions.|| In an America^ hut, a father, a mother, and their 
 posterity, live together like persons assembled by accident, without seeming 
 to feel the obligation of the duties mutually arising from this connection. JJ 
 As filial love is not cherished by the continuance of attention or good offices, 
 the recollection of benefits received in early infancy is too faint to excite it. 
 Conscious of their own liberty, and impatient of restraint, the youth of 
 America are accustomed to act as if they were totally independent. Their 
 parents are not objects of greater regard than other persons. They treat 
 them always with neglect, and often with such harshness and insolence as 
 to fill those who have been witnesses of their conduct with horror. Thus 
 the ideas which seem to be natural to man in his savage state, as they result 
 necessarily from his circumstances and condition in that'periodof his progress, 
 
 * Charlev. iii. 303. Dumont, Mm. stir Louisiane, ii.270. Deny's Hist. Nalur. de 1'Amerique, 
 &.c. ii. 3G5. Charlev. Hist, de Farag. ii. 422. | Techo's Account of Paraguay, &c. Church. 
 Collect, vi. 108. Lett. Edif. xxxiv. 200. Lozano Descr. 92. } Maccleur's Journal, 63. Lett 
 Edif. x.200. || Charlev. iii. 308. Lett. Ediff. x 200. P. Melch. Hernandez Memor. de Che- 
 riqui. Colbert. Collect. Orig. Pap. i. IT Venega'o Hist, of Californ. i. 82. ** Guinilia, i.211. 
 Biet. 390. |t Charlev. iii. 272. Biet. 390. Gumilla, i. 212. Lafitau. i. 602 Creuxii Hist. 
 Canad. p. 71. Fernandez, Relac. Hist, de los Chequit. 33. ft Charlev. Hist. N. Fr. iii. 273. 
 
 Gumilla, i. 212. Tertre, ii. 376. Charlev. Hist, de N. France, iii. 309. Charlev. Hist, de 
 JParag. i. 115. Lozano Descript. del Gran. Chaco. p. 68. 100, 101. Fernand. Relac. Histor de Ion 
 Chequit. 426. 
 
156 HISTORY OF [BOOK IV. 
 
 affect the two capital relations in domestic life. They render the union 
 between husband and wife unequal. They shorten the duration and weaken 
 the force of the connection between parents and children. 
 
 IV. From the domestic state of the Americans, the transition to the con 
 sideration of their civil government and political institutions is natural. In 
 every inquiry concerning the operations of men when united together in 
 society, the first object of attention should be their mode of subsistence. 
 Accordingly as that varies, their laws and policy must be different. The 
 institution suited to the ideas and exigencies of tribes which subsist chiefly 
 by fishing or hunting, and which have as yet acquired but an imperfect con 
 ception of any species of property, will be much more simple than those 
 which must take place when- the earth is cultivated with regular industry ; 
 and a right of property, not only in its productions, but in the soil itself, is 
 completely ascertained. 
 
 All the people of America, now under review, belong to the former 
 class. But though they may all be comprehended under the general de 
 nomination of savage, the advances' which they had made in the art of pro 
 curing to themselves a certain and plentiful subsistence were very unequal. 
 On the extensive plains of South America man appears in one of the rudest 
 states in which he has been ever observed, or perhaps can exist. Several 
 tribes depend entirely upon the bounty of nature for subsistence. They 
 discover no solicitude, they employ little foresight, they scarcely exert 
 any industry to secure what is necessary for their support. The Topdyers, 
 of Brazil, the Guaxeros, of Tierra Firme, the Caiguas, the Moocos, and 
 several other people of Paraguay, are unacquainted with every species of 
 cultivation. They neither sow nor plant. Even the culture of the manioc, 
 of which cassada bread is made, is an art too intricate for their ingenuity, 
 or too fatiguing to their indolence. The roots which the earth produces 
 spontaneously ; the fruits, the berries, and the seeds which they gather in 
 the woods ; 'together with lizards and other reptiles, which multiply ama 
 zingly with the heat of the climate in a fat soil moisteneli by frequent 
 rains, supply them with food during some part of the year.* At other 
 times they subsist by fishing ; and naturfe seems to have indulged the lazi 
 ness of the South American tribes by the liberality with which she minis 
 ters in this way to their wants. The vast rivers of that region in America 
 abound with an infinite variety of the most delicate fish. The lakes and 
 marshes formed by the annual overflowing of the waters are filled Avith all 
 the different species, where they remain shut up, as in natural reservoirs, 
 for the use of the inhabitants. They swarm in such shoals, that in some 
 places they are catched without art or industry [54]. In others, the na 
 tives have discovered a method of infecting tne water with the juice of 
 certain plants, by which the fish are so intoxicated that they float on the 
 surface and are taken with the hand [55]. Some tribes have ingenuity 
 enough to preserve them without salt, by drying or smoking them upon 
 hurdles over a slow fire.f The prolific quality of the rivers in South 
 America induces many of the natives to resort to their banks, and to de 
 pend almost entirely for nourishment on what their waters supply with 
 such profusion, j In this part of the globe hunting seems not to have been 
 the first employment of men, or the first effort 6? their invention and la 
 bour to obtain food. They were fishers before they became hunters ; 
 and as the occupations of the former do not call for equal exertions of ac 
 tivity or talents with those of the latter, people in that state appear to 
 possess neither the same degree of enterprise nor of ingenuity. The 
 
 * Nieuhcff. Hist, of Brazil. Church. Coll. ii. 134. Simon Conquista de Tierra Firmd, p. 166. 
 Techo, Account of Paraguay, &c. Church, vi. 78. Lettr. Edif. 23. 384. 10. 390. Lozano, De- 
 scrip, del. Gran Chaco, p. 81. Ribas Histor. de los Triumfos, &c. p. 7. t Condam. 159. Gu 
 milla, ii. 37. Lettr. Edif. 14. 199. 23. 328. Acugna, Relat. de la Riv. des Amas. 138. f Baf 
 rere, Relat. de Fr. Equin. p. 155. 
 
AMERICA. 157 
 
 petty nations adjacent to the Maragnon and Orinoco are manifestly the 
 most inactive and least intelligent of all the Americans. 
 
 None but tribes contiguous to great rivers can sustain themselves in this 
 manner. The greater part of the American nations, dispersed over the 
 forests with which their country is covered, do not procure subsistence 
 with the same facility. For although these forests, especially in the 
 southern continent of America, are stored plentifully with game,* consi 
 derable efforts of activity and ingenuity are requisite in pursuit of it. 
 Necessity incited the natives to the one, and taught them the other. 
 Hunting became their principal occupation ; and as it called forth strenu 
 ous exertions of courage, of force, and of invention, it was deemed no 
 less honourable than necessary. This occupation was peculiar to the men. 
 They were trained to it from their earliest youth. A bold and dexterous 
 nunter ranked next in fame to the distinguished warrior, and an alliance 
 with the former is often courted in preference to one with the latter.t 
 Hardly any device, which the ingenuity of man has discovered for en- 
 snaring or destroying wild animals, was unknown to the . Americans. 
 While engaged in this favourite exercise, they shake off the indolence 
 peculiar to their nature, the latent powers and vigour of their minds are 
 roused, and they become active, persevering, and indefatigable. Their 
 sagacity in finding their prey and their address in killing it are equal. 
 Their reason and their senses being constantly directed towards this one 
 object, the former displays such fertility of invention and the latter acquire 
 such a degree of acuteness as appear almost incredible. They discern 
 the footsteps of a wild beast, which escape every other eye, and can follow 
 them with certainty through the pathless forest. If th'ey attack their game 
 openly, their arrow seldom errs from the mark : J if they endeavour to 
 circumvent it by art, it is almost impossible to avoid their toils. Among 
 several tribes, their young men were not permitted to marry until they 
 had given such proofs of their skill in hunting as put it beyond doubt that 
 they were capable of providing for a family. Their ingenuity, always on 
 the stretch, and sharpened by emulation as well as necessity, has struck 
 out many inventions which greatly facilitate success in the chase. The 
 most singular of these is the discovery of a poison, in which they dip the 
 arrows employed in hunting. The slightest wound with those envenomed 
 shafts is mortal. If they only pierce the skin, the blood fixes and congeals 
 in a moment, and the strongest animal falls motionless to the ground. 
 Nor does this poison, notwithstanding its violence and subtlety, infect the 
 flesh of the animal which it kills. That may be eaten with perfect safety, 
 and retain its native relish and qualities. All the nations situated upon the 
 banksof the Maragnon andOrinocoare acquainted with this composition, the 
 chief ingredient in which is the juice extracted from the root of the curare,, 
 a species of withe. In other parts of America they employ the juice of 
 the manchenille for the same purpose, and it operates with no less fatal 
 activity. To people possessed of those secrets the bow is a more destruc 
 tive weapon than the musket, and, in their skilful hands, does great exe 
 cution among the birds and beasts which abouncTin the forests of America. 
 
 But the me of a hunter gradually leads man to a state more advanced. 
 The chase, even where prey is abundant, and the dexterity of the hunter 
 much improved, affords but an uncertain maintenance, and at some seasons 
 it myst be suspended altogether. If a savage trusts to his bow alone for 
 food, he and his family will be often reduced to extreme distress [56]. 
 Hardly any region of the earth furnishes man spontaneously with what his 
 wants require. In the mildest climates, and most fertile soils, his own 
 
 * P. Martyr, Decad. p. 324. Gumilia, ii. 4, &c. Acugna, i. 156. f Charlev. Histoire de la 
 N. France, iii. 115. } Biet. Voy. do France Equin. 357. Davies'e Diecov. of the River of 
 Amaz. Purchas, iv. p. 1287. Gumilia, ii. 1, &c. Condam. 208. Recherch. Philos. ii. 239, 
 Bancroft's Nat. Hist, of Guiana, 231, &c. 
 
158 H 1 S T O R Y F [Boos IV, 
 
 industry and foresight must be exerted in some degree to secure a regula?, 
 supply of food. Their experience of this surmounts the abhorrence of 
 labour natural to savage nations, and compels them to have recourse to 
 culture, as subsidiary to hunting. In particular situations, some small 
 tribes may subsist by fishing, independent of any production of the earth 
 raised by their own industry. But throughout all America, we scarcely 
 meet with any nation of hunters which does not practise some species of 
 cultivation. 
 
 The agriculture of the Americans, however, is neither extensive nor 
 laborious. As game and fish are their principal food, all they aim at by 
 cultivation is to supply any occasional defect of these. In the southern 
 continent of America, the natives confined their industry to rearing a few 
 plants, which, in a rich soil and warm climate, were easily trained to ma 
 turity. The chief of these is maize, well known ip Europe by the name 
 of Turkey or Indian wheat, a grain extremely prolific, of simple culture, 
 agreeable to the taste, and affording a strong hearty nourishment. The 
 second is the manioc, which grows to the size of a large shrub or small 
 tree, and produces roots somewhat resembling parsnips. After carefully 
 squeezing out the juice, these roots are grated down to a fine powder, and 
 formed into thin cakes called cassada bread, which, though insipid to the 
 taste, proves no contemptible food.* As the juice of the manioc is a 
 deadly poison, some authors have celebrated the ingenuity of the Ameri 
 cans in converting a noxious plant into wholesome nourishment. But it 
 should rather be considered as one of the desperate expedients for pro 
 curing subsistence, to which necessity reduces rude nations ; or, perhaps, 
 men were led to the use of it by a progress in which there is nothing 
 marvellous. One species of manioc is altogether free of any poisonous 
 (juality, and may be eaten without any preparation but that 01 roasting it 
 in the embers. This, it is probable, was first used by the Americans as 
 food; and,. necessity having gradually taught them the art of separating 
 its pernicious juice from the other species, they have by experience found 
 it to be more prolific as well as more nourishing! [57]. The third is the 
 plantain, which, though it rises to the height of a tree, is of such quick 
 growth, that in less than a year it rewards the industry of the cultivator 
 with its fruit. This, when roasted, supplies the place of bread, and is 
 both palatable and nourishing' [58]. The fourth is the potatoe, whose cul 
 ture and qualities are too well known to need any description. The fifth 
 is pimento, a small tree yielding a strong aromatic spice. The Americans, 
 who, like other inhabitants of warm climates, delight in whatever is hot 
 and of poignant flavour, deem this seasoning a necessary of life, and 
 mingle it copiously with every kind of food they take.J 
 
 Such are the various productions, which were the chief object of cul 
 ture among the hunting tribes on the continent of America ; and with a 
 moderate exertion of active and provident industry these might have 
 yielded a full supply to the wants of a numerous people. But men, 
 accustomed to the free and vagrant life of hunters, are incapable of regu 
 lar application to labour, and consider agriculture as a secondary and 
 inferior occupation. Accordingly, the provision for subsistence, arising 
 from cultivation, was so limited and scanty among the Americans, that, 
 upon any accidental failure of their usual success in hunting, they were 
 often reduced to extreme distress. 
 
 In the islands, the mode of subsisting was considerably different. None 
 of the large animals which abound on the continent were known there. 
 Only four species of quadrupeds, besides a kind .of small dumb dog, 
 
 * Sloane Hist, of Jam, Introd. p. 18. Labat, i. 394. Acosta, Hist. Ind. Occid. Natur. lib. Iv. c. 
 17. Ulloa, i. 62. Aublet, Mem. sur le Ma#nioc. Hist, des Plantes, torn. ii. p. 65, &c. f Martyr, 
 Decad. 301. Labat, i. 411. Gumilla. iii. 192. Machucha Milic. Indiana, 164, f Gumilla, iii. 
 171. Acosta, lib. iv. c. 20. 
 
AMERICA, 159 
 
 existed in the islands, the biggest of which did not exceed the size of a 
 rabbit.* To hunt such a diminutive prey was an occupation which 
 required no effort either of activity or courage. The chief employment 
 of a hunter in the isles was to kill birds, which on the continent are deemed 
 ignoble game, and left chiefly to the pursuit of bovs.t This want of 
 animals, as well as their peculiar situation, led the islanders to depend 
 principally upon fishing for their subsistence. ;{; Their rivers, and the sea 
 with which they are surrounded, supplied them with this species of food. 
 At some particular seasons, turtle, crabs, and other shellfish abounded in 
 such numbers that the natives could support themselves with a facility in 
 which their indolence delighted. At other times, they ate lizards and 
 various reptiles of odious forms.|| To fishing the inhabitants of the islands 
 added some degree of agriculture. Maize [59], manioc, and other plants 
 were cultivated in the same manner as on the continent. But all the fruits 
 of their industry, together with what their soil and climate produced spon 
 taneously, afforded them but a scanty maintenance. Though their demands 
 for food were very sparing, they hardly raised what was sufficient for their 
 own consumption. If a few Spaniards settled in any district, such a small 
 addition of supernumerary mouths soon exhausted their scanty stores, and 
 brought on a famine. 
 
 Two circumstances, common to all the savage nations of America, con 
 curred with those which I have already mentioned, not only in rendering 
 their agriculture imperfect, but in circumscribing their power in all their 
 operations. They had no tame animals ; and they were unacquainted with 
 the useful metals. 
 
 In other parts of the globe, man, in his rudest state, appears as lord of 
 the creation, giving law to various tribes of animals, which he has tamed 
 and reduced to subjection. The Tartar follows his prey on the horse 
 which he has reared ; or tends his numerous herds, which furnish him both 
 with food and clothing : the Arab has rendered the camel docile, arid avails 
 himself of its persevering strength : the Laplander has formed the reindeer 
 to be subservient to his will ; and even the people of Kamchatka have 
 trained their dogs to labour. This command over the inferior creatures is 
 one of the noblest prerogatives of man, and among the greatest efforts of 
 his wisdom and power. Without this his dominion is incomplete. He is 
 a monarch who has no subjects, a master without servants, and must per 
 form every operation by the strength of his own arm. Such was the con 
 dition of all the rude nations in America. Their reason was so little 
 improved, or their union so incomplete, that they seem not to have been 
 conscious of the superiority of their nature, and suffered all the animal 
 creation to retain its liberty, without establishing their own authority over 
 any one species. Most of the animals, indeed, which have been rendered 
 domestic in our continent, do not exist in the New World ; but those 
 peculiar to it are neither so fierce nor so formidable as to.have exempted 
 them from servitude. There are some animals of the same species on 
 both continents. But the rein-deer, which has been tamed and broken to 
 the yoke in the one hemisphere, runs wild in the other. The bison of 
 America is manifestly of the same species with the horned cattle of the 
 other hemisphere. 11 The latter, even among the rudest nations in our con 
 tinent, have been rendered domestic ; and, in consequence of his dominion 
 over them, man can accomplish works of labour with greater facility, 
 and has made a great addition to his means of subsistence. The inhabit 
 ants of many regions of the New World, where the bison abounds, might 
 have derived the same advantages from it. It is not of a nature so 
 indocile, but that it might have been trained to be as subservient to man 
 
 * Oviedo, lib. xii. in proem. t ftibas Hist, de los Triumph, p. 13. De la Potherie, ii. 33. 
 
 iii. 20. I Oviedo, lib. xiii. c. 1. Gomara, Hist. Gener. c. 28. $ Gomara, Hist Gene/, 
 
 c 9 Labat, ii. 221, &c. || Oviedo, lib. xiii c 3 IT Buffon. ortic. Bison, 
 
160 HISTORY OF [BOOK IV. 
 
 as our cattle.* But a savage, in that uncultivated state -wherein the 
 Americans were discovered, is the enemy of the other animals, not their 
 superior. He wastes and destroys, but knows not how to multiply or ta 
 govern them.t 
 
 This, perhaps, is the most notable distinction between the- inhabitants of 
 the 'Ancient and New Worlds, and a high pre-eminence of civilized men 
 above such as continue rude. The greatest operations of man in changing 
 and improving the face of nature, as well as his most considerable efforts 
 in cultivating the earth, are accomplished by means of the aid which he 
 receives from the animals that he has tamed, and employs in labour. It is 
 by their strength that he subdues, the stubborn soil, and converts the desert 
 or marsh into a fruitful field. But man, in his civilized state, is so 
 accustomed to the service of the domestic animals, that he seldom 
 reflects upon the vast benefits which he derives from it. If we were 
 to suppose him, even when most improved, to be deprived of their useful 
 ministry, his empire over nature must in some measure cease, and he would 
 remain a feeble animal, at a loss how to subsist, and incapable of attempt 
 ing such arduous undertakings as their assistance enables him to execute 
 with ease. 
 
 It is a doubtful point, whether the dominion of man over the animal 
 creation, or his acquiring the useful metals, has contributed most to extend 
 his power. The era of this important discovery is unknown, and in our 
 hemisphere very remote. It is only by tradition, or by digging up some 
 rude instruments of our forefathers, that we learn that mankind were 
 originally unacquainted with the use of metals, and endeavoured to supply 
 the want of them by employing flints, shells, bones, and other hard sub 
 stances, for the same purposes which metals serve among polished nations. 
 Nature completes the formation of some metals. Gold, silver, and copper, 
 are found in their perfect state in the clefts of rocks, in the sides of 
 mountains, or the channels of rivers. These were accordingly the metals 
 first known, and first applied to use. But iron, the most serviceable of all, 
 and to which man is most indebted, is never discovered in its perfect form ; 
 its gross and stubborn ore must feel twice the force of fire, and go through 
 "two laborious processes, before it becomes fit for use. Man was long 
 acquainted with the other metals before he acquired the art of fabricating 
 iron, or attained such ingenuity as to perfect an invention, to which he is 
 indebted for those instruments wherewith he subdues the earth* and com 
 mands all its inhabitants. But in this, as well as in many other respects, 
 the inferiority of the Americans was conspicuous. All the savage tribes, 
 scattered over the continent and islands, were totally unacquainted with 
 the metals which their soil produces in great abundance, if we except 
 some trifling quantity of gold, which they picked up in the torrents that 
 descended from their mountains, and formed into ornaments. Their devices 
 to supply this want of the serviceable metals were extremely rude and 
 awkward. The most simple operation was to them an undertaking of 
 immense difficulty and labour. To fell a tree with no other instruments 
 than hatchets of stone, was employment for a month.J To form a canoe 
 into shape, and to hollow it, consumed years ; and it frequently began to 
 rot before they were able to finish it. Their operations in agriculture 
 were equally slow and defective. In a country covered with woods of 
 the hardest timber, the clearing of a small field destined for culture 
 required the united efforts of a tribe, and was a work of much time and 
 great toil. This was the business of the men, and their indolence was 
 satisfied with performing it in a very slovenly manner. The labour of 
 cultivation was left to the women, who, after digging, or rather stirring the 
 
 * Nouv. tjtkouverte par Hennepin, p. 192. Kfilm, i. 207. t Buffon Hist. Nat. ix. 85. Hist. 
 Philos. et Polit. des Etablissem. des Europ. dans les deux Indes, vi. 364 J Gumilla, iii. 196. 
 
 $ Borde Relat. des Caraibeg, p. 22. 
 
AMERICA. 161 
 
 field, with wooden mattocks, and stakes hardened in the fire, sowed or 
 planted it ; but they were more indebted for the increase to the fertility of 
 the soil than to their own rude industry.* 
 
 Agriculture, even when the strength of man is seconded by that of the 
 animals which he has subjected to the yoke, and his power augmented by the 
 use of the various instruments with which the discovery of metals has fur* 
 nished him, is still a work of great labour ; and it is with the sweat of his brow 
 that he renders the earth fertile. It is not wonderful, then, that people 
 destitute of both these advantages should have made so little progress in 
 cultivation, that they must be considered as depending for subsistence on 
 fishing and hunting, rather than on the fruits of their own labour. 
 
 From this description of the mode of subsisting among the rude American 
 tribes, the form and genius of their political institutions may be deduced, 
 and we are enabled to trace various circumstances of distinction between 
 them and more civilized nations. 
 
 1. They were divided into small independent communities. While 
 hunting is the chief source of subsistence, a vast extent of territory is 
 requisite for supporting a small number of people. In proportion as men 
 multiply and unite, the wild animals on which they depend for food 
 diminish, or fly at a greater distance from the haunts of their enemy. The 
 increase of a society in this state is limited by its own nature, and the 
 members of it must either disperse, like the game which they pursue, or 
 fall upon some better method of procuring food than by hunting. Beasts 
 of prey are by nature solitary and unsocial, they go not forth to the chase 
 in herds, but delight in those recesses of the forest where they can roam 
 and destroy undisturbed. A nation of hunters resembles them both in 
 occupation and in genius. They cannot form into large communities, be 
 cause it would be impossible to find subsistence ; and they must drive to 
 a distance every rival who may encroach on those domains, which they 
 consider as their own. This was the state of all the American tribes ; the 
 numbers in each were inconsiderable, though scattered over countries of 
 great extent ; they were far removed from one another, and engaged in 
 perpetual hostilities or rivalship.t In America, the word nation is not of 
 the same import as in other parts of the globe. It is applied to small 
 societies, not exceeding, perhaps, two or three hundred persons, but occu 
 pying provinces, greater than some kingdoms in Europe. The country of 
 Guiana, though of larger extent than the kingdom of France, and divided 
 among a greater number of nations, did not contain above twenty-five 
 thousand inhabitants.! In the provinces which border on the Orinoco, one 
 may travel several hundred miles in different directions, without finding a 
 single hut, or observing the footsteps of a human creature. In North 
 America, where the climate is more rigorous, and the soil less fertile, the 
 desolation is still greater. There, journeys of some hundred leagues have 
 been made through uninhabited plains and forests|| [60], As long as 
 hunting continues to be the chief employment of man, to which he trusts 
 for subsistence, he can hardly be said to have occupied the earth [61]. 
 
 2. Nations which depend upon hunting are in a great measure strangers 
 to the idea of property. As the animals on which the hunter feeds are not 
 bred under his inspection, nor nourished by his care, he can claim no right 
 to them while they run wild in the forest. Where game is so plentiful 
 that it maybe catched with little trouble, men never dream of appropriating 
 what is of small value, or of easy acquisition. Where it is so rare, that the 
 labour or danger of the chase requires the united efforts of a tribe, or village, 
 what is killed is a common stock belonging equally to all, who, by their 
 
 * Gumifla, iii. 166, &c. Lettr. Edif. xii. 10. t Lozano Descrip. del Gran Chaco, 59. 62. 
 
 Fernandez Relac. Hist, de los Chequit. 162. * Voyages de Marchais, iv. 353. $ Gumilla, 
 
 ii. 101. || M. Fabry, quoted by Buffon, iii. 448. Lafitau, ii. 179. Bossu, Travels through 
 
 Louisiana, i. 111. 
 
 VOL. I. 21 9 
 
165 HISTORY OF [BOOK IV. 
 
 skill or their courage, have contributed to the success of the excursion* 
 The forest or hunting-grounds are deemed the property of the tribe, from 
 which it has a title to exclude every rival nation. JBut no individual arro 
 gates a right to any district of these in preference to his fellow-citizens. 
 They belong alike to all ; and thither, as to a general and undivided store, 
 all repair in quest of sustenance. The same principles by which they 
 regulate their chief occupation extend to that which is subordinate.* Even 
 agriculture has not introduced among them a complete idea of property. 
 As the men hunt, the women labour together, and after they have shared the 
 toils of the seed time, they enjoy the harvest in common.* Among some 
 tribes, the increase of their cultivated lands is deposited jn a public gra 
 nary, and divided among them at stated times, according to their wants! [62]. 
 Among others, though they lay up separate stores, they do not acquire 
 such an exclusive right of property, that they can enjoy superfluity while 
 those around them suffer want. J Thus the distinctions arising from the 
 inequality of possessions are unknown. The terms rich or poor enter not 
 into their language ; and being strangers to property, they are unacquainted 
 with what is the great object of laws and policy, as well as the chief motive 
 which induced mankind to establish the various arrangements of regular 
 government.^ 
 
 3. People in this state retain a high sense of equality and independence. 
 Wherever the idea of property is not established, there can be no distinc 
 tion among men but what arises from personal qualities. These can be 
 conspicuous only on such occasions as call them forth into exertion. In times 
 of danger, or in affairs of intricacy, the wisdom and experience of age are 
 consulted, and prescribe the measures which ought to .be pursued. When 
 a tribe of savages takes the field against the enemies of their country, the 
 warrior of most approved courage leads the youth to the combat. || It they 
 go forth in a body to the chase, the most expert and adventurous hunter is 
 foremost, and directs their motions. But during seasons of tranquillity and 
 inaction, when there is no occasion to display those talents, all pre-eminence 
 ceases. Every circumstance indicates that all the members of the commu 
 nity are on a level. They are clothed in the same simple garb. They feed 
 CM the same plain fare. Their houses and furniture are exactly similar. 
 No distinction can arise from the inequality of possessions. Whatever forms 
 dependence on one part, or constitutes superiority on the other, is unknown. 
 All are freemen, all feel themselves to be such, and assert with firmness the 
 rights which belong to that condition. IT This sentiment of independence 
 is imprinted so deeply in their nature that no change of condition can era 
 dicate it, and bend their minds to servitude. Accustomed to be absolute 
 masters of their own conduct, they disdain to execute the orders of another ; 
 and having never known control, they will not submit to correction. [68] 
 Many of the Americans, when they found that they were treated as slaves 
 by the Spaniards, died of grief ; many destroyed themselves in despair.** 
 
 4. Among people in this state, government can assume little authority, 
 and the sense of civil subordination must remain very imperfect. While 
 the idea of property is unknown, or incompletely conceived ; while the 
 spontaneous productions of the earth, as well as the fruits of industry, are 
 considered as belonging to the public stock, there can hardly be any such 
 subject of difference or discussion among the members of the same commu 
 nity, as will require the hand of authority to interpose in order to adjust it. 
 Where the right of separate and exclusive possession is not introduced, the 
 
 * Dr. Furguson's Essay, 125. f Gumilla, i. 265. Brickell, Hist, of N. Carol. 327. + Deny's 
 Hist. Natur. ii. 392, 393. $ P. Martyr, Decad. p. 45. Veneg. Hist, of Californ. i. 66. Lery, 
 Navig. in Brazil, c. 17. || Acosta Hist. lib. vi. c. 19. Stadius Hist. Brazil, lib. ii. c. 13. De 
 Bry, iii. p. 110. Biet, 361. IT Labat, vi. 124. Brickell. Hist, of Carol. 310. ** Ovied 0> 
 lib. iii. c. 6. p. 97. Vega Conquiet. de la Florida, i. 30. ii. 416. Labat, ii. 138. Benzo. Hist. Nov 
 Orb. lib. iv. c. 25. 
 
 Q rr,.l joY 
 
AMERICA. 163 
 
 great object of law and jurisdiction does not exist. When the members of 
 a tribe are called into the field, either to invade the territories of their ene 
 mies, or to repel their attacks ; when they are engaged together in the 
 toil and dangers of the chase, they then perceive mat they are part of a 
 political body. They are conscious of their own connexion with the com 
 panions in conjunction with whom they act ; and they follow and reverence 
 such as excel in conduct and valour. But during the intervals between such 
 common efforts they seem scarcely to feel the ties of political union* [64j. 
 No visible form of government ' is established. The names of magis 
 trate and subject are not in use. Every one seems to enjoy his natural 
 independence almost entire. If a scheme of public utility be proposed, 
 the members of the community 'are left at liberty to choose whether they 
 will or will not assist in carrying it into execution. No statute imposes 
 any service as a duty, no compulsory laws oblige them to perform it. All 
 their resolutions are voluntary, and flow from the impulse of their own 
 minds.t The first step towards establishing a public jurisdiction has not 
 been taken in those rude societies. The right of revenge is left in private 
 hands-! ^ violence is committed, or blood is shed, the community does 
 not assume the power either of inflicting or of moderating the punishment. 
 It belongs to the family and friends of the person injured or slain to avenge 
 the wrong, or to accept of the reparation offered by the aggressor. If the 
 elders interpose, it is to advise, not to decide, and it is seldom their counsels 
 are listened to ; for, as it is deemed rjusillanimous to suffer an offender to 
 escape with impunity, resentment is implacable and everlasting. The 
 object of government among savages is rather foreign than domestic. 
 They do not aim at maintaining interior order and police by public regula 
 tions, or the exertions of any permanent authority, but labour to preserve 
 such union among the members of their tribe, that they may watch the 
 motions of their enemies, and act against them with concert and vigour. 
 
 Such was the form of political order established among the greater part 
 of the American nations. In this state were almost all the tribes spread 
 over the provinces extending eastward of the Mississippi, from the mouth 
 of the St. Lawrence to the confines of Florida. In a similar condition were 
 the people of Brazil, the inhabitants of Chili, several tribes in Paragua 
 and Guiana, and in the countries which stretch from the mouth of the 
 Orinoco to the peninsula of \ ucatan. Among such an infinite number of 
 petty associations, there maybe peculiarities which constitute a distinction, 
 and mark the various degrees of their civilization and improvement. But 
 an attempt to trace and enumerate these would be vain, as they have not 
 been observed by persons capable of discerning the minute and delicate 
 circumstances which serve to discriminate nations resembling one another 
 in their general character and features. The description which I have 
 given of the political institutions that took place among those rude tribes 
 in America, concerning which we have received most complete informa 
 tion, will apply, with little variation, to every people, both in its northern 
 and southern division, who have advanced no further in civilization than to 
 add some slender degree of agriculture to fishing and hunting. 
 
 Imperfect as those institutions may appear, several tribes were not so 
 far advanced in their political progress. Among all those petty nations 
 which trusted for subsistence entirely to fishing and hunting without any 
 species of cultivation, the union was so incomplete, and their sense of 
 mutual dependence so feeble, that hardly any appearance of government 
 01 order can be discerned in their proceedings, Their wants are few, their 
 objects of pursuit simple, they form into separate tribes, and act together, from 
 
 * Lozano Desrr. del Gran. Chaco, 93. Melendez Teforos Verdaderos, ii. 23. f Chartev. Hist. 
 N. France, iii. 206 208. } Herrera, dec. 8. lib. iv. c. 8. Charlev. Hist. N. France, iii. 271, 
 272. Lafit. i. 486. Cawani, Hist, de Nucvo Rfeyno dc Granada, 226. 
 
164 HISTORY OF [BOOK IV. 
 
 instinct, habit, or conveniency, rather than from any formal concert and 
 association. To this class belong the Californians, several of the small 
 nations in the extensive country of Paragua, some of the people on the 
 banks of the Orinoco, and on the river St. Magdalene, in the new kingdom 
 of Granada.* 
 
 But though among these last mentioned tribes there was hardly any 
 shadow of regular government, and even among those which I first 
 described its authority is slender and confined within narrow bounds, there 
 were, however, some places in America where government was carried far 
 beyond the degree of perfection which seems natural to rude nations. In 
 surveying the political operations of man, either in his savage or civilized 
 state, we discover singular and eccentric institutions, which start as it 
 were from their station, and fly off so wide, that we labour in vain to 
 oring them within the general laws of any system, or to account for them 
 by those principles which influence other communities in a similar situa 
 tion. Some instances of this occur among those people of America whom 
 I have included under the common denomination of savage. These are 
 so curious and important that I shall descnoe them, and attempt to explain 
 their origin. 
 
 In the New World, as .well as in other parts of the globe, cold or 
 temperate countries appear to be the favourite seat of freedom and 
 independence. There the mind, like the body, is firm and vigorous. 
 There men, conscious of their own dignity, and capable of the greatest 
 efforts in asserting it, aspire to independence, and their stubborn spirits 
 stoop with reluctance to the yoke of servitude. In warmer climates, by 
 whose influence the whole frame is so much enervated that present pleasure 
 is the supreme felicity, and mere repose is enjoyment, men acquiesce, 
 almost without a struggle, in the dominioh of a superior. Accordingly, 
 if we proceed from north to south along the continent of America, we shall 
 find the power of those vested with authority gradually increasing, and 
 the spirit of the people becoming more tame and passive. In Florida, the 
 authority of the sachems, caziques, or chiefs, was not only permanent, but 
 hereditary. They were distinguished by peculiar ornaments, they enjoyed 
 prerogatives of various kinds, and were treated by their subjects with that 
 reverence which people accustomed to subjection pay to a master.! 
 
 Among the Natchez, a powerful tribe now extinct, formerly situated on 
 the banks of the Mississippi, a difference of rank took place, with which 
 the northern tribes were altogether unacquainted. Some families were 
 reputed noble, and enjoyed hereditary dignity. The body of the people 
 was considered as vile, and formed only for subjection. This distinction 
 was marked by appellations which intimated the high elevation of the 
 one state, and the ignominious depression of the other. The former were 
 called Respectable ; the latter, the Stinkards. The great Chief, in whom 
 the supreme authority was vested, is reputed to be a being of superior 
 nature, the brother oi the sun, the sole object of their worship. They 
 approach this great Chief with religious veneration, and honour him as the 
 representative of their deity. His will is a law, to which all submit with 
 implicit obedience. The lives of his subjects are so absolutely at his dis 
 posal, that if any one has incurred his displeasure, the offender comes with 
 profound humility and offers him his head. Nor does the dominion of the 
 Chiefs end with their lives ; their principal officers, their favourite wives, 
 together with many domestics of inferior rank, are sacrificed at their tombs, 
 that they may be attended in the next world by the same persons who 
 served them in this ; and such is the reverence in which they are held, 
 
 * Venegas, 1. 68. Lettr. Edif. ii. 176. Techo Hist, of Parag. Churchill, vi. 78. Hist. Gen. dea 
 Voyages, xiv. 74. t Cardenas y Cano Ensayo Chronol. a la Hist, de Florida, p. 46. Le Moyne 
 rte Morgues Icones Florida, ap. de Dry, p. 1. 4, &c. Charlev. Hist. N. France, iii. 467, 468. 
 
AMERICA. 165 
 
 that those victims welcome death with exultation, deeming it a recompense 
 of their fidelity and a mark of distinction to be selected to accompany 
 their deceased master.* Thus a perfect despotism, with its full train of 
 superstition, arrogance, and cruelty, is established among the Natchez, and, 
 by a singular fatality, that people has tasted of the worst calamities incident 
 to polished nations, though they themselves are not far advanced bevond 
 the tribes around them in civility and improvement. In Hispaniola, Cuba, 
 and the larger islands, their caziques or chiefs possessed extensive power. 
 The dignity was transmitted by hereditary right from father to son. Its 
 honours and prerogatives were considerable. Their subjects paid great 
 respect to the caziques, and executed their orders without hesitation or 
 reserve.! They were distinguished by peculiar ornaments, and in order 
 to preserve or augment the veneration of the people, they had the address 
 to call in the aid of superstition to uphold their authority. They delivered 
 their mandates as the oracles of heaven, and pretended to possess the 
 power of regulating the seasons, and of dispensing rain or sunshine, ac 
 cording as their subjects stood in need of them. 
 
 In some parts of the southern continent, the power of the caziques seems 
 to have been as extensive as in the isles. In Bogota, which is now a pro 
 vince of the new kingdom of Granada, there was settled a nation more 
 considerable in number, and more improved in the various arts of life, than 
 any in America, except the Mexicans and Peruvians. The people of 
 Bogota subsisted chiefly by agriculture. The idea of property was 
 introduced among them, and its rights, secured by laws, handed down by 
 tradition, and observed with great care.J They lived in towns which may 
 be termed large when compared with those in other parts of America. 
 They were clothed in a decent manner, and their houses may be termed 
 commodious when compared with those of the small tribes around them. 
 The effects of this uncommon civilization were conspicuous. Government 
 had assumed a regular form. A jurisdiction was established, which took 
 cognizance of different crimes, and punished them with rigour. A distinction 
 of ranks was known ; their chief, to whom the Spaniards gave the title of 
 monarch, and who merited that name on account of his splendour as well as 
 power, reigned with absolute authority. He was attended by officers of 
 various conditions ; he never appeared in public without a numerous 
 retinue ; he was carried in a sort of palanquin with much pomp, and har 
 bingers went before him to sweep the road and strew it with flowers. This 
 uncommon pomp was supported by presents or taxes received from his 
 subjects, to whom their prince was such an object of veneration that 
 none of them presumed to look him directly in the face, or ever approached 
 him but with an averted countenance. There were other tribes on the 
 same continent, among which, though far less advanced than the people 
 of Bogota in their progress towards refinement, the freedom and inue 
 pendence natural to man in his savage state was much abridged, and their 
 caziques had assumed extensive authority. 
 
 It is not easy to point out the circumstances, or to discover the causes 
 which contributed to introduce and establish among each of those people a 
 form of government so different from that of the tribes around them, and 
 so repugnant to the genius of rude nations. If the persons who had an 
 opportunity of observing them in their original state had been more atten 
 tive and more discerning, we might have received information from their 
 conquerors sufficient to guide us in this inquiry. If the transactions of 
 people unacquainted with the use of letters were not involved in impene 
 trable obscurity, we might have derived come information from this 
 
 * Dumont Memoir. Hist, sur Louisiana, i, 175. Charlev. Hist. N. France, iii. 419, &c. Lettr. 
 Eclif. 20. 106. 111. t Herrera, dec. 1. lib. i. c. 16. lib. iii. c. 44. p. 88. Life of Columbus, ch. 32. 
 t Piedrahita Hist, de las Conquist. del Reyno de Granada, p. 46. $ lierrera, dec. 6. lib. i. c. 2. 
 lib. v. c.56. Piedrahita, c. 5. p. 25, &c. Gomara, Hist. c. T2. 
 
166 HISTORY OF [Boo* IV. 
 
 domestic source. But as nothing satisfactory can be gathered either from 
 the accounts of the Spaniards, or from their own traditions, we must have 
 recourse to conjectures in order to explain the irregular appearances in the 
 political state of the people whom I have mentioned. As all those tribes 
 which had lost their native liberty and independence were seated in the 
 torrid zone, or in countries approaching to it, the climate may be supposed 
 to have had some influence in forming their minds to that servitude which 
 seems to be the destiny of man in those regions of the globe. But though 
 the influence of climate, more powerful than that of any other natural 
 cause, is not to be overlooked, that alone cannot be admitted as a solution 
 of the point in question. The operations of men are so complex that we 
 must not attribute the form which they assume to the force of a single 
 principle or cause. Although -despotism be confined in America to the 
 torrid zone, and to the warm regions bordering upon it, 1 have already 
 observed that these countries contain various tribes, some of which possess 
 a high degree of freedom, and others are altogether unacquainted with the 
 restraints of government. The indolence and timidity peculiar to the 
 inhabitants of the islands, render them so incapable of the sentiments or 
 efforts necessary for maintaining independence, that there is no occasion to 
 search for any other cause of their tame submission to the will of a supe 
 rior. The subjection of the Natchez, and of the people of Bogota, seems 
 to have been the consequence of a difference in their state from that of the 
 other Americans. They were settled nations, residing constantly in one 
 place. Hunting was not the chief occupation of the former, and the latter 
 seem hardly to have trusted to it for any part of their subsistence. Both 
 had made such progress in agriculture and arts that the idea of property 
 was introduced in some degree in the one community, and fully established 
 in the other. Among people in this state, avarice and ambition have 
 acquired objects, and have begun to exert their power ; views of interest 
 allure the selfish ; the desire of pre-eminence excites the enterprising ; 
 dominion is courted by both ; and passions unknown to man in his savage 
 state prompt the interested and ambitious to encroach on the rights of their 
 fellow-citizens. Motives, with which rude nations are equally unac 
 quainted, induce the people to submit tamely to the usurped authority of 
 their superiors. But even among nations in this state, the spirit of subjects 
 could not have been rendered so obsequious, or the power of rulers so 
 unbounded, without the intervention of superstition. By its fatal influence 
 the human mind, in every stage of its progress, is depressed, and its native 
 vigour and independence, subdued. Whoever can acquire the direction 
 of this formidable engine, is secure of dominion over his species. Unfor 
 tunately for the people whose institutions are the subject of inquiry, this 
 power was in the hands of their chiefs. The caziques of the isles could 
 put what responses they pleased into the mouths of their Cemis or gods ; 
 and it was by their interposition, and in their name, that they imposed any 
 tribute or burden on their people.* The same power and prerogative was 
 exercised by the great chief of the Natchez, as the principal minister as 
 well as the representative of the Sun, their deity. The respect which 
 the people of Bogota paid to their monarchs was likewise inspired by 
 religion, and the heir apparent of the kingdom was educated in the inner 
 most recess of their principal temple, under such austere discipline, and 
 with such peculiar rites, as tended to fill his subjects with high sentiments 
 concerning- the sanctity of his character and the dignity of his station.") 
 Tnus superstition, which in the rudest period of society, is either altogethei 
 unknown, or wastes its force in childish unmeaning practices, had acquired 
 such an ascendant over those people of America, who had made some little 
 progress towards refinement, that it became the chief instrument of bending 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 1. lib. ill. c. 3. f Piedrahita, p. 27 
 
AMERICA. 167 
 
 their minds to an untimely servitude, and subjected them, in the beginning: 
 of their political career, to a despotism hardly less rigorous than that which 
 awaits nations in the last stage of their corruption and decline. 
 
 V. After examining the political institutions of the rude nations in 
 America, the next object of attention is their art of war, or their provision 
 for public security and defence. The small tribes dispersed over America 
 are not only independent and unconnected, but engaged in perpetual 
 hostilities with one another.* Though mostly strangers to the idea of 
 separate property, vested in any individual, the rudest of the American 
 nations are well acquainted with the rights of each community to its own 
 domains. This right they hold to be perfect and exclusive, entitling the 
 possessor to oppose the encroachment of neighbouring tribes. As it is of 
 the utmost consequence to prevent them from destroying or disturbing the 
 game in their hunting grounds, they guard this national property with a 
 jealous attention. But as their territories are extensive, and the boundaries 
 of them not exactly ascertained, innumerable subjects of dispute arise, 
 which seldom terminate without bloodshed. Even in this simple and 
 primitive state of society, interest is a source of discord, and often prompts 
 savage tribes to take arms in order to repel or punish such as encroach on 
 the forests or plains to which they trust for subsistence. 
 
 But interest is not either the most frequent or the most powerful motive 
 of the incessant hostilities among rude nations. These must be imputed to 
 the passion of revenge, which rages with such violence in the breast of 
 savages, that eagerness to gratify it may be considered as the distinguishing 
 characteristic of men in their uncivilized state. Circumstances of powerful 
 influence, both in the interior government of rude tribes, and in their 
 external operations against foreign enemies, concur in cherishing and adding 
 strength to a passion fatal to the general tranquillity. When the right of 
 redressing his own wrongs is left in the hands of every individual, injuries 
 are felt with exquisite sensibility, and vengeance exercised with unrelenting 
 rancour. No time can obliterate the memory of an offence, and it is seldom 
 that it can be expiated but by the blood of the offender. In carrying on 
 their public wars, savage nations are influenced by the same ideas, and 
 animated with the same spirit, as in prosecuting private vengeance. In 
 small communities, every man is touched with the injury or affront offered 
 to the body of which he is a member, as if it were a personal attack upon 
 his own honour or safety. The desire of revenge is communicated from 
 breast to breast, and soon kindles into rage. As feeble societies can take 
 the field only in small parties, each warrior is conscious of the importance 
 of his own arm, and feels that to it is committed a considerable portion of 
 the public vengeance. War, which between extensive kingdoms is carried 
 on with little animosity, is prosecuted by small tribes with all the rancour 
 of a private quarrel. The resentment of nations is as implacable as that 
 of individuals. It may be dissembled or suppressed, but is never extin 
 guished ; and often, when least expected or dreaded, it bursts out with 
 redoubled fury.f When polished nations have obtained the glory of victory, 
 or have acquired an addition of territory, they may terminate a war with 
 honour. But savages are not satisfied until they extirpate the community 
 which is the object of their hatred. They fight, not to conquer, but to 
 destroy. If they engage in hostilities, it is with a resolution never to see 
 the face of the enemy in peace, but to prosecute the quarrel with immortal 
 enmity.| The desire of vengeance is the first and almost the only principle 
 which a savage instils into the minds of his children. This grows up 
 
 * Ribas Hist, de los Triumph, p. 9. f Boucher Hist. Nat. de N. France, p. 93. Charlev. 
 
 Hist, de N. France, iii. 215. 251. Lery ap. de Bry, iii. 204. Creux. Hist. Canad. p. 72. Lozano 
 Descr. del Gran Chaco, 25. Hermep. Mosurs des Sauv. 4-0. J. Charlev. Hist. N. Fr. iii. 251. 
 
 Colden. i. 108. ii. 126. Barrere, p. 170. 173. Charlev. Hist. N. Fr. iii. 326. Lery ap. da 
 
 Bry, iii. 236. Lozano Hist, de Parag. i. 144. 
 
168 H1STO-RY OF [BOOK IV. 
 
 with him as he advances in life ; and as his attention is directed to few 
 objects, it requires a degree of force unknown among men whose passions 
 are dissipated and weakened by the variety of their occupations and 
 pursuits. The desire of vengeance, which takes possession of the heart of 
 savages, resembles the instinctive rage of an animal rather than the passion 
 of a man. It turns, with undiscerning fury, even against inanimate objects. 
 If hurt accidentally by a stone, they often seize it in a transport of anger, 
 and endeavour to wreak their vengeance upon it.* If struck with an 
 arrow in a battle, they will tear it from the wound, break and bite it with 
 their teeth, and dash it on the ground.t With respect to their enemies 
 the rage of vengeance knows no bounds. When under the dominion of 
 this passion, man becomes the most cruel of all animals. He neither pities, 
 nor forgives, nor spares. 
 
 The force of this passion is so well understood by the Americans them 
 selves, that they always apply to it in order to excite their people to take 
 arms. If the elders of any tribe attempt to rouse their youth from sloth, if 
 a chief wishes to allure a band of warriors to follow him in invading an 
 enemy's country, the mostpersuasive topics of their martial eloquence are 
 drawn from revenge. " The bones of our countrymen," say they, " lie 
 uncovered ; their bloody bed has not been washed clean. Their spirits cry 
 against us ; they must be appeased. Let us go and devour the people by 
 whom they were slain. Sit no longer* inactive upon your mats ; lift the 
 hatchet, console the spirits of the dead, and tell them that they shall be 
 
 Animated with such exhortations, the youth snatch their arms in a trans 
 port of fury, raise the song of war, and burn with impatience to imbrue 
 their hands in tire blood of their enemies. Private chiefs often assemble 
 small parties and invade a hostile tribe without consulting the rulers of the 
 community. A single warrior, prompted by caprice or revenge, will take 
 the field alone, and march several hundred miles to surprise and cut off a 
 straggling enemy [65]. The exploits of a noted warrior, in such solitary 
 excursions, often form the chief part in the history of an American cam 
 paign [66] ; and their elders connive at such, irregular sallies, as they tend 
 to cherish a martial spirit, and accustom their people to enterprise and 
 danger. But when a war is national, and undertaken by public authority, 
 the deliberations are formal and slow. The elders assemble, they deliver 
 their opinions in solemn speeches, they weigh with maturity the nature of 
 the enterprise, and balance its beneficial or disadvantageous consequences 
 with no inconsiderable portion of political discernment or sagacity. Their 
 priests and soothsayers are consulted, and sometimes they ask the advice 
 even of their women. || If the determination be for War, they prepare for 
 it with much ceremony. A leader offers to conduct the expedition, and is 
 accepted. But no man is constrained to follow him ; the resolution of the 
 community to commence hostilities imposes no obligation upon any membc/.' 
 to take part in the war. Each individual is still master of his own conduct, 
 and his engagement in the service is perfectly voluntary. IF 
 
 The maxims by which they regulate their military operations, though 
 extremely different from those which take place among more civilized anol 
 populous nations, are well suited to their own political state, and the nature 
 of the country in which they act. They never take the field in numerous 
 bodies, as it would require a greater effort of foresight and industry than is 
 usual among savages, to provide for their subsistence during a march of 
 some hundred miles through dreary forests, or during a long voyage upon 
 their lakes and rivers. Their armies are not encumbered with baggage or 
 
 * Lery ap. de Bry, iii. 190 t Ibid. iii. 208. Herrera, dec. i. lib. vi. c. 8. J Charlev. 
 
 Hist. ,N. Fr. iii. 216, 217. Lery ap. de Bry, iii. 204. $ Bossu, i. 140. Lery ap. <ie Bry, 215. 
 
 Hennepin Mceurs des Sauv. 41. Lafitau, ii. 169. || Charlev. Hist, N. Fr. 215. 268. Biet. 367. 
 380. U Charlev. Hist. N. Fr. 217, 218, 
 
AMERICA. 169 
 
 military stores. Each warrior, besides his arms, carries a mat and a small 
 bag of pounded maize, and with these is completely equipped for any 
 service. While at a distance from the enemy's frontier, they disperse 
 through the woods, and support themselves with the game which they kill, 
 or the fish which they catch. As they approach nearer to the territories of 
 the nation which they intend to attack, they collect their troops, and 
 advance with greater caution. Even in their hottest and most active wars 
 they proceed wholly by stratagem and ambuscade. They place not their 
 glory in attacking their enemies with open force. To surprise and destroy 
 is the greatest merit of a commander, and the highest pride of his followers. 
 War and hunting are their only occupations, and they conduct both with 
 the same spirit and the same arts. They follow the track of their enemies 
 through the forest. They endeavour to discover their haunts, they lurk in 
 some thicket near to these, and, with the patience of a sportsman lying in 
 wait for game, will continue in their station day after day until they can 
 rush upon their prey when most secure, and least able to resist them. If 
 they meet no straggling party of the enemy, they advance towards their 
 villages, but with such solicitude to conceal their own approach, that they 
 often creep on their hands and feet through the woods, and paint their skins 
 of the same colour with the withered leaves, in order to avoid detection.* 
 If so fortunate as to remain unobserved, they set on fire the enemies' huts 
 in the dead of night, and massacre the inhabitants as they fly naked and 
 defenceless from the flames. If they hope to effect a retreat without being 
 pursued, they carry off 'some prisoners, whom they reserve for a more 
 dreadful fate. But if, notwithstanding all their address and precautions, 
 they find that their motions are discovered, that the enemy has taken the 
 alarm, and is prepared to oppose them, they usually deem it most prudent 
 to retire. They regard it as extreme folly to meet an enemy who is on 
 his guard, upon equal terms, or to give battle in an open field. The most 
 distinguished success is a disgrace to a leader if it has been purchased 
 with any considerable loss of his followers [61], and they never boast of a 
 victory if stained with the blood of their own countrymen.! To fall in 
 battle, instead of being reckoned an honourable death, is a misfortune 
 which subjects the memory of a warrior to the imputation of rashness or 
 imprudencef [68]. 
 
 This system of war was universal in America ; and the small uncivilized 
 tribes, dispersed through all its different regions and climates, display 
 more craft than boldness in carrying on, their hostilities. Struck with this 
 conduct, so opposite to the iaeas and maxims of Europeans, several 
 authors contend that it flows from a feeble and dastardly spirit peculiar to 
 the Americans, which is incapable of any generous or manly exertion. 
 But when we reflect that many of these tribes, on occasions which call 
 for extraordinary efforts, not only defend themselves with obstinate resolu 
 tion, but attack their enemies with the most daring courage, and that they 
 possess fortitude of mind superior to the sense of danger or the fear of 
 death, we must ascribe their habitual caution to some other cause than 
 constitutional timidity. || The number of men in each tribe is so small, 
 the difficulty of rearing new members amidst the hardships and dangers 
 of savage life is so great, that the life of a citizen is extremely precious, 
 and the preservation of it becomes a capital object in their policy. Had 
 the point of honour been the same among the feeble American tribes as 
 among the powerful nations of Europe, had they been taught to court fame 
 or victory in contempt of danger and death, they must have been ruined 
 by maxims so ill adapted to their condition, cut wherever their com- 
 
 * Charlev. Hist. N. Fr. iii. 237, 238. Hennep. Moeurs des Sauv. p. 59 f Charlev. Hist. 
 
 N. Fr. iii. 238. 307. Biet, 381. Lafitau Moeurs des Sauv. ii. 248. J Charlev. iji. 376. 
 
 $ Recherches Philos. sur les Ame"ric. i. 115. Voyage de March, iv. 410 fl Lafitau Mceura des 
 
 Sauv. ii. 248, 249. Charlev. N. Fr. iii. 307. 
 VOL. I. 22 
 
170 HISTORY OF [BOOK IV. 
 
 munities are more populous, so that they can act with considerable force, 
 and can sustain the loss of several of their members without being sensibly 
 weakened, the military operations of the Americans more nearly resemble 
 those of other nations. The Brazilians, as well as the tribes situated upon 
 the banks of the river De la Plata, often take the field in such numerous 
 bodies as deserve the name of armies.* They defy their enemies to the 
 combat, engage in regular battles, and maintain the conflict with that 
 
 J _ A * I I Jlj 1 . 1 * J I* 
 
 frequent battles were fought, and the theory as well as practice of war 
 were different from what took place in those petty societies which assume 
 the name of nations. 
 
 But though vigilance and attention are the qualities chiefly requisite 
 where the object of war is to deceive and to surprise ; and though the 
 Americans, when acting singly, display an amazing degree of address in 
 concealing their own motions, and discovering those of an enemy, yet it 
 is remarkable that, when they take the field in parties, they can seldom 
 be brought to observe the precautions most essential to their own security. 
 Such is the difficulty of accustoming savages to subordination, or to act in 
 concert ; such is their impatience under restraint, and such their caprice 
 and presumption, that it is rarely they can be brought to conform themselves 
 to the counsels and directions of their leaders. They never station sen 
 tinels around the place where they rest at night, and after marching some 
 hundred miles to surprise an enemy, are often surprised themselves, and 
 cut off, while sunk in as profound sleep as if they were not within reach 
 of danger, f 
 
 If, notwithstanding this negligence and security, which often frustrate 
 their most artful schemes, they catch the enemy unprepared, they rush 
 upon them with the utmost ferocity, and tearing off the scalps of all those 
 who fall victims to their rage [70], they carry home those strange trophies 
 in triumph. These they preserve as monuments, not only of their own 
 prowess, but of the vengeance which their arm has inflicted upon the 
 people who were objects of public resentment. J They are still more 
 solicitous to seize prisoners. During their retreat, if they hope to effect it 
 unmolested, the prisoners are commonly exempt from any insult, and 
 treated with some degree of humanity, though guarded with the most 
 strict attention. 
 
 But after this temporary suspension, the rage of the conquerors rekindles 
 with new fury. As soon as they approach their own frontier, some of 
 their number are despatched to inform their countrymen with respect to 
 the success of the expedition. Then the prisoners begin to feel the 
 wretchedness of their condition. The women of the village, together 
 with the youth who have not attained to the age of bearing arms, assemble, 
 and forming themselves into two lines, through which the prisoners must 
 pass, beat and bruise them with sticks or stones in a cruel manner. After 
 this first gratification of their rage against their enemies, follow lamenta 
 tions for the loss of such of their own countrymen as have fallen in the 
 service, accompanied with words and actions which seem to express the 
 utmost anguish and grief. But in a moment, upon a signal given, their 
 tears cease ; they pass, with a sudden and unaccountable transition, from 
 the depths of sorrow to the transports of joy ; and begin to celebrate their 
 victory with all the wild exultation of a barbarous triumph. || The fate 
 of the prisoners remains still undecided. The old men deliberate con 
 cerning it. Some are destined to be tortured to death, in order to satiate 
 
 * Fabri Veriss.Descrip. India ap. de Bry, vli. p. 42. t Charlev. N. Fr. iii. 236, 237. Lettr. 
 
 Edif. xvii. 308. xx. 130. Lafit. Mceurs, 247. Lahontan, ii. 176. J Lafitau Moeurs, ii. 2511 
 
 $ Lahontan, ii. 184. || Charlev. HiM. N. Fr. iii. 241. Lafitau Mccurs, ii. 264. 
 
AMERICA. 171 
 
 tiie revenge of the conquerors ; some to replace the members which the 
 community has lost in that or former wars. They who are reserved for 
 this milder fate, are led to the huts of those whose friends have been 
 killed. The women meet them at the door, and if they receive them, 
 their sufferings are at an end. They are adopted into the family, and, 
 according to their phrase, are seated upon the mat of the deceased. They 
 assume his name, they hold the same rank, and are treated thenceforward 
 with all the tenderness due to a father, a brother, a husband, or a friend. 
 But, if either from caprice or an unrelenting desire of revenge, the women 
 of any family refuse to accept of the prisoner who is offered to them, his 
 doom is fixed. No power can then save him from torture and death. 
 
 While their lot is in suspense, the prisoners themselves appear altogether 
 unconcerned about what may befall them. They talk, they eat, they 
 sleep, as if they were perfectly at ease, and no danger impending. When 
 the fatal sentence is intimated to them, the}r receive it with an unaltered 
 countenance, raise their death song, and prepare to suffer like men. Their 
 conquerors assemble as to a solemn festival, resolved to put the fortitude 
 of the captive to the utmost proof. A scene ensues, the bare description 
 of which is enough to chill the heart with horror, wherever men have been 
 accustomed, by milder institutions, to respect their species, and to melt 
 into tenderness at the sight of human sufferings. The prisoners are tied 
 naked to a stake, but so as to be at liberty to move round it. All who 
 are present, men, women, and children, rush upon them like furies. Every 
 species of torture is applied that the rancour of revenge can invent. Some 
 burn their limbs with redhot irons, some mangle their bodies with knives, 
 others tear their flesh from their bones, pluck out their nails by the roots, 
 and rend and twist their sinews. They vie with one another in refinements 
 of torture. Nothing sets bounds to their rage but the dread of abridging 
 the duration of their vengeance by hastening the death of the sufferers ; 
 and such is their cruel ingenuity in tormenting, that, by avoiding indus 
 triously to hurt any vital part, they often prolong this scene of anguish for 
 several days. In spite of all that they suffer, the victims continue to chant 
 their death song with a firm voice, they boast of their own exploits, they 
 insult their tormentors for their want of skill in avenging their friends and 
 relations, they warn them of the vengeance which awaits them on account 
 of what they are now doing, and excite their ferocity by the most pro 
 voking reproaches and threats. To display undaunted fortitude, in such 
 dreadful situations, is the noblest triumph of a warrior. To avoid the 
 trial by a voluntary death, or to shrink under it, is deemed infamous and 
 cowardly. If any one betray symptoms of timidity, his tormentors often 
 despatch him at once with contempt, as unworthy of being treated like a 
 man.* Animated with those ideas, they endure without a groan what it 
 seems almost impossible that human nature should sustain. They appear 
 to be not only insensible of pain, but to court it. " Forbear, ' said an 
 aged chief of the Iroquois, when his insults had provoked one of his tor 
 mentors to wound him with a knife, " forbear these stabs of vour knife, 
 and rather let me die by fire, that those dogs, your allies, from oeyond the 
 sea, may learn by my example to suffer like men."f This magnanimity, 
 of which there are frequent instances among the American warriors, 
 instead of exciting admiration, or calling forth sympathy, exasperates the 
 fierce spirits of their torturers to fresh acts of cruelty 4 Weary, at length 
 of contending with men whose constancy of mind they cannot vanquish, 
 some chief, in a rage, puts a period to their sufferings, by despatching them 
 with his dagger or club. 
 
 * Da la Potherie, ii. 237. iii. 43. t Golden, Hist, of Five Nations, i 200. J Voyages de 
 
 Lahont, i. 236, $ Charley. Hist. N. Fr. iii. 243, &c. 385. Lafitau Jtfcsuis, ii. 265. Creuxij 
 
 Hist. Canad. p. 73. Hennep. Mceurs des Sauv. p. 64, &c. Lahont, i 233, &c. Tertre, ii. 405. 
 I)e la Potherie, ii, 22, &c. 
 
17* HISTORY OF [BOOK IV. 
 
 This barbarous scene is often succeeded by one no less shocking. As 
 it is impossible to appease the fell spirit of revenge which rages in the 
 heart of a savage, this frequently prompts the Americans to devour those 
 unhappy persons who have been the victims of their cruelty. In the an 
 cient world, tradition has preserved the memory of barbarous nations of 
 cannibals, who fed on human flesh. But in every part of the New World 
 there were people to whom this custom was familiar. It prevailed in the 
 southern continent,* in several of the islands,! and in various districts of 
 North America.^ Even in those parts where circumstances with which 
 we are unacquainted had in a great measure abolished this practice, it 
 seems formerly to have been so well known that it is incorporated into the 
 idiom of their language. Among the Iroquois, the phrase by which they 
 express their resolution of making war against an enemy is, " Let us go 
 and eat that nation." If they solicit the aid of a neighbouring tribe, they 
 invite it " to eat broth made of the flesh of their enemies" [71]. Nor 
 was the practice peculiar to rude unpolished tribes ; the principle from 
 which they took rise is so deeply rooted in the minds of me Americans, 
 that it subsisted in Mexico, one of the civilized empires in the New World, 
 and relics of it may be discovered among the more mild inhabitants of 
 Peru. It was not scarcity of food, as some authors imagine, and the 
 importunate cravings of hunger, which forced the Americans to those 
 horrid repasts on their fellow-creatures. Human flesh was never used as 
 common food in any country, and the various relations concerning people 
 who reckoned it among the stated means of subsistence, flow from the 
 credulity and mistakes of travellers. The rancour of revenge first 
 prompted men to this barbarous action.ll The fiercest tribes devoured 
 none butprisoners taken in war, or such as they regarded as enemies [72]. 
 Women and children who were not the objects of enmity, if not cut off 
 in the fury of their first inroad into a hostile country, seldom suffered by 
 the deliberate effects of their revenge. IT 
 
 The people of South America gratify their revenge in a manner some 
 what different, but with no less unrelenting rancour. Their prisoners, 
 after meeting at their first entrance with the same rough reception as 
 among the North Americans,** are not only exempt from inj ury, but 
 treated with the greatest kindness. They are feasted and caressed, and 
 some beautiful young women are appointed to attend and solace them. 
 It is not easy to account for this part of their conduct, unless we impute 
 it to a refinement in cruelty. For, while they seem studious to attach the 
 captives to life, by supplying them with every enjoyment that can render 
 it agreeable, their doom is irrevocably fixed. On a day appointed the 
 victorious tribe assembles, the prisoner is brought forth with great solem 
 nity, he views the preparations for the sacrifice with as much indifference 
 as if he himself were not the victim, and meeting his fate with undaunt 
 ed firmness, is despatched with a single blow. The moment he falls, the 
 women seize the body and dress it for the feast. They besmear their 
 children with the blood, in order to kindle in their bosoms a hatred of 
 their enemies, which is never extinguished, and all join in feeding upon 
 the flesh with amazing greediness and exultation.lt To devour the body 
 of a slaughtered enemy they deem the most complete and exquisite grati 
 fication of revenge. Wherever this practice prevails, captives never 
 escape death, but they are not tortured with the same cruelty as among 
 tribes which are less accustomed to such horrid feasts [73], 
 
 * Stadius ap; de Bry, iii. 123. Lery, ibid. 210. Biet. 384. Lettr. Edif. xxiii. 341. Piso, 8, 
 Condam, 84. 97. Ribas, Hist, de los Triumph. 473. t Life of Columb. 529. Mart. Dec. p. 18. 
 Tertre, ii. 405. J Dumont. Mem. i. 254. Charlev. Hist. N. France, i. 259. ii. 14. iii. 21. De la 
 Potherie, iii. 50. Charlev. Hist. N. Fr. iii. 208, 209. Lettr. Edif. xxiii. p. 277. De la Pothe- 
 rie, ii. 298. || Biet, 383. Blanco, Conversion de Piritu, p. 28. Bancroft, Nat. Hist, of Guiana, 
 p. 259, &c. 1f Biet, 382. Bandini, Vita di Americo, 84. Tertre, 405 Fermin. Descrip. de 
 Surin. i. 54. ** Stadius ap. de Bry, iii. 40. 123. ft Stadius ap. de Bry, iii. 128, &c. Lery 
 ap. de Bry, iii. 210. 
 
AMERICA. 173 
 
 As the constancy of every American warrior may be put to such severe 
 proof, the great object of military education and discipline in the New 
 World is to form the mind to sustain it. When nations carry on war with 
 open force, defy their enemies to the combat, and vanquish them by the 
 superiority of their skill or courage, soldiers are trained to be active, 
 vigorous, and enterprising. But in America, where the genius and maxims 
 of war are extremely different, passive fortitude is the quality in highest 
 estimation. Accordingly, it is early the study of the Americans to acquire 
 sentiments and habits which will enable them to behave like men when 
 their resolution shall be put to the proof. As the youth of other nations 
 exercise themselves in feats of activity and force, those of America vie 
 with one another in exhibitions of their patience under sufferings. They 
 harden their nerves by those voluntary trials, and gradually accustom them 
 selves to endure the sharpest pain without complaining. A boy and girl 
 will bind their naked arms together, and place a burning coal between 
 them, in order to try who first discovers such impatience as to shake it off.* 
 All the trials customary in America, when a youth is admitted into the 
 class of warriors, or when a warrior is promoted to the dignity of captain 
 or chief, are accommodated to this idea of manliness. They are not dis 
 plays of valour, but of patience ; they are not exhibitions or their ability 
 to offend, but of their capacity to suffer. Among the tribes on the banks 
 of the Orinoco, if a warrior aspires to the rank of captain, his probation 
 begins with a long fast, more rigid than any ever observed by the most 
 abstemious hermit. At the close of this the chiefs assemble, each gives 
 him three lashes with a large whip, applied so vigorously that his body is 
 almost flayed, and if he betrays the least symptoms of impatience or even 
 sensibility, he is disgraced for ever, and rejected as unworthy of the 
 honour to which he aspires. After some interval, the constancy 01 the can 
 didate is proved by a more excruciating trial. He is laid in a hammoc 
 with his hands bound fast, and an innumerable multitude of venomous ants, 
 whose bite occasions exquisite pain, and produces a violent inflammation, 
 are thrown upon him. The judges of his merit stand around the ham 
 moc, and, while these cruel insects fasten upon the most sensible parts 
 of his body, a sigh, a groan, an involuntary motion, expressive of what he 
 suffers, would exclude him for ever from the rank of captain. Even after 
 this evidence of his fortitude, it is not deemed to be completely ascer 
 tained, but must stand another test more dreadful than any he has hitherto 
 undergone. He is again suspended in his hammoc, and covered with 
 leaves of the palmetto. A fire of stinking herbs is kindled underneath, so 
 as he may feel its heat and be involved in its smoke. Though scorched 
 and almost suffocated, he must continue to endure with the same patient 
 insensibility. Many perish in this rude essay of their firmness and courage, 
 but such as go through it with applause, receive the ensigns of their new 
 dignity with much solemnity, and are ever after regarded as leaders of 
 approved resolution, whose behaviour in the most trying situations will do 
 honour to their country.! In North America the previous trial of a war 
 rior is neither so formal nor so severe. Though even there, before a youth 
 is permitted to bear arms, his patience and fortitude are proved by blows, 
 by fire, and by insults more intolerable to a haughty spirit than both.]; 
 
 The amazing steadiness with which the Americans endure the most 
 exquisite torments, has induced some authors to suppose that, from the 
 peculiar feebleness of their frame, their sensibility is not so acute as that 
 of other people ; as women, and persons of a relaxed habit, are observed 
 to be less affected with pain than robust men, whose nerves are more 
 firmly braced. But the constitution of the Americans is not so different 
 
 * Charlev. Hist. N. Fr. iii. 307. t Gumilla. ii. 286, &c. Biet, 376, fcc. J Charter. Hist. 
 N. Fr. iii. 219. 
 
174 HISTORY OF [BOOK IV, 
 
 in its texture from that of the rest of the human species, as to account for 
 this diversity in their behaviour. It flows from a principle of honour, 
 instilled early and cultivated with such care, as to inspire man in his rudest 
 state with an heroic magnanimity, to which philosophy hath endeavoured 
 < in vain to form him, when more highly improved and polished. This 
 invincible constancy he has been taught to consider as the chief distinction 
 of a man, and the highest attainment of a warrior. The ideas which 
 influence his conduct, and the passions which take possession of his heart, 
 are few. They operate of course with more decisive effect than when the 
 mind is crowded with a multiplicity of objects, or distracted by the variety 
 of its pursuits ; and when every motive that acts with any force in forming 
 the sentiments of a savage, prompts him to suffer with dignity, he will bear 
 what might seem to be impossible for human patience to sustain. But 
 wherever the fortitude of the Americans is not roused to exertion by their 
 ideas of honour, their feelings of pain are the same with those of the rest 
 of mankind [74]. Nor is that patience under sufferings for which the 
 Americans have been so justly celebrated, a universal attainment. The 
 constancy of many of the victims is overcome by the agonies of torture. 
 Their weakness and lamentations complete the triumph of their enemies, 
 and reflect disgrace upon their own country.* 
 
 The perpetual hostilities carried on among the American tribes are pro 
 ductive of very fatal effects. Even in seasons of public tranquillity, their 
 imperfect industiy does not supply them with any superfluous store of 
 provisions ; but when the irruption of an enemy desolates their cultivated 
 lands, or disturbs them in their hunting excursions, such a calamity reduces 
 a community, naturally unprovident and destitute of resources, to extreme 
 want. All the people of the district that is invaded are frequently forced 
 to take refuge in woods and mountains, which can afford them little sub 
 sistence, and where many of them perish. Notwithstanding their exces 
 sive caution in conducting their military operations, and the solicitude 
 of every leader to preserve the lives of his followers, as the rude tribes in 
 America seldom enjoy any interval of peace, the loss of men among them 
 is considerable in proportion to the degree of population. Thus famine 
 and the sword combine in thinning their numbers. All their communities 
 we feeble, and nothing now remains of several nations which were once 
 considerable, but the name.f 
 
 Sensible of this continual decay, there are tribes which endeavour to 
 ecruit their national force when exhausted, by adopting prisoners taken in 
 ;var, and by this expedient prevent their total extinction. The practice, 
 aowever, is not universally received. Resentment operates more power 
 fully among savages than considerations of policy. Far the greater part 
 of their captives was anciently sacrificed to their vengeance, and it is only 
 since their numbers began to decline fast, that they have generally adopted 
 milder maxims. But such as they do naturalize renounce for ever their 
 native tribe, and assume the manners as well as passions of the people by 
 whom they are adoptedj so entirely, that they often join them in expedi 
 tions against their own countrymen. Such a sudden transition, and so 
 repugnant to one of the most powerful instincts implanted by nature, would 
 be deemed strange among many people ; but among the members of small 
 communities, where national enmity is violent and deep rooted, it has the 
 appearance of being still more unaccountable. It seems, however, to result 
 naturally from the principles upon which war is carried on in America. 
 When nations aim at exterminating their enemies, no exchange of prisoners 
 can ever take place. From the moment one is made a prisoner, his country 
 and his friends consider him as dead [75]. He has incurred indelible 
 
 * Charlev. Hist. N. Fr. iii. 248. 385. De la Pothetie. iii. 48. t Charlev. Hist. IS. Fr. iii. 202, 
 203. 429. Gumilla, ii. 227, &c. J Charlev. Hist. N. Fr. iii. 245, &c. Lafit. ii. 308. 
 
AMERICA. 175 
 
 disgrace by suffering himself to be surprised or to be taken by an enemy ; 
 and were he to return home, after such a stain upon his honour, his nearest 
 relations would not receive or even acknowledge that they knew him.* 
 Some tribes were still more rigid, and if a prisoner returned, the infamy 
 which he had brought on his country was expiated, by putting him instantly 
 to death.f As the unfortunate captive is thus an outcast from his own 
 country, and the ties which bound him to it are irreparably broken, he 
 feels less reluctance in forming a new connexion with people, who, as an 
 evidence of their friendly sentiments, not only deliver him from a cruel 
 death, but offer to admit him to all the rights of a fellovy-citizen. The 
 perfect similarity of manners among savage nations facilitates and com 
 pletes the union, and induces a captive to transfer not only his allegiance, 
 but his affection to the community into the bosom of which he is received. 
 
 But though war be the chief occupation of men in their rude state ? and 
 to excel in it their highest distinction and pride, their inferiority is al ways 
 manifest when they engage in competition with polished nations. Destitute 
 of that foresight which discerns and provides for remote events, strangers 
 to the union and mutual confidence requisite in forming any extensive plan 
 of operations, and incapable of the subordination no less requisite in car 
 rying such plans into execution, savage nations may astonish a disciplined 
 enemy by their valour, but seldom prove formidable to him by their con 
 duct ; and whenever the contest is of long continuance, must yield to 
 superior art 76]. The empires of Peru and Mexico, though their pro 
 gress in civilization, when measured by the European or Asiatic standards, 
 was inconsiderable, acquired such an ascendency over the rude tribes 
 around them, that they subjected most of them with great facility to their 
 power. When the people of Europe overran the various provinces of 
 America, this superiority was still more conspicuous. Neither the courage 
 nor number of the natives could repel a handful of invaders. The aliena 
 tion and enmity, prevalent among barbarians, prevented them from uniting 
 in any common scheme of defence, and while each tribe fought separately, 
 all were subdued. 
 
 VI. The arts of rude nations unacquainted with the use of metals, 
 hardly merit any attention on their own account, but are worthy of some 
 notice, as far as they serve to display the genius and manners of man in this 
 stage of his progress. The first distress a savage must feel, will arise from 
 the manner in which his body is affected by the heat, or cold, or moisture of 
 the climate under which he lives ; and his first care will be to provide some 
 covering for his own defence. In the warmer, and more mild climates of 
 America, none of the rude tribes were clothed. To most of them nature 
 had not even suggested any idea of impropriety in being altogether unco 
 vered. J As under a mild climate there was little need of any defence from 
 the injuries of the air, and their extreme indolence shunned every species 
 of labour to which it was not urged by absolute necessity, all the inhabitants 
 of the isles, and a considerable part of the people on the continent, 
 remained in this state of naked simplicity. Others were satisfied with 
 some slight covering, such as decency required. But though naked, they 
 were not unadorned. They dressed, their hair in many different forms. 
 They fastened bits of gold, or shells, or shining stones, in their ears, their 
 noses, and cheeks. They stained their skins with a great variety of 
 figures ; and they spent much time, and submitted to great pain, in orna 
 menting their persons in this fantastic manner. Vanity, however, which 
 finds endless occupation for ingenuity and invention in nations where 
 dress has become a complex and intricate art, is circumscribed within so 
 
 * Lahont, ii. 185, 186. t Herrera, dec. 3. lib. iv. c. 16. p. 173: i Lery Navigat. ap. de Bry, 
 hi. p. 164. Life of Columbus, c. 34. Venegas Hist, of Californ. p. 70* Lery ap. dc Bry, iii, 
 j.'. 165. Lettr. Edifiantes, xx. p. 323. 
 
176 HISTORY OF [BOOK IV. 
 
 narrow bounds, and confined to so few articles among naked savages, that 
 they are not satisfied with those simple decorations, and have a wonderful 
 propensity to alter the natural form of their bodies, in order to render it 
 (as they imagine) more perfect and beautiful. This practice was universal 
 among the rudest of the American tribes- Their operations for that 
 purpose begin as soon as an infant is born. By compressing the bones of 
 the skull, while still soft and flexible, some flatten the crown of their heads ; 
 seme squeeze them into the shape of a cone ; others mould them as much 
 as possible into a square figure ;* and they often endanger the lives of 
 their posterity by their violent and absurd efforts to derange the plan of 
 nature, or to improve upon her designs. But in all their attempts either 
 to adorn or to new model their persons, it seems to have been less the 
 object of the Americans to please, or to appear beautiful, than to give an 
 air of dignity and terror to their aspect. Their attention to dress had 
 more reference to war than to gallantry. The difference in rank and 
 estimation between the two sexes was so great, as seems to have extin 
 guished, in some measure, their solicitude to appear mutually amiable. 
 The man deemed it beneath him to adorn his person, for the sake of one 
 on whom he was accustomed to look down as a slave. It was when the 
 warrior had in view to enter the council of his nation, or to take the field 
 against its enemies, that he assumed his choicest ornaments, and decked 
 his person with the nicest care.j The decorations of the women were 
 few and simple; whatever was precious or splendid was reserved for the 
 men. In several tribes the women were obliged to spend a considerable 
 part of their time every day in adorning and painting their husbands, and 
 could bestow little attention upon ornamenting themselves. Among a race 
 of men so haughty as to despise, or so cold as to neglect them, the women 
 naturally became careless and slovenly, and the love of finery and show, 
 which had been deemed their favourite passion, was confined chiefly to the 
 other sex. J To deck his person was the distinction of a warrior, as well 
 as one of his most serious occupations [77]. In one part of their dress, 
 which at first sight appears the most singular and capricious, the Americans 
 have discovered considerable sagacity in providing against the chief incon 
 veniences of their climate, which is often sultry and moist to excess. All 
 the different tribes, which remain unclothed, are accustomed to anoint and 
 rub their bodies with the grease of animals, with viscous gums, and with 
 oils of different kinds. By this they check that profuse perspiration, 
 which in the torrid zone wastes the vigour of the frame, and abridges the 
 period of human life. By this, too, they provide a defence against the 
 extreme moisture during the rainy season [78]. They likewise, at certain 
 seasons, temper paint of different colours with those unctuous substances, 
 and bedaub themselves plentifully with that composition. Sheathed with 
 this impenetrable varnish, their skins are not only protected from the pene 
 trating heat of the sun, but as all the innumerable tribes of insects have an 
 antipathy to the smell or taste of that mixture, they are delivered from their 
 teasing persecution, which amidst forests and marshes, especially in the 
 warmer regions, would have been altogether intolerable in a state of perfect 
 nakedness.^ 
 
 The next object to dress that will engage the attention of a savage, is to 
 prepare some habitation which may afford him shelter by day, and a retreat 
 at night. Whatever is connected with his ideas of personal dignity, what 
 ever Ipears any reference to his military character, the savage warrior deems 
 an object of importance. Whatever relates only to peaceable and inactive 
 
 * Oviedo Hist. lib. iii. c. 5. Ulloa, i. 329. Voyage de Labal, ii. 72, Charlevoix, iii. 323. 
 Gumilla, i. 197, &c. Acugna Relat. de la Riv. des Amaz. ii. 83. Lawson's Voyage to Carolina, 
 p. 33. t Wafer's Voyage, p. 142. Lery ap. de Bry, iii. 167. Charlev. Hist. N. Fran. iii. 216. 
 222. + Charlev. Hist, de la Nouv. France, iii. 278. 327. Lafitau, ii. 53. Kalm's Voyage, iii. 
 273. Lery ap. de Bry, iii. 169, 170. Purcn. Pilgr. iv. 1287. Ribas Hist, de los Triumph, &c. 472 
 $ Labat, ii. 73. Gumilla, i. 190. 202. Bancroft Nat, Hist, of Guiana, 81. 280. 
 
AMERICA. 177 
 
 life, he views with indifference. Hence, though finically attentive to dress, 
 be is little solicitous about the elegance or disposition of his habitation 
 Savage nations, far from that state of improvement, in which the mode of 
 living is considered as a mark of distinction, and unacquainted with those 
 wants, which require a variety of accommodation, regulate the construction 
 of their houses according to their limited ideas of necessity. Some of the 
 American tribes were so extremely rude, and had advanced so little beyond 
 the primaeval simplicity of nature, that they had no houses at all. During 
 the day, they take shelter from the scorching rays of the sun under thick 
 trees ; at night they form a shed with their branches and leaves [79]. In 
 the rainy season they retire into coves, formed by the hand of Nature, or 
 hollowed out by their own industry.* Others, who have 'no fixed abode, 
 and roam through the forest in quest of game, sojournjn temporary huts, 
 which they erect with little labour, ana abandon without any concern. 
 The inhabitants of those vast plains, which are deluged by the overflowing 
 of rivers during the heavy rains that fall periodically between the tropics, 
 raise houses upon piles fastened in the ground, or place them among the 
 boughs of trees, and are thus safe amidst that wide extended inundation 
 which surrounds them.f Such were the first -essays of the rudest Ameri 
 cans towards providing themselves with habitations. But even among 
 tribes which are more improved,, and whose residence is become altogether 
 fixed, the structure of their houses is extremely mean and simple. They 
 are wretched huts, sometimes of an oblong and sometimes of a circular 
 form, intended merely for shelter, with no view to elegance, and little 
 attention to conveniency. The doors are so low that it is necessary to 
 bend or to creep on the hands and feet in order to enter them. They are 
 without windows, and have a large hole in the middle of the root, to convey 
 out the smoke. To follow travellers in other minute circumstances of 
 their descriptions, is not only beneath the dignity of history, but would 
 be foreign to the object of. my researches. One circumstance merits 
 attention, as it is singular, and illustrates the character of the people. 
 Some of their houses are so large as to contain accommodation for four 
 score or a hundred persons. These are built for the reception of different 
 families, which dwell together under the same roof [80], and often around 
 a common fire, without separate apartments, or any kind of screen or parti 
 tion between the spaces which they respectively occupy. As soon as men 
 have acquired distinct ideas of property; or when they are so much 
 attached to their females, as to watch them with care and jealousy ; 
 families of course divide and settle in separate houses, where they can 
 secure and guard whatever they wish to preserve. This singular mode of 
 habitation, among several people of America, may therefore be considered 
 not only as the effect of their imperfect notions concernipg property, but 
 as a proof of inattention, and indifference towards their women. It they 
 had not been accustomed to perfect equality, such an arrangement could 
 not have taken place. If their sensibility had been apt to have taken 
 alarm, they would not have trusted the virtue of their women amidst the 
 temptations and opportunities of such a promiscuous intercourse. At the 
 same time, the perpetual concord, which reigns in habitations where so 
 many families are crowded together,, is surprising, and affords a striking 
 evidence that they must be people of either a very gentle, or of a very 
 phlegmatic temper, who in such a situation, are unacquainted with animo 
 sity, brawling, and discord.J 
 After making some provision for his dress and habitation, a savage 
 
 * Lettres Edif, v. 273. Venegas Hist, of Califor. i. 76, Lozano, Descrip. del Gran. Chaco, p. 
 55. Lettres Edif. ii. 176, Camilla, i. 383, Bancroft, Nat. Hist, of Guiana, 277. T Gumilla, i. 
 225. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. ix. c. G. Oviedo Somar. p. 53. C. $ Journ. de Grillet et Bechamel 
 
 dans la Goyane, p. 65. Lafitau Mosurs, ii. 4. Torquem. Monarq. i, 247, Journal Hist, de JoutaH, 
 317. Lery Hist. Brazil, ap..de Bry, iii. 238. Lozano Descr. del Gran. Chaco, 67. 
 
 VOL. I.- -V 
 
H8 HISTORY OF (BOOK IV, 
 
 arms with which to 
 early exercised the 
 ingenuity and invention of all rude nations. " Hie first offensive weapons 
 were doubtless such as- chance presented, and the first efforts of art to 
 improve upon these, were extremely awkward and simple. Clubs made 
 of some heavy wood, stakes hardened in the fire, lances whose heads were 
 armed with flint or the bones of some animal, are weapons known to the 
 rudest nations. All these, however, are of use only in close encounter. 
 But men wished to annoy their enemies while at a distance, and -the bow 
 and arrow is the most early invention for this purpose. This weapon is in 
 the hands of people whose advances in improvement are extremely incon 
 siderable, and is familiar to the inhabitants of every quarter of the globe. 
 It is remarkable, however, that some tribes in America were so destitute 
 of art and ingenuity, that they had not attained to the discovery of this 
 simple invention,* and seem to have been unacquainted with the use of any 
 missile weapon. The sling, though in its construction not more complex 
 than the bow, and among many nations of equal antiquity, was little known 
 to the people of North America,! or the islands, but appears to have been 
 used by a few tribes in the southern continent J [81] . The people, in some 
 provinces of Chili, and those of Patagonia, towards the southern extremity 
 of America, use a weapon peculiar to themselves. They fasten stones, 
 about the size of a fist, to each end of a leather thong of eight feet in 
 length; and swing these round their heads, throw them with such dexterity, 
 that they seldom miss the object at which they aim. 
 
 Among people who had hardly any occupation but war* or hunting, the 
 chief exertions of their invention [82J, as well as industry, were naturally 
 directed towards these objects. With respect to every thing else, their 
 wants and desires were so limited, that their invention was not upon the 
 stretch. As their food and habitations are perfectly simple, their domestic 
 utensils are few and rude. Some of the southern tribes had discovered 
 the art of forming- vessels of earthen ware, and Baking them in the sun, so 
 as they could endure the fire. In North America, they hollowed a piece 
 of hard wood in the form of a kettle, and filling it with water, brought it 
 to boil, by putting red-hot stones into it [83], These vessels they used in 
 preparing part of their provisions ; and this may be considered as a step 
 towards refinement and luxury ; for men in their rudest state were not 
 acquainted with any method of dressing their victuals but by roasting them 
 on the fire ; and among several tribes in America, this is the only species 
 of cookery yet known. || But the masterpiece of art, among the savages 
 of America, is the construction of the canoes. An Esquimaux, shut up in 
 his boat of whalebone, -covered with the skins of seals, can brave that 
 stormy ocean on which the barrenness of his country compels him to depend 
 for the chief part of his subsistence. IT The people of Canada venture upon 
 their rivers and lakes in boats made of the bark of trees, and so light that 
 two men can carry them, wherever shallows or cataracts obstruct the 
 navigation [84]. In these frail vessels they undertake and accomplish 
 long voyages."** The inhabitants of the isles and of the southern continent 
 form their canoes by hollowing the trunk of a large tree, with infinite labour ; 
 and though in appearance they are extremely awkward and unwieldy, 
 they paddle and steer them with such dexterity, that Europeans, well ac 
 quainted with all the improvements in the science of navigation, have been 
 astonished at the rapidity of their motion, and the quickness of their evo 
 lutions. Their pirogues, or war boats, are so large as to carry forty or fifty 
 men ; their canoes, employed in fishing and in short voyages are less capa- 
 
 * Piedrahita Conq. del Nuevo Reyno, ix. 12. t Nauf. de Alv. Nun. Cabeca de Vaca, c. x. 
 
 p. 12. J Piedrah. p. 16. $ Ovalle's Relation of Chili. Church. Collect, iii. 82. Falkner'a 
 Descript. of Patagon.p. 130. |[0hariev. Hist. N. Fr. iii. 332. tf Ellis Voy. 133. ** Lafijau 
 Mceurs, &c. ii. 213. 
 

 AMERICA. 179 
 
 cious.* The form as well as materials of all these Various kinds of vessels, 
 is well adapted to the service for which they are destined ; and the more 
 minutely they are examined, the mechanism of their structure, as well as 
 neatness of their fabric, will appear the more surprising. 
 
 But, in every attempt towards industry among the Americans, one 
 striking quality in their character is conspicuous. They apply to work 
 without ardour, carry it on with little activity, and, like children, are easily 
 diverted from it. Even in operations which seem the most interesting, 
 and where the most powerful motives urge them to vigorous exertions, 
 they labour with a languid listlessness. Their work advances under their 
 hand with such slowness, that an eyewitness compares it to the impercep 
 tible progress of vegetation.! They will spend so many years in forming 
 a canoe, that it often begins to rot with age before they finish it. They 
 will suffer one part of a roof to decay and perishy before they complete 
 the other. J The slightest manual operation consumes an amazing length 
 of time, and what in polished nations would hardly be an effort of industry, 
 is among savages an arduous undertaking. This slowness of the Ameri 
 cans in executing works of every kind may be imputed to various causes. 
 Among savages, who do not depend for subsistence upon the efforts of 
 regular industry, time is of so little importance that they set no value 
 upon it ; and provided they can finish a design, they never regard how long 
 they are employed about it. The tools which they employ are so awkward 
 ana defective that every work in which they engage must necessarily be 
 tedious. The hand of the most industrious and skilful artist, were it fur 
 nished with no better instrument than a stone hatchet, a shell, or the bone 
 of some animal, would find it difficult to perfect the most simple work. It is 
 by length of labour that he must endeavour to supply his defect of power. 
 But above all, the cold phlegmatic temper peculiar to the Americans, ren 
 ders their operations languid. It is almost impossible to rouse them from 
 that habitual indolence to which they are sunk ; and unless when engaged 
 in war or in hunting, they seem incapable of exerting any vigorous effort. 
 Their ardour of application is not so great as to call forth that inventive 
 spirit which suggests expedients for facilitating and abridging labour. 
 They will return to a task day after day, but all their methods of executing 
 it are tedious and operose [85], Even since the Europeans have commu 
 nicated to them the knowledge of their instruments, and taught them to 
 imitate their arts, the peculiar genius of the Americans is conspicuous in 
 every attempt they make. They may be patient and assiduous in labour, 
 they can copy with a servile and minute accuracy, but discover little 
 invention and no talents for despatch. In spite of instruction and example, 
 the spirit of the race predominates ; their motions are naturally tardy, and 
 it is in vain to urge them to quicken their pace. Among the Spaniards in 
 America, the work of an Indian is a phrase by which they describe any 
 thing, in the execution of which an immense time has been employed and 
 much labour wasted.^ 
 
 VII. No circumstance respecting rude nations has been the object of 
 greater curiosity than their religious tenets and rites ; and none, perhaps, 
 has been so imperfectly understood, or represented with so little fidelity. 
 Priests and missionaries are the persons who have had the best opportunities 
 of carrying on this inquiry among the most uncivilized of the American tribes. 
 Their minds, engrossed by the doctrines of their own religion, and habituated 
 to its institutions, are apt to discover something which resembles those 
 objects of their veneration, ki the opinions and rites of every people. 
 Whatever they contemplate they View through one medium, and draw 
 and accommodate it to their own system. " They study to reconcile the 
 
 * Labat, Voyages, ii. 91, &c. 131. f Gumilla, ii. 297. + Borcle Relat. des Caraibes. 
 
 p. 22. $ Voyages de tlloa, i. 335. Lettr. Edif. &c. xv. 348. 
 

 180 HISTORY OF [BOOK IV. 
 
 .institutions which fall under their observation to their own creed, not to 
 explain them according to the rude notions of the people themselves. 
 They ascribe to them ideas which they are incapable of forming, and sup 
 pose them to be acquainted with principles and facts, which it is impossible 
 that they should know. Hence, some missionaries have been induced to 
 believe, that even among the most barbarous nations in America, they had 
 discovered traces, no less distinct than amazing 1 , of their acquaintance with 
 the sublime mysteries and peculiar institutions of Christianity. From their 
 own interpretation of certain expressions and ceremonies, they have con 
 cluded that these people had some knowledge of the doctrine of the 
 Trinity, of the incarnation of the Son of God, of his expiatory sacrifice, of 
 the virtue of the cross, and of the efficacy of the sacraments.* In such 
 unintelligent and credulous guides we can place little confidence. 
 
 But even when we make our choice of conductors with' the greatest 
 care, we must not follow them with implicit faith. An inquiry into the 
 religious notions of rude nations is involved in peculiar intricacies, and we 
 must often pause in order to separate the facts which our informers relate 
 from the reasonings with which they are accompanied, or the theories 
 which they build upon them. Several pious writers, more attentive to the 
 importance of the subject than to the condition of the people whose senti 
 ments they were endeavouring to discover, have bestowed much unprofit 
 able labour in researches of this nature [86]. 
 
 There are two fundamental doctrines, upon which the whole system of 
 religion, as far as it can be discovered by the light of nature, is established. 
 The one respects the being of a God, the other the immortality of the soul. 
 To discover the ideas of the uncultivated nations under our review, with 
 regard to those important points, is not only an object of curiosity, but 
 may afford instruction. To these two articles 1 shall confine my researches, 
 leaving subordinate opinions, and the detail of local superstitions, to more 
 minute inquirers. Whoever has had any opportunity of examining into the 
 religious opinions of persons in the inferior ranks of life, even in the most 
 enlightened and civilized nations, will find that their system of belief is de 
 rived from instruction, not discovered by inquiry. That numerous part of the 
 human species, whose lot is labour, whose principal and almost sole occu 
 pation is to secure subsistence, views the arrangement and operations of 
 nature with little reflection, and has neither leisure nor capacity for enter 
 ing into that path of refined and intricate speculation which conducts to the 
 knowledge of the principles of natural religion. In' the early and most 
 rude periods of savage life, such, disquisitions are altogether unknown. 
 When the intellectual powers are just beginning to unfold, and their first 
 feeble exertions are directed towards a few objects of primary necessity 
 and use ; when the faculties of the mind are so limited as not to have 
 formed abstract or general ideas ; when language is so barren as to be 
 destitute of names to distinguish any thing that is not perceived by soifie 
 of the senses ; it is preposterous to expect that man should be capable of 
 tracing with accuracy the relation between cause and effect ; or to suppose 
 that he should rise from the contemplation of the one to the knowledge of 
 the other, and form just conceptions of a Deity, as the Creator and Governor 
 of the universe. The idea of creation is so familiar, wherever the mind is 
 enlarged by science and illuminated with revelation, that we seldom reflect 
 how profound and abstruse this idea is, or consider what progress man 
 must nave made in observation and research, before he could arrive at any 
 knowledge of this elementary principle in religion. Accordingly, several 
 tribes have been discovered in America, whicn have no idea whatever of 
 a Supreme Being, and no rites of religious worship. Inattentive to that 
 
 * Venegas, i. 88. 92. Torquemada, ii. 445. Garcia Origen, 122. Herrera, dec. 4. lib. ix. c, 
 7. dec. 5. lib. iv. c. 7. 
 
AMERICA. 181 
 
 magnificent spectacle of beauty and order presented to their view, unac 
 customed to reflect either upon what they themselves are, or to inquire 
 who is the author of their existence, men, in their savage state, pass their 
 days like the animals around them, without knowledge or veneration of any 
 superior power. Some rude tribes have not in their language any name for 
 the Deity, nor have the most accurate observers been able to discover any 
 practice or institution which seemed to imply that they recognised his 
 authority, or were solicitous to obtain his favour* [87]. It is however only 
 among men in the most uncultivated state of nature, and while their intel 
 lectual faculties are so feeble and limited as hardly to elevate them above 
 the irrational creation, that we discover this total insensibility to the im 
 pressions of any invisible power. 
 
 But the human mind, formed for religion, soon opens to the reception of 
 ideas, which are destined, when corrected and refined, to be the great 
 source of consolation amidst the calamities of life. Among some of the 
 American tribes, still in the infancy of improvement, we discern apprehen 
 sions of some invisible and powerful beings. These apprehensions are 
 originally indistinct and perplexed, and seem to be suggested rather by 
 the dread of impending evils than to flow from gratitude for blessings 
 received. While nature holds on her course with uniform and undis 
 turbed regularity, men enjoy the benefits resulting from it, without inquir 
 ing concerning its cause, feut every deviation from this regular course 
 rouses and astonishes them. When they behold events to which they are 
 not accustomed, they search for the reasons of them with eager curiosity. 
 Their understanding is unable to penetrate into the.se; but/ imagination, 
 a more forward and ardent faculty of the mind, decides without hesitation. 
 It ascribes the extraordinary occurrences in nature to the. influence of invi 
 sible beings, and supposes that the thunder, the hurricane, and the earthquake 
 are effects of their interposition. Some such confused notion of spiritual or 
 invisible power, superintending over those natural calamities which frequently 
 desolate the earth, and terrify its inhabitants, may be traced among many 
 rude nations [88]. But besides this, the disasters and dangers of savage 
 life are so many, and men often find themselves in situations so formidable, 
 that the mind, sensible of its own weakness, has no resource but in the 
 guidance and protection of wisdom and power superior to what is human. 
 Dejected with calamities which oppress him, and exposed to dangers 
 which he cannot repel, the savage no longer relies upon himself ; he feels 
 his own impotence, and sees no prospect of being extricated, but by the 
 interposition of some unseen arm. Hence, in all unenlightened nations, 
 the first rites or practices which bear any resemblance to acts of religion, 
 have it for their object to avert evils which men suffer or dread. The 
 Manitous orOkkis of the North Americans were amulets or charms, which 
 they imagined to be of such virtue as to preserve the persons who reposed 
 confidence in them from any disastrous event, or they were considered as 
 tutelary spirits, whose aid they might implore in circumstances of distress.! 
 The Cemis of the islanders were reputed by them to be the authors of 
 every calamity that afflicts the human race ; they were represented under 
 the most frightful forms, and religious homage was paid to them with no 
 other view than to appease these furious deities.J Even among those tribes 
 whose religious system was more enlarged, and who had formed some 
 conception of benevolent beings, which delighted in conferring benefits, as 
 well as of malicious powers prone to inflict evil ; superstition still appears 
 
 * Biet, 539. Lery ap. de Bry, iii. 221. Nieuhoff. Church. Coll. ii. 132. Lcttr. Edif. 2, 177. 
 Id. 12, 13. Venegas, i. 87. Lozano Descr. del Gran Chaco, 59. Fernand. Mission, de Chequit. 39. 
 Gumilla, ii. 156. Rochefort Hist, des Antilles, p. 468. Margrave Hist, in Append, de Chiliensibus, 
 286. TJlloa, Notic. Amer. 335, &c. Barrere, 218, 219. Harcourt Voy. to Guiana, Purch. Pilgr. iv. 
 p. 1273. Account of Brazil, by a Portuguese. Ibid. p. 1289. Jones's Journal, p. 59. t Charlev. 
 N. Fr. iii. 343, &c. Creuxii Hist. Canab. p. 82, &c. J Oviedo, lib. iil. c. 1. p. 111. P. Martyr, 
 decad. p. 102, &c. 
 

 182 HISTORY OF [BOOK IV, 
 
 as the offspring 1 of fear, and all its efforts were employed to avert calami 
 ties. They. were persuaded that their good deities, prompted by the 
 beneficence of their nature, would bestow every blessing in their power, 
 without solicitation or acknowledgment ; and their only anxiety was to 
 soothe and deprecate the wrath of the powers whom they regarded as 
 the enemies of mankind.* 
 
 Such were the imperfect conceptions of the greater part of the Americans 
 with respect to the interposition of invisible agents, and such, almost uni 
 versally, was the mean and illiberal object of their superstitions. Were 
 we to trace back the ideas~of other nations to that rude state in which 
 history first presents them to our view, we should discover a surprising 
 resemblance in their tenets and practices; and should be convinced, that 
 in similar circumstances, the faculties of the human mind hold nearly^ the 
 same course in their progress, and arrive at almost the same conclusions. 
 The impressions of fear are conspicuous in all the systems of superstition 
 formed in this situation. The most exalted notions of men rise no higher 
 than to a 'perplexed apprehension of certain beings, whose power, though 
 supernatural, is limited as well as partial. 
 
 but, among o,ther tribes, which have been longer united, or have made 
 greater progress in improvement, we discern some feeble pointing towards 
 more just and adequate conceptions of the power that presides in nature. 
 They seem to perceive that there must be some universal cause to whom 
 all things are indebted for their being. If we 1 may judge by some of their 
 expressions, they appear to acknowledge a divine power to be the maker of 
 the world, and the disposer of all events. They denominate him tjie Great 
 Spirit.^ But these ideas are faint and confused, and when they attempt to 
 explain them, it is manifest that among them the word spirit has a meaning 
 very different from that in which we employ it, and that they have no concep 
 tion of any deity but what is corporeal. They believe their gods to be of 
 the human form, though of a nature more excellent than man, and retail such 
 wild incoherent fables concerning their functions and operations, as are 
 altogether unworthy of a place in history. Even among these tribes, there 
 is no established form of public worship ; there are no temples erected in 
 honour of their deities ; and no ministers peculiarly consecrated to their 
 service. They have the knowledge, however, of several superstitious 
 ceremonies and practices handed down to them by tradition, and to these 
 they have recourse with a childish credulity, when roused by any emer 
 gence from their usual insensibility, and excited to acknowledge the 
 power, and to implore the protection of superior beings, j 
 
 The tribe of the Natchez, and the people of Bogota, had advanced 
 beyond the other uncultivated nations of America in their ideas of religion, 
 as well as in their political institutions ; and it is no less difficult to explain 
 the cause of this distinction than of that which we have already consi 
 dered. The Sun was the chief object of religious worship among the 
 Natchez. In their temples, which were constructed with some magnifi 
 cence, and decorated with various ornaments, according to their mode of 
 architecture, they preserved a perpetual fire, as the purest emblem of their 
 divinity. Ministers were appointed to watch and Feed this sacred flame. 
 The first function of the great chief of the nation, every morning, was an 
 act of obeisance to the Sun ; and festivals returned at stated seasons, which 
 were celebrated by the whole 'community with solemn but unbloody rites. 
 This is the most refined species of superstition known in America, and 
 perhaps one of the most natural as well as most seducing. The Sun is the 
 apparent source of the joy , fertility, and life, diffused through nature ; and 
 
 * Tertre, ii. 365. Borde, p. 14. State of Virginia, by a Native, book iii. p. 32, 33. Dqmont, i. 
 165. Bancroft Nat. Hist, of Guiana, 309. t Charlev. N. FT. iii. 343. Sagard, Voy. du Pays 
 des Hurons, 226. t Charlev. N, Fr. iii. 345. Colden. i.17. Dumont. i. 158, &c. Charle.v 
 N. Fr. iii. 417, &c. 429. Lafitau, i. 167, 
 
AMERICA. 183 
 
 while the human mind, in its earlier essays towards inquiry, contemplates 
 and admires his universal and animating energy, its admiration is apt to 
 stop short at what is visible, without reaching to the unseen cause ; and 
 pays that adoration to the most glorious and beneficial work of God, which 
 is due only to him who formed it. As fire is the purest and most active of 
 the elements, and in some of its qualities and effects resembles the Sun, it 
 was, not improperly, chosen to be the emblem of his powerful operation. 
 The ancient Persians, a people far superior, in every respect, to that rude 
 tribe whose rites I am describing, founded their religious system on similar 
 principles, and established a form of public worship, less gross and excep 
 tionable than that of any people destitute of guidance from revelation. 
 This surprising coincidence in sentiment between two nations, in such 
 different states of improvement, is one of the many singular and unaccount 
 able circumstances which occur in the history of human affairs. 
 
 Among the people of Bogota, the Sun and Modn were, likewise, the 
 chief objects of veneration. Their system of religion was more regular 
 and complete, though Jess pure, than that of the Natchez. They had 
 temples, altars, priests, sacrifices, and that long train of ceremonies, which 
 superstition introduces wherever she has fully established her .dominion 
 over the minds of men. But the rites of their worship were cruel and 
 bloody. They offered human victims to their deities, and many of their 
 practices nearly resembled the barbarous institutions of the Mexicans, the 
 genius of which we shall have an opportunity of considering more atten 
 tively in its proper place.* 
 
 With respect to the other great doctrine of religion, concerning the 
 immortality of the soul, the sentiments of the Americans were more 
 united : the human mind, even when least improved and invigorated by 
 culture, shrinks from the thoughts of annihilation, and looks forward with 
 hope and expectation to a state of future existence. This sentiment, 
 resulting from a secret consciousness of its own dignity, from an instinctive 
 longing after immortality, is universal, and may be deemed natural. 
 Upon this are founded the most exalted hopes of man in his highest state 
 of improvement ; nor has nature withheld from him this soothing consola 
 tion, in the most early and rude period of his progress. We can trace this 
 opinion from one extremity of America to the other, in some regions more 
 faint and obscure, in others more perfectly developed, but nowhere 
 unknown. The most uncivilized of its savage tribes do not apprehend 
 death as the extinction of being. All entertain hopes of a future and more 
 happy state, where they shall be for ever exempt from the calamities which 
 imbitter human life in its present condition. This future state they con 
 ceive to be a delightful country, blessed with perpetual spring, whose 
 forests abound with game, whose rivers swarm with fish, where famine is 
 never felt, and uninterrupted plenty shall be enjoyed without labour or toil. 
 But as men, in forming their first imperfect ideas concerning the invisible 
 world, suppose that there they shall continue to feel the same desires, and 
 to be engaged in the same occupations, as in the present world ; they natu 
 rally ascribe eminence and distinction, in that state, to the same qualities 
 and talents which are here the object of their esteem. The Americans, 
 accordingly, allotted the highest place, in their country of spirits, to the 
 skilful hunter, to the adventurous and successful warrior, and to such as had 
 tortured the greatest number of captives, and devoured their flesh.t These 
 notions were so prevalent that they gave rise to a universal custom, which 
 is at once the strongest evidence that the Americans believe in a future 
 state, and the best illustration of what they expect there. As they imagine, 
 that departed spirits begin their career anew in the world whither they are 
 gone, that their friends may not enter upon it defenceless and unprovided, 
 
 * Piedrahita, Conq. del N. Reyno, p. 17. Herrera, dec. 6. lib. v. c. 6. t Lery ap. de Bry, Hi. 
 222. Charley. N. Fr. iii. 351, &c. De la Potherie, ii. 45, &c. iii. 5. 
 
184 HISTORY OF [BOOK IV. 
 
 they bury together with the bodies of the dead their bow, their arrows, 
 and other weapons used in hunting or war ; they deposit in their tombs the 
 skins or stuffs of which they make garments, Indian corn, manioc, venison, 
 domestic utensils, and whatever is reckoned among the necessaries in their 
 simple mode of life.* In some provinces, upon the decease of a cazique 
 or chief, a certain number of his wives, of his favourites, and of his slaves, 
 were put to death, and interred together with him, that he might appear 
 with the same dignity in his future station, and be waited upon by the same 
 attendants.! This persuasion is so deep rooted that many of the deceased 
 person's retainers offer themselves as voluntary victims, and court the 
 privilege of accompanying their departed master, as a high distinction. 
 It has been found difficult, on some occasions, to set bounds to this enthu 
 siasm of affectionate duty, and to reduce the train of a favourite leader to 
 such a number as the tribe could afford to spare [89]. 
 
 Among the Americans, as well as other uncivilized nations, many of the 
 rites and observances which bear some resemblance to acts of religion, 
 have no connection with devotion, but proceed from a fond desire of prying 
 into futurity. The human mind is most apt to feel and to discover this vain 
 curiosity, when its own powers are most feeble and uninformed. Aston 
 ished with occurrences of -which it is unable to comprehend the cause, it 
 naturally fancies that there is something mysterious and wonderful in their 
 origin. Alarmed at events of which it cannot discern the issue or the con 
 sequences, it has recourse to other means of discovering them than the 
 exercise of its own sagacity. Wherever superstition is so established as to 
 form a regular system, this desire of penetrating into the secrets of futurity 
 is connected with it. Divination becomes a religious act. Priests, as the 
 ministers of heaven, pretend to deliver its oracles to men. They are the 
 only soothsayers, augurs, and magicians, who profess the sacred and 
 important art of disclosing what is hid from other eyes. 
 
 But, among rude nations, 'who pay no veneration to any superintending 
 power, and who have no established rites or ministers of religion, their 
 curiosity, to discover what is future and unknown, is cherished by a 
 different principle, and derives strength from another alliance. As the 
 diseases of men, in the savage state, are (as has been already observed) 
 like those 'of the animal creation, few, "bnt extremely violent, their im 
 patience under what they suffer, and solicitude for the recovery of health, 
 soon inspired them with extraordinary reverence for such as pretended to 
 understand the nature of their maladies, and to' be possessed of knowledge 
 sufficient to preserve or deliver them from their sudden and fatal effects. 
 These ignorant pretenders, however, were such utter strangers to the 
 structure of the human frame, as to be equally unacquainted with the 
 causes of its disorders, and the manner in w r hich they will terminate. 
 Superstition, mingled frequently with some portion of craft, supplied what 
 they wanted in science. They imputed the origin of diseases to superna 
 tural influence, and prescribed or performed a variety of mysterious rites, 
 which they gave out to be of such efficacy as to remove the most dangerous 
 and inveterate maladies. The credulity and love of the marvellous, 
 natural to uninformed men, favoured the deception, and prepared them to 
 be the dupes of those impostors. Among savages, their first physicians are 
 a kind of conjurers or wizards, who boast that they know what is past, 
 and can foretell what is to come. Incantations, sorcery, and mummeries of 
 diverse kinds, no less strange than frivolous, are the means which they 
 employ to expel the imaginary causes of malignity ;| and, relying upon 
 
 * Chronica de Cieca de Leon, c. 28. Sagard, 288. Creux. Hist. Canad. p. 91. Rochefort, 
 Hist, des Antiles, 568. Biet, 391. De la Potherie, ii. 44. iii. g. Blanco Convers. de Piritu, p. 35. 
 t Dumont Louisiane, i. 208, &c. Oviedo, lib. v. c. 3. Gomara Hist. Gen. c. 28. P. Mart, decad. 
 304. Charter. N. Fr, iii. 421. Herrera, dec. 1, lib. iii. c. 3. P. Melchior Hernandez Memor. d* 
 Cheriqui. Coll. Orig. Papers, i. Chron. de Cieca die Leon. c. 33. J P. Melch. Hernandez Memo 
 rialde Cheriqui. Collect. Orig. Pap. i. 
 
AMERICA. 185 
 
 the efficacy of these, they predict with confidence what will be the fate 
 of their deluded patients. Thus superstition, in its earliest form, flowed 
 from the solicitude of man to be delivered from present distress, not from 
 his dread of evils awaiting him in a future life, and was originally ingrafted 
 on medicine, not on religion. One of the first and most intelligent historians 
 of America, was struck with this alliance between the art of divination and 
 that of physic, among the people of Hispaniola.* But this was not peculiar 
 10 them. The Mexis, the Piayas, the Autmoins, or whatever was the 
 distinguishing name of their aiviners and charmers in other parts of 
 America, were all the physicians of their respective tribes, in the same 
 manner as the Bubitos of Hispaniola. As their function led them to apply 
 to the human mind when enleebled by sickness, and as they found it, in 
 that season of dejection, prone to be alarmed with imaginary fears, or 
 amused with vain hopes, they easily induced it to rely with implicit con 
 fidence on the virtue of their spells* and the certainty of their predictions.! 
 
 Whenever men acknowledge the reality of supernatural power and dis 
 cernment in one instance, they have a propensity to admit it in others. 
 The Americans did not long suppose the efficacy of conjuration to be con 
 fined to one subject. They had recourse to it in every situation of danger 
 or distress. When the events of war were peculiarly disastrous, when 
 they met with unforeseen disappointment in hunting, when inundations or 
 drought threatened their crops with destruction, they called upon .their 
 conjurors to begin their incantations, in order to discover the causes of 
 those calamities, or to foretell what would be their issue.t Their con 
 fidence in this delusive art gradually increased,, and manifested itself in 
 all the occurrences of life. When involved in any difficulty, or about to 
 enter upon any transaction of moment, every individual regularly consulted 
 the sorcerer, and depended upon his instructions to extricate him from the 
 former, as well as to direct his conduct in the latter. Even among the 
 rudest tribes in America, superstition appears in this form, and divination 
 is an art in high esteem. Long before man had acquired such knowledge 
 of a deity as inspires reverence, and leads to adoration, we observe him 
 stretching out a presumptuous hand to draw aside that veil with which 
 Providence kindly conceals its purposes from human knowledge ; and we 
 find him labouring with fruitless anxiety to penetrate into the mysteries of 
 the divine administration. To discern and to worship a superintending 
 power is an evidence of the enlargement and maturity of the human 
 understanding ; a vain desire of prying into futurity is the error of its 
 infancy, and a proof of its weakness. 
 
 From this weakness proceeded likewise the faith of the Americans in 
 dreams, their observation of omens, their attention to the chirping of birds, 
 and the cries of animals, all which they suppose to be indications of future 
 events ; and if any one of these prognostics is deemed unfavourable, they 
 instantly abandon the pursuit of those measures on which they are most 
 eagerly bent. 
 
 VIII. But if we would form a complete idea of the uncultivated nations 
 of America, we must not pass unobserved some singular Customs, which, 
 though universal and characteristic, could not be reduced, with propriety, 
 to any of the articles into which I have divided my inquiry concerning 
 their manners. 
 
 Among savages, in every part of the globe, the love of dancing is a 
 favourite passion. As, during a great part of their time, they languish in 
 
 * Oviedo, lib. v. c. 1. t Herrera, dec, 1. lib. iii. c. 4, Osborne Coll. ii. 860, Dumont, i. 
 
 169, &c. Charlev. N. Fr. iii. 361. 364, &c. Lavvson, N. Cariol. 21,4. Ribas, Triumf. p. 17. Biet, 
 386. De !a Potherie, ii. 35, &c. t Charlev. N. Fr. iii. 3. Dumont, i. 173. Fernand. Relac. 
 
 de los Chequit. p. 40. Lozano, 84, Margrave, 279. Charlev. N,' Fr, iii, 262. 353. Stadius 
 
 ap do Bry, iii. 120. Creuxi. Hist. Canad, 84. Techo Hist, of Parag. Church. Coll. vi. 37. De la 
 Votherio, iii. 6. 
 
 VOL. [.24 10 
 
186 HISTORY OF [Boo* IV 
 
 a state of inactivity and indolence, without any occupation to rouse or 
 interest them, they delight universally in a pastime which calls forth the 
 active powers of their nature into exercise. The Spaniards, when they first 
 visited America, were astonished at the fondness of the natives for dancing, 
 and beheld with wonder a people, cold and unanimated in most of their 
 other pursuits, kindle into lite, and exert themselves with ardour, as often 
 as ,this favourite amusement recurred. Among them, indeed, dancing 
 ought not to he denominated an amusement. It is a serious and important 
 occupation which mingles in every occurrence of public or private life. 
 If any intercourse be necessary between two American tribes, the ambas 
 sadors of the one approach in a solemn dance, and present the calumet or 
 emblem of peace ; the sachems of the other receive it with the same 
 ceremony.* If war is denounced against an enemy, it is, by a dance ex 
 pressive of the resentment which they feel, and of the vengeance which 
 they meditate.t If the wrath of their gods is to be appeased, or their bene 
 ficence to be celebrated ; if they rejoice at the birth of a child, or mourn 
 the death of a friendj they have dances appropriated to each of these 
 situations, and suited, to the different sentiments with which they are then 
 animated. If a person i$ indisposed, a, dance is prescribed as the most 
 effectual means of restoring him to healtli ; and if he himself cannot endure 
 the fatigue of such an exercise, the physician or conjuror performs it in 
 his name, as if the virtue of his activity could be transferred to his 
 patient. 
 
 All their dances are imitations of some action ; and though the music 
 by which they are regulated is extremely simple, and tiresome to the ear 
 by its dull monotony, some of their dances appear wonderfully expressive 
 and animated. Tne war dance is, perhaps, the most striking. It is the 
 representation of a complete American cajnpaign. The departure of the 
 warriors from their village, their march into the enemy's country, the 
 caution with which they encamp, the address with which they station 
 some of their party in ambush, the manner 'of surprising the enemy, the 
 noise and ferocity of the combat, the scalping of those who are slain, the 
 seizing of prisoners, the triumphant return ofthe conquerors, and the tor 
 ture of the victims, are successively exhibited. The performers enter 
 with such enthusiastic ardour into their several parts ; their gestures, their 
 countenance, their voice, are so wild and so well adapted to their various 
 situations, that Europeans can hardly believe it to be a mimic scene, or 
 view it without emotions of fear and horror.H 
 
 But however expressive some of the American dances may be, there is 
 one circumstance in them remarkable, and connected with the character 
 of the race. * The songs, the dances, the amusements of other nations, ex 
 pressive of the sentiments which animate their hearts, are often adapted 
 to display or excite that sensbility which mutually attaches the sexes. 
 Among some people, such is the ardour of this passion, that love is almost 
 the sole object of festivity and joy ; and as rude nations are strangers to 
 delicacy, and unaccustomed to disguise any emotion of their minds, their 
 dances are often extremely wanton and indecent. Such is the Calenda, of 
 which the natives of Africa are so passionately fond ;1F and such the feats 
 of the dancing girls which the Asiatics contemplate with so much avidity 
 of desire. But among the Americans, more cold and indifferent to their 
 females, from causes which I have already explained, the passion of love 
 mingles but little with their festivals and pastimes. Their songs and 
 
 * De la Potherie Hist: ii. 17, &c: Charlev. N. Fr. iii. 211. 297. La Hontan, il 100 137. Hen- 
 nepin Deeou. 146, &c. T Charlev. N. Fr. iii. 298. Lafitau, i. 523. % Joutel, 343. Gomara 
 Hist. Gen. c. 196. $ Denys Hist. Nat. 189. Brickell, 372. De la Potherie, ii. 36. || De la 
 Potherie, ii. 116. Charlev. N. F. iii- 297. Lafitau, i. 523. IT Adanson Voyage to Senegal, iii. 
 287. Labat, Voyages, iv. 463. Sloane Hist. Nat of Jam. Introd. p. 48. Fermin Descript. de 
 Sunn, i. 139. 
 
AMERICA. 137 
 
 dances are mostly solemn and martial ; they are connected with some of 
 the serious and important affairs of life ;* and, having no relation to love or 
 gallantry, are seldom common to the two sexes, but executed by the men 
 and women apartf [90]. If, on some occasions, the women are permitted 
 to join in the festival, the character of the entertainment is still the same, 
 and no movement or gesture is expressive of attachment, or encourages 
 familiarity.J 
 
 An immoderate love of play, especially at games of hazard, which 
 seems to be natural to all people unaccustomed to the occupations of 
 regular industry, is likewise universal among the Americans. The same 
 causes, which so often prompt persons in civilized life, who are at their 
 ease, to have recourse to this pastime, render it the delight of the savage. 
 The former are independent of labour, the latter, do not feel the necessity 
 of it ; and as both are unemployed, they run with transport to whatever 
 is interesting enough to stir and to agitate their minds. Hence the Ameri 
 cans, who at other times are so indifferent, so phlegmatic, so silent, and 
 animated with so few desires, as soon as they engage in play become 
 rapacious, impatient, noisy, and almost frantic with eagerness. Their 
 furs, their domestic untensils, their clothes, their arms, are staked at the 
 gaming table, and when all is lost, high as their sense of independence is, in 
 a wild emotion of despair or of hope, they will often risk their personal 
 liberty upon a single cast. Among several tribes, such gaming parties 
 frequently recur, and become their most acceptable entertainment at every 
 great festival. Superstition, which is apt to take hold of those passions 
 which are most vigorous,, frequently lends its aid 'to confirm and strengthen 
 this favourite inclination. Their conjurors are accustomed to prescribe a 
 solemn match at play as one of the most efficacious methods of appeasing 
 their gods, or of restoring the sick to health.|| 
 
 From causes similar to those which render them fond of play, the 
 Americans are extremely addicted to drunkenness. It seems to have been 
 one of the first exertions of human ingenuity to discover some composition 
 of an intoxicating quality ; and there is hardly any nation so rude, or so 
 destitute of invention, as not to have succeeded in this fatal research. The 
 most barbarous of the American tribes have been so unfortunate as to 
 attain this art ; and even those which are so deficient in knowledge, as to 
 be unacquainted with the method of giving an inebriating strength to 
 liquors by fermentation, can accomplish the same end by other means. 
 The people of the islands of North America, and of California, used, for 
 this purpose, the smoke of tobacco, drawn up with a certain instrument 
 into the nostrils, the fumes of which ascending to the brain, they felt all 
 the transports and phrensy of intoxication^! [91]. In almost every other 
 part of the New World, the natives possessed the art of extracting an 
 intoxicating liquor from maize or the manioc root, the same substances 
 which they convert into bread. The operation by which they effect this 
 nearly resembles the common one of brewing, but with this difference, 
 that, in place of yeast, they use a nauseous infusion of a certain quantity 
 of maize or manioc chewed by their women. The saliva excites a vigorous 
 fermentation, and in a few days the liquor becomes fit for drinking. It Is 
 not disagreeable to the taste, and, when swallowed in large quantities, is 
 of an intoxicating quality.** This is the general beverage of the Ameri 
 cans, which they distinguish by various names, and for which they feel 
 such a vjolent and insatiable desire as it is not easy either to conceive or 
 
 * Descript. of N. France. Osbome Coll. ii. 883. Charlev. N. Fr. iii. 84. f Wafer's Account 
 of Isthmus, &c. 169. Lery ap. de Bry, iii. 177. Lozano Hist, de Parag. i. 149. Herrera, dec. 2. 
 lib. vii. c. 8. dec. 4. lib. x. c. 4. { Barrere, Fr. Equin. p. 191. $ Charlev. N. Fr. iii 261. 
 
 318. Lafitau, ii. 338. &c. Ribas Triumf. 13. Brickell, 335. f| Charlev. N. Fr. iii. 2f>2. 
 
 IT Oviedo Hist. ap. Ramus, iii. 113. Venegas, i. 68. Naufrag. de Cabeca de Vaca, cap. .afi. 
 ** Stadius ap. de Bry, Hi. 111. Lery, ibid. 175. 
 
188 HISTORY OF [BOOK IV. 
 
 describe. Among polished nations, where a succession of various functions 
 <*nd amusements keeps the mind in continual occupation, the desire for 
 strong- drink is regulated in a great measure by the climate, and increases 
 or diminishes; according to the variations of its temperature. In warm 
 regions, the delicate and sensible frame of the inhabitants does not require 
 the stimulation of fermented liquors. In colder countries, the constitution 
 of the natives, more robust and more sluggish, stands in need of generous 
 liquors to quicken and animate it.' But among savages, the desire of 
 something that is of power to intoxicate is 'in every situation the same. 
 All the people of 'America, if we except some small tribes near the Straits 
 of Magellan, whether natives of the torrid zofle> or .inhabitants of its more 
 temperate regions, or placed by^ a harder fate in the severe climates towards 
 its northern or southern extremity, appear to be equally under the dominion 
 of this appetite.* Such a similarity of taste, among people in such differ 
 ent situations, must be ascribed to the influence of some moral cause, and 
 cannot be' considered as the effect of any physical or constitutional want. 
 While engaged in war or in the chase* the savage is often in the most 
 interesting situations, ,and all the powers of his nature are roused to the 
 most vigorous exertions. But those animating scenes are succeeded by 
 Jong intervals of repose, during which the warrior meets with nothing that 
 he deems of sufficient dignity or importance to merit his attention. He 
 languishes and mopes in this season of indolence. The posture of his bpdy 
 is an emblem of the state of , his mind. In. one climate, cowering over the 
 fire in his cabin ; in another, stretched under the shade of some tree, he 
 dozes away his time in sleep, or in an unthinking joyless inactivity not far 
 removed from it. As strong liquors awake him from this torpid state, give a 
 brisker motion to his spirits, and enliven him more thoroughly than either 
 dancing or gaming, his love of them is excessive. A savage, when not 
 engaged .in action,- is a pensive melancholy animal ; but as soon as he 
 tastes, or has a prospect of tasting, the intoxicating draught, he becomes 
 gay and frolicsome. t Whatever be the occasion or pretexts on which the 
 Americans assemble, the meeting always terminates in a' debauch. Many 
 of their^ festivals have no other object, and they welcome the return of 
 them with transports of joy. As they are not accustomed to restrain any 
 appetite, they set no bounds to this. The riot often continues without 
 intermission several days ; and whatever" may be the fatal effects of their 
 excess, they never cease from drinking as long as one drop of liquor 
 remains. The persons of greatest eminence, the most distinguished war 
 riors, and, the chiefs most renowned for their wisdom, have no greater 
 command of themselves than the most obscure members of the community. 
 Their eagerness for present enjoyment renders them blind to its fatal con 
 sequences ; and those very men? who in other situations seem to possess a 
 force of mind more than' human, are in this instance inferior to children, in 
 foresight as well as consideration, and mere slaves of brutal appetite.| 
 When their, passions, naturally strong, are heightened and inflamed by 
 drink, they are guilty of the most enormous outrages, and the festivity 
 seldom concludes without deeds of violence or bloodshed. 
 
 But, amidst this wild debauch, there is one circumstance remarkable ; 
 the women, in most of the American tribes, are not permitted to partake 
 of it [92]. Their .province is to prepare the liquor, to serve it about to the 
 guests, and to take care of their husbands and friends when their reason is 
 overpowered. This exclusion of the women from an enjoyment. so highly 
 valued by savages, may be justly considered as a mark of their inferiority, 
 and as an additional evidence of that contempt with which they were 
 
 '* Gumilla, i.257. Lozano Descrip. del Gran. Chaco,,56. 103. Ribas, 8. Ullba, i. 249. 337. 
 Marchais, iv. 436. Fernandez Mission, de las Chequit. 35. Barrere, p. 203. Blanco Convers. de 
 Piritu, 31. t Melendez Tesores Vteidad. iii. 369. J Ribas, 9. Ulloa, i 338. $ Lettr, 
 Edif. ii. 178. Torquemada IKond. Ind. i. 339. 
 
AMERICA. 189 
 
 treated in the New World. The people 'of North America, when first 
 discovered, were not acquainted with any intoxicating drink ; but as the 
 Europeans early found it their interest to supply them with spirituous 
 liquors, drunkenness soon became as universal among them as among their 
 countrymen to the south ; and their women, having acquired this new 
 taste, indulge it with as little decency and moderation as the men/? 
 
 It were endless to enumerate all the detached customs which^ have 
 excited the wonder of travellers in .America; but I cannot omit one 
 seemingly as singular as any that has been mentioned. When their 
 parents and other relations become old, or labour under any distemper 
 which their slender knowledge of the healing art cannot remove, the 
 Americans cut short their days with a violent hand, in order to be relieved 
 from the burden of supporting and tending them. This practice pre 
 vailed among the ruder tribes in every part ofthe continent, from Hudson's 
 Bay to the river De la Plata ; and however shocking it may be to those 
 sentiments of tenderness and attachment, which, in civilized life, we are 
 apt to consider as congenial with our frame, the condition of man in the 
 savage state leads and reconciles him to it. T f he same hardships and 
 difficulty of procuring subsistence, which deter savages, in some cases, 
 from rearing their children, prompt them to destroy the aged and 'infirm. 
 The declining state of the one is as helpless as the infancy of the other. 
 The former are no Jess unable than the latter to perform the functions that 
 belong to a warrior or hunter, or to endure those various distresses in 
 which savages are so often involved by their own want of foresight and 
 industry. Their relations feel this ; and, incapable of attending to the 
 wants or weaknesses of others, their impatience under an additional burden 
 prompts them to extinguish that life which they find it difficult to sustain. 
 This is not regarded as a deed of cruelty, but as an act of mercy. An 
 American, broken with years and infirmities, conscious that he can no 
 longer depend on the aid of those around him^ places himself contentedly 
 in his grave ; and it is by the hands of his children or nearest relations 
 that the thong is pulled, or the blow inflicted, which releases him for ever 
 from the sorrows of life.f 
 
 IX. After contemplating the rude American tribes in such various lights ; 
 after taking a view of their customs and manners from so many different 
 stations, nothing remains but to form a general estimate of their character 
 compared with that of more polished nations. A human being, as he 
 comes originally from the hand of nature, is every where the same. At 
 his first appearance in the state of infancy, whether it be among the 
 rudest savages or in the most civilized nation, we can discern no quality 
 which marks any distinction or superiority. The capacity of improve 
 ment seems to be the same ; and the talents he may afterwards acquire, 
 as well as the virtues he may be rendered capable of exercising, depend, 
 in a great measure, upon the state of society in which he is placed. To 
 this state his mind naturally accommodates itself, and from it receives 
 discipline and culture. In proportion to the wants Which it accustoms a 
 human being to feel, and the functions in which these engage him, his 
 intellectual powers are called forth. According to the connexions which 
 it establishes between him and the rest of his species, the affections of his 
 heart are exerted. It is only by attending to this great principle that we 
 can discover what is the character of man in every different period of his 
 progress. 
 
 If we apply it to savage life, and measure the attainments of the 
 human mind in that state by this standard, we shall find, according to 
 an observation which I have already made, that the intellectual powers of 
 man must be extremely limited in their operations. They are confined 
 
 * Hutchinson Hist, of Massachus. 460. Lafitau, ii. 125. Sagard, 146. t Cassani Histor. 
 
 de N. Reyno rie Gran. p. 300. Piso, p. 6. Ellis Voy. 191. Gumilla, i. 333. 
 
190 HISTORY OF [Bo OK IV, 
 
 withitl the narrow sphere of what he deems necessary for supplying his 
 own wants. Whatever has not some relation to these neither attracts his 
 attention, nor is the object of his inquiries. But however narrow the 
 bounds may be within which the knowledge of a savage is .circumscribed, 
 he possesses thoroughly that small portion which he has attained. It was 
 not communicated to him by formal instruction ; he does not attend to it 
 as a matter of mere speculation and curiosity ; it is the result of his own 
 observation, the fruit of his own experience, and accommodated to his 
 condition and exigencies. While employed in the active occupations of 
 war or of hunting, he often finds himself in difficult and perilous situations, 
 from which the efforts of his own sagacity must extricate him. He is 
 frequently engaged in measures, where every step depends upon his own 
 ability to decide, where he must rely solely upon his own penetration to 
 discern the dangers to which he is exposed, and upon his own wisdom in 
 providing against them. In consequence of this, he feels the knowledge 
 which he possesses, and the efforts which he makes, and either in delibe 
 ration or action rests on himself alone. 
 
 As the talents of individuals . are exercised and improved by such 
 exertions, much political wisdom is said to be displayed in conducting the 
 affairs of their small communities. The council of old men in an Ameri 
 can tribe, deliberating upon its interests, and determining with respect to 
 peace or war, has been compared to the senate in more polished republics. 
 The proceedings of the former, we are told, are often no less formal and 
 sagacious than those of the latter. Great political wisdom is exhibited 
 in pondering the various measures proposed, and in 'balancing their pro 
 bable advantages . against 'the evils of which they may be productive. 
 Much address and eloquence are employed by the leaders, who aspire at 
 acquiring such confidence with their countrymen as to have an ascendant 
 in those assemblies.* But, among savage tribes, the field for displaying 
 political talents cannot be extensive. Wnere the idea of private property 
 is incomplete, and no criminal jurisdiction is established, there is hardly 
 any function of -internal government to exercise. Where there is no com 
 merce, ^ and scarcely any intercourse among separate tribes ; where 
 enmity is implacable, and hostilities are carried on almost without intermis 
 sion; there will be few points of public concern to adjust with their 
 neighbours ; and that department of their affairs which may be denomi 
 nated foreign, cannot be so intricate as to require much refined policy in 
 conducting it. Where individuals are so thoughtless and improvident as 
 seldom to take effectual precautions for self-preservation, it is vain to 
 expect that public measures and deliberations will be regulated by the 
 contemplation of remote events. It is the genius of savages to act from 
 the impulse of present passion. They have neither foresight nor temper 
 to form complicated arrangements with respect to their future conduct. 
 The consultations of the Americans, indeed, are so frequent, and their 
 negotiations are so many [93], and so long protracted, as to give their 
 proceedings an extraordinary aspect of wisdom. But this is not owing 
 so much to the depth of their schemes, as to the coldness and phlegm of 
 their temper, which render them slow in determining. f If we except 
 the celebrated league, that 'united the Five Nations in Canada, into a 
 federal republic, which shall be considered in its proper place, we can 
 discern few such traces of political wisdom, among the rude American 
 tribes, as discover any great degree of foresight or extent of intellectual 
 abilities. Even .among them, we shall find public measures more fre 
 quently directed by the impetuous ferocity of their youth, than regulated 
 by the experience and wisdom of their old men. 
 
 As the condition of man in the savage state is unfavourable to the 
 
 * Charlev. Hist. N. Fr. iii. 289, &c. f Ibid. iii. 271. 
 
AMERICA. 191 
 
 progress of the understanding, it has a tendency likewise, in some respects, 
 to check the exercise of affection, and to render the heart contracted. The 
 strongest feeling in the mind of a savage is a sense of his own independence. 
 He has sacrificed so small a portion of his natural liberty by becoming a 
 member of society, that he remains, in a great degree, the sole master of 
 his own actions.* He often takes his resolutions alone, without consulting 
 or feeling any connection with the persons around him. In many of his 
 operations he stands as much detached from the rest of his species as if he 
 had formed no union with them. Conscious how little he depends upon 
 other men, he is apt to view them with a careless indifference. , Even the 
 force of his mind contributes to increase this unconcern ; and as he looks 
 not beyond himself in deliberating with respect to the part which he should 
 act, his solicitude about the consequences of it seldom extends further. 
 He pursues his own career, and indulges his own fancy, without inquiring 
 or regarding whether what he does be agreeable or offensive to others, 
 whether they may derive benefit or receive hurt from it. Hence the 
 ungovernable caprice of savages, their impatience under any species ot 
 restraint, their inability to suppress or moderate any inclination, the scorn 
 or neglect with which they receive advice, their high estimation of them- 
 selves, and their contempt of other men. Among them, the pride of inde 
 pendence produces almost the same effects with interestedness in a more 
 advanced state of society ; it refers everything to a man himself, it leads him to 
 be indifferent about the manner in which his actions may affect other men, and 
 renders the gratification of his own wishes the measure and end of conduct. 
 
 To the same cause may be imputed the hardness of heart and insensibi 
 lity remarkable in all savage nations. Their minds, roused only by strong 
 emotions, are little susceptible of gentle, delicate, or tender affections.! 
 Their union is so incomplete that each individual acts as if he retained all 
 his natural rights entire and undiminished. If a favour is conferred upon 
 him, or any beneficial service is performed on his account, he receives it 
 with much satisfaction, because it contributes to his enjoyment ; but this 
 sentiment extends not beyond himself, it excites no sense of obligation, he 
 neither feels gratitude, nor thinks of making any returnj [94] . Even among 
 persons the most closely connected, the exchange of those good offices 
 which strengthen attachment, mollify the heart, and sweeten the intercourse 
 of life, is not frequent. The high ideas of independence among the Ame 
 ricans nourish a sullen reserve, which keeps them at a distance from each 
 other. The nearest relations are mutually afraid to make any demand, 
 or to solicit any service,^ lest it should be considered by the other as 
 imposing a burden, or laying a restraint upon his will. 
 
 I have already remarked the influence of this hard unfeeling 1 temper 
 upon domestic life, with respect to the connection between husband and 
 wife, as well as that between parents and children. Its effects are 
 no less conspicuous, in the performance of those mutual offices of ten 
 derness which the infirmities of our nature frequently exact. Among 
 some tribes, when any of their number are seized with any violent disease, 
 they are generally abandoned by all around them, who, careless of their 
 recovery, fly in the utmost consternation from the supposed danger of infec 
 tion. || "But even where they are not thus deserted, the cold indifference 
 with which they are attended can afford them little consolation. No look 
 of sympathy, no soothing expressions, no officious services, contribute to 
 alleviate the distress of the sufferers, or to make them forget what they 
 endure. IT Their nearest relations will often refuse to submit to the smallest 
 Jnconveniency, or to part with the least trifle, however much it may tend 
 
 * Fernandez Mission, de los Chcquit. 33. Charlev. Hist. N. Fr. iii, 309. * Oviedo, Hist. 
 1b. xvi. c. 2. De la Potherie, iii. 28. || Lettre de P, Cataneo ap. Muratori Christian, i, 
 30 . Tortre, ii, 410, Lozano, UX), Herrera, dec. 4. lib. viii. c. 5. dec. 5. lib. iv. c, 2. Falkner's 
 rescript, of Patagonia, 98 IT Gumilla, i. 329 Lozano, 100. 
 
192 HISTORY OF fBooKlV. 
 
 to their accommodation or relief.* So little is the breast of a savage sus 
 ceptible of those sentiments which prompt men to that feeling attention 
 which mitigates the calamities of human life, that, in some provinces of 
 America, the Spaniards have found it necessary to enforce 1 the common 
 duties of humanity by positive laws, and to oblige husbands and wives, 
 parents and children, under severe penalties, to take care of each other 
 during their sickness.! The same harshness of temper is still more con 
 spicuous in their treatment of the animal creation. Prior to their inter 
 course with the people of Europe, the North Americans had some tame 
 dogs, which accompanied them in their hunting excursions, and served 
 them with all the ardour and 'fidelity peculiar to the species. But, 
 instead of that fond attachment which the hunter naturally feels towards 
 those useful companions of his toils, they -requite their services with 
 neglect, seldom feed, and never caress them.J . In other provinces the 
 Americans have become acquainted with the domestic animals of Europe, 
 and availed themselves of their service ; but it is universally observed that 
 they always treat them harshly , and never employ any method either, for 
 breaking or managing them, but force and cruelty. In every part of the 
 deportment of rhan in bis savage state, whether towards his equals of the 
 human species, or towards the animals below him, we recognise the same 
 character, and trace the operations of a mind intent on its own gratifications, 
 and regulated by its own caprice, with little attention or sensibility to the 
 sentiments and feelings of the beings around him* 
 
 After explaining how unfavourable the savage state is to the cultivation 
 of the understanding, and to the improvement of the heart, I should not 
 have thought it necessary to mention what may be deemed its lesser 
 defects, if the character of nations, as well as of individuals, were not often 
 mare. distinctly marked by circumstances apparently trivial than by those 
 of greater moment. A savage frequently placed in situations of danger 
 and distress, depending on himsell alone, and wrapped up in his own 
 thoughts and schemes, Is a serious melancholy animal. His attention to 
 others is small. The range of his own ideas is narrow. Hence that taci 
 turnity which is so disgusting to men accustomed to the open intercourse of 
 social conversation. When they are not engaged in action, the Americans 
 often sit whole days in one posture, without opening their lips.R When 
 they go forth to war, or to the chase, they usually march in aline at some 
 distance from one another, and without exchanging, a word. The same 
 profound silence is observed when they row together in a canoe. IF It is 
 only when they are animated by intoxicating liquors, or roused by the 
 jollity of the festival and -dance, that they become gay and cqnversible. 
 
 To the same causes may be imputed the refined cunning with which 
 they form and execute their schemes. Men who are not habituated to a 
 liberal communication of their own sentiments and wishes, are apt to be so 
 distrustful as to place little confidence in others, and to have recourse to an 
 insidious craff in accomplishing their own puposes. In civilized life, those 
 persons who by their situations have but a few objects of pursuit on which 
 their minds incessantly dwell, are most remarkable for low artifice in carry 
 ing on their Iktle projects. Among savages,' whose views are equally 
 confined, and their attention no less persevering, those circumstances must 
 operate still more powerfully, and gradually accustom them to a disin 
 genuous subtlety in all their transactions. The force of this is increased by 
 habits which they acquire in carrying on the two most interesting operations 
 wherein they are engaged. With tnem war is a system of craft, in which 
 they trust for success to stratagem more than to open force, and have their 
 
 * Garcia Origen. &c. 90. Herrera, dec. 4. lib. viii. c. 5. t Cogulludo Hist, de Yucathan, p. 300. 
 | Charlev. N. Fr. iii. 119. 337. $ Ulloa Notic. American: 312. || Voyage de Bougucr, 102. 
 IT Charlev. iii. 340. 
 
AMERICA. 193 
 
 invention continually on the stretch to circumvent' and surprise their 
 enemies. As hunters, it is their constant object to ensnare in order that 
 they may destroy. Accordingly, art and cunning have been universally 
 observed, as distinguishing characteristics of all savages. The people of 
 the rude tribes of America are remarkable for their artifice and duplicity. 
 Impenetrably secrect in forming their measures, they pursue them wij;h a 
 patient undevkiting attention, and there is no refinement of dissimulation 
 which they cannot employ, in order to ensure success. The natives of 
 Peru were engaged above thirty years, in concerting the plan of that 
 insurrection which took place under the vice-royalty of the Marquis de 
 Villa Garcia; and though it was communicated to a great ^ number of 
 persons, in all different ranks, no indication of it ever transpired during 
 that long period ; no man betrayed his trust, or, by an unguarded look, 
 or rash word, gave rise to any suspicion of what was intended.* The 
 dissimulation and craft of individuals is no less remarkable than that of 
 nations. When set upon deceiving, they wrap themselves up so artificially, 
 that it is impossible to penetrate into their intentions, or to detect their 
 designs.! 
 
 But if there be defects or vices peculiar to the savage state, there are 
 likewise virtues which it inspires, and good qualities, to the exercise of 
 which it is friendly. The bonds of society sit so loose upon the members 
 of the more rude American tribes, that they hardly feel any restraint. 
 Hence the spirit of independence, which is the pride of a savage, and 
 which he considers as the unalienable prerogative of man. Incapable of 
 control, and disdaining to acknowledge any superior, his mind, though 
 limited in its powers, and erring in many of its pursuits, acquires such 
 elevation by^ the consciousness of its own freedom, that he acts on .some 
 occasions with astonishing force, and perseverance, and dignity. 
 
 As independence nourishes this high spirit among savages, tne perpetual 
 wars in which they are engaged call it forth into action. Such long inter 
 vals of tranquillity as are frequent in polished societies are unknown in the 
 savage state. Their enmities, as I have observed, are implacable and 
 immortal. The valour of the young men is never allowed to rust in 
 inaction. The hatchet is always in the hand, either for attack or defence. 
 Even in their hunting excursions, they must be on their guard against 
 surprise from the hostile tribes by which they are surrounded. Accustomed 
 to continual alarms, they grow familiar with danger ; courage becomes an 
 habitual virtue, resulting naturally from their situation, and strengthened 
 by constant exertions. The mode of displaying fortitude may not be the 
 same in ^rnall and rude communities, as in more powerful and civilized 
 states. Their system of war, and standard of valour may be formed upon 
 different principles ; but in no situation does the human mind rise more 
 superior to the sense of danger, or the dread of death, than in its most 
 simple and uncultivated state. 
 
 Another virtue remarkable among savages, is attachment to the commu 
 nity of which they are members. From the nature of their political union, 
 one might expect this tie to be extremely feeble. But'there are circum 
 stances which render the influence, even of their loose mode of association, 
 very powerful. The American tribes are small ; combined against theii 
 neighbours, in prosecution of ancient enmities, or in avenging recent injuries, 
 their interests and operations are neither numerous nor complex. These 
 are objects which the uncultivated understanding of a savage can compre 
 hend. His heart is capable of forming connections which are so Jtt\e i'i 
 fused. He assents with warmth to public measures, dictated by passions 
 similar to those which direct his own conduct. Hence the ardour with 
 which individuals undertake the most perilous service, when the commu- 
 
 * Voyage de Ulloa, ii, 309. t Gumilla, i. 162. Chark-v. 
 
 VOL. I. 25 
 
194 H I S T O R Y. O F [Boos IV, 
 
 nity deems it necessary. Hence their fierce and deep rooted antipathy to 
 the public enemies. Hence their zeal for the honour of their tribe, and 
 that love of their country, which prompts them to brave danger that it may 
 triumph, and to endure the most exquisite torments, without a groan, that 
 it may not be disgraced. 
 
 -Thus, in every situation where a human being can be placed, even in the 
 most unfavourable, there are virtues which peculiarly belong to it ; there 
 are affections which it calls forth ; there is a species of happiness which it 
 yields. Nature, with the most beneficent intention, conciliates and forms 
 the mind to its condition ; the ideas and wishes of man extend not beyond 
 that state of society to which he is habituated. "What it presents as objects 
 of contemplation or enjoyment, fills and satisfies his mind, and he can 
 hardly conceive- any other mode of life to be pleasant, or even tolerable. 
 The Tartar, accustomed to roam over extensive plains, and to subsist on the 
 product of his herds, imprecates upon his enemy, as the greatest of all 
 curses, that he may be condemned to reside in one place, and to be nourished 
 with the top of a weed. The rude Americans, fond of their own pursuits, 
 and satisfied with their own lot, are .equally unable to comprehend the 
 intention or utility of the various accommodations, which, in more polished 
 society are deemed essential to the comfort of life. Far frqm complaining 
 of their own situation, or viewing that of men in a more improved state 
 with admiration or envy, they regard themselves as the standard of excel 
 lence, as beings the best entitled, as well as the most perfectly qualified, to 
 enjoy real happiness. Unaccustomed to any restraint upon their will or 
 their actions, they behold with amazement the inequality of rank, and the 
 subordination which takes place in civilized life, and consider the volun 
 tary submission of one. man to another as a renunciation no less base than 
 unaccountable, of the first distinction of humanity. Void of foresight, as 
 well as free from care themselves, and delighted with that state of indolent 
 security, they wonder at the anxious precautions, the unceasing industry, 
 and complicated arrangements of Europeans, in guarding against distant 
 evils, or providing for future wants ; and they often exclaim against their 
 preposterous folly, in thus multiplying the troubles and increasing the 
 labour of life.* This preference of their own manners is conspicuous on 
 every occasion. Even the names, by which the various nations wish to be 
 distinguished, are assumed from this idea of their own pre-eminence. 
 The appellation which the Iroquois give to themselves is the chief of men.^ 
 Caraibe, the original name of the fierce inhabitants of the Windward Islands, 
 signifies the warlike people. % The Cherokees, from an idea of their own 
 superiority, call the Europeans Nothings, or the accursed race, and assume 
 to themselves the name of the beloved people.^ The same principle regu 
 lated the notions of the other Americans concerning the Europeans ; for 
 although at first they were filled with astonishment at their arts, and with 
 dread of their power, they soon came to abate their estimation of men 
 whose . maxims of life were so different from their own. Hence they 
 called them the froth of the sea, men without father or mother. They 
 supposed, that either they had no country of their own, and therefore 
 invaded that which belonged to others ;|| or that, being destitute of the 
 necessaries of life at home, they were obliged to roam over the ocean, in 
 order to rob such as were more amply provided. 
 
 Men thus satisfied with their condition are far from any inclination to 
 relinquish their own habits, or^to adopt those of civilized life. The transi 
 tion is too violent to be suddenly made. Even where endeavours have 
 been used to weari a savage from his own customs, and to render the accom 
 modations of polished society familiar to him ; even where he has been 
 
 * Charlev. N. Fr. iii. 338. Lahontan, ii. 97. t Colden, i. 3. } Rochefort Hist, des Antilles, 
 455. $ Adair Hist. Amer. Indians, p. 32. || Benzon. Hist. Novi Orbis, lib. iii. c. 2U 
 
AMERICA. 195 
 
 allowed to taste of those pleasures, and has been honoured with those 
 distinctions, which are the chief objects of our desire, he droops and lan 
 guishes under the restraint of laws and forms, he seizes the first opportunity 
 of breaking loose from them, and returns with transport to the forest or the 
 wild, where he can enjoy a careless and uncontrolled freedom.* 
 
 Thus I have finished a laborious delineation of the character and man 
 ners of the uncivilized tribes scattered over the vast continent of America. 
 In this, I aspire not at rivalling the great masters who have painted and 
 adorned savage life, either in boldness of design, or in the glow and beauty 
 of their colouring. I am satisfied with the more humble merit of having 
 persisted with patient industry, in viewing my subject in many various 
 lights, and collecting from the most accurate observers such detached, and 
 often minute features, as might enable me to exhibit a portrait that resembles 
 ihe original. 
 
 Before I close this part of my work, one observation more is necessary, 
 in order to justify the conclusions which I have formed, or to prevent the 
 mistakes into which such as examine them may fall. In contemplating the 
 inhabitants of a country so widely extended as America, great attention 
 should be paid to the diversity^ of climates under which they are placed. 
 The influence of this I have pointed out with respect to several important 
 particulars which have been the object of research ; but even where it 
 has not been mentioned, it ought not to be overlooked. The provinces of 
 America are of such different temperament, that this alone is sufficient to 
 constitute a distinction between their inhabitants. In every part of the 
 earth where man exists, the power of climate operates, with decisive 
 influence, upon his condition and character. In those countries which 
 approach near to the extremes of heat or cold, this influence is so conspi 
 cuous as to strike every eye. Whether we consider man merely as an 
 animal, or as being endowed with rational powers which fit him for activity 
 and speculation, we shall find that he has uniformly attained the greatest 
 perfection of which his nature is capable, in the temperate regions of the 
 globe. There his constitution is most vigorous, his organs most acute, and 
 his form most beautiful. There, too, he possesses a^ superior extent of 
 capacity, greater fertility of imagination, more enterprising courage, and a 
 sensibility of heart which gives birth to desires, not only ardent, but perse 
 vering. In this favourite situation he has displayed the utmost efforts of 
 his genius, in literature, in policy, in commerce, in war, and in all the arts 
 which improve or embellish life.f 
 
 This powerful operation of climate is felt most sensibly by rude nations, 
 and produces greater effects than in societies more improved. The talents 
 of civilized men are continually exerted in rendering their own condition 
 more comfortable ; and by their ingenuity and inventions, they can in a 
 great measure supply the defects, and guard against the inconveniences of 
 any climate. But the improvident savage is affected by every circum 
 stance peculiar to his situation. He takes no precaution either to mitigate 
 or to improve it. Like a plant or an animal, he is formed by the climate 
 under which he is placed, and feels the full force of its influence. . 
 
 In surveying the rude nations of America, this natural distinction between 
 the inhabitants of the temperate and torrid zones is very' remarkable. 
 They may, accordingly, be divided into two great classes. The one com 
 prehends all the North Americans from the river St. Laurence to the Gulf 
 of Mexico, together with the people of Chili, and a few small tribes 
 towards the extremity of the southern continent. To the other belong 
 all the inhabitants of the islands, and those settled in the various provinces 
 which extend from the isthmus of Darien almost to the southern confines 
 
 * Charlev. N. FT. iii. 322. t Dr. Ferguson's Essay on the Hist, of Civil Society. 
 
 art. iii. oh. 1. 
 
1% HISTORY OF [BOOK IV, 
 
 of Brasil, along the east side of the Andes. In the former, which compre 
 hends all the regions of the temperate zone that in America are inhabited? 
 the human species appears manifestly to be more perfect. The natives 
 are more robust, more active, more intelligent, and more courageous. 
 They possess, in s the most eminent degree, that force of mind, and love of 
 independence, which I have pointed out as the chief virtues of man in his 
 savage state. They have defended their liberty with persevering fortitude 
 against the Europeans, who subdued the .other rude nations ot America 
 with the greatest ease. The natives of the temperate zone -are the only 
 people in the New World who are indebted' for their freedom to their own 
 valour. -The .North Americans, though lon^'encoitijpassed by three formi 
 dable European powers, still retain part of their original possessions, and 
 continue to exist as independent nations. The people of Chili, though 
 early invaded, still maintain a gallant contest with the Spaniards, and 
 have set bounds to their encroachments ; whereas, in the warmer regions, 
 men are more feeble in their frame, less vigorous in the efforts of their 
 minds, of a gentle but dastardly spirit, more enslaved by pleasure, and 
 more sunk in indolence. Accordingly, it is in the torrid zone that the 
 Europeans have most completely established their dominion over Ame 
 rica ; the most fertile and desirable provinces in it are subjected to their 
 yoke; and if several tribes there still enjoy independence, it is either 
 because they have never been attacked by an enemy already satiated with 
 conquest, and possessed, of larger territories than he was able to occupy, or 
 because they have been saved from oppression by their remote and inac 
 cessible situation. 
 
 Conspicuous as this distinction may appear between the inhabitants of 
 those different regions, it is .not, however, universal. Moral and political 
 causes, as I have formerly observed, affect the disposition and character of 
 individuals, as well as nations, still more powerfully than the influence of 
 climate. There are, accordingly, some tribes, in various parts of the 
 torrid zone, possessed of courage, high spirit, and the love of independence, 
 in a degree hardly inferior to the natives of more temperate climates. We 
 are too little acquainted with the history of those people, to be able to trace 
 the several circumstances m their progress and condition, to which they 
 are indebted for this remarkable pre-eminence. The fact, nevertheless, is 
 certain. As early as the first voyage of Columbus, he received information 
 that several of the islands were inhabited by the Caribbees, a fierce race of 
 men, nowise resembling their feeble and timid neighbours. In his second 
 expedition to the New World, he found this information to be just, and was 
 himself a witness of their intrepid valour* [95]. The same character 
 they have maintained invariably in all subsequent contests with the people 
 of Europe ;| and even in our own times we have seen them make a gal 
 lant stand in defence of the last territory which the rapacity of the invaders 
 had left in their possession [96], Some nations in Brasil were no less 
 eminent for vigour of mind and bravery in war.J The people of the 
 isthmus of Darien boldly met the Spaniards in .the field, and frequently 
 repelled those formidable invaders. Other instances might be produced. 
 It is not by attending to any single cause or principle, how powerful and 
 extensive soever its influence may appear, that we can explain the actions, 
 or account for the character of men. Even the law of climate, more 
 universal, perhaps, in its operation than any that affects the human species, 
 cannot be applied, in judging of their conduct, without many exceptions, 
 
 * Life of Columbus, c. 47, 48. T Rochcfort Hist, des Antilles, 531. J Lery ap. de Bry, iii* 
 307, &c. $ Herrera, dec. 1. lib. x. c. 15, &c. dec. 2. passim. 
 
AMERICA. 197 
 
 BOOK V. 
 
 WHEN Grijalva [1518.] returned to Cuba, he found the armament 
 destined to attempt the conquest of that rich country which he had discovered 
 almost complete. Not only ambition, but avance, had urged Velasquez 
 to hasten his preparations ; and having such a prospect of gratifying both, 
 he had advanced considerable sums out of nis private fortune towards 
 defraying the expenses of the expedition. At the same time, he exerted 
 his influence as governor, in engaging the most distinguished persons in the 
 colony to undertake the service [97]. At a time when the spirit of the 
 Spanish nation was adventurous to excess, a number of soldiers, eager to 
 embark in any daring enterprise, soon appeared. But it was not so easy 
 to find a person qualified to take the command in an expedition of so 
 much importance ; and the character of Velasquez, who had the right of 
 nomination, greatly increased the difficulty of the choice. Though oi most 
 aspiring amBition, and not destitute of talents for government, he possessed 
 neither such courage, nor such vigour and activity of mind, as to undertake 
 in person the conduct of the armament which he was preparing. In this 
 embarrassing situation, he formed the chimerical scheme, not only of 
 achieving great exploits by a deputy, but of securing to himself the glory 
 of conquests whicn were to be made by another. In the execution oi this 
 plan, he fondly aimed at reconciling contradictions. He was solicitous 
 to choose a commander of intrepid resolution, and of superior abilities, 
 because he knew these to be requisite in order to ensure success ; but, at 
 the same time, from the jealousy natural to little minds, he wished this 
 person to be of a spirit so tarne and obsequious as to be entirely dependent 
 on his will. But when he came to apply those ideas in forming an opinion 
 concerning the several officers who occurred to his thoughts as worthy of 
 being intrusted with the command, he soon perceived that it was impos 
 sible to find such incompatible qualities united in one character. Such as 
 were distinguished for courage and talents were too high spirited to be 
 passive instruments in his hands. Those who appeared more gentle and 
 tractable were destitute of capacity, and unequal to the charge. This 
 augmented his perplexity and his fears. He deliberated long and with 
 much solicitude, and was still wavering in his choice when Amador de 
 Lares, the royal treasurer in Cuba, and Andres Duero, his own secretary, 
 the two persons in whom he chiefly confided, were encouraged by this 
 irresolution to propose a new candidate ; and they supported their recom 
 mendation with such assiduity and address, that, no less fatally for Velas 
 quez than happily for their country, it proved successful.* 
 
 The man whom they pointed out to him was Fernando Cortes. He was 
 born at Medellin, a small town in Estremadura, in the year one thousand 
 iour hundred and eighty-five, and descended from a family of noble blood, 
 but of very moderate fortune. Being originally destined by his parents to 
 the study of law, as the most likely method of bettering his condition, he 
 was sent early to the university of Salamanca, where he imbibed some 
 tincture of learning. But he was soon disgusted with an academic life, 
 which did not suit his ardent and restless genius, and retired to Medellin, 
 where he gave himself up entirely to active sports and martial exercises. 
 At this period of life he was so impetuous, so overbearing, and so dissipated, 
 that his father was glad to comply with his inclination, afld sent him abroad 
 as an adventurer in arms. There were in that age two conspicuous 
 theatres, on which such of the Spanish youth as courted military glory 
 
 * B. Diaz, c. 19. Gomara Cron. c. 7. Herrera, dec. 2. lib. iii. c. 11. 
 
198 HISTORY OF [BoosV. 
 
 might display their valour ; one in Italy, under the command of the Great 
 Captain ; the other in the New World. Cortes preferred the former, but 
 was prevented by indisposition from embarking with a reinforcement of 
 troops sent to Naples. Upon this disappointment he turned his views 
 towards America, whither he was allured by the prospect of the advan 
 tages which he might derive from the patronage of Ovando [98], the 
 governor of Hispaniola, who was his kinsman. When he landed at St.. 
 Domingo, in one thousand five hundred and four, his reception was such as 
 equalled his most sanguine hopes, and he was employed by the Governor 
 in 'several honourable and lucrative stations* These, however, did not 
 satisfy his ambition; and, in the year one thousand five hundred and 
 eleven, he obtained permission to accompany Diego Velasquez in his 
 expedition to ' Cuba. In this service he distinguished himself so much, 
 that, notwithstanding some violent contests with Velasquez, occasioned by 
 trivial events unworthy of remembrance, he was at length taken into 
 favour, and received an ample concession of lands and of Indians, the 
 recompense usually bestowed upon adventurers in the New World.* 
 
 Though Cortes had not hitherto acted in high command, he had dis 
 played such qualities in several scenes of difficulty and danger, as raised 
 universal expectation, and turned the eyes of his countrymen towards him 
 as one capable of performing great things. The turbulence of youth, as 
 soon as he found objects and occupations suited to the ardour of his mind, 
 gradually subsided and settled into a habit of regular indefatigable 
 activity. The impetuosity of his temper, when he came to act with his 
 equals, insensibly abated, by being kept under restraint, and mellowed 
 into a cordial soldierly frankness. These qualities were accompanied 
 with calm prudence in concerting his schemes, with persevering vigour in 
 executing them, and with, what is peculiar to superior genius, the art of 
 gaining the confidence and governing the minds of men. To all which 
 were added the inferior accomplishments that strike the vulgar, and com 
 mand their respect ; a graceful person, a winning aspect, extraordinary 
 address in martial exercises, and a constitution of such vigour as to be 
 capable of enduring any fatigue. 
 
 As soon as Cortes was mentioned to Velasquez by his two confidants, 
 he flattered himself that he had at length found what he had hitherto 
 sought in vain, a man with talents for command, but not an object for 
 jealousy. Neither the rank nor the fortune of Cortes, as he imagined,- was 
 such that he could aspire at independence. He had reason to believe that 
 by his own readiness to bury ancient animosities in oblivion, as well as his 
 liberality in conferring several recent favours, he had already gained the 
 good will of Cortes, and hoped, by this new and unexpected mark of con 
 fidence, that he might attach him for ever to his interest. 
 
 Cortes, ret eiving his commission [Oct. 23], with the warmest expressions 
 of respect and gratitude to the governor, immediately erected his standard 
 before his own house, appeared in a military dress, and assumed all the 
 ensigns of his new dignity. His utmost influence and activity were exerted 
 in persuading many of his friends to engage in the service, and in urging 
 forward the preparations for the voyage. All his own funds, together with 
 what money he could raise by mortgaging his lands and Indians, were 
 expended in purchasing military stores and provisions, or in supplying the 
 wants of such of his officers as were unable to equip themselves in a manner 
 suited to their rank [99]. Inoffensive and even laudable as this conduct 
 was, his disappointed competitors were malicious enough to give it a turn 
 to his disadvantage. They represented him as aiming already, with little 
 disguise, at establishing an independent authority over his troops, and 
 endeavouring to secure" their respect or love by his ostentatious and inteiv 
 
 * 'Gomara Cron. c. 1, 2, 3. 
 
AMERICA. 199 
 
 ssted liberality. They reminded Velasquez of his former dissensions with 
 the man in whom he now reposed so much confidence, and foretold that 
 Cortes would be more apt to avail himself of the power which the 
 governor was inconsiderately putting in his hands, to avenge past injuries 
 than to requite recent obligations. These insinuations made such impres 
 sion upon the suspicious mind of Velasquez, that Cortes soon observed 
 some symptoms of a growing alienation and distrust in his behaviour, and 
 was advised by Lares and Duero to hasten his departure before these 
 should become so confirmed as to break out with open violence. Fully 
 sensible of this danger, he urged forward his preparations with such rapidity 
 that he set sail from St. /ago de Cuba on the eighteenth of November. 
 Velasquez accompanying him to the shore, and taking leave of him with 
 an appearance of perfect friendship and confidence, though he had secretly 
 given it in charge to some of Cortes' officers, to keep a watchful eyeprpon 
 every part of their commander's conduct.* 
 
 Cortes proceeded to Trinidad, a small settlement on the same side of the 
 island, where he was joined by several adventurers, and received a supply 
 of provisions and military stores, of which his stock was still very incom 
 plete. He had hardly left St. Jago, when the jealousy which _had been 
 working in the breast of Velasquez grew so violent that it was impossible 
 to suppress it. The armament was no longer under his own eye and direc 
 tion ; and he felt that as his power over it ceased, that of Cortes would 
 become more absolute. Imagination now aggravated every circumstance 
 which had formerly excited suspicion : the rivals of Cortes industriously 
 threw in reflections which increased his fear ; and with no less art than 
 malice they called superstition to their aid, employing the predictions of 
 an astrologer in order to complete the alarm. All these, by their united 
 operation, produced the desired effect. Velasquez repented bitterly of his 
 own imprudence, in having committed a trust of so much importance to a 
 person whose fidelity appeared so doubtful, and hastily despatched in 
 structions to Trinidad, empowering Verdugo, the chief magistrate there, 
 to deprive Cortes of his commission. But Cortes had already made such 
 progress in gaining the esteem and confidence of his troops, that, finding 
 officers as well as soldiers equally zealous to support his authority, he 
 soothed or intimidated Verdugo, and was permitted to depart from Trinidad 
 without molestation. 
 
 From Trinidad Cortes sailed for the Havana, in order to raise more 
 soldiers, and to complete the victualling of his fleet. There several persons 
 of distinction entered into the service, and- engaged to. supply what 
 provisions were still wanting ; but as it was necessary to allow them some 
 rime for performing what they had promised, Velasquez, sensible that he 
 ought no longer to rely on a man of whom he had so openly discovered his 
 distrust, availed himself of the interval which this unavoidable delay 
 afforded, in order to make one attempt more to wrest the command out of 
 the hands of Cortes. He loudly complained of Verduga's conduct, accusing 
 him either of childish facility, or of manifest treachery, in suffering Cortes 
 to escape from Trinidad. Anxious to guard against a second disappoint 
 ment, he sent a person of confidence to the Havana, with peremptory 
 injunctions to Pedro Barba, his lieutenant-governor in that colony, instantly 
 o arrest Cortes, to send him prisoner to St. Jago under a strong guard, and 
 o countermand the sailing of the armament until he should receive further 
 orders. He wrote likewise to the principal officers, requiring them to 
 assist Barba in executing what he had given him in charge. But before 
 the arrival of this messenger, ^ Franciscan friar of St. Jago had secretly 
 conveyed an account of this interesting transaction to Bartholomew de 
 Olmedo, a monk of the same order, who acted as chaplain to the expedition. 
 
 * Gomara, Cron. c. 7. B. Diaz, c. 20. 
 
200 HISTORY OF [Boon V. 
 
 Cortes, forewarned of the danger, had time to take precautions for his 
 own safety. His first step was to find some pretext for removing from the 
 Havana Diego de Ordaz^ an officer of great merit, but in whom, on account 
 of his known attachment to Velasquez, he could not confide in this trying 
 and delicate juncture. He gave him the command of a vessel destined to 
 take on board some provisions in a small harbour beyond Cape Antonio, 
 and thus made sure of his absence without seeming to suspect his fidelity. 
 When he was gone, Cortes no longer concealed the intentions of Velasquez 
 from his troops : and as officers and soldiers were equally impatient to set 
 out on an expedition, in preparing for which most ol them had expended 
 all their fortunes, they expressed their astonishment and indignation at that 
 illiberal jealousy to which the governor was about tp sacrifice, not only 
 the honour of. their general, but all their sanguine hopes of glory and 
 wejAh. With, one voice they entreated that he would not abandon the 
 important station to which he had such a good title. They conjured him 
 not to deprive them of a leader whom they followed with such well 
 founded confidence, and offered 10 sned the iasi drop of their blood in 
 maintaining his authority. Cortes was easily induced to comply with 
 what he himself so ardently desired. He swore that he would never 
 desert soldiers who had given him such a signal proof of their attachment, 
 and promised instantly to condmct them to that rich country which had 
 been so long the object of their thoughts and wishes. This declaration 
 was received with transports of military applause, accompanied with 
 threats and imprecations against all who should presume to call in question 
 thejurisdiction of their general, or to obstruct the execution of his designs. 
 
 Every thing was now ready for their departure ; but though this expe 
 dition was fitted out by the united effort of the Spanish power in Cuba ; 
 though every settlement had contributed its quota of men and provisions ; 
 though the governor had laid out considerable sums, and each adventurer 
 had exhausted his stock, or strained his credit, the poverty of the prepara 
 tions was such as must astonish the present age, andr bore, indeed, no 
 resemblance to an armament destined for the conquest of a .great empire. 
 The fleet consisted of eleven vessels ; the largest of a hundred tons, which 
 was dignified by the name of Admiral ; three of seventy or eighty tons, 
 and the rest small open barks. On board of these were six hundred and 
 seventeen men ; of which five hundred and eight belonged to the land 
 service, and a hundred and nine were seamen or artificers. The soldiers 
 were divided into eleven companies, according to the number of the ships ; 
 to each of which Cortes appointed a captain, and committed to him the 
 command of the vessel while at sea, and of the men when on shore [100]. 
 As the use of fire arms among the nations of Europe was hitherto confined 
 to a few battalions of regularly disciplined infantry, only thirteen soldiers 
 were armed with muskets, thirty-two were cross-bow men, and the rest 
 had swords and spears. Instead of the usual defensive armour, which 
 must have been cumbersome in a hot climate, the soldiers wore jackets 
 quilted with cotton, which experience had taught the Spaniards to be a 
 sufficient protection against the weapons of the Americans. They had 
 only sixteen horses, ten small field pieces, and four falconets.* 
 
 With this slender and ill provided train did Cortes set sail [Feb. 10, 
 1519], to make war upon a monarch wjiose dominions were more extensive 
 than all the kingdoms subject to the Spanish crown. As religious enthu 
 siasm always mingled with the spirit of adventure in the New World, and, 
 by a combination still more strange, united with avarice, in prompting the 
 Spaniards to all their enterprises, a large cross was displayed in their 
 standards, with this inscription, Let us follow the cross, for under this sign 
 we shall conquer. 
 
 * B. Diaz, c. 19. 
 
AMERICA. 201 
 
 So powerfully were Cortes and his followers animated with both these 
 passions, that no less eag-er to plunder the opulent country whither they 
 were bound, than zealous to propagate the Christian faith among its inha 
 bitants, they set out, not with the solicitude natural to men goiqg upon 
 dangerous services, but with that confidence which arises from security of 
 success, and certainty of the divine protection. 
 
 As Cortes had determined to touch at every place where Grijalva had 
 visited, he steered directly towards the island of Cozumel ; there he had 
 the good fortune to redeem Jerome de Aguilar, a Spaniard, who had been 
 eight years a prisoner among the Indians. This man was perfectly ac 
 quainted with a dialect of their language understood through a large extent 
 of country, and possessing besides a considerable share of prudence and 
 sagacity, proved extremely useful as an interpreter. From Cozumel, 
 Cortes proceeded to the river of Tabasco [March 4], in hopes of a rec^>- 
 tion as friendly as Grijalva had met with there, and of finding gold in the 
 same abundance ; but the disposition of the natives, from some unknown 
 cause, was totally changed. After repeated endeavours to conciliate their 
 good will, he was constrained to have recourse to violence. Though the 
 Forces of the enemy were numerous, and advanced with extraordinary 
 courage, they were route/l with great slaughter in several successive actions 
 The loss which they had sustained, and still more the astonishment and terror 
 excited by the destructive effect of the fire arms, and the dreadful appear 
 ance of the horses, humbled their fierce spirits, and induced them to sue 
 for peace. They acknowledged the King of Castile as their sovereign, and 
 granted Cortes a supply of provisions with a present of cotton garments, 
 some gold, and twenty female slaves [101]. 
 
 Cortes continued his course to the westward, keeping as near the shore 
 as possible, in order to observe the country ; but could discover no proper 
 place for landing until he arrived at St. Juan de Ulua.* As he entered 
 this harbour [April 2], a large canoe full of people, among whom were 
 two who seemed to oe persons of distinction, approached his ship with 
 signs of peace and amity. They came on board without fear or distrust, 
 and addressed him in a most respectful manner, but in a language altogether 
 unknown to Aguilar. Cortes was in the utmost perplexity and distress at 
 an event of which he instantly foresaw the consequences, and already felt 
 the hesitation and uncertainty with which he should carry on the great 
 schemes which he meditated, if, in his transactions with the natives, he 
 must depend entirely upon such an imperfect, ambiguous, and conjectural 
 mode of communication as the use of signs. But he did not remain long 
 in his embarrassing situation ; a fortunate accident extricated him when 
 his own sagacity could have contributed little towards his relief. One of 
 the female slaves, whom he had received from the cazique of Tabasco, 
 happened to be present at the first interview between Cortes and his new 
 guests. - She perceived his distress, as well as the confusion of Aguilar - y 
 and, as she perfectly understood the Mexican language, she explained 
 what they had said in the Yucatan tongue, with which Aguilar was ac 
 quainted. This woman, known afterwards by the name of Donna Marina, 
 and who makes a conspicuous figure in the history of the New World, 
 where great revolutions were brought about by small causes and incon 
 siderable instruments, was born in one of the provinces of the Mexican 
 Empire. Having been sold as a slave in the early part of her life, after 
 a variety of adventures she fell into the hands of the Tabascans, and had 
 resided long enough among them to acquire their language without losing 
 the use of her own. Though it was both tedious and troublesome to 
 converse by the intervention of two different interpreters, Cortes was so 
 highly pleased with having discovered this method of carrying on some 
 
 * B. Diaz, c. 3136. Gomara Cron. c, 1823. Herrera, dec. 2. lib. iv. c. 11. &c. 
 
 VOL. I. 26 
 

 *02 HISTORY OF [BoosV. 
 
 intercourse with the people of a country into which he was determined 
 to penetrate, that in the transports of. his joy he considered it' as a visible 
 interpositioa of Providence in his favour.* 
 
 He now learned that the twopersons whom he had received on board 
 of his ship were deputies from Teutile and Pilpatoe, two officers intrusted 
 with the government of that province by a great monarch whom they 
 called Montezuma ; and that they were sent to, inquire what his intentions 
 were in visiting their coast, and to offer him what assistance he might 
 need, in order to continue his voyage. Cortes, struck with the appearance 
 of those people, as well as the tenor of the message, assured them, in 
 respectful terms, that- he approached their country with most friendly 
 sentiments, and came to propose matters of great importance to the welfare 
 oLtheir prince and his kingdom, which he would unfold more fully, in 
 pwson, to the governor and the general. Next morning, without waiting 
 for any answer, he landed his troops, his horses, and artillery ; and, having 
 chosen proper ground, began to erect huts for his men, and to fortify his 
 camp. The natives, instead of opposing the entrance of those fatal guests 
 into their country, assisted them in all their operations with an alacrity of 
 which they had ere long good reason to repent.' 
 
 Next day Teutile and rilpatoe entered the Spanish camp with a numerous 
 retinue ; and Cortes, considering them as the ministers of a great monarch 
 entitled to a degree of attention very different from that which the Spaniards 
 were accustomed to pay the petty caziques with whom they had intercourse 
 in the isles, received them with much formal ceremony. He informed 
 them, that he came as ambassador from Don Carlos 01 Austria, King of 
 Castile, the greatest monarch of the East, and was intrusted with 
 propositions of such moment, that he could impart them to none but the 
 Emperor Montezuma himself, and therefore required them to conduct him, 
 without loss of time, into the presence of their master. The Mexican 
 officers could not conceal their uneasiness at a request which they knew 
 would be disagreeable, and which they foresaw might prove extremely 
 embarrassing to their sovereign, whose mind had been filled with many 
 disquieting apprehensions ever since the former appearance of the Spaniards 
 on his coasts. But before they attempted to dissuade Cortes from insisting 
 on his demand, they endeavoured to conciliate his good will by entreating 
 him to accept of certain presents, which, as humble slaves of Montezuma, 
 they laid at his feet. They were introduced with great parade, and con 
 sisted of fine r cotton cloth, of plumes of various colours, and of ornaments 
 of gold and silver to a considerable value ; the workmanship of which 
 appeared to be as curious as the materials were rich. The display oi 
 these produced an effect very different from what the Mexicans intended. 
 Instead of satisfying, it increased the avidity of the Spaniards, and rendered 
 them so eager and impatient to become masters of a country which 
 abounded with such' precious productions, that Cortes could hardly listen 
 with patience to the arguments which Pilpatoe and Teutile employed to 
 dissuade him from visiting the capital, and in a haughty determined tone 
 he insisted on his demand of being admitted to a personal audience 
 of their sovereign. During this interview, some painters, in the train 
 of the Mexican chiefs, had been diligently employed in delineating, upon 
 white cotton cloths, figures of the ships, the horses, the artillery, the soldiers, 
 and whatever else attracted their eyes as singular. When Cortes observed 
 this, and was informed that these pictures were to be sent to Montezuma, 
 in order to convey to him a more lively idea of the strange and wonderful 
 objects now presented to their view man any words could communicate, 
 he resolved to render the representation still more animating and interest* 
 ing, by exhibiting such a spectacle as might give both them and their 
 
 * B. Diaz, c. 37, 38, 39. Gomara Cron. c. 25, 26. Herrera, dec. 2. lib. v. c. 4, 
 
AMERICA. 203 
 
 ^monarch an awful impression of the extraordinary prowess of his followers, 
 and the irresistible force of their arms. The trumpets, by his order, 
 sounded an alarm ; the troops, in a moment, formed in order of battle, 
 the infantry performed such martial exercises as were best suited to display 
 the effect of their different weapons ; the horse, in various evolutions, 
 gave a specimen of their agility and strength ; the artillery, pointed towards 
 the thick woods which surrounded the camp, were fired, and made dread 
 ful havoc among the trees. The Mexicans looked on with that silent 
 amazement which is natural when the mind is struck with objects which 
 are both awful and above its comprehension. But, at the explosion of the 
 cannon, many of them fled, some fell to the ground, and all were so much 
 confounded at the sight of men whose power so nearly resembled that of 
 the gods, that Cortes found it difficult to compose and reassure them. The 
 painters had now many new objects on which to exercise their art, and 
 they put their fancy on the stretch in order to invent figures and symbols 
 to represent the extraordinary things which they had seen. 
 
 Messengers were immediately despatched to Montezuma with those 
 pictures, and a full account of every thing that had passed since the arrival 
 of the Spaniards, and by them Cortes sent a present of some European 
 curiosities to Montezuma, which, though of no great value, he believed 
 would be acceptable on account of their novelty. The Mexican monarchs, 
 iw order to obtain early information of every occurrence in all the corners 
 of their extensive empire, had introduced a refinement in police unknown 
 at that time in Europe. They had couriers posted at proper stations along 
 the principal roads ; and as these were trained to agility by a regular 
 education, and relieved one another at moderate distances, they conveyed 
 intelligence with surprising rapidity. Though the capital in which Mon 
 tezuma resided was above a hundred and eighty miles from St. Juan de 
 Ulua, Cortes's presents were carried thither, and an answer to his demands 
 was received in a few days. The same officers who had hitherto treated 
 with the Spaniards were employed to deliver this answer ; but as they 
 knew how repugnant the determination of their master was to all the 
 schemes and wishes of the Spanish commander, they would not venture 
 to make it known until they had previously endeavoured to soothe and 
 mollify him. For this purpose they renewed their negotiation, by intro 
 ducing a train of a hundred Indians loaded with presents sent to him by 
 Montezuma. The magnificence of these was such as became a great 
 monarch, and far exceeded any idea which the Spaniards had hitherto 
 formed of his wealth. They were placed on mats spread on the ground 
 in such order as showed them to the greatest advantage. Cortes and his 
 officers viewed with admiration the various manufactures of the country ; 
 cotton stuffs so fine, and of such delicate texture as to resemble silk ; 
 pictures of animals, trees, and other natural objects, formed with feathers 
 of different colours, disposed and mingled with such skill and elegance as 
 to rival the works of the pencil in truth and beauty of imitation. But 
 what chiefly attracted their eyes w r ere two large plates of a circular form, 
 one of massive gold representing the sun, the other of silver, an emblem 
 of the moon [102]. These were accompanied with bracelets, collars, 
 rings, and other trinkets of -gold ; and that nothing might be wanted which 
 could give the Spaniards a complete idea of what the country afforded, 
 with some boxes filled with pearls, precious stones, and grains of gold 
 unwrought, as they had been found in the mines or rivers. CorteS received 
 all these with an appearance of profound veneration for the monarch by 
 whom they were bestowed. But when the Mexicans, presuming upon 
 this, informed him that their master, though he had desired him to accept 
 of what he had sent as a token of regard for that monarch whom Cortes 
 represented, would not give his consent that foreign troops should approach 
 nearer to his capital, or even allow them to continue longer in his dominions, 
 
204 HISTORY OF [BooKV. 
 
 the Spanish general declared, in a manner more resolute and peremptory 
 than formerly, that he must insist on his first demand, as he could not without 
 dishonour, return to his own country, until he was admitted into the pre 
 sence of the prince whom he was appointed to visit in the name of his 
 sovereign. The Mexicans, astonished at seeing any man dare to oppose 
 that will which they were accustomed to consider as supreme and irre 
 sistible, yet afraid ot precipitating their country into an open rupture with 
 such formidable enemies, prevailed with Cortes to promise that he would 
 not remove from his present camp until the return of a messenger whom 
 they sent to Montezuma for further instructions.* 
 
 The firmness with which Cortes adhered to his original proposal should 
 naturally have brought the negotiation between him and Montezuma to a 
 speedy issue, as it seemed to leave the Mexican monarch no choice, but 
 either to receive him with confidence as a friend, or to oppose him openly 
 as an enemy. The latter was what might have been expected from a 
 haughty prince in possession of extensive power. The Mexican empire 
 at this period was at a pitch of grandeur to whicn no society ever attained 
 in so short a period. Though it had subsisted, according to their own 
 traditions, only a hundred and thirty years, its dominion extended from the 
 North to the South Sea, over territories stretching, with some small inter 
 ruption, above five hundred leagues from east to west, and more than two 
 hundred from north to south, comprehending provinces not inferior in fer 
 tility, population, and opulence, to any in the torrid zone. The people 
 were warlike and enterprising ; the authority of the monarch unbounded, 
 and his revenues considerable. If, with the forces which might have been 
 suddenly assembled in such an empire, Montezuma had fallen upon the 
 Spaniards while encamped on a barren unhealthy coast, unsupported by 
 any ally, without a place of retreat, and destitute of provisions, it seems 
 to be impossible, even with all the advantages of their superior discipline 
 and arms, that they could have stood the shock, and they must either have 
 perished in such an unequal contest, or have abandoned the enterprise. 
 
 As the power of Montezuma enabled him to take this spirited part, his 
 own dispositions were such as seemed naturally to prompt him to it. Of 
 all the princes who had swayed the Mexican sceptre, he was the most 
 haughty, the most violent, and the most impatient of control. His subjects 
 looked up to him with awe, and his enemies with terror. The former he 
 governed with unexampled rigour ; but they were impressed with such an 
 opinion of his capacity as commanded their respect ; and, by many victo 
 ries over the latter, he had spread far the dread of his arms, and had 
 added several considerable provinces to his dominions. But though his 
 talents might be suited to the transactions of a state so imperfectly polish 
 ed as the Mexican empire, and sufficient to conduct them while in their 
 accustomed course, they were altogether inadequate to a conjuncture so 
 extraordinary, and did not qualify him either to judge with the discern 
 ment or to act with the decision requisite in such trying emergence. 
 
 From the moment that the Spaniards appeared on his coast, he disco 
 vered symptoms of timidity and embarrassment. Instead of taking such 
 resolutions as the consciousness of his own power, or the memory of his 
 former exploits, might have inspired, he deliberated with an anxiety and 
 hesitation which did not escape the notice of his meanest courtiers. The 
 perplexity and discomposure of Montezuma's mind upon this occasion, as 
 well as the general dismay of his subjects, were not owing wholly to the 
 impression which the Spaniards had made by the novelty of their appear 
 ance and the terror of their arms. Its origin may be traced up to a more 
 remote source. There was an opinion, if we may believe the earliest and 
 most authentic Spanish historians, almost universal among the Americans, 
 
 * B. Diaz, c. 39 Gcmara Cron. c. 27 Herrera, de:. 2 lib. v. c. 5, 6. 
 
AMERICA. 205 
 
 that some dreadful calamity was impending over their heads, from a race 
 of formidable invaders, who should come from regions towards the rising 
 sun, to overrun and desolate their country. Whether this disquieting ap 
 prehension flowed from the memory of some natural calamity which had 
 afflicted that part of the globe, and impressed the minds of the inhabitants 
 with superstitious fears and forebodings, or whether it was an imagination 
 accidentally suggested by the astonishment which the first sight of a new 
 race of men occasioned, it is impossible to determine. But as the Mexi 
 cans were more prone to superstition than any people in the New World, 
 they were more deeply affected by the appearance of the Spaniards, 
 whom their credulity instantly represented as the instrument destined to 
 bring about this fatal revolution which they dreaded. Under those cir 
 cumstances it ceases to be incredible that a handful of adventurers should 
 alarm the monarch of a great empire, and all his subjects.* 
 
 Notwithstanding the influence of this impression, when the messenger 
 arrived from the Spanish camp with an account that the leader of the 
 strangers, adhering to his original demand, refused to obey the order en 
 joining him to leave the country, Montezuma assumed some degree of 
 resolution ; and in a transport or rage natural to a fierce prince unaccus 
 tomed to meet with any opposition to his will, he threatened to sacrifice 
 those presumptuous men to his gods. But his doubts and fears quickly 
 returned ; and instead of issuing orders to carry his threats into execution, 
 he again called his ministers to confer ancl offer their advice. Feeble and 
 temporising measures will always be the result when men assemble to 
 deliberate in a situation where they ought to act. The Mexican counsel 
 lors took no effectual measure for expelling such troublesome intruders, 
 and were satisfied with issuing a more positive injunction, requiring them 
 to leave the country ; but this they preposterously accompanied with a 
 present of such value as proved afresh inducement to remain there. 
 
 Meanwhile, the Spaniards were not without solicitude, or a variety of 
 sentiments, in deliberating concerning their own future conduct. From 
 what they had already seen, many of them formed such extravagant ideas 
 concerning the opulence of the country, that, despising danger or hard 
 ships when they had in view treasures which appeared to be inexhausti 
 ble, they were eager to attempt the conquest. Others, estimating the 
 power of the Mexican empire by its wealth, and enumerating the various 
 proofs which had occurred of its being under a well regulated administra 
 tion, contended, that it would be an act of the wildest frenzy to attack 
 such a state with a small body of men, in want of provisions, unconnected 
 with any ally, and already enfeebled by the diseases peculiar to the cli 
 mate, and the loss of several of their number, f Cortes secretly applaud 
 ed the advocates for bold measures, and cherished their romantic hopes, 
 as such ideas corresponded with his own, and favoured the execution of 
 the schemes which he had formed. From the time that the suspicions of 
 Velasquez broke out with open violence in the attempts to deprive him 
 of the command, Cortes saw the necessity of dissolving a connection which 
 would obstruct and embarrass all his operations, and watched for a proper 
 opportunity of coming to a final rupture with him. Having this in view, 
 he had lauoured by every art to secure the esteem and affection of his 
 soldiers. With his abilities for command, it was easy to gain their esteem 
 and his followers were quickly satisfied that they might rely, with perfect 
 confidence, on the conduct and courage of their leader. Nor was it more 
 difficult to acquire their affection. Among adventurers nearly of the same 
 rank, and serving at their own expense, the dignity of command did not 
 elevate a general above mingling with those who acted under him. Cortes 
 
 * Cortes Relations Seconda, ap. Ramus, iii. 234, 235. Herrera. dec. 2. lib. ill. c. 1. lib. v. c. 11. 
 lib. vii. c. 6. Goraara Cron. c. 66. 92. 144. | B. Diaz, c. 40. 
 
306 HISTORY OF [BooK V. 
 
 availed himself of this .freedom of intercourse to insinuate himself int 
 their favour, and by his affable manners, by well timed acts of liberality 
 to some, by inspiring all with vast hopes, and by allowing them to trade 
 privately with the natives [103], he attached the greater part of his sol 
 diers so firmly to himself, that they almost forgot that the armament had 
 been fitted out by the authority and at the expense of another. ' 
 
 During these intrigues, Teutile arrived with the present from Monte- 
 zuma, and, together with it, delivered the ultimate order of that monarch 
 to depart instantly out of his 'dominions ; and when Cortes, instead of 
 complying, renewed his request of an audience, the Mexican turned from 
 him abruptly, and quitted the camp with looks and gestures which strongly 
 expressed his surprise and resentment. Next morning, none of the natives, 
 who used to frequent the camp in great numbers in" order to barter with 
 the soldiers, and to bring in provisions, appeared. . All friendly corres 
 pondence seemed now to be at an end, and it was expected every moment 
 that hostilities would commence. - ,This, though an event that might have 
 been foreseen, occasioned a sudden consternation among the Spaniards, 
 which emboldened the adherents of Velasquez not only to murmur and 
 cabal against their general, but to appoint one of their number to remon 
 strate openly against his imprudence in attempting the conquest of a 
 mighty empire with such inadequate force, and to urge the necessity of 
 returning to Cuba, in order to refit the fleet and augment the army. 
 Diego de Ordaz, one of his principal officers, whom the malecontents 
 charged with this commission, delivered it with a soldierly freedom and 
 bluntness, assuring CoTtes that he spoke the sentiments of the whole army. 
 He listened to this remonstrance without any appearance of emotion ; and 
 as he well knew, the temper and wishes of his soldiers, and foresaw how 
 they would receive a proposition fatal at once to all the splendid hopes 
 and schemes which they had been forming with such complacency, he 
 carried his dissimulation so far as to seem to relinquish his own measures 
 in compliance with the request of Ordaz, and issued orders that the army 
 should be in readiness next day to re-embark for Cuba. As soon as this 
 was known, the disappointed adventurers exclaimed and threatened ; the 
 emissaries of Cortes, mingling with them, inflamed their rage ; the fer 
 ment became general ; the whole camp was almost in open mutiny ; all 
 demanding with eagerness to see their commander. Cortes was not slow- 
 in appearing ; when, with one voice, officers and soldiers expressed their 
 astonishment and indignation at the orders which they had received. It 
 was unworthy, they cried, of the Castilian courage to be daunted at the first 
 aspect of danger, and infamous to fly before any enemy appeared. For 
 their parts, they were determined, not to relinquish an enterprise that had 
 hitherto been successful, and which tended so visibly to spread the know 
 ledge of trife religion, and to advance the glory and interest of their coun 
 try. Happy under his command, they would follow him with alacrity 
 through every danger in quest of those settlements and treasures which he 
 had so long held out to their view ; but if he chose rather to return to 
 Cuba, and tamely give up all his hopes of distinction and opulence to an 
 envious rival, they would instantly choose another general to conduct them 
 in that path of glory which he had not spirit to enter. 
 
 Cortes, delighted with their ardour, took no offence at the boldness with 
 which it was uttered. The sentiments were what he himself had inspired, 
 and the warmth of expression satisfied him that his followers had imbibed 
 them thoioughly. He affected, however, to be surprised at what he heard, 
 declaring that his orders to prepare for embarking were issued from a per 
 suasion that this was agreeable to his troops ; that, from deference to what 
 he had been informed was their inclination, he had sacrificed his own pri 
 vate opinion, which was firmly bent on establishing immediately a settle 
 ment on the sea coast, and then on endeavouring to penetrate into the inte- 
 
AMERICA. 207 
 
 rior part of the country ; that now he was 1 convinced of his error j and as 
 he perceived that they were animated with the generous spirit which 
 breathed in every true Spaniard, he would resume, with fresh ardour, his 
 original plan of operation, and doubted not to conduct them, in the career 
 of victory, to such independent fortunes as their valour merited. Up n 
 this declaration, shouts of applause testified the excess of their joy. The 
 measure seemed to be taken with unanimous consent ; such as secretly 
 condemned it being obliged to join in the acclamations, partly to conceal 
 their disaffection from their general, and partly to avoid the imputation of 
 cowardice from their fellow-soldiers.* 
 
 Without allowing his men time to cool or to reflect, Cortes set about car 
 rying- his design into execution. In order to give a beginning to a colony, 
 he assembled the principal persons in his army, and by their suffrage elect 
 ed a council and magistrates, in whom the government was to be vested. 
 As men naturally transplant the institutions and forms of the mother country 
 into their new settlements, this was framed upon the model of a Spanish 
 corporation. The magistrates were distinguished by the same names and 
 ensigns of office, and were to exercise a similar jurisdiction. All the per 
 sons chosen were most firmly devoted to Cortes, and the instrument of 
 their election was framed in the king's name^ without any mention of their 
 dependence on Velasquez. The two principles of avarice and enthusiasm, 
 which prompted the Spaniards to all their enterprises in the New World, 
 seem to have concurred in suggesting the name which Cortes bestowed on 
 his infant settlement. He called it, The Rich Town of the True Cross.] 
 
 The first meeting of the new council was distinguished by a transaction 
 of great moment. As soon as it assembled, Cortes applied for leave to 
 enter" ; and approaching with many marks of profound respect, which 
 added dignity to the tribunal, and set an example of reverence for its au 
 thority, he began a long harangue, in which, with much art, and in terms 
 extremely flattering to persons just entering upon their new function, he 
 observed, that as the supreme jurisdiction over the colony which they had 
 planted was now vested in this court, he considered them as clothed with 
 the authority and representing the person of their sovereign ; that accord 
 ingly he would communicate to them what he deemed essential to the 
 public safety, with the same dutiful fidelity as if he were addressing his 
 royal master ; that the security of a colony settled in a great empire, whose 
 sovereign had already discovered his hostile intentions, depended upon 
 arms, and the efficacy of these upon the subordination and discipline pre 
 served among the troops ; that his right to command was derived from a 
 commission granted by the governor of Cuba ; and as that had been long 
 since revoked, the lawfulness of his jurisdiction might well be questioned ; 
 that he might be thought to act upon a defective or even a dubious title ; 
 nor could they trust an army which might dispute the powers of its gene 
 ral, at a juncture when it ought implicitly to obey his orders ; that, moved 
 by these considerations, he now resigned all his authority to them, that 
 they, having both right to choose, and power to confer full jurisdiction, 
 might appoint one in the king's name to command the army in its future 
 operations ; and as for his own part, such was his zeal for the service in 
 which they were engaged, that he would most cheerfully take up a pike 
 with the same hand that laid down the general's truncheon, and convince 
 his fellow-soldiers, that though accustomed to command, he had not forgot 
 ten how to obey. Having finished his discourse, he laid the commission 
 from Velasquez upon the table, and, after kissing his truncheon, delivered 
 it to the chief magistrate, and withdrew. 
 
 The deliberations of the council Were not long, as Cortes had concert 
 ed this important measure with his confidants, and had prepared the other 
 
 * J5 Diaz; c. 40, 41, 42. Herrera > dec. 2. lib. v. c. 6- 7i | Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz. 
 
208 HISTORY OF [BoofcV. 
 
 members with great address for the part which he wished them to take. 
 His resignation was accepted ; and as the uninterrupted tenor of their 
 prosperity under his conduct afforded the most satisfying evidence of his 
 abilities for command, they, by their unanimous suffrage, elected him chief 
 justice of the colony, and captain-general of its army, and appointed his 
 commission to be made dut in the king's name, with most ample powers, 
 which were to continue in force until the royal pleasure should be further 
 known. That this deed might not be deemed the machination of a junto, 
 the council called together the troops, and acquainted them with what had 
 been resolved. The soldiers, with eager applause, ratified the choice 
 which the council had made ; the air resounded with the name of Cortes, 
 and all vowed to shed their blood in support of his authority. 
 
 Cortes, having now brought his intrigues to the desired issue, and shaken 
 off his mortifying dependence on the governor of Cuba, accepted of the 
 commission, which vested in him supreme jurisdiction, civil as well as 
 military, over the colony, with many professions of respect to me council 
 and gratitude to the army. Together with this new command, he assumed 
 greater dignity, arid began to exercise more extensive powers. Formerly 
 he had felt himself to be only the deputy of a subject ; now he acted as 
 the representative of his sovereign. The adherents of Velasquez, fully 
 aware of what would be the effect of this change in the situation of 
 Cortes, could no longer continue silent and passive spectators of his actions. 
 They exclaimed openly against the proceedings of the council as illegal, 
 and against those of the army as mutinous. Cortes, instantly perceiving 
 the necessity of giving a timely check to such seditious discourse by some 
 vigorous measure, arrested Ordaz, Escudero, and Velasquez de Leon, the 
 ringleaders of this faction, and sent them prisoners aboard the fleet, loaded 
 with chains. Their dependants, astonished and overawed, remained 
 quiet ; and Cortes, more desirous to reclaim than to punish his prisoners, 
 who were officers of great merit, courted their friendship with such assi 
 duity and address, that the reconciliation was perfectly cordial ; and on 
 the most trying occasions, neither their connection with the governor of 
 Cuba, nor the memory of the indignity with Which they had been treated, 
 tempted them to swerve from an inviolable attachment to his interest* 
 In this, as well as his other negotiations at this critical conjuncture, which 
 decided with respect to his future fame and fortune, Cortes owed much of 
 his success to the Mexican gold, which he distributed with a liberal hand 
 both among his friends and his opponents.! 
 
 Cortes, having thus rendered the union between himself and his army 
 indissoluble, by engaging it to join him in disclaiming any dependence on 
 the governor 01 Cuba, and in repeated acts of disobedience to his authority r 
 thought he 'now might venture to quit the camp in which he had hitherto 
 remained, and advance into the country. To this he was encouraged by 
 an event no less fortunate than seasonable. Some Indians having ap 
 proached his camp in a mysterious manner, were introduced into his pre 
 sence. He found that they were sent with a proffer of friendship from the 
 cazique of Zempoalla, a considerable town at no great distance ; and from 
 their answers to a variety of questions which he put to them, according to 
 his usual practice in every interview with the people of the country, he 
 gathered, that their master, though subject to the Mexican empire, was 
 impatient of the yoke, and filled with such dread and hatred of Monte- 
 zuma, that nothing could be more acceptable to him than any prospect of 
 deliverance from the oppression under which he groaned. On hearing 
 this, a ray of light and hope broke in upon the mind of Cortes. He saw 
 that the great empire which he intended to attack was neither perfectly 
 united, nor its sovereign universally beloved. He concluded, that the 
 
 * B. Diaz, c. 42, 43. Gomara Cron. c. 30, 31. Herrera, dec. 2. lib. v. c. 7. t B. Diaz. c. 44, 
 
AMERICA. 209 
 
 causes of disaffection could not be confined to one province, but that in 
 other corners there must be malecontents, so weary of subjection, or so 
 desirous of change, as to be ready to follow the standard of any protector. 
 Full of those ideas, on which he began to form a scheme that time and 
 more perfect information concerning the state of the country enabled him 
 to mature, he gave a most gracious reception to the Zempoallans, and 
 promised soon to visit their cazique.* 
 
 In order to perform this promise, it was not necessary to vary the route 
 which he had already fixed for his march. Some officers, whom he had 
 employed to survey the coast, having discovered a village named Quiabis 
 lan, about forty miles to the northward, which, both on account of the fer 
 tility of the soil and commodiousness of the harbour, seemed to be a more 
 proper station for a settlement than that where he was encamped, Cortes 
 determined to remove thither. Zempoalla lay in his way, where the 
 cazique received him in the manner which he had reason to expect ; with 
 gifts and caresses, like a man solicitous to gain his good will ; with respect 
 approaching almost to adoration, like one who looked up to him as a deli 
 verer. From him he learned many particulars with respect to the charac 
 ter of Montezuma, and the circumstances which rendered his dominion 
 odious. He was a tyrant, as the cazique told him with tears, haughty, 
 cruel, and suspicious ; who treated his OAvn subjects with arrogance, ruined 
 the conquered provinces by excessive exactions, and often tore their sons 
 and daughters irom them by violence ; the former to be offered as victims 
 to his gods ; the latter to be reserved as concubines for himself or favourites. 
 Cortes, in reply to him, artfully insinuated, that one great object of the 
 Spaniards in visiting a country so remote from their own, was to redress 
 grievances, and to relieve the oppressed ; and having encouraged him to 
 hope for this interposition in due time, he continued his march to Quia- 
 bisian. 
 
 The spot which his officers had recommended as a proper situation, 
 appeared to him to be so well chosen, that he immediately marked out 
 ground for a town. The houses to be erected were only huts ; but these 
 were to be surrounded with fortifications of sufficient strength to resist the 
 assaults of an Indian army. As the finishing of those fortifications was 
 essential to the existence of a colony, and of no less importance in prose 
 cuting the designs which the leader and his followers meditated, both in 
 order to secure a place of retreat, and to preserve their communication 
 with the sea, every man in the army, officers as well as soldiers, put his 
 hand to the work, Cortes himself setting them an example of activity and 
 perseverance in labour. The Indians of Zempoalla and Quiabislan lent 
 their aid ; and this petty station, the parent of so many mighty settlements, 
 was soon in a state of defence. t 
 
 While engaged in this necessary, work, Cortes had several interviews 
 with the caziques of Zempoalla and Quiabislan ; and availing himself of 
 their wonderand astonishment at the new objects which they daily beheld, 
 he gradually inspired them with such a high opinion of the Spaniards, as 
 beings of a superior order, and irresistible in arms, that, relying on their 
 protection, they ventured to insult the Mexican power, at the very name of 
 which they were accustomed to tremble. Some of Montezuma's officers 
 having appeared to levy the usual tribute, and to demand a certain number 
 of human victims, as an expiation for their guilt in presuming to hold 
 intercourse with those strangers whom the emperor had commanded to 
 leave his dominions ; instead of obeying the order, the caziques made 
 them prisoners, treated them with great indignity, and as their superstition 
 was no less barbarous than that of the Mexicans, they prepared to sacri- 
 
 * B. Diaz. c. 41. Gomara Cron. c. 28. f B, Diaz, c. 45, 46. 48, Gomara Cron. c. 32, 33- 37. 
 Herrera, dec. 2. lib. v. c. 8, 9 
 
 VOL I. 27 11 
 
10 HISTORY OF [BooKV, 
 
 fice them to their gods. From this last danger they were delivered by the 
 interposition of Cortes, who manifested the utmost horror at the mention of 
 such a deed. The two caziques having now been pushed to an act of such 
 open rebellion, as left them no hope of safety but in attaching themselves 
 inviolably to the Spaniards, they soon completed their union with them, by 
 formally acknowledging themselves to be vassals of the same monarch. 
 Their example was followed by the Totonaques, a fierce people who 
 inhabited the mountainous part of the country. They willingly subjected 
 themselves to the crown of Castile, and offered to accompany Cortes, with 
 all their forces, in his march towards Mexico.* 
 
 Cortes had now been above three months in New Spain ; and though 
 this period had not been distinguished by martial exploits, every moment 
 had been employed in operations which, though less splendid, were more 
 important. By his address in conducting his intrigues with his own army, 
 as well as his sagacity in carrying on his negotiations with the natives, he 
 had already laid the foundations of his future success. But whatever con 
 fidence he might place in the plan which he had formed, he could not but 
 perceive, that as his title to command was derived from a doubtful autho 
 rity, he held it by a precarious tenure. The injuries which Velasquez 
 had received were such as would naturally prompt him to apply for 
 redress to their common sovereign ; and such a representation, he foresaw, 
 might be given of his conduct that, he had reason to apprehend, not only 
 that he might be degraded from his present rank, but subjected to punish 
 ment. Before he began his march, it was necessary to take the most 
 effectual precautions against this impending danger. With this view he 
 persuaded the magistrates of the colony at Vera Cruz to address a letter 
 to the king, the chief object of which was to justify their own conduct in 
 establishing a colony independent on the jurisdiction of Velasquez. In 
 order to accomplish this, they endeavoured to detract from his merit in 
 fitting out the two former armaments under Cordova and Grijalva, affirming 
 that these had been equipped by the adventurers who engaged in the 
 expeditions, and not by the governor. They contended that the sole 
 object of Velasquez was to trade or barter with the natives, not to attempt 
 the conquest of New Spain, or to settle a colony there. They asserted 
 that Cortes and the officers who served under him had defrayed the 
 greater part of the expense of fitting out the armament. On this account, 
 they humbly requested their sovereign to ratify what they had done in his 
 name, and to confirm Cortes in the supreme command by his royal com 
 mission. That Charles might be induced to grant more readily what they 
 demanded, they gave him a pompous description of the country which 
 they had discovered ; of its riches, the number of its inhabitants, their 
 civilization and arts ; they related the -progress which they had already 
 made in annexing some parts of the country situated on the sea coast to the 
 crown of Castile : and mentioned the schemes which they had formed, as 
 well as the hopes which they entertained, of reducing the whole to sub- 
 jection.f Cortes himself wrote in a similar strain ; and as he knew that 
 the Spanish court, accustomed to the exaggerated representations of every 
 new country by its discoverers, would give little credit to their splendid 
 accounts of New Spain, if these were not accompanied with such a speci 
 men of what if contained as would excite a high idea of its opulence, he 
 
 * B. Diaz, c. 47. Gomara Cron. 35, 36. Hcrrera, dec. 2. lib. v. c. 9, 10, 11. 
 
 t 'n this letter it is asserted, that though a considerable number of Spaniards have been wounded 
 in their various encounters with the people of Tobasco, riot one of them died, and all had recovered 
 In a very short time. This seems to confirm. what I observe in p. 214, concerning the imperfection 
 of the offensive weapons used by the Americans. In this letter, the human sacrifices offered by 
 the Mexicans to their deities are described minutely, and with great hprror ; some of the Spaniards, 
 it is said, had been eye-witnesses of those barbarous rites. To the letter is subjoined a catalogue 
 and description of the presente sent to the emperor. That published by Gomara, Cron. c. 29, seems 
 to have been copied from it. Pet. Martyr describes many of trie articles in his treatise, ' De Insulia 
 nuper inventis,' p. 354, &c. 
 
AMERICA. 211 
 
 solicited his soldiers to relinquish what they might claim as their part of 
 the treasures which had hitherto been collected, in order that the whole 
 might be sent to the king. Such was the ascendant which he had acquired 
 over their minds, and such their own romantic expectations of future 
 wealth, that an army of indigent and rapacious adventurers was capable 
 of this generous effort, and offered to their sovereign the richest present 
 that had hitherto been transmitted from the New World [104]. Portpcar- 
 rero and Montejo, the chief magistrates of the colony, were appointed 
 to carry this present to Castile, with express orders not to touch at Cuba 
 in their passage thither.* 
 
 While a vessel was preparing for their departure an unexpected event 
 occasioned a general alarm. Some soldiers and sailors, secretly attached 
 to Velasquez, or intimidated at the prospect of the dangers unavoidable in 
 attempting to penetrate into the heart of a great empire with such unequal 
 force, formed the design of seizing one of the brigantines, and making 
 their escape to Cuba, in order to give the governor such intelligence as 
 might enable him to intercept the ship which was to carry the treasure and 
 despatches to Spain. This conspiracy, though formed by persons of low 
 rank, was conducted with profound secrecy ; but at the moment when 
 every thing was ready for execution, they were betrayed by one of their 
 associates. 
 
 Though the good fortune of Cortes interposed so seasonably on this 
 occasion, the detection of this conspiracy filled his mind with most dis 
 quieting apprehensions, and prompted him to execute a scheme which he 
 had long revolved. He perceived that the spirit of disaffection still lurked 
 among his troops ; that though hitherto checked by the uniform success of 
 his schemes, or suppressed by the hand of authority, various events might 
 occur which would encourage and call it forth. He observed, that many 
 of his men, weary of the fatigue of service, longed to revisit their settle 
 ments in Cuba ; and that upon any appearance of extraordinary danger 
 or any reverse of fortune, it would be impossible to restrain them from 
 returning thither. He was sensible that his forces, already too feeble, 
 could bear no diminution, and that a very small defection of his followers 
 would oblige him to abandon the enterprise. After ruminating often, and 
 with much solicitude, upon those particulars, he saw no hope of success 
 but in cutting off all possibility of retreat, and in reducing his men to the 
 necessity of adopting the same resolution with which he himself was 
 animated, either to conquer or to perish. With this view he determined 
 to destroy his fleet ; but as he durst not venture to execute such a bold 
 resolution by his single authority, he laboured to bring his soldiers to adopt 
 his ideas with respect to the propriety of this measure. His address in 
 accomplishing this was not inferior to the arduous occasion in which it was 
 employed. He persuaded some that the ships had suffered so much by 
 having been long at sea, as to be altogether unfit for service ; to others he 
 pointed out what a seasonable reinforcement of strength they would derive 
 from the junction of a hundred men, now unprofitably employed as sailors ; 
 and to all he represented the necessity of fixing their eyes and wishes upon 
 what was before them, without allowing the idea of a retreat once to 
 enter their thoughts. With universal consent the ships were drawn ashore, 
 and after stripping them of their sails, rigging, iron works, and whatever 
 else might be of use, they were broke in pieces. Thus, from an effort of 
 magnanimity, to which there is nothing parallel in history, five hundred 
 men voluntarily consented to be shut up in a hostile country, filled with 
 powerful and unknown nations ; and, having precluded every means of 
 escape, left themselves without any resource but their own valour and 
 perseverance.f 
 
 * B. Diaz, c. 54. Gomara, Cron. c. 40 t Relat. di Cortes. Ramus. iii. 225. B. Diaz, c, 
 
 57, 58. Herrera, dec. 2. lib. v. c. 14. 
 
212 HISTORY OF [BOOK V. 
 
 Nothing now retarded Cortes ; the alacrity of his troops and the dis 
 position of his allies were equally favourable. AH the advantages, how 
 ever, derived from the latter, though procured by much assiduity and 
 address, were well nigh lost in a moment, by an indiscreet sally of religious 
 zeal, which on many occasions precipitated Cortes into actions inconsistent 
 with the prudence that distinguishes his character. Though hitherto he 
 had neither time nor opportunity to explain to the natives the errors of 
 their own superstition, or to instruct them in the principles of the Christian 
 faith, he commanded his soldiers to overturn the altars and to destroy the 
 idols in the chief temple of Zempoalla, and in their place to erect a 
 crucifix and an image of the Virgin Mary. The people beheld this with 
 astonishment and horror ; the priests excited them to arms : but such was 
 the authority of Cortes, and so great the ascendant which the Spaniards 
 had acquired, that the commotion was appeased without bloodshed, and 
 concord perfectly re-established.* 
 
 Cortes began his march from Zempoalla, on the sixteenth of August, 
 with five hundred men, fifteen horse, and six field pieces. The rest of his 
 troops, consisting chiefly of such as from age or infirmity were less fit for 
 active service, he left as a garrison in Villa Rica, under the command of 
 Escalante, an officer of merit, and warmly attached to his interest. The 
 cazique of Zempoalla supplied him with provisions, and with two hundred 
 of those Indians called Tarnemes, whose office, in a country where tame 
 animals were unknown, was to carry burdens, and to perform all servile 
 labour. They were a great relief to the Spanish soldiers, who hitherto 
 had been obliged not omy to carry their own baggage, but to drag along 
 the artillery by main force. He offered likewise a considerable body of 
 his troops, but Cortes was satisfied with four hundred ; taking care, how 
 ever, to choose persons of such note as might prove hostages for the fidelity 
 of their master. Nothing memorable happened in his progress, until he 
 arrived on the confines of Tlascala. The inhabitants of that province, a 
 warlike people, were implacable enemies of the Mexicans, and had been 
 united in an ancient alliance with the caziques of Zempoalla. Though 
 less civilized than the subjects of Mpntezuma, they were advanced in 
 improvement far beyond the rude nations of America whose manners we 
 have described. They had made considerable progress in agriculture ; 
 they dwelt in large towns ; they were not strangers to some species of 
 commerce ; and in the imperfect accounts of their institutions and laws, 
 transmitted to us by the early Spanish writers, we discern traces both of 
 distributive justice and of criminal jurisdiction in their interior police. 
 But still, as the degree of their civilization was incomplete, and as they 
 depended for subsistence not on agriculture alone, but trusted for it in a 
 great measure to hunting, they retained many of the qualities natural to 
 men in this state. Like them they were fierce and revengeful ; like them, 
 too, they were hi^h spirited and independent. In consequence of the 
 former, they were involved in perpetual hostilities, and had but a slender 
 and occasional intercourse with neighbouring states. The latter inspired 
 them with such detestation of servitude, that they not only refused to 
 stoop to a foreign yoke, and maintain an obstinate and successful contest 
 in defence of their liberty against the superior power of the Mexican 
 empire, but they guarded with equal solicitude against domestic tyranny; 
 and disdaining to acknowledge any master, they Jived under the mild and 
 limited jurisdiction of a council elected by their several tribes. 
 
 Cortes, though he had received information concerning the martial cha 
 racter of this people, flattered himself that his professions of delivering 
 the oppressed from the tyranny of Montezuma, their inveterate enmity to 
 the Mexicans, and the example of their ancient allies the Zempoalfans, 
 
 * 8. Diaz, c. 41 , 42. Herrera, dec. 2. lib. v. c. 3, 4. 
 
AMERICA. 213 
 
 might induce the Tlascalans to grant him a friendly reception. In order 
 to dispose them to this, four Zempoailans of great eminence were sent 
 ambassadors, to request in his name, and in that of their cazique, that they 
 would permit the Spaniards to pass through the territories of the republic 
 in their way to Mexico. But instead of the favourable answer which 
 was expected, the Tlascalans seized the ambassadors, and, without any 
 regard to their public character, made preparations for sacrificing them 
 to their gods. At the same time they assembled their troops, in order to 
 oppose those unknown invaders if they should attempt to make their 
 passage good by force of arms. Various motives concurred in precipi- 
 tating the Tlascalans into this resolution. A fierce people, shut up within 
 its own narrow precincts, and little accustomed to any intercourse with 
 foreigners, is apt to consider every stranger as an enemy, and is easily 
 excited to arms. They concluded, from Cortes's proposal of visiting 
 Montezuma in his capital, that, notwithstanding all his professions, he 
 courted the friendship of a monarch whom they both hated and feared 
 The imprudent zeal of Cortes in violating the temples in Zempoalla, filled 
 the Tlascalans with horror ; and as they were no less attached to their 
 superstition than the other nations of New Spain, they were impatient to 
 avenge their injured gods, and to acquire the merit of offering up to them 
 as victims, those impious men who had dared to profane their altars ; they 
 contemned the small number of the Spaniards, as they had not yet mea- 
 sured their own strength with that of these ,new enemies, and had no idea 
 of the superiority which they derived from their arms and discipline. 
 
 Cortes, after waiting some days, in vain, for the return of his ambassa- 
 dors, advanced [Aug. 30,] into the Tlascalan territories. As the resolutions 
 of people who delight in war are executed with no less promptitude than 
 they are formed, he found troops in the field ready to oppose him. They 
 attacked him with great intrepidity, and, in the first encounter, wounded 
 some of the Spaniards, and killed two horses ; a Joss, in their situation, of 
 great moment, because it was irreparable. From this specimen of their 
 courage, Cortes saw the necessity of proceeding with caution. His army 
 marched in close order ; he chose the stations w r here he halted, with 
 attention, and fortified every camp with extraordinary care. During four- 
 teen days he was exposed to almost uninterrupted assaults, the Tlascalans 
 advancing with numerous armies, and renewing the attack in various forms, 
 with a degree of valour and perseverance to which the Spaniards had 
 seen nothing parallel in the New World. The Spanish historians describe 
 those successive battles with great pomp, and enter into a minute detail of 
 particulars, mingling many exaggerated and incredible circumstances [105] 
 with such as are real and. marvellous. But no power of words can render 
 the recital of a combat interesting, where there is no equality of danger ; 
 and when the narrative closes with an account of thousands slain on the 
 one side, while not a single person falls on the other, the most laboured 
 descriptions of the previous disposition of the troops, or of the various 
 vicissitudes in the engagement, command no attention. 
 
 There are some circumstances, however, in this war, which are memo- 
 rable, and merit notice, as they throw light upon the character both of 
 the people of New Spain, and of their conquerors. Though the Tlasca- 
 lans brought into the field such numerous armies as appear sufficient to 
 have overwhelmed the Spaniards, they were never able to make any im- 
 pression upon their small battalion. Singular as this may seem, it is not 
 inexplicable. The Tlascalans, though addicted to war, were like all 
 unpolished nations, strangers to military order and discipline, and lost in a 
 great measure the advantage which they might have derived from their 
 numbers, and the impetuosity of their attack, by their constant solicitude 
 to carry off the dead and wounded. This point of honour, founded on a 
 sentiment of teaderness natural to the human mind, and strengthened by 
 
214 HISTORY OF [Boon V. 
 
 anxiety to preserve the bodies of their countrymen from being devoured 
 by their enemies, was universal among the people of New Spain. At- 
 tention to this pious office occupied them even during the heat of combat,* 
 broke their union, and diminished the force of the impression which they 
 might have made by a joint effort. 
 
 Not only was their superiority in number of little avail, but the imper- 
 fection of their military weapons rendered their valour in a great measure 
 inoffensive. After three battles, and many skirmishes and assaults, not 
 one Spaniard was killed in the field. Arrows and spears, headed with 
 flint or the bones of fishes, stakes hardened in the fire, and wooden swords, 
 though destructive weapons among naked Indians, were easily turned aside 
 by the Spanish bucklers, and could hardly penetrate the escaupiles, or 
 quilted jackets, which the soldiers wore. The Tlascalans advanced 
 boldly to the charge, and often fought hand to hand. Many of the Spa 
 niards were wounded, though all slightly, which cannot be imputed to 
 any want of courage or strength in their enemies, but to the defect of the 
 arms with which they assailed them. 
 
 Notwithstanding the fury with which the Tlascalans attacked the Spa- 
 niards, they seemed to have conducted their hostilities with some degree 
 of barbarous generosity. They gave the Spaniards warning of their 
 hostile intentions ; and as they knew that their invaders wanted provisions, 
 and imagined, perhaps, like the other Americans, that they had left their 
 own country because it did not afford them subsistence, they sent to their 
 camp a large supply of poultry and maize, desiring them to eat plentifully, 
 because they scorned to attack an enemy enfeebled by hunger, and it 
 would be an affront to their gods to offer them famished victims, as well 
 as disagreeable to themselves to feed on such emaciated prey.j 
 
 When they were taught by the first encounter with their new enemies, 
 that it was not easy to execute this threat ; when they perceived, in the 
 subsequent engagements, that notwithstanding all the efforts of their own 
 valour, of which they had a very high opinion, not one of the Spaniards 
 was slain or taken, they began to conceive them to be a superior order of 
 beings, against whom human power could not avail. In this extremity, 
 they had recourse to their priests, requiring them to reveal the mysterious 
 causes of such extraordinary events, and to declare, what new means they 
 should employ in order to repulse those formidable invaders. The priests, 
 after marty sacrifices and incantations, delivered this response : That these 
 strangers were the offspring of the sun, procreated by his animating energy 
 in the regions of the east ; that, by day, while cherished with the influence 
 of his parental beams, they were invincible ; but by night, when his re- 
 viving neat was withdrawn, their vigour declined ana faded like the herbs 
 in the field, and they dwindled down into mortal men.J; Theories less 
 plausible have gained credit with more enlightened nations, and have 
 influenced their conduct. In consequence of this, the Tlascalans, with 
 the implicit confidence of men who fancy themselves to be under the 
 guidance of Heaven, acted in contradiction to one of their most established 
 maxims in war, and ventured to attack the enemy, with a strong body, in 
 the night time, in hopes of destroying them when enfeebled and surprised. 
 But Cortes had greater vigilance and discernment than to be deceived by 
 the rude stratagems of an Indian army. The sentinels at his outposts, 
 observing some extraordinary movement among the Tlascalans, gave the 
 alarm. In a moment the troops were under arms, and sallying out, dis- 
 persed the party with great slaughter, without allowing it to approach the 
 camp. The Tlascalans convinced by sad experience that their priests 
 had deluded them, and satisfied that they attempted in vain either to 
 deceive or to vanquish their enemies, their fierceness abated, and they 
 began to incline seriously to peace. 
 
 * B. Diaz, c. 65. f Herrera, dec 2. lib. vi. c. 6. Gomara Cron. c. 47, { B. Diaz, c. 66. 
 
AMERICA. 215 
 
 They were at a loss, however, in what manner to address the strangers., 
 what idea to form of their character, and whether to consider them as 
 beings of a gentle or of a malevolent nature. There were circumstances 
 in their conduct which seemed to favour each opinion. On the one hand, 
 as the Spaniards constantly dismissed the prisoners whom they took, nol 
 only without injury, but often with presents of European toys, and renewed 
 their offers of peace after every victory ; this lenity amazed people, who 
 according to the exterminating system of war known in America, were 
 accustomed to sacrifice and devour without mercy all the captives taken in 
 battle, and disposed them to entertain favourable sentiments of the huma- 
 nity of their new enemies. But, on the other hand, as Cortes had seized 
 fifty of their countrymen who brought provisions to his camp, and supposing 
 them to be spies, had cut off their hands ;* this bloody spectacle, added to 
 the terror occasioned by the fire-arms and horses, filled them with dreadful 
 impressions of the ferocity of their invaders [106]. This uncertainty was 
 apparent in the mode of addressing the Spaniards. " If," said they, " you 
 are divinities of a cruel and savage nature, we present to you five slaves, 
 that you may drink their blood and eat their flesh. If you are mild deities, 
 accept an offering of incense and variegated plumes. If you are men, 
 here is meat, and bread, and fruit to nourish you.f The peace, which 
 both parties now desired with equal ardour, was soon concluded. The 
 Tlascalans yielded themselves as vassals to the crown of Castile, and en- 
 gaged to assist Cortes in all his future operations. He took the republic 
 under his protection, and promised to defend their persons and possessions 
 from injury or violence. 
 
 This treaty was concluded at a seasonable juncture for the Spaniards. 
 The fatigue of service among a small body of men, surrounded by such a 
 multitude of enemies, was incredible. Half the army was on duty every 
 night, and even they whose turn it was to rest, slept always upon their 
 arms, that they might be ready to run to their posts on a moment's warn- 
 ing. Many of them were wounded ; a good number, and among these 
 Cortes himself, laboured under the distempers prevalent in hot climates, and 
 several had died since they set out from Vera Cruz. Notwithstanding the 
 supplies which they received from the Tlascalans, they were often in want 
 of provisions, and so destitute of the necessaries most requisite in danger- 
 ous service, that they had no salve to dress their wounds, but what was 
 composed with the fat of the Indians whom they had slain. J Worn out 
 with such intolerable toil and hardships, many of the soldiers began to 
 murmur, and when they reflected on the multitude and boldness of their 
 enemies, more were ready to despair. It required the utmost exertion of 
 Cortes's authority and address to check this spirit of despondency in its 
 progress, and to reanimate his followers with their wonted sense of their 
 own superiority over the enemies with whom they had to contend. The 
 submission of the Tlascalans, and their own triumphant entry into the 
 capital city, where they were received with the reverence paid to beings 
 of a superior order, banished at once from the minds of the Spaniards all 
 memory of past sufferings, dispelled every anxious thought with respect to 
 their future operations, and fully satisfied them that there was not now 
 any power in America able to withstand their arms.|| 
 
 Cortes remained twenty days in Tlascala, in order to allow his troops 
 a short interval of repose after such hard service. During that time 
 he was employed in transactions and inquiries of great moment with 
 respect to his future schemes. In his daily conferences with the Tlas- 
 calan chiefs, he received information concerning every particular rela- 
 tive to the state of the Mexican empire, or to the qualities of its sovereign, 
 
 * Cortes Rolat. Ramus. iii. 228. C. Gomara Cron. c. 48. f B. Diaz, c. 70. Gomara Cron 
 
 c. 47. Herrera, dec. 2. lib. vi, c. 7. J B. Diaz, c. 62. 65. Cortes Relat. Ramus. iii. 229 
 
 B. Diaz, c. 69. Gomara Cron. c. 51. li Cortes Relat. Ramue. iii. 230. B. Diaz, c. 72. 
 
216 HISTORY OF [BOOK V. 
 
 which could be of use in regulating his conduct, whether he should be 
 obliged to act as a friend or as an ememy . As he found that the antipathy of 
 his new allies to the Mexican nation was no less implacable than had 
 been represented, and perceived what benefit he might derive from the aid 
 of such powerful confederates, he employed all his powers of insinuation 
 in order to gain their confidence. Nor was any extraordinary exertion of 
 these necessary. The Tlascalans, with the levity of mind natural to un- 
 polished men, were, of their own accord, disposed to run from the extreme 
 of hatred to that of fondness. Every thing in the appearance and conduct 
 of their guests was to them matter of wonder [107]. They gazed with 
 admiration at whatever the Spaniards did, and, fancying them to be of 
 heavenly origin, were eager not only to comply with their demands, 
 but to anticipate their wishes. They offered, accordingly, to accompany 
 Cortes in his march to Mexico, with all the forces of the republic, under 
 the command of their most experienced captains. 
 
 But, after bestowing so much pains on cementing this union, all the bene- 
 ficial fruits of it were on the point of being lost by a new effusion of that 
 intemperate religious zeal with which Cortes was animated no less than 
 the other adventurers of the age. They all considered themselves as in- 
 struments employed by Heaven to propagate the Christian faith, and the 
 less they were qualified, either by their Knowledge or morals, for such a 
 function, they were more eager to discharge it. The profound veneration 
 of the Tlascalans for the Spaniards having encouraged Cortes to explain 
 to some of their chiefs the doctrines of the Christian religion, and to insist 
 that they should abandon their own superstitions, and embrace the faith of 
 their new friends, they, according to an idea universal among barbarous 
 nations, readily acknowledged the truth and excellence of what he taught ; 
 but contended, that the Teules of Tlascala were divinities no less than the 
 God in whom the Spaniards believed ; and as that Being was entitled to 
 the homage of Europeans, so they were bound to revere the same powers 
 which their ancestors had worshipped. Cortes continued, nevertheless, to 
 urge his demand in a tone of authority, mingling threats with his arguments, 
 until the Tlascalans could bear it no longer, and conjured him never to 
 mention this again, lest the gods should avenge on their heads the guilt of 
 having listened to such a proposition. Cortes, astonished and enraged at 
 their obstinacy, prepared to execute by force what he could not accomplish 
 by persuasion, and was going to overturn their altars and cast down their 
 idols with the same violent hand as at Zempoalla, if Father Bartholomew 
 de Olmedo, chaplain to the expedition, had not checked his inconsiderate 
 impetuosity. He represented the imprudence of such an attempt in a large 
 city newly reconciled, and filled with people no less superstitious than 
 warlike ; he declared, that the proceeding at Zempoalla had always 
 appeared to him precipitate and unjust ; that religion was not to be propa- 
 gated by the sword, or infidels to be converted by violence ; that other 
 weapons were to be employed in this ministry ; patient instruction must 
 enlighten the understanding, and pious example captivate the heart, before 
 men could be induced to abandon error, and ernbrace the truth.* Amidst 
 scenes where a narrow minded bigotry appears' in such close union with 
 oppression and cruelty, sentiments so liberal and humane soothe the mind 
 with unexpected pleasure ; and at a time when the rights of conscience 
 were little understood in the Christian world, and the idea of toleration 
 unknown, one is astonished to find a Spanish monk of the sixteenth century 
 among the first advocates against persecution, and in behalf of religious 
 liberty. The remonstrances of an ecclesiastic, no less respectable for 
 wisdom than virtue, had their proper weight with Cortes. He left the 
 Tlascalans in the undisturbed exercise of their own rites, requiring only that 
 
 * B. Diaz, c. 77. p. 54, c. 83. p. 61. 
 
AMERICA. 217 
 
 they should desist from their horrid practice of offering human victims in 
 sacrifice. 
 
 Cortes, as soon as his troops were fit for service, resolved to continue his 
 march towards Mexico, notwithstanding the earnest dissuasives of the Tlas- 
 calans, who represented his destruction as unavoidable if he put himself in 
 the power of a prince so faithless and cruel as Montezuma. As he was 
 accompanied by six thousand Tlascalans, he had now the command of 
 forces which resembled a regular army. They directed their course 
 towards Cholula [Oct. 13] ; Montezuma, who had at length consented to 
 admit the Spaniards into his presence, having informed Cortes that he had 
 given orders for his friendly reception there. Cholula was a considerable 
 town, and though only five leagues distant from Tlascala, was formerly an 
 independent state, but had been lately subjected to the Mexican empire. 
 This was considered by all the people of New Spain as a holy place, the 
 sanctuary and chief seat of their gods, to which pilgrims resorted from every 
 province, and a greater number of human victims were offered in its prin- 
 cipal temple than even in that of Mexico.* Montezuma seems to have 
 invited the Spaniards thither, either from some superstitious hope that the 
 
 ods would not suffer this sacred mansion to be defiled, without pouring 
 own their wrath upon those impious strangers, who ventured to insult their 
 power in the place of its peculiar residence ; or from a belief that he him- 
 self might there attempt to cut them off with more certain success, under 
 the immediate protection of his divinities. 
 
 Cortes had been warned by the Tlascalans, before he set out on his march, 
 to keep a watchful eye over the Cholulans. He himself, though received 
 into the town with much seeming respect and cordiality, observed several 
 circumstances in their conduct which excited suspicion. Two of the Tlas- 
 calans, who were encamped at some distance from the town, as the Cholu- 
 Jans refused to admit their ancient enemies within its precincts, having 
 found means to enter in disguise, acquainted Cortes that they observed the 
 women and children of the principal citizens retiring in great hurry eveiy 
 night ; and that six children had been sacrificed in the chief temple, a rite 
 which indicated the execution of some warlike enterprise to be approach- 
 ing. At the same time, Marina the interpreter received information from 
 an Indian woman of distinction, whose confidence she had gained, that the 
 destruction of her friends was concerted ; that a body of Mexican troops 
 lay concealed near the town ; that some of the streets were barricaded, 
 and in others, pits or deep trenches were dug, and slightly covered over, 
 as traps into which the horses might fall ; that stones or missive weapons 
 were collected on the tops of the temples, with which to overwhelm the 
 infantry ; that the fatal hour was now at hand, and their ruin unavoidable. 
 Cortes, alarmed at this concurring evidence, secretly arrested three of the 
 chief priests, and extorted from them a confession, that confirmed the intel- 
 ligence which he had received. As not a moment was to be lost, he in- 
 stantly resolved to prevent his enemies, and to inflict on them such dreadful 
 vengeance as might strike Montezuma and his subjects with terror. For 
 this purpose, the Spaniards and Zempoallans were drawn up in a large 
 court, which had been allotted for their quarters near the centre of the town ; 
 the Tlascalans had orders to advance ; the magistrates and several of the 
 chief citizens were sent for, under various pretexts, and seized. On a signal 
 given, the troops rushed out and fell upon the multitude, destitute of lead- 
 ers, and so much astonished, that the weapons dropping from their hands, 
 they stood motionless, and incapable of defence. While the Spaniards 
 pressed them in front, the Tlascalans attacked them in the rear. The 
 streets were filled with bloodshed and death. The temples, which afford- 
 ed a retreat to the priests and some of the leading men, were set on fire, 
 
 * Torquemada Monar, Ind. i. 281, 282. ii. 291. Gomara Cron. c. 61. Herrera. dec. 2. lib. vii. c. 2 
 
 VOL. I. 28 
 
218 HISTORY OF [BooKlV. 
 
 and they perished in the flames. This scene of horror continued two days ; 
 during which, the wretched inhabitants suffered all that the destructive 
 rage of the Spaniards, or the implacable revenge of their Indian allies, 
 could inflict. At length the carnage ceased, after the slaughter of six thou- 
 sand Cholulans, without the loss of a single Spaniard. Cortes then released 
 the magistrates, and, reproaching them bitterly for their intended treachery, 
 declared, that as justice was now appeased, he forgave the offence, but 
 required them to recall the citizens who had fled, and re-establish order in 
 the town. Such was the ascendant which the Spaniards had acquired over 
 this superstitious race of men, and so deeply were they impressed with an 
 opinion of their superior discernment, as well as power, that, in obedience 
 :- this command, the city was in a few days filled again with people, who, 
 amidst the ruins of their sacred buildings, yielded respectful service to 
 men whose hands were stained with the blood of their relations and fellow- 
 citizens* [108]. 
 
 From Cholula, Cortes advanced directly towards Mexico [Oct. 29], which 
 was only twenty leagues distant. In every place through which he passed, 
 he was received as a person possessed of sufficient power to deliver the 
 empire from the oppression under which it groaned ; and the caziques or 
 governors communicated to him all the grievances which they felt under 
 the tyrannical government of Montezuma, with that unreserved confidence 
 which men naturally repose in superior beings. When Cortes first observed 
 the seeds of discontent in the remote provinces of the empire, hope dawned 
 upon his mind ; but when he now discovered such symptoms of alienation 
 from their monarch near the seat of government, he concluded that the vital 
 parts of the constitution were affected, and conceived the most sanguine 
 expectations of overturning a state whose natural strength was thus divided 
 and impaired. - While those reflections encouraged the general to persist 
 in his arduous undertaking, the soldiers were no less animated by obser- 
 vations more obvious to their capacity. In descending from the mountains 
 of Chalco, across which the road lay, the vast plain of Mexico opened 
 gradually to their view. When they first beheld this prospect, one of the 
 most striking and beautiful on the face of the earth ; when they observed 
 fertile and cultivated fields stretching further than the eye could reach ; 
 when they saw a lake resembling the sea in extent, encompassed with large 
 towns, and discovered the capital city rising upon an island in the middle, 
 adorned with its temples and turrets ; the scene so far exceeded their 
 imagination, that some believed the fanciful descriptions of romance were 
 realized, and that its enchanted palaces and gilded domes were presented 
 to their sight ; others could hardly persuade themselves that this wonderful 
 spectacle was any thing more than a dream [109]. As they advanced, 
 their doubts were removed, but their amazement increased. They were 
 now fully satisfied that the country was rich beyond any conception which 
 they had formed of it, and flattered themselves that at length they should 
 obtain an ample recompense for all their services and sufferings. 
 
 Hitherto they had met with no enemy to oppose their progress, though 
 several circumstances occurred which led them to suspect that some design 
 was formed to surprise and cut them off. Many messengers arrived suc- 
 cessively from Montezuma, permitting them one day to advance, requiring 
 them on the next to retire, as his hopes or fears alternately prevailed ; and 
 so wonderful was this infatuation, which seems to be unaccountable on any 
 supposition but that of a superstitious dread of the Spaniards, as beings ol 
 a superior nature, that Cortes was almost at the gates of the capital, before 
 the monarch had determined whether to receive him as a friend, or to 
 oppose him as an enemy. But as no sign of open hostility appeared, the 
 Spaniards, without regarding the fluctuations of Montezuma's sentiments, 
 
 * Cortes Relat. Ramua. iii. 231. 13. Diaz, c. 83. Gomara Cron. c. 64. Herrera, dec. 2. lib. vii. 
 e. 1,2. 
 
AMERICA. 219 
 
 continued their march along the causeway which led to Mexico through 
 the lake, with great circumspection and the strictest discipline, though 
 without seeming to suspect the prince whom they were about to visit. 
 
 When they drew near the city, about a thousand persons, who appeared 
 to be of distinction, came forth to meet them, adorned with plumes and 
 clad in mantles of fine cotton. Each of these in his order passed by 
 Cortes, and saluted him according to the mode deemed most respectful 
 and submissive in their country They announced the approach of Mon- 
 tezuma himself, and soon after his harbingers came in sight. There appear- 
 ed first two hundred persons in a uniform dress, with Targe plumes of fea- 
 thers, alike in fashion, marching two and two, in deep silence, barefooted, 
 with their eyes fixed on the ground. These were followed by a company 
 of higher rank, in their most showy apparel, in the midst of whom was 
 Montezuma, in a chair or litter richly ornamented with gold, and feathers 
 of various colours. Four of his principal favourites carried him on their 
 shoulders, others supported a canopy of curious workmanship over his 
 head. Before him marched three officers with rods of gold in their hands, 
 which they lifted up on high at certain intervals, and at that signal all the 
 people bowed their heads id hid their faces, as unworthy to look on so 
 great a monarch. When he drew near, Cortes dismounted, advancing to- 
 wards him with officious haste, and in a respectful posture. At the same 
 time Montezuma alighted from his chair, and, leaning on the arms of two 
 of his near relations, approached with a slow and stately pace, his attend- 
 ants covering the streets with cotton cloths, that he might not touch the 
 ground. Cortes accosted him with profound reverence, after the European 
 fashion. He returned the salutation, according to the mode of his country, 
 by touching the earth with his hand, and then jdssing it. This ceremony, 
 the customary expression of veneration from inferiors towards those who 
 were above them in rank, appeared such amazing condescension in a proud 
 monarch, who scarcely deigned to consider the rest of mankind as of the 
 same species with himself, that all his subjects firmly believed those per- 
 sons, before whom he humbled himself in this manner, to be something 
 more than human. Accordingly, as they marched through the crowd, the 
 Spaniards frequently, and with much satisfaction, heard themselves deno- 
 minated Teules, or divinities. Nothing material passed in this first inter- 
 view. Montezuma conducted Cortes to the quarters which he had pre- 
 pared for his reception, and immediately took leave of him, with a polite- 
 ness not unworthy of a court more refined. " You are now," says he, 
 " with your brothers, in your own house ; refresh yourselves after your 
 fatigue, and be happy until I return."* The place allotted to the Spaniards 
 for their lodging, was a house built by the father of Montezuma. It was 
 surrounded by a stone wall, with towers at proper distances, which served 
 for defence as well as for ornament, and its apartments and courts were so 
 large as to accommodate both the Spaniards and their Indian allies. The 
 first care of Cortes was to take precautions for his security, by planting the 
 artillery so as to command the different avenues which led to it, by appoint- 
 ing a large division of his troops to be always on guard, and by posting 
 sentinels 'at proper stations, with injunctions to observe the same vigilant 
 discipline as if they were within sight of an enemy's camp. 
 
 In the evening, Montezuma returned to visit his guests with the same 
 pomp as in their first interview, and brought presents of such value, not 
 only to Cortes and to his officers, but even to the private men, as proved 
 the liberality of the monarch to be suitable to the opulence of his kingdom. 
 A long conierence ensued, in which Cortes learned what was the opinion 
 of Montezuma with respect to the Spaniards. It was an established tra- 
 
 * Cortes Relat. Ram iii. 232-235. B. Diaz, c. 83-88. Gomara Cron. c. 64, 65. Herrera, dec. 
 2. lib. vii. c. 3, 4, 5. 
 
220 HISTORY OF [KooKV. 
 
 dition, he told him, among the Mexicans, that their ancestors came origin- 
 ally from a remote region, and conquered the provinces now subject to his 
 dominion ; that after they were settled there, the great captain who con- 
 ducted this colony returned to his own country, promising that at some future 
 period his descendants should visit them, assume the government, and reform 
 their constitution and laws ; that from what he had heard and seen of 
 Cortes and his followers, he was convinced that they were the very persons 
 whose appearance the Mexican traditions and prophecies taught them to 
 expect; that accordingly he had received them, not as strangers, but as 
 relations of the same blood and parentage, and desired that they might con- 
 sider themselves as masters in his dominions, for both himself and his sub- 
 jects should be ready to comply with their will, and even to prevent their 
 wishes. Cortes made a reply in his usual style, with respect to the dig- 
 nity and power of his sovereign, and his intention of sending him into 
 that country ; artfully endeavouring so to frame his discourse, that it might 
 coincide as much as possible with the idea which Montezuma had formed 
 concerning the origin of the Spaniards. Next morning, Cortes and some 
 of his principal attendants were admitted to a public audience of the em- 
 peror. The three subsequent days were employed in viewing the city ; 
 the appearance of which, so far superior in the order of its buildings and 
 the number of its inhabitants to any place the Spaniards had beheld in 
 America, and yet so little resembling the structure of a European city, filled 
 them with surprise and admiration. 
 
 Mexico, or Tenuchtitlan, as it was anciently called by the natives, is 
 situated in a large plain, evironed by mountains of such height that, though 
 within the torrid zone, the temperature of its climate is mild and healthful . 
 All the moisture which descends from the high grounds, is collected in 
 several lakes, the two largest of which, of about ninety miles in circuit, 
 communicate with each other. The waters of the one are fresh, those of 
 the other brackish. On the banks of the latter, and on some small islands 
 adjoining to them, the capital of Montezuma's empire was built. The 
 access to the city was by artificial causeways or streets formed of stones . 
 and earth, about thirty feet in breadth. As the waters of the lake during 
 the rainy season overflowed the flat country, these causeways were of 
 considerable length. That of Tacuba, on the west, extended a mile and 
 a half; that of Tepeaca, on the north-west, three miles ; that of Cuoyacan, 
 towards the south, six miles. On the east* there was no causeway, and 
 the city could be approached only by canoes.j In each of these cause- 
 ways were openings at proper intervals, through which the waters flowed, 
 and over these beams of timber were laid, which being covered with earth, 
 the causeway or street had every where a uniform appearance. As the 
 approaches to the city were singular, its construction was remarkable. 
 Not only the temples of their gods, but the houses belonging to the monarch, 
 and to persons of distinction, were of such dimensions, that, in comparison 
 with any other buildings which hitherto had been discovered in America, 
 they might be tenned magnificent. The habitations of the common peo- 
 ple were mean, resembling the huts of other Indians. But they were all 
 placed in a regular manner, on the banks of the canals which passed through 
 the city, in some of its districts,, or on the sides of the streets which inter- 
 sected it in other quarters. In several places were large openings or squares, 
 one of which, allotted for the great market, is said to nave been so spacious, 
 that forty or fifty thousand persons carried on traffic there. In this city, 
 
 * I am indebted to M. Clavigero for correcting an error of importance in my description of Mexico. 
 From the east, where Tezeuco was situated, there was no causeway, ae I have observed, and yet 
 by some inattention on my part, or on that sf the printer, in all the former editions. one of the 
 causeways was said to lead to Tezeuco. M. Clavigero's measurement of the length of these 
 causeways differs somewhat from that which I have adopted from F. Torribio Clavig. ii. p. 72. 
 
 t F. Torribio MS. 
 
AMERICA. 221 
 
 the pride of the New World, and the noblest monument of the industry 
 and art of man, while unacquainted with the use of iron, and destitute of 
 aid from any domestic animal, the Spaniards, who are most moderate in 
 their computations, reckon that there were at least sixty thousand in- 
 habitants.* 
 
 But how much soever the novelty of those objects might amuse or 
 astonish the Spaniards, they felt the utmost solicitude with respect to 
 their own situation. From a concurrence of circumstances, no less un- 
 expected than favourable to their progress, they had been allowed to 
 penetrate into the heart Of a powerful kingdom, and were now lodged in 
 its capital without having once met with open opposition from its monarch. 
 The Tlascalans, however, had earnestly dissuaded them from placing such 
 confidence in Montezuma, as to enter a city of such peculiar situation as 
 Mexico, where that prince would have them at mercy, shut up as it were 
 in a snare, from which it was impossible to escape. They assured them 
 that the Mexican priests had, in the name of the gods, counselled their 
 sovereign to admit the Spaniards into the capital, that he might cut them off 
 there at one blow with perfect security.! 1 hey now perceived too plainly, 
 that the apprehensions of their allies were not destitute of foundation ; that, 
 by breaking the bridges placed at certain intervals on the causeways, or by 
 destroying part of the causeways themselves, their retreat would be 
 rendered impracticable, and they must remain cooped up in the centre of 
 a hostile city, surrounded by multitudes sufficient to overwhelm them, and 
 without a possibility of receiving aid from their allies. Montezuma had, 
 indeed, received them with distinguished respect. But ought they to 
 reckon upon this as real, or to consider it as feigned ? Even if it were 
 sincere, could they promise on its continuance ? Their safety depended 
 upon the will of a monarch in whose attachment they had no reason to 
 confide ; and an order flowing from his caprice, or a word uttered by him 
 in passion, might decide irrevocably concerning their fate.| 
 
 These reflections, so obvious as to occur to the meanest soldier, did not 
 escape the vigilant sagacity of their general. Before he set out from 
 Cholula, Cortes had received advice from Villa Rica, that Qualpopoca, 
 one of the Mexican generals on the frontiers, having assembled an army 
 in order to attack some of the people whom the Spaniards had encouraged 
 to throw off' the Mexican yoke, Escalante had marched out with part of 
 the garrison to support his allies ; that an engagement had ensued, in which, 
 though the Spaniards were victorious, Escalante, with seven of his men, 
 had been mortally wounded, his horse killed, and one Spaniard had been 
 surrounded by the enemy and taken alive ; that the head of this unfortu 
 nate captive, after being carried in triumph to different cities, in order to 
 convince the people that their invaders were not immortal, had been sent 
 to Mexico. || Cortes, though alarmed with this intelligence, as an indica- 
 tion of Montezuma's hostile intentions, had continued his march. But as 
 soon as he entered Mexico he became sensible, that, from an excess of 
 confidence in the superior valour and discipline of his troops, as well as 
 from the disadvantage of having nothing to guide him in an unknown 
 country, but the defective intelligence which he had received from people 
 with whom his mode of communication was very imperfect, he had pushed 
 forward into a situation where it was difficult to continue, and from which 
 it was dangerous to retire. Disgrace, and perhaps ruin, was the certain 
 consequence of attempting the latter. The success of his enterprise 
 depended upon supporting the high opinion which the peoplie of New 
 Spain had formed with respect to the irresistible power of his arms. Upon 
 
 * Cortes Relat. Ram. iii. 239. D. Relnt. dolla gran Citta do Mexico, par un Gentelhuomo del 
 Cortese. Rain, ibid, 304. E. Herrera,,<1oc. 2. lilt. vii. c. 14, &c. f B. Diaz, c. 85, 86. t Ibid, 
 c. 94. Cortes Relat. Ram. iii. 235. C. || B. Diaz, c. 93, 94. Herrera, dec. 2. lib. viii. c. 1. 
 
222 HISTORY OF [Boo K V. 
 
 the first symptom of timidity on his part, their veneration would cease, 
 and Mpntezuma, whom fear alone restrained at present, would let loose 
 upon him the whole force of his empire. At the same time, he knew that 
 the countenance of his own sovereign was to be obtained only by a series 
 of victories, and that nothing but the merit of extraordinary success could 
 screen his conduct from the censure of irregularity. From all these con- 
 siderations, it was necessary to maintain his station, and to extricate himself 
 out of the difficulties in which one bold step had involved him, by ven- 
 turing upon another still bolder. The situation was trying, but his mind 
 was equal to it ; and after revolving the matter with deep attention, he 
 fixed upon a plan no less extraordinary than daring. He determined to 
 seize Montezuma in his palace, and to carry him as a prisoner to the 
 Spanish quarters. _ From the superstitious veneration of the Mexicans for 
 the person of their monarch, as well as their implicit submission to his 
 will, he hoped, by having Montezuma in his power, to acquire the 
 supreme direction of their affairs ; or, at least, with such a sacred pledge 
 in his hands, he made no doubt of being secure from any effort of their 
 violence. 
 
 This he immediately proposed to his officers. The timid startled at a 
 measure so audacious, and raised objections. The more intelligent and 
 resolute, conscious that it was the only resource in which there appeared 
 any prospect of safety, warmly approved of it, and brought over their 
 companions so cordially to the same opinion, that it was agreed instantly 
 to make the attempt. At his usual hour of visiting Montezuma, Cortes 
 went to the palace, accompanied by Alvarado, Sandoval, Lugo, Velasquez 
 de Leon, and Davila, five of ^his principal officers, arid as many trusty 
 soldiers. Thirty chosen men followed, not in regular order, but sauntering 
 at some distance, as if they had no object but curiosity ; small parties 
 were posted at proper intervals, in all the streets leading from the Spanish 
 quarters to the court ; and the remainder of his troops, with the Tlascalan 
 allies, were under arms ready to sally out on the first alarm. Cortes and 
 his attendants were admitted without suspicion ; the Mexicans retiring, as 
 usual, out of respect. He addressed the monarch in a tone very different 
 from that which he had employed in former conferences, reproaching him 
 bitterly as the author of the violent assault made upon the Spaniards by 
 one of his officers, and demanded public reparation for the loss which they 
 had sustained by the deatk of some of their campanions, as well as for 
 the insult offered to the great prince whose servants they were. Mon- 
 tezuma, confounded at this unexpected accusation, and changing colour, 
 either from consciousness of guilt, or from feeling the indignity with which 
 he was treated, asserted his own innocence with great earnestness, and, as 
 a proof of it, gave orders instantly to bring Qualpopoca and his accomplices 
 prisoners to Mexico. Cortes replied with seeming complaisance, that a 
 declaration so respectable left no doubt remaining in his own mind, but 
 that something more was requisite to satisfy his followers, who would 
 never be convinced that Montezuma did not harbour hostile intentions 
 against them, unless, as an evidence of his confidence and attachment, he 
 removed from his own palace, and took up his residence in the Spanish 
 quarters, where he should be served and honoured as became a great 
 monarch. The first mention of so strange a proposal bereaved Montezuma 
 of speech, and almost of motion. At length indignation gave him utter- 
 ance, and he haughtily answered, " That persons of his rank were not 
 accustomed voluntarily to give up themselves as prisoners ; and were he 
 mean enough to do so, his subjects would not permit such an affront to be 
 offered to their sovereign." Cortes, unwilling to employ force, endeavoured 
 alternately to soothe and to intimidate him. The altercation became 
 warm; and having continued above three hours, Velasquez de Leon, an 
 impetuous and gallant young man, exclaimed with impatience, " Why 
 
AMERICA. 223 
 
 waste more time in vain ? Let us either seize him instantly, or stab him 
 to the heart." Thf threatening voice and fierce gestures with which these 
 words were uttered, struck Montezuma. The Spaniards, he was sensible, 
 nad now proceeded so far, as left him no hope that they would recede. 
 His own danger Was imminent, the necessity unavoidable. He saw both, 
 and, abandoning himself to his fate, complied with their request. 
 
 His officers were called. He communicated to them his resolution. 
 Though astonished and afflicted, they presumed not to question the will of 
 their master, but carried him in silent pomp, all bathed in tears, to the 
 Spanish quarters. When it was known that the strangers were conveying 
 away the Emperor, the people broke out into the wildest transports of 
 griet and rage, threatening the Spaniards with immediate destruction, as 
 the punishment justly due to their impious audacity. But as soon as Mon- 
 tezuma appeared, with a seeming gayety of countenance, and waved his 
 hand, the tumult was hushed ; and upon his declaring it to be of his own 
 choice that he went to reside for some time among his new friends, the mul- 
 titude, taught to revere every intimation of their sovereign's pleasure, quietly 
 dispersed.* 
 
 Thus was a powerful prince seized by a few strangers in the midst of 
 his capital, at noonday, and carried off as a prisoner, without opposition or 
 bloodshed. History contains nothing parallel to this event, either with 
 respect to the temerity of the attempt, or the success of the execution ; 
 and were not all the circumstances of this extraordinary transaction authen- 
 ticated by the most unquestionable evidence, they would appear so wild 
 and extravagant as to go far beyond the bounds of that probability which 
 must be preserved even in fictitious narrations. 
 
 Montezuma was received in the Spanish quarters with all the ceremo- 
 nious respect which Cortes had promised. He was attended by his own 
 domestics, and served with his usual state. His principal officers had free 
 access to him, and he carried on every function oi government as if he had 
 been at perfect liberty. The Spaniards, however, watched him with the 
 scrupulous vigilance which was natural in guarding such an important 
 prize [110], endeavouring at the same time to sooth and reconcile him to 
 his situation by every external demonstration of regard and attachment. 
 But from captive princes, the hour of humiliation and suffering is never far 
 distant. Qualpopoca, his son, and five of the principal officers who served 
 under him, were brought prisoners to the capital [Dec. 4], in consequence 
 of the orders which Montezuma had issued. The Emperor gave them up 
 to Cortes, that he might inquire into the nature of their crime, and deter- 
 mine their punishment. They were formally tried by a Spanish court 
 martial ; and though they had acted no other part than what became loyal 
 subjects and brave men, in obeying the orders of their lawful sovereign, 
 ana in opposing the invaders of their country, they were condemned to be 
 burnt alive. The execution of such atrocious deeds is seldom long sus- 
 pended. The unhappy victims were instantly led forth. The pile on 
 which they were laid was composed of the weapons collected in the royal 
 magazine for the public defence. An innumerable multitude of Mexicans 
 beheld, in silent astonishment, the double insult offered to the majesty ot 
 their empire, an officer of distinction committed to the flames by the author- 
 ity of strangers for having done what he owed in duty to his natural sove- 
 reign; and the arms provided by the foresight of their ancestofs for 
 avenging public wrongs, consumed before their eyes. 
 
 But these were not the most shocking indignities which the Mexicans 
 nad to bear. The Spaniards, convinced that Qualpopoca would not have 
 ventured to attack Escalante without orders from his master, were not 
 
 * Diaz, c. 95. Gomara Cron. c. 83. Cortes Relat. Ram. iii. p 235, 236 Herrera, dec. 2. lib. 
 viii. c. 2, 3. 
 
224 HISTORY OF [BooK V 
 
 satisfied with inflicting vengeance on the instrument employed in commit- 
 ting that crime while the author of it escaped with impunity. Just before 
 Qualpopoca was led out to suffer, Cortes entered the apartment of Monte- 
 zuma, followed by some of his officers, and a soldier, carrying a pair of 
 fetters ; and approaching the monarch with a stern countenance told him, 
 that as the persons who were now to undergo the punishment which they 
 merited, had charged him as the cause of the outrage committed, it was 
 necessary that he likewise should make atonement for that guilt ; then 
 turning away abruptly, without waiting for a reply, commanded the sol- 
 dier to clap the fetters on his legs. The orders were instantly executed. 
 The disconsolate monarch, trained up with an idea that his person was 
 sacred and inviolable, and considering this profanation of it as the prelude 
 of immediate death, broke out into loud lamentations and complaints. His 
 attendants, speechless with horror, fell at his feet, bathing them with their 
 tears ; and, bearing up the fetters in their hands, endeavoured with officious 
 tenderness to lighten their pressure. Nor did their grief and despondency 
 abate, until Cortes returned from the execution, and with a cheerful coun- 
 tenance ordered the fetters to be taken off. As Montezuma's spirits had 
 sunk with unmanly dejection, they now rose into indecent Joy ; and with 
 an unbecoming transition, he passed at once from the anguish of despair to 
 transports of gratitude and expressions of fondness towards his deliverer. 
 
 In those transactions, as represented by the Spanish historians, we search 
 m vain for the qualities which distinguish other parts of Cortes's conduct. 
 To usurp a jurisdiction which could not belong to a stranger, who assumed 
 no higher character than that of an ambassador from a foreign prince, and, 
 under colour of it, to inflict a capital punishment on men whose conduct 
 entitled them to esteem, appears an act of barbarous cruelty. To put the 
 monarch of a great kingdom in irons, and, after such ignominious treat- 
 ment, suddenly to release him, seems to be a display of power no less in- 
 considerate than wanton. According to the common relation, no account 
 can be given either of the one action or the other, but that Cortes, intoxi- 
 cated with success, and presuming on the ascendant which he had acquired 
 over the minds of the Mexicans, thought nothing too bold for him to under- 
 take, or too dangerous to execute. But, i-n one view, these .proceedings, 
 however repugnant to justice and humanity, may have flowed from that 
 artful policy which regulated every part of Cortes's behaviour towards the 
 Mexicans. They had conceived the Spaniards to be an order of beings 
 superior to men. It was of the utmost consequence to cherish this illusion, 
 and to keep up the veneration which it inspired. Cortes wished that 
 shedding the blood of a Spaniard should be deemed the most heinous of 
 all crimes ; and nothing appeared better calculated to establish this 
 opinion than to condemn the first Mexicans who had ventured to commit 
 it to a cruel death, and to oblige their monarch himself to submit to a mor- 
 tifying indignity as an expiation for being accessary to a deed so atro- 
 cious [ill] 
 
 1520.] The rigour with which Cortes punished the unhappy persons 
 who first presumed to lay violent hands upon his followers, seems accord- 
 ingly to have made all the impression that he desired. The spirit of Mon- 
 tezuma was not only overawed but subdued. During six months that 
 Cortes remained in Mexico, the monarch continued in the Spanish quarters 
 with an appearance of as entire satisfaction and tranquillity as if he had 
 resided there not from constraint, but through choice. His ministers and 
 officers attended him as usual. He took cognisance of all affairs ; every 
 order was issued in his name. The external aspect of government appear- 
 ing the same, and all its ancient forms being scrupulously observed, the 
 people were so little sensible of any change, that they obeyed the man- 
 dates of their monarch with the same submissive reverence as ever. Such 
 was the dread which both Montezuma and his subjects had of the Span- 
 
AMERICA. 225 
 
 lards, or such the veneration in which they held them, that no attempt was 
 made to deliver their sovereign from confinement ; and though Cortes, rely- 
 ing on this ascendant which be had acquired over their minds, permitted 
 him not only to visit his temples, but to make hunting excursions beyond 
 the lake, a guard of a few Spaniards carried with it such a terror as to 
 intimidate the multitude, and secure the captive monarch.* 
 
 Thus, by the fortunate temerity of Cortes in seizing Montezuma, the 
 Spaniards at once secured to themselves more extensive authority in the 
 Mexican Empire than it was possible to have acquired in a long course of 
 time by open force ; and they exercised more absolute sway in the name 
 of another, than they could have done in their own. The arts of polished 
 nations, in subjecting such as are less improved, have been nearly the same 
 in every period. The system of screening a foreign usurpation, under the 
 sanction of authority derived from the natural rulers of a country, the device 
 of employing the magistrates and forms already established as instruments 
 to introduce a new dominion, of which we are apt to boast as sublime refine- 
 ments in policy peculiar to the present age, were inventions of a more early 
 period, and had been tried with success in the West long before they were 
 practised in the East. 
 
 Cortes availed himself to the utmost of the powers which he possessed 
 by being able to act in the name of Montezuma. He sent some Spaniards, 
 whom he judged best qualified for such commissions, into different parts of 
 the empire, accompanied by persons of distinction, whom Montezuma ap- 
 pointed to attend them, both as guides and protectors. They visited most 
 of the provinces, viewed their soil and productions, surveyed with particular 
 care the districts which yielded gold or silver, pitched upon several places 
 as proper stations for future colonies, and endeavoured to prepare the minds 
 of the people for submitting to the Spanish yoke. While they were thus 
 employed, Cortes, in the name and by the authority of Montezuma, de- 
 gradea some of the principal officers in the empire, whose abilities or inde- 
 
 Eendent spirit excited his jealousy, and substituted in their place persons 
 iss capable or more obsequious. 
 
 One thing still was wanting to complete his security. He wished to 
 have such command of the lake as might ensure a retreat if, either from 
 levity or disgust, the Mexicans should take arms against him, and break 
 down the bridges or causeways. This, too, his own address, and the 
 facility of Montezuma, enabled him to accomplish. Having frequently 
 entertained his prisoner with pompous accounts of the European marine 
 and art of navigation, he awakened his curiosity to see those moving 
 palaces which made their way through the water without oars. Under 
 pretext of gratifying this desire, Cortes persuaded Montezuma to appoint 
 some of his subjects to fetch part of the naval stores which the Spaniards 
 had deposited at Vera Cruz to Mexico, and to employ others in cutting 
 down and preparing timber. With their assistance, the Spanish carpenters 
 soon completed two brigantines, which afforded a frivolous amusement to 
 the monarch, and were considered by Cortes as a certain resource if he 
 should be obliged to retire. 
 
 Encouraged by so many instances of the monarch's tame submission to 
 his will, Cortes ventured to put it to a proof still more trying. He urged 
 Montezuma to acknowledge himself a vassal of the king of Castile, to 
 hold his crown of him as superior, and to subject his dominions to the 
 payment of an annual tribute. With this requisition, the last and most 
 numbling that can be made to one possessed of sovereign authority, Mon 
 tezuma was so obsequious as to comply. He called together the chief 
 men. of his empire, and in a solemn harangue, reminding them of the tra- 
 ditions and prophecies which led them to expect the arrival of a people 
 
 * Cortes Relat. p. 236. E. B. Diaz, c. 97, 98, 99. 
 Voi I. 29 
 
226 HISTORY OF [BooKV. 
 
 sprung from the same stock with themselves, in order to take possession 
 of the supreme power, he declared his belief that the Spaniards were this 
 promised race ; that therefore he recognised the right of their monarch to 
 govern the Mexican empire that he would lay his crown at his feet, and 
 obey him as a tributary. While uttering these words, Monte zuma dis- 
 covered how deeply he was affected in making such a sacrifice. Tears 
 and groans frequently interrupted his discourse. Overawed and broken 
 as his spirit was, it still retained such a sense of dignity as to feel that 
 pang which pierces the heart of princes when constrained to resign inde- 
 pendent power. The first mention of such a resolution struck the. assembly 
 dumb with astonishment. This was followed by a sudden murmur oi 
 sorrow, mingled with indignation, which indicated some violent irruption 
 of rage to be near at hand. This Cortes foresaw, and seasonably inter- 
 posed to prevent it by declaring that his master had no intention to deprive 
 Montezuma of the royal dignity, or to make any innovation upon the con- 
 stitution and laws of the Mexican empire* This assurance, added to their 
 dread of the Spanish power and to the authority of their monarch's example, 
 extorted a reluctant consent from the assembly [112]. The act of sub- 
 mission and homage was executed with all the formalities which the Spa- 
 niards were pleased to prescribe.* 
 
 Montezuma, at the desire of Cortes, accompanied this profession of 
 fealty and homage with a magnificent present to his new sovereign ; and 
 after his example his subjects brought in very liberal contributions. The 
 Spaniards now collected all the treasures which had been either voluntarily 
 bestowed upon them at different times by Montezuma, or had been ex- 
 torted from his people under various pretexts ; and having melted the 
 gold and silver, the value of these, without including jewels and ornaments 
 of various kinds, which were preserved on account of their curious work- 
 manship, amounted to six hundred thousand pesos. The soldiers were 
 impatient to have it divided, and Cortes complied with their desire. A 
 fifth of the whole was first set apart as the tax due to the king. Another 
 fifth was allotted to Cortes as commander in chief. The sums advanced 
 by Velasquez, by Cortes, and by some of the officers, towards defraying 
 the expense of fitting out the armament, were then deducted. The re- 
 mainder was divided among the army, including the garrison of Vera 
 Cruz, in proportion to their different ranks. After so many defalcations, 
 the share of a private man did not exceed a hundred pesos. This sum 
 fell so far below their sanguine expectations, that some soldiers rejected it 
 with scorn, and others murmured so loudly at this cruel disappointment of 
 their hopes, that it required all the address of Cortes, and no small ex- 
 ertion of his liberality, to appease them. The complaints of the army 
 were not altogether destitute of foundation. As the crown had contributed 
 nothing towards the equipment or success of the armament, it was not 
 withoutregret that the soldiers beheld it sweep away so great a proportion 
 of the treasure purchased by their blood and toil. What fell to the share 
 of the genera] appeared, according to the ideas of wealth in the sixteenth 
 century, an enormous sum. Some of Cortes's favourites had secretly 
 appropriated to their own use several ornaments of gold, which neither 
 paid the royal fifth, nor were brought into account as part of the common 
 stock. It was, however, so manifestly the interest of Cortes at this period 
 to make a large remittance to the king, that it is highly probable those 
 concealments were not of great consequence. 
 
 The total sum amassed by the Spaniards bears no proportion to the 
 ideas which might be formed, either by reflecting on the descriptions given 
 by historians of the ancient splendour of Mexico, or by considering the 
 productions of its mines in modern times. But among the ancient Mexi- 
 
 * Cortes Relat. 238. D. B. Diaz, c. 101. Gomara Cron. c. 2. Herrera, dec. 2, lib. x. c. 4 
 
AMERICA. 227 
 
 cans, gold and silver were not the standards by which the worth of other 
 commodities was estimated ; and destitute of the artificial value derived 
 from this circumstance, were no further in request than as they furnished 
 materials for ornaments and trinkets. These were either consecrated to 
 the gods in their temples, or were worn as marks of distinction by their 
 princes and some of their most eminent chiefs. As the consumption of the 
 precious metals was inconsiderable, the demand for them was not such as 
 to put either the ingenuity or industry of the Mexicans on the stretch in 
 order to augment tkeir store. They were altogether unacquainted with 
 the art of working the rich mines with which their country abounded. 
 What gold they had was gathered in the beds of rivers, native, and ripened 
 into a pure metallic state.* The utmost effort of their labour in search of 
 it was to wash the earth carried down by torrents from the mountains, and 
 to pick out the grains of gold which subsided ; and even this simple ope- 
 ration, according to the report of the persons whom Cortes appointed to 
 survey the provinces where there was a prospect of finding mines, they 
 performed very unskilfully.! From all those causes, the whole -mass of 
 gold in possession of the Mexicans was not great. As silver is rarely found 
 pure, and the Mexican art was too rude to conduct the process for refining 
 it in a proper manner, the quantity of this metal was 1 still less considerable, j 
 Thus, though the Spaniards had exerted all the power which they pos- 
 sessed in Mexico, and often with indecent rapacity, in order to gratify their 
 predominant passion, and though Montezuma had fondly exhausted his 
 treasures, in hopes of satiating their thirst for gold, the product of both, 
 which probably included a great part of the bullion in the empire, did 
 not rise in value above what has been mentioned [113]. 
 
 But however pliant Montezuma might be in other matters, with respect 
 to one point he was inflexible. Though Cortes often urged him, with the 
 importunate zeal of a missionary, to renounce bis false gods, and to em- 
 brace the Christian faith, he always rejected the proposition with horror. 
 Superstition, among the Mexicans, was formed into such a regular and 
 complete system, that its institutions naturally took fast hold of the mind ; 
 and while the rude tribes in other parts of America were easily induced 
 to relinquish a few notions and rites, so loose and arbitrary as hardly to 
 merit the name of a public religion, the Mexicans adhered tenaciously to 
 their mode of worship, which, however barbarous, was accompanied with 
 such order and solemnity as to render it an object of the highest venera- 
 tion. Cortes, finding all his attempts ineffectual to shake the constancy of 
 Montezuma, was so much enraged at his obstinacy, that in a transport of 
 zeal he led out his soldiers to throw down the idols in the grand temple 
 by force. But the priests taking arms in defence of their altars, and the 
 people crowding with great ardour to support them, Cortes's prudence 
 overruled his zeal, and induced him to desist from his rash attempt, after 
 dislodging the idols from one of the shrines, and placing in their stead an 
 image of the Virgin Mary [114]. 
 
 From that moment the Mexicans, who had permitted the imprisonment 
 of their sovereign, and suffered the exactions of strangers without a 
 struggle, began to meditate how they might expel or destroy the Spaniards, 
 and thought themselves called upon to avenge their insulted deities. The 
 priests and leading men held frequent consultations with Montezuma for 
 this purpose. But as it might prove fatal to the captive monarch to 
 attempt either the one or the other by violence, he was willing to try more 
 gentle means. Having called Cortes into his presence, he observed, that 
 now, as all the purposes of his embassy were fully accomplished, the gods 
 had declared their will, and the people signified their desire, that he and 
 his followers should instantly depart out ot the empire. With this he re- 
 
 * Cortes Eelat. p. &S6. F. B Dia-., r. 102, 103. Goinara Cron c. 90. f B. Diaz, c. 103. 
 
 I Ilerreni, dec. 2. lib. ix. c. 4. 
 
228 HISTORY OF [BooKV. 
 
 auired them to comply, or unavoidable destruction would fall suddenly on 
 meir heads. The tenour of this unexpected requisition, as well as the 
 determined tone in which it was uttered, left Cortes no room to doubt, that 
 it was the result of some deep scheme concerted between Montezuma and 
 his subjects. He quickly perceived that he might derive more advantage 
 from a seeming compliance with the monarch's inclinations, than from an 
 ill-timed attempt to change or to oppose it ; and replied, with great com- 
 posure, that he had already begun to. prepare for returning to his own 
 country ; but as he had destroyed the vessels in which he arrived, some 
 time was requisite for building other ships. This appeared reasonable. 
 A number of Mexicans were sent to Vera Cruz to cut down timber, and 
 some Spanish carpenters were appointed to superintend the work. Cortes 
 flattered himself that during this interval he might either find means to 
 avert the threatened danger, or receive such reinforcements as would 
 enable him to despise it. - 
 
 Almost nine months were elapsed since Portocarrero' and Montejo had 
 sailed with his despatches to Spain ; and he daily expected their return 
 with a confirmation of his authority from the King. Without this, his con- 
 dition was insecure and precarious ; and after all the great things which 
 he had done, it might be his doom to bear the name and suffer the punish- 
 ment of a traitor. Rapid and extensive as his progress had been, he could 
 not hope to complete the reduction of a great empire with so small a body 
 of men, which by this time diseases of various kinds considerably thinned ; 
 nor could he apply for recruits to the Spanish settlements in the islands, 
 until he received the royal approbation of his proceedings. 
 
 While he remained in this cruel situation, anxious about what was past, 
 uncertain with respect to the future, and, by the late declaration of Monte- 
 zuma, oppressed with a new addition of cares, a Mexican courier arrived 
 with an account of some ships having appeared on the coast. Cortes, with 
 fond credulity, imagining that his messengers were returned from Spain, and 
 that the completion of all his wishes and hopes was at hand, imparted the 
 glad tidings to his companions, who received them with transports of mutual 
 gratulation. Their joy was not of long continuance. A courier from 
 Sandoval, whom Cortes had appointed to succeed Escalante in command 
 at Vera Cruz, brought certain information that the armament was fitted 
 out by Velasquez, governor of Cuba, and, instead of bringing the aid 
 which they expected, threatened them with immediate destruction. 
 
 The motives which prompted Velasquez to this violent measure are 
 obvious. From the circumstances of Cortes' departure, it was impossible 
 not to suspect his intention of throwing off' all dependence upon him. 
 His neglecting to transmit any account of his operations to Cuba, 
 strengthened this suspicion, which was at last confirmed beyond doubt by 
 the indiscretion of the officers whom Cortes sent to Spain. They, from 
 some motive which is not clearly explained by the contemporary historians, 
 touched at the island of Cuba, contrary to the peremptory orders of their 
 general.* By this means Velasquez not only learned that Cortes and his 
 followers, after formally renouncing all connection with him, had esta- 
 blished an independent colony in New Spain, and were soliciting the King 
 to confirm their proceedings by his authority ; but he obtained particular 
 information concerning the opulence of the country, the valuable presents 
 which Cortes had received, and the inviting prospects of success that 
 opened to his view. Every passion which can agitate an ambitious mind ; 
 shame, at having been so grossly overreached ; indignation, at being 
 betrayed by the man whom he had selected as the object of his favour 
 and confidence; grief, for having wasted his fortune to aggrandize an 
 enemy ; and despair of recovering so fair an opportunity of establishing 
 
 * B. Diaz, c. 54, 55. Herrera, dec. 2. lib. v. C. 14 Gomara Cron. c. 96. 
 
AMERICA. 229 
 
 his fame and extending his power, now raged in the bosom of Velasquez. 
 All these, with united force, excited him to make an extraordinary effort 
 in order to be avenged on the author of his wrongs, and to wrest from him 
 his usurped authority and conquests. Nor did he want the appearance of 
 a good title to justify such an attempt. The agent whom he sent to Spain 
 with an account of Grijalva's voyage, had met with a most favourable 
 reception ; and from the specimens which he produced, such high expec- 
 tations were formed concerning the opulence of New Spain, that Velasquez 
 was authorized to prosecute the discovery of the country, and appointed 
 governor of it during life, with more extensive power and privileges than 
 had been granted to any adventurer from the time of Columbus.* Elated 
 by this distinguishing mark of favour, and warranted to consider Cortes 
 not only as intruding upon his jurisdiction, but as disobedient to the royal 
 mandate, he determined to vindicate his own rights, and the honour of 
 his sovereign by force of arms [115], His ardour in carrying on his pre- 
 parations was such as might have been expected from the violence of the 
 passions with which he was animated ; and in a short time an armament was 
 completed, consisting of eighteen ships which had on board fourscore 
 horsemen, eight hundred foot soldiers, of which eighty were musketeers, 
 and a hundred and twenty cross-bow men, together with a train of twelve 
 pieces of cannon. As Velasquez's experience of the fatal consequence of 
 committing to another what he ought to have executed himself, had not 
 rendered him more enterprising, he vested the command of this formi- 
 dable body, which, in the infancy of the Spanish power in America, merits 
 the appellation of an army, in ramphilo de Narvaez, with instructions to 
 seize Cortes and his principal officers, to send them prisoners to him, and 
 then to complete the discovery and conquest of the country in his name. 
 
 After a prosperous voyage, Narvaez landed his men without opposition 
 near St. Juan de Ulua [April]. Three soldiers, whom Cortes had sent 
 to search for mines in that district, immediately joined him. By this 
 accident he not only received information concerning the progress and 
 situation of Cortes, but, as these soldiers had made some progress in the 
 knowledge of the Mexican language, he acquired interpreters, by whose 
 means he was enabled to hold some intercourse with the people of the 
 country. But, according to the low cunning of deserters, they framed their 
 intelligence with more attention to what they thought would be agreeable 
 than to what they knew to be true ; and represented the situation of Cortes 
 to be so desperate, and the disaffection of his followers to be so general, 
 as increased the natural confidence and presumption of Narvaez. His 
 first operation, however, might have taught him not to rely on their partial 
 accounts. Having sent to summon the governor of Vera Cruz to sur- 
 render, Guevara, a priest whom he employed in that service, made the 
 requisition with such insolence, that Sandoval, an officer of high spirit, 
 and zealously attached to Cortes, instead of complying with his demands, 
 seized him and his attendants, and sent them in chains to Mexico. 
 
 Cortes^ received them not like enemies, but as friends, and, condemning 
 the severity of Sandoval, set them immediately at liberty. By this well 
 timed clemency, seconded by caresses and presents, he gained their con- 
 fidence, and drew from them such particulars concerning the force and 
 intentions of Narvaez, as gave him a view of the impending danger in its 
 full extent. He had not to contend now with half naked Indians, no match 
 for him in war, and still more inferior in the arts of policy, but to take the 
 field against an army in courage and martial discipline equal to his own, 
 in number far superior, acting under the sanction of royal authority, and 
 commanded by an officer of known bravery. He was informed that 
 Narvaez, more solicitous to gratify the resentment of Velasquez than 
 
 * Herrera, dec 2, lio. jii. c. 11. 
 
230 HISTORY OF [BooKV. 
 
 attentive to the honour or interest of his country, had begun his intercourse 
 with the natives, by representing him and his followers as fugitives and 
 outlaws, guilty of rebellion against their own sovereign, and of injustice in 
 invading the Mexican empire ; and had declared that his chief object in 
 visiting the country was to punish the Spaniards who had committed these 
 crimes, and to rescue the Mexicans from oppression. He soon perceived 
 that the same unfavourable representations of his character and actions had 
 been conveyed to Montezuma, and that Naryaez had found means to assure 
 him, that as the conduct of those who kept him uncjer restraint was highly 
 displeasing to the King his master, he had it in charge not only to rescue 
 an injured monarch from confinement, but to reinstate him in the possession 
 of his ancient power and independence. Animated with this prospect of 
 being set free from subjection to Strangers, the Mexicans in several provinces 
 began openly to revolt from Cortes, and to regard Narvaez as a deliverer 
 no less able than willing to save them. Montezuma himself kept up a 
 secret intercourse with the new commander, and seemed tp court him as 
 a person superior in power and dignity to those Spaniards whom he had 
 hitherto revered as the first of men [116]. 
 
 Such were the various aspects of danger and difficulty which presented 
 themselves to the view of Cortes. No situation can be conceived more 
 trying to the capacity and firmness of a general, or where the choice of the 
 plan which ought to be adopted was more difficult. If he should wait the 
 approach of Narvaez in Mexico, destruction seemed to be unavoidable ; 
 for, while the Spaniards pressed him from without, the inhabitants, whose 
 turbulent spirit he could hardly restrain with all his authority and attention, 
 would eagerly lay hold on such a favourable opportunity of avenging all 
 their wrongs. Ii he should abandon the capital, set the captive monarch 
 at liberty, and march out to meet the ,enemy, he must at once forego the 
 fruits of all his toils and victories, and relinquish advantages which could 
 not be recovered without extraordinary efforts and infinite danger. If, 
 instead of employing force, he should have recourse to conciliating 
 measures, and- attempt an accommodation with Narvaez ; the natural 
 haughtiness of that officer, augmented by consciousness of his present 
 superiority, forbade him to cherish any sanguine hope of success. After 
 revolving every scheme with deep attention, Cortes fixed upon that which 
 in execution was most hazardous, but, if successful, would prove most 
 beneficial to himself and to his country ; and with the decisive intrepidity 
 suited to desperate situations, determined to make one bold effort for victory 
 under every disadvantage, rather than sacrifice his own conquests and the 
 Spanish interests in Mexico. v 
 
 But though he foresaw that the contest must be terminated finally by 
 arms, it would have been not only indecent but criminal to have marched 
 against his countrymen, without attempting to adjust matters by an amicable 
 negotiation. In this service he employed Olmedo, his chaplain, to whose 
 character the function was well suited, and who possessed, besides, such 
 prudence and address as qualified him to carry on the secret intrigues in 
 which Cortes placed 'his chief confidence. Narvaez rejected with scorn 
 every scheme of accommodation that Olmedo proposed, and was with 
 difficulty restrained from laying violent hands on him and his attendants. 
 He met, however, with a more favourable reception among the followers of 
 Narvaez, to many of whom he delivered letters> either from Cortes or his 
 officers, their ancient friends and companions. Cortes artfully accompanied 
 these with presents of rings, chains of gold, and other trinkets of value, 
 which inspired those needy adventurers with high ideas of the wealth 
 that he had acquired, and with envy of their good fortune who were 
 engaged in his service. Some, from hopes of becoming sharers in those 
 rich spoils, declared for an immediate accommodation with Cortes. Others, 
 from public spirit, lab< ured to prevent a civil war, which, whatever party 
 
AMERICA. 231 
 
 should prevail, must shake, and perhaps subvert the Spanish power in a 
 country where it was so imperfectly established. Narvaez disregarded 
 both, and by a public proclamation denounced Cortes and his adherents 
 rebels and enemies to their country. Cortes, it is probable, was not much 
 surprised at the untractable arrogance of Narvaez ; and after having given 
 such a proof of his own pacific disposition as might justify his recourse to 
 other means, he determined to advance towards an enemy whom he had 
 laboured in vain to appease. 
 
 He left a hundred and fifty men in the capital [May], under the com- 
 mand of Pedro de Alvarado, an officer of distinguished courage, for whom 
 the Mexicans had conceived a singular degree of respect. To the custody 
 of this slender garrison he committed a great city, with all the wealth he 
 had amassed, and, what was of still greater importance, the person of the 
 imprisoned monarch. His utmost art was employed in concealing from 
 Montezuma the real cause of his march. He laboured to persuade him, that 
 the strangers who had lately arrived were his friends and fellow-subjects ; 
 and that, after a short interview with them, they would depart together, and 
 return to their own country. The captive prince, unable to comprehend 
 the designs of the Spaniard, or to reconcile what he now heard with the 
 declarations of Narvaez,, and afraid to discover any symptom of suspicion or 
 distrust of Cortes, promised to remain quietly in the Spanish quarters, and to 
 cultivate the same friendship with Alvarado which he had uniformly main- 
 tained with him Cortes, with seeming confidence in this promise, but 
 relying principally upon the injunctions which he had given Alvarado to 
 guard his prisoner with the most scrupulous vigilance, set out from Mexico. 
 
 His strength, even after it was reinforced by the junction of Sandoval and 
 the garrison of Vera Cruz, did not exceed two hundred and fifty men. As 
 he hoped for success chiefly from the rapidity of his motions, his troops 
 were not encumbered either with baggage or artillery. But as he dreaded 
 extremely the impression which the enemy might make with their cavalry, 
 he had provided against this danger with the foresight and sagacity which 
 distinguish a great commander. Having observed that the Indians in the 
 province of Chinantla used spears of extraordinary length and force, he 
 armed his soldiers with these, and accustomed them to that deep and com- 
 pact arrangement which the use of this formidable weapon, the best per- 
 haps that was ever invented for defence, enabled them to assume. 
 
 With this small but firm battalion, Cortes advanced towards Zempoalla, 
 of which Narvaez had taken possession. During his march, he made 
 repeated attempts towards some accommodation with his opponent. But 
 Narvaez requiring that Cortes and his followers should instantly recognise 
 his title to be governor of New Spain, in virtue of the powers which he 
 derived from Velasquez ; and Cortes refusing to submit to any authority 
 which was not founded on a commission from the Emperor himself, under 
 whose immediate protection he and his adherents had placed their infant 
 colony ; all these attempts proved fruitless. The intercourse, however, 
 which this occasioned between the two parties, proved of no small advan- 
 tage to Cortes, as it afforded him an opportunity of gaining some of Nai- 
 raez's officers by liberal presents, of softening others by a semblance cf 
 moderation, and of dazzling all by the appearance of wealth among his 
 troops, most of his soldiers having converted their share of the Mexican gold 
 into chains, bracelets, and other ornaments, which they displayed with 
 military ostentation. Narvaez and a little junto of his creatures excepted, 
 all the army leaned towards an accommodation with their countrymen. 
 This discovery of their inclination irritated his violent temper almost to 
 madness. In a transport of rage, he set a price upon the head of Cortes, 
 and of his principal officers ; and having learned that he was now advanced 
 within a league of Zempoalla with his small body of men, he considered 
 
232 HISTORY OF [BooKV. 
 
 this as an insult which merited immediate chastisement, and marched out 
 with all his troops to offer him battle. 
 
 But Cortes was a leader of greater abilities and experience than, on equal 
 ground, to fight an enemy so far superior in number, and so much better 
 appointed. Having taken his station on the opposite bank of the river de 
 Canoas, where he knew that he could not be attacked, he beheld the ap- 
 proach of the enemy without concern, and disregarded this vain bravade. 
 it was then the beginning of the wet season,* and the rain had poured down, 
 during a great part of the day, with a violence peculiar to the torrid zone. 
 The followers of Narvaez, unaccustomed to the hardships of military service, 
 murmured so much at being thus fruitlessly exposed, that, from their unsol- 
 dierlike impatience, as well as his own contempt of his adversary, their 
 general permitted them to retire to Zempoalla. The very circumstance 
 which induced them to quit the field, encouraged Cortes to form a scheme 
 by which he hoped at once to terminate the war. He observed that his 
 hardy veterans, though standing under the torrents which continued to fall, 
 without a single tent or any shelter whatsoever to cover them, were so far 
 from repining at hardships which were become familiar to them, that they 
 were still fresh and alert for service. He foresaw that the enemy would 
 naturally give themselves up to repose after their fatigue, and that, judging 
 of the conduct of others by their own effeminacy, they would deem them- 
 selves perfectly secure at a season so unfit for action. He resolved, there- 
 fore, to fall upon them in the dead of night, when the surprise and terror of 
 this unexpected attack might more than compensate the inferiority of his 
 numbers. His soldiers, sensible that no resource remained but in some des- 
 perate effort of courage, approved of the measure with such warmth, that 
 Cortes, in a military oration which he addressed to them before they began 
 their march, was more solicitous to temper than to inflame their ardour, 
 He divided them into three parties. At the head of the first he placed 
 Sandoval ; intrusting this gallant officer with the most dangerous and impor- 
 tant service, that of seizing the enemy's artillery, which was planted before 
 the principal tower of the temple where Narvaez had fixed his head-quar- 
 ters. Christoval de Olid commanded the second, with orders to assault 
 the tower, and lay hold on the general. Cortes himself conducted the third 
 and smallest division, which was to act as a body of reserve, and to support 
 the other two as there should be occasion. Having passed the river de 
 Canoas, which was much swelled with the rains, not without difficulty, the 
 water reaching almost to their chins, they advanced in profound silence, 
 without beat of drum, or sound of any warlike instrument ; each man 
 armed with his sword, his dagger, and his Chinantlan spear. Narvaez, 
 remiss in proportion to his security, had posted only two sentinels to watch 
 the motions of an enemy whom he had such good cause to dread. One of 
 these was seized by the advanced guard of Cortes's troops ; the other 
 made his escape, and, hurrying to the town with all the precipitation of fear 
 and zeal, gave such timely notice of the enemy's approach, that there was 
 full leisure to have prepared for their reception. But, through the arro- 
 gance and infatuation of Narvaez, this important interval was lost. He 
 imputed this alarm to the cowardice of the sentinel, and treated with 
 derision the idea of being attacked by forces so unequal to his own. The 
 shouts of Cortes's soldiers, rushing on to the assault, convinced him at last 
 that the danger which he despised was real. The rapidity with which 
 they advanced was such that only one cannon could be fired before Sando- 
 val s party closed with the enemy, drove them from their guns, and began 
 to force their way up the steps of the tower. Narvaez, no less brave in 
 action than presumptuous in conduct, armed himself in haste, and by his 
 
 Hakluyt, vol. iii. 467. De Laet Descr. Ind. Occid. 221. 
 
AMERICA. 233 
 
 voice and example animated his men to the combat. Olid advanced to 
 sustain his companions ; and Cortes himself rushing to the front, conducted 
 and added new vigour to the attack. The compact order in which this 
 small body pressed on, and the impenetrable front which they presented 
 with their long spears, bore down all opposition before it. They had now 
 reached the gate, and were struggling to burst it open, -when a soldier 
 having set fire to the reeds with which the tower was covered, compelled 
 Narvaez to sally out. In the first encounter he was wounded in the eye 
 with the spear, and, falling to the ground, was dragged down the steps, and 
 in a moment clapped in letters. The cry of victory resounded among the 
 troops of Cortes. Those who had sallied out with their leader now main- 
 tained the conflict feebly, and began to surrender. Among the remainder 
 of his soldiers, stationed in two smaller towers of the temple, terror and 
 confusion prevailed. The darkness was so great, that they could not dis- 
 tinguish between their friends and foes. Their own artillery was pointed 
 against them. Wherever they turned their eyes, they beheld lights gleam- 
 ing through the obscurity of the night, which, though proceeding only from 
 a variety of shining insects that abound in moist and siiltry climates, their 
 affrighted imaginations represented as numerous bands of musketeers ad- 
 vancing with kindled matches to the attack. After a short resistance, the 
 soldiers compelled their officers to capitulate, and before morning all laid 
 down their arms, and submitted quietly to their conquerors. 
 
 This complete victory proved more acceptable, as it was gained almost 
 without bloodshed, only two soldiers being killed on the side of Cortes, and 
 two officers, with fifteen private men of the adverse faction. Cortes treated 
 the vanquished not like enemies, but as countrymen and friends, and offered 
 either to send them back directly to Cuba, or to take them into his service, 
 as partners in his fortune, on equal terms with his own soldiers. This 
 latter proposition, seconded by a seasonable distribution of some presents 
 from Cortes, and liberal promises of more, opened prospects so agreeable to 
 the romantic expectations which had invited them to engage in this service, 
 that all, a few partisans of Narvaez excepted, closed with it, and vied with 
 each other in professions of fidelity and attachment to a general, whose 
 recent success had given them such a striking proof of his abilities for com- 
 mand. Thus, by a series of events no less fortunate than uncommon, Cortes 
 not only escaped from perdition which seemed inevitable, but, when he 
 had least reason to expect it, was placed at the head of a thousand 
 Spaniards, ready to follow wherever he should lead them. Whoever 
 reflects upon the facility with which this victory was obtained, or considers 
 with what sudden and unanimous transition the followers of Narvaez ranged 
 themselves under the standard of his rival, will be apt to ascribe both 
 events as much to the intrigues as to the arms of Cortes, and cannot but 
 suspect that the ruin of Narvaez was occasioned no less by the treachery 
 of his own followers, than by the valour of the enemy.* 
 
 But in one point the prudent conduct and good fortune of Cortes were 
 equally conspicuous. It, by the rapidity of his operations after he began 
 his march, he had not brought matters to such a speedy issue, even this 
 decisive victory would have come too late to have saved his companions 
 whom he left in Mexico. A few days after the discomfiture of Narvaez, 
 a courier arrived with an account that the Mexicans had taken arms, and, 
 having seized and destroyed the two brigantines which Cortes had built 
 in order to secure the command of the lake, and attacked the Spaniards 
 in their quarters, had killed several of them, and wounded more, had 
 reduced to ashes their magazine of provisions, and carried on hostilities 
 with such fury, that though Alvarado and his men defended themselves 
 
 * Cortes Relat. 242. D. B. Diaz, c. 110-125 Herrera, dec, 2, lib. ix. c. 18, Sec. Gomara Cron. 
 c. 97, &c. 
 
 VOL. I. 30 12 
 
234 HISTORY OF [BOOK V. 
 
 with undaunted resolution, they must either be soon cut off by famine, or 
 sink under the multitude of their enemies. This revolt was excited by 
 motives which rendered it still more alarming. On the departure of 
 Cortes for Zempoalla, the Mexicans flattered themselves, that the long- 
 expected opportunity of restoring their sovereign to liberty, and of vindi- 
 cating their country from the odious dominion of strangers, was at length 
 arrived ; that while the forces of their oppressors were divided, and the 
 arms of one party turned against the other, they might triumph with 
 greater facility over both. Consultations were held, and schemes formed 
 with this intention. The Spaniards in Mexico, conscious of their own 
 feebleness, suspected and dreaded those machinations. Alvarado, though 
 a gallant officer, possessed neither that extent of capacity nor dignity of 
 manners, by which Cortes had acquired such an ascendant over the minds 
 of the Mexicans, as hever allowed them to form a just estimate of his 
 weakness or of their own strength. Alvarado knew no mode of supporting 
 his authority but force. Instead of employing address to disconcert the 
 plans or to soothe the spirits of the Mexicans, he waited the return of 
 one of their solemn festivals. When the principal persons in the .empire 
 were dancing, according to custom, in the court of the great temple, he 
 seized all the avenues which led to it ; and allured partly by the rich 
 ornaments which they wore in honour of their gods, and partly by the 
 facility of cutting off at once the authors of that conspiracy which he 
 dreaded, he fell upon them, unarmed and unsuspicious of any danger, and 
 massacred a great number, none escaping but such as made their way over 
 the battlements of the temple. An action so cruel and treacherous filled 
 not only the city, but the whole empire with indignation and rage. All 
 called aloud for vengeance ; and regardless of the safety of their monarch, 
 whose life was at me mercy of the Spaniards, or of tneir own danger in 
 assaulting an enemy who had been so long the object of their terror, they 
 committed all those acts of violence of which Cortes received an account. 
 
 To him the danger appeared so imminent as to admit neither of de- 
 liberation nor delay^. He set out instantly with all his forces, and returned 
 from Zempoalla with no less rapidity than he had advanced thither. At 
 Tlascala he was joined by two thousand chosen warriors. On entering 
 the Mexican territories, he found that disaffection to the Spaniards was 
 not confined to the capital. The principal inhabitants had deserted the 
 towns through which he passed ; no person of note appearing to meet him 
 with the usual respect ; no provision was made for the subsistence of his 
 troops ; and though he was permitted to advance without opposition, the 
 solitude .and silence which reigned in every place, and the horror with 
 which the people avoided all intercourse with him, discovered a deep- 
 rooted antipathy that excited the most just alarm. But implacable as the 
 enmity of the Mexicans was, they were so unacquainted with the science 
 of war, that they knew not how to take the proper measures either for their 
 own safety or the destruction of the Spaniards. Uninstructed by their 
 former error in admitting a formidable enemy into their capital, instead of 
 breaking down the causeways and bridges, by which they might have 
 enclosed Alvarado and his party, and have effectually stopped the career 
 of Cortes, they again suffered him to march into the city [June 24] without 
 molestation, and to take quiet possession of his ancient station. 
 
 The transports of joy with which Alvarado and his soldiers received 
 their companions cannot be expressed. Both parties were so much elated, 
 the one with their seasonable deliverance, and the other with the great 
 exploits which they had achieved, that this intoxication of success seems 
 to have reached Cortes himself; and he behaved on this occasion neither 
 with his usual sagacity nor attention. He not only neglected to visit 
 Montezuma, but embittered the insult by expressions full of contempt for 
 that unfortunate prince and his people. The forces of which he had now 
 
AMERICA. 235 
 
 the command appeared to him so irresistible that he might assume a 
 higher tone, and lay aside the mask of moderation under which he had 
 hitherto concealed his designs. Some Mexicans, who understood the 
 Spanish language, heard the contemptuous words which Cortes uttered, 
 and, reporting them to their countrymen, kindled their rage anew. They 
 were now convinced that the intentions of the general were equally bloody 
 with those of Alvarado, and that his original purpose in visiting their 
 country had not been, as he pretended, to court the alliance of their 
 sovereign, but to attempt the conquest of his dominions. They resumed 
 their arms with the additional fury which this discovery inspired, attacked 
 a considerable body of Spaniards who were marching towards the great 
 square in which the public market was held, and compelled them to retire 
 with some loss. Emboldened by this success, and delighted to find that 
 their oppressors were not invincible, they advanced the next day with extra- 
 ordinary martial pomp to assault the Spaniards in their quarters. Their 
 number was formidable, and their undaunted courage still more so. Though 
 the artillery pointed against their numerous battalions, crowded together 
 in narrow streets, swept off multitudes at every discharge ; though every 
 blow of the Spanish weapons fell with mortal effect upori their naked 
 bodies, the impetuosity of the assault did not abate. Fresh men rushed 
 forward to occupy the places of the slain, and, meeting with, the same 
 fate, were succeeded by others no less intrepid and eager for vengeance 
 The utmost efforts of Cortes's abilities and experience, seconded by the 
 disciplined valour of his troops, were hardly sufficient to defend the forti- 
 fications that surrounded the post where the Spaniards were stationed, into 
 which the enemy were more than once on the point of forcing their way. 
 
 Cortes beheld with wonder the implacable ferocity of a people who 
 seemed at first to submit tamely to the yoke, and had continued so long 
 passive under it. The 'soldiers of Narvaez, who fondly imagined that 
 they followed Cortes to share in the spoils of a conquered empire, were 
 astonished to find that they were involved in a dangerous war with an 
 enemy whose vigour was still unbroken, and loudly execrated their own 
 weakness in giving such easy credit to the delusive promises of their new 
 leader.* But surprise and complaints were of no avail. Some immediate and 
 extraordinary effort was requisite to extricate themselves out of their present 
 situation. As soon as the approach of evening induced the Mexicans to 
 retire in compliance with their national custom of ceasing from hostilities 
 with the setting sun, Cortes began to prepare for a sally, next day, with 
 such a considerable force as might either drive the enemy but of the city, 
 or compel them to listen to terms of accommodation. 
 
 He conducted in person the troops destined for this important service. 
 Every invention known in the European art of war, as well as every pre- 
 caution suggested by his long acquaintance with the Indian mode of fight- 
 ing were employed to ensure success. But he found an enemy prepared 
 and determined to oppose him. The force of the Mexicans was greatly 
 augmented by fresh troops, which poured in continually from the country, 
 and their animosity was in no degree abated. They were led by their 
 nobles, inflamed by the exhortations of their priests, and fought in defence 
 of their temples and families, under the eye of their gods, and in presence of 
 their wives and children. Notwithstanding their numbers, and enthusiastic 
 contempt of danger and death, wherever the Spaniards could close with 
 them, the superiority of their discipline and arms obliged the Mexicans to 
 give way. But in narrow streets, and where many of the bridges of com- 
 munication were broken down, the Spaniards could seldom come to a fair 
 rencounter with the enemy, and, as they advanced, were exposed to 
 showers of arrows and stones from the tops of houses. After a day of 
 
 * B. Diaz, c. 126. 
 
236 HISTORY OF [BooxV. 
 
 incessant exertion, though vast numbers of the Mexicans fell, and part of 
 the city was burnt, the Spaniards weary with the slaughter, and harassed 
 by multitudes which successively relieved each other, were obliged at 
 length to retire, with the mortification of having accomplished nothing so 
 decisive as to compensate the unusual calamity of having twelve soldiers 
 killed, and above sixty wounded. Another sally, made with greater force, 
 was not more effectual, and in it the general himself was wounded in the 
 hand. 
 
 Cortes now perceived, too late, the fatal error into which he had been 
 betrayed by his own contempt of the Mexicans, and was satisfied that he 
 could neither maintain his present station in the centre of a hostile city, 
 nor retire from it without the most imminent danger. One resource still 
 remained, to try what effect the interposition of Montezuma might have 
 to soothe or overawe his subjects. When the Mexicans approached next 
 morning to renew the assault, that unfortunate prince, at the mercy of the 
 Spaniards, and reduced to the sad necessity of becoming the instrument of 
 his own disgrace, and of the slavery of his people [117], advanced to the 
 battlements in his royal robes, and with all the pomp in which he used to 
 appear on solemn occasions. At sight of their sovereign, whom they had 
 long been accustomed to honour, and almost to revere as a god, the weapons 
 dropped from their hands, every tongue was silent, all bowed theii heads, 
 and many prostrated themselves on the ground. Montezuma addressed 
 them with every argument that could mitigate their rage, or persuade them 
 to cease from hostilities. When he ended his discourse, a sullen murmur 
 of disapprobation ran through the ranks ; to this succeeded reproaches and 
 threats ; and the fury of the multitude rising in a moment above every 
 restraint of decency or respect, flights of arrows and volleys of stones 
 poured in so violently upon the ramparts, that before the Spanish soldiers, 
 appointed to cover Montezuma with their bucklers, had time to lift them 
 in his defence, two arrows wounded the unhappy monarch, and the blow 
 of a stone on his temple struck him to the ground. On seeing him fall, the 
 Mexicans were so much astonished, that with a transition not uncommon 
 in popular tumults, they passed in a moment from one extreme to the other, 
 remorse succeeded to insult, and they fled with horror, as if the vengeance 
 of heaven were pursuing the crime which they committed. The Spaniards 
 without molestation carried Montezuma to his apartments, and Cortes hast- 
 ened thither to console him under his misfortune. But the unhappy 
 monarch now perceived how low he was sunk ; and the haughty spirit 
 which seemed to have been so long extinct, returning, he scorned to survive 
 this last humiliation, and to protract an ignominious life, not only as the 
 prisoner and tool of his enemies, but as the object of contempt or detesta- 
 tion among his subjects. In a transport of rage he tore the bandages from 
 his wounds, and refused, with such obstinacy, to take any nourishment, that 
 be soon ended his wretched days, rejecting with disdain all the solicitations 
 of the 'Spaniards to embrace the Christian faith. 
 
 Upon the death of Montezuma, Cortes, having lost all hope of bringing 
 the Mexicans to an accommodation, saw no prospect of safety but in at- 
 tempting a retreat, and began to prepare for it. But a sudden motion ol 
 the Mexicans engaged him in new conflicts. They took possession of a 
 high tower in the great temple which overlooked the Spanish quarters, 
 and placing there a garrison of their principal warriors, not a Spaniard 
 could stir without being exposed to their missile weapons. From this post 
 it was necessary to dislodge them at any risk ; and Juan de Escobar, with 
 a numerous detachment of chosen soldiers, was ordered to make the attack. 
 But Escobar, though a gallant officer, and at the head of troops accustomed 
 to conquer, and wno now fought under the eyes of their countrymen, was 
 thrice repulsed. Cortes, sensible that not only the reputation but the safety 
 
AMERICA. 237 
 
 of his army depended on the success of this assault, ordered a buckler to 
 be tied to his arm, as he could not manage it with his wounded hand, and 
 rushed with his drawn sword into the thickest of the combatants. Encou- 
 raged by the presence of their general, the Spaniards returned to the charge 
 with such vigour, that they gradually forced their way up the steps, and 
 drove the Mexicans to the platform at. the top of the tower. There a 
 dreadful carnage began ; when two young Mexicans of high rank, observing 
 Cortes as he animated his soldiers by his voice and example, resolved to 
 sacrifice their own lives in order to cut off the author of all the calamities 
 which desolated their country. They approached him in a suppliant pos- 
 ture, as if they had intended to lay down their arms, and seizing him in a 
 moment, hurried him towards the battlements, over which they threw 
 themselves headlong, in hopes of dragging him along to be dashed in pieces 
 by the same fall. But Cortes, by his strength and agility, broke loose from 
 their grasp, and the gallant youths perished in this generous though unsuc- 
 cessful attempt to save their country.* As soon as the Spaniards became 
 masters of the tower, they set fire to it, and, without farther molestation, 
 continued the preparations for their retreat. 
 
 This became the more necessary, as the Mexicans were so much asto- 
 nished at the last effort of the Spanish valour, that they began to change 
 their whole system of hostility, and, instead of incessant attacks, endea- 
 voured, by barricading the streets and breaking down the causeways, to 
 cut off the communication of the Spaniards with the continent, and thus to 
 starve an enemy whom they could not subdue. The first point to be de- 
 termined by Cortes and his followers, was, whether they should march out 
 openly in the face of day, when they could discern every danger, and see 
 how to regulate their own motions, as well as how to resist the assaults of 
 the enemy ; or, whether they should endeavour to retire secretly in the 
 night ? The latter was preferred, partly from hopes that their national 
 superstition would restrain the Mexicans from venturing to attack them in 
 the night, and partly from their own fond belief in the predictions of a 
 private soldier, who having acquired universal credit by a smattering of 
 learning, and his pretensions to astrology, boldly assured his countrymen of 
 success, if they made their retreat in this manner. They began to move, 
 towards midnight, in three divisions. Sandoval led the van ; Pedro Alva- 
 rado and Velasquez de Leon had the conduct of the rear ; and Cortes com 
 manded in the centre, where he placed the prisoners, among whom were 
 a son and two daughters of Montezuma, together with several Mexicans of 
 distinction, the artillery, the baggage, and a portable bridge of timber in- 
 tended to be laid over the breaches in the causeway. They marched in 
 profound silence along the causeway which led to Tacuba, because it was 
 shorter than any of the rest, and, lying most remote from the road tpwards 
 Tlascala and the sea-coast, had been left more entire by the Mexicans. 
 They reached the first breach in it without molestation, hoping that their 
 retreat was undiscovered. 
 
 But the Mexicans, unperceived, had not only watched all their motions 
 with attention, but had made proper dispositions for a most formidable 
 attack. While the Spaniards were intent upon placing their bridge in the 
 breach, and occupied in conducting their horses and artillery along it, they 
 were suddenly alarmed with a tremendous sound of warlike instruments, 
 and a general shout from an innumerable multitude of enemies ; the lake 
 was covered with canoes ; flights of arrows and showers of stones poured 
 in upon them from every quarter ; the Mexicans rushing forward to the 
 
 * M. Clavigero has censured me with asperity for relating this gallant action of the two 
 Mexicans, and for supposing that there were battlements round the temple of Mexico. I related 
 the attempt to destroy Cortes on the authority of Her. dec. 2. lib. x. c. 9. and of Torquemado, lib. 
 iv. c. 69, I followed them likewise in supposing the upperra cat platform of the temple to be encom- 
 passed by a battlement or rail. 
 
238 HISTORY OF [BooKV. 
 
 charge with fearless impetuosity, as if they hoped in that moment to be 
 avenged for all their wrongs. Unfortunately the wooden bridge, by the 
 weight of the artillery, was wedged so fast into the stones and mud, that 
 it was impossible to remove it. Dismayed at this accident, the Spaniards 
 advanced with precipitation towards the second breach. The Mexicans 
 hemmed them in on every side ; and though they defended themselves 
 with their usual courage, yet crowded together as they were on a narrow 
 causeway, their discipline and military skill were of little avail, nor did 
 the obscurity of the night permit them to derive great advantage from their 
 fire-arms, or the superiority of their other weapons. All Mexico was now 
 in arms ; and so eager were the people on the destruction of their oppres- 
 sors, that they who were not near enough to annoy them in person, impa- 
 tient of the delay, pressed forward with such ardour as drove on their 
 countrymen in th"e front with irresistible violence. Fresh warriors instantly 
 filled the place of such as fell. The Spaniards, weary with slaughter, and 
 unable to sustain the weight of the torrent that poured in upon them, began 
 to give way. In a moment the confusion was universal ; horse and foot, 
 officers and soldiers, friends and enemies, were mingled together ; and while 
 all fought, and many fell, they could hardly distinguish from what hand 
 the blow came. 
 
 Cortes, with about a hundred foot soldiers and a few horse, forced his 
 way over the two remaining breaches in the causeway, the bodies of the 
 dead serving to fill up the chasms, and reached the main land. Having 
 formed them as soon as they arrived, he returned with such as were yet 
 capable of service to assist his friends in their retreat, and to encourage 
 them, by his presence and example, to persevere in the efforts requisite to 
 effect it. He met- with part of his soldiers who had broke through the 
 enemy, but found many more overwhelmed by the multitude of their aggres- 
 sors, or perishing in the lake ; and heard the piteous lamentations of others, 
 whom the Mexicans, having taken alive, were carrying off in triumph to 
 be sacrificed to the god of war. Before day, all who had escaped assem- 
 bled at Tacuba. But when the morning aawned, and discovered to the 
 view of Cortes his shattered battalion reduced to less than half its num- 
 ber, the survivors dejected, and most of them covered with wounds, the 
 thoughts of what they had suffered, and the remembrance of so many faith- 
 ful friends and gallant followers who had fallen in that night of sorrow,* 
 pierced his soul with such anguish, that while he was forming their ranks, 
 and issuing some necessary orders, his soldiers observed the tears trickling 
 from his eyes, and remarked with much satisfaction, that while attentive to 
 the duties of a general, he was not insensible to the feelings of a man. 
 
 In this fatal retreat many officers of distinction perished [118], and among 
 these Velasquez de Leon, Wrho having forsaken the party of his kinsman, 
 the governor of Cuba, to follow the fortune of his companions, was, on that 
 account, as well as for his superior merit, respected by them as the second 
 person in the army. All the artillery, ammunition, ana baggage, were lost ; 
 the greater part of the horses, and above two thousand Tlascalans, were 
 killed, and only a very small portion of the treasure which they had 
 amassed was saved. This, which had been always their chief object, 
 proved a great cause of their calamity ; for many of the soldiers having so 
 overloaded themselves with bars of gold as rendered them unfit for action, 
 and retarded their flight, fell ignominiously, the victims of their own incon- 
 siderate avarice. Amidst so many disasters, it was some consolation to find 
 that Aguilar and Marina, whose function as interpreters was of such essen- 
 tial importance, had made their escape.t 
 
 The first care of Cortes was to find some shelter for his wearied troops ; 
 
 * Noche Iriste is the name by which it is still distinguished in New Spain. f Cortes Relat. p t 
 848 B. Diaz, c. 128. Gomara Cron. c. 109. Herrera, dec. 2. lib. x. c. 11, 12. 
 
AMERICA 239 
 
 for, as the Mexicans infested them on every side, and the people of Tacuba 
 began to take arms, he could not continue in his present station. He di- 
 rected his march towards the rising* ground, and, having fortunately disco- 
 vered a temple situated on an eminence, took possession of it. There he 
 found not only the shelter for which he wished, but, what was no less 
 wanted, some provisions to refresh his men ; and though the enemy did 
 not intermit their attacks throughout the day, they were with less difficulty 
 prevented from making any impression. During this time Cortes was en- 
 gaged in deep consultation with his officers, concerning the route which 
 they ought to take in their retreat. They were now on the west side of 
 the lake. Tlascala, the only place where they could hope for a friendly 
 reception, lay about sixty- four miles to the east of Mexico ;* so that they 
 were obliged to go round the north end of the lake before they could fall 
 into the road which led thither. A Tlascalan soldier undertook to be their 
 guide, and conducted them through a country in some places marshy, in 
 others mountainous, in all ill cultivated and thinly peopled. They marched 
 for six days with little respite, and under continual alarms, numerous bodies 
 of the Mexicans hovering around them, sometimes harassing them at a dis- 
 tance with their missile weapons, and sometimes attacking them closely in 
 front, in rear, in flank, with great boldness, as they now knew that they 
 were not invincible. Nor were the fatigue and danger of those incessant 
 conflicts the worst evils to which they were exposed. As the barren coun- 
 try through which they passed afforded hardly any provisions, they were 
 reduced to feed on berries, roots, and the stalks of green maize ; and at 
 the very time that famine was depressing their spirits and wasting their 
 strength, their situation required the most vigorous and unremitting exer- 
 tions of courage and- activity. Amidst those complicated distresses, one 
 circumstance supported and animated the Spaniards. Their commander 
 sustained this sad reverse of fortune with unshaken magnanimity. His 
 presence of mind never forsook him ; his sagacity foresaw every event, 
 and his vigilance provided for it. He was foremost in every danger, and 
 endured every hardship with cheerfulness. The difficulties with which 
 he was surrounded seemed to call forth new talents ; and his soldiers, 
 though despairing themselves, continued to follow him with increasing con- 
 fidence in his abilities. 
 
 On the sixth day they arrived near to Otumba, not far from the road 
 between Mexico and Tlascala. Early next morning they began to advance 
 towards it, flying parties of the enemy still hanging on their rear ; and, 
 amidst the insults with which they accompanied their hostilities, Marina 
 remarked that they often exclaimed with exultation, " Go on, robbers ; go 
 to the place where you shall quickly meet the vengeance due to your 
 crimes." The meaning of this threat the Spaniards did not comprehend, 
 until they reached the summit of an eminence before them. There a 
 spacious valley opened to their view, covered with a vast army, extending 
 as far as the eye could reach. The Mexicans, while with one body of 
 their troops they harassed the Spaniards in their retreat, had assembled 
 their principal force on the other side of the lake ; and marching along the 
 road which led directly to Tlascala, posted it in the plain of Otumba, 
 through which they knew Cortes must pass. At the sight of this incredible 
 multitude, which they could survey at once from the rising ground, the 
 Spaniards were astonished, and even the boldest began to despair. But 
 Cortes, without allowing leisure for their fears to acquire strength by reflec- 
 tion, after warning them briefly that no alternative now remained but to 
 conquer or to die, led them instantly to the charge. The Mexicans waited 
 their approach with unusual fortitude. Such, however, was the superiority 
 of the Spanish discipline and arms, that the impression of this small body 
 
 * Villa Segnor Teatro Americanos, lib. ii. o. 11. 
 
240 HISTORY OF [BooxV. 
 
 was irresistible ; and whichever way its force was directed, it penetrated 
 and dispersed the most numerous battalions. But while these gave way 
 in one quarter, new combatants advanced from another, and the Spaniards, 
 though successful in every attack, were ready to sink under those repeated 
 efforts, without seeing any end of their toil, or any hope of victory. At 
 that time Cortes observed the great standard of the empire, which was 
 carried before the Mexican general, advancing ; and fortunately recollecting 
 to have heard, that on the fate of it depended the event of every battle, 
 he assembled a few of his bravest officers, whose horses were still capable 
 of service, and, placing himself at their head, pushed forward towards the 
 standard with an impetuosity which bore down every thing before it. A 
 chosen body of nobles, who guarded the standard, made some resistance, 
 but were soon broken. Cortes, with a stroke of his lance, wounded the 
 Mexican general, and threw him on the ground. One of the Spanish 
 officers, alighting, put an end to his life, and laid hold of the imperial 
 standard. The moment that their leader fell, and the standard, towards 
 which all directed their eyes, disappeared, a universal panic struck the 
 Mexicans ; and, as if the bond which held them together had been dis- 
 solved, every ensign was lowered, each soldier threw away his weapons, 
 and all fled with precipitation to the mountains. The Spaniards unable to 
 pursue them far, returned to collect the spoils of the field, which were so 
 valuable as to be some compensation for the wealth which they had lost in 
 Mexico ; for in the enemy's army were most of their principal warriors 
 dressed out in their richest ornaments as if they had been inarching to 
 assured victory. Next day [July 8], to their great joy, they entered the 
 Tlascalan territories.* 
 
 But amidst their satisfaction in having got beyond the precincts of a 
 hostile country, they could not look forward without solicitude, as they 
 were still uncertain what reception they might meet with from allies to 
 whom they returned in a condition very different from that in which they 
 had lately set out from their dominions. Happily for them, the enmity of 
 the Tlascalans to the Mexican name was so inveterate, their desire to avenge 
 the death of their countrymen .so vehement, and the ascendant which 
 Cortes had acquired over the chiefs of the republic so complete, that, far 
 from entertaining a thought of taking any advantage of the distressed 
 situation in which they beheld the Spaniards, they received them with a 
 tenderness and cordiality which quickly dissipated all their suspicions. 
 
 Some interval of tranquillity and indulgence was now absolutely neces- 
 sary ; not only that the Spaniards might give attention to the cure of their 
 wounds, which had been too long neglected, but in order to recruit theii 
 strength, exhausted by such a long succession of fatigue and hardships. 
 During this, Cortes learned that he and his companions were not the only 
 Spaniards who had felt the effects of the Mexican enmity. A considerable 
 detachment which was marching from Zempoalla towards the capital, had 
 been cut off by the people of Tepeaca. A smaller party, returning from 
 Tlascala to Vera Cruz, with the share of the Mexican gold allotted to the 
 garrison, had been surprised and destroyed in the mountains. At a juncture 
 when the life of every Spaniard was of importance, such losses were deeply 
 felt. The schemes which Cortes was meditating rendered them peculiarly 
 afflictive to him. While his enemies, and even many of his own followers, 
 considered the disasters which had befallen him as fatal to the progress of 
 his arms, and imagined that nothing now remained but speedily to abandon 
 a country which he had invaded with unequal force, his mind, as eminent 
 for perseverance as for enterprise, was still bent on accomplishing his 
 original purpose, of subjecting the Mexican empire to the crown of Castile. 
 Severe and unexpected as the check was which he had received, it did not 
 
 * Cortes Relat. p. 219 B Diaz, c. 128. Gomara Cron. c. 110. Herrera, dec. 2. lib. x. c. 12, 13. 
 
AMERICA. 241 
 
 appear to him a sufficient reason for relinquishing the conquests which he 
 had already made, or against resuming his operations with better hopes of 
 success. The colony at Vera Cruz was not only safe, but had remained 
 unmolested. The people of Zempoalla and the adjacent districts had 
 discovered no symptoms' of defection. The Tlascalans continued faithful 
 to their alliance. On their martial spirit, easily roused to arms, and in- 
 flamed with implacable hatred of the Mexicans, Cortes depended for 
 powerful aid. He had still the command of a body of Spaniards, equal 
 in number to that with which he had opened his way into the centre of the 
 empire, and had taken possession of the capital ; so that with the benefit 
 of greater experience, as well as more perfect knowledge of the country, 
 he did not despair of quickly recovering all that he had been deprived of 
 by untoward events. 
 
 Full of this idea, he courted the Tlascalan chiefe with such attention, 
 and distributed among them so liberally the rich spoils of Otumba, that he 
 was secure of obtaining whatever he snould require of the republic. He 
 drew a small supply of ammunition and two;- or three fieldpieces from his 
 stores at Vera Cruz. He despatched an officer . of confidence with four 
 ships of Narvaez's fleet to Hispaniola and Jamaica, to engage adventurers,' 
 and to purchase horses, gunpowder, and other military stores. As he knew 
 that it would be vain to attempt the reduction of Mexico, unless he could 
 secure the command of the lake, he gave orders to prepare in the mountains 
 of Tlascala, materials for building twelve brigantines, so as they might be 
 carried thither in pieces ready to be put together, and launched when he 
 stood in need of their service.* 
 
 But while, with provident attention, he was taking those necessary steps 
 towards the execution of his measures, an obstacle arose in a quarter where 
 it was least expected, but most formidable. The spirit of discontent and 
 mutiny broke out in his own army. Many of Narvaez's followers were 
 planters rather than soldiers, and had accompanied him to New Spain with 
 sanguine hopes of obtaining settlements, but with little inclination to engage 
 in the hardships and dangers of war. As the same motives had induced 
 them to enter into their new engagements with Cortes, they no sooner 
 became acquainted with the nature of the service, than they bitterly 
 tepenled of their choice. Such of them as had the good fortune to survive 
 the perilous adventures in which their own imprudence had involved them, 
 happy in having made their escape, trembled at the thoughts of being 
 exposed a second time to similar calamities. As soon as they discovered 
 the intention of Cortes, they began secretly to murmur and cabal, and, 
 waxing gradually more audacious, they, in a body, ; offered a remonstrance 
 to their general against the imprudence of attacking a powerful empire 
 with his shattered forces, and formally required him to lead them back 
 directly to Cuba. Though Cortes, long practised in the arts of command, 
 employed arguments, entreaties, and presents to convince or to soothe them ; 
 though his own soldiers, animated with the spirit of their leader, warmly 
 seconded his endeavours ; he found their fears too violent and deep rooted 
 to be removed, and the utmost he could effect was to prevail with them 
 to defer their departure for some time, on a promise that he would, at a 
 more proper juncture, dismiss such as should desire it. 
 
 That the maleconterits might have no leisure to brood over the causes of 
 their disaffection, he resolved instantly to call forth his troops into action. 
 He proposed to chastise the people of Tepeaca for the outrage which they 
 had committed ; and as the detachment which they had cut off happened 
 to be composed mostly of soldiers who had served under Narvaez, their 
 companions, from the desire of vengeance, engaged the more willingly in 
 this war. He took the command in person, [August] accompanied by a 
 
 * Cortes Relat. p. 253. E. Gomara Cron. c 117. 
 
 VOL. !. 31 
 
242 HISTORY OF [BooicV, 
 
 numerous body of Tlascalans, and in the space of a few weeks, after rarioof 
 encounters, with great slaughter of the Tepeacans, reduced that province 
 to subjection. During several months, while he waited for the supplies of 
 men and ammunition which he expected, and was carrying on his prepara- 
 tions for constructing the brigantines, he kept his troops constantly em- 
 ployed in various expeditions against the adjacent provinces, all of which 
 were conducted with a uniform tenour of success. By these, bis men 
 became again accustomed to victory, and resumed their wonted sense of 
 superiority ; the Mexican power was weakened ; the Tlascalan warriors 
 acquired the habit of acting in conjunction w r ith the Spaniards ; and the 
 chiefs of the republic delighted to see their country enriched with the 
 spoils of all the people around them ; and astonished every day with fresh 
 discoveries of the irresistible prowess of their allies, they declined no effort 
 requisite to support them. 
 
 All those preparatory arrangements, however, though the most prudent 
 and efficacious which the situation of Cortes allowed him to make, would 
 have been of little avail without a reinforcement of Spanish soldiers. Of 
 this he was so deeply sensible, that it was the chief object of his thoughts 
 and wishes ; and yet his only prospect of obtaining it from the return of 
 the officer whom he had sent to the isles to solicit aid, was both distant and 
 uncertain. But what neither his own sagacity nor power could have pro- 
 cured, he owed to a series, of fortunate and unforeseen incidents. The 
 governor of Cuba, to whom the success of Narvaez appeared an event of 
 infallible certainty, having sent two small ships after him with new instruc 
 tions, and a supply of men and military stores, the officer whom Cortes had 
 appointed to command on the coast, artfully decoyed them into the harbour 
 of Vera Cruz, seized the vessels, and easily persuaded the soldiers to fol- 
 low the standard of a more able leader than him whom they were destined 
 to join.* Soon after, three ships of more considerable force came into the 
 harbour separately. These belonged to an armament fitted out by Fran- 
 cisco de Garay, governor of Jamaica, who, being possessed with me rage 
 of discovery and conquest which animated every Spaniard settled in 
 America, had long aimed at intruding into some district of New Spain, and 
 dividing with Cortes the glory and gain of annexing that empire to the 
 crown of Castile. They unadvisedly made their attempt on the northern 
 provinces, where the country was poor, and the people nerce and warlike ; 
 and after a cruel succession of disasters, famine compelled them to venture 
 into Vera Cruz, and cast themselves upon the mercy of their countrymen 
 [Oct. 28]. Their fidelity was not proof against the splendid hopes and 
 promises which had seduced other adventurers ; and, as if the spirit of 
 revolt had been contagious in New Spain, they likewise abandoned the 
 master whom they were bound to serve, and enlisted under Cortes.f Nor 
 was it America alone that furnished such unexpected aid ; a ship arrived 
 from Spain, freighted by some private merchants with military stores, in 
 hopes of a profitable market in a country, the fame of whose opulence 
 began to spread over Europe. Cortes eagerly purchased a cargo which to 
 him was invaluable, and the crew, following the general example, joined 
 him at Tlascala.J 
 
 From those various quarters, the army of Cortes was augmented with a 
 hundred and eighty men, and twenty horses, a reinforcement too incon- 
 siderable to produce any consequence which would have entitled it to 
 have been mentioned in the history of other parts of the globe. But in that 
 of America, where great revolutions Were brought about by causes which 
 seemed to bear no proportion to their effects, such small events rise into im- 
 portance, because they were sufficient to decide with respect to the fate of 
 
 *B.Dia7,c. 13 J. t Cortes Relat. 253. F. B. Diaz, c. 183. | Cortes Relat. 253. F. B. 
 Diaz, c. l:J. 
 
 
AMERICA. 243 
 
 kingdoms. Nor is it the least remarkable instance of the singular felicity 
 conspicuous in many passages of Cortes's story, that the two persons chiefly 
 instrumental in furnishing him with those seasonable supplies, should be an 
 avowed enemy who aimed at his destruction, and an envious rival who 
 wished to supplant him. 
 
 The first effect of the junction with his new followers was to enable him 
 to dismiss such of Narvaez's soldiers as remained with reluctance in his 
 service. After their departure, he still mustered five hundred and fifty 
 infantry, of which fourscore were armed with muskets or crossbows, forty- 
 horsemen, and a train of nine field-pieces.* At the head of these, accom- 
 panied by ten thousand Tlascalans and other friendly Indians, Cortes began 
 his march towards Mexico, on the twenty-eighth of December, six months 
 after his disastrous retreat from that city.f 
 
 Nor did he advance to attack an enemy unprepared to receive him. 
 Upon the death of Montezuma, the Mexican chiefs, in whom the right of 
 electing the emperor was vested, had instantly raised his brother Quetla- 
 vaca to the throne. His avowed and inveterate enmity to the Spaniards 
 would have been sufficient to gain their suffrages, although he had been less 
 distinguished for courage and capacity. He bad an immediate opportunity 
 of showing that he was worthy ot their choice, by conducting in person those 
 fierce attacks which compelled the Spaniards to abandon his capital ; and 
 as soon as their retreat afforded him any respite from action, he took 
 measures for preventing their return to Mexico, with prudence equal to the 
 spirit which he had displayed in driving them out of it. As from the 
 vicinity of Tlascala, he could not be unacquainted with the motions and 
 intentions of Cortes, he observed the storm that was gathering, and began 
 early to provide against it. He repaired what the Spaniards had ruined 
 in the city, and strengthened it with such new fortifications as the skill of 
 his subjects was capable of erecting. Besides filling his magazines with 
 the usual weapons of war, he gave directions to make long spears headed 
 with the swords and daggers taken from the Spaniards, in order to annoy 
 the cavalry. He summoned the people in every province of the empire to 
 take arms against their oppressors, and as an encouragement to exert them- 
 selves with vigour, he promised them exemption from all the taxes which 
 his predecessors had imposed.J But what he laboured with the greatest 
 earnestness was, to deprive the Spaniards of the advantages which they 
 derived from the friendship of the Tlascalans, by endeavouring to persuade 
 that people to renounce all connexion with men who were not only avowed 
 enemies of the gods whom they worshipped, but who would not fail to 
 subject them at last to the same yoke which they were now inconsiderately 
 lending their aid to impose upon others. These representations, no less 
 striking than well founded, were urged so forcibly by his ambassadors, that 
 it required all the address of Cortes to prevent their making a dangerous 
 impression. 
 
 But while Quetlavaca was arranging his plan of defence, with a degree 
 of foresight uncommon in an American, his days were cut short by the 
 ,small-pox. This distemper, which raged at that time in New Spain with 
 fatal malignity, was unknown in that quarter of the globe until it was 
 introduced by the Europeans, and may be reckoned among the greatest 
 calamities brought upon them by their invaders. In his stead the Mexicans 
 raised to the throne Guatimozin, nephew and son-in-law of Montezuma, a 
 young man of such high reputation for abilities and valour, that in this 
 dangerous crisis, his countrymen, with one voice, called him to the suprenr.e 
 command. || 
 
 * Cortes Relat. 255. E. t Relat. 256. A. B. Diaz, c. 137. i Cortes Relat. p. 253. E. 
 
 254. A. B. Diaz, c. HO. B. Diaz, c. 129. Herrera, dec. 2. lib. x. c. 14. 19. || B. Diaz, 
 
 c. 130 
 
244 HISTORY OF [BooKV. 
 
 1521.] As soon as Cortes entered the enemies territories, he discovered 
 various preparations to obstruct his progress. But his troops forced their 
 way with little difficulty, and took possession of Tezeuco, the second city 
 of the empire, situated on the banks of the lake about twenty miles from 
 Mexico.* Here he determined to establish his head-quarters, as the most 
 proper station for launching his brigantines, as well as for making his ap- 
 proaches to the capital. In order to render his residence there more secure, 
 he deposed the cazique, or chief, who was at the head of that community, 
 under pretext of some defect in his title, and substituted in his place a per- 
 son whom a faction of the nobles pointed out as the ri^ht heir of that dig- 
 nity. Attached to him by this benefit, the cazique and his adherents served 
 the Spaniards with inviolable fidelity.! 
 
 As the preparations for constructing the brigantines advanced slowly 
 under the unskilful hands of soldiers and Indians, whom Cortes was obliged 
 to employ in assisting three or four carpenters who happened fortunately to 
 be in his service ; and as he had not yet received the reinforcement, which 
 he expected from Hispaniola, he was not in a condition to turn his arms 
 directly against the capital. To have attacked at this period, a city so 
 populous, so well prepared for defence, and in a situation of such peculiar 
 strength, must have exposed his troops to inevitable destruction. Three 
 months elapsed before the materials for the brigantines were finished, and 
 before he heard any thing with respect to the success of the officer whom 
 he had sent to Hispaniola. This, however, was not a season of inaction to 
 Cortes. He attacked successively several of the towns situated around the 
 lake ; and though all the Mexican power was exerted to obstruct his 
 operations, he either compelled them to submit to the Spanish crown, or 
 reduced them to ruins. The inhabitants of other towns he endeavoured 
 to conciliate by more gentle means; and though he could not hold any 
 intercourse with them but by the intervention of interpreters, yet, under 
 all the disadvantages of that tedious and imp.erfect mode of communication 
 he had acquired such thorough knowledge of the state of the country, as 
 well as of the dispositions of the people, mat he conducted his negotiations 
 and intrigues with astonishing dexterity and success. Most of the cities 
 adjacent to Mexico were originally the capitals of small independent states ; 
 and some of them having been but lately annexed to the Mexican empire, 
 still retained the remembrance of their ancient liberty, and bore with im- 
 patience the rigorous yoke of their new masters. Cortes, having early 
 observed symptoms of their disaffection, availed himself of this knowledge 
 to gain their confidence and friendship. By offering with confidence to 
 deliver them from the odious dominion of the Mexicans, and by liberal 
 promises of more indulgent treatment if they would unite with him against 
 their oppressors, he prevailed on the people of several considerable dis- 
 tricts, not only to acknowledge the King of Castile as their sovereign, but 
 to supply the Spanish camp with provisions, and to strengthen his army 
 with auxiliary troops. Guatimozin, on the first appearance of defection 
 among his subjects, exerted himself with vigour to prevent or to punish their 
 revolt ; but, in spite of his efforts, the spirit continued to spread. The 
 Spaniards gradually acquired new allies, and with deep concern he beheld 
 Cortes arming against his empire those very hands which ought to have 
 been active in its defence, and ready to advance against the capital at the 
 head of a numerous body of his own subjects. J 
 
 While, by those various methods, Cortes was gradually circumscribing 
 the Mexican power in such a manner that his prospect of overturning it 
 seemed neither to be uncertain nor remote, all his schemes were well nigh 
 
 * Villa Senor Theatre Americano, i. 156. t Cortes Relat. 256, &c. B. Diaz, c. 137. Go- 
 
 mara Cron. c. 131. Herrera, dec. 3. c. 1. J Cortes Relat. 256260. B. Diaz, c, 137140 
 
 Gomara Cron. c. 102, 123. Herrera, dec. 3. lib. i. c. 1, 2. 
 
AMERICA. 245 
 
 defeated by a conspiracy no less unexpected than dangerous. The soldiers 
 of Karvaez had never united perfectly with the original companions of 
 Cortes, nor did they enter into his measures with the same cordial zeal. 
 Upon every occasion that required any extraordinary effort of courage or 
 01 patience, their spirits were apt to sink ; and now, on a near view of 
 what they had to encounter, in attempting to reduce a city so inaccessible 
 as Mexico, and defended by a numerous army, the resolution even of those 
 among them who had adhered to Cortes when he was deserted by their 
 associates, began to fail. Their fears led them to presumptuous and un- 
 soldierlike discussions concerning the propriety of their general's measures, 
 and the improbability of their success. From these they proceeded to 
 censure and invectives, and at last began to deliberate how they might 
 provide for their own safety, of which they deemed their commander to 
 be totally negligent. Antonio Villefagna, a private soldier, but bold, in- 
 triguing, and strongly attached to Velasquez, artfully fomented this growing 
 spirit of disaffection. His quarters became the rendezvous of the male- 
 contents, where, after many consultations, they could discover no method 
 of checking Cortes in his career, but by assassinating him and his most 
 considerable officers, and conferring the command upon some person who 
 would relinquish his wild plans, and adopt measures more consistent with 
 the general security. Despair inspired them with courage. The hour 
 for perpetrating the crime, the persons whom they destined as victims, 
 the officers to succeed them in command, were all named : and the con- 
 spirators signed an association, by which tney bound themselves with 
 most solemn oaths to mutual fidelity. But on the evening before the ap- 
 pointed day, one of Cortes's ancient followers, who had been seduced into 
 the conspiracy, touched with compunction at the imminent danger of a 
 man whom he had long been accustomed to revere, or struck with horror 
 at his own treachery, went privately to his general, and revealed to him 
 all that he knew. Cortes, though deeply alarmed, discerned at once what 
 conduct was proper in a situation so critical. He repaired instantly to 
 Villefagna's quarters, accompanied by some of his most trusty officers. 
 The astonishment and confusion of the man at this unexpected visit anti- 
 cipated the confession of his guilt. Cortes, while his attendants seized 
 the traitor, snatched from his bosom a paper, containing the association, 
 signed by the conspirators. Impatient to know how far the infection ex- 
 tended, he retired to read it, and found there names which rilled him with 
 surprise and sorrow. But aware how dangerous a strict scrutiny might 
 prove at such a juncture, he confined his judicial inquiries to Villefagna 
 alone. As the proofs of his guilt were manifest, he was condemned after 
 a short trial, and next morning he was seen hanging before the door of the 
 house in which he had lodged. Cortes called his troops together, and 
 having explained to them the atrocious purpose of the conspirators, as well 
 as the justice of the punishment inflicted on Villefagna, he added, with an 
 appearance of satisfaction, that he was entirely ignorant with respect to all 
 the circumstances of this dark transaction, as the traitor, when arrested, had 
 suddenly torn and swallowed a paper which probably contained an. account 
 of it, and under the severest tortures possessed such constancy as to con- 
 ceal the names of his accomplices. This artful declaration restored tran- 
 quillity to many a breast that was throbbing, while he spoke, with con- 
 sciousness of guilt and dread of detection ; and by this prudent moderation, 
 Cortes had the advantage of having discovered, and of being able to 
 observe such of his followers as were disaffected ; while they, flattering 
 themselves that their past crime was unknown, endeavoured to avert any 
 suspicion of it by redoubling their activity and zeal in his service.* 
 Cortes did not allow them leisure to ruminate on what had happened ; 
 
 * Cortes Relat. 2b3. C. B, Diaz, c. 146. Herrera, dec 3. lib. i. c. 1. 
 

 246 HISTORY OF [BOOK V. 
 
 and as the most effectual means of preventing the return of a mutinous 
 spirit, he determined to call forth his troops immediately to action. For- 
 tunately, a proper occasion for this occurred without his seeming to court 
 it. He received intelligence that the materials for building the brigantines 
 were at length completely finished, and waited only for a body of Spaniards 
 to conduct them to Tezeuco. The command of this convoy, consisting of 
 two hundred foot soldiers, fifteen horsemen, and two field-pieces, he gave 
 to Sandoval, who, by the vigilance, activity, and courage which he mani- 
 fested on every occasion, was growing daily in his confidence, and in the 
 estimation of his fellow-soldiers. The service was no less singular than 
 important ; the beams, the planks, the masts, the cordage, the sails, the 
 ironwork, and all the infinite variety of articles requisite for the construction 
 of thirteen brigantines, were to be carried sixty miles over land, through a 
 mountainous country, by people who were unacquainted with the ministry 
 of domestic animals, or the aid of machines to facilitate any work of 
 labour. The Tlascalans furnished eight thousand Tamenes, an inferior 
 order of men destined for servile tasks, to carry the materials on their 
 shoulders, and appointed fifteen thousand warriors to accompany and defend 
 them. Sandoval made the disposition for their progress with great pro- 
 
 Eriety, placing the Tamenes in the centre, one body of warriors in the 
 ont, -another in the rear, with considerable parties to cover the flanks. 
 To each of these he joined some Spaniards, not only to assist them in danger, 
 but to accustom them to regularity and subordination. A body so numerous, 
 and so much encumbered,- advanced leisurely but in excellent order ; and 
 in some places, where it was confined by the woods or mountains, the line 
 of march extended above six miles, rarties of Mexicans frequently ap- 
 peared hovering around them on the high grounds ; but perceiving no 
 prospect of success in attacking an enemy continually on his guard, and 
 prepared to receive them, they did not venture to molest him ; and Sandoval 
 had the glorjr of conducting safely to Tezeuco, a convoy on which all the 
 future operations of his countrymen depended.* 
 
 This was followed by another event of no less moment. Four ships 
 arrived at Vera Cruz from Hispaniola, with two hundred soldiers, eighty 
 horses, two battering cannon, and a considerable supply of ammunition and 
 arms.f Elevated with observing that all his preparatory schemes, either 
 for recruiting his own army, or impairing the force of the enemy, had now 
 produced their full effect, Cortes, impatient to begin the siege in form, 
 hastened the launching of the brigantines. To facilitate this, he had em- 
 ployed a vast number of Indians for two months, in deepening the small 
 rivulet which runs by Tezeuco into the lake, and in forming it into a canal 
 near two miles in length [119] ; and though the Mexicans, aware of his 
 intentions, as well as of the danger which threatened them, endeavoured 
 frequently to interrupt the labourers, or to burn the brigantines, the work 
 was at last completed.^ On the twenty-eighth of April, all the Spanish 
 troops, together with the auxiliary Indians, were drawn up on the banks of 
 the canal ; and with extraordinary military pomp, rendered more solemn 
 by the celebration of the most sacred rites 01 religion, the brigantines were 
 launched. As they fell down the canal in order, Father Olmedo blessed 
 them, and gave each its name. Every eye followed them with wonder and 
 hope, until they entered the lake, when they^ hoisted their sails and bore 
 away before the wind. A general shout of joy was raised ; all admiring 
 that bold inventive genius, which, by means so extraordinary that their 
 success almost exceeded belief, had acquired the command of a fleet, 
 without the aid of which Mexico would have continued to set the Spanish ' 
 power and arms at defiance. 
 
 * Cortes Relat 260. C. E. B. Diaz, c. 140. f Cortes Relat. 259. P. 262. D. Gomara Cron. 
 c. 129. J B. Diaz, c. 140. 6 Cortes Relat. 266* Herrera, dec. 3. lib. i, c. 5. Gomara 
 
 Cron. c. 129. 
 
AMERICA. 247 
 
 Cortes determined to attack the city from three different quarters ; from 
 Tepeaca on the north side of the lake, from Tacuba on the west, ana from 
 Cuyocan towards the south. Those towns were situated on the principal 
 causeways which led to the capital, and intended for their defence. He 
 appointed Sandoval to command in the first, Pedro de Alvarado in the 
 second, and Christoyal de Olid in the third ; allotting to each a numerous 
 body of Indian auxiliaries, together with an equal division of Spaniards, 
 who, by the junction of the troops from Hispaniola, amounting now to 
 eighty-six horsemen, and eight hundred and eighteen foot soldiers; of 
 whom one hundred and eighteen were armed with muskets or crossbows. 
 The train of artillery consisted of three battering cannon, and fifteen field- 
 pieces.* He reserved for himself, as the station of greatest importance and 
 danger, the conduct of the brigantines, each armed with one of his small 
 cannon, and manned with twenty-five Spaniards. 
 
 As Alvarado and Olid proceeded towards the posts assigned them [May 
 10], they broke down the aqueducts which the ingenuity of the Mexicans 
 had erected for conveying water into the capital, and, by the distress to 
 which this reduced the inhabitants, gave a beginning to the calamities which 
 they were destined to suffer.! Alvarado and Olid found the towns of which 
 they were ordered to take possession deserted by their inhabitants, who 
 had. fled for safety to the capital, where Guatimozin had collected the chief 
 force of his empire, as there alone he could hope to make a successful 
 stand against the formidable enemies who were approaching to assault him. 
 
 The first effort of the Mexicans was to destroy the fleet of brigantines, 
 the fatal effects of whose operations they foresaw and dreaded. Though 
 the brigantines, after all the labour and merit of Cortes in forming them, 
 were of inconsiderable bulk, rudely constructed, and manned chiefly with 
 landsmen hardly possessed of skill enough to conduct them, they must have 
 been objects ot terror to a people unacquainted with any navigation but 
 that of their lake, and possessed of no vessel larger than a canoe. Neces- 
 sity, however, urged Guatimozin to hazard the attack ; and hoping to sup- 
 ply by numbers what he wanted in force, he assembled such a multitude 
 of canoes as covered the face of the lake. They rowed on boldly to the 
 charge, while the brigantines, retarded by a dead calm, could scarcely ad- 
 vance to meet them. But as the enemy drew near, a breeze sudaenly 
 sprung up ; in a moment the sails were spread, the brigantines, with the 
 utmost ease, broke through their feeble opponents, overset many canoes, 
 and dissipated the whole armament with such slaughter, as convinced the 
 Mexicans, that the progress of the Europeans in knowledge and arts ren- 
 dered their superiority greater on this new element than they had hitherto 
 found it by land.| 
 
 From that time Cortes remained master of the lake, and the brigantines 
 not only preserved a communication between the Spaniards in their differ- 
 ent stations, though at considerable distance from each other, but were 
 employed to cover the causeways on each side, and keep off the canoes 
 when they attempted to annoy the troops as they advanced towards the 
 city. Cortes formed the brigantines in three divisions, appointing one to 
 cover each of the stations from which an attack was to be carried on against 
 the city, with orders to second the operations of the officer who command- 
 ed there. From all the three stations he pushed on the attack against the 
 city with equal vigour ; but in a manner so very different from the conduct 
 of sieges in regular war, that he himself seems afraid it would appear 
 no less improper than singular to persons unacquainted^with his situation.6 
 Each morning his troops assaulted the barricades which the enemy had 
 erected on the causeways, forced their way over the trenches which they 
 
 * Cortes Relat 266. C. t Cortes Relat. 267. B. B. Diaz, c. 150. Herrera, dec. 3. lib. i. c. 13. 
 J Cortes Relat. 267. C. B. Diaz, c. 150. Gomara Cron. c. 131. Herrera, dec. 3. lib. i. c. 17 
 $ Cortes Relat. 270. F. 
 
248 HISTORY OF [BOOK V. 
 
 had dug, and through the canals where the bridges were broken down, and 
 endeavoured to penetrate into the heart of the city, in hopes of obtaining 
 some decisive advantage which might force the enemy to surrender, arid 
 terminate the war at once ; but when the obstinate valour of the Mexicans 
 rendered the efforts of the day ineffectual, the Spaniards retired in the 
 evening to their former quarters Thus their toil and danger were in some 
 measure continually renewed ; the Mexicans repairing in the night what 
 the Spaniards had destroyed through the day, and recovering the posts 
 from which they had driven them. But necessity prescribed this slow and 
 untoward mode of operation. The number of his troops were so small 
 that Cortes durst not, with a handful of men, attempt to make a lodgment 
 in a city where he might be surrounded and annoyed by such, a multitude 
 of enemies. The remembrance of what he had already suffered by the 
 ill judged confidence with which he had ventured into such a dangerous 
 situation, was still fresh in his mind. The Spaniards, exhausted with 
 fatigue, were unable to guard the various posts which they daily gained ; 
 and though their camp was filled with Indian auxiliaries, they durst not 
 devolve tnis charge upon them, because they were so little accustomed to 
 discipline, that no confidence could be placed in their vigilance. Besides 
 this, Cortes was extremely solicitous to preserve the city as much as pos- 
 sible from being destroyed, both because he destined it to be the capital 
 of his conquests, and wished that it might remain as a monument 01 his 
 glory. From all these considerations, he adhered obstinately, for a month 
 after the siege was opened, to the system which he had adopted. The 
 Mexicans, in their own defence, displayed valour which was hardly inferior 
 to that with which the Spaniards attacked them. On land, on water, by 
 night and by day, one furious conflict succeeded to another. Several Span- 
 iards were killed, more wounded, and all were ready to sink under the 
 toils of unintermitting service, which were rendered more intolerable by the 
 injuries of the season, the periodical rains being now set in with their usual 
 violence.* 
 
 Astonished and disconcerted with the length and difficulties of the siege, 
 Cortes determined to make one great effort to get possession of the city, 
 before he relinquished the plan which he had hitherto followed, and had 
 recourse to any other mode of attack. With this view he sent instructions 
 to Alvarado and Sandoval to advance with their divisions to a general as- 
 sault, and took the command in person [July 3] of that posted on the cause- 
 way of Cuyocan. Animated by his presence, and the expectation of some 
 decisive event, the Spaniards pushed forward with irresistible impetuosity. 
 They broke through one barricade after another, forced their way over 
 the ditches and canals, and, having entered the city, gained ground inces- 
 santly in spite of the multitude and ferocity of their opponents. Cortes, 
 though delighted with the rapidity of his progress, did not forget that he 
 might still find it necessary to retreat ; and, in order to secure it, appointed 
 Julien de Alderete, a captain of chief note in the troops which he had re- 
 ceived from Hispaniola, to fill up the canals and gaps in the causeway as 
 the main body advanced. That officer, deeming it inglorious to be thus 
 employed, while his companions were in the heat of action and the career 
 of victory, neglected the important charge committed to him, and hurried 
 on, inconsiderately, to mingle with the combatants. The Mexicans, whose 
 military attention and skill were daily improving, no sooner observed this 
 than they carried an account of it to their monarch. 
 
 Guatimozin instantly discerned the consequence of the error which the 
 Spaniards had committed, and, with admirable presence of mind, prepared 
 to take advantage of it. He commanded the troops posted in the front to 
 slacken their efforts, in order to allure the Spaniards to push forward, while 
 
 * B. Diaz, c. 151, 
 
AMERICA. 249 
 
 he despatched a large body of chosen warriors through different streets, 
 some by land, and others by water, towards the great breach in the cause- 
 way which had been left open. On a signal which he gave, the priests^ 
 in the principal temple struck the great drum consecrated to the god of 
 war. No sooner did the Mexicans hear its doleful solemn sound, calculated 
 to inspire them with contempt of death, and enthusiastic ardour, than they 
 rushed upon the enemy with frantic rage. The Spaniards, unable to resist 
 men urged on no less by religious fury than hope of success, began to re- 
 tire, at first leisurely, and with a good countenance ; but as the enemy 
 pressed on, and their own impatience to escape increased^ the terror and 
 confusion became so general, that when they arrived at the gap in the 
 causeway, Spaniards and Tlascalans, horsemen and infantry, plunged in 
 promiscuously, while the Mexicans rushed upon them fiercely from every 
 side, their light canoes carrying them through shoals which the brigantines 
 could not approach. In vain did Cortes attempt to stop and rally his flying 
 troops ; fear rendered them regardless of his entreaties or commands. 
 Finding all his endeavours to renew the combat fruitless, his next care was 
 to save some of those who had thrown themselves into the water ; but 
 while thus employed, with more attention to their situation than to his own, 
 six Mexican captains suddenly laid hold of him, and were hurrying him 
 off in triumph ; and though two of his officers rescued him at the expense 
 of their own lives, he received several dangerous wounds before he could 
 break loose. Above sixty Spaniards perished in the rout ; and what ren- 
 dered the disaster more afflicting, forty of these fell alive into the hands 
 of an enemy never known to show mercy to a captive.* 
 
 The approach of night, though it delivered the dejected Spaniards from 
 the attacks of the enemy, ushered in what was hardly less grievous, the 
 noise of their barbarous triumph, and of the horrid festival with which 
 they celebrated their victory. Every quarter of the city was illuminated ; 
 the great temple shone with such peculiar splendour, that the Spaniards 
 could plainly see the people in motion, and the rmests busy in hastening 
 the preparations for the death of the prisoners. Through the gloom, they 
 fancied that they discerned their companions by the whiteness of their 
 skins, as they were stript naked, and compelled to dance before the image 
 of the god to whom they were to be offered. They heard the shrieks of 
 those who were sacrificed, and thought that they could distinguish each 
 unhappy .victim by the well known sound of his voice. Imagination added 
 to what they really saw or heard, and augmented its horror. The most 
 unfeeling melted into tears of compassion, and the stoutest heart trembled 
 at the dreadful spectacle which they beheld [120]. 
 
 Cortes, who, besides all that he felt in common with his soldiers, was 
 oppressed with the additional load of anxious reflections natural to a general 
 on such an unexpected calamity, could not, like them, relieve his mind by 
 giving vent to its anguish. He was obliged to assume an air of tranquil- 
 lity, in order to revive the spirit and hopes of his followers. The junc- 
 ture, indeed, required an extraordinary exertion of fortitude. The Alexi- 
 cans, elated with their victory, sallied out next morning to attack him in 
 his quarters. But they did not rely on the efforts of their own arms alone. 
 They sent the heads of Spaniards whom they had sacrificed to the leading 
 men in the adjacent provinces, and assured them that the god of war, ap- 
 peased by the blood of their invaders, which had been shed so plentifully 
 on his altars, had declared with an audible voice, that in eight days time 
 those hated enemies should be finally destroyed, and peace and prosperity 
 re-established in the empire. 
 
 A prediction uttered with such confidence, and in terms so void of 
 ambiguity, gained universal credit among a people prone to superstition. 
 
 * Cortes Relat. p. 273. B. Diaz, c. 152. Gomara Cron. c. 138. Herrera, dec. 3. lib. i. c. 23. 
 VOL. I. 32 
 
S50 H I S TO R Y O F [BOOK V. 
 
 The zeal of the provinces, which had already declared against the Spa- 
 niards, augmented ; and several which had hitherto remained inactive, took 
 arms, with enthusiastic ardour, to execute the decree of the gods. The 
 Indian auxiliaries who had joined Cortes, accustomed to venerate the 
 same deities with the Mexicans, and to receive the responses of their 
 priests with the same implicit faith, abandoned the Spaniards as a race of 
 men devoted to certain destruction. Even the fidelity of the Tlascalans 
 Was shaken, and the Spanish troops were left almost alone in their stations. 
 Cortes, finding th'at he attempted in vain to dispel the superstitious fears 
 of his confederates by. argument, took advantage, from the imprudence of 
 those who had framed ttie prophecy in fixing its accomplishment so near 
 at hand, to give a striking demonstration of its falsity. He suspended all 
 military operations, during the period marked out by the oracle. Under 
 cover of the brigantines, which kept the enemy at a distance, his troops 
 lay in safety, and the fatal term expired without any disaster.* 
 
 Many of his allies, ashamed of their own credulity, returned to their 
 station. Other tribes, judging that the gods, who had now deceived the 
 Mexicans, had decreed finally to withdraw their protection from them, 
 joined his standard ; and such was the levity of a simple people, moved 
 by every slight impression, that in a short time after such a general defec- 
 tion of his confederates, Cortes saw himself, if we may believe his own 
 account, at the head of a hundred and fifty thousand Indians. Even with 
 such a numerous army, he found it necessary to adopt a new and more 
 wary system of operation. Instead of renewing his attempts to become 
 master of the city at once, by such bold but dangerous efforts of valour as 
 he had already tried, he made his advances gradually, and with every 
 possible precaution against exposing his men to any calamity similar to 
 that which they still bewailed. As the Spaniards pushed forward, the 
 Indians regularly repaired the causeways behind them. As soon as they 
 got possession of any part of the town, the houses were instantly levelled 
 with the ground. Day by day, the Mexicans, forced to retire as their 
 enemies gained ground, were hemmed in within more narrow limits. 
 Guatimozin, though unable to stop the career of the enemy, continued to 
 defend his capital with obstinate resolution, and disputed every inch of 
 ground. The Spaniards not only varied their mode of attack, but, by 
 orders of Cortes, changed the weapons with which they fought. They 
 were again armed with the long Uhinantlan spears which they had em- 
 ployed with such success against Narvaez; and, by the firm array in which 
 this enabled them to range themselves, they repelled, with little danger, 
 the loose Dassault of the Mexicans : incredible numbers of them fell in the 
 conflicts which they renewed every day.f While war wasted without, 
 famine began to consume them within the city. The Spanish brigantines 
 having the entire Command of the lake, rendered it almost impossible to 
 convey to the besieged any supply of provisions by water. The immense 
 number of his Indian auxiliaries enabled Cortes to shut up the avenues to 
 the city by land. The stores which Guatimozin had laid up were ex- 
 hausted by the multitudes which had crowded into the capital to defend 
 their sovereign and the temples of their gods. Not only the people, but 
 persons of the highest rank, felt the utmost distresses of famine. What 
 they suffered brought on infectious and mortal distempers, the last calamity 
 that visits besieged cities, and which filled up the measure of their woes.f 
 
 But, under the pressure of so many and such various evils, the spirit of 
 Guatimozin remained firm and unsubdued. He rejected with scorn every 
 overture of peace from Cortes ; and, disdaining the idea of submitting 
 to the oppressors of his country, determined not to survive its ruin. The 
 Spaniards continued their progress. At length all the three divisions 
 
 * B. Diaz, c. 153. Gomara Cron. c. 138. f Cortes Relat. p. 275. C. 276. F. B. Diaz, c. 
 
 153. } Cortes Relat. 276. E. 277. F. B. Diaz, 155. Gomara Cron. c. 141. 
 
AMERICA. 251 
 
 penetrated into the great square in the centre of the city, and made a 
 secure lodgment there [July 27]. Three-fourths of the city; were now 
 reduced and laid in ruins. The remaining quarter was so closely pressed, 
 that it could not long withstand assailants, who attacked it from their new 
 station with superior advantage, and more assured expectation of success. 
 The Mexican nobles, solicitous to save the life of a monarch whom they 
 revered, prevailed on Guatimozin to retire from a place where resistance 
 was now vain, that he might rouse the more distant provinces of the empire 
 to arms, and maintain there a more successful struggle with the public 
 enemy. In order to facilitate the execution of this measure, they endeavoured 
 to amuse Cortes with overtures of submission, that, while his attention 
 was employed in adjusting the articles of pacification, Guatimozin might 
 escape unperceived. But they made this attempt upon a leader of greater 
 sagacity and discernment than to be deceived by their arts. Cortes, sus- 
 pecting their intention, and aware of what moment it was to defeat it, 
 appointed Sandoval, the officer on whose vigilance he could most per- 
 fectly rely, to take the command of the brigantines, with strict injunctions 
 to watclTevery motion of the enemy. Sandoval, attentive to the charge, 
 observing some large canoes crowded with people rowing across the lake 
 with extraordinary rapidity, instantly gave the signal to chase. Garcia 
 Holguin, who commanded the swiftest sailing brigantine, soon overtook 
 them, and was preparing to fire on the foremost canoe, which seemed to 
 carry some person whom all the rest followed and obeyed. At once the 
 rowers dropped their oars, and all on board, throwing down their arms, 
 conjured him with cries and tears to forbear, as the emperor was there. 
 Holguin eagerly seized his prize ; and Guatimozin, with a dignified com- 
 posure, gave himself up into his hands, requesting only that no insult 
 might be offered to the empress or his children. When conducted to Cortes, 
 he appeared neither with the sullen fierceness of a barbarian, nor with the 
 dejection of a supplicant. " I have done," said he, addressing himself to 
 the Spanish general, " what became a monarch. I have defended my 
 people to the last extremity. Nothing now remains but to die. Take 
 this dagger," laying his hand on one which Cortes wore, "plant it in my 
 breast, and put an end to a life which can no longer be of use."* 
 
 As soon as the fate of their sovereign was known, the resistance of the 
 Mexicans ceased ; and Cortes took possession of that small part of the 
 capital which yet remained undestroyed [Aug. 13]. Thus terminated the 
 siege of Mexico, the most memorable event in the conquest of America* 
 It continued seventy-five days, hardly one of which passed without some 
 extraordinary effort of one party in the attack, or of the other in the 
 defence of a city, on the fate of which both knew that the fortune of the 
 empire depended. As the struggle here was more obstinate, it was like- 
 wise more equal than any between the inhabitants of the Old and New 
 Worlds. The great abilities of Guatimozin, the number of his troops, 
 the peculiar situation of his capital, so far counterbalanced the superiority 
 of the Spaniards in arms and discipline, that they must have relinquished 
 the enterprise if they had trusted for success to themselves alone. But 
 Mexico was overturned by the jealousy of neighbours who dreaded its 
 power, and by the revolt of subjects impatient to shake off its yoke. By 
 their effectual aid, Cortes was enabled to accomplish what, without such 
 support, he would hardly have ventured to attempt. How much soever 
 this account of the reduction of Mexico may detract, on the one hand, 
 from the marvellous relations of some Spanish writers, by ascribing that 
 to simple and obvious causes which they attribute to the romantic valour 
 of their countrymen, it adds, on the other, to the merit and abilities of 
 Cortes, who, under every disadvantage, acquired such an ascendant over 
 
 * Cortes Relat. 279. B. Diaz, c. 156: Gomara Cron. c. 142. Herrera, dec. 3. lib. ii. c. 7. 
 
252 HISTORY OF [BOOK V. 
 
 unknown nations, as to render them instruments towards carrying his 
 schemes into execution [121]. 
 
 The exultation of the Spaniards, on accomplishing this arduous enter- 
 prise, was at first excessive. But this was quickly damped by the cruel 
 disappointment of those sanguine hopes which had animated them amidst 
 so many hardships and dangers. Instead of the inexhaustible wealth 
 which they expected from becoming masters of Montezuma's treasures, 
 and the ornaments of so many temples, their rapaciousness could only 
 collect an inconsiderable booty amidst ruins and desolation.* Guatimozin, 
 aware of his impending fate, had ordered what remained of the riches 
 amassed by his ancestors, to be thrown into the lake. The Indian auxilia- 
 ries, while the Spaniards were engaged in conflict with the enemy, had 
 carried off the most valuable part of the spoil. The sum to be divided 
 among the conquerors was so small that many of them disdained to accept 
 of the pittance which fell to their share, and all murmured and exclaimed ; 
 some against Cortes and his confidants, whom they suspected of having 
 secretly appropriated to their own use a large portion of the riches which 
 should have been brought into the common stock ; others, against Guati- 
 mozin, whom they accused of obstinacy in refusing to discover the place 
 where he had hidden his treasure. 
 
 Arguments, entreaties, and promises were employed in order to soothe 
 them, but with so little effect, that Cortes, from solicitude to check this 
 growing spirit of discontent, gave way to a deed which stains the glory 
 of all his great actions. Without regarding the former dignity of Guati- 
 mozin, or feeling any reverence for those virtues which he had displayed, 
 he subjected the unhappy monarch, together with his chief favourite, to 
 torture, in order to force from them a discovery of the royal treasures, 
 which it was supposed they had concealed. Guatimozin bore whatever 
 the refined cruelty of his tormentors could infiict, with the invincible for- 
 titude of an American warrior. His fellow-sufferer, overcome by the vio- 
 lence of the anguish, turned a dejected eye towards his master, which 
 seemed to implore his permission to reveal all that he knew. But the 
 high spirited prince, darting on him a look of authority mingled with 
 scorn, checked his weakness by asking, " Am I now reposing on a bed of 
 flowers ?" Overawed by the reproach, the favourite persevered in his 
 dutiful silence, and expired. Cortes, ashamed of a scene so horrid, 
 rescued the royal victim from the hands of his torturers, and prolonged a 
 life reserved for new indignities and sufferings.! 
 
 The fate of the capital, as both parties had foreseen, decided that of the 
 empire. The provinces submitted one after another to the conquerors. 
 Small detachments of Spaniards marching through them without interrup- 
 tion, penetrated in different quarters to the great Southern Ocean, which, 
 according to the ideas of Columbus, they imagined would open a short 
 as well as easy passage to the East Indies, and secure to the crown of 
 Castile all the envied wealth of those fertile regions ;| and the active 
 mind of Cortes began already to form schemes for attempting this important 
 disco very. 
 
 He did not know, that during the progress of his victorious arms in 
 Mexico, the very scheme, of which he began to form some idea, had been 
 undertaken and accomplished. As this is one of the most splendid events 
 in the history of the Spanish discoveries, and has been productive of effects 
 peculiarly interesting to those extensive provinces which Cortes had now 
 subjected to the crown of Castile, the account of its rise and progress 
 merits a particular detail. 
 
 * The gold and silver according to Cortes, amounted only to 120,000 pesos. Relat: 280. A. a sun 
 much inferior to that which the Spaniards had formerly divided in Mexico. t B. Diaz, c. 157 
 
 Gomara Cron. c. 146. Herrera, dec. 3. lib. ii. c. 8. Torquem, Mon. Ind. i. 574. J Cortea Relat. 
 980. D. &c. B. Diaz, c. 157. Herrera, dec. 3. lib. ii. c. 17. Gomara Cron. c. 149. 
 
AMERICA. 253 
 
 Ferdinand Magalhaens, or Magellan, a Portuguese gentleman of honour- 
 able birth, having served several years in the East Indies, with distin- 
 guished valour, under the famous Albuquerque, demanded the recompense 
 which he thought due to his services^ with the boldness natuial to a high 
 spirited soldier. But as his general would not grant his suit, and he 
 expected greater justice from his sovereign, whom he knew to be a good 
 judge and a generous rewarder of merit, he quitted India abruptly, and 
 returned to Lisbon. In order to induce Emanuel to listen more favourably 
 to his claim, he not only stated his past services, but offered to add to 
 them by conducting his countrymen to the Molucca of Spice Islands, by 
 holding a westerly course ; which he contended would be both shorter and 
 less hazardous than that which the Portuguese now followed by the Cape 
 of Good Hope, through the immense extent of the Eastern Ocean. This 
 was the original and favourite project of Columbus, and Magellan founded 
 his hopes of success on the ideas of that great navigator, confirmed by 
 many observations, the result of his own naval experience, as well as that 
 of his countrymen in their intercourse with the East. But though the 
 Portuguese monarchs had the merit of having first awakened and encou- 
 raged the spirit of discovery in that age, it was their destiny, in the course 
 of a few years, to reject two grand schemes for this purpose, the execution 
 of which would have been attended with a great accession of glory to 
 themselves, and of power to their kingdom. In consequence of some ill 
 founded prejudice against Magellan, or of some dark intrigue which con- 
 temporary historians have not explained, Emanuel would neither bestow 
 the recompense which he claimed, nor approve of the scheme which he 
 proposed ; and dismissed him with a disdainful coldness intolerable to a 
 man conscious of what he deserved, and animated with the sanguine hopes 
 of success peculiar to those who are capable of forming or of conducting 
 new and great undertakings. In a transport of resentment [1517], Magellan 
 formally renounced his allegiance to an ungrateful master, and fled to the 
 court of Castile, where he expected that his talents would be more justly 
 estimated. He endeavoured to recommend himself by offering to execute, 
 under the patronage of Spain, that scheme which he had laid before the 
 court of Portugal, the accomplishment of which, he knew, would wound 
 the monarch against whom he was exasperated in the most tender part. 
 In order to establish the justness of his theory, he produced the same 
 arguments which he had employed at Lisbon ; acknowledging, at the 
 ?ame time, that the undertaking was both arduous and expensive, as it could 
 not be attempted but with a squadron of considerable force, and victualled 
 for at least two years. Fortunately, he applied to a minister who was not 
 apt to be deterred, either by the boldness of a design, or the expense of 
 carrying it into execution. Cardinal Ximenes, who at that time directed 
 the affairs of Spain, discerning at once what an increase of wealth and 
 glory would accrue to his country by the success of Magellan's proposal, 
 listened to it with a most favourable ear. Charles V., on his arrival in his 
 Spanish dominions, entered into the measure with no less ardour, and orders 
 were issued for equipping a proper squadron at the public charge, of which 
 the command was given to Magellan, whom the King honoured with the 
 habit of St. Jago and the title of Captain general.* 
 
 On the tenth of August, one thousand five hundred and nineteen, Ma- 
 gellan sailed from Seville with five ships, which, according to the ideas of 
 the age, were deemed to be of considerable force, though the burden of 
 the largest did not exceed one hundred and twenty tons. The crews of 
 the whole amounted to two hundred and thirty-four men, among whom 
 were some of the most skilful pilots in Spain, and several Portuguese 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 2. lib. ii. c. 19. lib. iv. c. 9. Gomara Hist, c, 91. Dalrymple's Collect, of Voyages 
 to the South Pacific Ocean, vol. i. p. 1, &.G- 
 
254 HISTORY OF [BOOK v. 
 
 sailors, in whose experience, as more extensive, Magellan placed still 
 greater confidence. After touching at the Canaries, he stood directly 
 south towards the ecfuinoctial line along the coast of America, but was so 
 long retarded by tedious calms, and sasent so much time in searching every 
 bay and inlet for that communication\ith the Southern Ocean which he 
 wished to discover, that he did not reach the river De la Plata till the 
 twelfth of January [1520]. That spacious opening through which its vast 
 body of water pours into the Atlantic allured him to enter ; but after 
 sailing up it for some days, he concluded from the shallowness of the 
 stream and the freshness of the water, that the wished-for strait was not 
 situated there, and continued his course towards the south. On the thirty- 
 first of March he arrived in the Port of St. Julian, about forty-eight degrees 
 south of the line, where he resolved to winter. In this uncomfortable 
 station he lost one of his squadron ; and the Spaniards suffered so much 
 from the excessive rigour of the climate, that the crews of three of his 
 ships, headed by their officers, rose in open mutiny, and insisted on relin- 
 quishing the visionary project of a desperate adventurer, and returning 
 directly to Spain. This dangerous insurrection Magellan suppressed, by 
 an effort of courage no less prompt than intrepid, and inflicted exemplary 
 punishment on the ringleaders. With the remainder of his followers, 
 overawed but not reconciled to his scheme, he continued his voyage towards 
 the south, and at length discovered, near the fifty -third degree of latitude, 
 the mouth of a strait, into which he entered, notwithstanding the murmurs 
 and remonstrances of the people under his command. After sailing twenty 
 days in that winding dangerous channel, to which be gave his own name, 
 and where one of his ships deserted him, the great Southern Ocean opened 
 to his view, and with tears of joy he returned thanks to Heaven for having 
 thus far crowned his endeavours with success.* 
 
 But he was still at a greater distance than he imagined from the object 
 of his wishes. He sailed during three months and twenty days in a uniforrr 
 direction towards the north-west, without discovering land, in this voyage, 
 the longest that had ever been made in the unbounded ocean, he suffered 
 incredible distress. His stock of provisions was almost exhausted, the 
 water became putrid, the men were reduced to the shortest allowance 
 with which it was possible to sustain life, and the scurvy, the most dreadful 
 of all the maladies with which seafaring people are inflicted, began to 
 spread among the crew. One circumstance alone afforded them some 
 consolation; they enjoyed an uninterrupted course of fair weather, with 
 such favourable winds that Magellan bestowed on that ocean the name of 
 Pacific^ which it still retains. When reduced to such extremity that they 
 must have sunk under their sufferings, they fell in with a cluster of small 
 but fertile islands [March 6], which afforded them refreshments in such 
 abundance, that their health was soon re-established. From these isles, 
 which he called De los Ladrones, he proceeded on his voyage, and soon 
 made a more important discovery of the islands now known by the name 
 of the Philippines. In one of these he got into an unfortunate quarrel 
 with the natives, who attacked him with a numerous body of troops well 
 armed ; and while he fought at the head of his men with his usual valour, 
 he fell [April 26] by the hands of those barbarians, together with several 
 of his principal officers. 
 
 The expedition was prosecuted under other commanders. After visiting 
 many of the smaller isles scattered in the eastern part of the Indian ocean, 
 they touched at the great island of Borneo [Nov. 8], and at length landed 
 in Tidore, one of the Moluccas, to the astonishment of the Portuguese, 
 who could, not comprehend how the Spaniards, by holding a westerly 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 2. lib. iv. c. 10. lib. is. c. 10, &c, Gomara Hist. c. 02. Pigafetta Viaggio ap, 
 Ramus. ii. p. 352, &c. 
 
AMERICA. 255 
 
 course, had arrived at that sequestered seat of their most valuable com- 
 merce, which they themselves had discovered by sailing in an opposite 
 direction. There, and in the adjacent isles, the Spaniards found a people 
 acquainted with the benefits of extensive trade, and willing to open an 
 intercourse with a new nation. They took in a cargo of the precious 
 spices, which are the distinguished production of these islands ; and with 
 that, as well as with specimens of the rich commodities yielded by the 
 other countries which they had visited, the Victory, which, of the two ships 
 that remained of the squadron, was most fit for a long voyage, set sail ibr 
 Europe [Jan. 1522], under the command of Juan Sebastian del Cano. He 
 followed the course of the Portuguese, by the Cape of Good Hope, and 
 after many disasters and sufferings he arrived at St. Lucar on- the seventh 
 of September, one thousand five hundred and twenty-two, having sailed 
 round the globe in the space of three years and twenty-eight days.* 
 
 Though an untimely fate deprived Magellan of the satisfaction of 
 accomplishing this great undertaking, his contemporaries, just to his 
 memory and talents, ascribed to him not only the honour of having formed 
 the plan, but of having surmounted almost every obstacle, to the completion 
 of it ; and in the present age his name is still ranked among the highest 
 in the roll of eminent and successful navigators. The naval glory of Spain 
 now eclipsed that of every other nation; and by a singular felicity she had 
 the merit, in the course of a few years, of discovering a new continent 
 almost as large as that part of the earth which was formerly known, and 
 of ascertaining by experience the form and extent of the whole of the 
 terraqueous globe. 
 
 The Spaniards were not satisfied with the glory of having first encom- 
 passed the earth ; they expected to derive great commercial advantages 
 from this new and boldest effort of their maritime skill. The men of 
 science among them contended, that the Spice Islands, and several of the 
 richest countries in the East, were so situated as to belong of right to tlie 
 crown of Castile, in consequence of the partitions made by Alexander VI. 
 The merchants, without attending to this discussion, engaged eagerly in that 
 lucrative and alluring commerce, which was now open to them. The 
 Portuguese, alarmed at the intrusion of such formidable rivals, remonstrated 
 and negotiated in Europe, while in Asia they obstructed the trade of the 
 Spaniards by force of arms. Charles V., not sufficiently instructed with 
 respect to the importance of this valuable branch of commerce, or distracted 
 by the multiplicity of his schemes and operations, did not afford his sub- 
 jects proper protection. At last, the low state of his finances, exhausted 
 by the efforts of his arms in every part of Europe, together with the dread 
 of adding a new war with Portugal to those in which he was already en- 
 gaged, induced him to make over his claim of the Moluccas to the Portu- 
 guese for three hundred and fifty thousand ducats. He reserved, however, 
 to the crown of Castile the right of reviving its pretensions on repayment 
 of that sum ; but other objects engrossed his attention and that of his suc- 
 cessors ; and Spain was finally excluded from a branch of commerce in 
 which it was engaging with sanguine expectations of profit.t 
 
 Though the trade with the Moluccas was relinquished, the voyage of 
 Magellan was followed by commercial effects of great moment to Spain. 
 Philip II., in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-four, reduced 
 those islands which he discovered in the Eastern ocean to^ subjection, and 
 established settlements there ; between which and the kingdom of New 
 Spain a regular intercourse, the nature of which shall be explained in its 
 
 roper place, is still carried on. I return now to the transactions in New 
 pain. 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 3. lib, i. c. 3. 9. lib. iv. c. 1. Gomara Cron. c. 93, &c. Pigafetta ap. Ramus. U 
 p. 361, &c. t Herrera, dec. 3. lib. iii. c. 5, &c. dec. 4. lib. v. c. 7, &c. 
 
'256 HISTORY OF [BOOK V. 
 
 At the time that Cortes was acquiring such extensive territories for his 
 native country, and preparing the way for future conquests, it was his 
 singular fate not only to be destitute of any commission or authority from 
 the sovereign whom he was serving with such successful zeal, but to be 
 regarded as an undutiful and seditious subject. By the influence of Fon- 
 seca, Bishop of Burgos, his conduct in assuming me government of New 
 Spain was declared to be an irregular usurpation, in contempt of the royal 
 authority ; and Christoval de Tapia received a commission, empowering 
 him to supersede Cortes, to seize his person, to confiscate his effects, to 
 make a strict scrutiny into his proceedings, and to transmit the result of 
 all the inquiries carried on in New Spain to the Council of the Indies, of 
 .which the Bishop of Burgos was president. A few weeks after the reduc- 
 tion of Mexico, Tapia landed at Vera Cruz with the royal mandate to 
 strip its conqueror of his power, and treat him as a criminal. But Fonseca 
 had chosen a very improper instrument to wreak his vengeance on Cortes. 
 Tapia had neither the reputation nor the talents that suited the high com- 
 'jnand to which he was appointed. Cortes, while he publicly expressed 
 the most respectful veneration for the emperor's authority, secretly took 
 measures to defeat the effect of his commission ; and having involved 
 Tapia and his followers in a multiplicity of negotiations and conferences, 
 in which he sometimes had recourse to threats, but more frequently em- 
 ployed bribes and promises, he at length prevailed upon that weak man 
 to abandon a province which he was unworthy of governing.* 
 
 But notwithstanding the fortunate dexterity with which he had eluded 
 this clanger, Cortes was so sensible of the precarious tenure by which he 
 held his power, that he despatched deputies to Spain [May 15], with a 
 pompous account of the success of his arms, with further specimens of the 
 productions of the country, and with rich presents to the emperor, as the 
 earnest of future contributions from his new conquests ; requesting, in 
 recompense for all his services, the approbation of his proceedings, and 
 that he might be intrusted with the government of those dominions, which 
 his conduct and the valour of his followers had added to the crown of Castile. 
 The juncture in which his deputies reached the court was favourable. The 
 internal commotions in Spain, which had disquieted the beginning of 
 Charles's reign, were just appeased. | The ministers had leisure to turn 
 their attention towards foreign affairs. The account of Cortes's victories 
 filled his countrymen with admiration. The extent and value of his con- 
 quests became the object of vast and interesting hopes. Whatever stain 
 he might have contracted, by the irregularity of the steps which he took 
 in order to attain power, was so fully effaced by the splendour and merit 
 of the great actions which this had enabled him to perform, that every 
 heart revolted at the thought of inflicting any censure on a man whose 
 services, entitled him to the highest marks of distinction. The public 
 voice declared warmly in favour of his pretensions ; and Charles, arriving 
 in Spain about this time, adopted the sentiments of his subjects with a 
 youthful ardour. Notwithstanding the claims of Velasquez, and the partial 
 representations of the Bishop of Burgos, the emperor appointed Cortes 
 captain general and governor of New Spain, judging that no person was 
 so capable of maintaining the royal authority, or of establishing good order 
 both among his Spanish and Indian subjects, as the victorious leader whom 
 the former had long been accustomed to obey, and the latter had been 
 taught to fear and to respect, j 
 
 Even before his jurisdiction received this legal sanction, Cortes ventured 
 to exercise all the powers of a governor, and, by various arrangements, 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 3. lib. iii. c. 16. 3. dec. 4. c. 1. Cort. Relat. 281. E. B. Diaz. c. 158. t Hist, 
 of Charles V. b. iii. i Herrera, dec. 3. lib. iv. c 3. Gomara Cron. c. 164, 165. B. Diaz, 
 167, 168. 
 
AMERICA. 257 
 
 endeavoured to render his conquest a secure and beneficial acquisition 
 to his country. He determined to establish the seat of government in its 
 ancient station, and to raise Mexico' again from its ruins ; and having con- 
 ceived high ideas concerning the future grandeur of the state of which he 
 was laying the foundation, he began to rebuild its capital on a plan which 
 hath gradually formed the most magnificent city in the New World. At 
 the same time, he employed skilful persons to search for mines, in different 
 parts of the country, and opened some which were found to be richer than 
 any which the Spaniards had hitherto discovered in America. He detached 
 his principal officers into the remote provinces, and encouraged them to 
 settle there, not only by bestowing upon them large tracts of land, but by 
 granting them the same dominion over the Indians, and the same right to 
 their service, which the Spaniards had assumed in the islands. 
 
 [t was not, however, without difficulty that the Mexican empire could 
 be entirely reduced into the form of a Spanish colony. Enraged and ren- 
 dered desperate by oppression, the natives often forgot the superiority of 
 their enemies, and ran to arms in defence of their liberties. In every 
 contest, however, the European valour and discipline prevailed. But 
 fatally for the honour of their country, the Spaniards sullied the glory 
 redounding from these repeated victories by their mode of treating the 
 vanquished people. After taking Guatimozm, and becoming masters of 
 his capital, they supposed that the king of Castile entered on possession of 
 all the rights of the captive monarch, and affected to consider every effort 
 of the Mexicans to assert their own independence, as the rebellion of 
 vassals against their sovereign, or the mutiny of slaves against their master. 
 Under the sanction of those ill founded maxims, they violated every right 
 that should be held sacred between hostile nations. After each insurrec- 
 tion, they reduced the common people, in the provinces which they sub- 
 dued, to the most humiliating of all conditions, that of personal servitude. 
 Their chiefs, supposed to be more criminal, were punished with greater 
 severity, and put to death in the most ignominious or the most excruciating 
 mode that the insolence or the cruelty of their conquerors could devise. 
 In almost every district of the Mexican empire, the progress of the Spa- 
 nish arms is marked with blood, and with deeds so atrocious as disgrace 
 the enterprising valour that conducted them to success. In the country of 
 Panuco, sixty caziques or leaders, and four hundred nobles, were burned 
 at one time. Nor was this shocking barbarity perpetrated in any sudden 
 sally of rage, or by a commander of inferior note. It was the act of San- 
 doval, an officer whose name is entitled to the second rank in the annals of 
 New Spain, and executed after a solemn consultation with Cortes ; and to 
 complete the horror of the scene, the children and relations of the. wretched 
 victims were assembled, and compelled to be spectators of their dying 
 agonies.* It seems hardly possible to exceed in horror this dreadful ex- 
 ample of severity ; but it was followed by another, which affected the 
 Mexicans still more sensibly, as it gave them a most feeling proof of their 
 own degradation, and of the small regard which their haughty masters 
 retained for the ancient dignity and splendour of their state. On a slight 
 suspicion, confirmed by very irnperiect evidence, that Guatimozin had 
 formed a scheme to shake off the yoke, and to excite his former subjects 
 to take arms, Cortes, without the formality of a trial, ordered the unhappy 
 monarch, together with the caziques of Tezeuco and Tacuba, the two 
 persons of greatest eminence in the empire, to be hanged ; and the 
 Mexicans, with astonishment and horror, beheld this disgraceful punish 
 ment inflicted upon persons to whom they were accustomed to look up 
 with reverence hardly inferior to that which they paid to the gods them 
 selvesf [122]. The example of Cortes and his principal officers encou 
 
 * Cortes Relat. 291. C. Gomara Cron. c. 155. t Gomara Cron: c. 170. B. Diaz, c. 177i 
 
 Herrera, dec. 3. lib. viii. c. 9. 
 
 'VoL. I. 33 13 
 

 $5b- HISTORY OF [BooKV. 
 
 raged and justified persons of subordinate rank to venture upon committing 
 greater excesses. Nuno de Guzman,, in particular, stained an illustrious 
 name by deeds of peculiar enormity and rigour, in various expeditions 
 which he conducted.* 
 
 One circumstance, however, saved the Mexicans from further consump- 
 tion, perhaps from as complete as that which had depopulated the islands. 
 The first conquerors did not attempt to search for the precious metals in 
 the bowels of the earth. They were neither sufficiently wealthy to carry 
 on the expensive works which are requisite for opening those deep, recesses 
 where nature has concealed the' veins of gold and silver, nor sufficiently 
 skilful to perform the ingenious operations by which those precious metals 
 are separated from their respective ores. They were satisfied with the 
 more simple method, practised by the Indians, of washing the earth car- 
 ried down rivers and torrents from the mountains, and collecting the grains 
 of native metal deposited there. The rich mines of New Spain, which 
 have poured forth their treasures with such profusion on every quarter of 
 the globe<, were not discovered for several years after the conquest.! By 
 that time [1552, &c.], a more orderly government and police were intro- 
 duced into the colony ; experience, derived from former errors, had sug- 
 gested many useful and humane regulations for the protection and preser- 
 vation of the Indians ; and though it then became necessary to increase 
 the number of those employed in the mines, and they were engaged in a 
 species df labour more pernicious to the human constitution, they suffered 
 less hardship or diminution than from the ill judged, but less extensive, 
 schemes of the first conquerors. 
 
 While it was the lot of the Indians to suffer, their new masters seemed 
 not to have derived any considerable wealth from their ill conducted re- 
 searches. According to the usual fate of first settlers in new colonies, it 
 was their lot to encounter danger and to struggle with difficulties ; the 
 fruits of their victories and toils were reserved for times of tranquillity, 
 and reaped by successors of great industry, but of inferior merit. The 
 early historians of America abound with accounts of the sufferings and of 
 the poverty of its conquerors.^ In New Spain, their condition was ren- 
 dered more grievous by a peculiar arrangement. When Charles V. ad- 
 vanced Cortes to the government of that country, he at the same time 
 appointed certain commissioners to receive and administer the royal reve- 
 nue there, with independent jurisdiction.^ These men, chosen from infe- 
 rior stations in various departments of puolic business at Madrid, were so 
 much elevated with their promotion, that they thought they were called 
 to act a part of the first consequence. But being accustomed to the 
 minute formalities of office, and having contracted the narrow ideas suited 
 to the sphere in which they had hitherto moved, they were astonished on 
 arriving in Mexico [1524], at the high authority which Cortes exercised, 
 and could not conceive that the mode of administration, in a country 're- 
 cently subdued and settled, must be different from what took place in one 
 where tranquillity and regular government had been long established. In 
 their letters, they represented Cortes as an ambitious tyrant, who, having 
 usurped a jurisdiction superior to law, aspired at independence, and, by 
 his exorbitant wealth and extensive influence, might accomplish those dis- 
 loyal schemes which he apparently meditated. || These insinuations made 
 such deep impression upon the Spanish ministers, most of whom had been 
 formed to business under the jealous and rigid administration of Ferdi- 
 nand, that, unmindful of all Cortes's past services, and regardless of what 
 he was then suffering in conducting that extraordinary expedition, in which 
 he advanced from the lake of Mexico to the western extremities of Hon- 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 4 and 5. passim. t Ibid. dec. 8. lib. x. c. l. } Cortes Helat. 283- F. B 
 Diaz, c. 209. Herrera, dec. 3. lib. iv. c. 3. jj Ibid. dec. 3. lib. v. c. 14. 
 
AMERICA. 259 
 
 duras [123], they infused the same suspicions into the minds of their mas- 
 ter, and prevailed on him to order a solemn inquest to be made into his 
 conduct [1525], with powers to the licentiate Ponce de Leon, intrusted 
 with that commission, to seize his person, if he should find that expedient, 
 and send him prisoner to Spain.* 
 
 The sudden death of Ponce de Leon, a few days after his arrival in New 
 Spain, prevented the execution of this commission. But as the object ot 
 his appointment was known, the mind of Cortes was deeply wounded 
 with this unexpected return for services which far exceeded whatever any 
 subject of Spain had rendered to his sovereign. He endeavoured, how- 
 ever, to maintain his station, and to recover the confidence of the court. 
 But every person in office,, who had arrived from Spain since the conquest, 
 was a spy upon his conduct, and with malicious ingenuity gave an unfa- 
 vourable representation of all his actions. The apprehensions of Charles 
 and his ministers increased. A new commission of inquiry was issued 
 [1528], with more extensive powers, and various precautions were taken 
 in order to prevent or to punish him, if he should be so presumptuous as 
 to attempt what was inconsistent with the fidelity of a subject.! Cortes 
 beheld the approaching crisis cf his fortune with all the violent emotions 
 natural to a haughty mind conscious of high desert, and receiving unworthy 
 treatment. But though some of his desperate followers urged him to assert 
 his own rights against his ungrateful country, and with a bold hand to seize 
 that power which the courtiers meanly accused him of coveting,| he re- 
 tained such self- command,' or was actuated with such sentiments of loyalty, 
 as to reject their dangerous counsels, and to choose the only course in 
 which he could secure his own dignity, without departing from his duty. 
 He resolved not to expose himself to the ignominy of a trial in that coun- 
 try which had been the scene of his triumphs ; but, without waiting for 
 the arrival of his judges, to repair directly to Castile, and commit himself 
 and his cause to the justice and generosity of his sovereign. 
 
 Cortes appeared in his native country with the splendour that suited the 
 conqueror of a mighty kingdom. He brought with him a great part of his 
 wealth, many jewels and ornaments of great value, several curious produc- 
 tions of the country [124], and was attended by some Mexicans of the first 
 rank, as well as by the most, considerable of his own officers. His arrival 
 in Spain removed at once every suspicion and fear that had been enter- 
 tained with respect to his intentions. The emperor, having now nothing 
 to apprehend from the designs of Cortes, received him like a person whom 
 consciousness of his own innocence had brought into the presence of his 
 master, and who was entitled, by the eminence of his services, to the 
 highest marks of distinction and respect. The order of St. Jago, the title 
 of Marquis del Valle de Guaxaca, the grant of an ample territory in New 
 Spain, were successively bestowed upon him ; and as his manners were 
 correct and elegant, although he had passed the greater part of his life 
 among rough adventurers, the emperor admitted him to the same familiar 
 intercourse with himself, that was enjoyed by noblemen of the first rank.ll 
 
 But, amidst those external proofs of regard, symptoms of remaining dis- 
 trust appeared. Though Cortes earnestly solicited to be reinstated in the 
 government of New Spain, Charles, too sagacious to commit such an im- 
 portant charge to a man whom he had once suspected, peremptorily re- 
 fused to invest him again with powers which he might find it impossible 
 to control. Cortes, though dignified with new titles, returned to Mexico 
 [1530], with diminished authority. The military department, with 
 powers to attempt new discoveries, was left in his hands ; but the supreme 
 direction of civil affairs was placed in a board called The Audience of 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 3. lib. viii. c. 14, 15. f Ibid- dec. 3. lib. viii. c. 15. dec. 4. lib. ii. c. 1. lib. iv. 
 
 C. 9, 10. B. Diaz, c. 172. 196. Gomara Cron. c. 166. \ B. Diaz, c. 194. lierrera, dec. 3. 
 lib. iv. c. 8. || Ibid. dec. 3. lib. iv. c. 1. lib. vi. c. 4. B. Diaz, c. 196. Gomara Cron. c. 192. 
 
260 HISTORY OF pBooKV. 
 
 New Spain. At a subsequent period, when, upon the increase of the 
 colony, the exertion of authority more united and extensive became neces- 
 sary, Antonio de Mendoza, a nobleman of high rank, was sent thither as 
 Viceroy, to take the government into his hands. 
 
 This division of power in New Spain proved, as was unavoidable, the 
 source of perpetual dissension, which imbittered the life of Cortes, and 
 thwarted all his schemes. As he had now no opportunity to display his 
 active talents but in attempting new discoveries, he formed various schemes 
 for that purpose, all of which bear impressions of a genius that delighted 
 in what was bold and splendid. He early entertained an idea, that, either 
 by steering through the Gulf of Florida along the east coast of North 
 America, some strait would be found that communicated with the western 
 ocean ; or that, by examining the isthmus of Darien, some passage would 
 be discovered between the North and South Seas.* But having been dis- 
 appointed in, his expectations with respect to both, he now confined his 
 views to such voyages of discovery as he could make from the ports of 
 New Spain in the South Sea. There he fitted out successively several 
 small squadrons, which either perished in the attempt, or returned without 
 making any discovery of moment. Cortes,, weary of intrusting the con- 
 duct of his operations to others, took the commana of a new armament in 
 person [1536 j ; and, after enduring incredible hardships, and encountering 
 dangers of every species, he discovered the large peninsula of California, 
 and surveyed the greater part of the gulf which separates it from New 
 Spain. The discovery of a country of such extent would have reflected 
 credit on a common adventurer ; but it could add little new honour to the 
 name of Cortes, and was far from satisfying the sanguine expectations 
 which he had formed.! Disgusted with ill success, to which he had not 
 been accustomed, and weary of contesting with adversaries to whom he 
 considered it as a disgrace to be opposed, he once more sought for redress 
 in his native country [1540]. 
 
 But his reception there was very different from that which gratitude, and 
 even decency, ought to have secured for him. The merit of his ancient 
 exploits was already, in a great measure, forgotten or eclipsed by the fame 
 of recent and more valuable conquests in another quarter of America. No 
 service of moment was now expected from a man of declining years, and 
 who began to be unfortunate. The emperor behaved to him with cold 
 civility ; his ministers treated him sometimes with neglect, sometimes with 
 insolence. His grievances received no redress ; his claims were urged 
 without effect ; and after several years spent in fruitless application to 
 ministers and judges, an occupation the most irksome and mortifying to a 
 man of high spirit, who had moved in a sphere where he was more ac- 
 customed to command than to solicit, Cortes ended his days on tHe second 
 of December, one thousand five hundred and forty-seven, in the sixty- 
 second year of his age. His fate was the same with that of all the per- 
 sons who distinguished themselves in the discovery or conquest of the 
 New World. Envied by his contemporaries, and ill requited by the court 
 which he served, he has been admired and celebrated by succeeding ages. 
 Which has formed the most just estimate of his character, an impartial 
 consideration of his actions must determine. 
 
 * Oortea Relat. Ram. iii. 294. B. t Herrera, dec. 5. lib. viil e. 9, 10. dec. a lib. tl. C. 11 V<3- 
 negas Hist, of Califoiu. i. 125. Lorenziana Hist. p. 322, &c. 
 
AMERICA. 2f.l 
 
 BOOK VI. 
 
 1523.] FROM the time that Nugnez de Balboa discovered the great 
 Southern Ocean, and received the first obscure hints concerning the opulent 
 countries with which it might open a communication,' the wishes and 
 schemes of every enterprising person in the colonies of Darien and Pa- 
 nama were turned towards the wealth of those unknown regions. In an 
 age when the spirit of adventure was so ardent and vigorous, that large 
 fortunes were wasted, and the most alarming dangers braved, in pursuit 
 of discoveries merely possible, the faintest ray of hope was followed with 
 an eager expectation, and the slightest information was sufficient to inspire 
 such perfect confidence as conducted men to the most arduous under- 
 takings [125]. 
 
 Accordingly, several armaments were fitted out- in order to explore and 
 take possession of the countries to the east of Panama, but under the con- ' 
 duct of leaders whose talents and resources were unequal to the attempt.* 
 As the excursions of those adventurers did not extend beyond the limits 
 of the province to which the Spaniards have given the name of Tierra 
 Firme, a mountainous region covered with woods, thinly inhabited, and 
 extremely unhealthy, they returned with dismal accounts concerning the 
 distresses to which they had been exposed, and the unpromising aspect of 
 the places which they had visited. Damped by these tidings, the rage 
 for discovery in that direction abated ; and it became the general opinion 
 that Balboa had founded visionary hopes, on the tale of an ignorant Indian, 
 ill understood, or calculated to deceive. 
 
 1524.] But there were three persons settled in Panama, on whom the 
 circumstances which deterred others made so little impression, that, at the 
 very moment when all considered Balboa's expectations of discovering a 
 rich country, by steering towards the east, as chimerical, they resolved to 
 attempt the execution of his scheme. The names of those extraordinary 
 men were Francisco Pizarro, Diego de Almagro, and Hernando Luque 
 Pizarro was the natural son of a gentleman of an honourable family by a 
 very low woman, and, according to the cruel fate which often attends the 
 offspring of unlawful love, had been so totally neglected in his youth by 
 the author of his birth, that he seems to have destined him never to rise 
 beyond the condition of his mother. In consequence of this ungenerous 
 idea, he set him, when bordering on manhood, to keep hogs. But the 
 aspiring mind of young Pizarro disdaining that ignoble occupation, he 
 abruptly abandoned his charge, enlisted as a soldier, and after serving 
 some years in Italy, embarked for America, which, by opening such a 
 boundless range to active talents, allured every adventurer whose fortune 
 was not equal to his ambitious thoughts. There Pizarro early distinguished 
 himself. With a temper of mind no less daring than the constitution of 
 his body was robust, he was foremost in every^ danger, patient under the 
 greatest hardships, and unsubdued by any fatigue. Though so illiterate 
 that he could not even read, he was soon considered as a man formed to 
 command. Every operation committed to his conduct proved successful, 
 as, by a happy but rare conjunction, he united perseverance with ardour, 
 and was as cautious in executing as he was bold in forming his plans. By 
 engaging early in active life, without any resource but his own talents and 
 industry, and by depending on himself alone in his struggles to emerge 
 from obscurity, he acquired such a thorough knowledge of affairs, and oi 
 
 * Calancha Coronica, p. 100. 
 
262 HISTORY OF [BOOK VI. 
 
 men, that he was fitted to assume a superior part in conducting the fprmer, 
 and in governing the latter.* 
 
 Almagro had as little to boast of his descent as Pizarro. The one was 
 a bastard, the other a foundling. Bred, like his companion, in the camp, 
 he yielded not to him in any of the soldierly qualities of intrepid valour, 
 indefatigable activity, or insurmountable constancy in enduring the hard- 
 ships inseparable from military service in the New World. But in Almagro 
 these virtues were accompanied with the openness, generosity, and candour, 
 natural to men whose profession is arms ; in Pizarro, they were united with 
 the address, the craft, and the dissimulation of a politician, with the art of 
 concealing his own purposes, and with sagacity to penetrate into those of 
 other men. 
 
 Hernando de Luque was an ecclesiastic, who acted both as priest and 
 schoolmaster at Panama, and, by means which the contemporary writers 
 have not described, had amassed riches that inspired him with thoughts 
 of rising to greater eminence. 
 
 Such were the' men destined to overturn one of the most extensive em- 
 pires on .the face of the earth. Their confederacy for this purpose was 
 authorized by Pedrarias, the governor of Panama. Each engaged to 
 employ his whole fortune in the adventure. Pizarro, the least wealthy of 
 the three, as he could not throw so large a sum as his associates into the 
 common stock, engaged to take the department of greatest fatigue and 
 danger, and to command in person the armament which was to go first 
 upon discovery; Almagrc- offered to conduct the supplies of provisions 
 and reinforcements of troops, of which Pizarro might stand in need. 
 Luque was to remain at Panama to negotiate with the governor, and 
 superintend whatever was carrying on for the general interest. As the 
 spirit of enthusiasm uniformly accompanied that of adventure in the New 
 World, and by that strange union both acquired an increase of force, this 
 confederacy, formed by ambition and avarice, was confirmed by the most 
 solemn act of religion. Luque celebrated mass, divided a consecrated 
 host into three, and, reserving one part to himself, gave the other two to 
 his associates, of which they partook ; and thus, in me name of the Prince 
 of Peace, ratified a contract of which plunder and bloodshed were the 
 objects.! 
 
 The attempt was begun with a force more suited to the humble con- 
 dition of the three associates than to the greatness of the enterprise in 
 which they were engaged. Pizarro set sail Irom Panama [Nov. 14], with 
 a single vessel of small burden and a hundred and twelve men. But in 
 that age, so little were the Spanish acquainted with the peculiarities of 
 the climate in America, that the time which Pizarro chose for his departure 
 was the most improper in the whole year ; the periodical winds, which 
 were then set in, being directly adverse to the course which he proposed 
 to steer.J After beating about for seventy days, with much danger and 
 incessant fatigue, Pizarro's progress towards the south-east was not greater 
 than what a skilful navigator will now make in as many hours. He 
 touched at several places on the coast of Tierra Firme, but found every 
 where the same uninviting country which former adventurers had described ; 
 the low grounds converted into swamps by an overflowing of rivers ; the 
 higher, covered with impervious woods ; few inhabitants, and those fierce 
 and hostile. Famine, fatigue, frequent rencounters with the natives, and, 
 above all, the distempers of a moist, sultry climate, combined in wasting 
 his slender band of followers. [1525.J The undaunted resolution of their 
 leader continued, however, for some time, to sustain their spirits, although 
 no sign had yet appeared of discovering those golden regions to which he 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 1 & 2. passim, dec. 4. lib. vi. c. 107. Gomara Hist. c. 144. Zarate, lib. iv. c. 9 
 t Herrera, dec. 3. lib. vi. c. 13. Zarate, lib. i. c. 1. J Ibid. dec. 4, lib. ii. c. 8, Xerez, p. 179. 
 
AMERICA. 263 
 
 had promised to conduct them. At length he was obliged to abandon that 
 inhospitable coast, and retire to Chuchama, opposite to the pearl islands, 
 where he hoped to receive a supply of provisions and troops from Panama. 
 
 But Almagro, having sailed from that port with seventy men, stood 
 directly towards that part of the continent where he hoped to meet with 
 his associates. Not finding him there, he landed his soldiers, who, in 
 searching for their companions, underwent the same- distresses, and were 
 exposed to the same' dangers, which had driven them out of the country. 
 Repulsed at length by the Indians in a sharp conflict, in which their leader 
 lost one of his eyes by the wound of an arrow, they likewise were com 
 pelled to re-embark. Chance led them to the place of Pizarro's retreat, 
 where they found some consolation in recounting to each other their ad- 
 ventures, and comparing their sufferings. As Almagro had advanced as 
 far as the river St. Juan [June 24], in the province of Popayan, where 
 both the country and inhabitants appeared with a more promising aspect, 
 that dawn of better fortune was sufficient to determine such sanguine pro- 
 jectors not to abandon their scheme, notwithstanding all that they had 
 suffered in prosecuting it* [126]. 
 
 1526.] Almagro repaired to Panama in hopes of recruiting their shat 
 tered troops. But what he and Pizarro had suffered gave his countrymen 
 such an unfavourable idea of the service, that it was with difficulty he could 
 levy fourscore men.j Feeble as this reinforcement was, Almagro took the 
 command of it, and, having joined Pizarro, they did not hesitate about 
 resuming their operations. After a long series of disasters and disappoint- 
 ments, not inferior to those which they had already experienced, part of 
 the armament reached the Bay of St. Matthew, on the coast of Quito, and 
 landing at Tacamez, to the south of the river of Emeraulds, they beheld 
 a country more champaign and fertile than any they had yet discovered in 
 the Southern Ocean, the natives clad in garments of woollen or cotton stuff, 
 and adorned with several trinkets of gold and silver. 
 
 But notwithstanding those favourable appearances, magnified beyond the 
 truth, both by the vanity of the persons who brought the report from Taca- 
 mez, and by the fond imagination of those who listened to them, Pizarro 
 and Almagro durst not venture to invade a country so populous with a 
 handful 01 men enfeebled by fatigue and diseases. They retired to the 
 small island of Gallo, where Pizarro remained with part ot the troops, and 
 his associate returned to Panama, in hopes of bringing such a reinforcement 
 as might enable them to take possession of the opulent territories whose 
 existence seemed to be no longer doubtful.^ 
 
 But some of the adventurers, less enterprising, or less hardy, than their 
 leaders, having secretly conveyed lamentable accounts of their sufferings 
 and losses to their friends at Panama, Almagro met with an unfavourable 
 reception from Pedro de los Rios, who had succeeded Pedrarias in the 
 government of that settlement. After weighing the matter with that cold 
 economical prudence which appears the first of all virtues to persons whose 
 limited faculties are incapable of conceiving or executing great designs, he 
 concluded an expedition, attended with such certain waste of men, to be so 
 detrimental to an infant and feeble colony, that he not only prohibited the 
 raising of new levies, but despatched a vessel to bring home *Pizarro and 
 his companions from the island of Gallo. Almagro and Luque, though 
 deeply affected with those measures, which they could not prevent, and 
 durst not oppose, found means of communicating their sentiments privately 
 to Pizarro, and exhorted him not to relinquish an enterprise that was the 
 foundation of all their hopes, and the only means of re-establishing their 
 reputation and fortune, which were both on the decline. Pizarro's mind, 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 3. lib. viii. c. 11. 18. t Zarate. lib, 5. c. 1. i Xerez, 181. Herrera. dec. 
 
 3. lib. viii. c. 13. 
 
264 HISTORY OF [BOOK VI. 
 
 bent with inflexible obstinacy on all its purposes, needed no incentive to 
 persist in the scheme. He peremptorily refused to obey the governor of 
 Panama's orders, and employed all his address and eloquence in persuading 
 his men not to abandon him. But the incredible calamities to which they 
 had been exposed were still so recent in their memories, and the thoughts 
 of revisiting their families and friends, after a long absence, rushed with 
 such ioy into their minds, that when Pizarro drew a line upon the sand 
 with nis sword, permitting such as wished to return home to pass over it, 
 only thirteen of all the daring veterans in his service had resolution to remain 
 with their commander.* 
 
 This small but determined band, whose names the Spanish historians 
 record with deserved praise, as the persons to whose persevering fortitude 
 their country is indebted for the most valuable of all its American posses- 
 sions, fixed their residence in the island of Gorgona. This, as it was further 
 removed from the coast than Gallo, and uninhabited, they considered as a 
 more secure retreat, where, unmolested, they might wait for supplies from 
 Panama, which they trusted that the activity of their associates would be 
 able to procure. Almagro and Luque were not inattentive or cold solicitors, 
 and their incessant importunity was seconded by the general voice of the 
 colony, which exclaimed loudly against the infamy of exposing brave men, 
 engaged in the public service, and chargeable with no error but what flowed 
 from an excess of zeal and courage, to perish like the most odious criminals 
 in a desert island. Overcome by those entreaties and expostulations, the 
 governor at last consented to send a small vessel to their relief. But that 
 he might not seem to encourage Pizarro to any new enterprise, he would 
 not permit one landmari to embark on board of it. 
 
 By this time, Pizarro and his companions had remained five months in 
 an island infamous for the most unhealthy climate in that region of Ameri- 
 ca [1271. During all this period, their eyes were turned towards Panama, in 
 hopes of succour from their countrymen ; but worn out at length with fruit- 
 less expectations, and dispirited with suffering hardships of which they saw 
 no end, they, in despair, came to a resolution of committing themselves to 
 the ocean on a float, rather than continue in that detestable abode. But, on 
 the arrival of the vessel from Panama, they were transported with such joy 
 that all their sufferings were forgotten. Their hopes revived ; and, with a 
 rapid transition not unnatural among men accustomed by their mode of life 
 to sudden vicissitudes of fortune, high confidence succeeding to extreme 
 dejection, Pizarro easily induced not only his own followers, but the crew 
 of the vessel from Panama, to resume his former scheme with fresh ardour. 
 Instead of returning to Panama, they stood towards the south-east, and, 
 more fortunate in this than in any of their past efforts, they, on the twentieth 
 day after their departure from Gorgona, discovered the coast of Peru. 
 After touching at several villages near the shore, which they found to be 
 nowise inviting, they landed at Tumbez, a place of some note about three 
 degrees south of the line, distinguished for its stately temple, and a palace 
 of the Incas or sovereigns of the country.f There the Spaniards -feasted 
 their eyes with the first view of the opulence and civilization of the Peru- 
 vian empire. They beheld a country fully peopled, and cultivated with 
 an appearance of regular industry ; the natives decently clothed, and pos- 
 sessed of ingenuity so far surpassing the other inhabitants of the New World 
 as to have the use of ta'me domestic animals. But what chiefly attracted 
 their notice was such a show of gold and silver, not only in the ornaments 
 of their persons and temples, but in several vessels and utensils for common 
 use, formed of those precious metals, as left no room to doubt that they 
 abounded with profusion in the country. Pizarro and his companions 
 
 Herrera, dec. 3. lib. x. c 2, 3. Zarale, lib. i. c. 2. Xerez, 181. Gomara Hist. c. 109. t Ca- 
 laiicha, p. 103 
 
AMERICA. 265 
 
 seemed now to have attained to the completion of their most sanguine hopes, 
 and fancied that all their wishes and dreams of rich domains, and inex- 
 haustible treasures, would soon be realized. 
 
 But with the slender force then under his command, Pizarro could only 
 view the rich country of which he hoped hereafter to obtain possession. 
 He ranged, however, for some time along the coast, maintaining every 
 where a peaceable intercourse with the natives, no less astonished at their 
 new visitants than the Spaniards were with the uniform appearance of opu- 
 lence and cultivation which they beheld. [1527.] Having explored the 
 country as far as requisite to ascertain the importance of the discovery, 
 Pizarro procured from the inhabitants some of their Llamas or tame cattle, 
 to which the Spaniards gave the name of sheep, some vessels of gold and 
 silver, as well as some specimens of their other works of ingenuity, and two 
 young men, whom he proposed to instruct in the Castilian language, that 
 they might serve as interpreters in the expedition which he meditated. 
 With these he arrived at Panama, towards the close of the third year from 
 the time of his departure thence.* No adventurer of the age suffered hard- 
 ships or encountered dangers which equal' those to which he was exposed 
 during this long period. The patience with which he endured the one, 
 and the fortitude with which he surmounted the other, exceed whatever is 
 recorded in the history of the New World, where so many romantic dis- 
 plays of those virtues occur. 
 
 1528.] Neither the splendid relation that Pizarro gave of the incredible 
 opulence of the country which he had discovered, nor his bitter complaiats 
 on account of that unreasonable recall of his forces, which had put it out of 
 his power to attempt making any settlement there, could move the governor 
 of Panama to swerve from his former plan of conduct. He still contended, 
 that the colony was not in a condition to invade such a mighty empire, and 
 refused to authorize an expedition which he foresaw would be so alluring 
 that it might ruin the province in which he presided, by an effort beyond 
 its strength. His coldness, however, did not in any degree abate the ardour 
 of the three associates ; but they perceived that they could not carry their 
 scheme into execution without the countenance of superior authority, and 
 must solicit their sovereign to grant that permission which they could not 
 extort from his delegate. With this view, after adjusting among themselves 
 that Pizarro should claim the station of governor, Almagro that of lieutenant- 
 governor, and Luque the dignity of bishop in the country which they pro- 
 posed to' conquer, they sent Pizarro as their agent to Spain, though their 
 fortunes were now so much exhausted by the repeated efforts which they 
 had made, that they found some difficulty in borrowing the small sum 
 requisite towards equipping him for the voyage.j 
 
 Pizarro lost no time in repairing to court ; and new as the scene 
 might be to him, he appeared before the emperor with the unembarrassed 
 dignity of a man conscious of what his services merited ; and he conducted 
 his negotiations with an insinuating dexterity of address, which could not 
 have been expected either from his education or former habits of life. His 
 feeling description of his own .sufferings, and his pompous account of the 
 country which he had discovered, confirmed by the specimens of its pro- 
 ductions which he exhibited, made such an impression both on Charles and 
 his ministers, that they not only approved of the intended expedition, but 
 seemed to be interested in the success of its leader. Presuming on those 
 dispositions in his favour, Pizarro paid little attention to the interest of his 
 associates. As the pretensions of Luque did not interfere with his own, he 
 obtained for him the ecclesiastical dignity to which he aspired. For Al- 
 magro he claimed only the command of the fortress which should be erected 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 3. lib. x. c. 3 C. dec. 4. lib. ii. c. 7, 8. Vega, 2. lib. i. c. 1014. Zarate, lib. i. 
 c 2. Benzo Hist. Novi Orbis, lib. iii. c. 1. t Herrera, dec. 4. lib. iii. c. 1. Vega, 2. lib. i. c. 14. 
 VOL. I. 34 
 
266 HISTORY OF [BOOK VI. 
 
 at Tumbez. To himself he secured whatever his boundless ambition 
 could desire. He was appointed [July 26], governor, captain-general, and 
 adelantado of all the country which he had discovered, and hoped to con- 
 quer, with supreme authority, civil as well as military ; and with full right 
 to all the privileges and emoluments usually granted to adventurers in the 
 New World. His jurisdiction was declared to extend two hundred leagues 
 along the coast to the south of the river St. Jago ; to be independent of the 
 governor of Panama ; -and he had power to nominate all the officers who 
 were to serve under him. In return for those concessions, which cost the 
 court of Spain nothing, as the enjoyment of them depended upon the success 
 of Pizarro's own efforts, he engaged to raise two hundred and fifty men, 
 and to provide the ships, arms, and warlike stores requisite towards sub- 
 jecting to the crown of Castile the country of which the government was 
 allotted him. 
 
 1529.] Inconsiderable as the body of men was which Pizarro had un- 
 dertaken to raise, his funds and credit were so low that he could hardly 
 complete half the number; and.after obtaining his patents from the crown, 
 he was obliged to steal privately out of the port of Seville, in order to 
 elude the scrutiny of the officers, who had it in charge to examine whether 
 he had fulfilled the stipulations in his contract.* Before his departure, 
 however, he received some supply of money from Cortes, who having 
 returned to Spain about this time, was willing to contribute his aid towards 
 enabling an ancient companion, with whose talents and courage he was 
 well acquainted, to begin a career of glory similar to that which he himselt 
 had finished.f 
 
 He landed at JSTombre de Dios, and marched across the isthmus to 
 Panama, accompanied by his three brothers Ferdinand, Juan, and Gpn- 
 zalo, of whom the first was born in lawful wedlock, the two latter, like 
 himself, were of illegitimate birth, and by Francisco de Alcantara, his 
 mother's brother. They were all in the prime of life, and of sucjb abilities 
 and courage as fitted them to take a distinguished part in his subsequent 
 transactions. 
 
 1530.] On his arrival at Panama, Pizarro found Almagro so much exas- 
 perated at the manner in which he had conducted his negotiation, that he 
 not only refused to act any longer in concert with a man by whose perfidy 
 he had been excluded from the power and honours to which he had a just 
 claim, but laboured to form a new association, in order to thw.art or to 
 rival his former confederate in his discoveries. Pizarro, however, had 
 more wisdom and address than to suffer a rupture so fatal to all his schemes, 
 to become irreparable. By offering voluntarily to relinquish the office of 
 adelantado, and promising to concur in soliciting that title, with an inde- 
 pendent government for Almagro, he gradually mitigated the rage of an 
 open-hearted soldier, which had been violent, but was not implacable. 
 Luque, highly satisfied with having been successful in all his own preten- 
 sions, cordially seconded Pizarro's endeavours. A reconciliation was 
 effected, and the confederacy renewed on its original terms, that the enter- 
 prise should be carried on at the common expense of the associates, and 
 the profits accruing from it should be equally divided among them.J 
 
 Even after their reunion, and the utmost efforts of their interest, three 
 small vessels, with a hundred and eighty soldiers, thirty-six of whom were 
 horsemen, composed the armament which they were able to fit out. But 
 the astonishing progress of the Spaniards in America had inspired them 
 with such ideas of their own superiority, that Pizarro did not hesitate to 
 sail with this contemptible force, [Feb. 1531] to invade a great empire. 
 Almagro was left at Panama, as formerly, to follow him with what rein- 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 4. lib. vii. c. 9. f Ibid. lib. vii. c. 10. * Ibid. dec. 4. lib. vii. c. 9. Zarat 
 lib. L c. 3. Vega, 2. lib. i. c. 14. 
 
AMERICA. 2G7 
 
 forcement of men he should be able to muster. As the season for embarking 
 was properly chosen, and the course of navigation between Panama and 
 Peru was now better known, Pizarro completed the voyage in thirteen 
 days ; though by the force of the winds and currents he was carried above 
 a hundred leagues to the north of Tumbez, the place of his destination, 
 and obliged to land his troops in the bay of Saint Matthew. Without 
 losing a moment, he began to advance towards the south, taking care, how- 
 ever, not to depart far from the seashore, both that he might easily effect a 
 junction with the supplies which he expected from Panama, and secure a 
 retreat in case of any disaster, by keeping as near as possible to his ships. 
 But as the country in several parts on the coast of Peru is barren, unhealth- 
 ful, and thinly peopled ; as the Spaniards had to pass all the rivers near 
 their mouth, where the body of water is greatest ; and as the imprudence 
 of Pizarro, in attacking the natives when he should have studied to gain 
 their confidence, had forced them to abandon their habitations ; famine, 
 fatigue, and diseases of various kinds brought upon him and his followers, 
 calamities hardly inferior to those which they had endured in their former 
 expedition. What they now experienced corresponded so ill with the 
 alluring description of (he country given by Pizarro,. that many began to 
 reproach him, and every soldier must have become cold to the service, if 
 even in this unfertile region of Peru, they had not met with some appear- 
 ances of wealth and cultivation, which seemed to justify the report of 
 their leader. At length they reached the province of Coaque [April 14] ; 
 and having surprised the principal settlement of the natives, they seized 
 their vessels and ornaments of gold and silver, to the amount of thirty 
 thousand pesos, with other booty of such value as dispelled all their doubts, 
 and inspired the most desponding with sanguine hopes.* 
 
 Pizarro himself was so much delighted with this rich spoil, which he 
 considered as the first fruits of a land abounding with treasure, that he 
 instantly despatchec 1 one of his ships to Panama with a large remittance to 
 Alrnagro; and another to Nicaragua with a considerable sum to several 
 persons of influence in that province, in hopes of alluring adventurers by 
 this early display of the wealth, which he had acquired. Meanwhile, he 
 continued his march along the coast, and disdaining to employ any means 
 of reducing the natives but force, he attacked them with such violence in 
 their scattered habitations, as compelled them either to retire into the inte- 
 rior country, or to submit to his yoke. This sudden appearance of invaders, 
 whose aspect and manners were so strange, and whose power seemed to 
 be so irresistible, made the same dreadful impression as in other parts of 
 America. Pizarro hardly met with resistance until he attacked the island 
 of Puna in the bay of Guayaquil. As that was better peopled than the 
 country through which he had passed, and its inhabitants fiercer and less 
 civilized than those of the continent, they defended themselves with such 
 obstinate valour, that Pizarro spent six months in reducing them to sub- 
 jection. From Puna he proceeded to Tumbez, where the distempers 
 which raged among his men compelled him to remain for three months.f 
 
 While he was thus employed, he began to reap advantage from his 
 attention to spread the fame of his first success to Coaque. Two dif- 
 ferent detachments arrived from Nicaragua [1532], which, though neither 
 exceeded thirty men, he considered as a reinforcement of great consequence 
 to his feeble band, especially as the one was under the command of Sebas- 
 tian Benalcazar, and the other of Hernando Soto, officers not inferior in 
 merit and reputation to, any who had served in America. From Tumbez 
 he proceeded to the river Piura [May 16], and in an advantageous station 
 near the mouth of it he established the first Spanish colony in Peru ; to 
 which he gave the name of St. Michael. 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 4. lib. vii. c. 9. lib. ii. c. J. Xerez, 182. f P. Sancho ap Rainus. iii. p. 371. F. 
 Herrera, dec. 4. lib. vii. c. 18. lib. ix. c. 1. Zarate, lib. ii. c. 2, 3. Xerez, p. 182, &c. 
 
268 HISTORY OF [BOOK VI. 
 
 As Pizarro continued to advance towards the centre of the Peruvian 
 empire, he gradually received more full information concerning its extent 
 and policy, as well as the situation of its affairs at that juncture. Without 
 some knowledge of these, he could not have conducted his operations with 
 propriety ; and without a suitable attention to them, it is impossible to 
 account for the progress which the Spaniards had already made, or to 
 unfold the causes of their subsequent success. 
 
 At the time when the Spaniards invaded Peru, the dominions of its 
 sovereigns extended in length, from north to south, above fifteen hundred 
 miles along the Pacific Ocean. Its breadth, from east to west, was much 
 less considerable ; being uniformly bounded by the vast ridge of the Andes, 
 stretching from its one. extremity to the other. Peru, like the rest of the 
 New World, was originally possessed by small independent tribes, differing 
 from each other in manners, and in their forms of rude policy. All, how- 
 ever, were so little civilized, that, if the traditions concerning their mode 
 of life, preserved among their descendants, deserve credit, they must 
 be classed among the most unimproved savages of America. Strangers 
 to every species of cultivation or regular industry, without any fixed 
 residence, and unacquainted with those sentiments and obligations which 
 form the first bonds of social, union, they are said to have roamed about 
 naked in the forests, with which the country was then covered, more like 
 wild beasts than like men. After they had struggled for several ages 
 with the hardships and calamities which are inevitable in such a state, and 
 whe*n no circumstance seemed to indicate the approach of any uncommon 
 effort towards improvement, we are told that there appeared, on the banks 
 of the lake Titiaca, a man and woman of majestic form, clothed in decent 
 garments. They declared themselves to be children of the Sun, sent by 
 their beneficent parent, who beheld with pity the miseries of the human 
 race, to instruct and to reclaim them. At their persuasion, enforced by 
 reverence for the divinity in whose name they were supposed to speak, 
 several of the dispersed savages united together, and, receiving their com- 
 mands as heavenly injunctions, followed them to Cuzco, where they settled, 
 and began to lay the foundations of a city. 
 
 Manco Capac and Mama Ocollo, for such were the names of those 
 extraordinary personages, having thus collected some wandering tribes, 
 formed that social union which, oy multiplying the desires and uniting the 
 efforts of the human species, excites industry and leads to improvement. 
 Manco Capac instructed the men in agriculture, and other useful arts. 
 Mama Ocollo taught the women to spin and to weave. By the labour of 
 the one sex, subsistence became less precarious ; by that of the other, 
 life was rendered more comfortable. After securing the objects of first 
 necessity in an infant state, by providing food, raiment, and habitations for 
 the rude people of whom he tooK charge, Manco Capac turned his attention 
 towards introducing such laws and policy as might perpetuate their happi- 
 ness. By his institutions, which shall be more particularly explained 
 hereafter, the various relations in private life were established, and the 
 duties resulting from them prescribed with such propriety, as gradually 
 formed a barbarous people to decency of manners. In public adminis- 
 tration, the functions of persons in authority were so precisely defined, and 
 the subordination of those under their jurisdiction maintained with such a 
 steady hand, that the society in which he presided soon assumed the aspect 
 of a regular and well governed state. 
 
 Thus, according to the Indian tradition, was founded the empire of the 
 Incas or Lords of Peru. At first its extent was small. The territory of 
 Manco Capac did not reach above eight leagues from Cuzco. But within 
 its narrow precincts he exercised absolute and uncontrolled authority. 
 His successors, as their dominions extended, arrogated a similar jurisdiction 
 
AMERICA. 269 
 
 over the new subjects which they acquired ; the despotism of Asia was 
 not more complete. The Incas were not only obeyed as monarchs, but 
 revered as divinities. Their blood was held to be sacred, and, by prohi- 
 biting intermarriages with the people, was never contaminated by mixing 
 withfthat of any other race. The family, thus separated from the rest of 
 the nation, was distinguished by peculiarities in dress and ornaments, which 
 it was unlawful for others to assume. The monarch himself appeared 
 with ensigns of royalty reserved for him alone ; and received from his 
 subjects marks of obsequious homage and respect which approached almost 
 to adoration. 
 
 But, among the Peruvians, this unbounded power of their monarch 
 seems to have been uniformly accompanied with attention to the good o 
 their subjects. It was not the rage of conquest, if we may believe the 
 accounts of their countrymen, that prompted the Incas to extend their 
 dominions, but the desire of diffusing the blessings of civilization, and the 
 knowledge of the arts which they possessed, among the barbarous people 
 whom they reduced. During a succession of twelve monarchs, it is said 
 that not one deviated from this beneficent character.* 
 
 When the Spaniards first visited the coast of Peru, in the year one 
 thousand five hundred and twenty-six, Huana Capac, the twelfth monarch 
 from the founder of the state, was seated on the throne. He is represented 
 as a prince distinguished not only for the pacific virtues peculiar to the race, 
 but eminent for his martial talents. By his victorious arms the kingdom 
 of Quito was subjected, a conquest of such extent and importance as almost 
 doubled the po\ver of the Peruvian empire. He was fond of residing in 
 the capital of that valuable province which he had added to his dominions ; 
 and notwithstanding the ancient and fundamental law of the monarchy 
 against polluting the royal blood by any foreign alliance, he married the 
 daughter of the vanquished monarch of Quito. She bore him a son named 
 Atahualpa, whom, on his death at Quito, which seems to have happened 
 about the year one thousand five hundred and twenty-nine, he appointed 
 his successor in that kingdom, leaving the rest of his dominions to Huascar, 
 his eldest son by another of the royal race. Greatly as the Peruvians 
 revered the memory of a monarch who had reigned witn greater reputation 
 and splendour than any of his predecessors, the destination of Huana Capac 
 concerning the succession appeared so repugnant to a maxim coeval with the 
 empire, and founded on authority deemed sacred, that it was no sooner 
 known at Cuzco than it excited general disgust. Encouraged by those sen- 
 timents of his subjects, Huascar required his brother to renounce the govern- 
 ment of Quito, and to acknowledge him as his lawful superior. But it had 
 been the first care of Atahualpa to gain a large body of troops which had 
 accompanied his father to Quito. These were the flower of the Peruvian 
 warriors, to whose valour Huana Capac had been indebted for all his vic- 
 tories. Relying on their support, Atahualpa first eluded his brother's 
 demand, and then marched against him in hostile array. 
 
 Thus the ambition of two young men, the title of the one founded on 
 ancient usage, and that of the other asserted by the veteran troops, involved 
 Peru in a civil war, a calamity to which, under a succession of virtuous 
 princes, it had hitherto been a stranger. In such a contest the issue was 
 obvious. The force of arms triumphed over the authority of laws 
 Atahualpa remained victorious, and made a cruel use of his victory. Con- 
 scious of the defect in his own title to the crown, he attempted to exter- 
 minate the royal race, by putting to death all the children of the Sun 
 descended from Manco Capac, whom he could seize either by force or 
 stratagem. From a political motive, the life of his unfortunate rival 
 Huascar, who had been taken prisoner in a battlewhich decided the fate 
 
 * Cieca de Leon, Chron. c. 44, Herrera, dec. 3. lib. x. c. 4. dec. 5. lib. iii. c. 17. 
 
$70 HISTORY OF [BOOK VI. 
 
 of the empire, was prolonged for some time, that by issuing orders in- his 
 name, the usurper might more easily establish his own authority.* 
 
 When Pizarro landed in the bay of St. Matthew, this civil war raged 
 between the two brothers in its greatest fury. Had he made any hostile 
 attempt in his former visit to Peru, in the year one thousand five hundred 
 and twenty-seven, he must then have encountered the force of a powerful 
 state, united under a monarch possessed of capacity as well as courage, 
 and unembarrassed with any care that could divert him from opposing his 
 progress. But at this time, the two competitors, though they received 
 early accounts of the arrival and violent proceedings of the Spaniards, 
 were so intent upon the operations of a war which they deemed more 
 interesting, that they paid o attention to the motions of an enemy, too 
 inconsiderable in number to excite any great alarm, and to whom it would 
 be easy, as they imagined, to give a check when more at leisure. 
 
 By this fortunate coincidence of events, whereof Pizarro could have no 
 foresight, and of which, from his defective mode of intercourse with the 
 people of the country, he remained long ignorant, he was permitted to 
 carry on his operations unmolested, and advanced to the centre of a great 
 empire before one effort of its power was exerted to stop his career. 
 During their progress, the Spaniards had acquired some imperfect know- 
 ledge of this struggle between the two contending factions. , The first 
 complete information with respect to it they received from messengers 
 whom Huascar sent to Pizarro, in order to solicit his aid against Atahualpa, 
 whom he represented as a rebel and a usurper.! Pizarro perceived at 
 once the importance of this intelligence, and foresaw so clearly all the 
 advantages which might be derived from this divided state of the "kingdom 
 whicii he had invaded, that without waiting for the reinforcement which 
 he expected from Panama, he determined to push forward, while intestine 
 discord put it out of the power of the Peruvians to attack him with their 
 whole force, and while, by taking part, as circumstances should incline 
 him, with one of the competitors, he might be enabled with greater ease 
 to crush both. Enterprising as the Spaniards of that age were in all their 
 operations against Americans, and distinguished as Pizarro was among his 
 countrymen for daring courage, we can hardly suppose that, after having 
 proceeded hitherto slowly, and with much caution, he would have changed 
 at once his system of operation, and have ventured upon a measure so 
 hazardous, without some new motive or prospect to justify it. 
 
 As he was obliged to divide his troops, in order to leave a garrison in 
 St. Michael, sufficient to defend a station of equal importance as a place of 
 retreat in case of any disaster, and as a port for receiving any supplies 
 which should come from Panama, he began his march with a very slender 
 and ill-accoutred train of followers. They consisted of sixty- two horse- 
 men [128], and a hundred and two foot soldiers, of whom twenty were 
 armeo. with cross bows, and three with muskets. He directed his course 
 towards Caxamalca, a small town at the distance of twelve days' march 
 from St. Michael, where Atahualpa was encamped with a considerable 
 body of troops. Before he had proceeded far, an officer despatched by 
 the Inca met him with a valuable present from that prince, accompanied 
 with a proffer of his alliance, and assurances of a friendly reception at 
 Caxamalca. Pizarro, according to the usual artifice of his countrymen in 
 America, pretended to co'me as the ambassador of a very powerful monarch, 
 and declaring that be was now advancing with an intention to offer 
 Atahualpa his aid against those enemies who disputed his title to the 
 throne.J 
 
 As the object of the Spaniards in entering their country was altogether 
 
 
 * Zarate, lib. i . c. 15. Vega, 1 . lib. ix. c. 12. and 3240. Herrera, dec. 5. lib. i. c. 2. fflj. iii. c. 17, 
 t Zarate, lib. ii. c. 3, J Herrera, dec. 5. fib. i. c. 3. Xerez, p. 189 
 
AMERICA. 271 
 
 incomprehensible to the Peruvians, they had formed various conjectures 
 concerning it without being able to decide whether they should consider 
 their new guests as beings of a superior nature, who had visited them from 
 some beneficent motive, or as formidable avengers of their crimes, and 
 enemies to their repose and liberty. The continual professions of the 
 Spaniards, that they came to enlighten them with the knowledge of truth, 
 and lead them in the way of happiness, favoured the former opinion ; the 
 outrages which they committed, their rapaciousness and cruelty, were 
 awful confirmations of the latter. While- in this state of uncertainty, 
 Pizarro's declaration of his pacific intentions so far removed all the Inca's 
 fears that he determined to give him a friendly reception. In consequence 
 of this resolution, the Spaniards were .allowed to march in tranquillity 
 across the sandy desert between St. Michael and Motupe, where the most 
 feeble effort of an enemy, added to the unavoidable distresses which they 
 suffered in passing through that comfortless region, must have proved fatal 
 to them [129]. From Motupe they advanced towards the mountains which 
 encompassed^ the low country of Peru, and passed through a defile so 
 narrow and inaccessible, that a few men might have defended it against a 
 numerous army. But here likewise, from the same inconsiderate credulity 
 of the Inca, the Spaniards met with no opposition, and took quiet possession 
 of a fort erected for the security of that important station. As they now 
 approached near to Caxamalca, Atahualpa renewed his professions of 
 friendship ; and, as an evidence of their sincerity, sent them presents of 
 greater value than the former. 
 
 On entering Caxamalca, Pizarro took possession of a large court, on one 
 side of which was a house which the Spanish historians call a palace of 
 the Inca, and on the other a temple of the Sun, the whole surrounded with 
 a strong rampart or wall of earth. When he had posted his troops in this 
 advantageous station, he despatched his brother Ferdinand and Hernando 
 Soto to the camp of Atahualpa, which was about a league distant from 
 the town. .He instructed them to confirm the declaration which he had 
 formerly made of his pacific disposition, and to desire an interview with 
 the Inca, that he might explain more fully the intention of the Spaniards 
 in visiting his country. They were treated with all the respectful hospi- 
 tality usual among the Peruvians in the reception of their most cordial 
 friends, and Atahualpa promised to visit the Spanish commander next day 
 in his quarters. The decent deportment of the Peruvian monarch, the 
 order of his court, and the reverence with which his subjects approached 
 his person and obeyed his commands, astonished those Spaniards who had 
 never met in America with any thing more dignified than the petty cazique 
 of a barbarous tribe. But their eyes were still powerfully attracted by 
 the vast profusion of wealth which they observed in the Inca's -camp. 
 The rich ornaments worn by him and his attendants, the vessels of gold 
 and silver in which the repast offered to them was served up, the multitude 
 of utensils of every kind formed of those precious metals, opened prospects 
 far exceeding any idea of opulence that a European of the sixteenth cen- 
 tury could form. 
 
 On their return to Caxamalca, while their minds were yet warm with 
 admiration and desire of the wealth which they had beheld, they gave 
 such a description of it to their countrymen as confirmed Pizarro in a re- 
 solution which he had already taken. From his own observation of Ame- 
 rican manners during his long service in the New World, as well as from 
 the advantages which Cortes had derived from seizing Montezuma, he 
 knew of what consequence it was to have the Inca in his power. For 
 this purpose, he formed a plan as daring as it was perfidious. Notwith- 
 standing the character that he had assumed of an ambassador from a power- 
 ful monarch, who courted an alliance with the Inca, and in violation of the 
 repeated offers which he had made to him of hi.s own friendship and assist- 
 
272 HISTORY OF [BOOK VI. 
 
 ance, he determined to avail himself of the unsuspicious simplicity with 
 which Atahualpa relied on his professions, and to seize the person of the 
 Inca during the interview to which he had invited him. He prepared for 
 the execution of his scheme with the same deliberate arrangement, and 
 with as little compunction as if it had reflected no 'disgrace on himself or 
 his country. He divided his cavalry into three small squadrons, under the 
 command of his brother Ferdinand, Soto, and Benalcazar ; his infantry- 
 were formed in one body, except twenty of most tried courage, whom he 
 kept near his own person to support him in the dangerous service, which 
 he reserved for himself; the artillery, consisting of two fieldpieces,* and 
 the cross bowmen, were placed opposite to the avenue by which Atahu- 
 alpa was to approach. All were> commanded to keep within the square, 
 and not to move until the signal for action was given. 
 
 Early in the morning [Nov. 16] the Peruvian camp was all in motion. 
 But as Atahualpa was solicitous to appear with the greatest splendour and 
 magnificence in his first interview with the strangers, the preparations for 
 this were so tedious that the day was far advanced before he began his 
 march. Even then, lest the order of the procession should be deranged, 
 he moved so slowly, that the Spaniards became impatient, and apprehen- 
 sive that some suspicion of their intention might be the cause of this delay. 
 In order to remove this, Pizarro despatched one of his officers with fresh 
 assurances of his friendly disposition. At length the Inca approached. 
 First of all appeared four hundred men, in a uniform dress, as harbingers 
 to clear the way before him. He himself, sitting on a throne or couch 
 adorned with plumes of various colours, and almost covered with plates of 
 gold and silver enriched with precious stones, was carried on the shoul- 
 ders of his principal attendants. Behind him came some chief officers of 
 his court, carried in the same manner. Several bands of singers and 
 dancers accompanied this cavalcade ; and the whole plain was covered 
 with troops, amounting to more than thirty thousand men. 
 
 As the Inca drew near the Spanish quarters, Father Vincent Valverde, 
 chaplain to the expedition, advanced with a crucifix in one hand, and a 
 breviary in the other, and in a long discourse explained to him the doctrine 
 of the creation, the fall of Adam, the incarnation, the sufferings and resur- 
 rection of Jesus Christ, the appointment of St. Peter as God's vicegerent 
 on earth, the transmission of his apostolic power by succession to the 
 Popes, the donation made to the King of Castile by Pope Alexander of 
 all the regions of the New World. In consequence of all this, he required 
 Atahualpa to embrace the Christian faith, to acknqwledge the supreme ju- 
 risdiction of the Pope, and to submit to the King of Castile as his lawful 
 sovereign ; promising, if he complied instantly with this requisition, that 
 the Castilian monarch would protect his dominions, and permit him to 
 continue in the exercise of his royal authority ; but if he should impiously 
 refuse to obey this summons, he denounced war against him in his master s 
 name, and threatened him with the most dreadful effects of his vengeance. 
 
 This strange harangue, unfolding deep mysteries, and alluding to unknown 
 facts, of which no power of eloquence could have conveyed at once a dis- 
 tinct idea to an American, was so lamely translated by an unskilful inter- 
 preter, little acquainted with the idiom of the Spanish tongue, and incapa- 
 ble of expressing himself with propriety in the language of the Inca, that 
 its general tenour was altogether incomprehensible to Atahualpa. Some 
 parts in it, of more obvious meaning, filled him with astonishment and in- 
 dignation. His reply, however, was temperate. He began with observing, 
 that he was lord of the dominions over which he reigned by hereditary 
 succession ; and added, that he could not conceive how a foreign priest 
 should pretend to dispose of territories which did not belong to him ; that 
 
 * Xerez, p. 194 
 
 
AMERICA, 273 
 
 if such a preposterous grant had been made, he, who was the rightful pos- 
 sessor, refused to confirm it ; that he had no inclination to renounce the 
 religious institutions established by his ancestors ; nor would he forsake 
 the service of the Sun, the immortal divinity whom he and his people re- 
 vered, in order to worship the God of the Spaniards, who was subject to 
 death ; that with respect to other matters contained in his discourse, as he 
 had never heard of them before, and did not now understand their mean- 
 ing, he desired to know where the priest had learned things so extraordi 
 nary. " In this book," answered Valverde, reaching out to him his bre- 
 viary. The Inca opened it eagerly, and, turning over the leaves, lifted it 
 to his ear : " This," says he, " is silent ; it tells me nothing 5" and threw 
 it with disdain to the ground. The enraged monk, running towards his 
 countrymen, cried out, '* To arms, Christians, to arms ; the word of God 
 is insulted ; avenge this profanation on those impious dogs" [130]. 
 
 Pizarro, who, during this long conference, had with difficulty restrained 
 his soldiers, eager to seize the rich spoils of which they had now so near 
 a view, immediately gave the signal of assault. At once the martial music 
 struck up, the cannon and muskets began to fire, the horse sallied out 
 fiercely to the charge, the infantry rushed on sword in hand. The Peru- 
 vians, astonished at the suddenness of an attack which they did not expect, 
 and dismayed with the destructive effect of the firearms, and the irresisti- 
 ble impression of the cavalry, fled with universal consternation on every 
 side, without attempting either to annoy the enemy, or to defend them- 
 selves. Pizarro, at the head of his chosen band, advanced directly to- 
 wards the Inca ; and though his nobles crowded around him with officious 
 zeal, and fell in numbers at his feet, while they vied one with another in 
 sacrificing their own lives, that they might cover the sacred person of 
 their sovereign, the Spaniards soon penetrated to the royal seat ; and Pi- 
 zarro, seizing the Inca by the arm, dragged him to the ground, and carried 
 him as a prisoner to his quarters. The fate of the monarch increased the 
 precipitate flight of his followers. The Spaniards pursued them towards 
 every quarter, and with deliberate and unrelenting barbarity continued to 
 slaughter wretched fugitives, \^ho never once offered to resist. The car- 
 nage did not cease until the close of day. Above four thousand Peru- 
 vians were killed. Not a single Spaniard fell, nor was one wounded but 
 Pizarro himself, whose hand was slightly hurt by one of his own soldiers, 
 while struggling eagerly to lay hold on the Inca [131]. 
 
 The plunder of the field was rich beyond any idea which the Spaniards 
 had yet formed concerning the wealth of Peru ; and they were so trans- 
 ported with the value of the acquisition, as well as the greatness of their 
 success, that they passed the night in the extravagant exultation natural to 
 indigent adventurers on such an extraordinary change of fortune. 
 
 At first the captive monarch could hardly believe a calamity which he 
 so little expected to be real. But he soon felt all the misery of his fate, 
 and the dejection into which he sunk was in proportion to the height of 
 grandeur from which he had fallen. Pizarro, afraid of losing all the ad- 
 vantages which he hoped to derive from the possession of such a prisoner, 
 laboured to console him with professions of kindness and respect, that cor- 
 responded ill with his actions. By residing among the Spaniards, the Inca 
 quickly discovered their ruling passion, which indeed they were nowise 
 solicitous to conceal, and, by applying to that, made an attempt to recover 
 his liberty. He offered as a ransom what astonished the Spaniards, even 
 after all they now knew concerning the opulence of his kingdom. The 
 apartment in which he was confined was twenty-two feet in length and 
 sixteen in breadth ; he undertook to fill it with vessels of gold as high as 
 he could reach. Pizarro closed eagerly with this tempting proposal, and 
 a line was drawn upon the walls of the chamber, to mark the stipulated 
 height to which the treasure was to rise. 
 
 VOL. I. 35 
 
274 HISTORY OF [BOOK VI. 
 
 Atahualpa, transported with having obtained some prospect of liberty, 
 took measures instantly for fulfilling his part of the agreement, by sending 
 messengers to Cuzco, Quito, and other places, where gold had been amass- 
 ed in largest quantities, either for adorning the temples of the gods, or the 
 houses of the Inca, to bring what was necessary for completing his ransom 
 directly to Caxamalca. Though Atahualpa was now in the custody of his 
 enemies, yet so much were the Peruvians accustomed to respect every 
 mandate issued by their sovereign, that his orders were executed with the 
 greatest alacrity. Soothed with hopes of recovering his liberty by this 
 means, the subjects of the Inca were afraid of endangering his life by 
 forming any other scheme for his relief; and though the force of the em- 
 pire was still entire, no preparations were made, and no army assembled 
 to avenge their own wrongs or those of their monarch.* The Spaniards 
 remained in Caxamalca tranquil and unmolested. Small detachments of 
 their number marched into remote provinces of the empire, and, instead of 
 meeting with any opposition, were every where received with marks of 
 the most submissive respect [132], 
 
 Inconsiderable as those parties were, and desirous as Pizarro might be 
 to obtain some knowledge of the interior state of the country, he could 
 not have ventured upon any diminution of his main body, if he had not 
 about this time [December], received an account of Almagro's having 
 landed at St. Michael with such a reinforcement as would almost double the 
 number of his followers.! The arrival of this long expected succour was 
 not more agreeable to the Spaniards than alarming to the Inca. He saw 
 the power of his enemies increase ; and as he knew neither the source 
 whence they derived their supplies, nor the means by which they were 
 conveyed to Peru, he could not foresee to what a height the inundation that 
 poured in upon his dominions might rise [1533]. While disquieted with 
 such apprehensions, he learned that some Spaniards, in their way to Cuzco, 
 had visited his brother Huascar in the place where he kept him confined, 
 and that the captive prince had represented to them the justice of his own 
 cause, and, as an inducement to espouse it, had promised them a quantity 
 of treasure greatly beyond that which Atahualpa had engaged to pay for his 
 ransom. If the Spaniards should listen to this proposal, Atahualpa per- 
 ceived his own destruction to be inevitable; and suspecting that their 
 insatiable thirst for gold would tempt them to lend a favourable ear to it, 
 he determined to sacrifice his brother's life that he might save his own ; 
 and his orders for this purpose were executed, like all his other commands, 
 with scrupulous punctuality.! 
 
 Meanwhile, Indians daily arrived at Caxamalca from different parts of 
 the kingdom, loaded with treasure. A great part of the stipulated quantity 
 was now amassed, and Atahualpa assured the Spaniards that the only thing 
 which prevented the whole from being brought in, was the remoteness of 
 the provinces where it was deposited. But such vast piles of gold 
 presented continually to the view of needy soldiers, had. so inflamed their 
 avarice, that it was impossible any longer to restrain their impatience to 
 obtain possession of this rich booty. Orders were given for melting down 
 the whole, except some pieces of curious fabric reserved as a present for 
 the emperor. After setting apart the fifth due to the crown, and a hundred 
 thousand pesos as a donative to the soldiers which arrived with Almagro, 
 there remained one million five hundred and twenty-eight thousand five 
 hundred pesos to Pizarro and his followers. The festival of St. James 
 [July 25], the patron saint of Spain, was the day chosen for the partition 
 of this enormous sum, and the manner of conducting it strongly marks the 
 strange alliance of fanaticism with avarice, which I have more than once 
 
 * Xerez, 205. t Ibid. 204. Herrera, dec. 5. lib. iii. c. 1, 2. J Zarate, lib. B. c. 6 
 
 Gomara, Hist. c. 115. Herrera, dec. 5. lib. iii. c. 2. 
 
AMERICA. 275 
 
 bad occasion to point out as a striking feature in the character of the con- 
 querors of the ]S ew World. Though assembled to divide the spoils of an 
 innocent people, procured by deceit, extortion, and cruelty, the transaction 
 began with a solemn invocation of the name of God,* as if they could have ex- 
 pected the guidance of heaven in distributing those wages of iniquity . In this 
 division above eight thousand pesos, at that time not inferior in effective 
 value to as many pounds sterling in the present century, fell to the share 
 of each horseman, and half that sum to each foot soldier. Pizarro himself, 
 and his officers* received dividends in proportion to the dignity of their rank. 
 
 There is no example in history of such a sudden acquisition of wealth 
 by military service, nor was ever a sum so great divided among so small 
 a number of soldiers. Many of them having received a recompense for 
 their services far beyond their most sanguine hopes, were so impatient to 
 retire from fatigue and danger, in order to spend the remainder of "their 
 days in their native country in ease and opulence, that they demanded 
 their discharge with clamorous importunity. Pizarro, sensible that from 
 such men he could expect neither enterprise in action nor fortitude in 
 suffering, and persuaded that wherever they went the display of their 
 riches would allure adventurers, less opulent but more hardy, to his 
 standard, granted their suit without reluctance, and permitted above sixty 
 of them to accompany his brother Ferdinand, whom he sent to Spain witn 
 an account of his success, and the present destined for the emperor, t 
 
 The Spaniards having divided among them the treasure amassed for the 
 Inca's ransom, he insisted with them to fulfil their promise of setting him 
 at liberty. But nothing was further from Pizarro's thoughts. During his 
 long service in the New World, he had imbibed those ideas and maxims 
 of his fellow-soldiers, which led them to consider its inhabitants as an 
 inferior race, neither worthy of the name, nor entitled to the rights of 
 men. In his compact with Atahualpa, he had no other object than to 
 amuse his captive with such a prospect of recovering his liberty, as might 
 induce him to lend all the aid of his authority towards collecting the wealth 
 of his kingdom. Having now accomplished this, he no longer regarded 
 his plighted faith ; and at the very time when the credulous prince hoped 
 to be replaced on his throne, he had secretly resolved to bereave him of 
 life. Many circumstances seem to have concurred in prompting him to 
 this action, the most criminal and atrocious that stains the Spanish name, 
 amidst all the deeds of violence committed in carrying on the conquests 
 of the New World. 
 
 Though Pizarro had seized the Inca in imitation of Cortes's conduct 
 towards the Mexican monarch, he did not possess talents for carrying on 
 Che same artful plan of policy. Destitute of the temper and address 
 requisite for gaining the confidence of his prisoner, he never reaped all 
 ihe advantages which might have been derived from being master of his 
 person and authority. Atahualpa was, indeed, a prince of greater abilities 
 and discernment than Montezuma, and seems to have penetrated more 
 thoroughly into the character and intentions of the Spaniards. Mutual 
 suspicion and distrust accordingly took place between them. The strict 
 attention with which it was necessary to guard a captive of such import- 
 ance, greatly increased the fatigue of military duty. The utility of keep- 
 ing him appeared inconsiderable ; and Pizarro felt him as an encumbrance, 
 from which he wished to be delivered.! 
 
 Almagro and his followers had made a demand of an equal share in 
 the Inca's ransom ; and though Pizarro had bestowed upon the private 
 men the large gratuity which I have mentioned, and endeavoured to soothe 
 their leader by presents of great value, they still continued dissatisfied. 
 They were apprehensive, that as long as Atahualpa remained a prisoner, 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 5. lib. iii. c. 3. t Ibid. dec. 5. lib. iii. c. 4. Vega, p. 2. lib. i. c. 38, 
 
 t Herrera, dec. 5. lib. iii. c. 4. 
 
if* HISTORY OF [BooxVL 
 
 Pizarro's soldiers would apply whatever treasure should be acquired, tor 
 make up what was wanting of the quantity stipulated for his ransom, and? 
 under that pretext exclude them from any part of it. They insisted eagerly 
 on putting the Inca to death, that all the adventurers in Peru might there- 
 after be on an equal footing.* 
 
 Pizarro himself began to be alarmed with accounts of foices assembling 
 in the remote provinces of the empire, and suspected Atahualpa of having 
 issued orders for that purpose. These fears and suspicions were artfully 
 increased by Philippillo, one of the Indians, whom Pizarro had carried 
 off from Tumbez in the year one thousand five hundred and twenty-seven, 
 and whom he employed as an interpreter. The function which he 
 performed admitting this man to familiar intercourse with the captive 
 monarch, he presumed, notwithstanding the meanness of his birth, to raise 
 his affections to a Coya, or descendant of the Sun, one of Atahualpa's- 
 wives ; and seeing no prospect of gratifying that passion during the life 
 of the monarch, he endeavoured to fill the ears of the Spaniards with such 
 accounts -of the Inca's secret designs and preparations, as might awaken 
 their jealousy, and excite them to cut him off. 
 
 While Almagro and his followers openly demanded the life of the Inca, 
 and Philippillo laboured to ruin him by private machinations, that unhappy 
 prince inadvertently contributed to hasten his own fate. During his con- 
 finement he had attached himself with peculiar affection to I 1 erdinand 
 Pizarro and Hernando Soto ; who, as they were persons of birth and 
 education superior to the rough adventurers with whom they served, were 
 accustomed to behave with more decency and attention to the captive 
 monarch. Soothed with this respect from persons of such high rank, he 
 delighted in their society. But in the presence of the governor he was 
 always uneasy and overawed. This dread soon came to be mingled with 
 contempt. Among all the European arts, what he admired most was that 
 of reading and writing ; and he long deliberated with himself, whether he 
 should regard it as a natural or acquired taient. - In order to determine this, 
 he desired one of the soldiers, who guarded him, to write the name of 
 God on the nail of his thumb. This he showed successively to several 
 Spaniards, asking its meaning ; and to his amazement, they all, without 
 hesitation, returned the same answer. At length Pizarro entered ; and y 
 on presenting it to him, he blushed, and with some confusion was obliged 
 to acknowledge his ignorance. From that moment Atahualpa considered 
 him as a mean person less instructed than his own soldiers ; and he had 
 not address enough to conceal the sentiments with which this discovery 
 inspired him. To be the object of a barbarian's scorn, not only mortified the 
 pride of Pizarro, but excited such resentment in his breast, as added force 
 to all the other considerations which prompted him to put the Inca to 
 death.f 
 
 .But in order to give some colour of justice to this violent action, and 
 that he himself might be exempted from standing singly responsible for 
 the commission of it, Pizarro resolved to try the Inca with all the formalities 
 observed in the criminal courts of Spain. Pizarro himself, and Almagro, 
 with two assistants, were appointed judges, with full power to acquit or to 
 condemn ; an attorney-general was named to carry on the prosecution in 
 the king's name ; counsellors were chosen to assist the prisoner in his 
 defence ; and clerks were ordained to record the proceedings of court. 
 Before this strange tribunal, a charge was exhibited still more amazing. 
 It consisted of various articles ; that Atahualpa y though a bastard, had dis- 
 possessed the rightful owner of the throne, and usurped the regal power ; 
 that he had put his brother and lawful sovereign to death ; that he was an 
 idolater, and had not only permitted but commanded the offering of human 
 
 * Zarate, lib. ii. c. 7. Vega, p. 2. lib. i. c. 7. Herrera, dec. 5. lib. iii. c. 4. f Herrera. dot, 
 
 5. lib, iii. c. 4. Vega, p. 11. lib. i. c. 38. 
 
AMERICA. 277 
 
 ^sacrifices ; that he had a great number of concubines ; that since his im- 
 prisonment he had wasted and embezzled the royal treasures, which now- 
 belonged of right to the conquerors ; that he had incited, his subjects to 
 take arms against the Spaniards. On these heads of accusation, some of 
 which are so ludicrous, others so absurd, that the effrontery of Pizarro, in 
 majng them the foundation of a serious procedure, is not less surprising 
 than his injustice, did this strange court go on to try the sovereign of a 
 great empire, over whom it had no jurisdiction. With respect to each of 
 the articles, witnesses were examined ; but as they delivered their evidence 
 in their native tongue, Philippillo had it in his power to give their words 
 whatever turn best suited his malevolent intentions. To judges pre-de- 
 termined in their opinion, this evidence appeared sufficient. ^They pro- 
 nounced Atahualpa guilty, and condemned him to be burnt alive. Friar 
 Valverde prostituted the authority of his sacred function to confirm this 
 sentence, and by his signature warranted it to be just. Astonished at his 
 fate, Atahualpa endeavoured to avert it by tears, by promises, and by en- 
 treaties that he might be sent to Spain, where a monarch would be the 
 arbiter of his lot. But pity never touched the unfeeling heart of Pizarro. 
 He ordered him to be led instantly to execution ; and what added to the 
 bitterness of his last moments, the same monk who had just ratified his 
 doom, offered to console and attempted to convert him. The most 
 powerful argument Valverde employed to prevail with him to embrace 
 the Christian faith, was a promise of mitigation in his punishment. The 
 dread of a cruel death extorted from the trembling victim a desire of 
 receiving baptism. The ceremony was performed ; and Atahualpa, instead 
 of being burnt, was strangled at the stake.* 
 
 Happily for the credit of the Spanish nation, even among the profligate 
 adventurers which it sent forth to conquer and desolate the New World, 
 there were persons who retained some tincture of the Castilian generosity 
 .and honour. Though, before the trial of Atahualpa, Ferdinand Pizarro 
 had set out for Spain, and Soto was sent on a separate command at a dis- 
 tance from Caxamalca, this odious transaction was not carried on without 
 censure and opposition. Several officers, and among those some of the 
 greatest reputation and most respectable families in the service, not only 
 remonstrated but protested against this measure of their general, as dis- 
 graceful to their country, as repugnant to every maxim of equity, as a 
 violation of public faith, and a usurpation of jurisdiction over an inde- 
 pendent monarch, to which they had no title. But their laudable endeavours 
 were vain. Numbers, and the opinion of such as held every thing to be 
 lawful which they deemed advantageous, prevailed. History, however, 
 records even the unsuccessful exertions of virtue with applause ; and the 
 Spanish writers, in relating events where the valour of their nation is more 
 conspicuous than its humanity, have not failed to preserve the names of 
 those who made this laudable effort to save their country from the infamy 
 of having perpetrated such a crime. | 
 
 On the death of Atahualpa, Pizarro invested one of his sons with the 
 ensigns of royalty, hoping that a young man without experience might 
 prove a more passive instrument in his hands than an ambitious monarch, 
 who had been accustomed to independent command. The people of 
 Cuzco, and the adjacent country, acknowledged Manco Capac, a brother 
 of Huascar, as Inca. J But neither possessed the authority which belonged 
 to a sovereign of Peru. The violent convulsions into which the empire 
 had been thrown, first by the civil war between the two brothers, and then 
 by the invasion of the Spaniards, had not only deranged the order of the 
 Peruvian government, but almost dissolved its frame. When they beheld 
 
 * Zarate, lib. ii. c. 7. Xerez, p. 233. Vega, p. 11. lib. i. c 36, 37. Gomara Hist. c. 117. Herrera, 
 dec. 3. lib. iii. c. 4. t Vega, p. 11. lib. i. c. 37. Xerez, i. 235. Herrera, dec, 5. lib. iii. c. 5. 
 
 ; Vega, p. 11. lib. ii. c 7, 
 
278 HISTORY OF [BOOK VL 
 
 their monarch a captive in the power of strangers, and at last suffering an 
 ignominious death, the people in several provinces, as if they had been set 
 free from every restraint of law and decency, broke out into the most 
 licentious excesses.* ^ So many descendants of the Sun, after being treated 
 with the utmost indignity, had been cut off by Atahualpa, that not only 
 their influence in the state diminished with their number, but the ^Jfcus- 
 tomed reverence for that sacred race sensibly decreased. In consequence 
 of this state of things, ambitious men in different parts of the empire 
 aspired to independent authority, and usurped jurisdiction to which they 
 had no title. The general who commanded for Atahualpa in Quito, seized 
 the brother and children of his master, put them to a cruel death, and, dis- 
 claiming any connection with either Inca, endeavoured to establish a 
 separate kingdom for himself, f 
 
 The Spaniards with pleasure beheld the spirit of discord diffusing itself, 
 and the vigour of government relaxing among the Peruvians. They con- 
 sidered those disorders as symptoms of a state hastening towards its dis- 
 solution. Pizarro no longer hesitated to advance towards (Juzco, and he 
 had received such considerable reinforcements, that he could venture, with 
 little danger, to penetrate ,so far into the interior part of the country. The 
 account of the wealth acquired at Caxamalca operated as he had foreseen. 
 No sooner did his brother Ferdinand, with the officers and soldiers to whom 
 he had given their discharge after the partition of the Inca's ransom, arrive 
 at Panama, and display their riches in the view of their astonished coun- 
 trymen, than fame spread the account with such exaggeration through all 
 the Spanish settlements on the South Sea, that the governors of Guatimala, 
 Panama, and Nicaragua, could hardly restrain the people under their juris- 
 diction, from abandoning their possessions, and crowaing to that inexhaustible 
 source of wealth which seemed to be opened in Peru.J In spite of every 
 check and regulation, such numbers resorted thither, that Pizarro began 
 his march at the head of five hundred men, after leaving a considerable 
 
 farrison in St. Michael, under the command of Benalcazar. The Peruvians 
 ad assembled some large bodies of troops to oppose his progress. Several 
 fierce encounters happened. But they terminated like all the actions in 
 America ; a few Spaniards were killed or wounded ; the natives were put 
 to flight with incredible slaughter. At length Pizarro forced his way to 
 Cuzco, and took quiet possession of that capital. The riches found there, 
 even after all that the natives had carried off and concealed, either from a 
 superstitious veneration for the ornaments of their temples, or out of hatred 
 to their rapacious conquerors, exceed in value what had been received as 
 Atahualpa's ransom. But as the Spaniards were now accustomed to the 
 wealth of the country, and it came to be parcelled out among a great 
 number of adventurers, this dividend did not excite the same surprise, 
 either from novelty, or the largeness of the sum that fell to the share of 
 each individual [133]. 
 
 During the march to Cuzco, that son of Atahualpa whom Pizarro treated 
 as Inca, died ; and as the Spaniards substituted no person in his place,,the 
 title of Manco Capac seems to have been universally recognised. 
 
 While his fellow-soldiers were thus employed, Benalcazar, governor of 
 St. Michael, an able and enterprising officer, was ashamed of remaining 
 inactive, and impatient to have his name distinguished among the dis- 
 coverers and conquerors of the New World. The seasonable arrival of a 
 fresh body of recruits from Panama and Nicaragua put it in his power to 
 gratify this passion. Leaving a sufficient force to protect the infant settle- 
 ment intrusted to his care, he placed himself at the head of the rest, and 
 set out to attempt the reduction of Quito, where, according to the report of 
 
 * Ilerrera, dec. 5. lib. ii. c, 12. lib. iii. c. 5. f Zarate, lib. ii. c. 8. Vega, p. 11. lib. ii. c. 3, 4. 
 J Gotaara Hist. c. 125. Vega, p. 11. lib. ii. c. 1. Herrera, dec. 5. lib. iii. c. 5. Herreia, 
 
 dee. 5. lib. v. c. 2. 
 
AMERICA. 279 
 
 the natives, Atahualpa had left the greatest part of his treasure. Notwith- 
 standing the distance of that city from St. Michael, the difficulty of 
 marching through a mountainous country covered with woods, and the 
 frequent and fierce attacks of the best troops in Peru commanded by a 
 skilful leader, the valour, good conduct, and perseverance of Benalcazar 
 surmounted every obstacle, and he entered Quito with his victorious troops. 
 But they met with a cruel mortification there. The natives now acquainted 
 to their sorrow witiYthe predominant passion of their invaders, and knowing 
 how to disappoint it, had carried off all those treasures, the prospect of 
 which had prompted them to undertake this arduous expedition, and had 
 supported them under all the dangers and hardships wherewith they had 
 to struggle in carrying it on.* 
 
 Benalcazar was not the only Spanish leader who attacked the kingdom 
 of Quito. The fame of its riches attracted a more powerful enemy. 
 Pedro de Alvarado, who had distinguished himself so eminently in the 
 conquest of Mexico, having obtained the government of Guatimala as a 
 recompense for his valour, soon became disgusted with a life of uniform 
 tranquillity, and longed to be again engaged in the bustle of military 
 service. The glory and wealth acquired by the conquerors of Peru 
 heightened this passion, and gave it a determined direction. Believing, or 
 pretending to believe, that the kingdom of Quito did not lie within the 
 limits of the province allotted to Pizarro, he resolved to invade it. The 
 high reputation of the commander allured volunteers from every quarter. 
 He embarked with five hundred men, of whom above two hundred were 
 of such distinction as to serve on horseback. He landed at Puerto Viejo, 
 and without sufficient knowledge of the country, or proper guides to con- 
 duct him, attempted to march directly to Quito, by following the course 
 of the river Guavoquil, and crossing the ridge of the Andes towards its 
 head. But in this route, one of the most impracticable in all America, his 
 troops endured such fatigue in forcing their way through forests and 
 marshes on the low grounds, and suffered so much from excessive cold 
 when they began to ascend the mountains, that before they reached the 
 plain of Quito, a fifth part of the men and half their horses died, and the 
 rest were so much dispirited and worn out, as to be almost unfit for ser- 
 vice [134]. There they met with a body, not of Indians, but of Spaniards, 
 drawn in hostile array against them. Pizarro having received an account 
 of Alvarado's armament, had detached Almagro with some troops to oppose 
 this formidable invader of his jurisdiction ; and these were joined by Be- 
 nalcazar and his victorious party. Alvarado, though surprised at the sight 
 of enemies whom he did not expect, advanced boldly to the charge. But, 
 by the interposition of some moderate men in each party, an amicable 
 accommodation took place ; and the fatal period when Spaniards sus- 
 pended their conquests to imbrue their hands in the blood of their coun- 
 trymen, was postponed a few years. Alvarado engaged to return to his 
 govennent, upon Almagro's paying him a hundred thousand pesos to defray 
 the expense of his armament. Most of his followers remained in the 
 country ; and an expedition, which threatened Pizarro and his colony with 
 ruin, contributed to augment its strength t 
 
 1534.] By this time Ferdinand Pizarro had landed in Spain. The im- 
 mense quantities of gold and silver which he imported [135] filled the king- 
 dom with no less astonishment than they had excited in Panama and the 
 adjacent provinces. Pizarro was received by the emperor with the atten- 
 tion due to the bearer of a present so rich as to exceed any idea which the 
 Spaniards had formed concerning the value of their acquisitions in America, 
 
 * Zarate, lib. ii. c. 9. Vega, p. 11. lib. ii. c. 9. Herrera, dec. 5. lib. iv. c. 11, 12. lib. v. c. 2, 3 
 Mb. vi. c. 3. 1 Zarate, lib. ii. c. 1013. Vega, p. 11. lib. ii. c. 1, 2. 9, &c. Gomara Hist. e. 
 
 126, &c. Remesa. Hist. Guatimal, lib. iii. c. 6. Herrera, dec. 5. lib, vi. c, 1, 2. 7, 8. 
 
280 HISTORY OF [BOOK VI. 
 
 even after they had been ten years masters of Mexico. In recompense of 
 his brother's services, his authority was confirmed with new powers and 
 privileges, and the addition of seventy leagues, extending along the coast, 
 to the southward of the territpry granted in his former patent. Almagro 
 received the honours which he had so long desired. The title of Adelan- 
 tado, or governor, was conferred upon him, with jurisdiction over two hun- 
 dred leagues of country, stretching beyond the southern limits of the province 
 allotted to Pizarro. Ferdinand himself did not go unrewarded. He was 
 admitted into the military order of St. Jago, a distinction always accepta 
 ble to a Spanish gentleman, and soon set out on his return to Peru, accom 
 panied by many persons of higher rank than had yet served in that 
 country.* 
 
 Some account of his negotiations reached Peru before he arrived there 
 himself. Almagro no sooner learned that he had obtained the royal grant 
 of an independent government, than pretending that Cuzco, the imperial 
 residence of the Incas, lay within its boundaries, he attempted to render 
 himself master of that important station. Juan and Gonzalez Pizarro pre- 
 pared to oppose him. Each of the contending parties was supported by 
 powerful adherents, and the dispute was on the point of being terminated 
 by the sword, when Francis Pizarro arrived in the capital. The recon- 
 ciliation between him and Almagro had never been cordial. The treachery 
 of Pizarro in engrossing to himself all the honours and emoluments, which 
 ought to have been divided with his associate, was always present in both 
 their thoughts, The former, conscious of bis own perfidy, did not expect 
 forgiveness ; the latter feeling, that he had been deceived, was impatient 
 to be avenged ; and though avarice and ambition had induced them not 
 only to dissemble their sentiments, but even to act in concert while in pur- 
 suit of wealth and power, no sooner did they obtain possession of these, 
 than the same passions which had formed this temporary union, gave rise 
 to jealousy and discord. To each of them was attached a small band of 
 interested dependants, who, with the malicious art peculiar to such men, 
 heightened their suspicions, and magnified every appearance of offence. 
 But with all those seeds of enmity in their minds, and thus assiduously 
 cherished, each was so thoroughly acquainted with the abilities and 
 courage of his rival, that they equally dreaded the consequences of an open 
 rupture. The fortunate arrival of Pizarro at Cuzco, and the address min- 
 gled with firmness which he manifested in his expostulations with Almagro 
 and his partisans, averted that evil for the present. A new reconciliation 
 took place ; the chief article of which was, that Almagro should attempt 
 the conquest of Chili ; and if he did not find in that province an establish- 
 ment adequate to his meiit and expectations, Pizarro, by way of indemni 
 fication, should yield up to him a part of Peru. This new agreement, 
 though confirmed [June 12] with the same sacred solemnities as their first 
 contract, was observed with as little fidelity.! 
 
 Soon after he concluded this important transaction, Pizarro marched 
 back to the countries on the seacoast ; and as he now enjoyed an interval 
 of tranquillity undisturbed by any enemy, either Spaniard or Indian, he 
 applied nimself with that persevering aruour, which distinguishes his cha- 
 racter, to introduce a form of regular government into the extensive pro- 
 vinces subject to his authority. Though jll qualified by his education 
 to enter into any disquisition concerning the principles of civil policy, and 
 little accustomed by his former habits of life to attend to its arrangements, 
 his natural sagacity supplied the want both of science and experience. He 
 distributed the country into various districts ; he appointed proper magis- 
 trates to preside in each ; and established regulations concerning the ad- 
 
 * Zarate, lib. iii. c. 3. Vega, p. 11. lib. ii. c. 19, Herrera, dec. 5. lib. vi. c. 13. f Z* 
 
 rate, lib. ii. c. 13. Vega, p. 11. lib. ii. c. 19. Benzo, lib. iii, c. 6. Hefrera, dec. 5. lib. vii. c. a 
 
AMERICA. 281 
 
 ministration of justice, the collection of the royal revenue, the working of 
 the mines, and the treatment of the Indians, extremely simple, but well 
 calculated to promote the public prosperity. But though, for the present, 
 he adapted his plan to the infant state of his colony, his aspiring mind 
 looked forward to its future grandeur. He considered himself as laying 
 the foundation of a great empire, and deliberated long, and with much soli- 
 citude, in what place he should fix the seat of government. Cuzco, the 
 imperial city of the Incas, was situated in a corner of the empire, above 
 four hundred miles from the sea, and much further from Quito, a province 
 of whose value he had formed a high idea. No other settlement of the 
 Peruvians was so considerable as to merit the name of a town, or to allure 
 the Spaniards to fix their residence in it. But in marching through the 
 country, Pizarro had been struck with the beauty and fertility of the val- 
 ley of Rimac, one of the most extensive and best cultivated in Peru. 
 There, on the banks of a small river of the same name with the vale which 
 it waters and enriches, at the distance of six miles from Callao, the most 
 commodious harbour in the Pacific Ocean, he founded a city which he 
 destined to be the capital of his government [Jan. 18, 1535]. He gave it 
 the name of Ciudad de los Reyes, either from the circumstance of having 
 laid the first stone at that season when the church celebrates the festival of 
 the Three Kings, or, as is more probable, in honour of Juana and Charles, 
 the joint sovereigns of Castile. This name it still retains among the 
 Spaniards, in all legal and formal deeds ; but it is better known to 
 foreigners by that oiLima^ a corruption of the ancient appellation of the 
 valley in which it is situated. Under his inspection, the buildings advanced 
 with such rapidity, that it soon assumed the form of a city, which, by a mag- 
 nificent palace that he erected for himself, and by the stately houses built 
 by several of his officers, gave, even in its infancy, some indication of its 
 subsequent grandeur.* 
 
 In consequence of what had been agreed with Pizarro, Almagro began 
 his march towards Chili ; and as he possessed in an eminent degree the 
 virtues most admired by soldiers, boundless liberality and fearless courage, 
 his standard was followed by five hundred and seventy men, the greatest 
 body of Europeans that had hitherto been assembled in Peru. From im- 
 patience to finish the expedition, or from that contempt of hardship and 
 danger acquired by all the Spaniards who had served long in America, 
 Almagro, instead of advancing along the level country on the coast, chose 
 to march across the mountains by a route that was shorter indeed, but 
 almost impracticable. In this attempt his troops were exposed to every 
 calamity which men can suffer, from fatigue, from famine, and from the 
 rigour of the climate in those elevated regions of the torrid zone, where the 
 degree of cold is hardly inferior to what is felt within the polar circle. 
 Many of them perished ; and the survivors, when they descended into the 
 fertile plains of Chili, had new difficulties to encounter. They found there 
 a race of men very different from the people of Peru, intrepid, hardy, in- 
 dependent, and in their bodily constitution, as well as vigour of spirit, 
 nearly resembling the warlike tribes in North America. Though filled 
 with wonder at the first appearance of the Spaniards, and still more 
 astonished at the operations of their cavalry and the effects of their fire- 
 arms, the Chilese soon recovered so far from their surprise, as Kot only to 
 defend themselves with obstinacy, but to attack their new enemies with 
 more determined fierceness than any American nation had hitherto dis- 
 covered. The Spaniards, however, continued to penetrate into the coun- 
 try, and collected some considerable quantities of gold ; but were so far 
 from thinking of making any settlement amidst such formidable neighbours, 
 that, in spite of all the experience and valour of their leader, the final issue 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 5, lib. vi. c. 12. lib. vii. c. 13. Calancho, Coronica, lib. i. c. 37. Bameuvo, Lima 
 fundata, ii. 294. 
 
 VOL. I.36 14 
 
2BS HIS T O R OF [BOOK VI. 
 
 of the expedition still remained extremely dubious, when they were recalled 
 from it by an unexpected revolution at Peru.* The causes of this impor- 
 tant event I shall endeavour to trace to their source. 
 
 So many adventurers had flocked to Peru from every Spanish colony in 
 America, and all with such high expectations of accumulating independent 
 fortunes at once, that, to men possessed with notions so extravagant, any 
 mention of acquiring wealth gradually, and by schemes of patient industry, 
 would have been not only a disappointment, but an insult. In order to find 
 occupation for men who could not with safety be allowed to remain in- 
 active, Pizarro encouraged some of the most distinguished officers who had 
 lately joined him, to invade different provinces of the empire, which the 
 Spaniards had not hitherto visited. Several large bodies were formed for 
 this purpose ; and about the time that Almagro set out for Chili, they 
 marched into remote districts of the country. No sooner did Manco Capac, 
 the Inca, observe the inconsiderate security of the Spaniards in thus dis- 
 persing their troops, and that only a handful of soldiers remained in Cuzco, 
 under Juan and Gonzalez Pizarro, than he thought that tjie happy period 
 was at length come for vindicating his own rights, for avenging the wrongs 
 of his country, and extirpating its oppressors. Though strictly watched 
 by the Spaniards who allowed him to reside in the palace of his ancestors 
 at Cuzco, he found means of communicating his scheme to the persons 
 who were to be intrusted with the execution of it- Among people accus- 
 tomed to revere their sovereign as a divinity, every hint of his will carries 
 the authority of a command ; and they themselves were now convinced, 
 by the daily increase in the number of their invaders, that the fond hopes 
 which they nad long entertained of their voluntary departure were alto- 
 gether vain* All perceived that a vigorous effort 01 the whole nation was 
 requisite to expel them, and the preparations for it were carried on with 
 the secrecy and silence peculiar to Americans. 
 
 After some unsuccessful attempts of the Inca to make his escape, Ferdi- 
 nand Pizarro happening to arrive at that time in Cuzco [1536], he obtained 
 permission from him to attend a great festival which was to be celebrated a 
 few leagues from the capital. Under pretext of that solemnity, the great 
 men of the empire were assembled. As soon as the Inca joined them, the 
 standard of war was erected ; and in a short time all the fighting men, 
 from the confines of Quito to the frontier of Chili, were in arms. Many 
 Spaniards, living securely on the settlements allotted them, were massacred. 
 Several detachments, as they marched carelessly through a country which 
 seemed to be tamely submissive to their dominion, were cut off to a man. 
 An army amounting (if we may believe the Spanish writers) to two hun- 
 dred thousand men, attacked Cuzco, which the three brothers endeavoured 
 to defend with only one hundred and seventy Spaniards. Another formi- 
 dable body invested Lima, and kept the governor closely shut up. There 
 was no longer any communication between the two cities ; the numerous 
 forces of the Peruvians spreading over the country, intercepted every 
 messenger ; and as the parties in Uuzco and Lima were equally unacquaint- 
 ed with the fate of their countrymen, each boded the worst concerning 
 the other, and imagined that they themselves were the only persons who 
 had survived the general extinction of the Spanish name in reru.t 
 
 It was at Cuzco, where the Inca commanded in person, that the Peru- 
 vians made their chief efforts. During nine months they carried on the 
 siege with incessant ardour, and in various forms ; and though they dis- 
 played not the same undaunted ferocity as the Mexican warriors, they con- 
 ducted some of their operations in a manner which discovered greater 
 sagacity, and a genius more susceptible of improvement in the military 
 
 * Zarate, lib. iii. c. 1, Gomara Hist. c. 131. Vega, p. 2. Hb. iL c. 20. Ovale Hist, de Chile, lib. 
 IV. c. 15, &c. Herrera, dec. 5. lib. vi. c. 9. lib. x. c. 1, &c. f Vega, p. 11, lib. ii. c. 28. Zarate, 
 lib. iii. c. 3 . Cieca de Leon, c. 82. Gomara Hist c. 135. Herrera, dec. 5. lib. viii. c. & 
 
AMERICA. 283 
 
 art. They not only observed the advantages which the Spaniards derived 
 from their discipline and their weapons, but they endeavoured to imitate 
 the former, and turned the latter against them. They armed a considera- 
 ble body of their bravest warriors with the swords, the spears, and buck- 
 lers, which they had taken from the Spanish soldiers whom they had cut 
 off in different parts of the country. These they endeavoured to marshal 
 in that regular compact order, to which experience had taught them that 
 the Spaniards were indebted for their irresistible force in action. Some 
 appeared in the field with Spanish muskets, and had acquired skill and 
 resolution enough to use them. A few of the boldest, among whom was 
 the Tnca himself, were mounted on the horses which they had taken, and 
 advanced briskly to the charge like Spanish cavaliers, with their lances in 
 the rest. It was more by their numbers, however, than by those imper- 
 fect essays to imitate European arts and to employ European arms, that 
 the Peruvians annoyed the Spaniards [136]. In spite of the valour, 
 heightened by despair, with which the three brothers defended Cuzco, 
 Manco Capac recovered possession of one-half of his capital ; and in their 
 various efforts to drive him out of it, the Spaniards lost Juan Pizarro, the 
 best beloved of all the brothers, together with some other persons of note. 
 Worn out with the fatigue of incessant duty, distressed with want of pro- 
 visions, and despairing of being able any longer to resist an enemy whose 
 numbers daily increased, the soldiers became impatient to abandon Cuzco, 
 in hopes either of joining their countrymen, if any of them yet survived, 
 or of forcing their way to the sea, and finding some means of escaping 
 from a country which had been so fatal to the Spanish name.* While they 
 were brooding over those desponding thoughts, which their officers labour- 
 ed in vain to dispel, Almagro appeared suddenly in the neighbourhood of 
 Cuzco. 
 
 The accounts transmitted to Almagro concerning the general insurrection 
 of the Peruvians, were such as would have induced him, without hesitation, 
 to relinquish the conquest of Chili, and hasten to the aid of his country- 
 men. But in this resolution he was confirmed by a motive less generous, 
 but more interesting. By the same messenger who brought him intelli- 
 gence of the Inca's revolt, he , received the royal patent creating him go- 
 vernor of Chili, and defining the limits of his jurisdiction. Upon consi- 
 dering the tenor of it, he deemed it manifest beyond contradiction, that 
 Cuzco lay within the boundaries of his government, and he was equally 
 solicitous to prevent the Peruvians from recovering possession of their 
 capital, and to wrest it out of the hands of the Pizarros. From impatience 
 to accomplish both, he ventured to return by a new route ; and in march- 
 ing through the sandy plains on the coast, he suffered from heat and drought, 
 calamities of a new species hardly inferior to those in which he had been 
 involved by cold and famine on the summits of the Andes. 
 
 1537.] His arrival at Cuzco was in a critical moment. The Spaniards 
 and Peruvians fixed their eyes upon him with equal solicitude. The 
 former, as he did not study to conceal his pretensions, were at a loss whe- 
 ther to welcome him as a deliverer, or to take precautions against him as 
 an enemy. The latter, knowing the points in contest between him and 
 his countrymen, flattered themselves that they had more to hope than to 
 dread from his operations. Almagro himself, unacquainted with the detail 
 of the events which had happened in his absence, and solicitous to learn 
 the precise posture of affairs, advanced towards the capital slowly, and 
 with great circumspection. Various negotiations with both parties were 
 set on foot. The Inca conducted them on his part with much address. 
 At first he endeavoured to gain the friendship of Almagro ; and after many 
 fruitless overtures, despairing of any cordial union with a Spaniard, he 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 5. lib. viii c. 4. 
 
284 HISTORY OF [Boos VI. 
 
 attacked him by surprise with a numerous body of chosen troops. But the 
 Spanish discipline and valour maintained their wonted superiority. The 
 Peruvians were repulsed with such slaughter that a great part of their 
 army dispersed, and Almagro proceeded to. the gates of Cuzco without 
 interruption. 
 
 The Pizarros, as they had no longer to make head against the Peru- 
 vians, directed all their attention towards their new enemy, and took mea- 
 sures to obstruct his entry into the capital. Prudence, however, restrained 
 both parties for some time from turning their arms against one another, 
 while surrounded by common enemies, who would rejoice in the mutual 
 slaughter. Different schemes of accommodation were proposed. Each 
 endeavoured to deceive the other, or to corrupt his followers. The gene- 
 rous, open, affable temper of Almagro gained many adherents of the 
 Pizarros, who were disgusted with their harsh, domineering manners. 
 Encouraged by this defection, he advanced towards the city by night, sur- 
 prised the sentinels, or was admitted by them, and, investing the house 
 where the two brothers resided, compelled them, after an obstinate defence, 
 to surrender at discretion. Almagro's claim of jurisdiction over Cuzco 
 was universally acknowledged, and a form of administration established in 
 his name.* 
 
 Two or three persons only were killed in this first act of civil hostility ; 
 but it was soon followed by scenes more bloody. Francisco Pizarro 
 having dispersed the Peruvians who had invested Lima, and received 
 some considerable reinforcements from Hispaniola and Nicaragua, ordered 
 five hundred men, under the command of Alonzo de Alvarado, to march 
 to Cuzco, in hopes of relieving his brothers, if they and their garrison 
 were not already cut off by the Peruvians. This body, which at that 
 period of the Spanish power in America must be deemed a considerable 
 Force, advanced near to the capital before they knew that they had any 
 enemy more formidable than Indians to encounter. It was with astonish- 
 ment that they beheld their countrymen posted on the banks of the river 
 Abancay to oppose their progress. Almagro, however, wished rather to 
 gain than to conquer them, and by bribes and promises, endeavoured to 
 seduce their leader. The fidelity of Alyprado remained unshaken ; but 
 his talents for war were not equal to his virtue. Almagro amused him 
 with various movements, of which he did not comprehend the meaning, 
 while a large detachment of chosen soldiers passed the river by night 
 [July 12], fell upon his camp by surprise, broke his troops before they had 
 time to form, and took him prisoner, together with his principal officers.! 
 
 By the sudden rout of this body, the contest between the two rivals 
 must have been decided, if Almagro had known as well how to improve 
 as how to gain a victory. Rodrigo Orgognez, an officer of great abilities, 
 who having served under the Constable Bourbon, when he led the imperial 
 army to Rome, had been accustomed to bold and decisive measures, ad- 
 vised him instantly to issue orders for putting to death Ferdinand and Gon- 
 zalo Pizarros, Alvarado, and a few other persons whom he could not hope 
 to gain, and to march directly with his victorious troops to Lima, before 
 the governor had time to prepare for his defence. But Almagro, though 
 he discerned at once the utility of the counsel, and though he had courage 
 co have carried it into execution, suffered himself to be influenced by sen- 
 timents unlike those, of a soldier of fortune grown old in service, and by 
 scruples which suited not the chief of a party who had drawn his sword 
 in civil war. Feelings of humanity restrained nim from shedding the blood 
 of his opponents ; and the dread of being deemed a rebel deterred him 
 from entering a province which the King had allotted to another. Though 
 
 * Zarate, lib. iii. c. 4. Vega, p. 11. lib. ii. c. 29. 31. Gomara Hist. c. 134. Herrera, dec. 6. lib. 
 ii. c. 15. f Zarate. lib. iii. c. 6. Gom. Hist. c. 138. Vega, p. 11. lib. ii. c. 32. 34. Herrera, 
 dec. 6. lib. ii. c. 9. 
 
AMERICA. 285 
 
 he knew that arms must terminate the dispute between him and Pizarro, 
 and resolved not to shun that mode, of decision ; yet, with a timid delicacy, 
 preposterous at such a juncture, he was so solicitous that his rival should 
 be considered as the aggressor, that he marched quietly back to Cuzco, to 
 wait his approach.* 
 
 Pizarro was still unacquainted with all the interesting events which had 
 happened near Cuzco. Accounts of Almagro's return, of the loss of the 
 capita], of the death of one brother, of the imprisonment of the other two, 
 and of the defeat of Alvarado, were brought to him at once. Such a tide 
 of misfortunes almost overwhelmed a spirit which had continued firm and 
 erect under the rudest shocks of adversity. But the necessity of attending 
 to his own safety, as w r ell as the desire of revenge, preserved him from 
 sinking under it. He took measures for both with his wonted sagacity. 
 As he had the command of the seacoast, and expected considerable sup- 
 plies both of men and milftary stores, it was no less his interest to gain 
 time, and to avoid action, than it was that of Almagro to precipitate ope- 
 rations, and bring the contest to a speedy issue. He had recourse to arts 
 which he had formerly practised with success ; and Almagro was again 
 weak enough to suffer himself to be amused with a prospect of terminating 
 their differences by some amicable accommodation. By varying his over- 
 tures, and shifting, his ground as often as it suited his purpose, sometimes 
 seeming to yield to every thing which his rival could desire, and then 
 retracting all that he had granted, Pizarro dexterously protracted the ne- 
 gotiation to such a length, that, though every day was precious to Almagro, 
 several months elapsed without coming to any final agreement. While 
 the attention of Almagro, and of the officers with whom he consulted, was 
 occupied in detecting and eluding the fraudulent intentions of the governor, 
 Gonzalo Pizarro and Alvarado found means to corrupt the soldiers to whose 
 custody they were committed, and not only made their escape themselves, 
 but persuaded sixty of the men who formerly guarded them to accompany 
 their flight.f Fortune having thus delivered one. of his brothers, the 
 governor scrupled not at one act of perfidy more to procure the release of 
 the other. He proposed that every point in controversy between Almagro 
 and himself should be submitted to the decision of their sovereign ; that 
 until his award was known, each should retain undisturbed possession of 
 whatever part of the country he now occupied ; that Ferdinand Pizarro 
 should be set at liberty, and return instantly to Spain, together with the 
 officers whom Almagro purposed to send thither to represent the justice of 
 his claims. Obvious as the design of Pizarro was in those propositions, 
 and familiar as his artifices might now have been to his opponent, Almagro, 
 with a credulity approaching to infatuation, relied on his sincerity, and 
 concluded an agreement on these terms. J 
 
 The moment that Ferdinand Pizarro recovered his liberty, the governor, 
 no longer fettered in his operations by anxiety about his brother's life, 
 threw off every disguise which his concern for it had obliged him to assume. 
 The treaty was forgotten ; pacific and conciliating measures were no more 
 mentioned ; it was in the field he openly declared, and not in the cabinet, 
 by arms and not by negotiation, that it must now be determined who 
 should be master of Peru. The rapidity of his preparations suited such a 
 decisive resolution. Seven hundred men were soon ready to march towards 
 Cuzco. The command of these was given to his two brothers, in whom 
 he could perfectly confide for the execution of his most violent schemes, 
 as they were urged on, not only by the enmity flowing from the rivalship 
 between their family and Almagro, but animated with the desire of ven- 
 geance, excited by recollection of their own recent disgrace and sufferings. 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 6. lib. ii. c. 10, 11. | Zarate, lib. iii. c. 8. Herrera, dec. 6. lib. ii. c. 14. 
 
 t Herrora, dc. G. lib. iii. c. 0. Zarate, lib. iii. c. 9. Gomara Hist. c. 140. Vega, p. 11. lib. ii, c, 35 
 
86 HISTORY OF [Boon VI, 
 
 After an unsuccessful attempt to cross the mountains in the direct road be-' 
 tween Lima and Cuzco, they marched towards the south along the coast 
 as far as Nasca, and then turning to the left, penetrated through the defiles 
 in that branch of the Andes which lay between them and the capital. 
 Almagro, instead of hearkening to some of his officers, who advised him 
 to attempt the defence of those difficult passes, waited the approach of 
 the enemy in the plain of Cuzco. Two reasons seem to have induced 
 him to take this resolution. His followers amounted hardly to five hundred, 
 and he was afraid of weakening such a feeble body by sending any de- 
 tachment towards the mountains. His cavalry far exceeded that of the 
 adverse party, both in number and discipline, and it was only in an open 
 country that he could avail himself of that advantage. 
 
 The Pizarros advanced without any obstruction, but what arose from 
 the nature of the desert and horrid regions through which they marched. 
 As soon as they reached the plain, both factions were equally impatient to 
 bring this long protracted contest to an issue. Though countrymen and 
 friends, the subjects of the same sovereign, and each with the royal 
 standard displayed ; and though they beheld the mountains that surrounded 
 the plain in which they were drawn up, covered with a vast multitude of 
 Indians assembled to enjoy the spectacle of their mutual carnage, and 
 prepared to attack whatever party remained master of the field ; so fell 
 and implacable was the rancour which had taken possession of every 
 breast, that not one pacific counsel, not a single overture towards accom- 
 modation proceeded from either side. Unfortunately for Almagro, he was 
 so worn out with the fatigues of service, to which his advanced age was 
 unequal, that, at this crisis of his fate, he could not exert his wonted activity , 
 and he was obliged to commit the leading his troops to Orgognez, who, 
 though an officer of great merit, did not possess the same ascendant either 
 over the spirit or affections of the soldiers, as the chief whom they had 
 long been accustomed to follow and revere. 
 
 The conflict was fierce, and maintained by each party with equal 
 courage [April 26]. On the side of Almagro were more veteran soldiers, 
 and a larger proportion of cavalry ; but these were counterbalanced by 
 Pizarro's superiority in numbers, and by two companies of well disciplined 
 musketeers, which, on receiving an account of the insurrection of the 
 Indians, the emperor had sent from Spain.* As the use of fire-arms was 
 not frequent among the adventurers in America,! hastily equipped for ser- 
 vice, at their own expense, this small band of soldiers regularly trained 
 and armed, was a novelty in Peru, and decided the fate of the day. 
 Wherever it advanced, the weight of a heavy and well sustained fire 
 bore down horse and foot before it ; and Orgognez, while he endeavoured 
 to rally and animate his troops, haying received a dangerous wound, the 
 route became general. The barbarity of the conquerors stained the glory 
 which they acquired by this complete victory. The violence of civil rage 
 hurried on some to slaughter, their countrymen with indiscriminate cruelty; 
 the meanness of private revenge instigated others to single out individuals 
 as the objects of their vengeance. Orgognez and several officers of dis- 
 tinction were massacred in cold blood ; above a hundred and forty soldiers 
 fell in the field ; a large proportion, where the number of combatants was 
 few, and the heat of the contest soon over. Almagro, though so feeble 
 that he could not bear the motion of a horse, had insisted on being carried 
 in a litter to an eminence which overlooked the field of battle. From 
 thence, in the utmost agitation of mind, he viewed the various movements 
 of both parties, and at last beheld the total defeat of his own troops, with 
 all the passionate indignation of a veteran leader long accustomed to 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 6. lib. iii. c. 8. f Zarate, lib. iii. c. & 
 
AMERICA. 87 
 
 Victory. He endeavoured to save himself by flight, but was taken prisoner, 
 and guarded with the strictest vigilance.* 
 
 The Indians, instead of executing the resolution which they had formed, 
 retired quietly after the battle was over ; and in the history of the New 
 World, there is not a more striking instance of the wonderful ascendant 
 which the Spaniards had acquired over its inhabitants, than that, after 
 seeing one of the contending parties ruined and dispersed, and the other 
 weakened and fatigued, they had not courage to fall upon their enemies, 
 when fortune presented an opportunity of attacking them with such ad- 
 vantage, t 
 
 Cuzco was pillaged by the victorious troops, who found there a con- 
 siderable booty, consisting partly of the gleanings of the Indian treasures, 
 and partly of the wealth amassed by their antagonists from the spoils of 
 Peru and Chili. But so far did this, and whatever the bounty of their 
 leader could add to it, fall below the high ideas of the recompense which 
 they conceived to be due to their merit, that Ferdinand Pizarro, unable to 
 gratify such extravagant expectations, had recouse to the same expedient 
 which his brother had employed on a similar occasion, and endeavoured 
 to find occupation for this turbulent assuming spirit, in order to prevent it 
 from breaking out into open mutiny. With this view, he encouraged his 
 most active officers to attempt the discovery and reduction of various pro- 
 vinces which had not hitherto submitted to the Spaniards. To every 
 standard erected by the leaders who undertook any of those new expe- 
 ditions, volunteers resorted with the ardour and hope peculiar to the age. 
 Several of Almagro's soldiers joined them, and thus Pizarro had the satis- 
 faction of being delivered both from the importunity of his discontented 
 friends, and the dread of his ancient enemies.J 
 
 Almagro himself remained for several months in custody, under all the 
 anguish of suspense. For although his doom was determined by the 
 Pizarros from the moment that he fell into their hands, prudence con- 
 strained them to defer gratifying their vengeance, until the soldiers who 
 had served under him, as well as several of their own followers in whom 
 they could not perfectly confide, had left Cuzco. As soon as they set out 
 upon their different expeditions, Almagro was impeached of treason, 
 formally tried, and condemned to die. The sentence astonished him ; and 
 though he had often braved death with undaunted spirit in the field, its 
 approach under this ignominious form appalled him so much, that he had 
 recourse to abject supplications unworthy of his former fame. He be- 
 sought the Pizarros to remember the ancient friendship between their bro- 
 ther and him, and how much he had contributed to the prosperity of their 
 family ; he reminded them of the humanity with which, in opposition to 
 the repeated remonstrances of his own most attached friends, he had 
 spared their lives when he had them in his power ; he conjured them to 
 pity his age and infirmities, and to suffer him to pass the wretched re- 
 mainder of his days in bewailing his crimes, and in making his peace with 
 Heaven. The entreaties, says a Spanish historian, of a man so much be- 
 loved touched many an unfeeling heart, and drew tears from many a stern 
 eye. But the brothers remained inflexible. As soon as Almagro knew 
 his fate to be inevitable, he met it with the dignity and fortitude of a 
 veteran. He was strangled in prison, and afterwards publicly beheaded. 
 He suffered in the seventy-fifth year of his age, and left one son by an 
 Indian woman of Panama, \vhom, though at that time a prisoner in Lima, 
 he named as successor to his government, pursuant to a power which the 
 emperor had granted him. 
 
 * Zarate, lib. iii. c. 11, 12. Voga, p. 11. lib. ii. c. 3638. Herrera, dec. 6. lib. iii. c. 1012. lib. iv. 
 c. 16. f Zarate, lib, iii. c. 11- Vega, p. 11. lib. ii. c. 38. + Zarate, Jib. iii. c. 12. 
 
 Goiuara Hist, c. 141. Herrera, dec. 6. lib. iv. c. 7. Zarate, lib. iii. c. 12. Goinara Hist- c 
 
 141. Vega, p. 11. lib, ii. c. 39. Herrera, dec. 6. lib. iv. c. 9. lib. v, c. 1. 
 
**t HISTORY OF [BOOK VI. 
 
 1539.] As, during the civil dissensions in Peru, all intercourse with Spain 
 was suspended, the detail of the extraordinary transactions there did not 
 soon reach the court. Unfortunately for the victorious faction, the first 
 intelligence was brought thither by some of Almagro's officers, who left the 
 country upon the ruin of their cause ; and they related what had happened, 
 with every circumstance, unfavourable to Pizarro and his brothers. Their 
 ambition, their breach of the most solemn engagements, their violence and 
 cruelty, were painted with all the malignity and exaggeration of party 
 hatred. Ferdinand Pizarro, who arrived soon after, and appeared in court 
 with extraordinary splendour, endeavoured to efface the impression which 
 their accusations had made, and to justify his brother and himself by repre- 
 senting Almagro as the aggressor. The emperor and his ministers, though 
 they could not pronounce which of the contending factions was most 
 criminal, clearly discerned the fatal tendency of their dissensions. It was 
 obvious, that while the leaders, intrusted with the conduct of two infant 
 colonies, employed the arms which should have been turned against the 
 common enemy, in destroying one another, all attention to the public good 
 must cease, and there was reason to dread that the Indians might improve 
 the advantage which the disunion of the Spaniards presented to them, 
 and extirpate both the victors and vanquished. But the evil was more 
 apparent than the remedy. Where the information which had been 
 received was so defective and suspicious, and the scene of action so remote, 
 it was almost impossible to chalk out the line of conduct that ought to be 
 followed : and before any plan that should be approved of in Spain could 
 be carried into execution, the situation of the parties, and the circumstances 
 of affairs, might alter so entirely as to render its effects extremely 
 pernicious. 
 
 Nothing therefore remained, but to send a person to Peru, vested with 
 extensive and discretionary power, who, after viewing deliberately the pos- 
 ture of affairs with his own eyes, and inquiring upon the spot into the con- 
 duct of the different leaders, should be authorized to establish the govern 
 ment in that f&*m which he deemed most conducive to the interest of the 
 parent state, and the welfare of the colony. The man selected for this 
 important charge was Christoval Vaca de Castro, a judge in the court of 
 royal audience at Valladolid ; and his abilities, integrity, and firmness justi- 
 fied the choice. His instructions, though ample, were not such as to fetter 
 him in his operations. According to the different aspect of affairs, he had 
 power to take upon him different characters. If he found the governor 
 still alive, he was to assume only the title of judge, to maintain the appear- 
 ance of acting in concert with him, and to guard against giving any just 
 cause of offence to a man who had merited so highly of his country, but if 
 Pizarro were dead, he was intrusted with a commission that he might then 
 produce, by which he was appointed his successor, in the government of 
 Peru. This attention to Pizarro, however, seems to have flowed rather 
 from dread of. his power than from any approbation of his measures ; for, at 
 the very time that the court seemed so solicitous not to irritate him, his 
 brother Ferdinand was arrested at Madrid, and confined to a prison, where 
 he remained above twentyyears.* 
 
 1540.] While Vaca de Cfastro was preparing for his voyage, events of 
 great moment happened in Peru. The governor, considering himself, upon 
 the death of Almagro. as the unrivalled possessor of that vast empire, pro- 
 ceeded to parcel out its territories among the conquerors ; and had this 
 division been made with any degree of impartiality, the extent of country 
 which he had to bestow was sufficient to have gratified his friends, and to 
 have gained his enemies. But Pizarro conducted this transaction, not with 
 the equity and candour of a judge attentive to discover and to reward 
 
 * Comara Hist. c. 142. Vega, p. 11, lib. ii. c. 40. Herrera, dec. 6. lib. viii. c. 10, 11. lib. x. c 1 
 
 
AMERICA. 289 
 
 merit, but with the illiberal spirit of a party leader. Large districts, in 
 parts of the country most cultivated and populous, were set apart as his own 
 property, or granted to his brothers, his adherents, and favourites. To 
 others, lots less valuable and inviting were assigned. The followers of 
 Almagro, amongst whom were many of the original adventurers to whose 
 valour and perseverance Pizarro was indebted for his success, were totally 
 excluded from any portion in those lands, towards the acquisition of which 
 they had contributed so largely. As the vanity of 'every individual set 
 an immoderate value upon his own services, and the idea of each concern- 
 ing the recompense due to them rose gradually to a more exorbitant height 
 in proportion^ their conquests extended, all who were disappointed in 
 their expectations exclaimed loudly against the rapaciousness aad partiality 
 of the governor. The partisans of Almagro murmured in secret, and medi- 
 tated revenge.* 
 
 Rapid as the progress of the Spaniards in South America had been since 
 Pizarro landed in Peru, their avidity of dominion was not yet satisfied. 
 The officers to whom Ferdinand Pizarro gave the command of different 
 detachments, penetrated into several new provinces ; and though some of 
 them were exposed to great hardships in the cold and barren regions of the 
 Andes, and others suffered distress not inferior amidst the woods and marshes 
 of the plains, they made discoveries and conquests which not only extended 
 their knowledge of the country, but added considerably to the territories 
 of Spain and the New World. Pedro de Valdivia reassumed Almagro's 
 scheme of invading Chili, and notwithstanding the fortitude of the natives 
 in defending their possessions, made such progress in the conquest of the 
 country, that he founded the city of St. Jago, and gave a beginning to the 
 establishment of the Spanish dominion in that province.! But of all the 
 enterprises undertaken about this period, that of Gonzalo Pizarro was the 
 most remarkable. The governor, who seems to have resolved that no 
 person in Peru should possess any station of distinguished eminence or au- 
 thority but those of his own family, had deprived Benalcazar, the conqueror 
 of Quito, of his command in that kingdom, and appointed his brother Gon- 
 zalo to take the government of it. He instructed him to attempt the 
 discovery and conquest of the country to the east of the Andes, which, 
 according to the information of the Indians, abounded with cinnamon and 
 other valuable spices. Gonzalo, not inferior to any of his brothers in 
 courage, and no less ambitious of acauiring distinction, eagerly engaged in 
 this difficult service. He set out from Quito at the head of three hundred 
 and forty soldiers, near one half of wnom were horsemen ; with four thou- 
 sand Indians to carry their provisions. In forcing their way through the 
 defiles, or over the ridges of the Andes, excess of cold and fatigue, to 
 neither of which they were accustomed, proved fatal to the greater part of 
 their wretched attendants. The Spaniards, though more robust, and inured 
 to a variety of climates, suffered considerably, and lost some men : but 
 when they descended into the low country, their distress increased. During 
 two months it rained incessantly, without any interval of fair weather long 
 enough to dry their clothes.J The immense plains upon which they were 
 now entering, either altogether without inhabitants, or occupied by the 
 rudest and least industrious tribes in the New World, yielded little subsist- 
 ence. They could not advance a step but as they cut a road through woods, 
 or made it through marshes. Such incessant toil, and continual scarcity of 
 food, seem more than sufficient to have exhausted and dispirited any troops. 
 But the fortitude and perseverance of the Spaniards in the sixteenth cen- 
 tury were insuperable. Allured by frequent but false accounts of rich 
 countries before them, they persisted in struggling on, until they reached 
 
 * Vega, p. 11. lib. iii. c. 2. Herrera, dec. 6. lib. viii. c. 5. -f Zarate, Jib. iii. c. 13. Ovalle. 
 
 lib. ii. c. 1, &c. { Zarate, lib. iv, c. 2. 
 
 VOL. I. 37 
 
290 HISTORY OF [Boon VI, 
 
 the banks of the Coca or Napo, one of the large rivers whose waters pony 
 into the Maragnon, and contribute to its grandeur. There, with infinite 
 labour, they built a bark, which they expected would prove of great utility 
 in conveying them over rivers, in procuring provisions, and in exploring the^ 
 country. This was manned with fifty soldiers, under the command of 
 Francis Orellana, the officer next in rank to Pizarro. The stream carried 
 them down with such rapidity, that they were soon far ahead of their 
 countrymen, who followed slowly and with difficulty by land. 
 
 At this distance from his commander, Orellana, a young man of an aspi- 
 ring mind, began to fancy himself independent ; and transported with the 
 predominant passion of the age, he formed the scheme of distinguishing 
 himself as a discoverer, by following the course of the Maragnon until it 
 joined the ocean, and by surveying the vast regions through which it flows. 
 This scheme of Orellana's was as bold as it was treacherous. For, if he be 
 chargeable with the guilt of having violated his duty to his commander, and 
 with having abandoned his fellow soldiers in a pathless desert, where they 
 had hardly any hopes of success, or even of safety, but what were founded 
 on the service which they expected from the bark ; his crime is in some 
 measure balanced by the glory of having ventured upon a navigation of 
 near two thousand leagues, through unknown nations, in a vessel hastily con- 
 structed, with green timber, and by very unskilful hands, without pro- 
 visions, without a compass, or a pilot. But his courage and alacrity supplied 
 every defect. Committing himself fearlessly to the guidance of the stream, 
 the Napo bore him along to the south, until he reached the great channel of 
 the Maragnon. Turning with it towards the coast, he held on his course 
 in that direction. He made frequent descents on both sides of the river, 
 sometimes seizing by force of arms the provisions of the fierce savages 
 seated on its banks ; and sometimes procuring a supply of food by a friencHy 
 intercourse with more gentle tribes. After a long series of dangers, which 
 he encountered with amazing fortitude, and of distresses which he sup- 
 ported with no less magnanimity, he reached the ocean [137], where new 
 perils awaited him. These he likewise surmounted, and got safely to the 
 Spanish settlement in the island of Cubagua ; from thence he sailed to 
 Spain. The vanity natural to travellers who visit regions unknown to the 
 rest of mankind, and the art of an adventurer solicitous to magnify his own 
 merit, concurred in prompting him to mingle an extraordinary proportion 
 of the marvellous in the narrative of his voyage. He pretended to have dis- 
 covered nations so rich that the roofs of their temples were covered with 
 plates of gold ; and described a republic of women so warlike and power- 
 ful, as to have extended their dominion over a considerable tract of the fertile 
 plains which he had visited. Extravagant as those tales were, they gave rise 
 to an opinion, that a region abounding with gold, distinguished by the name 
 of El Dorada, and a community of Amazons, were to be found in this part 
 of the world; and sudi is the propensity of mankind to believe what is 
 wonderful, that it has been slowly and with difficulty that reason and ob- 
 servation have exploded those fables. The voyage, however, even ivhen 
 stripped of every romantic embellishment, deserves to be recorded not 
 only as one of the most memorable occurrences in that adventurous age, 
 but as the first event which led to any certain knowledge of the extensive 
 countries that stretch eastward from the Andes to the ocean.* 
 
 No words can describe the consternation of Pizarro, when he did not 
 find the bark at the confluence of the Napo and Maragnon, where he had 
 ordered Orellana to wait for him. He would not allow himself to suspect 
 that a man, whom he had intrusted with such an important command, 
 could be so base and so unfeeling as to desert him at such a juncture. 
 But imputing his absence from the place of rendezvous to some unknown 
 
 * Zarate, lib. iv. c. 4. Gomara Hist. c. 86. Vega, p. 11. lib. iii. c. 4. Herrera, dec. 6. lib. xi. c. 
 3 5. Rodriguez cl Maragnon y Amazonas, lib. i. c. 3. 
 
AMERICA. 291 
 
 Accident, he advanced above fifty leagues along the banks of the Maragnon, 
 expecting every moment to see the bark appear with a supply of provi- 
 sions [1541]. At length be came up with an officer whom Orellana had 
 left to perish in the desert, because he had the courage to remonstrate 
 against his perfidy. From him he learned the extent of Orellana's crime, 
 and his followers perceived at once their own desperate situation, when 
 deprived of their only resource. The spirit of the stoutest hearted vete- 
 ran sunk within him, and all demanded to be led back instantly. Pizarro, 
 though he assumed an appearance of tranquillity, did not oppose their in- 
 clination. But he was now twelve hundred miles from Quito ; and in that 
 long march the Spaniards encountered hardships greater than those which 
 they had endured in their progress outward, without the alluring hopes 
 which then soothed and animated them under their sufferings. Hunger 
 compelled them to feed on roots and berries, to eat all their dogs and 
 horses, to devour the most loathsome reptiles, and even to gnaw the leather 
 of their saddles and swordbelts. Four thousand Indians, and two hundred 
 and ten Spaniards, perished in this wild disastrous expedition, which con- 
 tinued near two years ; and as fifty men were aboard the bark with Orel- 
 lana, only fourscore got back to Quito. These were naked like savages, 
 and so emaciated with famine, or worn out with fatigue, that they had more 
 the appearance of spectres than of men.* 
 
 But, instead of returning to enjoy the repose which his condition re- 
 quired, Pizarro, on entering Quito, received accounts of a fatal event that 
 threatened calamities more dreadful to him than those through which he 
 had passed. From the time that his brother made that partial division of 
 his conquests which has been mentioned, the adherents of Almagro, con- 
 sidering themselves as proscribed by the party in power, no longer enter- 
 tained any hope of bettering their condition. Great numbers in despair 
 resorted to Lima, where the house of young Almagro was always open to 
 them, and the slender portion of his father's fortune, which the governor 
 allowed him to enjoy, was spent in affording them subsistence. The warm 
 attachment with which every person who had served under the elder Al- 
 magro devoted himself to his interests, was quickly transferred to his son, 
 who was now grown up to the age of manhood, and possessed all the 
 qualities which captivate the affections of soldiers. Of a graceful appear- 
 ance, dexterous at all martial exercises, bold, open, generous, he seemed to 
 be formed for command ; and as his father, conscious of his own inferiority 
 from the total want of education, had been extremely attentive to have 
 him instructed in every science becoming a gentleman ; the accomplish- 
 'ments which he had acquired heightened the respect of his followers, as 
 they gave him distinction and eminence among illiterate adventurers. In 
 this young man the Almagrians found a point of union which they wanted, 
 and, looking up to him as their head, were ready to undertake any thing 
 for his advancement. Nor was affection for Almagro their only incite- 
 ment ; they were urged on by their own distresses. Many of them, des- 
 titute of common necessaries [138], and wear}'' of loitering aw r ay life, a 
 burden to their chief, or to such of their associates as had saved some 
 remnant of their fortune from pillage and confiscation, longed impatiently 
 for an occasion to exert their activity and courage, and began lo deliberate 
 how they might be avenged on the author of all their misery. Their fre- 
 quent cabals did not pass unobserved ; and the governor was warned to 
 be on his guard against men who meditated some desperate deed, and had 
 resolution to execute it. But either from the native intrepidity of his 
 mind, or from contempt of persons whose poverty seemed to render their 
 machinations of little consequence, he disregarded the admonitions of his 
 friends. " Be in no pain," said he carelessly, " about my life ; it is per- 
 
 * Zarate, lib. iv. c. 25. Vega, p. 11. lib. iii. c. 3, 4, 5. 14. Herrera, dec. 6. lib. viii. c. 7, 8. 
 lib. ix, c. 25. dec. 7. lib. iii c. 14. Tizar. Varones Ulust. 346, <fcc. 
 
292 H I S T O R Y OF [BOOK VI. 
 
 fectly safe, as long as every man in Peru knows that 1 can in a moment 
 cut off any head which dares to harbour a thought against it." This secu- 
 rity gave the Almagrians full leisure to digest and ripen every part of 
 their scheme : and Juan de Herrada, an officer of great abilities, who had 
 the charge of Almagro's education, took the direction of their consulta- 
 tions with all the zeal which this connection inspired, and with all the au- 
 thority which the ascendant that he was known to have over the mind of 
 his pupil gave him. 
 
 On Sunday the twenty-sixth of June, at mid-day, the season of tran- 
 quillity and repose in all sultry climates, Herrada, at the head of eighteen 
 of the most determined conspirators, sallied out of Almagro's house, in 
 complete armour ; and, drawing their swords, as they advanced hastily 
 towards the governor's palace, cried out, " Long live the King, but let the 
 tyrant die !" Their associates, warned of their motions by a signal, were 
 in arms at different stations ready to support them. Though Pizarro was 
 usually surrounded by such a numerous train of attendants as suited the 
 magnificence of the most opulent subject of the age in which he lived ; 
 yet as he was just risen from table, and most of his domestics had retired 
 to their own apartments, the conspirators passed through the two outer 
 courts of the palace unobserved. They were at the bottom of the stair- 
 case before a page in waiting could give the alarm to his master, who was 
 conversing with a few friends in a large hall. The governor, whose steady 
 mind no form of danger could appal, starting up, called for arms, and 
 commanded Francisco de Chaves to make fast the door. But that officer, 
 who did not retain so much presence of mind as to obey this prudent 
 order, running to the top of the staircase, wildly asked the conspirators 
 what they meant, and whither they were going ? Instead of answering, 
 they stabbed him to the heart, and burst into the hall. Some of the per- 
 sons who were there threw themselves from the windows ; others attempt- 
 ed to fly ; and a few drawing their swords followed their leader into an 
 inner apartment. The conspirators, animated with having the object of 
 their vengeance now in view, rushed forward after them. Pizarro, with 
 no other arms than his sword and buckler, defended the entry ; and, sup- 
 ported by his half brother Alcantara, and his little knot of friends, he 
 maintained the unequal contest with intrepidity worthy of his past exploits, 
 and with the vigour of a youthful combatant. " Courage," cried he, 
 " companions ! we are yet enow to make those traitors repent of their au- 
 dacity." But the armour of the conspirators protected them, while every 
 thrust they made took effect. Alcantara fell dead at his brother's feet ; 
 his other defenders were mortally wounded. The governor, so weary 
 that he could hardly wield his sword, and no longer able to parry the many 
 weapons furiously aimed at him, received a deadly thrust full in his throat, 
 sunk to the ground, and expired. 
 
 As soon as he was slain, the assassins ran out into the streets, and, waving 
 their bloody swords, proclaimed the death of the tyrant. Above two 
 hundred of their associates having joined them, they conducted young Al- 
 magro in solemn procession through the city, and, assembling the magis- 
 trates and principal citizens, compelled them to acknowledge him as lawful 
 successor to his father in his government. The palace of Pizarro, together 
 with the houses of several of his adherents, was pillaged by the soldiers, 
 who had the satisfaction at once of being avenged on their enemies, and 
 of enriching- themselves by the spoils of those through whose hands all the 
 wealth of Peru had passed.* 
 
 The boldness and success of the conspiracy, as well as the name and 
 popular qualities of Almagro, drew many soldiers to his standard. Every 
 adventurer of desperate fortune, all who were dissatisfied with Pizarro 
 
 * Zarate, lib. iv. c. 68. Gomara Hist. c. 144, 145. Vega, p. 11. lib. iii. c. 57. Herrera, dec 
 6. lib. x. e. 47. Pizarro Var. Illust. p. 183. 
 
AMERICA. 293 
 
 (and from the rapaciousness of his government in the latter years of his 
 life the number of malecontents was considerable), declared without hesi- 
 tation in favour of Almagro, and he was soon at the head of eight hundred 
 of the most gallant veterans in Peru. As his youth and inexperience dis- 
 qualified him from taking the command of them himself, he appointed 
 Herrada to act as general. But though Almagro speedily collected such 
 a respectable force, the acquiescence in his government was far from being 
 general. Pizarro had left many friends to whom his memory was dear ; 
 the barbarous assassination of a man to whom his country was so highly 
 indebted, filled every impartial person with horror. The ignominious 
 birth of Almagro, as well as the doubtful title on which he founded his 
 pretensions, led others to consider him as a usurper. The officers who 
 commanded in some provinces refused to recognise his authority until it 
 was confirmed by the emperor. In others, particularly at Cuzco, the royal 
 standard was erected, and preparations were begun in order to revenge 
 the murder of their ancient leader. 
 
 Those seeds of discord, which could not have lain long dormant, acquired 
 great vigour and activity when the arrival of Vaca de Castro was known. 
 After a long and disastrous voyage, he was driven by stress of weather 
 into a small harbour in the province of Popayan ; and proceeding from 
 thence by land, after a journey no less tedious than difficult, he reached 
 Quito. In his way he received accounts of Pizarro's death, and of the 
 events which followed upon it. He immediately produced the royal 
 commission appointing him governor of Peru, with the same privileges and 
 authority ; and his jurisdiction was acknowledged without hesitation by 
 Benalcazar, adelantado or lieutenant-general for the emperor in Popayan, 
 and by Pedro de Puelles, who, in the absence of Gonzalo Pizarro, had 
 the command of the troops left in Quito. Vaca de Castro not only assumed 
 the supreme authority, but showed that he possessed the talents which the 
 exercise of it at that juncture required. By his influence and address he 
 soon assembled such a body of troops, as not only to set him above all 
 fear of being exposed to any insult from the adverse party, but enabled 
 him to advance from Quito with the dignity which became his character. 
 By despatching persons of confidence to the different settlements in Peru 
 with a formal notification of his arrival and of his commission, he commu- 
 nicated to his countrymen the royal pleasure with respect to the govern- 
 ment of the country. By private emissaries, he excited such officers as 
 had discovered their disapprobation of Almagro's proceedings, to manifest 
 their duty to their sovereign by supporting the person honoured with his 
 commission. Those measures were productive of great effects. En- 
 couraged by the approach of the new governor, or prepared by his 
 machinations, the loyal were confirmed in their principles, and avowed 
 them with greater boldness ; the timid ventured to declare their sentiments ; 
 the neutral and wavering, finding it necessary to choose a side, began 
 to lean to that which now appeared to be the safest as well as the most 
 just.* 
 
 Almagro observed the rapid progress of this spirit of disaffection to his 
 cause ; and in order to give an effectual check to it before the arrival of 
 Vaca de Castro, he set out at the head of his troops for Cuzco [1542], 
 where the most considerable body of opponents had erected the royal 
 standard, under the command of Pedro Alvarez Holguin. During his 
 march thither, Herrada, the skilful guide of his youth and of his counsels, 
 died ; and from that time his measures were conspicuous for their violence, 
 but concerted with little sagacity, and executed with no address. Holguin, 
 who, with forces far inferior to those of the opposite party, was descend- 
 
 * Benzon, lib. iii. c. 9. Zarate, lib, iv. c. 11. Gomara. c. 146, 147 Herrera. dec. 6. lib. x. c. 1. 
 2,3.7,&c. 
 
294 HISTORY OF [BOOK VI, 
 
 ing .towards the coast at the very time that Almagro was on his way to 
 Cuzco, deceived his inexperienced adversary by a very simple stratagem, 
 avoided an engagement, and effected a junction with Alvarado, an olicei 
 of note, who had been the first to declare against Almagro as a usurper. 
 
 Soon after, Vaca de Castro entered their camp with the troops which 
 he brought from Quito ; and erecting the royal standard before his own 
 tent, he declared that, as governor, he would discharge in person all 
 the functions of general of their combined forces. Though formed by 
 the tenor of his past life to the habits of a sedentary and pacific profession, 
 he at once assumed the activity and discovered the decision of an office] 
 long accustomed to command. Knowing his strength to be now far supe- 
 rior to that of the enemy, he was impatient to terminate the contest by a 
 battle. Nor did the followers of Almagro, who had no hopes of obtaining 
 a pardon for a crime so atrocious as the murder of the governor, decline 
 that mode of decision. They met at Chupaz [Sept. 16], about two hun 
 dred miles from Cuzco, and fought with all the fierce animosity inspired 
 by the violence of civil rage, the rancour of private enmity, the eagerness 
 of revenge, and the last efforts of despair. Victory, after remaining long 
 doubtful, declared at last for Vaco de Castro. The superior number of 
 his troops, his own intrepidity, and the martial talents of Francisco de 
 Carvajal, a veteran officer formed under the great captain in the wars of 
 Italy, and who on that day laid the foundation of his future fame in Peru, 
 triumphed over the bravery of his opponents, though led on by young 
 Almagro with a gallant spirit worthy of a better cause, and deserving 
 another fate. The carnage was great in proportion to the number of the 
 combatants. Many of the vanquished, especially such as were conscious 
 that they might be charged with being accessary to the assassination ot 
 Pizarro, rushing on the swords of the enemy, chose to fall like soldiers 
 rather than wait an ignominious doom. Of fourteen hundred men, the 
 total amount of combatants on both sides, five hundred lay dead on the 
 field, and the number of the wounded was still greater.* 
 
 If the military talents displayed by Vaca de Castro, both in the council 
 and in the field, surprised the adventurers in Peru, they were still more 
 astonished at his conduct after the victory. As he was by nature a rigid 
 dispenser of justice, and persuaded that it required examples of extraor- 
 dinary severity to restrain the licentious spirit of soldiers so far removed 
 from the seat of government, he proceeded directly to try his prisoners as 
 rebels. Forty were condemned to suffer the death of traitors, others were 
 banished from Peru. Their leader, who made his escape from the battle, 
 being betrayed by some of his officers, was publicly beheaded in Cuzco ; 
 and in him the name of Almagro, and the spirit of the party, was extinct.f 
 
 During those violent convulsions in Peru, the emperor and his ministers 
 were intently employed in preparing regulations, by which they hoped not 
 only to re-establish tranquillity there, but to introduce a more perfect system 
 of internal policy into all their settlements in the New World. It is 
 manifest from all the events recorded in the history of America, that, 
 rapid and extensive as the Spanish conquests there had been, they were 
 not carried on by any regular exertion of the national force, but by the 
 occasional efforts of private adventurers. After fitting out a few of the 
 first armaments for discovering new regions, the court of Spain, during the 
 busy reigns of Ferdinand and Charles V., the former the most intriguing 
 prince of the age, and the latter the most ambitious, was encumbered with 
 such a multiplicity of schemes, and involved in war with so many nations 
 of Europe, that he had not leisure to attend to distant and less interesting 
 
 * Zarate, lib. iv. c. 1319. Gomara, c. 148. Vega, p. 11. lib. iii. c. 1118. Hem*a, dec. 7. 
 lib. i. c. 1, 2, 3. lib. iii. c. 111. T Zarate, lib. iv. c, 21. Gomara, c. 150. Herrera, dec. 7. lib. iii 
 c. X2. lib. vi. c. 1. 
 
AMERICA. 295 
 
 objects. The care of prosecuting discovery, or of attempting conquest, 
 was abandoned to individuals ; and with such ardour did men push forward in 
 this new career, on which novelty, the spirit of adventure, avarice, ambition, 
 and the hope of meriting heaven, prompted them with combined influence 
 to enter, that in less than half a century almost the whole of that extensive 
 empire which Spain now possesses in the New World, was subjected to 
 its dominion. As the Spanish court contributed nothing towards the various 
 expeditions undertaken in America, it was not entitled to claim much from 
 their success. The sovereignty of the conquered provinces, with the fifth 
 of the gold and silver, was reserved for the crown ; every thing else was 
 seized by the associates in each expedition as their own right. The 
 plunder of the countries which they invaded served to indemnify them for 
 what they had expended in equipping themselves for the service, and the 
 conquered territory was divided among them, according to rules which 
 custom had introduced, as permanent establishments which their successful 
 valour merited. In the infancy of those settlements, when their extent as 
 well as their value was unknown, many irregularities escaped observation, 
 and it was found necessary to connive at many excesses. The conquered 
 people were frequently pillaged with destructive rapacity, and their country 
 parcelled out among its new masters in exorbitant shares, far exceeding 
 the highest recompense due to their services. The rude conquerors of 
 America, incapable of forming their establishments upon any general or 
 extensive plan of policy, attentive only to private interest, unwilling to 
 forego present gain from the prospect of remote or public benefit, seem to 
 have had no object but to amass sudden wealth, without regarding what 
 might be the consequences of the means by which they acquired it. But 
 when time at length discovered to the Spanish court the importance of its 
 American possessions, the necessity of new-modelling their whole frame 
 became obvious, and in place of the maxims and practices prevalent 
 among military adventurers, it was found requisite to substitute the insti- 
 tutions of regular government. 
 
 One evil in particular called for an immediate remedy. The conquerors 
 of Mexico and Peru imitated the fatal example of their countrymen settled 
 in the islands, and employed themselves in searching for gold and silver 
 with the same inconsiderate eagerness. Similar effects followed. The 
 natives employed in this labour by masters, who in imposing tasks had no 
 regard either to what they felt or to what they were able to perform, pined 
 away and perished so fast, that there was reason to apprehend that Spain, 
 instead of possessing countries peopled to such a degree as to be suscep- 
 tible of progressive improvement, would soon remain proprietor only of a 
 vast uninhabited desert. 
 
 The emperor and his ministers were so sensible of this, and so solicitous 
 to prevent the extinction of the Indian race, which threatened to render 
 their acquisitions of no value, that from time to time various laws, which 
 I have mentioned, had been made for securing to that unhappy people 
 more gentle and equitable treatment. But the distance of America from 
 the seat of empire, the feebleness of government in the new colonies, the 
 avarice and audacity of soldiers unaccustomed to restraint, prevented these 
 salutary regulations from operating with any considerable influence. The 
 evil continued to grow, and at this time the emperor found an interval of 
 leisure from the affairs of Europe to take it into attentive consideration. 
 He consulted not only with his ministers and the members of the council 
 of the Indies, but called upon several persons who had resided long in the 
 New World to aid them with the result of their experience and observa- 
 tion. Fortunately for the people of America, among these was Bartholo- 
 mew de las Casas, who happened to be then at Madrid on a mission from 
 a Chapter of his order at Chiapa.* Though since the miscarriage of his 
 
 * Ilemesal Hist, de Chiapa, p. 146. 
 
196 HISTORY OF [BOOK VI, 
 
 former schemes for the relief of the Indians, he had continued shut up in 
 his cloister, or occupied in religious functions, his zeal in behalf of the 
 former objects of his pity was so far from abating, that, from an increased 
 knowledge of their sufferings, its ardour had augmented. He seized 
 eagerly this opportunity of reviving his favourite maxims concerning the 
 treatment of the Indians. With the moving eloquence natural to a man 
 on whose mind the scenes which he had beheld had made a deep impres- 
 sion, he described the irreparable waste of the human species in the New 
 World, the Indian race almost totally swept away in the islands in less 
 than fifty years, and hastening to extinction on the continent with the same 
 rapid decay. With the decisive tone of one strongly prepossessed with 
 the truth of his own system, he imputed all this to a single cause, to the 
 exactions and cruelty of his countrymen, and contended that nothing could 
 prevent the depopulation of America, but the declaring of its natives to be 
 Freemen, and treating them as subjects, not as slaves. Nor did he confide 
 for the success of this proposal in the powers of his oratory alone. In 
 order to enforce them, he composed his famous treatise concerning the 
 destruction of America,* in which he relates, with many horrid circum- 
 stances, but with apparent marks of exaggerated description, the devasta- 
 tion of every province which had been visited by the Spaniards. 
 
 The emperor was deeply afflicted with the recital of so many actions 
 shocking to humanity. But as his views extended far beyond those of Las 
 Casas, he perceived that relieving the Indians from oppression was but one 
 step towards rendering his possessions in the New World a valuable acqui- 
 sition, and would be of little avail, unless he could circumscribe the power 
 and usurpations of his own subjects there. The conquerors of America, 
 however great their merit had been towards their country, were mostly 
 persons of such mean birth, and of such an abject rank in society, as gave no 
 distinction in the eye of a monarch. The exorbitant wealth with which 
 some of them returned, gave umbrage to an age not accustomed to see men 
 in inferior condition elevated above their level, and rising to emulate or to 
 surpass the ancient nobility in splendour. The territories which their 
 leaders had appropriated to themselves were of such enormous extent [139], 
 that, if the country should ever be improved in proportion to the fertility 
 of the soil, they must grow too wealthy and too powerful for subjects. It 
 appeared to Charles that this abuse required a remedy no less than the 
 other, and that the regulations concerning both must be enforced by a mode 
 of government more vigorous than had yet been introduced into America. 
 
 With this view he framed a body of laws, containing many salutary 
 appointments with respect to the constitution and powers of the supreme 
 council of the Indies ; concerning the station and jurisdiction of the royal 
 audiences in different parts of America ; the administration of justice ; the 
 order of government, both ecclesiastical and civil. These were approved 
 of by all ranks of men. But together with them were issued the following 
 regulations, which excited universal alarm, and occasioned the most violent 
 convulsions : " That as the reparlimientos or shares of land seized by several 
 persons appeared to be excessive, the royal audiences are empowered to 
 reduce them to a moderate extent : That upon the death of any conqueror 
 or planter, the lands and Indians granted to him shall not descend to his 
 widow or children, but return to the crown : That the Indians shall hence- 
 forth be exempt from personal service, and shall not be compelled to carry 
 the baggage of travellers, to labour in the mines, or to dive in the pearl 
 fisheries : That the stated tribute due by them to their superior shall be 
 ascertained, and they shall be paid as servants for any work they voluntarily 
 perform : That all persons who are or have been in public offices, all 
 ecclesiastics of every denomination, all hospitals and monasteries, shall be 
 deprived of the lands and Indians allotted to them, and these be annexed 
 
 * Remesal. p. 192. 199. 
 
AMERICA. 297 
 
 *o the crown : That every person in Peru, who had any criminal concern 
 in the contest between Pizarro and Almagro should forfeit his lands and 
 Indians."* 
 
 All the Spanish ministers who had hitherto been intrusted with the 
 direction of American affairs, and who were best acquainted with the state 
 of the country, remonstrated against those regulations as ruinous to their 
 infant colonies. They represented, that the number of Spaniards who 
 had hitherto emigrated to the New World was so extremely small, that 
 nothing could be expected from any effort of theirs towards improving the 
 vast regions over which they were scattered ; that the success of every 
 scheme for this purpose must depend upon the ministry and service of the 
 Indians, whose native indolence and aversion to labour, no prospect of 
 benefit or promise of reward could surmount ; that the moment the right of 
 imposing a task, and exacting the performance of it, was taken from their 
 masters, every work of industry must cease, and all the sources from which 
 wealth began to pour in upon Spain must be stopped for ever. But Charles, 
 tenacious at all times of his own opinions, and so much impressed at present 
 with the view of the disorders which reigned in America, that he was 
 willing to hazard the application even of a dangerous remedy, persisted in 
 his resolution of publishing the laws. That they might be carried into 
 execution with greater vigour and authority, he authorized Francisco Tello 
 de Sandoval to repair to Mexico as Visitador? or superintendent of that 
 country, and to co-operate with Antonio de Mendoza, the viceroy, in en- 
 forcing them. He appointed Blasco Nugnez Vela to be governor of 
 Peru, with the title of viceroy ; and in order to strengthen his adminis- 
 tration, he established a court of royal audience in Lima [1543], in which 
 four lawyers of eminence were to preside as judges.f 
 
 The viceroy and superintendent sailed at the same time ; and an account 
 of the laws which they were to enforce reached America before them. 
 The entry of Sandoval into Mexico was viewed as the prelude of general 
 ruin. The unlimited grant of liberty to the Indians affected every Spaniard 
 in America without distinction, and there was hardly one who might not on 
 some pretext be included under the other regulations, and suffer by them. 
 But the colony in New Spain had now been so long accustomed to the 
 restraints of law and authority under the steady and prudent administration 
 of Mendoza, that, how much soever the spirit of the new statutes was de- 
 tested and dreaded, no attempt was made to obstruct the publication of 
 them by any act of violence unbecoming subjects. The magistrates and 
 principal inhabitants, however, presented dutiful addresses to the viceroy 
 and superintendent, representing the fatal consequences of enforcing them. 
 Happily for them Mendoza, by long residence in the country, was so tho- 
 roughly acquainted with its state, that he knew what was for its interest as 
 well as what it could bear ; and Sandoval, though new in office, displayed 
 a degree of moderation seldom possessed by persons just entering upon the 
 exercise of power. They engaged to suspend, for some time, the execution 
 of what was offensive in the new laws, and not only consented that a depu- 
 tation of citizens should be sent k) Europe to lay before the emperor the 
 apprehensions of his subjects in New Spain with respect to their tendency 
 and effects, but they concurred with them in supporting their sentiments. 
 Charles, moved by the opinion of men whose abilities and integrity entitled 
 them to decide concerning what fell immediately under their own view, 
 granted such a relaxation of the rigour of the laws as re-established the 
 colony in its former tranquillity .| 
 
 In reru the storm gathered with an aspect still more fierce and threaten- 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 7. lib. vi, c, 4. Fernandez Hist. lib. i. c. 1, 2. | Zarate, lib. iii. c. 24. Go 
 
 mara. c. 151. Vega, p. 2. lib. iii. c. 20. J Fernandez Hist. lib. i. c. 3, 4, 5. Vega, p. 11. lib. iii. 
 c. 21, 22. Herrera, dec. 7. lib. v. c. 7. lib. vii. c. 14, 15. Torquem. Mond. Ind. lib. v. c. 13. 
 VOL. I. 38 
 
*98 HISTORY Of [BOOK VI. 
 
 mg, and was not so soon dispelled. The conquerors of Peru, of a rank 
 much inferior to those who had subjected Mexico to the Spanish crown, 
 further removed from the inspection of the parent state, and intoxicated 
 with the sudden acquisition of wealth, carried on all their operations with 
 greater license and irregularity than any body of adventurers in the New- 
 World. Amidst the general subversion of law and order, occasioned by 
 two successive civil wars, when each individual was at liberty to decide 
 for himself, without any guide but his own interest or passions, this turbulent 
 spirit rose above all sense of subordination. To men thus corrupted by 
 anarchy, the introduction of regular government, the power of a viceroy, 
 and the authority of a respectable court of judicature, would of themselves 
 have appeared formidable restraints, to which they would have submitted 
 with reluctance But they revolted with indignation against the idea of 
 complying with laws, by which they were to be stripped at once of all 
 they had earned so hardly during many years of service and suffering. As 
 the account of the new laws spread successively through the different settle- 
 ments, the inhabitants ran together, the women in tears, and the men 
 exclaiming against the injustice and ingratitude of their sovereign in de- 
 priving them, unheard and unconvicted, oi % their possessions. " Is this," 
 cried they, " the recompense due to persons, who, without public aid, at 
 their own expense, and by their own valour, have subjected to the crown of 
 Castile territories of such immense extent and opulence ? Are these the 
 rewards bestowed for having endured unparalleled distress, for having 
 encountered every species of danger in the service of their country ? Whose 
 merit is so great, whose conduct has been so irreproachable, that he may 
 not be condemned by some penal clause in regulations, conceived in terms 
 as loose and comprehensive, as if it had been intended that all should be 
 entangled in their snare ? Every Spaniard of note in Peru has held some 
 public office, and all, without distinction, have been constrained to take an 
 active part in the contest between the two rival chiefs. Were the former 
 to be robbed of their property because they had done their duty ? Were the 
 latter to be punished on account of what they could not avoid ? Shall the 
 conquerors of this great empire, instead of receiving marks of distinction, 
 be deprived of the natural consolation of providing for their widows and 
 children, and leave them to depend for subsistence on the scanty supply 
 they can extort from unfeeling courtiers ?* We are not able now," continued 
 they, " to explore unknown regions in quest of more secure settlements ; 
 our constitutions debilitated with age, and our bodies covered with wounds, 
 are no longer fit for active service ; but still we possess vigour sufficient to 
 assert our just rights, and we will not tamely suffer them to be wrested 
 from us."| 
 
 By discourses of this sort, uttered with vehemence, and listened to with 
 universal approbation, their passions were inflamed to such a pitch that 
 they were prepared for the most violent measures ; and began to hold con- 
 sultations in different places, how they might oppose the entrance of the 
 viceroy and judges, and prevent not only the execution but the promulga- 
 tion of the new laws. From this, however, they were diverted by the 
 address of Vaca de Castro, who flattered them with hopes, that, as soon as 
 the viceroy and judges should arrive, and had leisure to examine their pe- 
 titions ana remonstrances, they would concur with them in endeavouring 
 to procure some mitigation in the rigour of laws which had been framed 
 without due attention either to the state of the country, or to the senti- 
 ments of the people. A greater degree of accommodation to these, and 
 even some concessions on the part of government, were now become requi- 
 site to compose the present ferment, and to soothe the colonists into sub- 
 
 >> -' - ! 
 
 * ITerrera, dec. 7. lib. vii. c. 14, 15. | Gomara, c. 152. Herrera, dec. 7. lib. vi. c. 10, 1L 
 
 Vega, p. 11. lib. iii. c. 20. 22. lib. iv. c. 3, 4. 
 
AMERICA. 299 
 
 mission) by inspiring them with confidence in their superiors. But without 
 profound discernment, conciliating manners, and flexibility of temper, such 
 a plan could not be carried on. The viceroy possessed none of these. 
 Of all the qualities that fit men for high command, he was endowed only 
 with integrity and courage ; the former harsh and uncomplying, the latter 
 bordering so frequently on rashness or obstinacy, that, in his situation, they 
 were defects rather than virtues. From the moment that he landed at 
 Tumbez [March 4], Nugnez Vela seems to have considered himself 
 merely as an executive officer, without any discretionary power; and, re- 
 gardless of whatever he observed or heard concerning the state of the 
 country, he adhered to the letter of the regulations with unrelenting rigour. 
 In all the towns through which he passed, the natives were declared to 
 be free, every person in public office was deprived of his lands and ser- 
 vants ; and as an example of obedience to others, he would not suffer a 
 single Indian to be employed in carrying his own baggage in his march to- 
 wards Lima. Amazement and consternation went before him as he ap- 
 proached ; and so little solicitous was he to prevent these from augmenting, 
 that, on entering the capital, he openly, avowed that he came to obey the 
 orders of his sovereign, not to dispense* with his laws. This harsh decla- 
 ration was accompanied with what rendered it still more intolerable, 
 haughtiness in deportment, a tone of arrogance and decision in discourse, 
 and an insolence of office grievous to men little accustomed to hold civil 
 authority in high respect. Every attempt to procure a suspension or miti-^ 
 gation of the new laws, the viceroy considered as flowing from a spirit ot 
 disaffection that tended to rebellion. Several persons of rank were con- 
 fined, and some put to death, without any form of trial. Vaca de Castro 
 was arrested ; and notwithstanding the dignity of his former rank, and his 
 merit, in having prevented a general insurrection in the colony, he was 
 loaded with chains, and shut up in the common jail.* 
 
 But however general the indignation was against such proceedings, it is 
 probable the hand of authority would have been strong enough to suppress 
 it, or to prevent it bursting out with open violence, if the malecontents had 
 not been provided with a leader of credit and eminence to unite and to 
 direct their efforts. From the time that the purport of the new regulations 
 was known in Peru, every Spaniard there turned his eyes towards Gon- 
 zalo Pizarro, as the only person able to avert the ruin with which they 
 threatened the colony. From all quarters, letters and addresses were sent 
 to him, conjuring him to stand forth as their common protector, and offer- 
 ing to support him in the attempt with their lives and fortunes. Gonzalo, 
 though inferior in talents to his other brothers, w T as equally ambitious, and 
 of courage no less daring. The behaviour of an ungrateful court towards 
 his brothers and himself dwelt continually on his mind. Ferdinand a state 
 prisoner in Europe, the children of the governor in custody of the viceroy, 
 and sent aboard his fleet, himself reduced to the condition of a private 
 citizen in a country for the discovery and conquest of which Spain was in- 
 debted to his family these thoughts prompted him to seek for vengeance, 
 and to assert the rights of his family, of which he now considered himself 
 as the guardian and the heir. But as no Spaniard can easily surmount that 
 veneration for his sovereign which seems to be interwoven in his frame, 
 the idea of marching in arms against the royal standard filled him with 
 horror. He hesitated long, and was still unresolved, when the violence of 
 the viceroy, the universal call of his countrymen, and the certainty of be- 
 coming soon a victim himself to the severity of the new laws, moved him 
 to quit his residence at Chuquisaca de la Plata, and repair to Cuzco. All 
 the inhabitants went out to meet him, and received him with transports of 
 
 * Zarate, lib. iv. c. 23, 24, 25. Gomara, c. 153155. Vega. p. 11. lib. iv. c. 4, 5. Fernandez, 
 lib. i. c. G-10. 
 
300 HISTORY OF [BOOK VI. 
 
 joy as the deliverer of the colony. In the fervour of their zeal, they elect- 
 ed him procurator-general of the Spanish nation in Peru, to solicit the re- 
 peal of the late regulations. They empowered him to lay their remon- 
 strances before the royal audience in Lima, and, upon pretext of danger 
 from the Indians, authorized him to march thither in arms [1544]. Under 
 sanction of this nomination Pizarro took possession of the royal treasure, 
 appointed officers, levied soldiers, seized a large train of artillery which 
 V aca de Castro had deposited in Gumanga, and set out for Lima as if he 
 had been advancing against a public enemy. Disaffection having now as- 
 sumed a regular form, and being united under a chief of such distinguish- 
 ed name, many persons of note resorted to his standard ; and a considerable 
 part of the troops, raised by the viceroy to oppose his progress, deserted 
 to him in a body.* 
 
 Before Pizarro reached Lima, a revolution had happened there, which 
 encouraged him to proceed with almost certainty of success. The violence 
 of the viceroy's administration was not more formidable to the Spaniards 
 of Peru than his overbearing haughtiness was odious to his associates, the 
 judges of the royal audience. Durjjig their voyage from Spain, some symp- 
 toms of coldness between the viceroy and them began to appear.! But 
 as soon as they entered upon the exercise of their respective offices, both 
 parties were so much exasperated by frequent contests, arising from inter- 
 ference of jurisdiction and contrariety of opinion, that their mutual disgust 
 soon grew into open enmity. The judges thwarted the viceroy in every 
 measure, set at liberty prisoners whom he had confined, justified the male- 
 contents, and applauded their remonstrances. At a time when both de- 
 partments of government should have united against the approaching 
 enemy, they were contending with each other for superiority. The 
 judges at length prevailed. The viceroy, universally odious, and abandon- 
 ed even by his own guards, was seized in his palace [Sept. 18], and carried 
 to a desert island on the coast, to be kept there until ne could be, sent home 
 to Spain. 
 
 The judges, in consequence of this, having assumed the supreme direc- 
 tion of affairs into their own hands, issued a proclamation suspending the 
 execution of the obnoxious laws, arid sent a message to Pizarro, requiring 
 him, as they had already granted whatever he could request, to dismiss 
 his troops, and to repair to Lima with fifteen or twenty attendants. They 
 could hardly expect that a man so daring and ambitious would tamely 
 comply with this requisition. It was made, probably, with no such inten- 
 tion, but only to throw a decent veil over their own conduct ; for Cepeda, 
 the president of the court of audience, a pragmatical and aspiring lawyer, 
 seems to have held a secret correspondence with Pizarro, and had already 
 formed the plan, which he afterwards executed, of devoting himself to 
 his service. The imprisonment of the viceroy, the usurpation of the 
 judges, together with the universal confusion and anarchy consequent upon 
 events so singular and unexpected, opened new and vast prospects to Pi- 
 zarro. He now beheld the supreme power within his reach. Nor did he 
 want courage to push on towards the object which fortune presented to 
 his view. Carvajal, the prompter of his resolutions, and guide of all his 
 actions, had long fixed his eye upon it as the only end at which Pizarro 
 ought to aim. instead of the inferior function of procurator for the Span- 
 ish settlements in Peru, he openly demanded to be governor and captain- 
 general of the whole province, and required the court of audience to grant 
 him a commission to that effect. At the head of twelve hundred men, 
 within a mile of Lima, where there was neither leader nor army to oppose 
 him, such a request carried with it the authority of a command. But the 
 
 * Zarate, lib. v. c. 1. Gomara, c. 156, 157. Vega, p. 11. lib. iv. c. 412. Fernandez, lib. i. c 
 1217. Herrera, dec. 7. lib. vii. c. 18, fcc. lib. viii. c. 15. t Gomara, c. 171. 
 
AMERICA. 301 
 
 } udges, either from unwillingness to relinquish power, or from a desire of 
 preserving some attention to appearances, hesitated, or seemed to hesitate, 
 about complying with what he demanded. Carvajal, impatient of delay, 
 and impetuous in all his operations, marched in,to the city by night, seized 
 several officers of distinction obnoxious to Pizarro, and hanged them with- 
 out the formality of a trial. Next morning the court of audience issued 
 a commission in the emperor's name, appointing Pizarro governor of Peru, 
 with full powers, civil as well as military, and he entered the town that 
 day with extraordinary pomp, to take possession of his new dignity.* 
 
 Oct. 28.] But amidst the disorder and turbulence which accompanied 
 this total dissolution of the frame of government, the minds of men, set 
 loose from the ordinary restraints of law, and authority, acted with such 
 capricious irregularity, that events no less extraordinary than unexpected 
 followed in a rapid succession. Pizarro had scarcely "begun to exercise 
 the new powers with which he was invested, when he beheld formidable 
 enemies rise up to oppose him. The viceroy having been put on board a 
 vessel by the judges of the audience, in order that he might be carried to 
 Spain under custody of Juan Alvarez one of their own number ; as soon 
 as they were out at sea, Alvarez, either touched with remorse, or moved 
 by fear, kneeled down to his prisoner, declared him from that moment to 
 be free, and that he himself, and every person in the ship, would obey him 
 as the legal representative of their sovereign. Nugnez Vela ordered the 
 pilot of the vessel to shape his course towards Tumbez, and as soon as he 
 landed there, erected the royal standard, and resumed his functions of 
 viceroy. Several persons of note, to whom the contagion of the seditious 
 spirit which reigned at Cuzcp and Lima had not reached, instantly avowed 
 their resolution to support his authority.! The violence of Pizarro's go- 
 vernment, who observed every individual with the jealousy natural to 
 usurpers, and who punished every appearance of disaffection with unfor- 
 giving severity, soon augmented the number of the viceroy's adherents, as 
 it forced some leading men in the colony to fly to him for refuge. While 
 he was gathering such strength at Tumbez, that his forces began to assume 
 the appearance of what was considered as an army in America. Diego 
 Centeno, a bold and active officer, exasperated by the cruelty arid oppres- 
 sion of Pizarro's lieutenant-governor in the province of Charcas, formed a 
 conspiracy against his life, cut him off, and declared for the viceroy.J 
 
 1545.] Pizarro, though alarmed with those appearances of hostility in 
 the opposite extremes of the empire, was not disconcerted. He prepared 
 to assert the authority, to which he had attained, with the spirit arid con- 
 duct of an officer accustomed to command, and marched directly against 
 the viceroy as the enemy who was nearest as well as most formidable. 
 As he was master of the public revenues in Peru, and most of the military 
 men were attached to his family, his troops were so numerous, that the 
 viceroy, unable to face them, retreated towards Quito. Pizarro followed 
 him ; and in that long march, through a wild, mountainous country, suffered 
 hardships, and encountered difficulties, which no troops but those accus- 
 tomed to serve in America could have endured or surmounted [l40]. The 
 viceroy had scarcely reached Quito, when the vanguard of Pizarro's 
 forces appeared, lea by Carvajal, who, though near fourscore, was as 
 hardy and active as any young soldier under his command. Nugnez Vela 
 instantly abandoned a town incapable of defence, and, with a rapidity 
 more resembling a Eight than a retreat, marched into the province of Po- 
 payan. Pizarro continued to pursue ; but, finding it impossible to overtake 
 him, returned to Quito. From thence he despatched Carvaj-al to oppose 
 
 * Zarate, lib. v. c. 810. Vega, p. 11. lib. iv. c. 1319. Gomara, c. 159163. Fernandez, lib. 
 
 !. c. 1825. Herrera, dec. 7. lib. viii. c. 1020. f Zarate, lib. v. c. 9. Gomara, c. 165. 
 
 Fernandez, lib. i. c. 23. Herrera, dec. 7. lib. viii. c. 15. J Zarate, lib. v. c. 18. Gomara, c. 
 169. Herrera, dec. 7. lib. ix. c. 27. 
 
302 HISTORY OF [BOOK VI. 
 
 Centeno, who was growing formidable in the southern provinces of th, 
 empire, and he himself remained there to make head against the viceroy.* 
 
 By his own activity, and the assistance of Benalcazar, Nugnez Vela 
 soon assembled four hundred men in Popayan. As he retained, amidst all 
 his disasters, the same elevation of mind, and the same high sense of his 
 own dignity, he rejected with disdain the advice of some of his followers 
 who urged him to make overtures of accommodation to Pizarro, declaring 
 that it was only by the sword that a contest with rebels could be decided. 
 With this intention he marched back to Quito [1546]. Pizarro, relying on 
 the superior number, and stilf more on the discipline and valour of his 
 troops, advanced resolutely to meet him [Jan: 18]. The battle was fierce 
 and bloody, both parties fighting like men who knew that the possession 
 of a great empire, the fate of their leaders, and their own future fortune, 
 depended upon the issue of that day. But Pizarro's veterans pushed for- 
 ward with such regular and well directed force, that they soon began to 
 make impression on their enemies. The viceroy, by extraordinary exer- 
 tions, in which the abilities of a commander and the courage of a soldier 
 were equally displayed, held victory for some time in suspense. At length 
 he fell, pierced with many wounds ; and the route of his followers became 
 general. They were hotly pursued. His head was cut off, and placed 
 on the public gibbet in Quito, which Pizarro entered in triumph. The 
 troops assembled by Centeno were dispersed soon after by Carvajal, and 
 he himself compelled to fly to the mountains, where he remained for 
 several months concealed in a cave. Every person in Peru, from the 
 frontiers of Popayan to those of Chili, submitted to Pizarro ; and by his 
 fleet, under Pedro de Hinojosa, he had not only the unrivalled command 
 of the- South Sea, but had taken possession of Panama, and placed a gar- 
 rison in Nombre de Dios, on the opposite side of the isthmus, which rendered 
 him master of the only avenue of communication between Spain and Peru, 
 that was used at that period.! 
 
 After this decisive victory, Pizarro and his followers remained for some 
 ^ime at Quito ; and during the first transports of their exultation, they ran 
 \ntO every excess of licentious indulgence, with the riotous spirit usual 
 among low adventurers upon extraordinary success. But amidst this dis- 
 sipation, their chief and his confidants were obliged to turn their thoughts 
 sometimes to what was serious, and deliberated with much solicitude con- 
 cerning the part that he ought now to take. Carvajal, no less bold and 
 decisive in council than in the field, had from the beginning warned Pizarro, 
 that in the career on which he was entering, it was vain to think of holding 
 a middle course ; that he must either boldly aim at all, or attempt nothing. 
 From the time that Pizarro obtained possession of the government of 
 Peru, he inculcated the same maxim with greater earnestness. Upon re- 
 ceiving an account of the victory at Quito, he remonstrated with him in a 
 tone still more peremptory. " You have usurped," said he, in a letter 
 written to Pizarro on that occasion, " the supreme power in this country, 
 in contempt of the emperor's commission to the viceroy. You have 
 marched in hostile array against the royal standard ; you have attacked 
 the representative of your sovereign in the field, have defeated him, and 
 cut off his head. Think not that ever a monarch will forgive such insults 
 on his dignity, or that any reconciliation with him can be cordial or sincere. 
 Depend no longer on the precarious favour of another. Assume yourself 
 the sovereignty over a country to the dominion of which your family has 
 a title founded on the rights both of discovery and conquest. It is in your 
 power to attach every Spaniard in Peru of any consequence inviolably to 
 
 * Zarate. lib. v. c. 15, 1624. Gomara, c. 187. Vega, p. 11. lib. iv. c. 2528. Fernandez, lib. 
 I.e. 34. 40. Herrera, dec. 1, lib. viii. c. 16. 20 27. t Zarate, lib. v. c. 31, 32. Gomara, c. 
 
 170. Vega, p. 11. lib. iv. c. 33, 34. Fernandez, lib. i. c. 5154. Herrera, dec. 7. lib. x. c. 12. 1& 
 22. dec 8. lib. i. c. 13. Benzo, lib. iii. c. 12. 
 
AMERICA. 303 
 
 your interest, by liberal grants of lands and of Indians, or by instituting 
 ranks of nobility, and creating titles of honour similar to those which are 
 courted with so much eagerness in Europe. By establishing orders of 
 knighthood, with privileges and distinctions resembling those in Spain, you 
 may bestow a gratification upon the officers in your service, suited to the 
 ideas of military men. Nor is it to your countrymen only that you ought 
 to attend ; endeavour to gain the natives. By marrying the Coya or 
 daughter of the Sun next in succession to the crown, you will induce the 
 Indians, out of veneration for the blood of their ancient princes, to unite 
 with the Spaniards in support of your authority. Thus, at the head of the 
 ancient inhabitants of Peru, as well as of the new settlers there, you may 
 set at defiance the power of Spain, and repel with ease any feeble force 
 which it can send at such a distance." Cepeda, the lawVer, who was 
 now Pizarro's confidential counsellor, warmly seconded Carvajal's ex- 
 hortations, and employed whatever learning he possessed in demonstrating, 
 that all the founders of great monarchies had been raised to pre-eminence, 
 not by the antiquity of their lineage, or the validity of their rights, but by 
 their own aspiring valour and personal merit.* 
 
 Pizarro listened attentively to both, and could not conceal the satisfaction 
 with which he contemplated the object 'that they presented to his view. 
 But, happily for the tranquillity of the world, few men possess that 
 superior strength of mind, and extent of abilities, which are capable of 
 forming and executing such daring schemes, as cannot be accomplished 
 without overturning the established order of society, and violating those 
 maxims of duty which men are accustomed to hold sacred. The medio- 
 crity of Pizarro's talents circumscribed his ambition within more narrow 
 limits. Instead of aspiring at independent power, he confined his views 
 to the obtaining from the court of Spain a confirmation of the authority 
 which he now possessed ; and for that purpose he sent an officer of dis- 
 tinction thither, to give such a representation of his conduct, and of the 
 state of the country, as might induce the emperor and his ministers, either 
 from inclination or from necessity, to continue him in his present station. 
 
 While Pizarro was deliberating- with respect to the part which he should 
 take, consultations were held in Spain, with no less solicitude, concerning 
 the measures which ought to be pursued in order to re-establish the em- 
 peror's authority in Peru. Though unacquainted with the last excesses of 
 outrage to which the malecontents had proceeded in that country, the 
 court had received an account of the insurrection against the viceroy, ot 
 his imprisonment, and the usurpation of the government by Pizarro. A 
 revolution so alarming called for an immediate interposition of the em- 
 peror's abilities and authority. But as he was fully occupied at that time 
 in Germany, in conducting the war against the famous league of Smalkalde, 
 one of the most interesting and arduous enterprises in his reign, the care 
 of providing a remedy for the disorders in Peru devolved upon his son 
 Philip, and the counsellors whom Charles had appointed to assist him in 
 the government of Spain during his absence. At first view, the actions ot 
 Pizarro and his adherents appeared so repugnant to the duty of subjects 
 towards their sovereign, that the greater part of the ministers insisted on 
 declaring them instantly to be guilty of rebellion, and on proceeding to 
 punish them with exemplary rigour. But when the fervour of their zeal 
 and indignation began to abate, innumerable obstacles to the execution of 
 this measure presented themselves. The veteran bands of infantry, the 
 strength and glory of the Spanish . armies, were then employed in Ger- 
 many. Spain, exhausted of men and money by a long series of wars, in 
 which she had been involved by the restless ambition of two successive 
 monarchs, could not easily equip an armament of sufficient force to reduce 
 
 * Vega, p. 11. lib. iv. c. 40. Fernandez, lib. i. c. 34 lib, ii. c. 1. 49. Herrera, dec. 8. lib. ii, c. 1Q. 
 
304 HISTORY OF [Boos VI. 
 
 Pizarro. To transport any respectable body of troops to a country so 
 remote as Peru, appeared almost impossible. While Pizarro continued 
 master of the South Sea, the direct route by Nombre de Dios and Panama 
 was impracticable. An attempt to march to Quito by land through the 
 new kingdom of Granada, and the province of Popayan, across regions of 
 prodigious extent, desolate, unhealthy, or inhabited by fierce and hostile 
 tribes, would be attended with insurmountable danger and hardships. The 
 passage to the South Sea by the Straits of Magellan was so tedious, so un- 
 certain, and so little known in that age, that no confidence could be placed 
 in any effort carried on in a course pt navigation so remote and precarious. 
 Nothing then remained but to relinquish the system which the ardour of 
 their loyalty had first suggested, and to attempt by lenient measures what 
 could not be effected by force. It was manifest from Pizarro's solicitude 
 to represent his conduct in a favourable light to the emperor,'that notwith- 
 standing the excesses of which he had been guilty, he still retained senti- 
 ments of veneration for his sovereign. By a proper application to these, 
 together with some such concessions as should discover a spirit of mode- 
 ration and forbearance in government, there was still room to hope that he 
 might be vet reclaimed, or the ideas of loyalty natural to Spaniards might 
 so far revive among his followers, that they would no longer lend their aid 
 to uphold his usurped authority. 
 
 The success, however, of this negotiation, no less delicate than it was 
 important, depended entirely on the abilities and address of the person to 
 whom it should be committed. After weighing with much attention the 
 comparative merit of various persons, the Spanish ministers fixed with 
 unanimity of choice upon Pedro de la Gasca, a priest in no higher station 
 than that of counsellor to the Inquisition. Though in no public office, he 
 had been occasionally employed by government in affairs of trust and con- 
 sequence, and had conducted them with no less skill than success ; dis- 
 playing a gentle and insinuating temper, accompanied with much firmness ; 
 probity, superior to any feeling of private interest ; and a cautious cir- 
 cumspection in concerting measures, followed by such vigour in executing 
 them as is rarely found in alliance with the other. These qualities marked 
 him out for the function to which he was destined. The emperor, to 
 whom Gasca was not unknown, warmly approved of the choice, and 
 communicated it to him in a letter containing expressions of good will and 
 confidence, no less honourable to the prince who wrote, than to the subject 
 who received it. Gasca, notwithstanding his advanced age and feeble 
 constitution, and though, from the apprehensions natural to a man, who, 
 during the course of his life, had never been out of his own country, he 
 dreaoted the effects of a long voyage, and of an unhealthy climate,* did 
 not hesitate a moment about complying with the will of his sovereign. 
 But as a proof that it was from this principle alone he acted, he refused a 
 bishopric which was offered to him in order that he might appear in Peru 
 with a more dignified character ; he would accept of no higher title than 
 that of President of the Court of Audience in Lima; and declared that he 
 would receive no salary on account of his discharging the duties of that 
 office. All he required was, that the expense of supporting his family 
 should be defrayed by the public ; and as he was to go like a minister of 
 peace with his gown and breviary, and without any retinue but a few 
 domestics, this would not load the revenue with any enormous burden.f 
 
 But while he discovered such disinterested moderation with respect to 
 whatever related personally to himself, he demanded his official powers in 
 a very different tone. He insisted, as he was to be employed in a country 
 so remote from the seat of government, where he could not have recourse 
 to his sovereign for new instructions on every emergence ; and as the whole 
 
 * Fernandez, lib. ii. c. 17. t Zarate, lib. vh c. 6. Gomara, c. 174. Fernandez, lib. ii. c 
 
 1416. Vega, p. 11. lib. v. c. 1. Herrera, dec. 8. lib. i. c. 4, &c, 
 
AMERICA. 305 
 
 success of his negotiations must depend upon the confidence which the 
 people with whom he had to treat could place in the extent of his powers, 
 that he ought to be invested with unlimited authority ; that his jurisdiction 
 must reach to all persons and to all causes ; that he must be empowered 
 to pardon, to punish, or to reward, as circumstances and the behaviour of 
 different men might require ; that in case of resistance from the malecon- 
 tents, he might be authorized to reduce them to obedience by force of 
 arms, to levy troops for that purpose, and to call for assistance from the 
 governors of all the Spanish settlements in America. These powers, 
 though manifestly conducive to the great objects of his mission, appeared 
 to the Spanish ministers to be inalienable prerogatives of royalty, which 
 ought not to be delegated to a subject, and they refused to grant them. 
 But the emperor's views were more enlarged. As, from the nature of his 
 employment, Gasca must be intrusted with discretionary power in several 
 points, and all his efforts might prove ineffectual if he was circumscribed 
 in any one particular, Charles scrupled not to invest him with authority to 
 the full extent that he demanded. Highly satisfied with this fresh proof of 
 his master's confidence, Gasca hastened his departure, and, without either 
 money or troops, set out to quell a formidable rebellion.* 
 
 On his arrival at Nombre de Dios [July 27], he found Herman Mexia, 
 an officer of note posted there, by order of Pizarro, with a considerable 
 body of men, to oppose the landing of any hostile forces. But Gasca ap- 
 peared in such pacific guise, with a train so little formidable, and with a 
 title of no such dignity as to excite terror, that he was received with much 
 respect. From Nombre de Dios he advanced to Panama, and met with a 
 similar reception from Hinojosa, whom Pizarro had intrusted with the 
 government of that town, and the command of his fleet stationed there. 
 In both places he held the same language, declaring that he was sent by 
 their sovereign as a messenger of peace, not as a minister of vengeance ; 
 that he came to redress all their grievances, to revoke the laws which had 
 excited alarm, to pardon past offences, and to re-establish order and justice 
 in the government of Peru. His mild deportment, the simplicity of his 
 manners, the sanctity of his profession, and a winning appearance of can- 
 dour, gained credit to his declarations. The veneration due to a person 
 clothed with legal authority, and acting in virtue of a royal commission, 
 began to revive among men accustomed for some time to nothing more 
 respectable than a usurped jurisdiction. Hinojosa, Mexia, and several other 
 officers of distinction, to each of whom Gasca applied separately, were 
 gained over to his interest, and waited only for some decent occasion of 
 declaring openly in his favour.! 
 
 This the violence of Pizarro soon afforded them. As soon as he heard 
 of Gasca's arrival at Panama, though he received, at the same time, an 
 account of the nature of his commission, and was informed of his offers not 
 only to render every Spaniard in Peru easy concerning what was past, by 
 an act of general oblivion, but secure with respect to the future, by re- 
 pealiog the obnoxious laws ; instead of accepting with gratitude his sove- 
 reign's gracious concessions, he was so much exasperated on finding that 
 he was not to be continued in his station as governor of the cbuntry, that 
 he instantly resolved to oppose the president's entry into Peru, and to pre- 
 vent his exercising any jurisdiction there. To this desperate resolution he 
 added another highly preposterous. He sent a new deputation to Spain 
 to justify this conduct, and to insist, in name of all the communities in 
 Peru, for a confirmation of the government to himself during life, as the 
 only means of preserving tranquillity there. The persons intrusted with 
 this strange commission, intimated the intention of Pizarro to the president, 
 and required him, in his name, to depart from Panama and return to Spain. 
 
 * Fernandez, lib. ii. c. 1618. t Ibid. lib. ii. c. 21, &,c. Zarate, lib. vi. c. 6. 7. Comaia, 
 
 c. 175. Vesa, p. 11. lib. v. c. 3 
 
 VOL. I.-39 15 
 
306 HISTORY OF [BOOK VI. 
 
 They carried likewise secret instructions to Hinqjosa, directing him to offer 
 Gasca a present of fifty thousand pesos, if he would comply voluntarily 
 with what was demanded of him ; and if he should continue obstinate, to 
 cut him off, either by assassination or poison.* 
 
 Many circumstances concurred in pushing on Pizarro to those wild mea- 
 sures. Having been once accustomed to supreme command, he could not 
 bear the thoughts of descending to a private station. Conscious of his 
 own demerit, he suspected that the emperor studied only to deceive him, 
 and would never pardon the outrages which he had committed. His chief 
 confidants, no less guilty, entertained the same apprehensions. The ap- 
 proach of Gasca without any military force excited no terror. There 
 were now above six thousand Spaniards settled in Peru ;t and at the head 
 of these he doubted not to maintain his own independence, if the court of 
 Spain should refuse to grant what he required. But he knew not that a 
 spirit of defection had already begun to spread among those whom he 
 trusted most. Hinpjosa, amazed at Pizarro's precipitate resolution of setting 
 himself in opposition to the emperor's commission, and disdaining to be 
 his instrument in perpetrating the odious crimes pointed out in his secret 
 instructions, publicly recognised the title of the president to the supreme 
 authority in Peru. The officers under his command did the same. Such 
 was the contagious influence of the example, that it reached even the de 
 puties who had been sent from Peru ; and at the time when Pizarro ex- 
 pected to hear either of Gasca's return to Spain, or of his death, he 
 received an account of his being master of the fleet, of Panama, and of 
 the troops stationed there. 
 
 1547. J Irritated almost to madness by events so unexpected, he openly 
 prepared for war ; and in order to give some colour of justice to his arms, 
 he appointed the court of audience in Lima to proceed to the trial of 
 Gasca, for the crimes of having seized his ships, seduced his officers, and 
 prevented his deputies from proceeding in their voyage to Spain. Cepeda, 
 though acting as a judge in virtue of the royal commission, did not scruple 
 to prostitute the dignity of his function by finding Gasca guilty of treason, 
 and condemning him to death on that account.]; Wild and even ridiculous 
 as this proceeding was, it imposed on the low illiterate adventurers, with 
 whom Peru was filled, by the semblance of a legal sanction warranting 
 Pizarro to carry on hostilities against a convicted traitor. Soldiers accord- 
 ingly resorted irom every quarter to his standard, and he was soon at the 
 head of a thousand men, the best equipped that had ever taken the field 
 in Peru. 
 
 Gasca, on his part, perceiving that force must be employed in order to 
 accomplish the purpose of his mission, was no less assiduous in collecting- 
 troops from Nicaragua, Carthagena, and other settlements on the conti- 
 nent ; and with such success, that he was soon in a condition to detach a 
 squadron of his fleet, with a considerable body of soldiers, to the coast of 
 Peru [April]. Their appearance excited a dreadful alarm: and though 
 they aid not attempt for some time to make any descent, they did more 
 effectual service by setting ashore in different places persons who dispersed 
 copies of the act of general indemnity, and the revocation of the late 
 edicts ; and who made known every where the pacific intentions, as well 
 as mild temper, of the president. THe effect of spreading this informa- 
 tion was wonderful. All who were dissatisfied with Pizarro's violent 
 administration, all who retained any sentiments of fidelity to their sovereign, 
 began to meditate revolt. Some openly deserted a cause which they now 
 deemed to be unjust. Centeno, leaving the cave in which he lay concealed. 
 
 * Zarate, lib. vi. c. 8. Fernandez, lib. ii. c. 33, 34. Herrera, dec. 8. lib. ii.c.9, 1). t Herrera, 
 dec. 8. lib. iii. c. 1. { Fernandez, lib. ii. c. 55. Vega, p. 11. lib. v. c. 7. He.rera, dec. 3 lib 
 
 iii. c. 6. 
 
AMERICA. 307 
 
 assembled about fifty of his former adherents, and with this feeble half-armed 
 band advanced boldly to Cuzco. By a sudden attack in the night-time, 
 in which he displayed no less military skill than valour, he rendered him- 
 self master of that capital, though deiended by a garrison of five hundred 
 men. Most of these having ranged themselves under his banners, he had 
 soon the command of a respectable body of troops.* 
 
 Pizarro, though astonished at beholding one enemy approaching by sea, 
 and another by land, at a time when he trusted to the union of all Peru 
 in his favour, was of a spirit more undaunted, and more accustomed to the 
 vicissitudes of fortune, than to be disconcerted or appalled. As the danger 
 from Centeno's operations was the most urgent, he instantly set out to 
 oppose him. Having 1 provided horses for all his soldiers, he marched 
 with amazing rapidity. But every morning he found his force diminished., 
 by numbers who had left him during the night ; and though he became 
 suspicious to excess, and punished without mercy all whom he suspected, 
 the rage of desertion was too violent to be checked. Before he got 
 within sight of the enemy at Huarina, near the lake of Titiaca, he could 
 not muster more than four hundred soldiers. But these he justly con- 
 sidered as men of tried attachment, on whom he might depend. They 
 were indeed the boldest and most desperate of his followers, conscious, 
 like himself, of crimes for which they could hardly expect forgiveness, 
 and without any hope but in the success of their arms. With these he 
 did not hesitate to attack Centeno's troops [Oct. 20], though double to 
 his own in number. The royalists did not decline the combat. It was 
 the most obstinate and bloody that had hitherto been fought in Peru. At 
 length the intrepid valour of Pizarro, and the superiority of Caryajal's 
 military talents, triumphed over numbers, and obtained a complete victory. 
 The booty was immense [l41],and the treatment of the vanquished cruel. 
 By this signal success the reputation of Pizarro was re-established ; and 
 being now deemed invincible in the field, his army increased daily in 
 number.t 
 
 But events happened in other parts of Peru, which more than counter- 
 balanced the splendid victory at Huarina. Pizarro had scarcely left Lima, 
 when the citizens, weary of his oppressive dominion, erectea the royal 
 standard, and Aldana, with a detachment of soldiers from the fleet, took 
 possession of the town. About the same time,| Gasca landed at Tumbez 
 with five hundred men. Encouraged by his presence, every settlement in 
 the low country declared for the king. The situation of the two parties 
 was now perfectly reversed ; Cuzco and the adjacent provinces were 
 possessed by Pizarro; all the rest of the empire, from Quito south- 
 ward, acknowledged the jurisdiction of the president. As his numbers 
 augmented fast, Gasca advanced into the interior part of the country. 
 His behaviour still continued to be gentle and unassuming ; he expressed, 
 on every occasion, his ardent wish of terminating the contest without 
 bloodshed. More solicitous to reclaim than to punish, he upbraided no 
 man for past offences, but received them as a father receives penitent 
 children returning to a sense of their duty. Though desirous of peace, 
 he did not slacken his preparations for war. He appointed the general 
 rendezvous of his troops in the fertile valley of Xauxa, on the road to 
 Cuzco. There he remained for some months, not only that he might 
 have time to make another attempt towards an accommodation with 
 Pizarro, but that he might train his new soldiers to the use of arms, and 
 accustom them to the discipline of a camp, before he led them against a 
 body of victorious veterans. Pizarro, intoxicated with the success which 
 
 * ZuratR, lib. vi. c. 1316. Gomara, c. 180, 181. Fernandez, lib. ii. c. 28. 64, &c. f Zarate, 
 lib. vii. c. -2. 3, Gomara, c. 181. Vega, p. 11. lib. v. c. 18, &c. Fernandez, lib. ii. c. 79. Heweva, 
 dec. 8. lib. iv. c.l, 2. J Zarate, lib. vi. c. 17. 6 Ibid. lib. vii. c. 9. Fernandez, lib ii. c. 77. 82. 
 
SOB HISTORY OF [BOOK VI. 
 
 had hitherto accompanied his arms, and elated with having again near a 
 thousand men under his command, refused to listen to any terms, although 
 Cepeda, together with several of his officers, and even Carvajal him- 
 self [142J, ffave it as their advice, to close with the president's offer of a 
 general indemnity, and the revocation of the obnoxious laws.* Gasca, 
 having tried in vain every expedient to avoid imbruing his hands in the 
 blood of his countrymen, began to move towards Cuzco [Dec. 29] at the 
 head of sixteen hundred men. 
 
 Pizarro, confident of victory, suffered the royalists to pass all the rivers 
 which lie between GOamanga and Cuzco without opposition [1548], and 
 to advance within four leagues of that capital, flattering himself that a 
 defeat in such a situation as rendered escape impracticable would at once 
 terminate the war. He then marched out to meet the enemy, and Carva- 
 jal chose his ground, and made the disposition of the troops with the 
 discerning eye and profound knowledge in the art of war conspicuous in 
 all his operations. As the two armies moved forward slowly to the charge 
 [April 9], the appearance of each was singular. In that of Pizarro, 
 composed of men enriched with the spoils of the most opulent country in 
 America, every officer, and almost, all the private men, were clothed in 
 stuffs of silk, or brocade, embroidered with gold and silver ; and their 
 horses, their arms, their standards, were adorned with all the pride of 
 military pomp.t That of Gasca, though not so splendid, exhibited what 
 was no less striking. He himself, accompanied by the archbishop of Lima, 
 the bishops of Quito and Cuzco, and a great number of ecclesiastics, 
 marching along the lines, blessing the men, and encouraging them to a 
 resolute discharge of their duty. 
 
 When both armies were just ready to engage, Cepeda set spurs to his 
 horse, galloped off, and surrendered himself to the president. Garcilasso de 
 la Vega, and other officers of note, followed his example. The revolt of 
 persons |n such high rank struck all with amazement. The mutual con- 
 fidence on which the union and strength of armies depend, ceased at once. 
 Distrust and consternation spread from rank to rank. Some silently slipped 
 away, others threw down their arms, the greatest number went over to 
 the royalists. Pizarro, Carvajal, and some leaders, employed authority, 
 threats, and entreaties, to stop them, but in vain. In less than half an 
 hour, a body of men, which might have decided the fate of the Peruvian 
 empire, was totally dispersed. Pizarro, seeing all irretrievably lost, cried 
 out in amazement to a few officers who still faithfully adhered to him, 
 "What remains for us to do?" "Let us rush," replied one of them, 
 " upon the enemy's firmest battalion, and die like Romans." Dejected 
 with such a reverse of fortune, he had not spirit to follow this soldierly 
 counsel, and with a tameness disgraceful to his former fame he surrendered 
 to one of Gasca's officers. Carvajal, endeavouring to escape, was over- 
 taken and seized. 
 
 Gasca, happy in this bloodless victory, did not stain it with cruelty. 
 Pizarro, Carvajal, and a small number of the most distinguished or noto- 
 rious offenders, were punished capitally. Pizarro was beheaded the day 
 after he surrendered. He submitted to his fate with a composed dignity, 
 and seemed desirous to atone by repentance for the crimes which he had 
 committed. The end of Carvajal was suitable to his life. On his trial 
 he offered no defence. When the sentence adjudging him to be hanged 
 was pronounced, he carelessly replied, " One can die but once." During 
 the interval between the sentence and execution, he discovered no sign 
 either of remorse for the past, or of solicitude about the future ; scoffing 
 at all who visited him, in his usual sarcastic vein of mirth, with the same 
 quickness of repartee and gross pleasantry as at any other period of his 
 
 * Zarate, lib. vii. c. 6 Vega, p. 11. lib. v c. 27. t Zarate, lib. vi. c. 11. 
 
AMERICA. 309 
 
 life. Cepeda, more criminal than either, ought to have shared the same fate ; 
 but the merit of haying 1 deserted his associates at such a critical moment, 
 and with such decisive effect, saved him from immediate punishment. 
 He was sent, however, as a prisoner to Spain, and died in confinement.* 
 
 In the minute details which the contemporary historians have given oi 
 the civil dissensions that raged in Peru, with little interruption, during ten 
 years, many circumstances occur so striking, and which indicate such an 
 uncommon state of manners as to merit particular attention. 
 
 Though the Spaniards who first invaded Peru were of the lowest order 
 in society, and the greater part of those who afterwards joined them were 
 persons of desperate fortune, yet in all the bodies of troops brought into 
 the field by the different leaders who contended for superiority, not one 
 man acted as a hired soldier, that follows his standard for pay. Every 
 adventurer in Peru considered himself as a conqueror, entitled by his ser- 
 vices, to an establishment in that country which had been acquired by his 
 valour. In the contests between the rival chiefs, ach chose his side as 
 he was directed by his own judgment or affections. He joined his^ com- 
 mander as a companion of his fortunes, and disdained to degrade himseli 
 by receiving the wages of a mercenary. It was to their sword, not to 
 pre-eminence in office, or nobility of birth, that most of the leaders whom 
 they followed were indebted for their elevation ; and each of their ad- 
 herents hoped, by the same means,^:o open a way for himself to the pos 
 session of power and wealth.! 
 
 But though the troops in Peru served without any regular pay, they 
 were raised at immense expense. Among men accustomed to divide the 
 spoils of an opulent country, the desire of obtaining wealth acquired in- 
 credible force. The ardour of pursuit augmented ^in proportion to the 
 hope of success. Where all were intent on the same object, and under 
 the dominion of the same passion, there was but one mode of gaining men, 
 or of securing their attachment. Officers of name and influence, besides 
 the promise of future establishments, received in hand large gratuities from 
 the chief with whom they engaged. - Gonzalo Pizarro, in order to raise a 
 thousand men, advanced five hundred thousand pesos.J Gasca expended 
 in levying the troops which he led against Pizarro nine hundred thousand 
 pesos. The distribution of property, bestowed as the reward of services, 
 was still more exorbitant. Cepeda, as the recompense of his perfidy and 
 address, in persuading the court of royal audience to give^the sanction of 
 its authority to the usurped jurisdiction of Pizarro, received a grant of 
 lands which yielded an annual income of a hundred and fifty thousand 
 pesosJJ Hinojosa, who by his early defection from Pizarro, and surrender 
 of the fleet to Gasca, decided the fate of Peru, obtained a district of coun- 
 try affording two hundred thousand pesos of yearly value. IF While such 
 rewards were dealt out to the principal officers, with more than royal mu- 
 nificence, proportional shares were conferred upon those of inferior rank. 
 
 Such a rapid change of fortune produced its natural effects. It gave 
 birth to new wants and new desires. Veterans, long accustomed to hard- 
 ship and toil, acquired of a sudden a taste for profuse and inconsiderate 
 dissipation, and indulged in all the excesses of military licentiousness. 
 The riot of low debauchery occupied some ; a relish for expensive luxuries 
 spread among others.** The meanest soldier in Peru would have thought 
 himself degraded by marching on foot ; and at a time when the prices of 
 horses in that country were exorbitant, each insisted on being furnished 
 with one before he would take the field. But though less patient under 
 the fatigue and hardships of service, they were ready to face danger and 
 
 * Zarate, lib. vii. c. 6, 7, 8. Gomara, c. 185, 186. Vega, p. 11. lib. v. c. 30, &c. Fernandez, 
 lib. ii. c. 86, &c. Herrera, dec. 8. lib. iv. c. 14, &c. t Vega, p. 11. lib. iv. c. 38. 41. J Fer- 
 nandez, lib. ii. c. 54. Zarate, lib. vii. c. 10. Herrera, dec. 8. lib. v. c. 7. || Gomara, c. 164. 
 1T Vega, p, 11. lib. vi. c. 3. ** Herrera, dec. 5. lib. ii. c. 3. dec. 8. lib. viii. c. 10. 
 
310 HISTORY OF [BOOK VI. 
 
 death with as much intrepidity as ever ; and animated by the hope of 
 new rewards, they never failed, on the day of battle, to display all their 
 ancient valour. 
 
 Together with their courage, they retained all the ferocity by which 
 they were originally distinguished. Civil discord never raged with a more 
 fell spirit than among the Spaniards in Peru. To all the passions which 
 usually envenom contests among countrymen, avarice was added, and ren- 
 dered their enmity more rancorous. Eagerness to seize the valuable for- 
 feitures, expected upon the death of every opponent, shut the door against 
 mercy. To be wealthy was of itself sufficient to expose a man to accu- 
 sation, or to subject him to punishment. On the slightest suspicions, Pi- 
 zarro condemned, many of the most opulent inhabitants in Peru to death. 
 Carvajal, without searching for any pretext to justify his cruelty, cut off 
 many more. The number of those who suffered by the hands of the exe- 
 cutioner was not much inferior to what fell in the field [l 43]; and the 
 greater part was condemned without the formality of any legal trial. 
 
 The violence with which the contending parties treated their opponents 
 was not accompanied with its usual attendants, attachment and fidelity to 
 those with whom they acted. The ties of honour, which ought to be 
 held sacred among soldiers, and the principle of integrity, interwoven as 
 thoroughly in the Spanish character as in that of any nation, seem to have 
 been equally forgotten. Even regard for decency, and the sense of 
 shame, were totally lost. During their dissensions, there was hardly a 
 Spaniard in Peru who did not abandon the party which he had originally 
 espoused, betray the associates with whom he had united, and violate the 
 engagements under which he had come. The viceroy Nugnez Vela was 
 ruined by the treachery of Ceped? and the other judges of the royal au- 
 dience, who were bound by the duties of their function to have supported 
 his authority. The chief advisers and companions of Gonzalo Pjzarro's 
 revolt were the first to forsake him, and submit to his enemies. His fleet 
 was given up to Gasca by the man whom he had singled out among his 
 officers to intrust with that important command. On the day that was to 
 decide his fate, an army of veterans, in sight of the enemy, threw down 
 their arms without striking a blow, and deserted a leader who had often 
 conducted them to victory. Instances of such general and avowed con- 
 tempt of the principles and obligations which attach man to man, and bind 
 them together in social union, rarely occur in history. It is only where 
 men are far removed from the seat 01 government, where the restraints of 
 law and order are little felt, where the prospect of gain is unbounded, and 
 where immense wealth may cover the crimes by which it is acquired, 
 that we can find any parallel to the levity, the rapaciousness, the perfidy, 
 and corruption prevalent among the Spaniards in Peru. 
 
 On the death of Pizarro, the malecontents in every corner of Peru laid 
 down their arms, and tranquillity seemed to be perfectly re-established. 
 But two very interesting objects still remained to occupy the president's 
 attention. The one was to find immediately such employment for a mul- 
 titude of turbulent and daring adventurers with which the country was 
 filled, as might prevent them from exciting new commotions. The other, 
 to bestow proper gratifications upon those to whose loyalty and valour he 
 had been indebted for his success. The former of these was in some 
 measure accomplished, by appointing Pedro de Valdivia to prosecute the 
 conquest of Chili ; and by empowering Diego Centeno to undertake the 
 discovery of the vast regions bordering on the river De la Plata. The re- 
 putation of those leaders, together with the hopes of acquiring wealth, and 
 of rising to consequence in some unexplored country, alluring many^ of the 
 most indigent and desperate soldiers to follow their standards, drained off 
 CO inconsiderable portion of that mutinous spirit which Gasca dreaded. 
 
 The latter was an affair of greater difficulty and to be adjusted with a 
 
AMERICA. 311 
 
 more attentive and delicate hand. The repartimientos, or allotments of 
 lands and Indians which fell to be distributed, in consequence of the death 
 or forfeiture of the former possessors, exceeded two millions of pesos of 
 yearly rent.* Gasca, when now absolute master of this immense property, 
 retained the same disinterested sentiments which he had originally pro- 
 fessed, and refused to reserve the smallest portion of it for himself. ^ But 
 the number of claimants was great ; and whilst the vanity or avarice of 
 every individual fixed the value of his own services, and estimated the 
 recompense which he thought due to him, the pretensions of each were so 
 extravagant that it was impossible to satisfy all. Gasca listened to them 
 one by one, with the most patient attention ; and that he might have 
 leisure to weigh the comparative merit of their several claims with accu- 
 racy, he retired, with the archbishop of Lima and a single secretary, to a 
 village twelve leagues from Cuzco. There he spent several days in allot- 
 ting to each a district of lands and number of Indians, in proportion to his 
 idea of their past services and future importance. But that ne might get 
 beyond the reach of the fierce storm of clamour and rage, which he fore- 
 saw would burst out on the publication of his decree, notwithstanding the 
 impartial equity with which he had framed it, he set out for Lima, leaving 
 the instrument of partition sealed up, with orders not to open it lor some 
 days after his departure. 
 
 The indignation excited by publishing the decree of partition [Aug. 24] 
 was not less than Gasca had expected. Vanity, avarice, emulation, envy, 
 shame, rage, and all the other passions which most vehemently agitate the 
 minds of men when both their honour and their interest are deeply affect- 
 ed, conspired in adding to its violence. It broke out with all the fury of 
 military insolence. Calumny, threats, and curses, were poured out openly 
 upon the president. He was accused of ingratitude, of partiality, and of 
 injustice. Among 1 soldiers prompt to action, such seditious discourse would 
 have been soon followed by deeds no less violent, and they already began 
 to turn their eyes towards some discontented leaders, expecting them to 
 stand forth in redress of their wrongs. By some vigorous interpositions of 
 government, a timely check was given to this mutinous spirit, and the dan- 
 ger of another civil war was averted for the present.! 
 
 1549.] Gasca, however, perceiving that the flame was suppressed, 
 rather than extinguished, laboured with the utmost assiduity to soothe the 
 malecontents, by bestowing large gratuities on some, by promising repar- 
 timientos, when they fell vacant, to others, and by caressing and flattering 
 all. But that the public security might rest on a foundation more stable 
 than their good affection, he endeavoured to strengthen the hands of his 
 successors in office, byre-establishing the regular administration of justice 
 in every part of the empire. He introduced order and simplicity into the 
 mode of collecting the royal revenue. He issued regulations concerning 
 the treatment of the Indians, well calculated to protect them from oppres- 
 sion, and to provide for their instruction in the principles of religion, with- 
 out depriving the Spaniards of the benefit accruing from their labour. 
 Having now accomplished every object of his mission, Gasca, longing to 
 return again to a private station, committed the government of Peru to 
 the court of audience, and set out for Spain [Feb. 1, 1550]. As, during 
 the anarchy and turbulence of the four last years, there had been no remit- 
 tance made of the royal revenue, he carried with him thirteen hundred 
 thpusand^ pesos of public money, which the economy and order of his ad- 
 ministration enabled him to save, after paying all the expenses of the 
 war. 
 
 He was received in his native country with universal admiration of his 
 
 * Vega, p. 11. lib. vi. c. 4. t Zarate, lib. vii. c. 9. Gomara, c. 187. Vega, p. 11. lib. vii. e. 
 1, &c. Fernandez, p. 11. lib. L c. 1, &c. Herrera, dec. 8. lib. iv. c. 17, &e. 
 
312 HISTORY OF [BOOK VI. 
 
 abilities and of his virtue. Both were, indeed, highly conspicuous. With- 
 out army, or fleet, or public funds ; with a train so simple, that only three 
 thousand ducats were expended in equipping him,* he set out to oppose a 
 formidable rebellion. By his address and talents he supplied all those 
 defects, and seemed to create instruments for executing his designs. He 
 acquired such a naval force as gave him the command of the sea. He 
 raised a body of men able to cope with the veteran bands which gave law 
 to Peru. He vanquished their leader, on whose arms victory had hitherto 
 attended, and in place of anarchy and usurpation, he established the 
 government of laws, and the authority of the rightful sovereign. But the 
 praise bestowed on his abilities was exceeded by that which his virtue 
 merited. After residing in a country where wealth presented allurements 
 which had seduced every person who had hitherto possessed power there, 
 he returned from that trying station with integrity not only untainted but 
 unsuspected. After distributing among his countrymen possessions of 
 greater extent and value than had ever been in the disposal of a subject in 
 any age or nation, he himself remained in his original state of poverty ; and 
 at the very time when he brought such a large recruit to the royal treasury, 
 he was obliged to apply by petition for a small sum to discharge some 
 petty debts which he nad contracted during the course of his service.f 
 Charles was not insensible to such disinterested merit. Gasca was re- 
 ceived by him with the most distinguishing marks of esteem ; and being 
 promoted to the bishopric of Palencia, he passed the remainder of his days 
 in the tranquillity of retirement, respected by his country, honoured by his 
 sovereign, and beloved by all. 
 
 Notwithstanding all Gasca's wise regulations, the tranquillity of Peru 
 was not of long continuance. In a country where the authority of 
 government had been almost forgotten during the long prevalence of 
 anarchy and misrule, where there were disappointed leaders ripe for re- 
 volt, and seditious soldiers ready to follow them, it was not difficult to 
 raise combustion. Several successive insurrections desolated the country 
 for some years. But as those, though fierce, were only transient storms, 
 excited rather by the ambition and turbulence of particular men, than by 
 general or public motives, the detail of them is not the object of this his- 
 tory. These commotions in Peru, like every thing of extreme violence 
 either in the natural or political body, were not of long duration ; and by 
 carrying off the corrupted humours which had given rise to the disorders, 
 they contributed in the end to strengthen the society which at first they 
 threatened to destroy. During their fierce contests, several of the first 
 invaders of Peru, and many of those licentious adventurers whom the fame 
 of their success had allured thither, fell by each other's hands. Each of 
 the parties, as they alternately prevailed in the struggle, gradually cleared 
 the country of a number of turbulent spirits, by executing, proscribing, or 
 banishing their opponents. Men less enterprising, less desperate, and 
 more accustomed to move in the path of sober and peaceable industry, 
 settled in Peru ; and the royal authority was gradually established as 
 lirmly there as in other Spanish colonies. 
 
 * Fernandez, lib. ii. c. IS. f MS. penes me. 
 
AMERICA. 313 
 
 BOOK VII. 
 
 As the conquest of the two great empires of Mexico and Peru forms the 
 most splendid and interesting period in the history of America, a view of 
 their political institutions, and a description of their national manners, will 
 exhibit the human species to the contemplation of intelligent observers in 
 a very singular stage of its progress. [144] 
 
 When compared with other parts of the New World, Mexico and Peru 
 may be considered as polished states. Instead of small, independent, hos- 
 tile tribes, struggling for subsistence amidst woods and marshes, strangers 
 to industry and arts, unacquainted with subordination, and almost without 
 the appearance of regular government, we find countries of great extent 
 subjected to the dominion of one sovereign, the inhabitants collected together 
 in cities, the wisdom and foresight of rulers employed in providing for the 
 maintenance and security of the people, the empire of laws m some 
 measure established, the authority of religion recognised, many of the arts 
 essential to life brought to some degree of maturity, and the dawn of such 
 as are ornamental beginning to appear. 
 
 But if the comparison be made with the people of the ancient continent, 
 the inferiority of America in improvement will be conspicuous, and neither 
 the Mexicans nor Peruvians will be entitled to rank with those nations 
 which merit the name of civilized. The people of both the great empires 
 in America, like the rude tribes around them, were totally unacquainted 
 with the useful metals, and the progress which they had made in extend- 
 ing their dominion over the animal creation was inconsiderable. . The 
 Mexicans had gone no further than to tame and rear turkeys, ducks, a 
 species of small dogs, and rabbits.* By this feeble essay of ingenuity, the 
 means of subsistence were rendered somewhat more plentiful and secure 
 than when men depend solely on hunting ; but they had no idea of at- 
 tempting to subdue the more robust animals, or of deriving any aid from 
 their ministry in carrying on works of labour. The Peruvians seem to 
 have neglected the inferior animals, and had not rendered any of them 
 domestic except the duck ; but they were more fortunate in. Taming the 
 Llama, an animal peculiar to their country, of a form which hears some 
 resemblance to a deer, and some to a camel, and is of a size somewhat 
 larger than a sheep. Under the protection of man, this species multiplied 
 greatly. Its wool furnished the Peruvians with clothing, its flesh with 
 food. It was even employed as a beast of burden, and carried a moderate 
 load with much patience and docility.j It was never used for draught ; 
 and the breed being confined to the mountainous country, its service, if we 
 may judge by incidents which occur in the early Spanish writers, was not 
 very extensive among the Peruvians in their original state. 
 
 In tracing the line by which nations proceed towards civilization, the 
 discovery oT the useful metals, and the acquisition of dominion over the 
 animal creation, have been marked as steps of capital importance in their 
 progress. In our continent, long after men had attained both, society con- 
 tinued in that state which is denominated barbarous.' -Even with all that 
 command over nature which these confer, many ages elapse before indus- 
 try Becomes so regular as to render subsistence secure, before the aits 
 which supply the wants and furnish the accommodations of life are brought 
 to any considerable degree of perfection, and before any idea is conceived 
 of various institutions requisite in a well ordered society. The Mexicans 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 11, lib. vii. c. 12. f Vega, p. 1. fib. viii. c. 16. Zarate, lib. 1. c. 14. 
 
 VOL. I. 40 
 
314 H I S T O R Y O F [BOOK Vll. 
 
 and Peruvians, without knowledge of the useful metals, or the aid of domestic 
 animals, laboured under disadvantages which must have greatly retarded 
 their progress, and in their highest state of improvement their power was 
 so limited, and their operations so feeble, that they can hardly be con- 
 sidered as having advanced beyond the infancy of civil life. 
 
 After this general observation concerning the most singular and distin- 
 guishing circumstance in the state of both tne great empires in America, 1 
 shall endeavour to give such a view of the constitution of the interior 
 police of each as may enable us to ascertain their place in the political 
 scale, to allot them their proper station between the rude tribes in the 
 New World, and the polished states of the ancient, and to determine how 
 far they had risen above the former, as well as how much they fell below 
 the latter. 
 
 Mexico was first subjected to the Spanish crown. But our acquaintance 
 with its laws and manners is not, from that circumstance, more complete. 
 What I have remarked concerning the defective and inaccurate informa- 
 tion on which we must rely with respect to the condition and customs of 
 the savage tribes in America, may be applied likewise to our knowledge 
 of the Mexican empire. Cortes, and the rapacious adventurers who ac- 
 companied him, had not leisure or capacity to enrich either civil or natu- 
 ral history with new observations. They undertook their expedition in 
 quest of one object, and seemed hardly to have turned their eyes towards 
 any other. Or, if during some short interval of tranquillity, when the oc- 
 cupations of war ceased, and the ardour of plunder was suspended, the 
 institutions and manners of the people whom they invaded, drew their 
 attention, the inquiries of illiterate soldiers were conducted with so little 
 sagacity and precision, that the accounts given by them of the policy and 
 order established in the Mexican monarchy are superficial, confused, and 
 inexplicable. It is rather from incidents which they relate occasionally, 
 than from their own deductions and remarks, that we are enabled to form 
 some idea of the genius and manners of that people. The obscurity in 
 which the ignorance of its conquerors involved the annals of Mexico, was 
 augmented by the superstition of those who succeeded them. As the 
 memory of past events was preserved among the Mexicans by figures 
 painted on skins, on cotton cloth, on a kind of pasteboard, or on the bark 
 of trees, the early missionaries, unable to comprehend their meaning, and 
 struck with their uncouth forms, conceived them to be monuments of 
 idolatry, which ought to be destroyed in order to facilitate the conversion 
 of the Indians. In obedience to an edict issued by Juan de Zummaraga, a 
 Franciscan monk, the first bishop of Mexico, as many records of the ancient 
 Mexican story as could be collected were committed to the flames. In 
 consequence of this fanatical zeal of the monks who first visited New 
 Spain (which their successors soon began to lament), whatever knowledge 
 of remote events such rude monuments contained was almost entirely lost, 
 and no information remained concerning the ancient revolutions and policy 
 of the empire, but what was derived from tradition, or from some fragments 
 of their historical paintings that escaped the barbarous researches of Zum- 
 maraga.* From the experience of all nations it is manifest, that the 
 memory of past transactions can neither be long preserved, nor be trans- 
 mitted with any fidelity, by tradition. The Mexican paintings which are 
 supposed to have served as annals of their empire, are few in number, and 
 of ambiguous meaning. Thus, amidst the uncertainty of the former, and 
 the obscurity of the latter, we must glean what intelligence can be col- 
 lected from the scanty materials scattered in the Spanish writers.! 
 
 * Acosta, lib. vi. c. 7. Tprqucm. Proem. lib ii. lib. Hi. c. 6. lib. xiv. c 6. 
 
 t In the first edition, I observed that in consequence of the destruction of the ancient Mexican 
 paintings, occasioned by the zeal of Zummaraga, whatever knowledge they might have conveyed 
 was ntirttly lost. Every candid reader must have perceived that the expression was inaccurate ; 
 
AMERICA. 316 
 
 According to the account of the Mexicans themselves, their empire was 
 not of long duration. Their country, as they relate, was originally pos- 
 sessed, rather than peopled, by small independent tribes, whose mode of 
 life and manners resembled those of the rudest savages which we have 
 described. But about a period corresponding to the beginning of the 
 tenth century in the Christian era, several tribes moved in successive mi- 
 grations from unknown regions towards the north and north-west, and set- 
 tled in different provinces of Anahuac, the ancient name of New Spain. 
 These, more civilized than the original inhabitants, began to form them to 
 the arts of social life. At length, towards the commencement of the thir- 
 teenth century, the Mexicans, a people more polished than any of the 
 former, advanced from the border of the Californian gulf, and took pos- 
 session of the plains adjacent to the great lake near the centre of the coun- 
 try. After residing there about fifty years, they founded a town, since 
 distinguished by the name of Mexico, which, from humble beginnings, 
 soon grew to be the most considerable city in the New World. The 
 Mexicans, long after they were established in their new possessions, con- 
 tinued, like other martial tribes in America, unacquainted with regal 
 dominion, and were governed in peace, and conducted in war, by such as 
 were entitled to pre-eminence by their wisdom or their valour. But among, 
 them, as in other states whose power and territories become extensive, the 
 supreme authority centred at last in a single person ; and when the Span- 
 iards under Cortes invaded the country, Montezuma was the ninth monarch 
 in order who had swayed the Mexican sceptre, not by hereditary right, 
 but by election. 
 
 Such is the traditional tale of the Mexicans concerning the progress of 
 their own empire. According to this, its duration was very short. From 
 the first migration of their parent tribe, they can reckon little more than 
 three hundred years. From the establishment of monarchical government, 
 not above a hundred and thirty years according to one account,* or a hun- 
 dred and ninety-seven according to another computation,! had elapsed. 
 If, on one hand, we suppose the Mexican state to have been of higher 
 antiquity, and to have subsisted during such a length of time as the Span- 
 ish accounts of its civilization would naturally lead us to conclude, it is 
 difficult to conceive how, among a people who possessed the art of record- 
 as in a few lines afterwards I mention some ancient paintings to be still extant. M. Clavigero, not 
 satisfied with laying hold of this inaccuracy, which I corrected in the subsequent editions, labours 
 to render it more glaring by the manner in which he quotes the remaining part of the sentence. He 
 reprehends with great asperity the account which I gave of the scanty materials for writing the 
 ancient history of Mexico. Vol. I. Account of Writers, p. xxvi. Vol. II. 380. My words, however, 
 are almost the same with those of Torquemada, who seems to have been better acquainted with the 
 ancient monuments of the Mexicans than any Spanish author whose works I have seen. Lib. xiv. 
 c. 6. M. Clavigero himself gives a description of the destruction of ancient paintings in almost the 
 same terms I have used ; and mentions as an additional reason of there being so small a number of 
 ancient paintings known to the Spaniards, that the natives have become so solicitous to preserve 
 and conceal them, that it is " difficult, if not impossible, to make them part with one of them." Vol. 
 I. 407. II. 194. No point can be more ascertained than that few of the Mexican historical paintings 
 have been preserved. Though several Spaniards have carried on inquiries into the antiquities of 
 the Mexican empire, no engravings from Mexican paintings have been communicated to the public, 
 except those by Purchas, Gemelli Carreri, and Lorenzana, It affords me some satisfaction, that in 
 the course of my researches I have discovered two collections of Mexican paintings which were 
 unknown to former inquirers. The cut which I published is an exact copy of the original, and gives 
 no high idea of the progress which the Mexicans had made in the art of painting. I cannot conjec- 
 ture what could induce M. Clavigero to express some dissatisfaction with me for having published 
 it without the same colours it has in the original painting, p. xxix. He might have recollected, that 
 neither Purchas, nor Gemelli Carreri, nor Lorenzana, thought it necessary to colour the prints which 
 they have published, and they have never been censured on that account. He may rest assured 
 that though the colours in the paintings in the Imperial Library are remarkably bright, they are laid 
 on without art, and without "any of that regard to light and shade, or the rules of perspective " 
 which M. Clavigero requires. Vol. II. 378. If the public express any desire to have the seven 
 paintings still in my possession engraved, I am ready to communicate them. The print published 
 by Gemelli Carreri, of the route of the ancient Mexicans when they travelled towards the lake on 
 which they built tiie capita! of their empire, (Churchill, Vol. IV. p. 481.) is the most finished monu- 
 ment of art brought from the New World, and yet a very slight inspection of it will satisfy every 
 one, that the annals of a nation conveyed in this manner must be very meagre and imperfect 
 
 * Acost. Hist. lib. vii. c. 8, &c. f Purchas Pilgr. iii. p. 1068, &c. 
 
3115 HISTORY OF [BOOK VII. 
 
 ing events by pictures, and who considered it as an essential part of their 
 national education, to teach their children to repeat the historical songs 
 which celebrated the exploits of their ancestors,* the knowledge of past 
 transactions should be so slender and limited. If, on the other hand, we 
 adopt their own system with respect to the antiquities of their nation, it is 
 no less difficult to account either for that improved state of society, or for 
 the extensive dominion to which their empire had attained when first visit- 
 ed by the Spaniards. The infancy of nations is so long, and, even when 
 every circumstance is favourable to their progress, they advance so slowly 
 towards any maturity of strength or policy, that the recent origin of the 
 Mexicans seems to be a strong presumption of some exaggeration in the 
 splendid descriptions which have been given of their ^government and 
 manners. 
 
 But it is not by theory or conjectures that history decides with regard to 
 the state or character of nations. It produces facts as the foundation of 
 every judgment which it ventures to pronounce. In collecting those which 
 must regulate our opinion in the present inquiry, some occur that suggest 
 an idea of considerable progress in civilization in the Mexican empire, 
 and others which seem to indicate that it had advanced but little beyond 
 the savage tribes around it. Both shall be exhibited to the view of the 
 reader, that, from comparing them, he may determine on which side the 
 evidence preponderates. 
 
 In the Mexican empire, the right of private property was perfectly un- 
 derstood, and established in its full extent. Among several savage tribes, 
 we have seen, that the idea of a title to the separate and exclusive pos- 
 session of any object was hardly known ; and that among all it was 
 extremely limited and ill denned. But in Mexico, where agriculture and 
 industry had made some progress, the distinction between property in land 
 and property in goods had taken place. Both might be transferred from 
 one person to another by sale or barter ; both might descend by inherit- 
 ance. Every person who could be denominated a freeman had property 
 in land. This, however, they held by various tenures. Some possessed 
 it in full right, and it descended to their heirs. The title of others to 
 their lands was derived from the office or dignity which they enjoyed ; 
 and when deprived of the latter, they lost possession of the former. Both 
 these modes of occupying land were deemed noble, and peculiar to citi- 
 zens of the highest class. The tenure by which the great body of the 
 people held their property, was very different. In every district a certain 
 quantity of land was measured out in proportion to the number of families. 
 This was cultivated by the joint labour of the whole ; its produce was 
 deposited in a common storehouse, and divided among them according to 
 their respective exigencies. The members of the Calpullee, or associa- 
 tions, could not alienate their share of the common estate ; it was an indi- 
 visible permanent property, destined for the support of their families.! 
 In consequence of this distribution of the territory of the state, every man 
 had an interest in its welfare, and the happiness of the individual was 
 connected with the public security. 
 
 Another striking circumstance, which distinguishes the Mexican empire 
 from those nations in America we have already described, is the number 
 and greatness of its cities. While society continues in a rude state, the 
 wants of men are so few, and they stand so little in need of mutual as 
 sistance, that their inducements to crowd together are extremely feeble. 
 Their industry at the same time is so imperfect, that it cannot secure sub- 
 sistence for any considerable number of families settled in one spot. 
 They live dispersed, at this period, from choice, as well as from neces- 
 sity, or at the utmost assemble in small hamlets on the banks of the river 
 
 * Ilerrera, dec. 3. lib. ii. c. 18. t Herrera, dec. 3. lib. iv. c. 15. Torquem. Mon. Ind. lib. xiv 
 0,7. CoritaMS. 
 
AMERICA. 317 
 
 which supplies them with food, or on the border of some plain left open 
 by nature, or cleared by their own labour. The Spaniards, accustomed 
 to this mode of habitation among all the savage tribes with which they 
 were hitherto acquainted, were astonished, on entering New Spain, to find 
 the natives residing in towns of such extent as resembled those of Europe. 
 In the first fervour of their admiration, they compared Zempoalla, though 
 a town only of the second or third size, to the cities of greatest note in 
 their own country. When, afterwards, they visited in succession Tlascala, 
 Cholula, Tacuba, Tezeuco, and Mexico itself, their amazement increased 
 so much, that it led them to convey ideas of their magnitude and popu- 
 lousness bordering on what is incredible. Even when there is leisure for 
 observation, and no interest that leads to deceive, conjectural estimates of 
 the number of people in cities are extremely loose, and usually much 
 exaggerated. It is not surprising, then, that Cortes and his companions, 
 little accustomed to such computations, and powerfully tempted to mag- 
 nify, in order to exalt the merit of their own discoveries and conquests, 
 should have been betrayed into this common error, and have raised their 
 descriptions considerably above truth. For this reason, some considerable 
 abatement ought to be made from their calculations of the number of in- 
 habitants in the Mexican cities, and we may fix the standard of their popu- 
 lation much lower than they have done ; but still they will appear to be 
 cities of such consequence as are not to be found but among people who 
 have made some considerable progress in the arts of social Hie [145], 
 From their accounts, we can hardly suppose Mexico, the capital of the 
 empire, to have contained fewer than sixty thousand inhabitants. 
 
 The separation of professions among the Mexicans is a symptom of im- 
 provement no less remarkable. Arts, in the early ages of society, are so 
 few and so simple, that each man is sufficiently master of them all, to 
 gratify every demand of his own limited desires. The savage can form 
 his bow, point his arrows, rear his hut, and hollow his canoe, without calling 
 in the aid of any hand more skilful than his own. Time must have 
 augmented the wants of men, and ripened their ingenuity, before the pro- 
 ductions of art became so complicated in their structure, or so curious in 
 their fabric, that a particular course of education was requisite towards 
 forming the artificer to expertness in contrivance and workmanship. In 
 proportion as refinement spreads, the distinction of professions increases, 
 and they branch put into more numerous and minute subdivisions. Among 
 the Mexicans, this separation of the arts necessary in life had taken place 
 to a considerable extent. The functions of the mason, the weaver, the 
 goldsmith, the painter, and of several other crafts, were carried on by- 
 different persons. Each was regularly instructed in his calling. To it 
 alone his industry was confined, and by assiduous application to one object, 
 together with the persevering patience peculiar to Americans, their artisans 
 attained to a degree of neatness and perfection in work, far beyond what 
 could have been expected from the rude tools which they employed. 
 Their various, productions were brought into commerce ; and by the ex- 
 change of them in the stated markets held in the cities, not only were 
 their mutual wants supplied,* in such orderly intercourse as characterizes 
 an improved state of society, but their industry was daily rendered per 
 severing and inventive. 
 
 The distinction of ranks established in the Mexican empire, is the next cir- 
 cumstance that merits attention. In surveying the savage tribes of America, 
 we observed, that consciousness of equality, and impatience of subordi 
 nation, are sentiments natural to man in the infancy of civil life. During 
 peace, the authority of a superior is hardly felt among them, and even in 
 
 * Cortes Relat. ap. Ramus, iii. 239, &c. Com. Cron. c. 79. Torquem. lib. xiil. c. 34. Herrera, 
 dec. 2. lib. vii. c. 15, <fcc. 
 
318 HISTORY OF [BooxVlL 
 
 war it is but little acknowledged. Strangers to the idea of property, tne 
 diiference in condition resulting from the inequality of it is unknown. Birth 
 or titles confer no pre-eminence ; it is only by personal merit and accom- 
 plishments that distinction can be acquired. The form of society was 
 very different among the Mexicans. The great body of the people was 
 in a most humiliating state. A considerable number, known by the name 
 of Mayeques, nearly resembled in condition those peasants who, under 
 various denominations, were considered, during the prevalence of the 
 feudal system, as instruments of labour attached to the soil. The Mayeques 
 could not change their place of residence without permission of the supe- 
 rior on whom they depended. They were conveyed, together with the 
 lands on which they were settled, from one proprietor to another ; and 
 were bound to cultivate the ground, and to perform several kinds of servile 
 work.* Others were reduced to the lowest form of subjection, that of 
 domestic servitude, and felt the utmost rigour of that wretched state. 
 Their condition was held to be so vile, and their lives deemed of so little 
 value, that a person wlio killed one of these slaves was not subjected to 
 any punishment.! Even those considered as freemen were treated by 
 their haughty lords as beings of an inferior species. The nobles, possessed 
 of ample territories, were divided into various classes, to each of which 
 peculiar titles of honour belonged. Some of these titles, like their lands, 
 descended from father to son in perpetual succession. Others were annexed 
 to particular offices, or conferred during life as marks of personal distinc- 
 tion.J The monarch, exalted above all, enjoyed extensive power and 
 supreme dignity. Thus the distinction of ranks was completely established, 
 in a line of regular subordination, reaching from the highest to the lowest 
 member of the community. Each of these knew what he could claim, 
 and what he owed. The people, who were not allowed to wear a dress 
 of the same fashion, or to dwell in houses of a form similar to those of the 
 nobles, accosted them with the most submissive reverence. In the pre- 
 sence of their sovereign, they durst not lift their eyes from the ground, or 
 look him in the face. The nobles themselves, when admitted to an 
 audience of their sovereign, entered barefooted, in mean garments, and, as 
 his slaves, paid him homage approaching to adoration. This respect, due 
 from inferiors to , those above them in rank, was prescribed with such 
 ceremonious accuracy, that it incorporated with the language, and influenced 
 its genius and idiom. The Mexican tongue abounded in expressions of 
 reverence and courtesy. The style and appellations used in the intercourse 
 between equals would have been so unbecoming in the mouth of one in a 
 lower sphere, when he accosted a person in higher rank, as to be deemed 
 an insult [146]. It is only in societies, which time and the institution of 
 regular government have moulded into form, that we find such an orderly 
 arrangement of men into different ranks, and such nice attention paid to 
 their various rights. 
 
 The spirit of the Mexicans, thus familiarized and bended to subordina 
 tion, was prepared for submitting to monarchical government. But the 
 description of their policy and laws, by the Spaniards who overturned 
 them, are so inaccurate and contradictory, that it is difficult to delineate 
 the form of their constitution with any precision. Sometimes they repre- 
 sent the monarchs of Mexico as absolute, deciding according to their plea- 
 sure with respect to every operation of the state. On other occasions, we 
 discover the traces of established customs and laws, framed in order to 
 circumscribe the power of the crown, and we meet with rights and privi- 
 leges of the nobles which seemed to be opposed as barriers against its 
 encroachments. This appearance of inconsistency has arisen from inatten- 
 
 * Herrera. dec. 3. lib. iv. c. 17. Corita MS. j Herrera, dec. 3. lib. iv. c. 7. J Ibid, c, 15. 
 Corita MS. $ Herrera, dec. 3. lib ii c. 14. 
 
AMERICA. 319 
 
 tion to the innovations of Montezuma upon the Mexican policy. His 
 aspiring ambition subverted the original system of government, and intro- 
 duced a pure despotism. He disregarded the ancient laws, violated the 
 privileges held most sacred, and reduced his subjects of every order to the 
 level of slaves.* The chiefs, or nobles of the first rank, submitted to the 
 yoke with such reluctance that, from impatience to shake it off, and hope 
 of recovering their rights, many of them courted the protection of Cortes, 
 and joined a foreign power against their domestic oppressor.! It is not 
 then under the dominion of Montezuma, but under the government of his 
 predecessors, that we can discover what was the original form and genius 
 of Mexican policy. From the foundation of the monarchy to the election 
 of Montezuma, it seems to have subsisted with little variation. That body 
 of citizens, which may be distinguished by the name of nobility, formed 
 the chief and most respectable order in the state. They were of various 
 ranks, as has been already observed, and their honours were acquired and 
 transmitted in different manners. Their number seems to have been great. 
 According to an author accustomed to examine with attention what he 
 relates, there were in the Mexican empire thirty of this order, each of 
 whom had in his territories about a hundred thousand people ; and subor- 
 dinate to these, there were about three thousand nobles of a lower class.J 
 The territories belonging to the chiefs of Tezeuco and Tacuba were hardly 
 inferior in extent to those of the Mexican monarch. Each of these pos- 
 sessed complete territorial jurisdiction, and levied taxes from their own 
 vassals. But all followed the standard of Mexico in war, serving with a 
 number of men in proportion to their domain, and most of them paid 
 tribute to its monarch as their superior lord. 
 
 In tracing those great lines of the Mexican constitution, an image of 
 feudal policy, in its most rigid form, rises to view,,and we discern its three 
 distinguishing characteristics, a nobility possessing almost independent 
 authority, a people depressed into the lowest state of subjection, and a 
 king intrusted with the executive power of the state. Its spirit and prin- 
 ciples seem to have operated in the New World in the same manner as in 
 the ancient. The jurisdiction of the crown was extremely limited. All 
 real and effective authority was retained by the Mexican nobles in their 
 own hands, and the shadow, of it only left to the king. Jealous to excess 
 of their own rights, they guarded with the most vigilant anxiety against 
 the encroachments of their sovereigns. By a fundamental law of the em- 
 pire, it was provided that the king should not determine concerning any 
 point of general importance without the approbation of a council com- 
 posed of the prime nobility. |j Unless he obtained their consent, he could 
 not engage the nation in war, nor could he dispose of the most considera- 
 ble branch of the public revenue at pleasure ; it was appropriated to cer- 
 tain purposes from which it could not be diverted by the regal authority 
 alone. H In order to secure full effect to those constitutional restraints, the 
 Mexican nobles did not permit their crown to descend by inheritance, but 
 disposed of it by election. The right of election seems to have been 
 originally vested in the whole body of nobility, but was afterwards com 
 mitted to six electors, of whom the chiefs of Tezeuco and Tacuba were 
 always two. From respect for the family of their monarchs, the choice 
 fell generally upon some person sprung from it. But as the activity and 
 valour of their prince were of greater moment to a people perpetually 
 engaged in war, than a strict adherence to the order of birth, collaterals 
 of mature age or of distinguished merit were often preferred to those 
 who were nearer the throne in direct descent.** To this maxim in their 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 3. lib. ii. c. 14. Torquem. lib. ii. c. 69. t Herrera, dec. 2. lib. v. c. 10, 11, 
 
 Torquem. lib. iv. c. 49. J Herrera, dec. 2. lib. viii. c. 12. $ Torquem. lib. ii. c. 57. 
 
 Corita MS. || Herrera, dec. 3. lib. ii. c. 10 lib. iv. c. 16. Corita MS. IF Herrera, dec, 
 
 3. lib. iv. c. 17. ** Acosta, lib. vi. c. 24. Herrera, dec. 3. lib. ii. c. 13. Corita MS. 
 
320 HISTORY OF [BOOK VII. 
 
 policy* the Mexicans appear to be indebted for such a succession of able 
 and warlike princes, as raised their empire in a short period to that extra- 
 ordinary height of power which it had attained when Cortes landed in 
 New Spain. 
 
 While the jurisdiction of the Mexican monarch continued to be limited, 
 it is probable that it was exercised with little ostentation. But as their 
 authority became more extensive, the splendour of their government aug- 
 mented. It was in this last state that the Spaniards beheld it ; and struck 
 with the appearance of Montezuma's court, they describe its pomp at great 
 length, and with much admiration. The number of his attendants, the 
 order, the silence, and the reverence with which they served him ; the 
 extent of his royal mansion, the variety of its apartments allotted to dif- 
 ferent officers, and the ostentation with which his grandeur was displayed, 
 whenever he permitted his subjects to behold him, seem to resemble the 
 magnificence of the ancient monarchies in Asia, rather than the simplicity 
 of the infant states in the New World. 
 
 But it was not in the mere parade of royalty that the Mexican potentates 
 exhibited their power ; they manifested it more beneficially in the order 
 and regularity with which tney conducted the internal administration and 
 police of their dominions. Complete jurisdiction, civil as well as criminal, 
 over its own immediate vassals, was vested in the crown. Judges were 
 appointed for each department ; and if we may rely on the account which 
 the Spanish writers give of the maxims and laws upon which they founded 
 their decisions with respect to the distribution of property and the punish- 
 ment of crimes, justice was administered in the Mexican empire with a 
 degree of order and equity resembling what takes place in societies highly 
 civilized. 
 
 Their attention in providing for the support of government was not 
 less sagacious. Taxes were laid upon land, upon the acquisitions of in- 
 dustry, and upon commodities of every kind exposed to sale in the public 
 markets. These duties were considerable, but not arbitrary or unequal. 
 They were imposed according to established rules, and each knew what 
 share of the common burden he had to bear. As the use of money was 
 unknown, all the taxes were paid in kind ; and thus not only the natural 
 productions of all the different provinces in the empire, but every species 
 of manufacture, and every work of ingenuity and art, were collected in 
 the public storehouses. From those me emperor supplied his numerous 
 train of attendants in peace, and his armies during war, with food, with 
 clothes, and ornaments. People of inferior condition, neither possessing 
 land nor engaged in commerce, were bound to the performance of various 
 services. By their stated labour the crown lands were cultivated, public 
 works were carried on, and the various houses belonging to the emperor 
 were built and kept in repair* [147] . 
 
 The improved state of government among the Mexicans is conspicuous, 
 not only in points essential to the being of a well-ordered society, but in 
 several regulations of inferior consequence with respect to police. The 
 institution which I have already mentioned, of public couriers, stationed 
 at proper intervals, to convey intelligence from one part of the empire to 
 the other, was a refinement in police not introduced into any kingdom of 
 Europe at that period. The structure of the capital city in a lake, with 
 artificial dykes, and causeways of great length, which served as avenues 
 to it from different quarters, erected in the water, with no less ingenuity 
 than labour, seems to be an idea that could not have occurred to any 
 but a civilized people. The same observation may be applied to the 
 structure of the aqueducts, or conduits, by which they conveyed a stream 
 of fresh Water from a considerable distance, into the city, along one of the 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 2. lib. vii. c. 13. dec. 3. lib. iv. c. 16, 17. 
 
AMERICA. 321 
 
 causeways [148]. The appointment of a number of persons to clean the 
 streets, to light mem by fires kindled in different places, and to patrol as 
 watchmen during the night,* discovers a degree of attention which even 
 polished nations are late in acquiring. 
 
 The progress of the Mexicans in various arts is considered as the most 
 decisive proof of their superior refinement. Cortes and the early Spanish 
 authors describe this with rapture, and maintain, that the most celebrated 
 European artists could not surpass or even equal them in ingenuity and 
 neatness of workmanship. They represented naen, animals, and other 
 objects, by such a disposition of various coloured feathers, as is said to 
 have produced all the effects of light and shade, and to have imitated 
 nature with truth and delicacy. Their ornaments of gold and silver have 
 been described to be of a fabric no less curious. But in forming any idea, 
 from general descriptions, concerning the state of arts among nations im- 
 perfectly polished, we are extremely ready to err. In examining the 
 works of people whose advances in improvement are nearly the same with 
 our own, we view them with a critical and often with a jealous eye. 
 Whereas, when conscious of our own superiority, we survey the arts of 
 nations comparatively rude, we are astonished >at works executed by 
 them under such manifest disadvantages, and, in the warmth of our admi- 
 ration, are apt to represent them as productions more finished than they 
 really are. To the influence of' this illusion, without supposing any inten- 
 tion to deceive, we may impute the exaggeration of some Spanish authors, 
 in their accounts of the Mexican arts. 
 
 It is not from those descriptions, but from considering such specimens of 
 their arts as are still preserved, that w r e must decide concerning their degree 
 of merit. As the ship in which Cortes sent to Charles V. the most curious 
 productions of the Mexican artisans, which were collected by the Spaniards 
 when they first pillaged the empire, was taken by a French corsair,! the 
 remains of their ingenuity are less numerous than those of the Peruvians. 
 Whether any of their works with feathers, in imitation of painting, be still 
 extant in Spain, I have not learned ; but many of their ornaments in gold 
 and silver, as well as various utensils employed in common life, are depo- 
 sited in the magnificent cabinet of natural and artificial productions lately 
 opened by the king of Spain ; and 1 am informed by persons on whose 
 judgment and taste I can rely, that these boasted efforts of their art are 
 uncouth representations of common objects, or very coarse images of ihe 
 human and some other forms, destitute of grace and propriety [149]. The 
 justness of these observations is confirmed by inspecting the wooden prints 
 and copper plates of their paintings, which have been published by various 
 authors. In them every figure of men, of quadrupeds, or birds, as well as 
 every representation of inanimated nature, is extremely rude and awkward. J 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 2. lib. viii. c. 4. Torribio MS. t Relat. de Cort. Ramus, iij. 294.. F. 
 
 J As a specimen of the spirit and style in which M. Clavigero makes his strictures upon my 
 History of America, I shall publish his remarks upon this passage. " Thus far Robertson ; to' 
 whom we answer, first, That there is no reason to believe that those rude works were really 
 Mexican : secondly, Tnat neither do we know whether those persons in whose judgment he confides!, 
 may be persons fit to merit our faith, because we have observed that Robertson trusts frequently to 
 the testimony of Gage, Correal, Ibagnez, and other such authors, who are entirely undeserving of 
 credit :' thirdly, It is more probable that the arms of copper, believed by those intelligent judges M 
 be certainly Oriental, are really Mexican." Vol. II. 391. When an author, not entirely destitute 
 of integrity or discernment, and who has some solicitude about his own character, asserts that he 
 received his information concerning any particular point from persons " on whose judgment and 
 taste he can rely ;" a very slender degree of candour, one should think, might induce the reader to 
 believe that he does not endeavour to impose upon the public by an appeal to testimony altogether 
 unworthy of credit. My information concerning the Mexican works of art, deposited in the king 
 of Spain's cabinet, was received from the late Lord Grantham, ambassador extraordinary from the 
 court of London to that of Madrid, and from Mr. Archdeacon Waddilove, chaplain to the embassy ; 
 and it was upon their authority that I pronounced the coat of armour, mentioned in the note, to be 
 of Oriental fabric. As they were both at Madrid in their public character, when the first edition of 
 the History of America was published, I thought it improper at that time to mention their names. 
 Did their decision concerning a matter of taste, or, their testimony concerning a point of fact, stand 
 in need of confirmation, I might produce the evidence of an intelligent traveller, who, in describing 
 
 VOL. I. 41 
 
322 HISTORY OF [BooKVlL 
 
 The hardest Egyptian style, stiff and imperfect as it was, is more elegant 
 The scrawls of children delineate objects almost as accurately. 
 
 But however low the Mexican paintings may be ranked, when viewed 
 merely as works of art, a very different station belongs to them when con- 
 sidered as the records of their country, as historical monuments of its policy 
 and transactions ; and they become curious as well as interesting objects 
 ot attent'jon. The noblest and most beneficial invention of which human 
 ingenuity can boast, is that of writing. But the first essays of this art, 
 which hath contributed more than all others to the improvement of the 
 species, were very rude, and it advanced towards perfection slowly, and by 
 a. gradual progression. When the warrior, eager for fame, wished to 
 transmit some Knowledge of his exploits to succeeding ages ; when the 
 gratitude of a people to their sovereign prompted them to hand down an 
 account of his beneficent deeds to posterity ; the first method of accom- 
 plishing this, which seems to have occurred to them, was to delineate, in 
 the best manner they could, figures representing the action, of which they 
 were solicitous to preserve the memory. Of this, which has very pro- 
 perly been called picture writing,* we find traces among some of the most 
 savage tribes of America. When a leader returns from the field, he strips 
 a tree of its bark, and with red paint scratches upon it some uncouth figures 
 which represent the order of his march, the number of his followers, the 
 enemy whom he attacked, the scalps and captives which he brought home. 
 To those simple annals he trusts for renown, and soothes himself with hope 
 that by. their means he shall receive praise from the warriors of future 
 times. f 
 
 Compared with those awkward essays of their savage countrymen, the 
 paintings -of the Mexicans may be considered as works of composition and 
 design. They were not acquainted, it is true, with any other method of 
 recording transactions than that of delineating the objects which they wished 
 to, represent. But they could exhibit a more complex series of events in 
 progressive order, and describe, by a proper disposition of figures, the oc- 
 currences of a king's reign from his accession to his death ; the progress of 
 an infant's education from its birth until it attain to the years 01 maturity ; 
 the different recompenses and marks of distinction conferred upon war- 
 riors, in proportion to the exploits which they had performed. Some sin- 
 gular specimens ,of this picture writing have been preserved, which are 
 justly considered as trie most curious monuments of art brought from the 
 New World. The most valuable of these was published by Purchas in 
 sixty-six plates. It is divided into three parts. The first contains the 
 history of the Mexican empire under its ten monarchs. The second is a 
 tribute roll, representing what each conquered town paid into the royal 
 treasury. The third is a code of their institutions, domestic, political, and 
 military. Another specimen of Mexican painting has been published in 
 thirty-two plates, by the present archbishop of Toledo. To both is an- 
 nexed a full explanation of what the figures were intended to represent, 
 which was obtained by the Spaniards from Indians well acquainted with 
 their own arts. The style of painting in all these is the same. They 
 
 the royal cabinet of Madrid, takes notice that it contains "specimens of Mexican and Peruvian 
 utensils, vases, &c. in earthenware, wretched both in taste and execution." Dillon's Travels 
 *Jirough Spain, p. 77. As Gage composed his Survey of New Spain with all the zeal and acrimony 
 of a new convert, I have paid little regard to his'testimony with respect to points relating to religion. 
 But as he resided in several provinces in New Spain, which travellers seldom visit, and as he seems 
 to have observed their manners and laws with an intelligent eye, I have availed myself of his 
 information with respect to matters where religious opinion could have little influence. Oorreal I 
 have seldom quoted, and never rested upon his evidence alone. The station, in which Ibagnez was 
 employed in America, as well as the credit given to his veracity, by printing his Regno Jesuitico 
 among the large collection of documents published (as I believe by authority) at Madrid, A. D. 1767, 
 justifies me for appealing to. his authority. 
 
 * Divine Leg!.... of Moses, iii. 73. t Sir W. Johnson, Philos. Transact, vol. Ixiii. p. 143. 
 
 Jl6m. de la Hontan, ii. 191. Lafitau Moeurs de Sauv. ii, 43. 
 
AMERICA. 323 
 
 represent things, not words. They exhibit images to the eye, not ideas to 
 tiie understanding. They may therefore be considered as the earliest and 
 riost imperfect essay of men in their progress towards discovering the art 
 of writing. The defects in this mode of recording transactions must have 
 been early felt. To paint every occurrence was from its nature a very 
 tedious operation ; and as affairs became more complicated, and events 
 multiplied in any society, its annals must have swelled to an enormous 
 bulk. Besides this, no objects could be delineated but those of sense ; the 
 conceptions of the mind had no corporeal form ; and as long as picture 
 writing could not convey an idea of these, it must have been a very imper- 
 fect art. The necessity of improving it must have roused and sharpened 
 invention ; and the human mind, holding the same course in the New 
 World as in the Old, might have advanced by the same successive steps, 
 first, from an actual picture to the plain hieroglyphic ; next to the allego- 
 rical symbol ; then to the arbitrary character ; until, at length* an alphabet 
 of letters was discovered, capable of expressing all the various combinations 
 of sound employed in speech. Jn the paintings of the Mexicans we ac- 
 cordingly perceive that this progress was begun among them. Upon an 
 attentive inspection of the plates, which I have mentioned, we may observe 
 some approach to the plain or simple hieroglyphic, where some principal 
 part or circumstance in the subject is made to stand for the whole. In the 
 annals of their kings, published by Purchas, the towns conquered by each 
 are uniformly represented in the same manner by a rude delineation of a 
 house ; but in order to point out the particular towns which submitted to their 
 victorious arms, peculiar emblems, sometimes natural objects, and sometimes 
 artificial figures, are employed. In the tribute-roll published by the Arch- 
 bishop of Toledo, the house which was properly the picture of the town, is 
 omitted, and the emblem alone is employed to represent it. The Mexicans 
 seem even to have made some advances beyond this, towards the use of the 
 more figurative and fanciful hieroglyphic. In order to describe a monarch 
 who had enlarged his dominions by force of arms, they painted a target orna- 
 mented with darts, and placed it between him and those towns which he 
 subdued. But it is only in one instance, the notation of numbers, that we 
 discern any attempt to exhibit ideas which had no corporeal form.^ The 
 Mexican painters had invented artificial marks, or signs of convention, for 
 this purpose. By means of these, they computed the years of their kings' 
 reigns, as well as the amount of tribute to be paid into the royal treasury. 
 The figure of a circle represented unit ; and in small numbers, the com- 
 putation was made by repeating it. Larger numbers were expressed by a 
 peculiar mark ; and they had such as denoted all integral numbers, from 
 twenty to eight thousand. The short duration of their empire prevented 
 the Mexicans from advancing further in that long course which conducts 
 men from the labour of delineating real objects, to the simplicity and ease 
 of alphabetic writing. Their records, notwithstanding some dawn of such 
 ideas as might have led to a more perfect style, can be considered as little 
 more than a species of picture-writing, so far improved as to mark their 
 superiority over the savage tribes of America ; but still so defective as to 
 prove that they had not proceeded far beyond the first stage in that progress 
 which must be completed before any people can be ranked among polished 
 nations [150]. 
 
 Their mode of computing time may be considered as a more decisive 
 evidence of their progress in improvement. They divided their year into 
 eighteen months, consisting of twenty days ; amounting in all to three hun- 
 dred and sixty. But as they observed that the course of the sun was not 
 completed in that time, they added five days to the year. These, which 
 were properly intercalary days, they termed supernumerary or 'waste ; and 
 as they did not belong to any month, no work was done, and no sacred rite 
 
324 HISTORY OF [BOOK VII. 
 
 performed on them ; they were devoted wholly to festivity and pastime.* 
 Phis near approach to philosophical accuracy is a remarkable proof, that 
 the Mexicans had bestowed some attention upon inquiries and speculations 
 to which men in a very rude state never turn their thoughts.! 
 
 Such are the most striking particulars in the manners and policy of the 
 Mexicans, which exhibit them to view as a people considerably refined. 
 But from other circumstances, one is apt to suspect that their character, 
 and many of their institutions, did not differ greatly from those of the other 
 inhabitants of America. 
 
 Like the rude tribes around them, the Mexicans were incessantly en- 
 gaged in war, and the motives which prompted them to hostility seem to 
 have been the same. They fought in order to gratify their vengeance by 
 shedding the blood of their enemies. In battle they were chiefly intent on 
 taking prisoners ; and it was by the number of these that they estimated 
 the glory of victory. No captive was ever ransomed or spared. All were 
 sacrificed without mercy, and their flesh devoured with the same barbarous 
 joy as among the fiercest savages. On ome occasions it arose to even 
 wilder excesses. Their principal warriors covered themselves with the 
 skins of the unhappy victims, and danced about the streets, boasting of 
 their own valour, and exulting over their enemies.J Even in their civil 
 institutions we discover traces of that barbarous disposition which their 
 system of war inspired. The four chief counsellors of the empire were 
 distinguished by titles, which could have been assumed only by a people 
 who delighted in blood [151]. This ferocity of character prevailed among 
 all the nations of New Spain. The Tlascalans, the people of Mechoacan, 
 and other states at enmity with the Mexicans, delighted equally in war, 
 and treated their prisoners with the same cruelty. In proportion as man- 
 kind combine in social union, and live under the influence of equal laws 
 and regular policy, their manners soften, sentiments of humanity arise, and 
 the rights of the species come to be understood. The fierceness of war 
 abates, and even while engaged in hostility, men rerrtember what they owe 
 one to another. The savage fights to destroy, the citizen to conquer. The 
 former neither pities nor spares, the latter has acquired sensibility which 
 tempers his rage. To this sensibility the Mexicans seem to have been 
 perfect strangers ; and among them war was carried on with so much of 
 its original barbarity, that we cannot but suspect their degree of civiliza- 
 tion to have been very imperfect. 
 
 Their funeral rites were not less bloody than those of the most savage 
 tribes. On the death of any distinguished personage, especially of the 
 emperor, a certain number of his attendants were chosen to accompany 
 him to the other world ; and those unfortunate victims were put to death 
 without mercy, and buried in the same tomb. 
 
 Though their agriculture was more extensive than that of the roving 
 tribes whp trusted chiefly to their bow for food, it seems not to have sup- 
 plied them with such subsistence as men require when engaged in efforts 
 of active industry. The Spaniards appear not to have been struck with 
 any superiority of the Mexicans over the other people of America in bodily 
 vigour. Both, according to their observation, were of such a feeble frame 
 as to be unable to- endure fatigue, and the strength of one Spaniard ex- 
 ceeded that of several Indians. This they imputed to their scanty diet, 
 on poor fare, sufficient to preserve life, but not ,to give firmness to their 
 constitution. Such a remark could hardly have been made with respect 
 to any people furnished plentifully with the necessaries of life. The diffi- 
 
 * Acosta, lib. vi. c. 2. 
 
 t The Mexican mode of computing time, and every other particular relating to their chronology, 
 have been considerably elucidated by M. Clavigero, vol. i. 288 ; vol. ii. 225, &c. The observations 
 and theories of the Mexicans concerning those subjects discover a greater progress in speculative 
 science than we find among any people in the New World. I Herrera, dec, 3. lib. ii. c. 15* 
 
 Gem. Cron. c,217. $ Herrera, dec. 3. lib. ii. c. 18. Com. Cron. c. 303. 
 
AMERICA. 325 
 
 culty which Cortes found in procuring subsistence for his small body of 
 soldiers, who were often constrained to live on the spontaneous productions 
 of the earth, seems to confirm the remark of the Spanish writers, and gives 
 no high idea of the state of cultivation in the Mexican empire.* 
 
 A practice that was universal in New Spain appears to favour this opi- 
 nion. The Mexican women gave suck to their children for several years, 
 And during that time they did not cohabit with their husbands.f This pre- 
 caution against a burdensome increase of progeny, though necessary, as I 
 have already observed, among savages, who from the hardships of their 
 condition, and the precariousness of their subsistence, find it impossible to 
 rear a numerous family, can hardly be supposed to have continued among 
 a people who lived at ease and in abundance. 
 
 The vast extent of the Mexican empire, which has been considered, and 
 with justice, as the most decisive proof of a considerable progress in regu- 
 lar government and police, is one of those facts in the history of the New 
 World which seems to have been admitted without due examination or 
 sufficient evidence. The Spanish historians, in order to magnify the valour 
 of their countrymen, are accustomed to represent the dominion of Monte- 
 zuma as stretching over all the provinces of New Spain from the Northern 
 to the Southern Ocean, But a great part of the mountainous country was 
 possessed by the Otomies, a fierce uncivilized people, who seem to have 
 oeen the residue of the original inhabitants. The provinces towards the 
 north and west of Mexico, were occupied by the Chichemecas, and other 
 tribes of hunters. None of these recognised the Mexican monarch as their 
 superior. Even in the interior and more level country, there were several 
 cities and provinces which had never submitted to the Mexican yoke. 
 Tlascala, though only twenty-one leagues from the capital of the empire, 
 was an independent and hostile republic. Cholula, though still nearer, 
 had been subjected only a short time before the arrival of the Spaniards. 
 Tepeaca, at the distance of thirty leagues from Mexico, seems to have 
 been a separate state, governed by its own laws.j Mechoacan, the fron- 
 tier of which extended within forty leagues of Mexico, was a powerful 
 kingdom, remarkable for its implacable enmity to the Mexican name. 
 By these hostile powers the Mexican empire was circumscribed on every 
 quarter, and the high ideas which we are apt to form of it from the de- 
 scription of the Spanish historians, should be considerably moderated. 
 
 In consequence of this independence of several states in New Spain 
 upon the Mexican empire, there was not any considerable intercourse be- 
 tween its various provinces. Even in the interior country not far distant 
 from the capital, there seems to have been no roads to facilitate the commu- 
 nication of one district with another ; and when the Spaniards first attempt- 
 ed to penetrate into its several provinces, they had to open their way 
 through forests and marshes.|| Cortes, in his adventurous march from 
 Mexico to Honduras, in 1525, met with obstructions, and endured hard- 
 ships little inferior to those with which he must have struggled in the most 
 uncivilized regions of America. In some places he could hardly force a 
 passage through impervious woods, and plains overflowed with water. 
 In others he found so little cultivation, that his troops were frequently in 
 danger of perishing by famine. Such facts correspond ill with the pom- 
 pous description which the Spanish writers give of Mexican police and 
 industry, and convey an idea of a country nearly similar to that possessed 
 by the Indian tribes in North America. Here and there a trading or a 
 war path, as they are called in North America, led from one settlement to 
 another ;1T but generally there appeared no sign of any established com- 
 munication, few marks of industry, and fewer monuments of art. 
 
 * Relat. ap. Ramus, iii. SOP. A. Herrera, dec. 3. lib. iv. c. 17. dec. 2. Jib. vi. c. 16. 
 Cron. c. 208. Herrera, dec. 0. lib, iv. c. 16. f Herrera, dec. 3. lib. x. c. 15. 21. B. Diaz, c. 130. 
 $ Herrera, dec. 3. lib. ii. c. ID, || B. Diaz, c. 166. 176. IT Henera, dec. 3. lib. vii. c. 8. 
 
825 HISTORY OF [BOOK VII. 
 
 A proof of this imperfection in their commercial intercourse no less strj* 
 king is their want of money, or some universal standard by which to esti- 
 mate the value of commodities. The discovery of this is among the 
 steps of greatest consequence in the progress of nations. Until it has been 
 made, all their transactions must be so awkward, so operose, and so limited, 
 that we may boldly pronounce that they have advanced but a little way 
 in their career. The invention of such a commercial standard is of such 
 high antiquity in our hemisphere, and rises so far beyond the era of aur 
 thentic history, as to appear almost coeval with the existence of society. 
 The precious metals seem to have been early employed for this purpose j 
 and from their permanent value, their divisibility, and many other qualities, 
 they are better adapted to serve as a common standard than any other sub^ 
 stance of which 'nature has given us the command. But in the New 
 World, where these metals abound most, this use of them was not known. 
 The exigencies of rude tribes, or of monarchies imperfectly civilized, did 
 not call for it. All their commercial intercourse was carried on by barter , 
 and their ignorance of any common standard by which to facilitate that 
 exchange of commodities which contributes so much towards the comfort 
 of life, may be justly mentioned as an evidence of the infant state of their 
 policy. But even in the New World the inconvenience of wanting some 
 general instrument of commerce began to be felt, arid some efforts were 
 making towards supplying that defect. The Mexicans, among whom the 
 number and greatness of their cities gave rise to a more extended com- 
 merce than in any other part of America, had begun to employ a common 
 standard of value, which rendered smaller transactions much more easy. 
 As chocolate was the favourite drink of persons in every rank of life, the 
 nuts or almonds of cacao, of which it is composed, were of such universal 
 consumption, that, in their stated markets, these were willingly received 
 in return for commodities of small price. Thus they came to be consider- 
 ed as the instrument of commerce, and the value of what one wished to 
 dispose of was estimated by the number of nuts of the cacao, which he 
 might expect in exchange for it. This seems to be the utmost length 
 which the Americans had advanced v to wards the discovery of any expe- 
 dient for supplying the use of "money. And if the want of it is to be held, 
 on one hand, as a proof of their barbarity, this expedient for supplying 
 that want should be admitted, on the other, as an evidence no less satis- 
 fying- of some progress which the Mexicans had made in refinement and 
 civilization beyond the savage tribes around them. 
 
 In such a rude state were many of the Mexican provinces when first 
 visited by their conquerors. Even their cities, extensive and populous as 
 they were, seem more fit to be the habitation of men just emerging from 
 barbarity, than the residence of a polished people. The description of 
 Tlascala nearly resembles that of an Indian village. A number of low 
 straggling huts, scattered about irregularly, according to the caprice of 
 each proprietor, built with turf and stone, and thatched with reeds, with- 
 out any light but what they received by a door, so low that it could not 
 be entered upright.* In Mexico, though, from the peculiarity of its situa- 
 tion, the disposition of the houses was more orderly, the. structure of the 
 greater part was equally mean. Nor does the fabric of their temples, and 
 other public edifices, appear' to have been such as entitled them to the 
 high praise bestowed upon them by many Spanish authors. As far as one 
 can gather from their obscure and inaccurate descriptions, the great temple 
 of Mexico, the most famous in New Spain, which has been represented as 
 a magnificent building, raised to such a height, that the ascent to it was by 
 a flight of a hundred and fourteen steps, was a solid mass of earth of a 
 square form, faced partly with stone. Its base on each side extended 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 2. lib. vi. c. 12, 
 
AMERICA. 327 
 
 ttmety feet ; and decreasing gradually as it advanced in height, it termi- 
 nated in a quadrangle of about thirty feet, where were placed a shrine of 
 the deity, and two altars on which the victims were sacrificed.* All the 
 other celebrated temples of New Spain exactly resembled that of Mex- 
 ico [152]. Such structures convey no high idea of progress in art and in- 
 genuity ; and one can hardly conceive that a form more rude and simple 
 could have occurred to a nation in its first efforts towards erecting any 
 great work. 
 
 Greater skill and ingenuity were displayed, if we may believe the Span- 
 ish historians, in the houses of the emperor, and in those of the principal 
 nobility. There, some elegance of design was visible, and a commodious 
 arrangement of the apartments was attended to. But if buildings corres- 
 ponding to such descriptions had ever existed in the Mexican cities, it is 
 probable that some remains of them would still be visible. From the 
 manner in which Cortes conducted the siege -of Mexico, we can indeed 
 easily account for the total destruction of whatever had any appearance 
 of splendour in that capital. But as only two centuries and a half have 
 elapsed since the conquest of New Spain, it seems altogether incredible 
 that in a period so short, every vestige of this boasted elegance and gran- 
 deur should have disappeared ; and that in the other cities, particularly in 
 those which did not sutler by the destructive hand of the conquerors, there 
 are any ruins which can be considered as monuments of their ancient mag- 
 nificence. 
 
 Even in a village of the rudest Indians, there are buildings of greater 
 extent and elevation than common dwelling houses. Such as are destined 
 for holding the council of the tribe, and in which all assemble on occasions 
 of public festivity, may be called stately edifices, when compared with 
 the rest. As among the Mexicans the distinction of ranks was established, 
 and property was unequally divided, the number of distinguished struc- 
 tures in their towns would of course be greater than in other parts of Ame- 
 rica. But these seem not to have been either so solid or magnificent as to 
 merit the pompous epithets which some Spanish authors employ in de- 
 scribing them. It is probable that, though more ornamented, and built on 
 a larger scale, they were erected with the same slight materials which the 
 Indians employed in their common buildings [153], and Time, in a space 
 much less than two hundred and fifty years, may have swept away all 
 remains of them [154]. 
 
 From this enumeration of facts, it seems, upon the whole, to be evident, 
 that the state of society in Mexico was considerably advanced beyond 
 that of the savage tribes which we have delineated. But it is no less mani- 
 fest that, with respect to many particulars, the Spanish accounts of their 
 progress appear to be highly embellished. There is not a more frequent 
 or a more fertile source of deception in describing the manners and arts of 
 savage nations, or of such as are imperfectly civilized, than that of apply- 
 ing to them the names and phrases appropriated to the institutions and re- 
 finements of polished life. When the leader of a small tribe, or the head 
 of a rude community, is dignified with the name of King or Emperor, the 
 place of his residence can receive no other name but that of his palace ; 
 and whatever his attendants may be, they must be called his court 
 Under such appellations they acquire, in our estimation, an importance 
 and dignity which does not belong to them. The illusion spreads ; and 
 giving a false colour to every part of the narrative, the imagination is so 
 much carried away with the resemblance, that it becomes difficult to dis- 
 cern objects as they really are. The Spaniards, when they first touched 
 on the Mexican coast, were so much struck with the appearance of attain- 
 ments in policy and in the arts of life, far superior to those of the rude 
 
 * Herrera, drc. 2. lib. vii. c. 17. 
 
3?8 HISTORY OF [BOOK VII. 
 
 tribes with which they were hitherto acquainted, that they fancied they 
 had at length discovered a civilized people in the New World. This 
 comparison between the people of Mexico and their uncultivated neigh- 
 bours, they appear to have kept constantly in view ; and observing with 
 admiration many things which marked the -pre-eminence of the former, 
 they employ, in describing their imperfect policy and infant arts, such terms 
 as are applicable to the institutions of men far beyond them in improve- 
 ment. Both these circumstances concur in detracting from the credit due 
 to the descriptions of Mexican manners by the early Spanish writers. By 
 drawing a parallel between them and those of people so much less civil- 
 ized, they raised their own ideas too high. By their mode of describing 
 them, they conveyed ideas to others no less exalted above truth. Later 
 writers have adopted the style? of the original historians, and improved 
 upon it. The colours with which De Solis delineates the character and 
 describes the actions of Montezuma, the splendour of his court, the laws 
 and policy of his empire, are the same that he must have employed in 
 exhibiting to view the monarch and institutions of a highly polished people. 
 But 'though We may admit,' that the warm imagination of the Spanish 
 writers has added some embellishment to their descriptions, this will not 
 justify the decisive and peremptory tone with which several authors pro- 
 nounce all their accounts of the Mexican power, policy, and laws, to be 
 the fictions of men who wished to deceive, or who delighted in the mar- 
 vellous. There are few historical facts that can be ascertained by evidence 
 more unexceptionable, than may be produced in support of the material 
 articles in the description of the Mexican constitution and manners. Eye- 
 witnesses relate what they beheld. Men who had resided among the 
 Mexicans, both before and after the conquest, describe institutions and 
 customs which were familiaj to them. Persons of professions so different 
 that objects must have presented themselves to their view under every 
 various aspect ; soldiers, priests, and lawyers, all concur in their testimony. 
 Had Cortes ventured to impose upon his sovereign, by exhibiting to him a 
 picture of imaginary manners, there wanted not enemies and rivals who 
 were qualified to detect his deceit, and who would have rejoice4 in 
 exposing it. But according, to the just remark of an author, wnose inge- 
 nuity has illustrated, and whose eloquence has adorned, the history of 
 America,* this supposition is in itself as improbable as the attempt would 
 have been audacious. Who, among the destroyers of this great empire, 
 was so enlightened by science, or so attentive to the progress and operations 
 of men in social life, as to frame a fictitious system of policy so well com- 
 bined and so consistent, as that which they delineate in their accounts of 
 the Mexican government ? Where could they have borrowed the idea of 
 many institutions in legislation and police, to which, at that period, there 
 was nothing parallel in the nations with which they were acquainted ? 
 There was not, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, a regular esta- 
 blishment of posts for conveying intelligence to the sovereign of any 
 kingdom in Europe. The same observation will apply to what the 
 Spaniards relate with respect to the structure of the city of Mexico, the 
 regulations concerning its police, and various laws established for the 
 administration of justice, or securing the happiness of the community. 
 Whoever is accustomed to contemplate the progress of nations will often, 
 at very early stages of it, discover a premature and unexpected dawn of 
 those ideas which gave rise to institutions that are the pride and ornament 
 of its most advanced period. Even in a state as imperfectly polished as 
 the Mexican empire, the happy genius of some sagacious observer, excited 
 or aided by circumstances unknown to us, may have introduced institutions 
 which are seldom found but in societies highly refined. But it is almost 
 
 * M. I'Abbe Raynal Hist, philos. et polit. &c. iii. 127. 
 
AMERICA. 329 
 
 impossible that the illiterate conquerors of the New World should have 
 formed in any one instance a conception of customs and laws beyond the 
 standard ot improvement in their own age and country. Or if Cortes had 
 been capable of this, what inducement had those by whom he was super- 
 seded to continue the deception ? Why should Corita, or Motolinea, or 
 Acosta, have amused their sovereign or their fellow-citizens with a tale 
 purely fabulous ? 
 
 In one particular, however, the guides whom we must follow have repre- 
 sented the Mexicans to be more barbarous, perhaps, than they really were. 
 Their religious tenets and the rites of their worship are described by them 
 as wild and cruel in an extreme degree. Religion, which occupies no 
 considerable place in the thoughts of a savage, whose conceptions of any 
 superior power are obscure, and his sacred rites few as well as simple, 
 was formed, among the Mexicans, into a regular system, with its complete 
 train of priests, temples, victims, and festivals. This, of itself, is a clear 
 proof that the state of the Mexicans was very different from that of the 
 ruder American tribes. But from the extravagance of their religious 
 notions, or the barbarity of their rites, no conclusion "can be drawn with 
 certainty concerning the degree of their civilization. For nations, long 
 after their ideas begin to enlarge, and their manners to refine, adhere to 
 systems of superstition founded on the crude conceptions of early ages. 
 From the genius of the Mexican religion we may, however, form a most 
 just conclusion with respect to its influence upon the character of_ the 
 people. The aspect of superstition in Mexico was gloomy and atrocious. 
 Its divinities were clothed with terror, and delighted in vengeance. They 
 were exhibited to the people under detestable forms, which created horror. 
 The figures of serpents, of tigers, and of other destructive animals, deco- 
 rated their temples. Fear was the only principle that inspired their 
 votaries. Fasts, mortifications, and penances, all rigid, and many of them 
 excruciating to an extreme degree, were the means employed to appease 
 the wrath of their gods, and the Mexicans never approached their altars 
 without sprinkling them with blood drawn from their own bodies. But, of 
 all offerings, human sacrifices were deemed the most acceptable. This 
 religious belief mingling with the implacable spirit of vengeance, and 
 adding new force to it, every captive taken in war was brought to the 
 temple, was devoted as a victim to the deity, and sacrificed with rites no 
 less solemn than cruel* [155]. The heart and head were the portion 
 consecrated to the gods ; the warrior, by whose prowess the prisoner had 
 been seized, carried off thb body to feast upon it with his friends. Under 
 the impression of ideas so dreary and terrible, and accustomed daily to 
 scenes of bloodshed rendered awful by religion, the heart of man must 
 harden and be steeled to every sentiment of humanity. The spirit of the 
 Mexicans was accordingly unfeeling ; and the genius of their religion so 
 far counterbalanced the influence of policy and arts, that notwithstanding 
 their progress in both, their manners, instead of softening, became more 
 fierce. To what circumstances it was owing that superstition assumed such 
 a dreadful form among the Mexicans, we have not sufficient knowledge of 
 their history to determine. But its influence is visible,' and produced an 
 effect that is singular in the history of the human species. The manners of 
 the people in the New World, who had made the greatest progress in the 
 arts of policy, were, in several respects, the most ferocious, and the barbarity 
 of some of their customs exceeded even those of the savage state. 
 
 The empire of Peru boasts of a higher antiquity than that of Mexico. 
 According to the traditionary accounts collected by the Spaniards, it had 
 subsisted four hundred years, under twelve successive monarchs. But the 
 
 * Cort. Relat. ap Ramus. iii. 240, &c. B. Diaz, c. 82. Acosta, Hb. v. c. 13, Stc Hcrrera, rice. 
 3. lib. ii, c. 15, &c. Gomara Chron. c. 80, &c. 
 VOL. I. 42 18 
 
330 KISTORYOF [BOOK VII. 
 
 knowledge of their ancient story, which the Peruvians could communicate 
 to their conquerors, must have been both imperfect and uncertain [156]. 
 Like the other American nations, they were totally unacquainted with the 
 art of writing, and destitute of the only means by which the memory of 
 past transactions' can be preserved with any degree of accuracy. Even 
 among people to whom the use of letters is known, the era where the 
 authenticity of history commences is much posterior to the introduction of 
 writing. That noble invention continued every where to be long subser- 
 vient tp the common business and wants of life, before it was employed in 
 recording events, with a view of conveying information from one age to 
 another. But in no country did ever tradition alone carry down historical 
 knowledge, in any full continued stream, during a period of half the length 
 that the monarchy of Peru is said to have subsisted. 
 
 The Quipos, or knots on cords of different colours, which are celebrated 
 by authors fond of the marvellous, as if they had been regular annals of 
 the empire, imperfectly supplied the place of writing. According to the 
 obscure description of them by Acosta,* which Garcilasso de la Vega has 
 adopted with little variation and no improvement, the quipos seem to have 
 been a device for rendering calculation more expeditious and accurate. 
 By the various colours different objects were denoted, and by each knot a 
 distinct number. Thus an account was taken, and a kind of register kept, 
 of the inhabitants in e'ach province, or of the several productions collected 
 there for public use. But as by these knots, however varied or combined, 
 no moral or abstract idea, no operation or quality of the mind could be^ 
 represented, they contributed little towards preserving the memory of 
 ancient .events and institutions. By the Mexican paintings and symbols, 
 rude as they were, more knowledge of remote transactions seems to have 
 been conveyed than the Peruvians could derive from their boasted quipos. 
 Had the latter been even of more extensive use, and better adapted to 
 supply the place of written records, they perished so generally, together 
 with other monuments of Peruvian ingenuity, in the wreck occasioned by 
 the Spanish conquest, and the civil wars subsequent to it, that no accession 
 of light or knowledge comes from them. All the zeal of Garcilasso de la 
 Vega, for the honour of that race of monarchs from whom he descended, 
 all the industry of his researches, and the superior advantages with which 
 he carried them on, opened no source of information unknown to the 
 Spanish authors who wrote before him. In his Royal Commentaries, he 
 confines himself to illustrate what they had related concerning the antiqui 
 ties and institutions of Peru ;| and his illustrations, like their accounts, are 
 derived entirely from the traditionary tales current among his countrymen. 
 
 Very little credit then is due to the minute details which have been 
 given of the exploits, the battles, the conquests, and private character of 
 the early Peruvian monarchs. We can rest upon nothing in their story as 
 authentic, but a few facts so interwoven in the system of their religion and 
 policy, as preserved the memory of them from being lost ; and upon the 
 description of such customs and institutions as continued in force at the 
 time of the conquest, and fell under the immediate observation of the 
 Spaniards. By attending carefully to these, and endeavouring to separate 
 them from what appears to be fabulous or of doubtful authority, I have 
 laboured to form an idea of the Peruvian government and manners. 
 
 The people of Peru, as I have already observed,! had not advanced 
 beyond the rudest form of savage life, when Mancp Capac, and his con- 
 sort Mama Ocollo, appeared to instruct and to civilize them. Who these 
 extraordinary personages were, whether they imported their system of 
 legislation and knowledge of arts from some country more improved, or, if 
 natives of Peru, how they acquired ideas so far superior to those of the 
 
 * Hiet. lib. vi c. 8. | Lib. i. c. 10. $ Book vl 
 
AMERICA. 331 
 
 people \vhorn they addressed, are circumstances with respect to which the 
 Peruvian tradition conveys no information. Manco Capac and his consort, 
 taking advantage of the propensity in the Peruvians to superstition, and 
 particularly of their veneration for the Sun, pretended to be children of that 
 glorious luminary, and to deliver their instructions in his name, and by au- 
 thority from him. The multitude listened and believed. What reforma- 
 tion in policy and manners the Peruvians ascribe to those founders of -their 
 empire, and how, from the precepts of the Inca and his consort, their an- 
 cestors gradually acquired some knowledge of those arts, and some relish 
 for that industry, which render subsistence secure and life comfortable, 
 hath been formerly related. Those blessings were originally confined 
 within narrow precincts ; but in process of time, the successors of Manco 
 Capac extended their dominion over all the regions that stretch to the 
 west of the Andes from Chili to Quito, establishing in every province their 
 peculiar policy and religious institutions. 
 
 The most singular and striking circumstance -in the Peruvian govern- 
 ment is the influence of religion upon its genius and laws. Religious ideas 
 make such a feeble impression on the mind of a savage, that their effect 
 upon his sentiments and manners is hardly perceptible. Among the 
 Mexicans, religion, reduced into a regular system, and holding a consider- 
 able place in their public institutions, operated with conspicuous efficacy 
 in forming the peculiar character of that people. But in Peru, the whole 
 system of policy was founded on religion. The Inca appeared not only 
 as a legislator, but as the messenger of Heaven. His precepts were re- 
 ceived not merely as the injunctions of a superior, but as the mandates of 
 the Deity. His race was to be held sacred ; and in order to preserve it 
 distinct, without being polluted by any mixture of less noble blood, the 
 sons of Manco Capac married their own sisters, and no person was ever 
 admitted to the throne who could not claim it by such a pure descent. 
 To those Children of the Sun, for that was the appellation bestowed upon 
 all the offspring of the first Inca, the people looked up with the reverence 
 due to beings of a superior order. They were deemed to be under the 
 immediate protection of the deity from whom they issued, and by him 
 every order of the reigning Inca was supposed to be dictated. 
 
 From those ideas two consequences resulted. The authority of the 
 Inca was unlimited and absolute in the most extensive meaning of the 
 words. Whenever the decrees of a prince are considered as the com- 
 mands of the Divinity, it is not only an act of rebellion, but of impiety, to 
 dispute or oppose his will. Obedience becomes a duty of religion ; and as 
 it would be profane to control a monarch who is believed to be under the 
 guidance of Heaven, and presumptuous to advise him, nothing remains but 
 to submit with implicit respect. This must necessarily -be the effect of 
 every government established on pretensions of intercourse with superior 
 powers. Such accordingly was the blind submission which the Peruvians 
 yielded to their sovereigns. The persons of highest rank and greatest 
 power in their dominions acknowledged them to be of a more exalted 
 nature ; and in testimony of this, when admitted into their presence, they 
 entered with a burden upon their shoulders, as an emblem of their servi- 
 tude, and willingness to bear whatever the Inca was pleased to impose. 
 Among their subjects, force was not requisite to second their commands. 
 Every officer intrusted with the execution of them was revered, and, 
 according to the account* of an intelligent observer of Peruvian manners, 
 he might proceed alone from one extremity of the empire to another with- 
 out meeting^ opposition ; for, on producing a fringe from the royal borla, an 
 ornament of the head peculiar to the reigning Inca, the lives and fortunes 
 of the people were at his disposal. 
 
 * Zarate, lib. i. c. 13. 
 
332 HISTORY OF [Boo* VII. 
 
 Another consequence of establishing government in Peru on the founda- 
 tion of religion was, that all crimes were punished capitally. They were 
 not considered as transgressions of human laws, but as insults offered to 
 the Deity. Each, without any distinction between such as were slight and 
 such as were atrocious, called for vengeance, and could be expiated only 
 by the blood of the offender. Consonantly to the same ideas, punishment 
 followed the trespass with inevitable certainty, because an offence against 
 Heaven was deemed such a high enormity as could not be pardoned.* 
 Among a people of corrupted morals, maxims of jurisprudence so severe 
 and unrelenting, by rendering men ferocious and desperate, would be 
 more apt to multiply crimes than to restrain them. But the Peruvians, of 
 simple manners and unsuspicious faith, were held in such awe by this rigid 
 discipline, that the number of offenders was extremely small. Veneration 
 for monarchs enlightened and directed, as they believed, by the divinity 
 whom they adored, prompted them to their duty ; the dread of punish- 
 ment, which they were taught to consider as unavoidable vengeance 
 inflicted by offended Heaven, withheld them from evil. 
 
 The system of superstition, on which the Incas ingrafted their preten- 
 sions to such high authority, was of a genius very different from that 
 established among the Mexicans. Manco Capac turned the veneration of 
 his followers entirely towards natural objects. The Sun, as the great 
 source of light, of joy, and fertility in the creation, attracted their principal 
 homage. The Moon and Stars, as co-operating with him, were entitled 
 to secondary honours. Wherever the propensity in the human mind to 
 acknowledge and to adore some superior power takes this direction, and 
 is employed in contemplating the order and beneficence that really exists 
 in nature, the spirit of superstition is mild. Wherever imaginary beings, 
 created by the fancy and the fears of men, are supposed to preside in 
 nature, and become the objects of worship, superstition always assumes a 
 more severe and atrocious form. Of the latter we have an example among 
 the Mexicans, of the former among the people of Peru. The Peruvians 
 had not, indeed, made such progress in observation or inquiry, as to have 
 attained just conceptions of the Deity ; nor was there in their language any 
 proper name or appellation of the Supreme Power, which intimated that 
 they had formed any idea of him as the Creator and Governor of the 
 world.t 
 
 But by directing their veneration to that glorious luminary, which, by 
 its universal and vivifying energy, is the best emblem of Divine benen- 
 cence, the rites and observances which they deemed acceptable to him 
 were innocent and humane. They offered to the Sun a part of those pro- 
 ductions which his genial warmth had called forth from the bosom of the 
 earth, and reared to maturity. They sacrificed, as an oblation of grati- 
 tude, some of the animals which were indebted to his influence for nourish- 
 ment. They presented to him choice specimens of those works of ingenu- 
 ity which his light had guided the hand of man in forming. But the Incas 
 never stained his altars with human blood, nor could they conceive that 
 their beneficent father, the Sun, would be delighted with such horrid vic- 
 tims [157]. Thus the Peruvians, unacquainted with those barbarous rites 
 which extinguish sensibility, and suppress the feelings of nature at the sight 
 of human sufferings, were formed by the spirit of the superstition which 
 they had adopted, to a national character mpre gentle than that of any 
 people in America: 
 
 The influence of this superstition operated in the same manner upon 
 their civil institutions, and tended to correct in them whatever was adverse 
 to gentleness of character. The dominion of the Incas, though the most ab- 
 solute of all despotisms, was mitigated by its alliance with religion. The 
 
 * Vega, lib. ii. c. 6. t Acosta, lib. v. c. 3, 
 
AMERICA. 333 
 
 mind was not humbled and depressed by the idea of a forced subjection to 
 the will of a superior ; obedience, paid to one who was believed to be clothed 
 with Divine authority, was willingly yielded, and implied no degradation. 
 The sovereign, conscious that the submissive reverence of his people 
 flowed from their belief of his heavenly descent, was continually reminded 
 of a distinction which prompted him to imitate that beneficent power 
 which he was supposed to represent. In consequence of those impressions, 
 there hardly occurs in the traditional history of Peru, any instance of re- 
 bellion against the reigning prince, and among twelve successive monarchs 
 there was not one tyrant. 
 
 Even the wars in which the Incas engaged were carried on with a spirit 
 very different from that of other American nations. They fought not, like 
 savages, to destroy and to exterminate ; or, like the Mexicans, to glut blood- 
 thirsty divinities with human sacrifices. They conquered, in order to reclaim 
 and civilize the vanquished, and to diffuse the knowledge of their own 
 institutions and arts. Prisoners seem not to have been exposed to the insults 
 and tortures which were their lot in every other part of the New World. 
 The Incas took the people whom they subdued under their protection, and 
 admitted them to a participation of all the advantages enjoyed by their 
 original subjects. This practice, so repugnant to American ferocity, and 
 resembling the humanity of the most polished nations, must be ascribed, 
 like other peculiarities which we have observed in the Peruvian manners, 
 to the genius of their religion. The Incas, considering the homage paid to 
 any other object than to the heavenly powers which they adored as impi- 
 ous, were fond of gaining proselytes to their favourite system. The idols 
 of every conquered province were carried in triumph to the great temple 
 at Cuzco,* and placed there as trophies of the superior power of the 
 divinity who was the protector of their empire. The people were treated 
 with lenity, and instructed in the religious tenets of their new masters,! 
 that the conqueror might have the glory of having added to the number of 
 the votaries of his father the Sun. 
 
 The state of property in Peru was no less singular than that of religion, 
 and contributed, likewise, towards giving a mild turn of character to the 
 people. All the lands capable of cultivation were divided into three shares. 
 One was consecrated to the Sun, and the product of it was applied to the 
 erection of temples, and furnishing what was requisite towards celebrating 
 the public rites of religion. The second belonged to the Inca, and was 
 set apart as the provision made by the community for the support of 
 government. The third and largest share was reserved for the maintenance 
 of the people, among whom it was parcelled put. Neither individuals, 
 however, nor communities had a right of exclusive property in the portion 
 set apart for their use. They possessed it only for a year, at the expiration 
 of which a new division was made in proportion to the rank, the number, 
 and exigencies of each family. All those lands were cultivated by the 
 joint industry of the community. The people summoned by a proper 
 officer, repaired in a body to the fields, and performed their common task, 
 while songs and musical instruments cheered them to their labour. J By 
 this singular distribution of territory, as well as by the mode of cultivating 
 it, the idea of a common interest, and of mutual subserviency, was continu- 
 ally inculcated. Each individual felt his connexion with those around him, 
 and knew that he depended on their friendly aid for what increase he was 
 to reap. A state thus constituted may be considered as one great family, 
 in which the union of the members was so complete, and the exchange of 
 good offices so perceptible, as to create stronger attachment, and to Ibind 
 man to man in closer intercourse than subsisted under any form of society 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 5. lib, iv. c. 4. Vega, lib. v. c. 12. t Herrera. dec. 5. lib. iv. c. 8. ? Ib. c. 2. 
 
 Vega, lib. v. c. 5. 
 
334 H I S T R Y OF [BOOK Vll 
 
 established in America^ From this resulted gentle manners and mild 
 virtues unknown in the savage state, and with which the Mexicans were 
 little acquainted. 
 
 Bat, though the institutions of the Incas were so framed as to strengthen 
 the bonds of affection among their subjects, there was great inequality in 
 their condition. The distinction l of ranks was fully established in Peru. 
 A great body of the inhabitants, under the denomination of Yanaconas, 
 were held in a state of servitude. Their garb and houses were of a form 
 different from those of freemen. Like the Tamenes of Mexico, they were 
 employed in carrying burdens, and in performing every other work of 
 drudgery.* Next to them, in rank, were such of the people as were free, 
 but distinguished by no official Or hereditary honours. Above them were 
 raised those whom the Spaniards call Orejonesi from the ornaments worn in 
 their ears. They formed what may be denominated the order of nobles, 
 and in peace as well as war held every office of power or trust.f And 
 the head of all were the children of the Sun, who, by their high descent 
 and peculiar privileges, were as much exalted above the Orejones, as these 
 were elevated above the people. 
 
 Such a form of society, from the union of its members, as well as from 
 the distinction in their ranks, was favourable to progress in the arts. But 
 the Spaniards, having been acquainted with the improved state of various 
 arts in Mexico several years before they discovered Peru, were not so 
 much struck with what they observed in the latter country, and describe 
 the appearances of ingenuity there with less warmth of admiration. The 
 Peruvians, nevertheless, had advanced far beyond the Mexicans, both in 
 the necessary arts of life, and in such as have some title to the name of 
 elegant. 
 
 In Peru, agriculture, the art of primary necessity in social life, was more 
 extensive, and carried on with greater skill than in any part of America. 
 The Spaniards, in their progress through the country, were so fully sup- 
 plied with provisions of every kind, that in the relation of their adventures 
 we meet with few of those dismal scenes of distress occasioned by famine, 
 in which the conquerors of Mexico were so often involved. The quantity 
 of soil under cultivation was not left to the discretion of individuals, but 
 regulated by public authority in proportion to the exigencies of the com- 
 munity. Even the calamity of an unfruitful season was but little felt ; for 
 the product of the lands consecrated to the Sun, as well as those set apart 
 for the Incas, being deposited in the Tambos, or public storehouses, it 
 remained there as a stated provision for times of scarcity .J As the extent 
 of cultivation was determined with such provident attention to the demands 
 of the state, the invention and industry of the Peruvians were called forth 
 to extraordinary exertions, by certain defects peculiar to their climate and 
 soil. All the vast rivers that flow from the Andes take their course east- 
 ward to the Atlantic Ocean. Peru is watered only by some streams which 
 rush down from the mountains like torrents. A great part of the low 
 country is sandy and barren, and never refreshed with rain. In order to 
 render such an unpromising region fertile, the ingenuity of the Peruvians 
 had recourse to various expedients. By means of artificial canals,conducted 
 with much patience and considerable art from the torrents that poured across 
 their country, they conveyed a regularsupply of moisture to meir fieldsS [158]. 
 They enriched the soil by manuring it with the dung of sea fowls, ot which 
 they found an inexhaustible store on all the .islands scattered along the 
 coasts. || In describing the customs of any nation thoroughly civilized, such 
 practices would hardly draw attention, or be mentioned as in any degree 
 
 * Herrera, dec. 5. lib. ill. c. 4. lib. x. c. 8. | Ib.lib. iv. c. 1. f Zarate, lib. i. c. 14. Vega, 
 lib i. c. 8. $ Zarate, lib. i. c. 4. Vega, lib. v. c. 1 & 24 || Acosta, lib. iv. c. 37. Vega,, 
 Ub. v. c. 3 
 
AMERICA, 333 
 
 remarkable ; but in the history of the improvident race of men in the New 
 World, they are entitled to notice as singular proofs of industry and of art, 
 The use of the plough, indeed, was unknown to the Peruv ians. They turned 
 up the earth with a kind of mattock of hard wood.* Nor was thislaboui 
 deemed so degrading as to be devolved wholly upon the women. Botl 
 sexes joined in performing this necessary work. Even the children of the 
 Sun set an example of industry, by cultivating a field near Cuzco with their 
 own hands, and they dignified this function by denominating it their triumph 
 over the earth.f 
 
 The superior ingenuity of the Peruvians is obvious, likewise, in the con- 
 struction of their houses and public buildings. In the extensive plains which 
 stretch along the Pacific Ocean, where theskv is perpetually serene, and the 
 climate rnild, their houses were very properly ot a fabric extremely slight. 
 But in the higher regions, where rain falls, where the vicissitude of seasons 
 is known, and their rigour felt, houses were constructed with greater solidity. 
 They were generally of a square form, the walls about eight feet high, built 
 with bricks hardened in the sun, without any windows, and the door low 
 and straight. Simple as these structures were, and rude as the materials 
 may seem to be of which they were formed, they were so durable that many 
 of them still subsist in different parts of Peru, long after every monument 
 that might have conveyed to us any idea of the domestic state of the other 
 American nations has vanished from the face of the earth. But it was in the 
 temples consecrated to the Sun, and in the buildings destined for the residence 
 of their monarchs, that the Peruvians displayed the utmost extent of their 
 art and contrivance. The descriptions of them by such of the Spanish 
 writers as had an opportunity of contemplating them, while in some measure 
 entire, might have appeared highly exaggerated, if the ruins which still 
 remain did not vouch the truth 01 their relations. These ruins of sacred or 
 royal buildings are found in every province of the empire, and by their fre- 
 quency demonstrate that they are monuments of a powerful people, who 
 must have subsisted, during a period of some extent, in a state of no incon- 
 siderable improvement. They appear to have been edifices various in their 
 dimensions : some of a moderate size, many of immense extent, all remark- 
 able for solidity, and resembling each other in the style of architecture. The 
 temple of Pachacamac, together with a palace of the Inca, and a fortress, 
 were so connected together as to form one great structure above half a 
 league in circuit. In this prodigious pile, the same singular taste in building 
 is conspicuous as in other w T orks of the Peruvians. As they were unac- 
 quainted with the use of the pulley, and other mechanical powers, and 
 could not elevate the large stones and bricks which they employed in build- 
 ing to any considerable height, the walls of this edifice, in which they seem 
 to have made their greatest effort towards magnificence, did not rise above 
 twelve feet from the ground. Though they had not discovered the use of 
 mortar or of any other cement in building, the bricks or stones were joined 
 with so much nicety, that the seams can hardly be discerned [159]. The 
 apartments, as far as the distribution of them can be traced in the ruins, 
 were ill disposed, and afforded little accommodation. There was not a 
 single window in any part of the building ; and as no light could enter but 
 by the door, all the apartments of largest dimensions must either have been 
 perfectly dark, or illuminated by some other means. But with all these, 
 and many other imperfections that might be mentioned in their art of build- 
 ing, the works of me Peruvians which still remain must be considered as 
 stupendous efforts of a people unacquainted with the use of iron, and convey 
 to us a high idea of the power possessed by their ancient monarchs. 
 
 These, however, were not the noblest or most useful works of the Incas. 
 The two great roads from Cuzco to Quito, extending in an uninterrupted 
 
 * Zarate, lib. i. c. 8 t Vega, lib. v. c. 2. 
 
336 HISTORY OF fBooK VII. 
 
 stretch above fifteen hundred miles, are entitled to still higher praise. The 
 one was conducted through the interior and mountainous country, the other 
 through the plains on the sea coast. From the language of admiration in 
 which some of the early writers express their astonishment when they first 
 viewed those roads, and from the more pompous description of later writers, 
 who labour to support some favourite theory concerning America, one 
 might be led to compare this work of the Incas to the famous military 
 ways which remain as monuments of the Roman power ; but in a country 
 where there was no tame animal except the llama, which was never used 
 for draught, and but little as a beast of burden, where the high roads were 
 seldom trod by any but a human foot, no great degree of labour or art was 
 requisite in forming them; The Peruvian roads were only fifteen feet in 
 breadth,* and in many^ places so slightly formed, that time has effaced every 
 vestige of the course in which they ran. In the low country, little more 
 seems to have been done than to plant trees or to fix posts at certain inter- 
 vals, in order to mark the proper route to travellers. To open a path 
 through the mountainous country was a more arduous task. Eminences 
 were levelled, and hollows filled up, and for the preservation of the road 
 it was fenced with a bank of turf. At proper distances, Tambos, or store- 
 houses, were erected for the accommodation of the Inca and his attendants, 
 in their progress through his dominions. From the manner in which the 
 road was originally formed in this higher and more impervious region, it 
 has proved more durable ; and though, from the inattention of the Spaniards 
 to every object but that of working their mines, nothing has been done 
 towards keeping it in repair, its course may still be traced.! Such was 
 the celebrated road of the Incas ; and even from this description, divested 
 of every circumstance of manifest exaggeration or of suspicious aspect, it 
 must be considered as a striking proof of an extraordinary progress in im- 
 provement and policy. To the savage tribes of America, the idea of 
 facilitating communication with places at a distance had never occurred. 
 To the Mexicans it was hardly known. Even in the most civilized coun- 
 tries in Europe, men had advanced far in refinement, before it became a 
 regular object of national police to form such roads as render intercourse 
 commodious. It was a capital object of Roman policy to open a commu- 
 nication with all the provinces of their extensive empire by means of those 
 roads which are justly considered as one of the noblest monuments both of 
 their wisdom and their power. But during the long reign of barbarism, 
 the Roman roads were neglected or destroyed; and at the time when the 
 Spaniards entered Peru, no kingdom in Europe could boast of any work 
 of public utility that could be compared with the great roads formed by 
 the Incas. 
 
 The formation of those roads introduced another improvement in Peru 
 equally unknown over all the rest of America. In its course from south 
 to north, the road of the Incas was intersected by all the torrents which 
 roll from the Andes towards the Western Ocean. From the rapidity of 
 their course, as well as from the frequency and violence of their inunda- 
 tion, these were not fordable. Some expedient, however, was to be found 
 for passing them. The Peruvians from their unacquaintance with the use 
 of arches, and their inability to work in wood, couid not construct bridges 
 either of stone or timber, but necessity, the parent of invention, suggested 
 a device which supplied that defect. They formed cables of great 
 strength, by twisting together some of the pliable withs, or osiers, with 
 which their country abounds ; six of these cables they stretched across the 
 stream parallel to one' another, and made them fast on each side. These 
 they bound firmly together by interweaving smaller ropes so close as to 
 
 * Cieca, c. 60. t Xerez, p. 189. 191. Zarate, lib. i. c. 13, 14. Vega, lib. ix. c. 13. Bourgue* 
 Voyage, p. 105. Ulloa Entretenemientos, p. 365, 
 
AMERICA. 337 
 
 form a compact piece of net-work, which being covered with branches of 
 trees and earth, they passed alon^.it with tolerable security [160]. Proper 
 persons were appointed to attend at each bridge, to keep it in repair, and 
 to assist passengers.* In the level country, where the rivers became deep 
 and broad and still, they are passed in balzas, or floats ; in the construction, 
 as well as navigation o? which the ingenuity of the Peruvians appears to 
 be far superior to that of any people in America. These had advanced 
 no further in naval skill than the use of the paddle or oar ; the Peruvians 
 ventured to raise a mast, and spread a sail, by means of which their bal- 
 zas not only went nimbly before the wind, but could veer and tack with 
 great celerity.! 
 
 Nor were the ingenuity and art of the Peruvians confined solely to ob- 
 jects of essential utility. They had made some progress in arts, which 
 may be called elegant. They possessed the precious metals ^ in greater 
 abundance than any people of America. They obtained gold in the same 
 manner with the Mexicans, by searching in the channels of rivers, or wash- 
 ing the earth in which particles of it were contained. But in order to 
 procure silver, they exerted no inconsiderable degree of skill and inven- 
 tion. They had not, indeed, attained the art of sinking a shaft into the 
 bowels of the earth, and penetrating to the riches Concealed there ; but 
 they hollowed deep caverns on the banks of rivers and the sides of moun- 
 tains, and emptied such veins as did not dip suddenly beyond their reach. 
 In other places, where the vein lay near the surface, they dug pits to such 
 a depth, that the person who worked below could throw out the ore, or 
 hand it up in baskets.! They had discovered the art of smelting and 
 refining this, either by the simple application of fire, or, where the ore was 
 more stubborn or impregnated with foreign substances, by placing it in 
 small ovens or furnaces, on high' grounds, so artificially constructed that the 
 draught of air performed the function of a bellows, an engine with which 
 they were totally unacquainted. By this simple device, the purer ores 
 were smelted with facility, and the quantity of silver in Peru was so con- 
 siderable, that many of the utensils employed in the functions of common 
 life were made of it. Several of those vessels and trinkets are said to 
 have merited no small degree of estimation, on account of the neatness of 
 the workmanship, as well as the intrinsic value of the materials. But as 
 the conquerors of America were well acquainted with the latter, but had 
 scarcely any conception of the former, most of the silver vessels and trin- 
 kets were melted down, and rated according to the weight and fineness of 
 the metal in the division of the spoil. 
 
 In other works of mere curiosity or ornament, their ingenuity has been 
 highly celebrated. Many specimens of those have been dug out of the 
 Guacas, or mounds of earth, with which the Peruvians covered the bodies 
 of the dead. Among these are mirrors of various dimensions, of hard 
 shining stones highly polished ; vessels of earthen ware of different forms ; 
 hatchets, and other instruments, some destined for war, and others for 
 labour. Some were of flint, some -of copper, hardened to such a degree 
 by an unknown process, as to supply the place of iron on several occasions. 
 Had the use of those tools, formed of copper, been general, the progress 
 of the Peruvians in the arts might have been such as to emulate that of 
 more cultivated nations. But either the metal was so rare, or the opera- 
 tion by which it was hardened so tedious, that their instruments of copper 
 were few, and so extremely small, that they seem to have been employed 
 only in slighter works. But even to such a circumscribed use of this im- 
 perfect metal, the Peruvians were indebted for their superiority to the 
 
 Sancho ap. Ram. iii. 376. B. Zarate, lib. i. c. 14, Vega, Jib. iii. c. 7, 8. Herrera, dec. 5. lib. 
 iv. c. 3, 4. f Ulloa Voy. i. 167, &c. J Ramusio, iii. 414. A. $ Acosta, lib. iv. c. 4, 5. 
 Veca, p. 1. lib. viii. c. 25. Ulloa Entreten. 258. 
 VOL. L 43 
 
338 HISTORY OF LBooK VII. 
 
 other people of America in various arts.* The same observation, how 
 ever, may be applied to them, which I formerly made with respect to tha 
 arts of the Mexicans. From several specimens of Peruvian utensils and 
 ornaments, which are deposited in the royal cabinet of Madrid, and from 
 some preserved in different collections in other parts of Europe, I have 
 reason to believe that the workmanship is more to be admired on account 
 of the rude tools with which it was executed, than on account of its in- 
 trinsic neatness and elegance ; and that the Peruvians, though the most 
 improved of all the Americans, were not advanced beyond the infancy of 
 arts. 
 
 But notwithstanding so many particulars, which seemed to indicate a 
 high degree of improvement in Peru, other circumstances occur that sug- 
 gest the idea of a society still in the first stages of its transition from bar- 
 barism to civilization. In all the dominions of the Incas, Cuzco was the 
 only place that had the appearance, or was entitled to the name, of a 
 city. Every where else the people lived mostly in detached habitations, 
 dispersed over ihe country, or, at the utmost, settled together in small vil- 
 lages.! But until men are brought to assemble in numerous bodies, and 
 incorporated in such close union as to enjoy frequent intercourse, and to 
 feel mutual dependence, they never imbibe perfectly the spirit, or assume 
 the manners of social life. In a country of immense extent, with only one 
 city, the progress of manners, and the improvement either of the neces- 
 sary or more refined arts f must have been so slow, and carried on under 
 such disadvantages, that it is more surprising the Peruvians should have 
 advanced so far in refinement, than that they did not proceed further. 
 
 In consequence of this state of imperfect union, the separation of pro- 
 fessions in Peru was not so complete as among the Mexicans. The less 
 closely men associate, the more simple are their manners, and the fewer 
 their wants. The crafts of common and most necessary use in life do not, 
 in such a state, become so complex or difficult as to render it requisite that 
 "men should be trained to them by any particular course of education. All 
 the arts, accordingly, which were of daily and indispensable utility, were 
 exercised by every Peruvian indiscriminately. None but the artists em- 
 ployed in works of mere curiosity, or ornament, constituted a separate 
 order of men, or were distinguished from other citizens. J 
 
 From the want of cities in Peru, another consequence followed. There 
 was little commercial intercourse among the inhabitants of that great em- 
 pire. The activity of commerce is coeval with die foundation of cities ; 
 and from the moment that the members of any community settle in con- 
 siderable numbers in one place, its operations become vigorous. The citi- 
 zen must depend for subsistence on the labour of those who cultivate the 
 ground. They, in return, must receive some equivalent. Thus mutual 
 intercourse is established, and the productions of art are regularly ex- 
 changed for the fruits of agriculture. In the towns of the Mexican empire, 
 stated markets were held, and whatever could supply any want or desire 
 of man was an object of commerce. But in Peru, from the singular mode 
 of dividing property, -and the manner in which the people were settled, 
 there was hardly any species of commerce carried on between different 
 provinces, and the community was less acquainted with that active inter- 
 course, which is at once a bond of union and an incentive to improvement. 
 
 But the unwarlike spirit of the Peruvians was the most remarkable as 
 well as the most fatal defee-t in their character.il The greater part of the 
 rude nations of America opposed their invaders with undaunted ferocity, 
 though with little conduct or success. The Mexicans maintained the 
 struggle in defence of their liberties, with such persevering fortitude, that 
 
 * Ulloa, Voy. torn. i. 381, &c. Id. Entreten. p. 369, &c. t Zarate, lib. i. c. 9. Herrera, dec. 5. 
 fib. vi. c. 4. J Acosta, lib. vi, c. 15. Vega, lib. v. c. 9. Herrera, dec. 5. lib. iv. c. 4. Vega,. 
 tib. vi. c. 8. || Xerez, 190. Sancho, ap. Ram. iii. 372. Herrera, dec. 5, lib, i, c. 3. 
 
AMERICA 339 
 
 it was with difficulty the Spaniards triumphed over. them. Peru was 
 subdued at once, and almost without resistance ; and the most favourable 
 opportunities of regaining their freedom, and of crushing their oppressors, 
 were lost through the timidity of' the people. Though the traditional 
 history of the Peruvians represents all the Incas as warlike princes, fre- 
 quently at the head of armies, which they led to victory and conquest, 
 iew symptoms of such a martial spirit appear in any of their operations 
 subsequent to the invasion of the Spaniards. The influence, perhaps, of 
 those institutions which rendered their manners gentle, gave their minds' 
 this unmanly softness ; perhaps the constant serenity and mildness of the 
 climate may have enervated the vigour of their frame ; perhaps some 
 principles in their government, unknown to us, Was the occasion of this 
 political debility. Whatever may have been the cause, the fact is certain ; 
 and there is not an instance in history of any people so little advanced in 
 refinement, so totally destitute of military enterprise. This character had 
 descended to their posterity. The Indians of Peru are now more tame 
 and depressed than any people of America. Their feeble spirits, relaxed 
 in lifeless inaction, seem hardly capable of any bold or manly exertion. 
 
 But, besides those capital defects in the political state of Peru, some 
 detached circumstances and facts occur in the Spanish writers, which dis- 
 cover a considerable remainder of barbarity in their manners. A cruel 
 custom, that prevailed in some of the most savage tribes, subsisted among 
 the Peruvians. On the death of the Incas, and of other eminent persons, 
 a considerable number of their attendants were put to death, and interred 
 around their Guacas, that they might appear in the next world with their 
 former dignity, and be served with the same respect. On the death of 
 Huana-Capac, the most powerful of their monarchs, above a thousand 
 vcitims were doomed to accompany him to the tomb.* In one particular 
 their manners appear to have been more barbarous than those of most rude 
 tribes. Though acquainted with the use of fire in preparing maize and other 
 vegetables for food, they devoured both flesh and fish perfectly raw, and 
 astonished the Spaniards with a practice repugnant to the ideas of all 
 civilized people.f 
 
 But though Mexico and Peru are the possessions of Spain in the New 
 World, which, on account both of their ancient and present state, have 
 attracted the greatest attention ; her other dominions there are far from 
 being inconsiderable either in extent or value. The greater part of them 
 was reduced to subjection during the first part of the sixteenth century, 
 by private adventurers, who fitted out their small armaments either in 
 Hispaniola or in Old Spain : and were we to follow each leader in his 
 progress, we should discover the same daring courage, the same perse- 
 vering ardour, the same rapacious desire for wealth, and the same capacity 
 for enduring and surmounting every thing in order to attain it, which dis- 
 tinguished the operations of the Spaniards in their greater American con- 
 quests. But, instead of entering into a detail, which, from their similarity 
 of the transactions, would appear almost a repetition of what has been 
 already related, I shall satisfy myself with such a view of those pro- 
 vinces of the Spanish empire in America, which have not hitherto been 
 mentioned, as may convey to my readers an adequate idea of its greatness, 
 fertility, and opulence. 
 
 I begin with the countries contiguous to the two great monarchies o. 
 whose history and institutions I have given some account, and shall then 
 briefly describe the other districts of Spanish Amerka. The jurisdiction 
 of the viceroy of New Spain extends over several provinces which were 
 not subject to the clominion of the Mexicans. Th& countries of Cinaloa 
 and Sonora that stretch along the east side of the Vermilion Sea, or Gulf 
 
 * Acosta, lib. v. c. 7. | Xerez, p. 190. Sancho, Ram. iii. 372. C Rerrera, dec. J>. 
 
 Jib L c. 3. 
 
340 HISTORY OF [BOOK VII. 
 
 of California, as well as the immense kingdoms of New Navarre, and 
 New Mexico, which bend towards the west and north, did not acknowledge 
 the sovereignty of Montezuma, or his predecessors. These regions, not 
 inferior in magnitude to all the Mexican empire, are reduced some to a 
 greater, others to a less degree of subjection to the Spanish yoke. They 
 extend through the most delightful part of the temperate zone ; their soil 
 is, in general, remarkably fertile ; and all their productions, whether animal 
 or vegetable, are most perfect in their kind. They have all a communication 
 either with the Pacific Ocean, or with the Gulf of Mexico, and are watered 
 by rivers which not only enrich them, but may become subservient to 
 commerce. The number of Spaniards settled in those vast countries is 
 indeed extremely small. They may be said to have subdued rather than 
 to have occupiea them. But if the population in their ancient establish- 
 ments in America shall continue to increase, they may gradually spread 
 over those provinces, of which, however inviting, they have not hitherto 
 been able to take full possession. 
 
 One circumstance may contribute to the speedy population of some 
 districts. Very rich mines both of gold and silver have been discovered 
 in many of the regions which I have mentioned. Wherever these are 
 opened, and worked with success, a multitude of people resort. In order 
 to supply them with the necessaries of life, cultivation must be increased, 
 artisans of various kinds must assemble, and industry as well as wealth 
 will be gradually diffused. Many examples of * this have occurred in 
 different parts of America, since they fell under the dominion of the 
 Spaniards. Populous villages and large towns have suddenly arisen 
 amidst uninhabitable wilds and mountains ; and the working of mines, 
 though far from being the most proper object towards which the attention 
 of an infant society should be turned, may become the means both of pro- 
 moting useful activity, and of augmenting the number of people. A recent 
 and singular instance of this has happened, which, as it is but little known 
 in Europe, and may be productive of great effects, merits attention. The 
 Spaniards settled in the provinces of Cinaloa and Sonora had been long 
 disturbed by the depredations of some fierce tribes of Indians. In the 
 year 1765, the incursions of those savages became so frequent and so de- 
 structive, that the Spanish inhabitants, in despair, applied to the Marquis 
 de Croix, viceroy of Mexico, for such a body of troops as might enable 
 them to drive those formidable invaders from their places of retreat in the 
 mountains. But the treasury of Mexico was so much exhausted by the 
 large sums drawn from it, in order to support the late war against Great 
 Britain, that the viceroy could afford them no aid. The respect due to 
 his virtues accomplished what his official power could not effect. He 
 prevailed with the merchants of New Spain to advance about two hundred 
 thousand pesos for defraying the expenses of the expedition. The war 
 was conducted by an officer of abilities ; and after being protracted for 
 three years, chiefiy by the difficulty of pursuing the fugitives over moun- 
 tains, and through defiles which were almost impassable, it terminated, in 
 the year 1771, in the final submission of the tribes which had been so long 
 the object of terror, to the two provinces. In the course of this service, 
 the Spaniards marched through countries into which they seem not to have 
 penetrated before that time, and discovered mines of such value as was 
 astonishing even to men acquainted with the riches contained in the moun- 
 tains of the New World. At Cineguilla, in the province of Sonora, they 
 entered a plain of fourteen leagues in extent, in which, at the depth of 
 only sixteen inches, tley found gold in' grains of such a size, that some of 
 them weighed nine marks, and in sucn quantities, that in a short time y 
 with a few labourers, they collected a thousand marks of gold in grains, 
 even without taking time to wash the earth that had been dug, which 
 appeared to be so rich, that persons of skill computed that it might yield 
 
AMERICA. 341 
 
 what would be equal in value to a million of pesos. Before the end of 
 the year 1771, above two thousand persons were settled in Cineguilla, 
 under the government of proper magistrates, and the inspection of several 
 ecclesiastics. As several other mines, not inferior in richness to that of 
 Cineguilla, have been discovered, both in Sonora and Cinaloa [161], it is 
 probable that these neglected and thinly inhabited provinces may soon 
 become as populous and valuable as any part of the Spanish empire of 
 America. 
 
 The peninsula of California, on the other side of the Vermilion Sea, 
 seems to have been less known to the ancient Mexicans than the provinces 
 which f have mentioned. It was discovered by Cortes in the year* 1536. 
 During a long period it continued to be so little frequented, that even its 
 form was unknown, and in most charts it was represented as an island, not 
 as a peninsula [162]. Though the climate of this country, if we may 
 judge from its situation, must be very desirable, the Spaniards have made 
 small progress in peopling it. Towards the close of the last century, the 
 Jesuits, who had great merit in exploring this neglected province, and in 
 civilizing its rude inhabitants, imperceptibly acquired a dominion over it 
 as complete as that which they possessed in their missions in Paraguay, 
 and they laboured to introduce into it the same policy, and to govern the 
 natives by the same maxims. In order to prevent the court of Spain from 
 conceiving any jealousy of their designs and operations, they seem studi- 
 ously to have depreciated the country, by representing the climate as so 
 disagreeable and unwholesome, and the soil as so barren, that nothing but 
 a zealous desire of converting the natives could have induced them to settle 
 there.! Several public spirited citizens endeavoured to undeceive their 
 sovereigns, and to give them a better view of California ; but in vain. At 
 length, on the expulsion of the Jesuits from the Spanish dominions, the court 
 of Madrid, as prone at that juncture to suspect the purity of the Order's 
 intentions, as formerly to confide in them with implicit trust, appointed 
 Don Joseph Galvez, whose abilities have since raised him to the high rank 
 of minister for the Indies, to visit that peninsula. His account of the 
 country was favourable ; he found the pearl fishery on its coast to be 
 valuable, and he discovered mines of gold of a very promising appearance. J 
 From its vicinity to Cinaloa and Sonora, it is probable that, if the 
 population of these provinces shall increase in the manner which I have 
 supposed, California may, by degrees, receive from them such a recruit ot 
 inhabitants, as to be no longer reckoned among the desolate and useless 
 districts of the Spanish empire. 
 
 On the east of Mexico, Yucatan and Honduras are comprehended in the 
 government of New Spain, though anciently they can hardly be said to 
 nave formed a part of the Mexican empire. These large provinces, 
 stretching from the bay of Campeachy beyond Cape Gracias a Dios, do not, 
 like the other territories of Spain in the New World, derive their value 
 either from the fertility of their soil, or the richness of their mines ; but 
 they produce in greater abundance than any part of America, the logwood 
 tree, which, in dying some colours, is so far preferable to any other 
 material, that the consumption of it in Europe is considerable, and it has 
 become an article in commerce of great value. During a long period, no 
 European nation intruded upon the Spaniards in those provinces, or 
 attempted to obtain any share in this branch of trade. But after the con- 
 quest of Jamaica by the English, it soon appeared that a formidable rival 
 was now seated in the neighbourhood of the Spanish territories. One of 
 the first objects which tempted the English settled in that island, was the 
 great profit arising from the logwood trade, and the facility of wresting 
 some portion of it from the Spaniards. Some adventurers from Jamaica 
 
 * Book v T Venegas, Hist, of California, i. 26. J Lorenzano, 3-19, 350. 
 
342 HISTORY OP ISOOK VII. 
 
 made the first attempt at Cape Catoche, the south-east promontory of 
 Yucatan, and by cutting logwood there carried on a gainful traffic. When 
 most of the trees near the coast in that place were felled, they removed to 
 the island of Trist, in the bay of Campeachy, and in later times their prin- 
 cipal station has been in the bay of Honduras. The Spaniards, alarmed 
 at this encroachment, endeavoured by negotiation, remonstrances, and open 
 force, to prevent the English from obtaining any footing on that part of the 
 American continent But after struggling against it for more than a 
 century, the disasters of the last war extorted from the court of Madrid a 
 reluctant consent to tolerate this settlement of foreigners in the heart of its 
 territories.* The pain which this humbling concession occasioned seems 
 to have prompted the Spaniards to devise a method of rendering it of little 
 consequence, more effectual than all the efforts of negotiation or violence. 
 The logwood produced on the west coast of Yucatan, where the soil is drier, 
 is in quality far superior to that which grows on the marshy grounds where 
 the English are settled. By encouraging the cutting of this, and permit- 
 ting the importation of it into Spain without paying any duty,| such vigour 
 has been given to this branch of commerce, and the logwood which the 
 English bring to market has sunk so much in value, that their trade to the 
 bay of Honduras has gradually declined [163] since it obtained a legal 
 sanction and, it is probable, will soon be finally abandoned. In that 
 event, Yucatan and Honduras will become possessions of considerable 
 importance to Spain. 
 
 Still further east than Honduras lie the two provinces of Costa Rica and 
 Veragua, which likewise belong to the viceroyalty of New Spain ; but 
 both have been so much neglected by the Spaniards, and are apparently 
 of such small value, that they merit no particular attention. 
 
 The most important province depending on the viceroyalty of Peru is 
 Chili. The Incas had established their dominion in some of its northern 
 districts ; but in the greater part of the country, its gallant and high spirited 
 inhabitants maintained their independence. The Spaniards, allured by 
 the fame of its opulence, early attempted the conquest of it under Diego 
 Almagro; and after his death Pedro de Valdivia resumed the design. 
 Both met with fierce opposition. The former relinquished the enterprise 
 in the manner which I have mentioned.! The latter, after having given 
 many displays both of courage and military skill, was cut off, together 
 with a considerable body of troops under his command. Francisco de 
 Villagra, Valdivia's lieutenant, by his spirited conduct checked the natives 
 in their career, and saved the remainder of the Spaniards from destruction. 
 By degrees, all the champaign country along the coast was subjected to 
 the Spanish dominion. The mountainous country is still possessed by the 
 Puelches, Araucos, and other tribes of its original inhabitants, formidable 
 neighbours to the Spaniards ; with whom, during the course of two centu- 
 ries, they have been obliged to maintain an almost perpetual hostility, 
 suspended only by a few intervals of insecure peace. 
 
 That part of Chili, then, which may properly be deemed a Spanish 
 province, is a narrow district, extended along the coast from the desert of 
 Atacamas to the island of Chiloe, above nine hundred miles. Its climate is 
 the most delicious in 'the New World, and is hardly equalled by that of 
 any region on the face of the earth. Though bordering on the Torrid Zone, 
 it never feels the extremity of heat, being screened on the east by the 
 Andes, and refreshed from the west by cooling sea breezes. The 
 temperature of the air is so mild and equable, that the Spaniards give it the 
 preference to that of the southern provinces in their native country. The 
 fertility of the soil corresponds with the benignity of the climate, and is 
 wonderfully accommodated to European productions. The most valuable 
 
 * Treaty of Paris, Art. xviii. f Real Cedula, Campomanes, iii. 145. $ Book vi. 
 
AMERICA. 343 
 
 of these, corn, wine, and oil, abound in Chili as if they had been native to 
 the country. All the fruits imported from Europe attained to full maturity 
 there. The animals of our hemisphere not only multiply, but improve in 
 this delightful region. The horned cattle are of larger size than those of 
 Spain. Its breed of horses surpasses, both in beauty and spirit, the famous 
 Andalusian race, from which they sprung. Nor has nature exhausted her 
 bounty on the surface of the earth ; she has stored its bowels with riches. 
 Valuable mines of gold, of silver, of copper, and of lead, have been dis- 
 covered in various parts of it. 
 
 A country distinguished by so many blessings, we may be apt to con- 
 clude, would early become a favourite station of the Spaniards, and must 
 have been cultivated with peculiar predilection and care. Instead of this, 
 a great part of it remains unoccupied. In all this extent of country, 
 there are not above eighty thousand white inhabitants, and about three 
 times that number of Negroes and people of a mixed race. The most fer- 
 tile soil in America lies uncultivated, and some of its most promising mines 
 remain unwrought. Strange as this neglect of the Spaniards to avail 
 themselves of advantages which seemed to court their acceptance mav 
 appear, the causes of it can be traced. The only intercourse of Spain witli 
 its colonies in the South Sea was carried on during two centuries by the 
 annual fleet to Porto Bello. All the produce of these colonies was shipped 
 in the ports of Callao or Arica in Peru, for Panama, and carried from 
 thence across the isthmus. All the commodities which they received from 
 the mother countries were conveyed from Panama to the same harbours. 
 Thus both the exports and imports of Chili passed through the hands of 
 merchants settled in Peru. These had of course a profit on each ; and in 
 both transactions the Chilese felt their own subordination ; and having no 
 direct intercourse with the parent state, they depended upon another pro- 
 vince for the disposal of their productions, as well as for the supply of 
 their wants. Under such discouragements, population could not increase, 
 and industry was destitute of one chief incitement. But now that Spain, 
 from motives which I shall mention hereafter, has adopted a new system, 
 and carries on her commerce with the colonies in the South Sea by ships 
 which go round Cape Horn, a direct intercourse is opened between Chili 
 and the mother country. The gold, the silver, and the other commodities 
 of the province, will be exchanged in its wn harbours for the manufac- 
 tures of Europe. Chili may speedily rise into that importance among the 
 Spanish settlements to which it is entitled by its natural advantages. It 
 may become the granary of Peru, and the other provinces along the Pacific 
 Ocean. It may supply them with wine, with cattle, with horses, with 
 hemp, and many other articles for which they now depend upon Europe. 
 Though the new system has been established only a few years, those 
 effects of it begin already to be observed.* If it shall be adhered to with 
 any steadiness for half a century, one may venture to foretell that population, 
 industry, and opulence will advance in this province with rapid progress 
 
 To the east of the Andes, the provinces of Tucuman and Rio de la Plata 
 border on Chili, and like it were dependent on the viceroyalty of Peru. 
 These regions of immense extent stretch in length from north to south 
 above thirteen hundred miles, and in breadth more than a thousand. This 
 country, which is larger than most European kingdoms, naturally forms 
 itself into two great divisions, one on the north and the other on the south 
 of Rio de la Plata. The former comprehends Paraguay, the famous 
 missions of the Jesuits, and several other districts. But as disputes have 
 long subsisted between the courts of Spain and Portugal, concerning its 
 boundaries, which, it is probable, will be soon finally ascertained, either 
 amicably or by the decision of the sword, I choose to reserve my account 
 
 * Campomanes, ji. 157. 
 
^ HISTORY OF [BOOK VII. 
 
 of this northern division, until I enter upon the history of Portuguese 
 America, with which it is intimately connected; and in relating it, I shall 
 be able, from authentic materials supplied both by Spain and Portugal, to 
 
 five a full and accurate description of the operations and views of the 
 esuits, in rearing that singular fabric of policy in America, which has 
 drawn so much attention, and has been so imperfectly understood. The 
 latter division of the province contains the governments of Tucuman and 
 Buenos Ayres, and to these I shall at present confine my observations. 
 
 The Spaniards entered this part of America by the river De la Plata ; 
 and though a succession of cruel disasters befell them in their early attempts 
 to establish their dominion in it, they were encouraged to persist in the 
 design, at first by the hopes of discovering mines in the interior country, 
 and afterwards by the necessity of occupying it, in order to prevent any 
 other nation from settling there, and penetrating by this route into their 
 rich possessions in JPeru. But except at Buenos Ayres, they have made 
 no settlement of any consequence in all the vast space which I have 
 mentioned. There are indeed, scattered over it, a lew places on which 
 they have bestowed the name of towns, and to which they haveendeavoured 
 to add some dignity, by erecting them into bishoprics ; but they are no 
 better than paltry villages, each with two or three hundred inhabitants. 
 One circumstance, however, which was not originally foreseen, has 
 contributed to render this district, though thinly peopled, of considerable 
 importance. The province of Tucuman, together with the country to the 
 south of the Plata, instead of being covered with wood like other parts of 
 America, forms one extensive open plain, almost without a tree. The soil 
 is a deep fertile mould, watered by many streams descending from the 
 Andes, and clothed in perpetual verdure. In this rich pasturage, the 
 horses and cattle imported by the Spaniards from Europe have multiplied 
 to a degree which almost exceeds belief. This has enabled the inhabitants 
 not only to open a lucrative trade with Peru, by supplying it with cattle, 
 horses, and mules, but to carry, on a commerce no less beneficial, by the 
 exportation of hides to Europe. From both, the colony has derived great 
 advantages. But its commodious situation for carrying on contraband trade 
 has been the chief source' of its prosperity. While the court of Madrid 
 adhered to its ancient system, with respect to its communication with 
 America, the river De la Plata lay so much out of the course of Spanish 
 navigation, that interlopers, almost without any risk of being either observed 
 or obstructed, could pour in European manufactures in such quantities, that 
 they not only supplied the wants of the colony, but were conveyed into all 
 the eastern districts of Peru. When the Portuguese in Brazil extended 
 their settlements to the banks of Rio de la Plata, a new channel was 
 opened, by which prohibited commodities flowed into the Spanish territories 
 with still more facility, and in greater abundance. This illegal traffic, 
 however detrimental to the parent state, contributed to the increase of the 
 settlement which had the immediate benefit of it, and Buenos Ayres became 
 gradually a populous and opulent town. What may be the effect of the 
 alteration lately made in the government of this colony, the nature of 
 which shall be described in the subsequent Book, cannot hitherto be known. 
 All the other territories of Spain in the New World, the islands excepted, 
 pf whose discovery and reduction I have formerly given an account, are 
 comprehended under two great divisions ; the former denominated the 
 kingdom of Tierra Firme, the provinces of which stretch along the At- 
 lantic, from the eastern frontier of New Spain to the mouth of the Orinoco ; 
 the latter, the New Kingdom of Granada, situated in the interior country. 
 With a short view of these I shall close this part of my work. 
 
 To the east of Veragua, the last province subject to the viceroy of 
 Mexico, lies the isthmus of Darien. Though it was in this part of the con- 
 tinent that the Spaniards first began to plant colonies, they have made no 
 
AMERICA. 345 
 
 Considerable progress in peopling it. As the country is extremely moun- 
 tainous, deluged with rain during a good part of the year, remarkably un- 
 healthful, and contains no mines of great value, the Spaniards would proba- 
 bly have abandoned it altogether, i? they had not been allured to continue 
 by the excellence of the harbour of Porto Bello on the one sea, and that of 
 Panama on the other. These have been called the keys to the communi- 
 cation between the north and south sea, between Spain and her most valu- 
 able colonies. In consequence of this advantage, Panama has become a 
 considerable and thriving town. The peculiar noxiousness of its climate 
 has prevented Porto Bello from increasing in the same proportion. As the 
 intercourse with the settlements in the Pacific Ocean is now carried on by 
 another channel, it is probable that both Porto Bello and Panama will de- 
 cline, when no longer nourished and enriched by that commerce to which 
 they were indebted for their prosperity, and even their existence. 
 
 The provinces of Carthagena and Santa Martha stretch to the eastward 
 of the isthmus of Danen. The country still continues mountainous, but its 
 valleys begin to expand, are well watered, and extremely fertile. Pedro 
 de Heredia subjected this part of America to the crown of Spain about the 
 year 1532. It is thinly peopled, and of course ill cultivated. It produces, 
 however, a variety of valuable drugs, and some precious stones, particu- 
 larly emeralds. But its chief importance is derived from the harbour of 
 Carthagena, the safest and best fortified of any in the American dominions 
 of Spain. In a situation so favourable, commerce soon began to flourish. 
 As early as the year 1544, it seems to have been a town of some note. 
 But when Carthagena was chosen as the port in which the galeons should 
 first begin to trade on their arrival from Europe, and to which they were 
 directed to return, in order to prepare for their voyage homeward, the com- 
 merce of its inhabitants were so much favoured by this arrangement, that 
 it soon became one of the most populous, opulent, and beauti/ul cities in 
 America. There is, however, reason to apprehend that it has reached its 
 highest point of exaltation, and that it will be so far affected by the change 
 in the Spanish system of trade with America, which has withdrawn from 
 it the desirable visits of the galeons, as to feel at least a temporary decline. 
 But the wealth now collected there will soon find or create employment for 
 itself, and may be turned with advantage into some new channel. Its 
 harbour is so safe, and so conveniently situated for receiving commodities 
 from Europe, its merchants have been so long accustomed to convey these 
 into all the adjacent provinces, that it is probable they will still retain this 
 branch of trade, and Carthagena continue to be a city of great importance. 
 
 The province contiguous to Santa Martha on the east, was first visited 
 by Alonso de Ojeda, in the year 1499 ;* and the Spaniards, on their land- 
 ing there, having observed some huts in an Indian village, built upon piles, 
 in order to raise them above the stagnated water which covered the plain, 
 were led to bestow^ upon it the name of Venezuela, or little Venice, by 
 their usual propensity to find a resemblance between what they discovered 
 in America, and the objects which were familiar to them in Europe. They 
 made some attempts to settle there, but with little success. The final 
 reduction of the province was accomplished by means very different from 
 those to which Spain was indebted for its other acquisitions. in the New 
 World. The ambition of Charles V. often engaged him in operations of 
 such variety and extent, that his revenues were not sufficient to defray the 
 expense of carrying them into execution. Among other expedients for 
 supplying the deficiency of his funds, he had borrowed large sums from 
 the Velsers of Augsburg, the most opulent merchants at that time in Europe. 
 By way of retribution for these, or in hopes, perhaps, of obtaining a new 
 loan, he bestowed upon them the province of Venezuela, to be held as an 
 
 * Book ii. p. 48. 
 
 VOL. I.- 
 
34S HISTORY OF [BOOK VII. 
 
 hereditary fief from the crown of Castile, on condition that within a limited 
 time they should render themselves masters of the country, and establish a 
 colony there. Under the direction of such persons, it might have been 
 expected that a settlement would have been established on maxims very 
 different from those of the Spaniards, and better calculated to encourage 
 such useful industry, as mercantile proprietors might have known to be the 
 most certain source of prosperity and opulence. But unfortunately they 
 committed the execution of their plan to some of those soldiers of fortune 
 with which Germany abounded in the sixteenth century. These adven- 
 turers, impatient to amass riches, that they might speedily abandon a 
 station which they soon discovered to be very uncomfortable, instead of 
 planting a colony in order to cultivate and improve the country, wandered 
 irom district to district in search of mines, plundering the natives with un- 
 feeling rapacity, or oppressing them by the imposition of intolerable tasks 
 In the course of a few years, their avarice and exactions, in comparison 
 with which those of the Spaniards were moderate, desolated the province 
 so completely, that it could hardly afford them subsistence, and the Velsers 
 relinquished a property from which the inconsiderate conduct of their agents 
 left them no hope of ever deriving any advantage.* When the wretched 
 remainder of the Germans deserted Venezuela, the Spaniards again took 
 possession of it ; but notwithstanding many natural advantages, it is one of 
 their most languishing^and unproductive settlements. 
 
 The provinces of Caraccas and Cumana are the last of the Spanish ter- 
 ritories on this coast ; but in relating the origin and operations of the mer- 
 cantile company in which an exclusive, right of trade with them has been 
 vested, I shall hereafter have occasion to consider their state and pro- 
 ductions. 
 
 The New Kingdom of Granada is entirely an inland country of great 
 extent. This important addition was made to the dominions of Spain about 
 the year 1536, by Sebastian de Benalcazar and Gonzalo Ximenes de Que- 
 sada, two of the bravest and most accomplished officers employed in the 
 conquest of America. The former, who- commanded at that time in Quito, 
 attacked it from the south ; the latter made his invasion from Santa Martha 
 on the north. As the original inhabitants of this region were further ad- 
 vanced in improvement than any people in America but the Mexicans and 
 Peruvians,! they defended themselves with great resolution and good con- 
 duct. The abilities and perseverance of Benalcazar and Quesada sur- 
 mounted all opposition, though not without encountering many dangers, 
 and reduced the country into the form of a Spanish province. 
 
 The New Kingdom of Granada is so' far elevated above the level of the 
 sea that though it approaches almost to the equator, the climate is re- 
 markably temperate. The fertility of its valleys is not inferior to that of 
 the richest districts in America, and its higher grounds yield gold and 
 precious stones of various kinds. It is not by digging into the bowels of 
 the earth that this gold is found ; it is mingled with the soil near the sur- 
 face, and separated from it by repeated washing with water. This ope- 
 ration is carried on 'wholly by Negro slaves ; for though the chill subter- 
 ranean air has been discovered, by experience, to be so fatal to them, that 
 they cannot be employed with advantage in the deep silver mines, they 
 are more capable of performing the other species of labour than Indians. 
 As the natives in the New Kingdom of Granada are exempt from that 
 service, which has wasted their race so rapidly in other parts of America, 
 the country is still remarkably populous. Some districts yield gold with a 
 profusion no less wonderful than that in the vale of Cineguilla, which I have 
 formerly mentioned, and it. is often found in large petitas, or grains, which 
 manifest the abundance in which it is produced. On a rising ground near 
 
 * Civedo y Bagnos Hist, de Venezuela. P. 11- tc. t Book iv. p. Ill, <fcc. 
 
AMERICA. 347 
 
 Pamplona, single labourers have collected in a day what was equal in 
 value to a thousand pesos.* A late governor of Santa Fe brought with 
 him to Spain a lump of pure gold, estimated to be worth seven hundred 
 and forty pounds sterling. This, which is perhaps the largest and finest 
 specimen ever found in the New World, is now deposited in the royal 
 cabinet of Madrid. But without founding any calculation on what is rare 
 and extraordinary, the value of the gold usually collected in this country, 
 particularly in the provinces of Popayan and Choco, is of considerable 
 amount. Its towns are populous and flourishing. The number of inhabitants 
 in almost every part of the country daily increases. Cultivation and in- 
 dustry of various kinds begin to be encouraged, and to prosper. A con- 
 siderable trade is carried on with Carthagena, the produce of the mines, 
 and other commodities, being conveyed down the great river of St. Magda- 
 lene to that city. On another quarter, the New Kingdom of Granada has a 
 communication with the Atlantic by the river Orinoco ; but the country 
 which stretches along its banks towards the east, is little known, and iro 
 perfectly occupied by the Spaniards. 
 
 BOOK VIII. 
 
 AFTER tracing the progress of the Spaniards in their discoveries and 
 conquests during more than half a century, I have conducted them to that 
 period when their authority was established over almost all the vast 
 regions in the New World still subject to their dominion. The effect of 
 their settlements upon the countries of which they took possession, the 
 maxims which they adopted in forming their new colonies, the interior 
 structure and policy of these, together with the influence of their progres- 
 sive improvement upon the parent state, and upon the commercial inter- 
 course of nations, are the objects to which we now turn our attention. 
 
 The first visible consequence of the establishments made by the Span- 
 iards in America, was the diminution of the ancient inhabitants, to a degree 
 equally astonishing and deplorable. I have already, on different occasions, 
 mentioned the disastrous influence under which the connection of the Ame- 
 ricans with the people of our hemisphere commenced, both in the islands 
 and in several parts of the continent, and have touched upon various causes 
 of their rapid consumption. Wherever the inhabitants of America had 
 resolution to take arms in defence of their liberty and rights, many perished 
 in the unequal contest, and were cut off by their fierce invaders. But the 
 greatest desolation followed after the sword was sheathed, and the con- 
 querors were settled in tranquillity. It was in the islands, and in those 
 provinces of the continent which stretch from the Gulf of Trinidad to the 
 confines of Mexico, that the fatal effects of the Spanish dominion/ were first 
 and most sensibly felt. All these were occupied either by wandering tribes 
 of hiunters, or by such as had made but small progress in cultivation and 
 industry. When they were compelled by their new masters to take up a 
 fixed residence, and to apply to regular labour ; when tasks were imposed 
 upon them disproportioned to their strength, and were enacted with unre- 
 lenting severity, they possessed not vigour either of mind or of body to 
 sustain this unusual load of oppression. Dejection and despair drove many 
 to end their lives by violence. Fatigue and famine destroyed more. In 
 
 * Piedrahita Hist, del N. Reyno, p. 481. MS. penes me. 
 
348 HISTORY OF [BOOK VIII 
 
 all those extensive regions, the original race of inhabitants wasted away ; 
 in some it was totally extinguished. In Mexico, where a powerful and 
 martial people distinguished their opposition to the Spaniards by efforts of 
 courage worthy of apetter fate, great numbers fell in the field ; and there, 
 as well as in Peru, still greater numbers perished under the hardships of 
 attending the Spanish armies in their various expeditions and civil wars, 
 worn out with the incessant toil of carrying their baggage, provisions, and 
 military stores. 
 
 But neither the rage nor cruelty pf the Spaniards was so destructive to 
 the people of Mexico and Peru, as the inconsiderate policy with which 
 they established their new settlements. The former were temporary ca- 
 lamities, fatal to individuals : the latter was a permanent evil, which, with 
 gradual consumption, wasted the nation. When the provinces of Mexico 
 and Peru were divided among the conquerors, each was eager to obtain a 
 district from which he might expect an instantaneous recompense for all 
 his services. Soldiers, accustomed to the carelessness and dissipation of a 
 military life, had neither industry to carry on any plan of regular cultiva- 
 tion, nor patience to wait for its slow but certain returns. Instead of set- 
 tling in the valleys occupied by the natives, where the fertility of the soil 
 would have amply rewarded the diligence of the planter, tney chose to 
 fix their stations in some of the mountainous regions, frequent both in New 
 Spain and in Peru. To search for mines of gold and silver was the chief 
 object of their activity. The prospects which this opens, and the alluring 
 hopes which it continually presents, correspond wonderfully with the spirit 
 of enterprise and adventure that animated the first emigrants to America in 
 every part of their conduct. In order to push forward those favourite 
 projects, so many hands were wanted, that the service of the natives be- 
 came indispensably requisite. They were accordingly compelled to 
 .abandon their ancient habitations in. the plains, and driven in crowds to the 
 mountains. This sudden transition from the sultry climate of the valleys 
 to the chill penetrating air peculiar to high lands in the torrid zone ; exor- 
 bitant labour, scanty or unwholesome nourishment, and the despondency 
 occasioned by a species of oppression to which they were not accustomed, 
 and of which they saw no end, affected them nearly as much as their less 
 
 i . .j* .| * -f mi i j xi ** j 
 
 together with 
 
 malady unknown in America, and extremely fatal to the natives,! the num- 
 ber of people both in New Spain and Peru was so much reduced, that in 
 a few years the accounts of their ancient population appeared almost incre- 
 dible.! 
 
 Such are the most considerable events and causes which, by their com 
 bi'ned operation, contributed to depopulate America. Without attending 
 to these, many authors, astonished at the suddenness of the desolation, have 
 ascribed this unexampled event to a system of policy no less profound than 
 atrocious. The Spaniards, as they pretend, conscious of their own inability 
 to occupy the vast regions which they had. discovered, and foreseeing the 
 impossibility of maintaining their authority over a people infinitely supe- 
 rior to themselves in number, in order to preserve the possession of Ame- 
 rica, resolved to exterminate the inhabitants, and, by converting a great 
 part of the country into a desert, endeavoured to secure their own domi- 
 nion over it [165], But nations seldom extend their views to objects 'so 
 remote, or lay their plans so deep ; and for the honour of humanity we 
 may observe, that no nation ever deliberately formed such an execrable 
 scheme. The Spanish monarchs, far from acting upon any such system of 
 
 * Torquemada, i. 613. | B. Diaz, c. 124. Herrera, dec. 2. lib. x. c. 4. UHoa Entreten 206. 
 J Torquerj, 615. 642, 643 [164]. 
 
AMERICA. 349 
 
 destruction, were uniformly solicitous for the preservation of their new 
 subjects. With Isabella, zeal for propagating the Christian faith, together 
 with the desire of communicating the knowledge of truth, and the conso- 
 lations of religion, to people destitute of spiritual light, were more than 
 ostensible motives for encouraging Columbus to attempt his discoveries. 
 Upon his success, she endeavoured to fulfil her pious purpose, and mani- 
 fested the most tender concern to secure not only^ religious instruction, but 
 mild treatment, to that inoffensive race of men subjected to her crown f 166]. 
 Her successors adopted the same ideas ; and, on many occasions, which I 
 have mentioned, their authority was interposed, in the most vigorous ex- 
 ertions, to protect the people of America from the oppression of their Span- 
 ish subjects. Their regulations for this purpose were numerous, and often 
 repeated. They were framed with wisdom, and dictated by humanity. 
 After their possessions in the New World became so extensive as might 
 have excited some apprehensions of difficulty in retaining their dominion 
 over them, the spirit of their regulations was as mild as when their set- 
 tlements were confined to the islands alone. Their solicitude to protect 
 the Indians seems rather to have augmented as their acquisitions increased : 
 and from ardour to accomplish this, they enacted, and endeavoured to enforce 
 the execution of laws, which excited a formidable rebellion in one of their 
 colonies, and spread alarm and disaffection through all the rest. But the 
 avarice of individuals was too violent to be controlled by the authority of 
 laws. Rapacious and daring adventurers, far removed from the seat of 
 government, little accustomed to the restraints of military discipline while 
 in service, and still less disposed to respect the feeble jurisdiction of civil 
 power in an infant colony, despised or eluded every regulation that set 
 bounds to their exactions and tyranny. The parent state, with persevering 
 attention, issued edicts to prevent the oppression of the Indians ; the colo- 
 nists, regardless of these, or trusting to their distance for impunity, con- 
 tinued to consider and treat them as slaves. The governors themselves, 
 and other officers employed in the colonies, several of whom were as indi- 
 gent and rapacious as the adventurers over whom they presided, were too 
 apt to adopt their contemptuous ideas of the, conquered people ; and, in- 
 stead of checking, encouraged or connived at their excesses. The desola- 
 tion of the New World should not then be charged on the court of Spain, 
 or be considered as the effect of any system of policy adopted there. It 
 ought to be imputed wholly to the indigent and often unprincipled adven- 
 turers, whose fortune it was to be the conquerors and first planters of 
 America, who, by measures no less inconsiderate than unjust, counter- 
 acted the edicts of their sovereign, and have brought disgrace upon their 
 country. 
 
 With still greater injustice have many authors represented the intolera- 
 ting spirit of the Roman Catholic religion, as the cause of exterminating 
 the Americans, and have accused the Spanish ecclesiastics of animating 
 their countrymen to the slaughter of that innocent people, as idolaters and 
 enemies of God. But the first missionaries who visited America, though 
 weak and illiterate, were pious men. They early espoused the defence 
 of the natives, and vindicated their character from the aspersions of their 
 conquerors, who, describing them as incapable of being formed to the 
 offices of civil life, or of comprehending the doctrines of religion, con- 
 tended, that they were a subordinate race of men, on whom the hand of 
 nature had set the mark of servitude. From the accounts which I have 
 given of the humane and persevering zeal of the Spanish missionaries, in 
 protecting the helpless flock committed to their charge, they appear in a 
 light which reflects lustre upon their function. They were ministers of 
 peace, who endeavoured to wrest the rod from the hands of oppressors. 
 To their powerful interposition the Americans were indebted for every 
 regulation tending to mitigate the rigour of their fate. The clergy in the 
 
350 HISTORY OF [BOOK VI11. 
 
 Spanish settlements, regular as well as secular, are still considered by th<? 
 Indians as their natural guardians, to whom they have recourse under the 
 hardships and exactions to which they are too often exposed [167]. 
 
 But, notwithstanding the rapid depopulation of America, a very consi- 
 derable number of the native race still remains both in Mexico and Peru, 
 especially in those parts which were not exposed to the first fury of the 
 Spanish arms, or desolated by the first efforts of their industry, still more 
 ruinous. In Guatimala, Chiapa, Nicaragua, and the other delightful pro^ 
 vinces of the Mexican empire, which stretch along the South Sea, the race 
 of Indians Is still numerous. Their settlements in some places are so 
 populous as to merit the name of cities [168]. In the three audiences into 
 which New Spain is divided, there are at least two millions of Indians ; a 
 pitiful remnant, indeed, of its ancient population, but such as still forms a 
 body of people superior iri number to that of all the other inhabitants of 
 this extensive country [169]. In Peru several districts, particularly in the 
 kingdom of Quito, are occupied almost entirely by Indians. In other pro- 
 vinces they are mingled with the -Spaniards, and in many of their settle- 
 ments are almost the only persons who practise the mechanic arts, and fill 
 most of the inferior stations in society. As the inhabitants both of Mexico 
 and Peru were accustomed to a fixed residence, and to a certain degree of 
 regular industry, less violence was requisite in bringing them to some con- 
 formity with the European modes of civil life. But wherever the Span- 
 iards settled among the savage tribes of America, their attempts to incor- 
 porate with them have been always fruitless, and often fatal to the natives. 
 Impatient of restraint, and disdaining labour as a mark of "servility, they 
 either abandoned their ' original seats, and sought for independence in 
 mountains and forests inaccessible to their oppressors, or perished when 
 reduced to a state repugnant to their ancient ideas and habits. In the 
 districts adjacent to Carthage na, to ^Panama, and to Buenos Ayres, the 
 desolation, is more general than even in those parts of Mexico ana Peru of 
 which the Spaniards have taken- most full possession. 
 
 But the establishments of the Spaniards in the New World, though fatal 
 to its ancient inhabitants, were made a ta period when that monarchy was 
 capable of forming them to best advantage. By the union of all its petty 
 kingdoms, Spain was become a powerful state, equal to so great an under- 
 taking. Its^monarchs, having extended their prerogatives far beyond the 
 limits which" once circumscribed the regal power in every kingdom of 
 Europe, were hardly subject to control, either in concerting or in executing 
 their measures. In every wide-extended empire, the form of government 
 must be simple, and the sovereign authority such, that its resolutions may 
 be taken with promptitude, and may pervade the whole with sufficient 
 force. Such was .the power of the Spanish monarchs when they were 
 called to deliberate concerning the mode of establishing their dominions 
 over the most remote province's which had ever been subjected to any- 
 European state. In this deliberation, they felt themselves under no con- 
 stitutional restraint, and that, as independent masters of their own resolves, 
 they might issue the edicts requisite for modelling the government of the 
 new colonies, by a mere act of prerogative. 
 
 This early interposition of the Spanish crown, in order to regulate the 
 policy and trade of its colonies, is a peculiarity which distinguishes their 
 progress from that of the colonies of any other European nation. When 
 the Portuguese, the English, and French took possession of the regions in 
 America which they now occupy, the advantages which these promised 
 to yield were so remote and uncertain, that their colonies were suffered to 
 struggle through a hard infancy, almost without guidance or protection from 
 the parent state. But gold and silver, the first productions of the Spanish 
 settlements in the New World, were more alluring, and immediately at- 
 tracted the attention of their monarchs. Though they had contributed 
 
AMERICA. 351 
 
 little to the discovery, and almost nothing to the conquest of the New 
 VVorld, they instantly assumed the function of its legislators ; and having 
 acquired a species of dominion formerly unknown, they formed a plan for 
 exercising it, to which nothing similar occurs in the history of human 
 affairs. 
 
 The fundamental maxim of the Spanish jurisprudence, with respect to 
 America, is to consider what has been acquired there as vested in the 
 crown, rather than in the state. By the bull of Alexander VI., on which, 
 as its great charter, Spain founded its right, all the regions that had been 
 or should be discovered were bestowed as a free gift upon Ferdinand and, 
 Isabella. They and their successors were uniformly held to be the uni- 
 versal proprietors of the vast territories which the arms of their subjects 
 conquered in the New World. From them all grants of, land there flowed, 
 and to them they finally' returned. The leaders who conducted the various 
 expeditions, the governors who presided over the different colonies, the 
 officers of justice, and the. ministers of religion, were all appointed by 
 meir authority, and removable at their pleasure. The people who com- 
 posed infant settlements were entitled to no privileges independent of the 
 sovereign, or that served as a barrier against the power of the crown. It 
 is true, that when towns were built, and formed into bodies corporate, the 
 citizens were permitted to elect their own magistrates, who governed them 
 by laws which the community enacted. Even in the most despotic states, 
 this feeble spark of liberty is not extinguished. But in the cities of 
 Spanish America, this jurisdiction is merely municipal, and is confined to 
 the regulation of their own interior commerce and police. In whatever 
 relates to public government, and the general interest, the will of the 
 sovereign is law. No political power originates from the people. All 
 centres in the crown, and in the officers of its nomination. 
 
 When the conquests of the Spaniards in America were completed, their 
 monarchs, in forming the plan of internal policy for their new dominions, 
 divided them into two immense governments, one subject to the viceroy 
 of New Spain, the other to the viceroy of Peru* The jurisdiction of the 
 former extended over all the provinces belonging to Spain in the northern 
 division of the American continent. Under that of the latter, was com- 
 prehended whatever she possessed in South America. This arrangement, 
 which, from the beginning, was attended with many inconveniences, became 
 intolerable when the remote provinces of each viceroyalty began to im- 
 prove in industry and population. The people complained of their sub- 
 jection to a superior, whose place of residence was so distant, or so inac- 
 cessible, as almost excluded them from any intercourse with the seat of 
 government- The authority of the viceroy over districts so far removed 
 from his own eye and observation, was unavoidably both feeble and ill 
 directed. As a remedy for those evils, a third viceroyalty has been esta- 
 blished in the present century, at Santa Fe de Bogota, the capital of the 
 new kingdom of Granada, the jurisdiction of which extends over the 
 whole kingdom of Tierra Firme and the province of Quito.* Those 
 viceroys not only represent the person of their sovereign, but possess his 
 regal prerogatives within the precincts of their own governments in their 
 utmost extent. Like him, they exercise supreme authority in every de- 
 partment of government, civil, military, and criminal. They have the 
 sole right of nominating the persons who hold many offices of the highest 
 importance, and the occasional privilege of supplying those which, whon 
 they become vacant by death, are in the royal ffift, until the successor 
 tppointed by the king shall arrive. The external pomp of their govern- 
 ment is suited to its real dignity and power. Their courts are formed upon 
 the model of that at Madrid, with horse and foot guards, a household 
 
 * Voy. de Ulloa, i. 23. 255 
 
352 HISTORY OF [BOOK VIIL 
 
 regularly established, numerous attendants, and ensigns of command, 
 displaying such magnificence as hardly retains the appearance of delegated 
 authority.* 
 
 But as the viceroys cannot discharge in person the functions of a supreme 
 magistrate in every part of their extensive jurisdiction, they are aided in 
 their government by officers and tribunals similar to those in Spain. The 
 conduct of civil affairs in the various provinces and districts, into which the 
 Spanish dominions in America are divided, is committed to magistrates of 
 various orders and denominations ; some appointed by the king,, others by 
 the viceroy, but all subject to the command of the latter, and amenable to 
 his jurisdiction. The administration of justice is vested in tribunals, known 
 by the name of Audiences, and formed upon the, model of the court of 
 Chancery in Spain. These are eleven in number, and dispense justice to 
 as many districts into which the Spanish dominions in America are 
 divided [170]. The number of judges in the Court of Audience is vari- 
 ous, according to the extent and importance of their jurisdiction. The 
 station is no less honourable than lucrative, and is commonly filled by per- 
 sons of such abilities and merit as render this tribunal extremely respect- 
 able. Both civil and criminal causes come under their cognizance, and 
 for each peculiar judges are set apart. Though it is only in the most 
 despotic governments that the sovereign exercises in person the formidable 
 prerogative of administering justice to his subjects, and, in absolving or 
 condemning, consults no law but what is deposited in his own breast; 
 though, in all the monarchies of Europe, judicial authority is committed to 
 magistrates, whose decisions ar$ regulated by known laws and established 
 forms ; the Spanish viceroys have often attempted to intrude themselves 
 into the seat of justice, and, with an ambition which their distance from 
 the control of a superior rendered bold, have aspired at a power which 
 their master does not venture to assume. In order to: check a usurpation 
 which must have annihilated justice and security in the Spanish colonies, 
 by; subjecting the lives and property of all to the will of a single man, the 
 viceroys have been prohibited in the most explicit terms, by repeated laws, 
 from interfering in the judicial proceedings of the Courts of Audience, or 
 from delivering an opinion, or giving a voice, with respect to any point 
 litigated before them.f In some particular cases, in which any question 
 of civil right is involved, even the political regulations of the viceroy may 
 be brought under the review of the Court of Audience, which in those 
 instances may be deemed an intermediate power placed between him and 
 the people, as a constitutional barrier to circumscribe his jurisdiction. But 
 as legal restraints on a person who represents the sovereign, and is clothed 
 with his authority, are little suited to the genius of Spanish policy ; the 
 hesitation and reserve with which it confers this power on the Courts of 
 Audience are remarkable. They may advise, they may remonstrate ; but, 
 in the event oi a direct collision between their opinion and the will of the 
 viceroy, what he determines must be carried into execution, and nothing 
 remains for them, but to lay the matter before the king and the Council of 
 the Indies. J But to be entitled to remonstrate, and inform against a person 
 before whom all others must be silent, and tamejy submit to his decrees, is a 
 privilege which adds dignity to the Courts of Audience. This is further 
 augmented by another circumstance. Upon the death of a viceroy, with- 
 out any provision of a successor by the king, the supreme power is vested 
 in the Court of Audience resident in the capital of the viceroyalty ; and 
 the senior judge, assisted by his brethren, exercises all the functions of the 
 viceroy while the office continues vacant. In matters which come under 
 
 * Ulloa, Voy. i. 432. Gage, 61. t Recop. lib. ii. tit. xv. 1. 35. 38. 44. lib. iii. tit. iii. 1. 36, 37. 
 
 { Solorz. de Jure Ind. lib. iv. c. 3. n. 40, 41. Recop. lib. ii. tit. xv. '. 36, lib. iii. tit. iii. 1. 34. lib v 
 tit. ix. 1. 1. $ Recop. lib. ii. tit. xv. 1. 57, &. 
 
AMERICA. 353 
 
 the cognizance of the Audiences, in the course of their ordinary jurisdic- 
 tion, as courts of justice, their sentences are final in every litigation con- 
 cerning property of less value thansix thousand pesos ; but when the subject 
 in dispute exceeds that sum, their decisions are subject to review, and may 
 be carried by appeal before the royal Council of the Indies.*, 
 
 In this council, one of the most considerable in the monarchy for dignity 
 and power, is vested the supreme government of all the Spanish dominions 
 in America. It was first established by Ferdinand in the year 1511, and 
 brought into a more perfect form by Charles V.. in the year 1524: Its 
 jurisdiction extends to every department, ecclesiastical, civil, military, and 
 commercial. All laws and ordinances relative to the government and police 
 of the colonies originate there, and must be approved of by two-thirds of 
 the members before they are issued in the name of the king. All the 
 offices, of which the nomination is reserved to the -crown, are conferred in 
 this council. To it each person employed in America, from the viceroy 
 downwards, is accountable. It reviews their conduct, rewards their ser- 
 vices, and inflicts the punishments due to their malversations.! _ Before it 
 is laid whatever intelligence, either public or secret, is received from 
 America ; and every scheme of improving the. administration, the police, 
 or the commerce of the colonies, is submitted 'to its consideration. From 
 the first institution of the Council of the Indies, it has been the constant 
 object of the Catholic monarchs to maintain its authority, and to make 
 such additions from time to time, both to its power and its splendour, as 
 might render it formidable to all their subjects in the New World. What- 
 ever degree of public order and virtue still remains in that country, where 
 so many circumstances conspire to relax the former, and to corrupt the 
 latter, may be ascribed in a great measure to the wise regulations and 
 vigilant inspection of this respectable tribunal.J 
 
 As the king is supposed to be always present in his Council of the 
 Indies, its meetings are held in the place where he resides. Another 
 tribunal has been instituted in order to regulate such commercial affairs, 
 as required the immediate and personal inspection of those appointed to 
 superintend them. This is called Casa de la Contratacion, or the house 
 of trade, and was established in Seville, the port to which commerce with 
 the New World was confined, as early as the year 1501. It may be con- 
 sidered both as a board of trade, and as a court of judicature. In the 
 former capacity, it takes cognizance of whatever relates to the intercourse 
 of Spain with America, it regulates what commodities should be exported 
 thither, and has the inspection of such as are received in return. It decides 
 concerning the departure of the fleets for the West Indies, the freight and 
 burden of the ships, their equipment and destination. In the latter capa- 
 city, it judges with respect to every question, civil, commercial, or criminal, 
 arising in consequence of the transactions of Spain with America j and in 
 both these departments its decisions are exempted from the review of any 
 court but that of the Council of the Indies. 
 
 Such is the great outline of that system of government which Spain has 
 established in her American colonies. To enumerate the various subor- 
 dinate boards and officers employed in the administration of justice, in 
 collecting the public revenue, and in regulating the interior police of the 
 country ; to describe their different functions, and to inquire into the mode 
 and effect of their operations ; would prove a detail no less intricate than 
 minute and uninteresting. 
 
 The first object of the Spanish monarchs was to secure the productions 
 of the colonies to the parent state, by an absolute prohibition of any inter- 
 course with foreign nations. They took possession of America by right 
 
 * Recop. lib. v. tit \iii. 1. 1, &c. t Ibid Jib. ii. tit. ii. 1. 1, 2, &c. J Solorz. de Jure 
 
 hid. lib. iv. c. 12. Rccop. lib. ix. tit. i. Vcitia Nortc de la Contrntaricn, lib. i. 1. 
 
 VOL. L 45 17 
 
364 HISTORY OF [BOOK VIH, 
 
 of conquest, and conscious not only of the feebleness of their infant settle* 
 ments, but aware of the difficulty in establishing their dominions over 
 regions so extensive, or in retaining so many reluctant nations under the yoke? 
 they dreaded the intrusion of strangers ; they even shunned their inspection,, 
 and endeavoured to keep them at a distance from their coasts. This spirit 
 of jealousy and exclusion, which at first was natural, and perhaps necessary, 
 augmented as their possessions in America extended, and the value of them 
 came to be more fully understood. In consequence of it, a system of 
 colonising was introduced, to which there had hitherto been nothing similar 
 among mankind. In the ancient world, it was not uncommon to send forth 
 colonies. But they were of two kinds only. They were either migrations, 
 which served to disburden a state of its superfluous subjects, when they 
 multiplied too fast for the territory which they occupied ; or they were 
 military detachments, stationed as garrisons in a conquered province. The 
 colonies of some Greek republics, and the swarms of northern barbarians 
 which settled in different parts of Europe, were of the first species. The 
 Roman colonies were of the second. In the former, the connection with 
 the mother country quickly ceased, and they became independent states. 
 In the latter, as the disjunction was not complete, the dependence continued. 
 In their American settlements, the Spanish monarchs took what was pecu- 
 liar to each, and studied to unite them. By sending colonies to regions so 
 remote, by establishing in each a form of inferior policy and administration, 
 under distinct governors, and with peculiar laws, they disjoined them from 
 the mother country. By retaining in .their own hands the rights of legis- 
 lation, as well as that of imposing taxes, together with the power of 
 nominating the persons who filled every department of executive govern- 
 ment, civil or military, they secured their dependence upon the parent 
 state. Happily for Spain, the situation of her colonies was such as ren- 
 dered it possible to reduce this new idea into practice. Almost all the 
 countries which she had discovered and occupied, lay within the tropics. 
 The productions of that large portion of the globe are different from those 
 of Europe, even in its most southern provinces. The qualities of the 
 climate and of the soil naturally turn the industry of such as settle there 
 into new channels. When the Spaniards first took possession of their 
 dominions in America, the precious metals which they yielded were the 
 only object that attracted their attention. Even when tneir efforts began 
 to take a better direction, they employed themselves almost wholly in 
 rearing such peculiar productions of the climate as, from their rarity or 
 value, were of chief demand ip the mother country. Allured by vast 
 prospects of immediate wealth, they disdained to waste their industry on 
 what was less lucrative, but of superior moment. In order to render it 
 impossible to correct this error, and to prevent them from making any 
 efforts in industry which might interfere with those of the mother country, 
 the establishment of several species of manufactures, and even the culture 
 of the vine or olive, are prohibited in the Spanish colonies [171], under 
 severe penalties.* They must trust entirely to the mother country for the 
 objects of primary necessity. Their clothes, their furniture, their instru- 
 ments of labour, their luxuries, and even a considerable part of the pro- 
 visions which they consume, were imported from Spain. During a great 
 part of the sixteenth century, Spain, possessing an extensive commerce 
 and flourishing manufactures, could supply with ease the growing demands 
 of her colonies from her own stores. The produce of their mines and 
 plantations was given in exchange for these. But all that the colonies 
 received, as well as all that they gave, was conveyed in Spanish bottoms 
 No vessel belonging to the colonies was ever permitted to carry the com- 
 modities of America to Europe. Even the commercial intercourse of one 
 
 * B Ulloa RetaK dcs Manuf. &e. p. 206 
 
AMERICA. 355 
 
 colony with another was either absolutely prohibited, or limited by many 
 jealous restrictions. All that America yields flows into the ports of Spain ; 
 all that it consumes must issue from them. No foreigner can enter its 
 colonies without express permission ; no vessel of any foreign nation is 
 received into their harbours ; and the pains of death, with confiscation of 
 moveables, are denounced against every inhabitant who presumes to trade 
 with them.* Thus the colonies are kept in a state of perpetual pupilage ; 
 and by the introduction of this commercial dependence, a refinement in 
 policy of which Spain set the first example to European nations, the 
 supremacy of the parent state hath been maintained over. remote colonies 
 during two centuries and a half. 
 
 Such 'are the capital maxims to which the Spanish monarchs seem, to 
 have attended in forming their new settlements in America. But they 
 could not plant with the same rapidity that they had' destroyed ; and from 
 many concurring causes, their progress has been extremely slow in filling 
 up the immense void which their devastations had occasioned. As soon as 
 the rage for discovery and adventure began to abate, the Spaniards opened 
 their eyes to dangers and distresses which at first they did not perceive, 
 or had despised. The numerous hardships with which the members of 
 infant colonies have to struggle, the diseases of unwholesome climates fatal 
 to the constitution of Europeans ; the difficulty of bringing a country 
 covered with forests into culture ; the want of hands necessary for labour 
 in some provinces, and the slow reward of industry in all, unless where 
 the accidental discovery of mines enriched a few. fortunate adventurers, 
 were evils universally felt and magnified. Discouraged by the view of 
 these, the spirit of migration was so much damped, that sixty years after 
 the discovery of the New World, the number of Spaniards in all its pro- 
 vinces is computed not to have exceeded fifteen thousand [172], 
 
 The mode in which property was distributed in the Spanish colonies, 
 and the regulations established'with respect to the transmission of it, whe- 
 ther by descent or by sale, were extremely unfavourable to population. 
 In order to promote a rapid increase of people in any new settlement, 
 property in land ought to be divided into small shares, and the alienation 
 of it should be rendered extremely easy.J But the rapaciousness of the 
 Spanish conquerors of the New World paid no regard to this fundamental 
 maxim of policy ; and, as they possessed power which enabled them to 
 gratify the utmost extravagance of their wishes, many seized districts of 
 great extent, and held them as encomiendas. By degrees they obtained the 
 privilege of converting a part of these into Mayorasgos> a species of fief, 
 introduced into the Spanish system of feudal jurisprudence,! which can 
 neither be divided nor alienated. Thus a great portion of landed property 
 under this rigid form of entail, is withheld from circulation, and descends 
 from father to son unimproved, and of little value either to the proprietor 
 or to the community. In the account which I have given of the reduction 
 of Peru, various examples occur of enormous tracts of country occupied 
 by some of the conquerors. The excesses in other provinces were simi- 
 lar ; for, as the value of the lands which the Spaniards acquired was ori- 
 ginally estimated according to the number of Indians which lived upon 
 them, America was in general so thinly peopled, that only districts of 
 great extent could afford such a number of labourers- as might be employed 
 in the mines with any prospect of considerable gain. The pernicious 
 effects of those radical errors in the distribution and nature of property in 
 the Spanish settlements are felt through every department of industry, and 
 may be considered as one great cause of a progress in population so. much 
 slower than that which has taken place in better constituted colonies [173], 
 
 * Recopil lib. ix. tit. xxvii. 1. 1. 4. 7, &c. j n ' Smith's Inquiry, ii< 166. } Recop. Ub, to. 
 Hi. iii. . 34. Book vi. 
 
35* HISTORY OF [BooxVIIl, 
 
 To this we may add, that the support of the enormous and expensive 
 fabric of their ecclesiastical establishment has been a burden on the Span 
 ish colonies, which has greatly retarded the progress of population and 
 industry. The payment of tithes is a heavy tax on industry : and if the 
 exaction of them- be not regulated and circumscribed by the wisdom of the 
 civil magistrate, it becomes intolerable and ruinous. JBut, instead of any 
 restraint on the claims of ecclesiastics, the inconsiderate zeal of the Span- 
 ish legislators admitted them into America in their full extent, and at once 
 imposed on their infant colonies a burden which is in no slight degree 
 oppressive to society, even in its most improved state. As early as the 
 year 1501, the payment of tithes in the colonies was enjoined, and the 
 mode of it regulated by law. Every article of primary necessity, towards 
 which the attention of new settlers must naturally be turned, is subjected 
 to that grievous exaction.* Nor were the demands of the clergy confined 
 to articles of simple and easy culture. Its more artificial and operose pro- 
 ductions, such as sugar, indigo, and cochineal, were soon declared to be 
 titheable ;| and thus the industry of the planter was taxed in every stage 
 of its progress, from its rudest essay to its highest improvement. To me 
 weight of this legal imposition, the bigotry of the American Spaniards has 
 made many voluntary additions. From their fond delight in the external 
 pomp and parade of religion, and from superstitious reverence for ecclesi- 
 astics of every denomination, they have bestowed profuse donatives on 
 churches and monasteries, and have unprofitably wasted a large proportion 
 of that wealth, which might have nourished and given vigour to productive 
 labour in growing colonies. 
 
 But so fertile and inviting are the regions of America, which the Span- 
 iards have occupied, that, notwithstanding all the circumstances which have 
 checked and retarded population, it has gradually increased, and filled the 
 colonies of 'Spain with citizens of various orders. Among these, the Span- 
 iards who arrive from Europe, distinguished by the name of Chapetones, 
 are the first in rank and power. From the jealous attention of the Span- 
 ish court to secure the dependence of the colonies on the parent state, all 
 departments of consequence are filled by persons sent from Europe ; and in 
 order to prevent any of dubious fidelity from being employed,, each must 
 bring proof of a clear descent from a family of Old Christians, untainted 
 with any mixture of Jewish or Mahometan blood, and never disgraced by 
 any censure of the Inquisition.^ In such pure hands power is deemed to 
 be safely lodged, and almost 'every function, from the viceroyalty down- 
 wards, is committed to them alone. Every person, who, by his birth or 
 residence in America, may be suspected of any attachment or interest 
 adverse to the mother country, is the object of distrust to such a degree, 
 as amounts nearly to an exclusion from ail offices of confidence or authori- 
 ty [174]. By this conspicuous predilection of the court, the Chapetones 
 are raised ,to such pre-eminence in America, that they look down with dis- 
 dain on every other order of men. 
 
 The character and state of the Creoles, or descendants of Europeans set- 
 tled in America, the second class of subjects in the Spanish colonies, have 
 enabled the Chapetones to acquire other advantages, hardly less consider- 
 able than those which they derived from the partial favour of government. 
 Though some of the Creolian race are descended from the conquerors of 
 the New World ; though others can trace up their pedigree to the noblest 
 families in Spain ; though many are possessed of ample fortunes ; yet, by 
 the enervating influence of a sultry climate, by the rigour of a jealous 
 government, and by their despair of attaining that distinction to which 
 mankind naturally aspire, the vigour of their minds is so entirely broken, 
 
 * Recop. lib. i, tit. xiv, 1. 2. t Recop. lib. i. tit. xiv. 1. 3, 4. J Recop. lib. Is. tit. xxvi 
 
AMERICA. 357 
 
 that a great part of them waste life in luxurious indulgences, mingled with 
 an illiberal superstition still more debasing. 
 
 Languid and unenterprising, the operations of an active extended com- 
 merce would be to them so cumbersome and oppressive, that in almost 
 every part of America they decline engaging in it. The interior traffic of 
 every colony, as well as any trade which is permitted with the neighbour- 
 ing provinces, and with Spain itself, is carried on chiefly by the Chape- 
 tones ;* who, as the recompense of their industry, amass immense wealth, 
 while the Creoles, sunk in sloth, are satisfied with the revenues of their 
 paternal estates. 
 
 From this stated competition for power and wealth between those two 
 orders of citizens, and the various passions excited by a rivalship so inter- 
 esting, their hatred is violent and implacable. On every occasion, symp- 
 toms^of this aversion break out, and the common appellations which each 
 bestows on the other are as contemptuous as those which flow from the 
 inost deep-rooted national antipathy t The court of Spain, from a refine- 
 ment of distrustful policy, cherishes those seeds of discord, and foments 
 this mutual jealousy, which not only prevents the two most powerful 
 classes of its subjects in the New World from combining against the parent 
 state, but prompts each, with the most vigilant zeal, to observe the motions 
 and to counteract the schemes of the other. 
 
 The third class of inhabitants in the Spanish colonies is a mixed race, 
 the offspring either of a European and a Negro, .or of a European and 
 Indian, the former called Mulattoet, the latter Mestizos. As the court of 
 Spain, solicitous to incorporate its new vassals with its ancient subjects, 
 early encouraged the Spaniards settled in America to marry the natives of 
 that country, several alliances of this kind were formed in their infant colo- 
 nies. | But it has been more owing to licentious indulgence, than to com- 
 pliance with this injunction of their sovereigns, that this mixed breed has 
 multiplied so greatly as to constitute a considerable part of the population 
 in all the Spanish settlements. The several stages of descent in this race, 
 and the gradual variations of shade until the African black or the copper 
 colour of America brighten into a European complexion, are accurately 
 marked by the Spaniards, and each distinguished by a peculiar name. 
 Those of the first and second generations are considered and treated as 
 mere Indians and Negroes ; but in the third descent, the characteristic hue 
 of the former disappears ; and in the fifth, the deeper tint of the latter is 
 so entirely effaced, that they can no longer be distinguished from Europe- 
 ans, and "become, entitled to all their privileges. It is chiefly by this 
 mixed race, whose frame is remarkably robust and hardy, that the me- 
 chanic arts are carried on in the Spanish settlements, and other active func- 
 tions in society are discharged, which the two higher classes of citizens, 
 from pride, or from indolence, disdain to exercise.!! 
 
 The Negroes hold the fourth rank among the inhabitants of the Spanish 
 colonies. The introduction of that unhappy part of the human species 
 into America, together with their services and sufferings there, shall be 
 fully explained in another place ; here they are mentioned chiefly in order 
 to point out a peculiarity in their situation under the Spanish dominion. In 
 several of their settlements, particularly in New Spain, Negroes are mostly 
 employed in domestic service. They form a principal part in the train of 
 luxury, and are cherished and caressed by their superiors, to whose vanity 
 and pleasures they are equally subservient. Their dress and appearance 
 are hardly less splendid than that of their masters, whose manners they 
 imitate, and whose passions they imbibe. IT Elevated by this distinction, 
 
 * Voy.de Ulloa, i. 27. 251. Voy. de Frczier, 227. f Gage's Survey, p. 9. Frezier.226. 
 
 i Recopil. lib. yi. tit. i. 1. 2. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. v. c. 12. dec. 3. lib. vii. c. 2. $ Voy. de Ulloa, 
 i p. 27. || Ibid. i. 29. Voyage de Bouguer, p. 104. Melendez. Tesoros Verdaderos, i. 354. 
 
 \ Gage, p. 56. Voy. de Ulloa, i. 451. 
 
353 HISTORY OF [BOOK VIII. 
 
 they have assumed such a tone of superiority over the Indians, and treat 
 them with such insolence and scorn, that the antipathy between the two 
 races has become implacable. Even in Peru, where Negroes seem to be 
 more numerous, and are employed in field work as well as domestic ser- 
 vice, they maintain their ascendant over the Indians, and the mutual hatred 
 of one to the other subsists with equal violence. The laws have indus- 
 triously fomented this aversion, to which accident gave rise, and, by most 
 rigorous injunctions, have endeavoured 1 to prevent, every intercourse that 
 might form a bond of union between the two races. Thus, by an artful 
 policy, the Spaniards derive strength from that circumstance in population 
 which is the weakness of other European colonies, and have secured, as 
 associates and defenders, those very persons who elsewhere are objects of 
 jealousy and terror.* 
 
 The Indians form the last and mpst depressed order of men in the coun 
 try which belonged to their ancestors. I have already traced the progress 
 of the Spanish ideas with respect to the. condition and treatment ofthat 
 people ; and .have mentioned the most important of their more early regu- 
 lations, concerning a matter of so much consequence in the administration 
 of their new dominions. But since the period to which I have brought 
 down the history of America, the information and experience acquired 
 during two centuries have enabled the court of Spain to make such im- 
 provements in this part of its American system, that a short view of the 
 present condition of the Indians may prove both curious and interesting. 
 
 By the famous regulations of Charles V. in 1542, which have been so 
 often mentioned, the high pretensions of the conquerors of the New World, 
 who considered its inhabitants as slaves to whose service they had acquired 
 a full right of property, were finally abrogated. From that period, the 
 Indians nave been reputed freemen, and entitled to the privileges of sub- 
 jects. When admitted into this rank, it was deemed just tjiat they should 
 contribute towards the support and improvement of the society which had 
 adopted them -as members. But as no considerable benefit could be exr 
 pected from the voluntary efforts of men unacquainted with regular indus- 
 try, and averse to labour, the court of Spain found it necessary to fix and 
 secure, by proper regulations, what jt thought reasonable to exact from 
 them. With this view, an annual tax was imposed upon every male, from 
 the age of eighteen to fifty ; and at the same time the nature as well as 
 the extent of the services, which they might be required to perform, was 
 ascertained with precision. This tribute varies in different provinces ; 
 but if we take that paid in New Spain as a medium, its annual amount is 
 nearly four shillings a head ; no exorbitant sum in countries where, as at 
 the source of wealth, the value of money is extremely low| [175]. The 
 right of levying this tribute likewise varies. In America, every Indian is 
 either an immediate vassal of the crown, or depends upon 39016 subject to 
 whom the district in which Jie resides has been granted for a limited time, 
 under the denomination of an encomienda. In the former case, about 
 three-fourths of the tax is paid in^o the royal treasury ; in the latter, the 
 same proportion of it belongs to the holder of the grant. When Spain first 
 took possession of America, the greater part of it was parcelled out among 
 its conquerors, or those who first settled there, and but a small portion 
 reserved for the crown. As those grants, which were made for two lives 
 only,! reverted successively to the sovereign, he had it in his power either 
 to diffuse his favours by grants to new proprietors, or to augment his own 
 revenue by valuable annexations [ 176]. , Of these, the latter has been 
 frequently chosen ; the number of Indians now depending immediately on 
 
 * Recopil. lib. vii. tit. v. 1. 7 Herrera, dec. 8. lib. yii. c. 12. Frezier, 2-14. t Recopil. lib. 
 yj. tit. v. I. 43. Hajduyt, vol. iji. p. 461. J Rccopil. lib. vj, tit. yiii. 1, 48. Solorz. dc Incl. Jurt;. 
 lib. ii. c. 16. 
 
AMERICA. 359 
 
 the crown is much greater than in the first stage after the conquest, and 
 this branch of the royal revenue continues to extend. 
 
 The benefit arising from the services of the Indians accrues either to the 
 crown, or to the 'holder of the encomienda, according to the same rule ob- 
 served in the payment of tribute. Those services, however, which can 
 now be legally exacted, are very different from the tasks originally im- 
 posed upon the Indians. The nature of the work which they must perform 
 is defined, and an equitable recompense is granted for their labour. The 
 stated services demanded of the Indians may be divided into two branches 
 They are either employed in works of primary necessity, without which 
 society cannot subsist comfortably, or are compelled to labour in the mines, 
 from which the Spanish colonies derive their chief value and importance. 
 In consequence of the former, they are obliged to assist in the culture of 
 maize, and other grain of necessary consumption ; in tending cattle ; in 
 erecting edifices of public utility ; in building bridges ; and in forming high 
 roads ;* but they cannot be constrained to labour in raising vines, olives, 
 and sugar-canes, or any species of cultivation which has for its object the 
 gratification of luxury or commercial profit.! In consequence of the latter, 
 the Indians are compelled to undertake the more unpleasant task of ex- 
 tracting ore from the bowels of the earth, and of refining it by successive 
 processes, no less unwholesome than operose [177]. 
 
 The mode of exacting both these services is the same, and is undei 
 regulations framed with a view of rendering it as little oppressive as pos- 
 sible to the Indians. They are called out successively in divisions, termed 
 Mitas, and no person can be compelled to go but in his turn. In Peru, the 
 number called out must not exceed the seventh part of the inhabitants in 
 any district. J In New Spain, where the Indians are more numerous, it is 
 fixed at four in the hundred.^ During what time the labour of such Indians 
 as are employed in agriculture continues, I have not been able to learn [178]. 
 But in Peru, each mita, or division, destined for the mines, remains there 
 six months ; and while engaged in this service, a labourer never receives 
 less than two shillings a day, and often earns more than double that sum.|| 
 No Indian, residing at a greater distance than thirty miles from a mine, is 
 included in the rnita, or division employed working it ;1f nor are the inha- 
 bitants of the low country exposed now to certain destruction, as they 
 were at first when under the dominion of the conquerors, by compelling 
 them to remove from that warm climate to the cold elevated regions where 
 minerals abound** [179]. 
 
 The Indians who live in the principal towns are entirely subject to the 
 Spanish laws and magistrates ; but in their own villages they are governed 
 by caziques, some of whom are the descendants of their ancient lords, 
 others are named by the Spanish viceroys. These regulate the petty affairs 
 of the people under them, according to maxims of justice transmitted to 
 them by tradition from their ancestors. To the Indians this jurisdiction, 
 lodged in such friendly hands, affords some consolation ; and so little formi- 
 dable is this dignity to their new masters, that they often a How it to descend 
 by hereditary right.tt For the further relief of men so much exposed to 
 oppression, the Spanish court has appointed an officer in every district with 
 the title of Protector of the Indians. It is his function, as the name implies, 
 to assert the rights of the Indians ; to appear as their defender in the courts 
 of justice ; and, by the interposition of his authority, to set bounds to the 
 encroachments and exactions of his coun1.rymen.Jf A certain portion of 
 the reserved fourth of the annual tribute is destined for the salary of the 
 
 * Recop lib. vi. tot xiii 1. 19. Solorz. de Ind. Jure, ii. lib. i. c. 6, 7. 9. t Recop. lib. vi. tit. 
 
 xiii.1.8. Solorz. lib. i. c. 7. No. 41, &c. J Recop. lib. vi. tit. xii. 1. 21. Ibid. lib. vi. 1. 22. 
 || TJlloa Entreten. 265, 266. Tf Recop. lib. vi. tit. xii. 1. 3. ** Ibid. lib. vi, tit. xii. 1. 29, tit. i. 
 1. 13. tt Solorz. de Jure Ind. lib. i. c. 26. Recopil. lib. vi. tit. vii. ;J Solorz. lib. i. c. 17. p. 
 201. Recop. lib. vi. tit. vi, 
 

 3f>0 HISTORY Or [BOOK VIII. 
 
 caziques and protectors ; another is applied to the maintenance of the 
 clergy employed in the instruction of the Indians.* Another part seems 
 to be appropriated for the benefit of the Indians themselves, and is applied 
 for the payment of their tribute in years of famine, or when a particular 
 district is affected by any; extraordinary local calamity.! Besides this, 
 provision is made by various laws, that hospitals shall be founded in 
 every new settlement for the reception of Indians.J Such hospitals have 
 accordingly been erected^ both for the indigent and infirm, in Lima, in 
 Cuzco, and in Mexico, where the Indians are treated with tenderness 
 and humanity . 
 
 Such are the leading principles in the jurisprudence and policy by which 
 the Indians are now governed in the provinces belonging to Spain; In 
 those regulations of the Spanish monarchs, we discover no traces of that 
 cruel system of extermination, which they have been charged with adopt- 
 ing; ; and if we admit that the necessity of securing subsistence for their 
 colonies, or the advantages derived from working the mines, give them a 
 right to avail themselves of the labour of the Indians, we must allow, that 
 the attention with which they regulate and recompense that labour is pro- 
 vident and sagacious. In no code of laws is greater solicitude displayed, 
 or precautions multiplied with more prudent concern, for the preservation, 
 the security, and the happiness of the subject, than we discover in the col- 
 lection of the Spanish laws for the Indies. But those latter regulations, 
 like the more early edicts which have been already mentioned, have too 
 often proved ineffectual remedies against the evils which they were intend- 
 ed to prevent. In every age, if the same causes continue to operate, the 
 same effects must follow. From the immense distance between the power 
 intrusted with the execution of laws, and that by whose authority they are 
 enacted, the vigour even of the most absolute government must relax, and 
 the dread of a superior, too remote to bbserve with accuracy or to punish 
 with despatch, must insensibly abate. Notwithstanding the numerous 
 injunctions of the Spanish monarch, the Indians still suffer, on many occa- 
 sions, both from the avarice of individuals, and from the exactions of the 
 magistrates who ought to have protected them ; unreasonable tasks are 
 imposed ; the term of their labour is prolonged beyond the period fixed 
 by law, and they groan under many of the insults and wrongs which are 
 the lot of a dependent people [180], From some information on which I 
 can depend* such oppression abounds more in Peru than in any other colony. 
 But it is not general. According to the accounts even of those authors 
 who are most disposed to exaggerate the sufferings of the Indians, they, in 
 several provinces, enjoy not only ease but affluence ; they possess large 
 farms ; they are masters of numerous herds and flocks ; and, by the know- 
 ledge which they have acquired of European arts and industry, are sup- 
 plied not only with the necessaries but with many luxuries of life.ll 
 
 After explaining the form of civil government in the Spanish colonies, and 
 the state of the various orders of persons subject to it, the peculiarities in 
 their ecclesiastical constitution merit consideration. Notwithstanding the 
 superstitious veneration with which the Spaniards are devoted to the Etoly 
 See, the vigilant and jealous policy of Ferdinand early prompted him to 
 take precautions against the introduction of the Papal dominion in America. 
 With this view, he solicited Alexander VI. for a grant to the crown of the 
 tithes in all the newly-discovered countries^ which he obtained on condi- 
 tion of his making provision for the religious instruction of the natives. 
 Soon after Julius II. conferred on him and his successors, the right of 
 patronage, and the absolute disposal of all ecclesiastical benefices there.** 
 
 * Eecop. lib. vi. tit. v. 1. 30. tit. xvi. 1. 1215. t Ibid. lib. vi. tit. iv. 1. 13. J Ibid. lib. i. tit. 
 iv. 1. 1. &c. <S Voy. dc Ullca, i. 439. 509. Churchill, iv. 466. || Gage's Survey, p. 85. 90. 104. 
 U9, &c. IF Bulla Alex. VI. A.D. 1501, ap. Solorz. de Jure Iiid. ii. p. 498. ** Bulla Julii IJ. 
 h 1508, ap. Solorz. dc Jure Ind. ii. 509. 
 
AMERICA 361 
 
 But these Pontiffs, unacquainted with the value of what he demanded, 
 bestowed these donations with an inconsiderate liberality, which their 
 successors have often lamented, and wished to recall. In consequence of 
 those grants, the Spanish monarchs have become in effect the heads of the 
 American church. In them the administration of its revenues is vested. 
 Their nomination of persons to supply vacant benefices is instantly con- 
 firmed by the Pope. Thus, in all Spanish America, authority of every 
 species centres in the crown. There no collision is known between 
 spiritual and temporal jurisdiction. The King is the only superior, his 
 name alone is heard of, and no dependence upon any foreign power has 
 been introduced. Papal bulls cannot be admitted into America, nor are 
 they of any force there until they have been previously examined and 
 approved of by the royal council of the Indies ;* and if any bull should 
 be surreptitiously introduced and circulated in America without obtaining 
 that approbation, ecclesiastics are required not only to prevent it from 
 taking effect, but to seize all the copies of it, and transmit them to the 
 council of the Indies.! To this limitation of the Papal jurisdiction, 
 equally singular, whether we consider the age and nation in which it was 
 devised, or the jealous attention with which Ferdinand and his succes- 
 sors have studied to maintain it in full force,J Spain is indebted, in a 
 great measure, for the uniform tranquillity which has reigned in her Ame- 
 rican doipinions. 
 
 The hierarchy is established in America in the same form as in Spain, 
 with its full train of archbishops, bishops, deans, and other dignitaries. 
 The inferior clergy are divided into three classes, undef the denomination 
 of Curas, Doctnneros, and Missioneros. The first are parish priests in 
 those parts of the country where the Spaniards have settled. The second 
 have the charge of such districts as are inhabited by Indians subjected to 
 the Spanish government, and living under its protection. The third are 
 employed in instructing and converting those fiercer tribes which disdain 
 submission to the Spanish yoke, and live in remote or inaccessible regions 
 to which the Spanish arms have not penetrated. So numerous are the 
 ecclesiastics or all those various orders, and such the profuse liberality 
 with which many of them are endowed, that the revenues of the church 
 in America are immense. The Romish superstition appears with its utmost 
 pomp in the New World. Churches and convents there are magnificent, 
 and richly adorned ; and on high festivals, the display of gold and silver, 
 and precious stones, is such as exceeds the conception of a European. 
 An ecclesiastical establishment so splendid and extensive is unfavourable, 
 as has been formerly observed, to the progress of rising colonies ; but in 
 countries where riches abound, and the people are so delighted with parade 
 that religion must assume it in order to attract their veneration, this pro- 
 pensity to ostentation has been indulged, and becomes less pernicious. 
 
 The early institution of monasteries in the Spanish colonies, and the 
 inconsiderate zeal in multiplying them, have been attended with conse- 
 quences more fatal. In every new settlement, the first object should be to 
 encourage population, and to incite every citizen to contribute towards 
 augmenting the number and strength of the community. During the youth 
 and vigour of society, while there is room to spread, and sustenance is 
 procured with facility, mankind increase with amazing rapidity. But the 
 Spaniards had hardly taken possession of America, when, with a most 
 preposterous policy, they began to erect convents, where persons of both 
 sexes were shut up, under a vow to defeat the purpose of nature, and to 
 counteract the first of her laws. Influenced by a misguided piety, which 
 ascribes transcendent merit to a state of celibacy, or allured by the prospect 
 
 * Kecopil. lib. i. tit. ix. 1. 2. and Autas del Consf jo de las Indias, clxi. f Recop. lib. i. tit. vii. 
 j 55. J Id. lib. i. tit. vii. 1. 55. passim. Voy. de Ulloa, i. 430. 
 
 VOL. I,46 
 
362 HISTORY OF [BOOK VIII. 
 
 of that listless ease .which in sultry climates is deemed supreme felicity, 
 numbers crowded into those mansions of sloth and superstition, and are 
 lost to society. As none but persons of Spanish extract are admitted into 
 the monasteries of the New World, the evil is more sensibly felt, and 
 every monk or nun may be considered as an active person withdrawn from 
 civil life. The impropriety of such foundations in any situation where the 
 extent of territory requires additional hands to improve it, is so obvious, 
 that some Catholic states have expressly prohibited any person in their 
 colonies from taking the monastic vows.* Even the Spanish monarchs, 
 on some occasions, seem to have been alarmed with the spreading of a 
 spirit so adverse to the increase and prosperity of their colonies, that they 
 have endeavoured to check it.| But the "Spaniards in America, more 
 thoroughly under the influence of superstition than their countrymen in 
 Europe, and directed by ecclesiastics more bigoted and illiterate, have 
 conceived such a high opinion of monastic sanctity, that no regulations can 
 restrain their zeal ; and, by the excess of their ill judged bounty, religious 
 houses have multiplied to a degree no less amazing than pernicious to 
 society [181]. 
 
 In viewing the state of colonies, where not only the number but influ- 
 ence of ecclesiastics is so great, the character of this powerful body is an 
 object that merits particular attention. A considerable part of the secular 
 clergy in Mexico and Peru are natives of Spain. As persons long accus- 
 tomed, by their education, to the retirement and indolence of academic 
 life are more incapable of active enterprise, and less disposed to strike into 
 new paths than any order of men, the ecclesiastical adventurers by whom 
 the American church is recruited, are commonly such as, from merit or rank 
 in life, have little prospect of success in their own country. Accordingly, 
 the secular priests in the New World are still less distinguished than their 
 brethren in Spain for literary accomplishments of any species ; and though, 
 by the ample provision which has been made for the American church, 
 many of its members enjoy the ease apd independence which are favourable 
 to the cultivation of science, the body of secular clergy has hardly, during 
 two centuries and a half, produced one author whose works convey such 
 useful information, or possess .such a degree of merit, as to be ranked 
 among those which attract the attention of enlightened nations. But the 
 greatest ]part of the ecclesiastics in the Spanish settlements are regulars. 
 On the discovery of America, a new field opened to the pious zeal of the 
 monastic orders ; and, with a becoming alacrity, they immediately sent 
 forth missionaries to labour in it. The first attempt to instruct and convert 
 the Americans was made by monks ; and as soon as the conquest of any 
 province was completed, and 'its ecclesiastical establishment began to 
 assume some form, the Popes /permitted the missionaries of the four mendi- 
 cant orders, as a reward for their services, to accept of parochial charges 
 in America, to perform all spiritual functions, and to receive the tithes and 
 other emoluments of the benefice, without depending on the jurisdiction 
 of the bishop of the diocess, or being subject to his censures. In conse- 
 quence of this, a pew career of usefulness, as well as new objects of am- 
 nition, presented themselves. Whenever a- call is made for a fresn supply 
 of missionaries, men of the most ardent and aspiring minds, impatient 
 under the restraint of a cloister, weary of its insipid uniformity, and 
 fatigued with the irksome repetition of its frivolous functions, offer their 
 service with eagerness, and repair to the New World in quest of liberty 
 and distinction. Nor do they pursue distinction without success. The 
 highest ecclesiastical honours, as well as the most lucrative preferments in 
 Mexico and Peru, are often in the hands of regulars ; and it is chiefly to 
 
 * Voy. de ITlloa, ii. 124. t Herrera, dec. v. lib. ix. c. 1, 2. Rjcon. Hb. i. tit. Hi. 1. 1, 2. tit. iv. c. 
 H. Solorz.lib.iii.c.23. 
 
AMERICA. 36 
 
 tne monastic orders that the Americans are indebted for any portioiK-of 
 science which is cultivated among them. They are almost the only 
 Spanish ecclesiastics from whom we have received any accounts eithe of 
 the civil or natural history of the various provinces in America. _ Some of 
 them, though deeply tinged with the indelible superstition of their profes-r 
 Ston, have published books which give a favourable idea of their abilities; 
 The natural and moral history of the New World, by the Jesuit Acpsta, 
 contains more accurate observations, perhaps, and more sound science., man 
 are to be found in any description of remote countries published in the $ix- 
 teenth century. 
 
 But the same disgust with monastic life, to which America is indebted 
 for some instructers of worth and abilities, filled it with others of a very 
 different character. The g;iddy y the profligate, the avaricious, iq vyhprn 
 the poverty and rigid discipline of a convent are intolerable, consider a 
 mission to America as a release from mortification and bondage. There 
 they soon obtain some parochial charge ; and far removed, by their situa- 
 tion, from the inspection of their monastic superiors, and exempt^ by their 
 character, from the jurisdiction of their diocesan,* they are hardly sub- 
 jected to any control. According to the testimony of the most zealous 
 catholics, many of the regular clergy in the Spanish settlements are not 
 only destitute of the virtues becoming their profession, but regardless of 
 that external decorum and respect for the opinion of mankind, which pre- 
 serve a semblance of worth where the reality is wanting. Secure of im- 
 punity, some regulars, in contempt of their vow of poverty, engage openly 
 in commerce, and are so rapaciously eager in amassing wealth, that they 
 become the most grievous oppressors of the Indians whom it was their 
 duty to have protected. Others, with no less flagrant -violation of their 
 vow of chastity, indulge with little disguise in the : most dissolute licen- 
 tiousness [182J. 
 
 Various schemes have bee.n proposed for redressing enormities so mam 
 fest and so offensive. Several persons, no less eminent for piety than 
 discernment, have contended, that the regulars,, in conformity to the canons 
 of the church, ought to be confined within the ; walls of their cloisters, and 
 should no longer be permitted to encroach on the, functions of the secular 
 clergy. Some public-spirited magistrates, from conviction of its being 
 necessary to deprive the regulars of a privilege bestowed at first with 
 good intention, but of which time and experience had discovered the per- 
 nicious effects, openly countenanced the secular clergy in their attempts 
 to assert their own rights. The prince D'Esquilache, viceroy of Peru 
 under Philip III., took measures so decisive and effectual for circumscribing 
 the regulars within their proper sphere as struck them with general con- 
 sternation [183]. They had recourse to their usual arts. They alarmed 
 the superstitious, by representing the proceedings of the viceroy as inno- 
 vations fatal to religion. They employed all the refinements of intrigue in 
 order to gain persons in power ; and seconded by the powerful influence 
 of the Jesuits, who claimed and enjoyed all the privileges which belonged to 
 the Mendicant orders in America, they made a deep impression on a bigoted 
 prince and a weak ministry. The ancient practice was tolerated. The 
 abuses which it occasioned continued to increase, and the corruption of 
 monks, exempt from the restraints of discipline, and the inspection of any 
 superior, became a disgrace to religion. At last, as the veneration of the 
 Spaniards for the monastic orders began to abate, and the power of the 
 Jesuits was on the decline, Ferdinand VI. ventured to apply the only 
 effectual remedy, by issuing an edict [June 23, 1757], prohibiting regulars 
 of eveiy denomination from taking the charge of any parish with the cure 
 of souls ; and declaring that on the demise of the present incumbents, 
 
 * Avendano Thcr. Indie, ii. 253. 
 
S64 HISTORY OF [BOOK VIII. 
 
 none but secular priests, subject to the jurisdiction of their diocesans, shall 
 be presented to vacant benefices.* If this regulation is carried into exe- 
 cution with steadiness in any degree proportional to the wisdom with which 
 it is framed, a very considerable reformation may take place in the eccle- 
 siastical state of Spanish America, and the secular clergy may gradually 
 become a respectable body of men. The deportment of many ecclesiastics, 
 even at present, seems to be decent and exemplary ; otherwise we can 
 hardly suppose that they would be held in such high estimation, and pos- 
 sess such a wonderful ascendant over the minds of their countrymen 
 throughout all the Spanish settlements. 
 
 But whatever merit the Spanish ecclesiastics in America may possess, 
 the success of their endeavours in communicating the knowledge of true 
 religion to the Indians, has been more imperfect than might have been 
 expected, either from the degree of their zeal, or from the dominion which 
 they had acquired over that people. For this, various reasons may be 
 assigned. The first missionaries, in their ardour to make proselytes, 
 admitted the people of America into the Christian church without previous 
 instruction in the doctrines of religion, and even before they themselves 
 had acquired such knowledge in the Indian language, as to be able to 
 explain to the natives the mysteries of faith, or the precepts of duty. 
 Resting upon a subtle distinction in scholastic theology, between that degree 
 of assent which is founded on a complete knowledge and conviction of 
 duty, and that which may be yielded when both these are imperfect, 
 they adopted this strange practice, no less inconsistent with the spirit of a 
 religion which addresses itself to the understanding of men, than repug- 
 nant to the dictates of reason. As soon as any body of people overawed 
 by dread of the Spanish power, moved by the example of their own 
 chiefs, incited by levity, or yielding from mere ignorance, expressed the 
 slightest desire of embracing the religion of their conquerors, they were 
 instantly baptized. While this rage of conversion continued, a single 
 clergyman baptized in one day above five thousand Mexicans, and diet not 
 desist until his was so exhausted by fatigue that he was unable to lift his 
 hands.! In the course of a few years alter the reduction of the Mexican 
 empire, the sacrament of baptism was administered to more than four 
 millions.]; Proselytes adopted with such inconsiderate haste, and who were 
 neither instructed in the nature of the tenets to which it was supposed they 
 had given assent, nor taught the absurdity of those which they were required 
 to relinquish, retained their veneration lor their ancient superstitions in full 
 force, or mingled an attachment to its doctrine and rites with that slender 
 knowledge of Christianity which they had acquired. These sentiments 
 the new converts transmitted to their posterity, into whose minds they 
 have sunk so deep, that the Spanish ecclesiastics, with all their industry, 
 have not been able to eradicate them. The religious institutions of their 
 ancestors, are still remembered and held in honour by many of the Indians, 
 both in Mexico and Peru ; and whenever they think themselves out of 
 reach of inspection by the Spaniards, they assemble and celebrate their 
 idolatrous rites. 
 
 But this is not the most unsurmountable obstacle to the progress of Chris- 
 tianity among the Indians. The powers of their uncultivated understandings 
 are so limited, their observations and reflections reach so little beyond the 
 mere objects of sense, that they seem hardly to have the capacity of forming 
 abstract ideas, and possess not language to express them. To such men the 
 sublime and spiritual doctrines of Christianity must be, in a great measure, 
 incomprehensible. The numerous and splendid ceremonies of the Popish 
 
 * Real Cedula MS. penes me. t P. Torribio, MS. Torquem. Mond. Ind. lib. xvi. c. 6. 
 
 J Torribio, M*. Torquem. lib. xvi. e. 8. $ Voy. de UUoa, i. 341. Torquem. lib. xv. c 
 
 23. lib. xvi. c. 23. Gage, 171. 
 
AMERICA. 365 
 
 worship catch the eye, please and interest them ; but when their instructed 
 attempt to explain the articles of faith with which those external observances 
 are connected, though the Indians may listen with patience, they so little 
 conceive the meaning of what they hear, that their acquiescence does not 
 merit the name of belief. Their indifference is still greater than their 
 incapacity. Attentive only to the present moment, and engrossed by the 
 objects before them, the Indians so seldom reflect upon what is past, or 
 take thought for what is to come, that neither the promises nor threats of 
 religion make much impression upon them ; and while their foresight rarely 
 extends so far as the next day, it is almost impossible to inspire mem with 
 solicitude about the concerns of a future world. Astonished equally at 
 their slowness of comprehension, and at their insensibility, some of the 
 early missionaries pronounced them a race of men so brutish as to be inca- 
 pable of understanding the first principles of religion. A council held at 
 Lima decreed, that, on account of this incapacity, they ought to be ex- 
 cluded from the sacrament of the Eucharist.* Though Paul III., by his 
 famous bull issued in the year 1537, declared them to be rational creatures 
 entitled to all the privileges of Christians ;f yet, after the lapse of two 
 centuries, during which they have been members of the church, so imper- 
 fect are their attainments in knowledge that very few possess such a portion 
 of spiritual discernment as to be deemed wormy of being admitted to the 
 holy communion.j From this idea of their ipcapccity and imperfect 
 knowledge of religion, when the zeal of Priilip IT. established the inquisi- 
 tion in America in the year 1570, the Indians were exempted from the 
 jurisdiction of that severe tribunal, and still continue under the inspection 
 of their diocesans. Even after the most perfect instruction, their faith is 
 held to be feeble and dubious ; and though some of them have been taught 
 the learned languages, and have gone through the ordinary course of 
 academic education with applause, their frailty is still so mucn suspected, 
 that few Indians are either ordained priests, or received into any religious 
 order|| [184]. 
 
 From this brief survey some idea may be formed of the interior state 
 of the Spanish colonies. The various productions with which they supply 
 and enrich the mother country, and the system of commercial intercourse 
 between them, come next in order to be explained. If the dominions of 
 Spain in the New World had been of such moderate extent as bore a due 
 proportion to the parent state, the progress of her colonising might have 
 been attended with the same benefit as that of other nations. But when, 
 in less than half a century, her inconsiderate rapacity had seized on coun- 
 tries larger than all Europe, her inability to fill such vast regions with a 
 number of inhabitants sufficient for the cultivation of them was so obvious, 
 as to give a wrong direction to all the efforts of the colonists. They did 
 not form compact settlements, where industry, circumscribed within proper 
 limits, both m its views and operations, is conducted with that sober per* 
 severing spirit which gradually converts whatever is in its possession to a 
 proper use, and derives thence, the greatest advantage. Instead of this, 
 the Spaniards, seduced by the boundless prospect which opened to them, 
 divided their possessions in America into governments of great extent. As 
 their number was too small to attempt the regular culture of the immense 
 provinces which they occupied rather than peopled, they bent their atten- 
 tion to a few objects that allured them with hopes of sudaen and exorbitant 
 gain, and turned away with contempt from the humbler paths of industry, 
 which lead more slowly, but with greater certainty, to wealth and increase 
 of national strength. 
 
 Of all the methods by which riches may be acquired, th$t of searching 
 
 * Torquem. lib. xvi. c. 20. t Id. lib. xvi. c. 25. Garcia Origin 311. i Voy. de Ulloa. i. 
 343. Recop. lib. vi. til. i. 1. 35. U Torouem. lib. xvii. c. 13. 
 
866 HISTORY O-F [BooKVIlL 
 
 for the precious metals is one of the most inviting to men who are either 
 unaccustomed to the regular assiduity with which the culture of the earth 
 and the operations of commerce must be carried on, or who are so enter- 
 prising and rapacious as not to be satisfied with the gradual returns of profit 
 which they yield. Accordingly, as soon as the several countries in America 
 were subjected to the dominion of Spain, this was almost the only method 
 of acquiring wealth which occurred to the adventurers by whom they 
 were conquered. Such provinces of the continent as did not allure them 
 to settle, by the prospect of their affording gold and silver, were totally 
 neglected. Those in which they met with a disappointment of the sain 
 guine expectations they had formed, were abandoned. Even the value of 
 the islands, the first fruits of their discoveries, and the first object of their 
 attention, sunk so much in their estimation, when the mines which had 
 been opened in them were exhausted, that they were deserted by many 
 of the planters, and left to be occupied by more industrious possessors. All 
 crowded to Mexico and Peru, where the quantities of gold and silver found 
 among the natives, who searched for them with little industry and less 
 skill, promised an unexhausted store, as the recompense of more intelligent 
 and persevering efforts.. 
 
 During several years, the ardour of their researches was kept up by 
 hope ratner than, success. At length, the rich silver mines of Potosi in 
 Perii were accidentally discovered in the year 1545* by an Indian, as he 
 was clambering up the mountains in pursuit of a llama which had strayed 
 from his flqck. Soon after, the mines of Sacotecas in New Spain, little 
 inferior to the other in value, were opened. From that time successive 
 discoveries have been made in both colonies, and silver mines are now so 
 numerous, that the working of them, and of some few mines of gold in the 
 provinces of Tierra Firme, and the new kingdom of Granada, has become 
 the capital occupation of the Spaniards, and is reduced into a system no 
 less complicated than interesting. To describe the 7 nature of the various 
 ores, the mode of extracting them from the bowels of the earth, and to 
 explain the several processes by which the metals are separated from the 
 substances with which they are mingled, either by the action of fire, or the 
 attractive powers of mercury, is the province of the natural philosopher or 
 chymist, rather than of the historian. 
 
 The exuberant profusion with which the mountains of the New World 
 poured forth their treasures astonished mankind, who had been accustomed 
 hitherto to receive a penurious supply of the precious metals from the more 
 scanty stores contained in the mines of the ancient hemisphere. According 
 to principles of computation, which appear, to be extremely moderate, the 
 quantity of gold and silver that has been regularly entered in the ports of 
 Spain, is equal in value to four millions sterling annually, reckoning from 
 the year 1492, in which America was discovered, to the present time. 
 This, in two hundred and eighty-three years, amounts to eleven hundred 
 and thirty-two millions. Immense as this sum is, the Spanish writers con^ 
 tend, that as much more ought to be added to it in consideration of treasure 
 which has been extracted from the mines, and imported fraudulently into 
 Spain without paying duty to the King. By this account, Spain has drawn 
 from the New World a supply of wealth amounting at least to two thousand 
 millions of pounds sterling! [ 185 ] 
 
 The mines, which have yielded this amazing quantity of treasure, are 
 not worked at the expense of the crown or of the public. In order to 
 encourage private adventurers, the person who discovers and works a new 
 vein is entitled to the property of it. Upon laying his claim to such a dis- 
 covery before, the governor of the province, a certain extent of land is 
 
 * Fernandez, p. 1. lib, xi c< 11. t Uztariz Theor. y Pract. de Commercia, c. 3 Herrfcra. 
 
 dec, rlii. Jib. xi. c, 15, 
 
AMERICA. 3G7 
 
 measured off, and a certain number of Indians allotted him, under the 
 obligation of his opening the mine within a limited time, and of his paying 
 the customary duty to the King for what it shall produce. Invited by the 
 facility with which such grants are obtained, and encouraged by some 
 striking examples of success in this line of adventure, not only the sanguine 
 and the bold, but the timid and diffident, enter upon it with astonishing- 
 ardour. With vast objects always iri view, fed continually with hope, ana 
 expecting every moment that fortune will unveil her secret stores, and give 
 up the wealth which they contain to their wishes, they deem every other 
 occupation insipid and uninteresting. The charms of this pursuit, like the 
 rage for deep play, are so bewitching, and take such full possession of the 
 mind, as even to give a new bent to the natural temper. Under its in- 
 fluence the cautious become enterprising, and the covetous profqse. Pow 
 erful as this charm naturally is, its force is augmented by th arts of an 
 order of men known in Peru by the cant name of searchers. These are 
 commonly persons of desperate fortune, who, availing themselves of some 
 skill in mineralogy, accompanied, with the insinuating manner and confident 
 pretensions peculiar to projectors, address the wealthy and the credulous 
 By plausible descriptions of the appearances which they have discovered 
 of rich veins hitherto unexplore.d ; by producing, when requisite, specimens 
 of promising ore ; by affirming, with an imposing assurance, that success is 
 certain, and that the expense must be trifling, they seldom fail to persuade. 
 An association is formed ; a small sum is advanced by each copartner ; the 
 mine is opened ; the searcher is intrusted with the sole direction of every 
 operation : unforeseen difficulties occur ; new demands of money are made ; 
 but, amidst a succession of disappointments and delays, hope is never ex- 
 tinguished, and the ardour of expectation hardly abates. For it is observed, 
 that if any person once enters this seducing path, it is almost impossible to 
 return ; his ideas alter, he seems to be possessed with another spirit ; 
 visions of imaginary wealth are continually before his eyes, and he thinks, 
 and speaks, and dreams of nothing else.* 
 
 Such is the spirit that must be formed, wherever the active exertions of 
 any society are chiefly employed in working mines of gold and silver. No 
 spirit is more adverse to such improvements in agriculture and commerce 
 as render a nation really opulent. ' If the system of administration in the 
 Spanish colonies had been founded upon principles of sound policy, the 
 power and ingenuity of the legislator would have been exerted with as 
 much ardour in restraining its subjects from such pernicious industry, as is 
 now employed in -alluring them towards it. " Projects of mining," says a 
 good judge of the political conduct of nations,, " instead of replacing the 
 capital employed in them, together with the ordinary profit of stock, 
 commonly absorb both capital and profit. They are the projects, there- 
 fore, to which, of all others, a prudent lawgiver, who desired to increase 
 the capital of his nation, would least choose to give any extraordinary 
 encouragement, or to turn towards them a greater share of that capital 
 than would go to them of its own accord. Such, in reality, is the absurd 
 confidence which all men have in their own good fortune, that wherever 
 there is the least probability of success, too great a share of, it is apt to go 
 to them of its own accord. '| But in the Spanish colonies, government is 
 studious to cherish a spirit which it should have laboured to depress, and, 
 by the sanction of its approbation, augments that inconsiderate credulity 
 which has turned the active industry of Mexico and Peru into such an im- 
 proper channel. To this may be imputed the slender progress which 
 Spanish America has made, during two centuries and a half, either in useful 
 manufactures, or in those lucrative branches of cultivation which furnish 
 
 * Ulloa Entreten. p. 223. J Dr. Smith's Inquiry, &c. ii. J55 k 
 
368 HISTORY OF [Boos VIII. 
 
 the colonies of other nations with their staple commodities. In comparison 
 with the precious metals every bounty of nature is so much despised, that 
 this extravagant idea of their value has mingled with the idiom ot language 
 in America, and the Spaniards settled there, denominate a country rich, not 
 from the fertility of its soil, the abundance of its crops, or the exuberance 
 of its pastures, but on account of the minerals which its mountains con- 
 tain, In quest of these, they abandon the delightful plains of Peru and 
 Mexico, and resort to barren and uncomfprtable regions, where they have 
 built some of the largest towns which they possess in the New World. 
 As the activity and enterprise of the Spaniards originally took this direc- 
 tion, it is how so difficult to bend them a different way, that although, from 
 various causes, the gain of working mines is mucn decreased, the fascination 
 continues, and almost every person, who takes any active part in the com- 
 merce of New Spain or Peru, is still engaged in some adventure of this 
 kind [186]. 
 
 But though mines are the chief object of the Spaniards, and the precious 
 metals which these yield form the principal article in their commerce 
 with America ; the iertile countries which they possess there abound with 
 other commodities of such value, or scarcity, as to attract a considerable 
 degree of attention. Cochineal is a production almost peculiar to New 
 Spain, of such demand in commerce that the sale is always certain, and 
 yet yields such profit as amply rewards the labour and care employed in 
 rearing the curious insects of which this valuable drug is composed, and 
 preparing it for the market. Quinquina, or Jesuits' Bark, the most salutary 
 simple, perhaps, and of most restorative virtue, that Providence, in com- 
 passion to human infirmity, has made known unto man, is found only in 
 Peru, to which it affords a lucrative branch of commerce. The Indigo ot 
 Guatimala is superior in quality to that of any province in America, arid 
 cultivated -to a considerable extant. Cacao, though not peculiar to the 
 Spanish colonies, attains to its highest state of periection there, and, from 
 the g-reat consumption of chocolate in Europe, as well as in America, is a 
 valuable commodity. The Tobacco of Cuba, of more exquisite flavour 
 than any brought from the New World ; the Sugar raised in that island, 
 in Hispaniola, and in New Spain, together with drugs of various kinds, 
 may be mentioned among the natural productions of America which enrich 
 the Spanish commerce. To these must be added an article of no incon- 
 siderable account, the exportation of hides ; for which, as well as for many 
 of those which 1 have enumerated, the Spaniards are more indebted to the 
 wonderful fertility of the country-, than to their own foresight and industry. 
 The domestic animals of Europe, particularly homed cattle, have multiplied 
 in the New World with a rapidity which almost exceeds belief, A few 
 years after the Spaniards settled there, the herds of tame cattle became so 
 numerous that their proprietors reckoned them by thousands.* Less atten- 
 tion being paid to them as they continued to increase, they were suffered 
 to run wild ; and spreading over a country of boundless extent, under a 
 mild climate and covered with rich pasture, their number became im- 
 mense. They range qver the vast plains which extend from Buenos Ayres 
 towards the Andes, in herds of thirty or forty thousand ; and the unlucky 
 traveller who once falls In among them, may proceed several days before 
 he ,Can disentangle himself from among the crowd that covers the face of 
 the earth, and seems to have no end. They are hardly less numerous- in 
 New Spain, and in several other provinces : they are killed merely for 
 the sake of their hides ; and the slaughter at certain seasons is so great 
 that the stench of the carcasses, which are left in the field, would infect 
 the air, if large packs of wild dogs, and vast flocks of gallmazos, or 
 
 * Ovicdo ap; Raraus, HI. 101, B. Haklnyt, lit 46fi r 511. 
 
AMERICA 369 
 
 American vultures, the most voracious of all the feathered kind, did not 
 instantly devour them. The number of those hides exported in every 
 fleet to Europe, is very great, and is a lucrative branch of commerce.* 
 
 Almost all these may be considered as staple commodities peculiar to 
 America, and different, if we except that last mentioned, from the produc- 
 tions of the mother country. 
 
 When the importation into Spain of those various articles from her colo- 
 nies first became active and considerable, her interior industry and manu- 
 factures were in a state so prosperous, that with the product of these she 
 was able both to purchase the commodities of the New World, and to 
 answer its growing demands. Under the reigns of Ferdinand and Isabella, 
 and Charles V., Spain was one of the most industrious countries in Europe. 
 Her manufactures in wool, and flax, and silk, were so extensive, as not only 
 to furnish what was sufficient for her own consumption, but to afford a sur- 
 plus for exportation. When a market for them, formerly unknown, and 
 to which she alone had access, opened in America, she had recourse to her 
 domestic store, and- found there an abundant supply [187]. This new em- 
 ployment must naturally have added vivacity to the spirit of industiy. 
 Nourished and invigorated by it, the manufactures, the population, and 
 wealth of Spain, might have gone on increasing in the same proportion 
 with the growth of her colonies. Nor was the state of the Spanish marine 
 at this period less flourishing than that of its manufactures. In the begin- 
 ning ot the sixteenth century, Spain is said to have possessed above a 
 thousand merchant ships,f a number probably far superior to that of any 
 nation in Europe in that age. By the aid which foreign trade and domes- 
 tic industry give reciprocally to each other in their progress, the augmen- 
 tation of both must have been rapid and extensive, and Spain might have 
 received the same accession of opulence and vigour from her acquisitions 
 in the New World that other powers have derived from their colonies 
 there. 
 
 But various causes prevented this. The same thing happens to nations 
 as to individuals. Wealth, which flows in gradually, and with moderate 
 increase, feeds and nourishes that activity which is friendly to commerce, 
 and calls it forth into vigorous and well conducted exertions ; but when 
 opulence pours in suddenly, and with too full a stream, it overturns all 
 sober plans of industry, and brings along with it a taste for what is wild 
 and extravagant and daring in business or in action. Such was the great 
 and sudden augmentation of power and revenue that the possession of 
 America brought into Spain ; and some symptoms of its pernicious influ- 
 ence upon the political operations of that monarchy soon began to appear. 
 For a considerable time, however, the supply of treasure from the New- 
 World was scanty and precarious ; and the genius of Charles V. conducted 
 public measures with such prudence, that the effects of this influence were 
 little perceived. But when Philip II. ascended the Spanish throne, with 
 talents far inferior to those of his father, and remittances from the colonies 
 became a regular and considerable branch of revenue, the fatal operation 
 of this rapid change in the state of the kingdom, both oh the monarch and 
 his people, was at once conspicuous. Philip, possessing that spirit of un- 
 ceasing assiduity which often characterizes the ambition of men of mode- 
 rate talents, entertained such a high opinion of his own resources that he 
 thought nothing too arduous for him to undertake. Shut up himself in 
 the solitude of the Escurial, he troubled and annoyed all the nations around 
 him. He waged open war with the Dutch and English ; he encouraged 
 and aided a rebellious faction in France ; he conquered Portugal, and 
 maintained armies and garrisons in Italy, Africa, and both the Indies. By 
 
 * Acosta, lib. iii c. 33. Ovallo Hist of Chili. C'liurcli. Collect, iii 47. sept Ibid, v. p. f>?0 
 (392. Lettres Edif. xiii. 235. FeuilJe, i. 210 t t:5i "iioman'es. ii. 14.0. 
 
 VOL. 1.-47 
 
370 HISTORY OF [BOOK V11I. 
 
 such a multiplicity of great and complicated operations, pursued with 
 ardour during 1 the course of a long reign, Spain was drained both of men 
 and money. Under the weak administration of his successor, Philip III. 
 [A. D. 1611], the vigour of the nation continued to decrease, and sunk into 
 the lowest decline, when the inconsiderate bigotry of that monarch expel 
 led at once near a million of his most industrious subjects, at the very time 
 when the exhausted state of the kingdom required some extraordinary ex- 
 ertion of political wisdom to augment its numbers, and to revive its strength. 
 Early in the seventeenth century, Spain felt such a diminution in the nufti 
 ber of her people, that from inability to recruit her armies she was obliged 
 to contract her operations. Her flourishing manufactures were fallen into 
 decay. Her fleets, which had been the terror of all Europe, were ruined. 
 Her extensive foreign commerce, was lost. The trade between different 
 parts of her own dominions was interrupted, and the ships which attempt- 
 ed to carry it on were taken and plundered by enemies whom she once 
 despised. Even agriculture, the primary object of industry in every pros- 
 perous state, was neglected, and one of the most fertile countries in Europe 
 hardly raised what was sufficient for, the support of its own inhabitants. 
 
 In proportion as the population and manufactures of the parent state de- 
 clined, the demands of her colonies continued to increase. The Spaniards, 
 like their monarchs, intoxicated with the wealth which poured in annually 
 upon them, deserted the paths of industry to which they had been accus- 
 tomed, and repaired with eagerness to those regions from which this opu- 
 lence issued. By this rage of emigration another drain was opened, and 
 the strength of the colonies augmented by exhausting that of the mother 
 country. All those emigrants, as well, as the adventurers who had at first 
 settled in America, depended absolutely upon Spain for almost every arti- 
 cle of necessary consumption. Engaged in more, alluring and lucrative 
 pursuits, or prevented by restraints which government imposed, they could 
 not turn their own attention towards establishing the manufactures requisite 
 for comfortable subsistence. They received" (as I have observed in another 
 place) their clothing, their furniture, whatever ministers to the ease or lux- 
 ury of life, and even their instruments of labour, from Europe. Spain, 
 thinned of people and decreasing in industry, 'was unable to supply their 
 growing demands. She had recourse to her neighbours. The manufac- 
 tures of the Low Countries,' of England, of France, and of Italy, which 
 her wants called into existence or animated with new vivacity, Furnished 
 in abundance whatever she required. In vain did the fundamental law, 
 concerning the exclusion of foreigners from trade with America, oppose 
 this innovation. Necessity, more powerful than any statute, defeated its 
 operation, and constrained the Spaniards themselves to, concur in eluding 
 it. The English, the French, and Dutch, relying on the fidelity and honour 
 of Spanish merchants, who lend their names to cover the deceit, send out 
 their manufactures to America, and receive the exorbitant price for which 
 they are sold there, either in specie, or in the rich commodities of the 
 New World. Neither the dread of danger, nor the allurement of profit 
 ever induced a Spanish factor to betray or defraud the person who confided 
 in him ;* and that probity, which is the pride and distinction of the nation, 
 contributes to its ruinw In a short time, not above a twentieth part of the 
 commodities exported^ to America, was of Spanish growth or fabric.! All 
 the rest was the property of foreign merchants, though entered in the 
 name of Spaniards. The treasure of the New World may be said hence- 
 forward not to have belonged to Spain. Before it reached Europe it was 
 anticipated as the price of goods purchased from foreigners. That wealth 
 which by an internal circulation, would have spread through each vein of 
 industry, and have conveyed life and movement to every branch of manu- 
 
 * Zavala Representation, p. 226. t Campomanes, ii. 138. 
 
AMERICA. 371 
 
 facture, flowed out of the kingdom with such a rapid course as neither 
 enriched nor animated it. On the other hand, the artisans of rival nations, 
 encouraged by this quick sale of their commodities, improved so much in 
 skill and industry as to be able to afford them at a rate so low, that the 
 manufactures of Spain, which could not vie with theirs either in quality 
 or cheapness of work, were still further depressed. This destructive 
 commerce drained off the riches of the nation faster and more completely 
 than even the extravagant schemes of ambition carried on by its monarchs. 
 Spain was so much astonished and distressed at beholding her American 
 treasures vanish almost as soon as they were imported, that Philip III., un- 
 able to supply what was requisite in circulation, issued an edict, by which 
 he endeavoured to raise copper money to a value in currency nearly equal 
 to that of silver ;* and the lord of the Peruvian and Mexican mines was 
 reduced to a wretched expedient, which is the last resource of petty im- 
 poverished states. 
 
 Thus the possessions of Spain in America have not proved a source ot 
 population and of wealth to her in the same manner as those of other 
 nations. In the countries of Europe, where the spirit of industry subsists 
 in full vigour, every person settled in such colonies as are similar in their 
 situation to those of Spain, is supposed to give employment to three or 
 four at home in supplying his wants.t But wherever the mother country 
 cannot afford this supply, every emigrant may be considered as a citizen 
 lost to the community, and strangers must reap all the benefit of answer- 
 ing his demands. 
 
 Such has been the internal state of Spain from the close of the sixteenth 
 century, and such her inability to supply the growing wants of her colonies. 
 The fetal effects of this disproportion between their demands, and her 
 capacity of answering them, have been much increased by the mode in 
 which Spain has endeavoured to regulate the intercourse between the 
 mother country and her colonies. It is from her idea of monopolising the 
 trade with America, and debarring her subjects there from any communi- 
 cation with foreigners, that all her jealous and systematic arrangements 
 have arisen. These are so singular in their nature and consequences as 
 to merit a particular explanation. In order to secure the monopoly at 
 which she aimed, Spain did not vest the trade with her colonies in an 
 exclusive company, a plan which has been adopted by nations more com- 
 mercial, and at a period when mercantile policy was an object of greater 
 attention, and ought to have been better understood. The Dutch gave up 
 the whole trade with their colonies, both in the East and West Indies, to 
 exclusive companies. The English, the French, the Danes, have imitated 
 their example with respect to the East Indian commerce ; and the two 
 former have laid a similar restraint upon some branches of their trade with 
 the New World. The wit of man cannot, perhaps, devise a method for 
 checking the progress of industry and population in a new colony more effec- 
 tual than this. The interest of the colony, and of the exclusive company, 
 must in every point be diametrically opposite ; and as the latter possesses 
 such advantages in this unequal contest, that it can prescribe at pleasure 
 the terms of intercourse, the former must not only buy dear and sell cheap, 
 but must suffer the mortification of having the increase of its surplus stock 
 discouraged by those very persons to whom alone it can dispose of its 
 productions.^ 
 
 Spain, it is probable, was preserved from falling into this error of policy 
 by the high ideas which she early formed concerning the riches of the 
 New World. Gold and silver were commodities of too high a value to 
 vest a monopoly of them in private hands. The crown wished to retain the 
 direction of a commerce so inviting ; and, in order to secure that, ordained 
 
 * Uztarez. e JO* t Child on Trade and Colonies. ; Smith's Inquiry, ii. 171. 
 
372 HISTORY OF [BOOK VIII. 
 
 the cargo of every ship fitted out for America to be inspected by the 
 officers of the Casa de Contratacion in Seville before it could receive a 
 license to make the voyage ; and that, on its return, a report of the com- 
 modities which it brought should be made to the same board before it 
 could be permitted to land them. In consequence of this regulation, all 
 the trade of Spain with the New World centred originally in the port of 
 Seville, and was gradually brought into a form, in which it has been con- 
 ducted, with little variation, from the middle of the sixteenth century almost 
 to our own times. For the greater security of the valuable cargoes sent 
 to America, as well as for the more easy prevention of fraud, the commerce 
 of Spain with its colonies is carried on by fleets which sail under strong 
 convoys. These fleets, consisting of two squadrons, one distinguished by 
 the name of the Galeons, the other by that of the Flota, are equipped 
 annually. Formerly they took their departure from Seville ; but as the 
 port of Cadiz has been ibund more commodious, they have sailed from it 
 since the year 1720. 
 
 The Galeons destined to supply Tierra Firme, and the kingdoms of 
 Peru and Chili, with almost every article of luxury or necessary consump 
 tion, that an opulent people can demand, touch first at Carthagena, and 
 then at Porto Bello. To the former, the merchants of Santa Martha, 
 Caraccas, the New Kingdom of Granada, and several other provinces, 
 resort. The latter is the great mart for the rich commerce of Peru and 
 Chili. At the season when the Galeons are expected, the product of all 
 the mines in these two kingdoms, together with theip other valuable com- 
 modities, is transported by sea to Panama. From thence, as soon as the 
 appearance of the fleet from Europe is announced, they are conveyed 
 across the isthmus, partly on mules and partly down the river Chagre to 
 Porto Bello. This paltry village, the climate of which, from the pernicious 
 union of excessive heat, continual moisture, and the putrid exhalations 
 arising from a rank soil, is more fatal to life than any perhaps in the known 
 world, is immediately filled with people. From beingj the residence of a 
 few Negroes and Mulattoes, and of a miserable garrison relieved every 
 three months, Porto Bello assumes suddenly a very different aspect, and 
 its streets are crowded with opulent merchants from every corner of Peru 
 and the adjacent provkices. A fair is opened, the wealth of America is 
 exchanged for the manufactures of Europe ; and, during its prescribed term 
 of forty days, the richest traffic on the face of the earth is begun and 
 finished, with that simplicity of transaction, and that unbounded confidence, 
 which accompany extensive commerce [188]. The Flota holds its course 
 to Vera Cruz. The treasures and commodities of New Spain, and the 
 depending provinces, which were deposited at Puebla de los Angeles, in 
 expectation of its arrival, are carried thither ; and the commercial opera- 
 tions of Vera Cruz, conducted in the same x manner with.' those of Porto 
 Bello, are inferior to them only in importance and value. Both fleets, as 
 soon as they have completed their cargoes from America, rendezvous at 
 the Havana, and return in company jo Europe. 
 
 The trade of Spain with her colonies, while thus fettered and restricted, 
 came necessarily to be conducted with the same spirit, and upon the same 
 principles as that of an exclusive company. Being confined to a single 
 port, it was of course thrown into a few hands, and almost the whole of it 
 was gradually engrossed by a small number of wealthy houses, formerly 
 in Seville, and now in Cadiz. These by combinations, which they can 
 easily form, may altogether prevent that competition which preserves 
 commodities at their natural price ; and by acting in concert, to which 
 they are prompted by their mutual interest*, they may raise or lower the 
 value of them at pleasure. In consequence of this, the price of European 
 goods in America is always high, and often exorbitant. A hundred, two 
 hundred, and even three hundred per cent., are profits not uncommon in 
 
AMERICA. 373 
 
 the commerce of Spain with her colonies.* From the same engrossing 
 spirit it frequently happens that traders of the second order, whose ware- 
 houses do not contain a complete assortment of commodities for the Ameri- 
 can market, cannot purchase from the more opulent merchants such goods 
 as they want at a lower price than that for which they are sold in the 
 colonies. With the same vigilant jealousy that an exclusive company 
 guards against the intrusion of the free trader, those overgrown monopolists 
 endeavour to check the progress of every one whose encroachments they 
 dread. t This restraint of the American commerce to one port not only 
 aflects its domestic state, but limits its foreign operations. A monopolist may 
 acquire more, and certainly will hazard less, by a confined trade which 
 yields exorbitant profit, than by an extensive commerce in which he receives 
 only a moderate return of gain. It is often his interest not to enlarge, but 
 to circumscribe the sphere of his activity ; and instead of calling forth 
 more vigorous exertions of commercial industry, it may be the object of 
 his attention to check and set bounds to them. By some such maxim the 
 mercantile policy of Spain seems to have regulated its intercourse with 
 America. Instead of furnishing the colonies with European goods in such 
 quantity as might render both the price and the profit moderate, the mer- 
 chants of Seville and Cadiz seem to have supplied them with a sparing 
 hand, that the eagerness of competition, among customers obliged to pur- 
 chase in a scanty market, might enable the Spanish factors to dispose of 
 their cargoes with exorbitant gain. About the middle of the last century, 
 when the exclusive trade to America from Seville was in its most flourishing 
 state, the burden of the two united squadrons of the Galeons and Flota did 
 not exceed twenty-seven thousand five hundred tons.J The supply which 
 such a fleet could carry must have been very inadequate to the demands 
 of those populous and extensive colonies, which depended upon it for all 
 the luxuries and many of the necessaries of life. 
 
 Spain early became sensible of her declension from her former pros- 
 perity ; and many respectable and virtuous citizens employed their thoughts 
 in devising methods for reviving the decaying industry and commerce of 
 their country. From the violence of the remedies proposed, we may 
 judge how desperate and fatal the malady appeared. Some, confounding 
 a violation of police with criminality against the state, contended that, in 
 order to check illicit commerce, every person convicted of carrying it on 
 should be punished with death, and confiscation of all his effects.^ Others, 
 forgetting the distinction between civil offences and acts of impiety, insisted 
 that contraband trade should be ranked among the crimes reserved for the 
 cognisance of the Inquisition ; that such as were guilty of it might be 
 tried and punished according to the secret and summary form in which 
 that dreadful tribunal exercises its jurisdiction.!! Others, uninstructed by 
 observing the pernicious effects of monopolies in every country where they 
 have been established, have proposed to vest the trade with America in 
 exclusive companies, which interest would render the.most vigilant guardians 
 of the Spanish commerce against the encroachment of the interlopers. 1T 
 
 Besides these wild projects, many schemes, better digested and more 
 beneficial, were suggested. But under the feeble monarchs with whom 
 the reign of the Austrian line in Spain closed, incapacity and indecision 
 are conspicuous in every department of government. Instead of taking 
 for their model the active administration of Charles V., they affected to 
 imitate the cautious procrastinating wisdom of Philip II. 3 and destitute of 
 his talents, they deliberated perpetually, but determined nothing. No 
 remedy was applied to the evils under which the national commerce, 
 
 *-B. Ulloa Ketabliss. part ii. p. 191. t Smith's Inquiry, ii. 171. Campomanes, Educ. Popul. 
 I. 43. t Ibid. i. 435. ii. 140. $ M. de Santa Cruz Commercia Suelto, p. 142. || Moncada 
 Restauracion politica de Espagna, p. 41. Ii Zavalla y Augnon Representacion, &c. p. 190 
 
374 HISTORY OF [BOOK VIIT. 
 
 domestic as well as foreign, languished. These evils continued to increase 
 and Spain, with dominions more extensive and more opulent than any 
 European state, possessed neither vigour, nor money [189], nor industry. At 
 length, the violence of a great national convulsion roused the slumbering 
 genius of Spain. The efforts of the two contending parties in the civil 
 war kindled by the dispute concerning the succession of the crown at the 
 beginning of this century, called forth, in isome degree, the ancient spirit 
 and vigour of the nation. While men were thus forming, capable of 
 adopting sentiments more liberal than those which had influenced the 
 councils of the monarchy during the course of a century, Spain derived 
 from an unexpected source the means of availing itself of their talents. 
 The various powers who favoured the pretensions either of the Austrian 
 or Bourbon candidate for the Spanish throne, sent formidable fleets and 
 armies to their support ; France, England, and Holland remitted immense 
 sums to Spain. These were spent in the provinces which became the 
 theatre of war. Part of the American treasure, of which foreigners had 
 drained the kingdom, flowed back thither. From this era one of the most 
 intelligent Spanish authors dates the revival of the monarchy ; and, how- 
 ever humiliating the truth may be, he acknowledges, that it is to her 
 enemies his country is indebted for the acquisition of a fund of circulating 
 specie in some measure adequate to the exigencies of the public.* 
 
 As soon as the Bourbons obtained quiet possession of the throne, they 
 discerned this change in the spirit of the people and in the state of the 
 nation, and took advantage of it ; for although that family has not given 
 monarchs to Spain remarkable for superiority of genius, they have all been 
 beneficent princes, attentive to the happiness of their subjects, and solicit- 
 ous to promote it. It was, accordingly, the first object of Philip V. to 
 suppress an innovation which had crept in during the course of the war, 
 and had overturned the whole system of the Spanish commerce with 
 America. The English and Dutch, by their superiority in naval power, 
 having acquired such command of the sea as to cut off all intercourse be- 
 tween Spain and her colonies, Spain, in order to furnish her subjects in 
 America those necessaries of life without which they could not exist, and 
 as the only means of receiving from thence any part of their treasure, de- 
 parted so far from the usual rigour of its maxims as to open the trade with 
 Peru to her allies the French. The merchants of St. Malo, to whom 
 Louis XIV. granted the privilege of this lucrative commerce, engaged in 
 it with vigour, and carried it on upon principles very different from those 
 of the Spaniards. They supplied Peru with European commodities at a 
 moderate price, and not in stinted quantity. The goods which they im- 
 ported were conveyed to every province ot Spanish America in such abun- 
 dance as had never been known in any former period. If this intercourse 
 had been continued, the exppftation of European commodities from Spain 
 must have ceased, and the dependence of the colonies on the mother coun- 
 try have been at an end. The most peremptory injunctions were therefore 
 issued [1713], prohibiting the admission of foreign vessels into any port of 
 Peru or Chifi,t and a Spanish squadron was employed to clear the South 
 Sea of intruders, whose aid was no longer necessary. 
 
 But though, on the cessation of the war which was terminated by the 
 treaty of Utrecht, Spain obtained relief from one encroachment on her 
 commercial system, she was exposed to another which she deemed hardly 
 less pernicious. As an inducement that might prevail with Queen Anne 
 to conclude a peace, which France and Spain desired with equal ardour, 
 Philip V. not only conveyed to Great Britain the Assiento, or contract foi 
 supplying the Spanish colonies with Negroes, which had formerly been 
 
 * Campomanes, i. 420, t F/ezier Voy. 258.. B. Ulloa Retab. ji. 104, &c. Alcedo y Herrera, 
 Aviao, &c, 236. 
 
AMERICA. 375 
 
 enjoyed by France, but granted it the more extraordinary privilege of 
 sending annually to the fair of Porto Bello a ship of five hundred tons, 
 laden with European commodities. In consequence of this, British facto- 
 ries were established at Carthagena, Panama, Vera Cruz, Buenos Ayres, 
 and other Spanish settlements. The veil with which Spain had hitherto 
 covered the state and transactions of her colonies was removed. The 
 agents of a rival nation, residing in the towns of most extensive trade, and 
 of chief resort, had the best opportunities of becoming acquainted, with 
 the interior condition of the American provinces, of observing their stated 
 and occasional wants, and of knowing what commodities might be imported 
 into them with the greatest advantage. In consequence of information 
 so authentic and expeditious, the merchants of Jamaica and other English 
 colonies who traded to the Spanish main were enabled to assort and pro- 
 portion their cargoes so exactly to the demands of the market, that the 
 contraband commerce was carried on with a facility and to an extent un- 
 known in any former period. This, however, was not the most fatal con- 
 sequence of the Assiento to the trade of Spain. The agents of the British 
 South Sea Company, under cover of the importation which they were au- 
 thorized to make by the ship sent annually to Porto Belle, poured in their 
 commodities on the Spanish continent without limitation or restraint. In- 
 stead of a ship of five hundred tons, as stipulated in the treaty, they usually 
 employed one which exceeded nine hundred tons in burthen. She was 
 accompanied by two or three smaller vessels, which, mooring in some neigh- 
 bouring creek, supplied her clandestinely with fresh bales of goods to 
 replace such as were sold. The inspectors of the fair, and officers of the 
 revenue, gained by exorbitant presents, connived at the fraud [190]. Thus, 
 partly by the operations of the company, and partly by the activity of 
 private interlopers, almost the whole trade of Spanish America was engross- 
 ed by foreigners. The immense commerce of the Galeons, formerly the 
 pride of Spain, and the envy of other nations, sunk to nothing [1737] ; and 
 the squadron itself, reduced from fifteen thousand to two thousand tons,* 
 served hardly any purpose but to fetch home the royal revenue arising 
 from the fifth on silver. 
 
 While Spain observed those encroachments, and felt so sensibly their 
 pernicious effects, it was impossible not to make some effort to restrain 
 them. Her first expedient was to station ships of force, under the appel- 
 lation of guarda costas, upon the coasts of those provinces to which inter- 
 lopers most frequently resorted. As private interest concurred with the 
 duty which they owed to the public, in rendering the officers who com- 
 manded those vessels vigilant and active, some check was given to the 
 progress of the contraband trade, though in dominions so extensive and so 
 accessible by sea, hardly any number of cruisers was sufficient to guard 
 against its inroads in every quarter. This interruption of an intercourse 
 which had been carried on with so much facility, that the merchants in the 
 British colonies were accustomed to consider it almost as an allowed branch 
 of commerce, excited murmurs and complaints. These, authorized in 
 some measure, and rendered more interesting by several unjustifiable acts 
 of violence committed by the captains of the Spanish guarda costas, pre- 
 cipitated Great Britain into a war with Spain [1739J ; in consequence of 
 which the latter obtained a final release from the Assiento, and was left at 
 liberty to regulate the commerce of her colonies without being restrained 
 by any engagement with a foreign power. 
 
 As the formidable encroachments of the English orj their American 
 trade, had discovered to the Spaniards the vast consumption of European 
 goods in their colonies, and taught them the advantage of accommodating 
 their importations to the occasional demand of the various provinces, they 
 
 * Alcedo y Herreia, p. 359. Campomanes, i. 436 
 
376 HISTORY OF [BOOK VIII. 
 
 perceived the necessity of devising some method of supplying their colo- 
 nies, different from their ancient one of sending thither periodical fleets. 
 That mode of communication had been found not only to be uncertain, as 
 the departure of the Galeons and Flota was sometimes retarded by various 
 accidents, and often prevented by the wars which raged in Europe ; but 
 long experience had shown it to be ill adapted to afiord America a regu- 
 lar and timely supply of what it wanted. The scarcity of European 
 goods in the Spanish ^settlements frequently became excessive ; their price 
 rose to an enormous height ; the vigilant eye of mercantile attention did 
 not fail to observe this favourable opportunity ; an ample supply was poured 
 in by interlopers from the English, the French, and Dutch islands ; and 
 when the Galeons at length arrived, they found the markets so glutted by 
 this illicit commerce, that there was no demand for the commodities with 
 which they were loaded. In order to remedy this, Spain has permitted a 
 considerable part of her commerce with America to be carried on by regis- 
 ter ships. These are fitted out during; the intervals between the stated 
 seasons when the Galeons and Flota sail, by merchants in Seville or Cadiz, 
 upon obtaining a license from the council of the Indies, for which they pay 
 a very high premium, and are destined for those ports in America where 
 any extraordinary demand is foreseen or expected. By this expedient, 
 such a regular supply of the commodities for which there is the greatest 
 demand is conveyed, to the American market, that the interloper is no 
 longer allured by the same prospect of excessive gain, or the people in the 
 colonies urged by the same necessity to engage in the hazardous adventures 
 of contraband trade. 
 
 In proportion as experience manifested the advantages of carrying on 
 trade in this mode, the number of register ships increased ; and at length, 
 in the year 1748, the Galeons, after having been employed upwards of 
 two centuries, were finally laid aside. From that period there has been 
 no intercourse with Chili and Peru but by single ships, despatched from 
 time to time as occasion requires, and when the merchants expect a profit- 
 able market will open, i These ships sail round Cape Horn, and convey 
 directly to the ports in the South Sea the productions and. manufactures of 
 Europe, for which the people settled in those countries were formerly 
 obliged to repair to Porto Bello or Panama. These towns, as has been 
 formerly observed, must gradually decline, when deprived of that com- 
 merce to which they owed their prosperity. This disadvantage, however, 
 is more than compensated by the beneficial effects of. this new arrange- 
 ment, as the whole continent of South America receives new supplies of 
 European commodities with so much regularity, and in such abundance, as 
 must not only contribute greatly to the happiness, but increase 'the popu- 
 lation of all -the colonies settled there. But as all the register ships destined 
 for the South Seas must still take their departure from Cadiz, and are 
 obliged to return thither,* this branch of the American commerce, even in 
 its new and improved form, continues subject to the restraints of a species 
 of monopoly, and feels those pernicious effects of it which I have already 
 described. 
 
 Nor has the attention of Spain been confined to regulating 1 the trade 
 with its more flourishing colonies ; it has extended likewise to the reviving 
 commerce in those settlements where it was neglected, or had decayed. 
 Among the new tastes which the people of Europe have acquired in con- 
 sequence of importing the productions of those countries which they 
 conquered in America, that for chocolate is one of the most universal. 
 The use of this liquor, made with a paste formed of the nut or almond 
 of the cacao tree compounded with various ingredients, the Spaniards first 
 learned from the Mexicans ; and it has appeared to them, and to the other 
 
 * Campomanes, i 43-f, 440 
 
AMERICA. 377 
 
 European nations, so palatable, so nourishing, and so wholesome, that it 
 has become a commercial article of considerable importance. The cacao 
 tree grows spontaneously in several parts of the torrid zone ; but the nuts 
 of the best quality, next to those of Guatimala on the South sea, are pro- 
 duced in the rich plains of Caraccas, a province of Tierra Firme. In 
 consequence of this acknowledged superiority in the quality of cacao in 
 that province, and its communication with the Atlantic, which facilitates 
 the conveyance to Europe, the culture of the cacao there is more extensive 
 than in any district of America. But the Dutch, by the vicinity of their 
 settlements in the small islands of Curazoa and Buenos Ayres, to the coast 
 of Caraccas, gradually engrossed the greatest part of the cacao trade. 
 The traffic with the mother country for this valuable commodity ceased 
 almost entirely ; and such was the supine negligence of the Spaniards, or 
 the defects of their commercial arrangements, that they were obliged to 
 receive from the hands of foreigners this production of their own colonies 
 at an exorbitant price. In order to remedy an evil no less disgraceful than 
 pernicious to his subjects, Philip V., in the year 1728, granted to a body 
 of merchants an exclusive right to the commerce with Caraccas and 
 Cumana, on condition of their employing, at their own expense, a sufficient 
 number of armed vessels to clear the coast of interlopers. This society, 
 distinguished sometimes by the name of the Company of Guipuscoa, from 
 the province of Spain in which it is established, and sometimes by that of 
 the Company of Caraccas, from the district of America to which it trades, 
 has carried on its operations with such vigour and success, that Spain has 
 recovered an important branch of commerce which she had suffered to be 
 wrested from her, and is plentifully supplied with an article of extensive 
 consumption at a moderate price. Not only the parent state, but .the colony 
 of Caraccas, has derived great advantages from this institution ; for 
 although, at the first aspect, it may appear to be one of those monopolies 
 whose tendency is to check the spirit of industry instead of calling it forth 
 to new exertions, it has been prevented from operating in this manner by 
 several salutary regulations framed upon foresight of such bad effects, and 
 on purpose to obviate them. The planters in the Caraccas are not left to 
 depend entirely on the company, either for the importation of European 
 commodities or the sale of their own productions. The inhabitants of the 
 Canary islands have the privilege of sending thither annually a register 
 ship of considerable burden ; and from Vera Cruz, in New Spain, a free 
 trade is permitted in every port comprehended in the charter of the 
 company. In consequence of this, there is such a competition, that both 
 with respect to what the colonies purchase and what they sell, the price 
 seems to be fixed at its natural and equitable rate. The company has not 
 the power of raising the former, or of degrading the latter, at pleasure ; 
 and accordingly, since it was established, the increase of culture, of popu- 
 lation, and of live stock, in the province of Caraccas, has been very consi- 
 derable [191]. 
 
 But as it is slowly that nations relinquish any system which time has 
 rendered venerable, and as it is still more slowly that commerce can be 
 diverted from the channel in which it has long been accustomed to flow, 
 Philip V., in his new regulations concerning the American tirade, paid such 
 deference to the ancient maxim of Spain, concerning the limitation of 
 importation from the New World to one harbour, as to oblige both the 
 register ships which returned from Peru, and those of the Guipuscoan 
 Company from Caraccas, to deliver their cargoes in the port of Cadiz. 
 Since his jeign, sentiments more liberal and enlarged begin to spread in 
 Spain. The spirit of philosophical inquiry, which it is the glory of the 
 present age to have turned from frivolous or abstruse speculations to the 
 business and affairs of men, has extended its influence beyond the ^Pyre- 
 nees. In the researches of ingenious authors concerning the police or 
 
 VOL. I.-48 18 
 
378 HISTORY OF [BOOK VIII. 
 
 commerce of nations, the errors and defects of the Spanish system with 
 respect to both met every eye, and have not only been exposed with seve- 
 rity, but are held up as a warning to other states. The Spaniards, stung 
 with the reproaches of these authors, or convinced by their arguments, 
 and admonished by several enlightened writers of their own country, seem 
 at length to have discovered the destructive tendency of those narrow 
 maxims, which, by cramping commerce in all its operations, have so long 
 retarded its progress. It is to the monarch now on the throne that Spain is 
 indebted for the first public regulation formed in consequence of such 
 enlarged ideas. 
 
 While Spain adhered with rigour to her ancient maxim concerning her 
 commerce with America, she was so much afraid of opening any channel 
 by which an illicit trade might find admission into the colonies, that she 
 
 almost shut herself out from any intercourse with them but that which was 
 
 carried on by her annual fleets. There was no establishment, for a regular 
 communication of either public or private intelligence, between the mother 
 country and its American settlements. From the want of this necessary 
 institution, the operations of the state, as well as the business of individuals, 
 were retarded, or conducted unskilfully, and Spain often received from 
 foreigners he,r first information with respect to very interesting events in 
 her own colonies. But though this defect in police was sensibly felt, and 
 the remedy for it was obvious, that jealous spirit with which the Spanish 
 monarchs guarded the exclusive trade, restrained them from Applying it. 
 At length Charles II I., surmounted those considerations which had deterred 
 his predecessors, and in the year 1764 appointed packet boats to be 
 despatched on the first day of each month from Corugna to the Havanna 
 or Porto Rico. From thence letters are conveyed in smaller vessels to 
 Vera Cruz and Porto Bello, and transmitted by post through the kingdoms 
 of Tierra Firme, Granada, Peru, and New Spain. With no less regularity 
 packet boats sail once in two months to Rio de la Plata, for the accommo- 
 dation of the provinces to the east of the Andes. Thus provision is made 
 for a speedy and certain circulation of intelligence throughout the vast 
 dominions of Spain, from which equal advantages must redound to the 
 political and mercantile interest of the kingdom.* With this new ar- 
 rangement a scheme of extending commerce has been more immediately 
 connected. Each of the packet boats, which are vessels of some consi- 
 derable burden, is allowed to take in half a loading of such commodities 
 as are the product of Spain, and most in demand in the ports whither they 
 are bound. In return for these, they may bring home to Corugna an equal 
 quantity of American productions.! This may be considered as the first 
 relaxation of those rigid laws, which confined the trade with the New 
 World to a single port, and the first attempt to admit the rest of the kingdom 
 to some share in it. 
 
 It was soon followed by one more decisive. In the year 1765, Charles 
 III. laid open the trade to the windwarcf islands, Cuba, Hispaniola, Porto 
 Rico, Margarita, and Trinidad, to his subjects in every province of Spain. 
 He permitted them to sail from certain ports in each province, which are 
 specified in the edict, at any season, and with whatever cargo they deemed 
 most proper, without any other warrant than a simple clearance from the 
 custom-house of the place whence they took their departure. He released 
 them from the numerous and oppressive duties imposed on goods exported 
 to America, and in place of the whole substituted a moderate tax of six 
 in the hundred on the commodities sent from Spain. He allowed them to 
 return either to the same port, or to any other where they might hope for a 
 more advantageous market, and there to enter the homeward cargo or 
 payment of the usual duties. This ample privilege, which at once brok 
 
 * Pontz Viage de Espagna, vi. Prol. p. 15 t Append, ii. a la Educ. Pop. p. 31. 
 
AMERICA 379 
 
 through all the fences which the jealous policy of Spain had been labouring 
 for two centuries and a half to throw round its commercial intercourse 
 with the New World, was soon after extended to Louisiana, and to the 
 provinces of Yucatan and Campeachy.* 
 
 The propriety of this innovation, which may be considered as the most 
 liberal effort of Spanish legislation, has appeared from its effects. Prior 
 to the edict in favour of the free trade, Spain derived hardly any benefit 
 from its neglected colonies in Hispanipla, Porto Rico, Margarita, and Trini- 
 dad. Its commerce with Cuba was inconsiderable, and that of Yucatan 
 and Campeachy was engrossed almost entirely by interlopers. But as soon 
 as a general liberty of trade was permitted, the intercourse with those pro- 
 vinces revived, and has gone on with a rapidity of progression of which 
 there are few examples in the history of nations. In less than ten years, 
 the trade of Cuba has been more than tripled. Even in those settlements 
 where, from the languishing state of industry, greater efforts were requisite 
 to restore its activity, their commerce has been doubled. It is computed 
 that such a number of ships is already employed in the free trade, that the 
 tonnage of them far exceeds that of the Galeons and Flota at the most 
 flourishing era of their commerce. The benefits of this arrangement are 
 not confined to a few merchants established in a favourite port. They are 
 diffused through every province of the kingdom ; and, by opening a new 
 market for their various productions and manufactures, must encourage 
 and add vivacity to the industry of the farmer and artificer. Nor does 
 the kingdom profit only by what it exports ; it derives advantage likewise 
 from what it receives in return, and has the prospect of being soon able to 
 supply itself with several commodities of extensive consumption, for which 
 it formerly depended on foreigners. The consumption of sugar in Spain 
 is perhaps as great, in proportion to the number ot its inhabitants, as that 
 of any European kingdom. But though possessed of countries in the 
 New World whose soil and climate are most proper for rearing the sugar- 
 cane ; though the domestic culture of that valuable plant in the kingdom of 
 Granada was once considerable ; such has been the fatal tendency of ill 
 judged institutions in America, and such the pressure of improper taxes in 
 Europe, that Spain has lost almost entirely this branch of industry, which 
 has enriched other nations. This commodity, which has now become an 
 article of primary necessity in Europe, the Spaniards were obliged to pur* 
 chase of foreigners, and had the mortification to see their country drained 
 annually of .great sums on that account.! But, if that spirit which the per- 
 mission of free trade has put in motion shall persevere in its efforts with the 
 same vigour, the cultivation of sugar in Cuba and Porto Rico >may increase 
 so much, that in a few years it is probable that their growth of sugars may 
 be equal to the demand of the kingdom. 
 
 Spain has been induced, by her experience of the beneficial conse- 
 quences resulting from having relaxed somewhat of the rigour of her ancient 
 laws, with respect to the commerce of the mother country with the colo- 
 nies, to permit a more liberal intercourse of one colony with another. By 
 one of the jealous maxims of the old system, all the provinces situated on 
 the South seas were prohibited, under the most severe penalties, from 
 holding any communication with one another. Though each of these yields 
 peculiar productions, the reciprocal exchange of which might have added 
 to the happiness of their respective inhabitants, or have facilitated their 
 progress in industry, so solicitous was the Council of the Indies to prevent 
 their receiving any supply of their wants but by the periodical fleets from 
 Europe, that, in order to guard against this, it cruelly debarred the Span- 
 iards in Peru, in the southern provinces of New Spain, in Guatimala, and 
 the new kingdom of Granada, from such a correspondence with their fellow 
 
 * Append, ii. a la Educ. Pop. 37. 54. 91. f Jztariz, c. 94. 
 
380 HISTORY OF [BOOK VIII. 
 
 subjects as tended manifestly to their mutual prosperity. Of all the nume- 
 rous restrictions devised by Spain for securing the exclusive trade with her 
 American settlements, none perhaps was more illiberal, none seems to 
 have been more sensibly felt, or to have produced more hurtful effects. 
 This grievance, coeval with the settlements of Spain in the countries situ- 
 ated on the Pacific Ocean, is at last redressed. In the year 1774, Charles 
 III. published an edict, granting to the four great provinces which I have 
 mentioned the privilege of a free trade with each other.* [192] What 
 may be the effects of opening this communication between countries des- 
 tined by their situation for reciprocal intercourse, cannot yet be determined 
 by experience. They can hardly fail of being beneficial and extensive. 
 The motives for granting this permission are manifestly no less laudable 
 than the principle on which it is founded is liberal ; and both discover the 
 progress of a spirit in Spain, far elevated above the narrow prejudices and 
 maxims on which her system for regulating the trade and conducting the 
 government of her colonies was originally founded. 
 
 At the same time that Spain has been intent on introducing regulations, 
 suggested by more enlarged views of policy, into her system of American 
 commerce, she has not been inattentive to the interior government of her 
 colonies. Here, too, there was much room for reformation and improve- 
 ment ; and Don Joseph Galvez, who has now the direction of the depart- 
 ment of Indian affairs in Spain, has enjoyed the best opportunities, not only 
 of observing the defects and corruption in the political frame of the colo- 
 nies, but of discovering the sources of those evils. After being employed 
 seven years in the New World on an extraordinary mission, and with very- 
 extensive powers, as inspector-general of New Spain ; after visiting in per- 
 son the remote provinces of Cinaloa, Sonora, and California, and making 
 several important alterations in the state of the police and revenue ; he 
 began his ministry with a general reformation of the tribunals of justice in 
 America. In consequence of the progress of population and wealth in the 
 colonies, the business of the Courts of Audience has increased so much 
 that the number of judges of which they were originally composed has 
 been found inadequate to the growing labours and duties of the office, and 
 the salaries settled upon them have been deemed inferior to the dignity of 
 the station. As a remedy for both, he obtained a royal edict, establishing 
 an additional number of judges in each Court of Audience, with higher 
 titles, and more ample appointments.! 
 
 To the same intelligent minister Spain is indebted for a new distribution 
 of government in its American provinces. Even since the establishment ot 
 a third viceroyalty in the new Kingdom of Granada, so great is the extent 
 of the Spanish dominions in the New World, that several places subject to 
 the jurisdiction of each viceroy were at such an enormous distance from 
 the capitals in which they resided, that neither their attention nor their 
 authority could reach so tar. Some provinces subordinate to the viceroy 
 of New Spain lay above two thousand miles from Mexico. There were 
 countries subject to the viceroy of Peru still further from Lima. The 
 people in those remote districts could hardly be said to enjoy the benefit 
 .of civil government. The oppression and insolence of its interior ministers 
 they often feel, and rather suomit to these in silence than involve them- 
 selves in the expense and trouble of resorting to the distant capital, where 
 alone they can find redress. As a remedy for this, a fourth viceroyalty 
 has been erected, [Aug. 1776] to the jurisdiction of which are subjected 
 the provinces of Rio de la Plata, Buenos Ayres, Paraguay, Tucuman, 
 Potosi, St. Cruz de la Sierra Charcas, and the towns of Mendoza and St. 
 Juan. By this well judged arrangement two advantages are gained. All 
 
 * Real Cedula penes me. Pontz Viage de Espagna vi. Prclogo, p. 2. f Gazeta de Madrid 
 19th March, 177 
 
.AMERICA. 381 
 
 the inconveniences occasioned by the remote situation of those provinces, 
 which had been long felt, and long complained of, are in a great measure 
 removed. The countries most distant from Lima are separated from the 
 viceroyalty of Peru, and united under a superior, whose seat of govern- 
 ment at Buenos Ayres will be commodious and accessible. The contraband 
 trade with the Portuguese, which was become so extensive as must have 
 put a final stop to the exportation of commodities from Spain to her 
 southern colonies, may be checked more thoroughly, and with greater 
 facility, when the supreme magistrate, by his vicinity to the places in 
 which it is carried on, can view its progress and effects with his own eyes. 
 Don Pedro Zevallos, who has been raised to this new dignity, with 
 appointments equal to those of the other viceroys, is well acquainted both 
 with the state and the interests of the countries over which he is to preside, 
 having served in them long, and with distinction. By this dismemberment, 
 succeeding that, which took place at the erection of the viceroyalty of the 
 new kingdom of Granada, almost two-third parts of the territories ori- 
 ginally subject to the viceroys of Peru, are now lopped off from their 
 jurisdiction. 
 
 The limits of the viceroyalty of New Spain have likewise been conside- 
 rably circumscribed, and with no less propriety and discernment. Four of 
 its most remote provinces, Sonora, Cinaloa, California, and New Navarre, 
 have been formed into a separate government. The Chevalier de Crpix, 
 who is intrusted with this command, is not dignified with the title of vice- 
 roy, nor does he enjoy the appointments belonging to that rank; but his 
 jurisdiction is altogether independent on the viceroyalty of New Spain. 
 The erection of this last government seems to have been suggested not only 
 by the consideration of the remote situation of those provinces from Mexico, 
 but by attention to the late discoveries made there which I have men- 
 tioned.* Countries containing the richest mines of gold that have hitherto 
 been discovered in the New World, and which probably may rise into 
 greater importance, required the immediate inspection of a governor to 
 whom they should be specially committed. As every consideration of 
 duty, of interest, and of vanity, must concur in prompting those new 
 governors to encourage such exertions as tend to diffuse opulence and pros- 
 perity through the provinces committed to their charge, the beneficial 
 effects of this arrangement may be considerable. Many districts in Ame- 
 rica, long depressed by the languor and feebleness natural to provinces 
 which compose the extremities of an overgrown empire, may be animated 
 with vigour and activity when brought so near the. seat of power as to feel 
 its invigorating influence. 
 
 Such, since the accession of the princes of the house of Bourbon to the 
 throne of Spain, has been the progress of their regulations, arid the gradual 
 expansion of their views with respect to the commerce and government of 
 their American colonies. Nor has their attention been so entirely engrossed 
 by what related to the more remote parts of their dominions, as tcTrender 
 them neglectful of what was still more important, the reformation of domes- 
 tic errors and defects in policy. Fully sensible of the causes to which the 
 declension of Spain from her former prosperity ought to be imputed, they 
 have made it a great object of their policy to revive a spirit of industry 
 among their subjects, and to give such extent and perfection to their manu- 
 factures as may enable them to supply the demands of America from their 
 own stock, and to exclude foreigners from a branch of commerce which has 
 been so fatal to the kingdom. This they have endeavoured to accomplish 
 by a variety of edicts issued since the peace of Utrecht. They have 
 granted bounties for the encouragement of some branches of industry ; they 
 have lowered the taxes on others ; they have either entirely prohibited, or 
 
382 HISTORY OF [BOOK VIII. 
 
 have loaded with additional duties, such foreign manufactures as come in 
 competition with their own ; they have instituted societies for the improve- 
 ment of trade and agriculture ; they have planted colonies of husbandmen 
 in some uncultivated districts of Spain, and divided among them the waste 
 fields ; they have had recourse to every expedient devised by commercial 
 wisdom or commercial jealousy, for reviving their own industry, and dis- 
 countenancing 4hat of other nations. These, however, it is not my pro- 
 vince to explain, or to inquire into their propriety and effects. There is 
 no effort of legislation more arduous, no experiment in policy more uncer- 
 tain than an attempt to revive the spirit of industry where it has declined, 
 or to introduce it where it is unknown. Nations, already possessed of 
 extensive commerce, enter into competition with such advantages, derived 
 from the large capitals and extensive credit of their merchants, the dexterity 
 of their manufacturers, and the alertness acquired by habit in every depart- 
 ment of business, that the state which aims at rivalling or supplanting them, 
 must expect to struggle with many difficulties, and l>e content to advance 
 slowly. If the quantity of productive industry, now in Spain, be compared 
 with that of the kingdom under the last listless moriarchs of the Austrian 
 line, its progress must appear considerable, and is sufficient to alarm the 
 jealousy, and to call forth the most vigorous efforts of the nations now in 
 possession of the lucrative trade which the Spaniards aim at wresting from 
 them. One circumstance may render those exertions of &pain an object 
 of more serious attention to the other European powers. They are not to 
 be ascribed wholly to the influence of the crown and its ministers. The 
 sentiments and spirit of the people seem to second the provident care of 
 their monarchs, and to give it greater effect. The nation has adopted more 
 liberal ideas, not only with respect to commerce, but domestic policy. In 
 all the later Spanish writers, defects in the arrangement of their country 
 concerning both are acknowledged, and remedies proposed, which ignorance 
 rendered their ancestors incapable of discerning, and pride would not have 
 allowed them to confess [193]. But after all that the Spaniards have 
 done, much remains to do. Many pernicious institutions and abuses, deeply 
 incorporated with the system of internal policy and taxation, which has 
 been long established in Spain, must be abolished before industry and 
 manufactures can recover an extensive activity. 
 
 Still, however, the commercial regulations of Spain with respect to her 
 colonies are too rigid and systematical to be carried into complete execu- 
 tion. The legislature that loads trade with impositions too heavy, or fet- 
 ters it by restrictions too severe, defeats its own intention, and is only mul- 
 tiplying the inducements to violate its statutes, and proposing a high pre- 
 mium to encourage illicit traffic. The Spaniards, both in Europe and 
 America, being circumscribed in their mutual intercourse, by the jealousy 
 of the crown, or oppressed by its exactions, have their invention continually 
 on the stretch how to elude its edicts. The vigilance and ingenuity of 
 private interest discover means of effecting this, which public wisdom can- 
 not foresee nor public authority prevent. This spirit, counteracting that 
 of the laws, pervades the commerce of Spain with America in all its 
 branches ; and from the highest departments in government descends to 
 the lowest. The very officers appointed to check contraband trade are 
 often employed as instruments in carrying it on ; and the boards instituted 
 to restrain and punish it are the channels through which it flows. The 
 King is supposed, by the most intelligent Spanish writers, to be defrauded, 
 by various artifices, of more than one half of the revenue which he ought 
 to receive from America ;* and as long 1 as it is the interest of so many 
 persons to screen those artifices from detection, the knowledge of them 
 will never reach the throne. " How many ordinances," says Corita, " how 
 
 * Sotorz. de Ind. Jure, ii. lib. v,' 
 
AMERICA. 383 
 
 many instructions, how many letters from our sovereign, are sent in order 
 to correct abuses ! and how little are they observed, and what small ad- 
 vantage is derived from them ! To me the old observation appears just, 
 thai where there are many physicians and many medicines, there is a want 
 of health ; where there are many laws and many judges, there is want 
 of justice. We have viceroys, presidents, governors, oydors, corrigidors, 
 alcaldes ; and thousands of alguazils abound every where ; but notwith- 
 standing all these, public abuses continue to multiply."* Time has in- 
 creased the evils which he lamented as early as the reign of Philip II. 
 A spirit of corruption has infected all the colonies of Spain in America. 
 Men far removed from the seal of government ; impatient to acquire wealth, 
 that they may return speedily from what they are apt to consider as a state 
 of exile in a remote unhealthful country ; allured by opportunities too 
 tempting to be resisted, and seduced by me example of those around them ; 
 find their sentiments of honour and of duty gradually relax. In private 
 life they give themselves up to a dissolute luxury, while in their public 
 conduct they become unmindful of what they owe to their sovereign and 
 to their country. 
 
 Before I close this account of the Spanish trade in America there remains 
 one detached but important branch of it to be mentioned. Soon after his 
 accession to the throne, Philip II. formed a scheme of planting; a colony in 
 the Philippine islands which had been neglected since the time of their 
 discovery ; and he accomplished it by means of an armament fitted out 
 from New Spainj [1564]. Manila, in the island of Luconia, was the sta- 
 tion chosen for the capital of this new establishment. From it an active 
 commercial intercourse began with the Chinese, and a considerable num- 
 ber of that industrious people, allured by the prospect of gain, settled in 
 the Philippine islands under the Spanish protection. They supplied the 
 colony so amply with all the valuable productions and manufactures of the 
 East as enabled it to open a trade with America, by a course of navigation 
 the longest from land to land on our globe. In the infancy of this trade, 
 it was carried on with Callao, on the coast of Peru ; but experience having 
 discovered the impropriety of fixing upon that as the port of communica- 
 tion with Manila, the staple of the commerce between the East and West 
 was removed from Callao to Acapulco, on the coast of New Spain. 
 
 After various arrangements it has been brought into a regular form. One 
 or two ships depart annually from Acapulco, which are permitted to carry 
 out silver to the amount of five hundred thousand pesos ;J but they have 
 hardly any thing else of value on board ; in return for which they bring 
 back spices, drugs, china, and japan wares, calicoes, chintz, muslins, silks, 
 and every precious article with which the benignity of the climate, or the 
 ingenuity of its people has enabled the East to supply the rest of the 
 world. For some time the merchants of Peru were admitted to partici- 
 pate in this traffic, and might send annually a ship to Acapulco, to wait 
 the arrival of the vessels from Manila, and receive a proportional share of 
 the commodities which they imported. At length the Peruvians were ex- 
 cluded from this trade by most rigorous edicts, arid all the commodities 
 from the East reserved solely for the consumption of New Spain. 
 
 In consequence of this indulgence, the inhabitants of that country enjoy 
 advantages unknown in the other Spanish colonies. The manufactures of 
 the East are not only more suited to a warm climate, and more showy 
 than those of Europe, but can be sold at a lower price ; while, at the same 
 time, the profits upon them are so considerable as to enrich ail those who 
 are employed either in bringing them from Manila or vending them in 
 New Spain. As the interest both of the buyer and seller concurred in 
 favouring this branch of commerce, it has continued to extend in spite of 
 
 * Mrf. penes me. f Torquem. i. lib. v. c. 14. J Kecop. lib. ix. e. 45. 1. 6. 
 

 384 HISTORY OF [BOOK VIII. 
 
 regulations concerted with the most anxious jealousy to circumscribe it. 
 Under cover of what the laws permit to be imported, great quantities of 
 India goods are poured into the markets of New Spain [194] ; and when 
 the Flota arrives at Vera Cruz from Europe, it often finds the wants of the 
 peoole already supplied by cheaper and more acceptable commodities. 
 
 There is not, in the commercial arrangements of Spain, any circum- 
 stance more inexplicable than the permission of this trade between New 
 Spain and the Philippines, or more repugnant to its fundamental maxim 
 ot holding the colonies in perpetual dependence on the mother country, by 
 prohibiting any commercial intercourse that might suggest to them the idea 
 of receiving a supply of their wants from any other quarter. This per- 
 mission must appear still more extraordinary, from considering that Spain 
 herself carries on no direct trade with her settlements in the Philippines, 
 and grants a privilege to one of her American colonies which she denies to 
 her subjects in Europe. It is probable that the colonists, who originally 
 took possession of the Philippines, having been sent out from New Spain, 
 began this intercourse with a country which they considered, in some 
 measure, as their parent state, before the court of Madrid was aware of 
 its consequences, or could establish regulations in order to prevent it. 
 Many remonstrances have been presented against this trade, as detrimental 
 to Spain, by diverting into another channel a large portion of that trea- 
 sure which ought to flow into the kingdom, as tending to give rise to a 
 spirit of independence in the colonies, and to encourage innumerable 
 frauds, against which it is impossible to guard, in transactions so far re- 
 moved from the inspection of government. But as it requires no slight 
 effort of political wisdom and vigour to abolish any practice which num- 
 bers are interested in supporting, and to which time has added the sanc- 
 tion of its authority , the commerce between New Spain and Manila seems 
 to be as considerable as ever, and may be considered as one chief cause 
 of the elegance and splendour conspicuous in this part of the Spanish 
 dominions. 
 
 But notwithstanding this general conniption in the colonies of Spain, and 
 the diminution of the income belonging to the public, occasioned by the 
 illicit importations made by foreigners, as well as by the various frauds of 
 which the colonists themselves are guiltyin their commerce with the parent 
 state, the Spanish monarchs receive a very considerable revenue from their 
 American dominions. This arises from taxes of various kinds, which may 
 be divided into three capital branches. The first contains what is paid 
 to the King, as sovereign, or superior lord of the New World : to this class 
 belongs the duty on the gold and silver raised from the mines, and the 
 tribute exacted from the Indians ; the former is termed by the Spaniards 
 the right of signiory, the latter is the duty of vassalage. The second 
 branch comprehends the numerous duties upon commerce which accom- 
 pany and oppress it in every step of its progress, from the greatest transactions 
 of the wholesale merchant to the petty traffic of the vender by retail. The 
 third includes what accrues to the king, as head of the. church, and adminis- 
 trator of ecclesiastical funds in the New World. In consequence of this 
 he receives the first fruits, annates, spoils, and other spiritual revenues, 
 levied by the apostolic chamber in Europe ; and is entitled likewise to the 
 profit arising from the sale of the bull of Cruzado. This bull, which is 
 published every two years, contains an absolution from past offences by the 
 Pope, and, among other immunities, a permission to eat several kinds of 
 prohibited food during Lent, and on meagre days. The monks employed 
 in dispersing those bulls extol their virtues with all the fervour of interested 
 eloquence ; the people, ignorant and credulous, listen with implicit assent ; 
 and every person in the Spanish colonies, of European, Creolian, or mixed 
 race, purchases a bull, which is deemed essential to his salvation, at the 
 rate set upon it by government [195]. 
 
AMERICA. 385 
 
 What may be the amount of those various funds, it is almost impossible 
 to determine with precision. The extent of the Spanish dominions in 
 America, the jealousy of government, which renders them inaccessible to 
 foreigners, the mysterious silence which the Spaniards are accustomed 
 to observe with respect to the interior state of their colonies, combine in 
 covering this subject with a veil which it is not easy to remove. But an 
 account, apparently nd less accurate than it is curious, has lately been 
 published of the royal revenue in New Spain, from which we ma*y form 
 some idea with respect to what is collected in the other provinces. 
 According to that account the crown does not receive from all the depart- 
 ments of taxation in New Spain above a million of our money, from which 
 one half must be deducted as the expense of the provincial establish- 
 ment [196]. Peru, it is probable, yields a sum not inferior to this ; and if 
 we suppose that all the other regions oT America, including the islands, 
 furnish a third share of equal value, we shall not perhaps be far wide 
 from the truth if we conclude that the net public revenue of Spain, raised 
 in America, does not exceed a million and a half sterling. This falls far 
 short of the immense sums to which suppositions, founded upon conjecture, 
 have raised the Spanish revenue in America [197]. . It is remarkable, 
 however, upon one account. Spain and Portugal are the only European 
 powers who derive a direct revenue from their colonies. All the advan- 
 tage that accrues to other nations from their American dominions arise? 
 from the exclusive enjoyment of their trade : but besides this, Spain has 
 brought her colonies towards increasing the power of the state* and, in 
 return for protection, to bear a proportional share of the common burden. 
 
 Accordingly, the sum which I have computed to be the amount of the 
 Spanish revenue from America arises wholly from the taxes collected 
 there, and is far from being the whole of what accrues to the king from 
 his dominions in the New World. The heavy duties imposed on the com- 
 modities exported from Spain to America [198], as well as what is paid 
 by those which she sends home in return ; the tax upon the Negro slaves 
 with which Africa supplies the New World, together with several smaller 
 branches of finance, bring large sums into the treasury, the precise extent 
 of which 1 cannot pretend to ascertain. 
 
 But if the revenue which Spain draws from America be great, the 
 expense of administration in her colonies bears proportion to it. In every 
 department, even of her domestic police and finances, Spain has adopted 
 a system more complex, and more encumbered with a variety of tribunals 
 and a multitude of officers, than that of any European nation in which the 
 sovereign possesses such extensive power. From the jealous spirit with 
 which opain watches over her American settlements, and her endeavours 
 to guard against fraud in provinces so remote from inspection, boards 
 and officers have been multiplied there with still more anxious attention. 
 In a country where the expense of living is great, the salaries allotted to 
 every person in public office must be high, and must load the revenue with 
 an immense burden. The parade of government greatly- augments the 
 weight of it. The viceroys of Mexico, Peru, and the new kingdom of 
 Granada, as representatives of the king's person, among people fond of 
 ostentation, maintain all the state and dignity of royalty. Their courts 
 are formed upon the model of that at Madrid, with horse and foot guards, 
 a household regularly established, numerous attendants, and ensigns of 
 power, displaying such pomp as hardly retains the appearance of a dele- 
 gated authority. All the expense incurred by supporting the external and 
 permanent order of government is defrayed by the crown. .The viceroys 
 have, besides, peculiar appointments suited to their exalted station. The 
 salaries fixed by law are indeed extremely moderate ; that of the 
 viceroy of Peru is only thirty thousand ducats; and that of the viceroy- 
 
 VOL. I. 49 
 
386 HISTORY OF [BOOK VIII. 
 
 of Mexico twenty thousand ducats.* Of late they have been raised to forty 
 thousand. 
 
 These salaries, however, constitute but a small part of the revenue 
 enjoyed by the viceroys. The exercise of an absolute authority extending 
 to every department of government, and the power of disposing of many 
 lucrative offices, afford mem many opportunities of accumulating wealth. 
 To these, which may be considered as legal and* allowed .emoluments, 
 large sums are often added by exactions, which, -in countries so far removed 
 from the seat of government, it is not easy to discover, and impossible to 
 restrain. By monopolising some branches of commerce, by a lucrative 
 concern in others, by conniving at the frauds of merchants, a viceroy may 
 raise such an annual revenue as no subject of any European monarch 
 enjoys [199]. From the single article of presents made to him on the 
 anniversary of his Name-day (which is always observed as a high festival), 
 1 am informed that a viceroy has been known to receive sixty thousand 
 pesos. According to a Spanish saying, the legal revenues of a viceroy are 
 unknown, his real profits depend upon his opportunities and his conscience. 
 Sensible of this, the kingvS of Spain, as I have formerly observed, grant a 
 commission to their viceroys only for a few years. This circumstance, 
 however, renders them often more rapacious, and adds to the ingenuity and 
 ardour wherewith they labour to improve every moment of a power which 
 they know is hastening fast to a period ; and short as its duration is, it 
 usually affords sufficient time for repairing a shattered fortune, or for 
 creating a new one. But even in situations so trying to human frailty, there 
 are instances of virtue that remains unreduced. In the year 1772, the 
 Marquis de Croix finished the term of his viceroyalty in New Spain with 
 unsuspected integrity ; and, instead of bringing nome exorbitant wealth, 
 returned with the admiration and applause of a grateful people, whom his 
 government had rendered happy. 
 
 *R6cop.lib.iiLtit.Hi.c.78. 
 
THE 
 
 HISTORY OF AMERICA. 
 
 BOOKS IX. AND X. 
 
 CONTAINING THE 
 
 HISTORY OF VIRGINIA 
 
 TO THE YEAR 1688; 
 
 AND THE 
 
 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND 
 
 TO THE YEAR 1652 
 
ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 THE original plan of my father* the late Dr. Robertson, with respect to 
 the history of America, comprehended not only an account of the discovery 
 of that countiy, and of the conquests and colonies of the Spaniards, but 
 embraced also the history of the British and Portuguese establishments in 
 the New World, and of the settlements made by the several nations of 
 Europe in the West India Islands. It was his intention not to have pub- 
 lished any part of the Work until the whole was completed. In the 
 Preface to his History of America, he has stated the reasons which induced 
 him to depart from that resolution, and to publish the two volumes which 
 contain an account of the discovery of the New World, and of the progress 
 of the Spanish arms and colonies in that quarter of the globe. He says, 
 " he had made some progress in the History of British America ;" and he 
 announces his intention to return to that part of his Work as soon as the 
 ferment which at that. time prevailed in the British colonies in America 
 should subside, and regular government be re-established. Various causes 
 concurred in preventing him from fulfilling his intention. 
 
 During the course of a tedious illness, which, he early foresaw would 
 have a fatal termination, Dr. Robertson at different times' destroyed many 
 of his papers. But after his death, I found that part of the History of 
 British America which he had wrote many years before, and which is now 
 offered to the Public. It is written with his own hand, as all his Works 
 were ; it is as carefully corrected as any part of his manuscripts which 1 
 have ever seen; and he had thought it worthy of being preserved, as it 
 escaped the flames to which so many other papers had been committed. 
 I read it with the utmost attention; but, before I came to any resolution 
 about the publication, I put the MS. into the hands of some of those friends 
 whom my father used to consult on such occasions, as it would have been 
 rashness and presumption in me to have trusted to my own partial decision. 
 It was perused by some other persons also, in whose taste and judgment 
 I have the greatest confidence : by all of them I was encouraged to offer it 
 to the Public, as a fragment curious and interesting in itself, and not inferior 
 to any of my father's works. 
 
 When I determined to follow that advice, it was a circumstance of great 
 weight with me, that as I never could think myself at liberty to destroy 
 those papers which my father had thought worthy of being preserved, and 
 as I could not know into whose hands they might hereafter fall, I con- 
 sidered it as certain that they would be published at some future period, 
 when they might meet with an editor who, not being actuated by the same 
 sacred regard for the reputation of the Author, which I feel, might make 
 alterations and additions, and obtrude the whole on the public as a genuine 
 and authentic work. The MS. is now published, such as it was left by 
 the Author; nor have I presumed to make any addition, alteration, or cor- 
 rection whatever. 
 
 WM. ROBERTSON. 
 
 Q.UEEN-ST., EDINBURGH, April, 1796 
 
THE 
 
 HISTORY OF AMERICA 
 
 BOOK IX. 
 
 THE dominions of Great Britain in America are next in extent to those 
 of Spain. Its acquisitions there are a recompense due to those enterprising 
 talents which prompted the English to enter early on the career of discovery, 
 and to pursue it with persevering ardour. England was the second nation 
 that ventured to visit the New World. The account of Columbia's suc- 
 cessful voyage filled all Europe with astonishment and admiration. But 
 in England it did something more ; it excited a vehement desire of emula- 
 ting the glory of Spain, and of aiming to obtain some share in those advan- 
 tages which were expected in this new field opened to national activity. 
 The attention of the English court had been turned towards the discovery 
 of unknown countries by its negotiation with Bartholomew Columbus. 
 Henry VII. having listened to his propositions with a more favourable ear 
 than could have been expected from a cautious, distrustful prince, averse 
 by habit as well as by temper to new and hazardous projects, he was more 
 easily induced to approve of a voyage for discovery, proposed by some 
 of his own subjects soon after the return of Christopher Columbus. 
 
 But though the English had spirit to form the scheme, they had not at 
 that period attained to such skill in navigation as qualified them ior. carry- 
 ing it into execution. From the inconsiderate ambition of its monarchs, 
 the nation had long w r asted its genius and inactivity in pernicious and inef- 
 fectual efforts to conquer P'rance. When this ill-directed ardour began to 
 abate, the fatal contest between the houses of York and Lancaster turned 
 the arms of one half of the kingdom against the other, and exhausted the 
 vigour of both. During the course of two centuries, while industry and 
 commerce were making gradual progress, both in the south and north of 
 Europe, the English continued so blind to the advantages of their own 
 situation that they hardly began to bend their thoughts towards those 
 objects and pursuits to which they are indebted for their present opulence 
 and power. While the trading vessels of Italy, Spain, and Portugal, as 
 well as those of the Hans Towns, visited the most remote ports in Europe, 
 and carried on an active intercourse with its various nations, the English 
 did little more than creep along their own coasts, in small barks, which 
 conveyed the productions of one country to another. Their commerce 
 was almost wholly passive. Their wants were supplied by strangers ; 
 and whatever necessary or luxury of life their own country did not yield 
 was imported in foreign bottoms. The cross of St. George was seldom 
 displayed beyond the precincts of the narrow seas. Hardly any English 
 
390 HISTORY OF [BOOK IX. 
 
 ship traded with Spain or Portugal before the beginning of the fifteenth 
 century ; and half a century more elapsed before the English marines 
 became so adventurous as to enter the Mediterranean. 
 
 In this infancy of navigation, Henry could not commit the conduct ot 
 an armament destined to explore unknown regions to his own subjects. 
 He invested Giovanni Gaboto, a Venetian adventurer, who had settled in 
 Bristol, with the chief command ; and issued a commission to him and his 
 three sons, empowering them to sail, under the banner of England, towards 
 the east, nortn, or west, in order to discover countries unoccupied by any 
 Christian state ; to take possession of them in his name, and to carry on an 
 exclusive trade with the inhabitants, under condition of paying a fifth part 
 of the free profit on every voyage to the crown. This commission was 
 granted on March 5th, 1495, in less than two years after the return of 
 7 "ohimbus from America.* But Cabot (for that is the name he assumed 
 rti England, and by which he is best known) did not set out on his voyage 
 for two years. He, together with his second son Sebastian, embarked at 
 Bristol [May, 1497], on board a ship furnished by the king, and was accom- 
 panied by four small barks fitted out by the merchants of' that city. 
 
 As in that age the most eminent navigators, formed by the instructions of 
 Columbus, or animated -by his example, were guided by ideas derived 
 from his superior knowledge and experience, Cabot had adopted the system 
 of that great man concerning the. probability of opening a new and shorter 
 passage to the East Indies by holding a western course. The opinions 
 which Columbus had formed with respect to the islands which he had 
 discovered, were universally received. They were supposed to lie con- 
 tiguous to the great continent of India, -and to constitute a part of the vast 
 countries comprehended under that general name. Cabot accordingly 
 deemed it probable, that, by steering to the north-west, he might reach 
 India bj a snorter course than that which Columbus had taken, and hoped 
 to fall in with tlie coast of Cathay, or China, of whose fertility and opu 
 lence the descriptions of Marco Polo had excited high ideas. After saifing 
 for some weeks due west, and nearly on the parallel of the port from which 
 lie took his departure, he discovered a large island, which he called Prima 
 Vista, and his sailors Newfoundland : arid in a few days he descried a 
 smaller isle, to which he gave the name of St. John. He landed on 
 both these [June 24], made some observations on their soil and productions, 
 and brought off three of the natives. Continuing his course westward, 
 he soon reached the continent of North America, and sailed along it from 
 the fifty-sixth to the thirty-eighth degree of latitude, from the coast of 
 Labrador to that of Virginia. As his chief object was to discover some 
 inlet that might open a passage to the west, it does not appear that he 
 landed any where during this extensive run ; and he returned to England 
 Ayithout attempting either settlement or conquest in any part of that con- 
 tinent.! 
 
 If it had been Henry's purpose to prosecute the object of the commis- 
 sion given by him to Cabot, and to take possession of the countries which 
 he had discovered, the success of this voyage must have answered his most 
 sanguine expectations. Hi$ subjects were undoubtedly the first Europeans 
 who had visited that part of the American continent, and were entitled to 
 whatever right of property prior discovery is supposed to confer. Coun- 
 tries which stretched in an uninterrupted course through such a large 
 portion of the temperate zone, opened a prospect of settling to advantage 
 under mild climates, and in a fertile soil. By the time that Cabot returned 
 to England, he found both the state of affairs and the king's inclination 
 unfavourable to any scheme the execution of which would have required 
 tranquillity and leisure. Henry was involved in a war with Scotland, and 
 
 * Hakluyt, iii 4. f Monsou's Naval Tracts, in Churchill's Collect iii. 211. 
 
AMERICA. 391 
 
 life kingdom was not yet fully composed after the commotion excited by a 
 formidable insurrection of his own subjects in the west. An ambassador 
 from Ferdinand of Arragon was then in London ; and as Henry set a high 
 value upon the friendship of that monarch, for whose character he professed 
 much admiration, perhaps from its similarity to his own, 'and was endea- 
 vouring to strengthen their union by negotiating the marriage which after- 
 wards took place between his eldest son and the Princess Catharine, he 
 was cautious of giving any offence to a prince jealous to excess of all his 
 rights. Froin the position of the islands and continent which Cabot had 
 discovered, it Was evident that they lay within the limits of the ample 
 donative which the bounty of Alexander VI. had conferred upon Ferdinand 
 and Isabella. No person in that age questioned the validity of a papal 
 grant ; and Ferdinand was not of a temper to relinquish any claim to 
 which he had a shadow of title. Submission to the authority of the Pope, 
 and deference for an ally whom he courted, seem to have concurred with 
 Henry's own situation in determining him to abandon a scheme in which 
 he had engaged with some degree of ardour and expectation. No attempt 
 towards discovery was made in England during the remainder of his reign ; 
 and Sebastian Cabot, rinding no encouragement for his active talents there, 
 entered into the service of Spain.* 
 
 This is the most probable account of the sudden cessation of Henry's 
 activity, after such success in his first essay as might have encouraged 
 him to persevere. The advantages of commerce, as well as its nature, 
 were so little understood in England about this period, that by an act of 
 parliament in the year 1488, the taking of interest for the use of m'oney 
 was prohibited under severe penalties.! And by another law, the profit 
 arising from dealing in bills of exchange was condemned as savouring of 
 usury.! ft i s n t surprising, then, that no great effort should be made to 
 extend trade by a nation whose commercial ideas were still so crude and 
 illiberal. But it is more difficult to discover what prevented this scheme 
 of Henry VII. from being resumed during the reigns of his son and grand- 
 son ; and to give any reason why no attempt was made, either to explore 
 the northern continent of America more fully, or to settle in it. Jiefiry 
 VIII. was frequently at open enmity with Spam : the value of the Spanish 
 acquisitions in America had become so well known, as might have excited 
 his desire to obtain some footing in those opulent regions; and during a 
 considerable part of his reign, the prohibitions in a papal bull would not 
 have restrained him from maKing encroachment upon the Spanish dominions. 
 But the reign of Henry was not favourable to the progress of discovery. 
 During one period of it, the active part which he took in tho affairs of the 
 continent, and the vigour with which he engaged in the contest between 
 the two mighty rivals, Charles V. and Francis I., gave full occupation to 
 the enterprising spirit both of the king and his nobility. During another 
 period of his administration, his famous controversy with the court of 
 Rome kept the nation in perpetual agitation and suspense. Engrossed by 
 those objects, neither the king nor the nobles had inclination or leisure to 
 turn their attention to new pursuits ; and without their patronage and aid, 
 the commercial part of the nation was too inconsiderable to make any 
 effort of consequence. Though England by its total separation from the 
 church of Rome soon after the accession ot Edward VI,, disclaimed that 
 authority which, by its presumptuous partition of the globe between two 
 
 * Some schemes of discovery seem to have heen formod in England towards the beginning of 
 the sixteenth century. But as there is no other memorial of them than what remains in a pafent 
 granted by the King to the adventurers, it is probable that they were feeble or abortive projects. 
 If any attempt had been made in consequence of this patent, it would not have escaped the know- 
 ledge of a compiler so industrious and inquisitive as Hakluyt. In his patent, Henry restricts the 
 adventurers from encroaching on the countries discovered by the kings of Portugal, or any other 
 prince in confederacy with England. Rymer's Foedera, vol. xiii. p. 37 
 
 t 3 Hen. VII. c 5. { 3 Hen. VII. c. 6. 
 
392 HISTORY OF [BOOK IX. 
 
 favourite nations, circumscribed the activity of every other state within 
 very narrow limits ; yet a feeble minority, distracted with faction, was not 
 a juncture for forming schemes of doubtful success and remote utility. 
 The bigotry of Mary, and her marriage with Philip, disposed her to pay 
 a sacred regard to that grant of the Holy See, which vested in a husband, 
 on whom she doted, an exclusive right to every part of the New World. 
 Thus, through a singular succession of various causes, sixty-one years 
 elapsed from the time that the English discovered North America, during 
 which their monarchs gave little attention to that country which was 
 destined to be annexed to their crown, and to be a chief source of its 
 opulence and power. 
 
 But though the public contributed little towards the progress of disco- 
 very, naval skill, knowledge of commerce, and a spirit of enterprise, began 
 to spread among the English. During the reign of Henry VIII. several 
 new channels of trade were opened, and private adventurers visited remote 
 countries, with which England had formerly no intercourse. Some mer- 
 chants of Bristol, having fitted out two ships for the southern regions of 
 America, committed the conduct of them to Sebastian Cabot, who had 
 quitted the service of Spain. He visited the coasts of Brazil, and touched 
 at the islands of Hispaniola and Puerto Rico ; and though this voyage 
 seems not to have been beneficial to the adventurers, it extended the sphere 
 of English navigation, and added to the national stock of nautical science.* 
 Though disappointed in their expectations of profit in this first essay, the 
 merchants were not discouraged. They sent, successively, several vessels 
 from* different ports towards the same quarter, and seem to have carried on 
 an interloping trade in the Portuguese settlements with success.! Nor 
 was it only towards the West, that the activity of the English was directed. 
 Other merchants began to extend their commercial views to the East ; and 
 by establishing an intercourse with several islands in the Archipelago, and 
 with some of the towns on the coast of Syria, they found a new market 
 for woollen cloths (the only manufacture which the nation had begun to 
 cultivate,) and supplied their countrymen with various productions of the 
 Eaet, formerly unknown, or received from the Venetians at an exorbitant 
 price.! 
 
 But the discovery of a shorter passage to the East Indies, by the north- 
 west, was still the favourite project of the nation, which beheld with envy 
 the vast wealth that flowed into Portugal from its commerce with those 
 regions. The scheme was accordingly twice resumed under the long 
 administration of Henry VIII. [1527 and 1536] ; first, with some slender 
 aid from the king, and then by private merchants. Both voyages were 
 disastrous and unsuccessful. In the former, one of the ships was lost. In 
 the latter, the stock of provisions was so ill proportioned to the number of 
 the crew, that, although they were but six months at sea, many perished 
 with hunger, and the survivors were constrained to support life by feeding 
 on the bodies of their dead companions. 
 
 The vigour of a commercial spirit did not relax in the reign of Edward 
 VI. The great fishery on the banks of Newfoundland became an object 
 of attention ; and from some regulations for the encouragement of that 
 branch of trade, it seems to have been prosecuted with activity and suc- 
 cess.H But the prospect of opening a communication with China and the 
 Spice Islands, by some other route than round the Cape of Good Hope, 
 still continued to allure the English more than any scheme of adventure. 
 Cabot, whose opinion was deservedly of high authority in whatever 
 related to naval enterprise, warmly urged the English to make another 
 attempt to discover this passage. As it had been thrice searched for 
 in vain, by steering towards the north-west, he proposed that a trial 
 
 * Hakluyt, iii 498. * Id. iii 700 { Id. ii. 96, &c. Id. i. 213, &c. iii. 129, 130 || Id. 
 lii. 131. 
 
AMERICA. 393 
 
 should now be made by the north-east ; and supported this advice by 
 such plausible reasons and conjectures as excited sanguine expectations 
 of success. Several noblemen and persons of rank, together with some 
 principal merchants, having associated for this purpose, were incorporated 
 by. a charter from the King, under the title of The Company of Merchant 
 Adventurers for the Discovery of Regions, Dominions, Islands, and Places 
 unknown. Cabot, who was appointed governor of this company, soon 
 fitted out two ships and a bark, furnished with instructions in his own 
 hang!, which discover the great extent both of his naval skill and mercantile 
 sagacity. 
 
 Sir Hugh Willoughby, who was intrusted with the command, stood 
 dir ctly northwards along the coast of Norway [May 10], and doubled the 
 North Cape. But in that tempestuous ocean, his small squadron was sepa- 
 rated in a violent storm. Willougnby's ship and bark took refuge in an 
 obscure harbour in a desert part of Russian Lapland, where he and all his 
 companions were frozen to death. Richard Chancelour, the captain of 
 the other vessel, was more fortunate ; he entered the White Sea, and win- 
 tered in safety at Archangel. Though no vessel of any foreign nation had 
 ever visited that quarter of the globe before, the inhabitants received their 
 new visiters with an hospitality which would have done honour to a more 
 polished people. The English learned there, that this was a province of 
 a vast empire, subject to the Great Duke or Czar of Muscovy, who resided 
 in a great city twelve hundred miles from Archangel. Chancelour, with 
 a spirit becoming an officer employed in an expedition for discovery, did 
 not hesitate a moment about the part which he ought to take, and set out 
 for that distant capital. On his arrival in Moscow, he was admitted to 
 audience, and delivered a letter which the captain of each ship had received 
 from Edward VI. for the sovereign of whatever country they should dis- 
 cover, to John Vasilowitz, who at that time filled the Russian throne. 
 John, though he ruled over his subjects with the cruelty and caprice of a 
 barbarous despot, was not destitute of political sagacity. He instantly 
 perceived the happy consequences that might flow irom opening an inter- 
 course between his dominions and the western nations of Europe ; and, 
 delighted with the fortunate event to which he was indebted for mis unex- 
 pected benefit, he treated Chancelour with great respect ; and. by a letter 
 to the King of England [Feb. 1554], invited his subjects to trade in the 
 Russian dominions, with ample promises of protection and favour.* 
 
 Chancelour, on his return, found Mary seated on the English throne. 
 The success of this voyage, the discovery of a new course of navigation, 
 the establishment of commerce with a vast empire, the name of which 
 was then hardly known in the West, and the hope of arriving, in this direc- 
 tion, at those regions which had been so long the object of desire, excited 
 a wonderful ardour to prosecute the design with greater vigour. Mary, 
 implicitly guided by her husband in every act of administration, was not 
 unwilling to turn the commercial activity of her subjects towards a quarter 
 where it ccald not excite the jealousy of Spain by encroaching on its pos- 
 sessions in the New World. She wrote to John Vasilowitz in the most 
 respectful terois, courting his friendship. She confirmed the charter of 
 Edward VI., empowered Chancelour, and two agents appointed by the 
 company, to negotiate with the Czar in her name ; and, according to the 
 spirit of that age, she granted an exclusive right of trade with Russia to 
 the Corporation of Merchant Adventurers.! In virtue of this, they not 
 only established aa active and gainful commerce with Russia, but, in hopes 
 of reaching China, they pushed their discoveries eastwaid to the coast of 
 Nova Zembla, the Straits of Waigatz, and towards the mouth of the great 
 river Oby. But in those frozen seas, which Nature seems not to nave 
 
 * Haki.uyt i. 226, &c. t Id. i. 258, &c. 
 
 VOL. I. 50 
 
394 HISTORY OF [BooKlX. 
 
 destined for navigation, thejr were exposed to innumerable disasters, and 
 met with successive disappointments. 
 
 Nor were their attempts to open a communication with India made only 
 in this channel. They appointed some of their factors to accompany the 
 Russian caravans which travelled into Persia by the way of Astracan and 
 the Caspian Sea, instructing- them to penetrate as far as possible towards 
 the east, and to endeavour not only to establish a trade with those coun- 
 tries, but to acquire every information that might afford any light towards 
 the discovery of a passage to China by the north-east.* Notwithstanding 
 a variety of dangers to which they were exposed in travelling through so 
 many provinces inhabited by fierce and licentious nations, some of these 
 factors reached Bokara in the province of Chorassan ; and though prevented 
 from advancing further by the civil wars which desolated the country, they 
 returned to Europe with some hopes of extending the commerce of the 
 Company into Persia, and with much intelligence concerning the state of 
 those remote regions of the East.f 
 
 The successful progress of the Merchant Adventurers in discovery 
 roused the emulation of their countrymen, and turned their activity into 
 new channels. A commercial intercourse, hitherto unattempted by the 
 English, having been opened with the coast of Barbary, the specimens 
 which that afforded of the valuable productions of Africa invited some 
 enterprising navigators to visit the more remote provinces of that quarter 
 of the globe. They sailed along its western shore, traded in different 
 ports on both sides of the Line, and, after acquiring considerable knowledge 
 of those countries, returned with a cargo of gold dust, ivory, and other rich 
 commodities little known at that time in England. This commerce with 
 Africa seems to have been pursued with vigour, and was at that time no 
 less innocent thafn lucrative : for, as the English had then no demand for 
 slaves, they carried it ^on for many years without violating the rights of 
 humanity. Thus far did the English advance during a period which may 
 be considered as the infant state of their navigation and commerce ; and 
 feeble as its steps at that time may appear to us, we trace them with an 
 interesting curiosity, and look back with satisfaction to the early essays of 
 that spirit which we now behold in the full maturity of its strength. Even 
 in those first efforts of the English, an intelligent ODserverwill discern pre- 
 sages of their future improvement. As soon as the. activity of the nation 
 was put in motion, it took various directions, and exerted itself in each, 
 with that steady, persevering industry which is the soul and guide of com- 
 merce. Neither discouraged by the hardships and dangers to which they 
 were exposed in those northern seas which they first attempted to explore, 
 nor afraid of venturing into' the sultry climates of the torrid zone, the Eng- 
 lish, during the reigns of Henry VIII., Edward VI., and Mary, opened 
 some of the most considerable sources of their commercial opulence, and 
 gave a beginning to their trade with Turkey, with Africa, with Russia, and 
 with Newfoundland. 
 
 By the prbgress which England had already made in navigation and 
 commerce, it was now prepared for advancing further ; and on the acces- 
 sion of Elizabeth to the throne, a period commenced extremely auspicious 
 to this spirit which was rising in the nation. The domestic tranquillity of 
 the kingdom, maintained, almost without interruption, during the course of 
 a long and prosperous reign ; the peace with foreign nations, that subsisted 
 more than twenty years after Elizabeth was seated on the throne ; the 
 Queen's attentive economy, which exempted her subjects from the burden 
 of taxes oppressive to trade ; the popularity of her administration ; were 
 all favourable to commercial enterprise, and called it forth into vigorous 
 exertion. The discerning eye of Elizabeth having early perceived that 
 
 * Hakluyt, i. 301 f H. 1 310, c. 
 
AMERICA. 395 
 
 the security of a kingdom environed by the sea depended on its naval 
 force, she began her government with adding to the number and strength of 
 the royal navy ; which, during a factious minority, and a reign intent on 
 no object but that of suppressing heresy, had been neglected, and suffered 
 to decay. She filled her arsenals with naval stores ; she built several 
 ships of great force, according to the ideas of that age, and encouraged 
 her subjects to imitate her example, that they might no longer depend on 
 foreigners, from whom the English had hitherto purchased all vessels oi 
 any considerable burden.* By those efforts the skill of the English artificers 
 was improved, the number of sailors increased, and the attention of the 
 public turned to the navy, as the most important national object. Instead 
 of abandoning any of the new channels of commerce which had been 
 opened in the three preceding reigns, the English frequented them with 
 greater assiduity, and the patronage of their sovereign added vigour to all 
 their efforts. In order to secure to them the continuance of their exclusive 
 trade with Russia, Elizabeth cultivated the connection-with John Vasilo- 
 witz, which had been formed by her predecessor, and, by successive em- 
 bassies gained his confidence so thoroughly, that the English enjoyed that 
 lucrative privilege during his long reign. She encouraged the Company 
 of Merchant Adventurers, whose monopoly of the Russian trade was con- 
 firmed by act of parliament,! to resume their design of penetrating into 
 Persia by land. Their second attempt, conducted with greater prudence, 
 or undertaken at a more favourable juncture than the first, was more suc- 
 cessful. Their agents arrived in the Persian court, and obtained such pro- 
 tection and immunities from the Shah, that for a course of years they 
 carried on a gainful commerce in his kingdom ;| and by frequenting the 
 various provinces of Persia, became so well acquainted with the vast riches 
 of the East, as strengthened their design of opening a more direct inter- 
 course with those fertile regions by sea. 
 
 But as every effort to accomplish this by the north-east had proved 
 abortive, a scheme was formed, under the patronage of the Earl of War- 
 wick, the head of the enterprising family of Dudley, to make a new 
 attempt, by holding an opposite course by the north-west. The conduct 
 of this enterprise was committed to Martin Frobisher, an officer of ex- 
 perience and reputation. In three successive voyages [1576, 1577, and 
 1578,] he explored the inhospitable coast of Labrador, and that of Green 
 land (to which Elizabeth gave the name of Meta Incognita], without dis 
 covering any probable appearance of that passage to India for which he 
 sought. This new disappointment was sensibly felt, and might have 
 damped the spirit of naval enterprise among the English, if it had not 
 resumed fresh vigour, amidst the general exultation of the nation, upon the 
 successful expedition of Francis Drake. That bold navigator, emulous of 
 the glory which Magellan had acquired by sailing round the globe, formed 
 a scheme of attempting a voyage, which all Europe had admired for sixty 
 years, without venturing to follow the Portuguese discoverer in his adven- 
 turous course. Drake undertook this with a feeble squadron, in which 
 the largest vessel did not exceed a hundred tons, and he accomplished it 
 with no less credit to himself than honour to his country. Even in this 
 voyage, conducted with other Views, Drake seems not to have been 
 inattentive to the favourite object of his countrymen, the discovery of a 
 new route to India. Before he quitted the Pacific Ocean, in order to stretch 
 towards the Philippine Islands, he ranged along the coast of California, as 
 high as the latitude of forty-two degrees north, in hopes of discovering, on 
 that side, the communication between the two seas, which had so often 
 been searched for in vain on the other. But this was the only unsuccessful 
 attempt of Drake. The excessive cold of the climate, intolerable to men 
 
 * Camd Annales, p. 70. edit. 1615 ; fol. t Hakluyt, i. 369. f id. i. 344, &c. 
 
296 HISTORY OF f BOOK IX. 
 
 who had long been accustomed to tropical heat, obliged him to stop short 
 in his progress towards the north ; and whether or not there be any passage 
 from the Pacific to the Atlantic Ocean in that quarter is a point still un- 
 ascertained.* 
 
 From this period, the English seem to have confided in their own 
 abilities and courage, as equal to any naval enterprise. They had now 
 visited every region to which navigation extended in that age, and had 
 rivalled the nation of highest repute for naval skill in its most splendid ex- 
 ploit. But notwithstanding the knowledge which they had acquired of 
 the different quarters of the globe, they had not hitherto attempted any 
 settlement out of their own country. Their merchants had not yet ac- 
 quired such a degree either of wealth or of political influence, as was 
 requisite towards carrying a scheme of colonization into execution. Per- 
 sons of noble birth were destitute of the ideas and information which might 
 have disposed them to patronise such a design. The growing power of 
 Spain, however, and the ascendant over the other nations of Europe to 
 which it had attained under Charles V. and bis son, naturally turned the 
 attention of mankind towards the importance of those settlements in the 
 New World, to which they were so much indebted for that pre-eminence. 
 The intercourse between Spain and England, during the reign of Philip 
 and Mary; the resort of the Spanish nobility to the English court, while 
 Philip resided there ; the study of the Spanish language, which became 
 fashionable ; and the translation of several histories of America into Eng- 
 lish ; diffused gradually through the nation a more distinct knowledge of the 
 policy of Spain in planting Jts colonies, and of the advantages which it 
 derived from them. When hostilities commenced between Elizabeth and 
 Philip, the prospect of annoying Spain by sea opened a new career to the 
 enterprising spirit of the English nobility. Almost every eminent leader 
 of the age aimed at distinguishing himself by naval exploits. That service, 
 and the ideas connected with it, the discovery of unknown countries, the 
 establishment of distant colonies, and the enriching of commerce by new 
 commodities, became familiar to persons of rank. 
 
 In consequence of all those concurring causes, the English began seriously 
 to form plans of settling colonies in those parts of America which hitherto 
 they had only visited. The projectors and patrons of these plans were 
 mostly persons of rank and influence. Among them, Sir Humphry Gilbert, 
 of Compton in Devonshire, ought to be mentioned with the distinction due 
 to the conductor of the first English colony to America. He had early 
 rendered himself conspicuous by his military services both in France and 
 Ireland ; and having afterwards turned his attention to naval affairs, he 
 published a discourse concerning the probability of a north-west passage, 
 which discovered no inconsiderable portion both of learning and ingenuity, 
 mingled with the enthusiasm, the credulity, and the sanguine expectations 
 which incite men to new and hazardous undertakings.! With those talents 
 he was deemed a proper person to be employed in establishing a new 
 colony, and easily obtained from the Queen letters patent [June 11, 1578,] 
 vesting in him sufficient powers for this purpose. 
 
 As this is the first charter to a colony granted by the crown of England, 
 the articles in it merit particular attention, as they unfold the ideas of that 
 age with respect to the nature of such settlements. Elizabeth authorizes 
 him to discover and take possession of all remote and barbarous lands, un- 
 occupied by any Christian prince or people. She vests in him, his heirs 
 and assigns for ever, the full right of property in the soil of those countries 
 whereof he shall take possession. She permits such of her subjects as 
 were willing to accompany Gilbert in his voyage, to go and settle in the 
 countries which he shall plant. She empowers nim, his heirs and assigns, 
 
 * Hakluyt, iii. 440. Caind, Annal. 301, &c. t Hakluyt, iii. 11, 
 
AMERICA. 397 
 
 to dispose of whatever portion of those lands he shall judge meet, to per- 
 sons settled there, in fee simple, according to the laws ol England, ohe 
 ordains, that all the lands granted to Gilbert shall hold of the crown of 
 England by homage, on payment of the fifth part of the gold or silver ore 
 found there. She confers upon him, his heirs and assigns, the complete 
 jurisdictions and royalties, as well marine as other, within the said lands 
 and seas thereunto adjoining ; and as their common safety and interest 
 would render good government necessary in their new settlements, she 
 gave Gilbert, his heirs and assigns, full power to convict, punish, pardon, 
 govern, and rule, by their good discretion and policy , as well in causes 
 capital or criminal as civil, both marine and other, all persons who shall, 
 from time to time, settle within the said countries, according to such 
 statutes, laws, and ordinances, as shall be by him, his heirs and assigns, 
 devised and established for their better government. She declared, that 
 all who settled there should have and enjoy all the privileges of free denizens 
 and natives of England, any law, custom, or usage to the contrary not- 
 withstanding. And finally, she prohibited all persons from attempting to 
 settle within two hundred leagues of any place which Sir Humphry Gil- 
 bert, or his associates, shall have occupied during the. space of six years.* 
 
 With those extraordinary powers, suited to the high notions of authority 
 and prerogative prevalent in England during the sixteenth century, but 
 very repugnant to more recent ideas with respect to the rights of free men, 
 who voluntarily unite to form a colony, Gilbert began to collect associates, 
 and to prepare for embarkation. His own character, and the zealous 
 efforts of his half brother Walter Ralegh, who even in his early youth dis- 
 played those splendid talents, and that undaunted spirit, which create 
 admiration and confidence, soon procured him a sufficient number of fol- 
 lowers. But his success was not suited either to the sanguine hopes of his 
 countrymen, or to the expense of his preparations. Two expeditions, both 
 of which he conducted in person, ended disastrously [1580]. In the last 
 he himself perished, without having effected his intended settlement on the 
 continent of. America, or performing any thing more worthy of notice, than 
 the empty formality of taking possession of the Island of Newfoundland in 
 the name of his sovereign. The dissensions among his officers ; the licen- 
 tious and ungovernable spirit of some of his crew ; his total ignorance of 
 the countries which he purposed to occupy ; his misfortune in approaching 
 the continent too far towards the north, where the inhospitable coast of 
 Cape Breton did not invite them to settle ; the shipwreck of his largest 
 vessel ; and, above all, the scanty provision which the funds of a private 
 man could make of what was requisite for establishing a new colony, were 
 the true causes to which the failure of the enterprise must be imputed, not 
 to any deficiency of abilities or resolution in its leader, t 
 
 But the miscarriage of a scheme, in which Gilbert had wasted his fortune, 
 did not discourage Ralegh. He adopted all his brother's ideas ; and 
 applying to the Queen, in whose favour he stood high at that time, he pro- 
 cured, a patent [March 26, 1584], with jurisdiction and prerogatives as 
 ample as had been granted unto Gilbert. J Ralegh, no less eager to execute 
 than to undertake the scheme, instantly despatched two small vessels 
 [April 27], under the command of Amadas and Barlow, two officers of 
 trust, to visit the countries which he intended to settle, and to acquire some 
 previous knowledge of their coasts, their soil, and productions. In order 
 to avoid Gilbert's error, in holding too far north, they took their course by 
 the Canaries and the West India islands, and approached the North 
 American continent by the Gulf of Florida. Unfortunately, their chief 
 researches were made in that part of the country now known by the name 
 of North Carolina, that province in America most destitute of commodious 
 
 * Hakluyt, iii. 135. f Ibid, i'i- 243, &c. } Ibid. iii. 24:1 
 
398 HISTORY OF [BOOK IX. 
 
 harbours. They touched first at an island, which they call Wokocori 
 (probably Ocakoke,) situated on the inlet into Pamplicoe sound, and then 
 at Roanoke, near the mouth of Albermarle sound. In both they had some 
 intercourse with the natives, whom they found to be savages with all the 
 characteristic qualities of uncivilized life, bravery, aversion to labour, hos- 
 pitality, a propensity to admire, and a willingness to exchange their rude 
 productions for English commodities, especially for iron, or any of the 
 useful metals of which they were destitute. Alter spending a few weeks 
 in this traffic, and in visiting some parts of the adjacent continent, Amadas 
 and Barlow returned to England [Sept. 15], with two of the natives, and 
 gave such splendid descriptions of the beauty of the country, the fertility 
 of the soil, and the mildness of the climate, that Elizabeth, delighted with 
 the idea of occupying a territory superior, so far, to the barren regions 
 towards the north hitherto visited by her subjects, bestowed on it the name 
 of Virginia ; as a memorial that this happy discovery had been made under 
 a virgin queen.* 
 
 Their report encouraged Ralegh to hasten his preparations for taking 
 possession of such an inviting property. He fitted out a squadron of seven 
 small ships, under the command of Sir Richard Greenville, a man of honour- 
 able birth, and of courage so undaunted as to be conspicuous even in that 
 gallant age. But the-spirit of that predatory war which the English carried 
 on against Spain, mingled with this scheme of settlement ; and on this 
 account, as well as from unacquaintance with a more direct and shorter 
 course to North America, Greenville sailed by the West India islands. 
 He spent some time in cruising among these, and in taking prizes ; so that 
 it was towards the close of June before he arrived on the coast of North 
 America. He touched at both the islands where Amadas and Barlow had 
 landed, and made some excursions into different parts of the continent 
 round Pamplicoe and Albermarle sounds. But as, unfortunately, he did not 
 advance far enough towards the north, to discover the noble bay of Chesa- 
 peak, he established the colony [Aug. 25], which he left on the island of 
 Koanoke, an incommodious station, without any safe harbour, and almost 
 uninhabited.! 
 
 This colony consisted only of one hundred and eighty persons, under the 
 command of Captain Lane, assisted by some men of note, the most dis- 
 tinguished of whom was Hariot, an eminent mathematician. Their chief 
 employment, during a residence of nine months, was to obtain a more exten- 
 sive knowledge of the country ; and their researches were carried on with 
 greater spirit, and reached further than could have been expected from a 
 colony so feeble, and in a station so disadvantageous. But from the same 
 impatience of indigent adventurers to acquire sudden wealth which gave 
 a wrong direction to the industry of the Spaniards in their settlements, the 
 greater part of the English seem to have considered nothing as worthy of 
 attention but mines of gold and silver. These they sought for wherever 
 they came : these they inquired after with unwearied eagerness. The 
 savages soon discovered the favourite objects which allured them, and art- 
 fully amused them with so many tales concerning rjearl fisheries, and rich 
 mines of various metals, that Lane and his companions wasted their time 
 and activity in the chimerical pursuit of these, instead of labouring to raise 
 provisions for their own subsistence. On discovering the deceit of the 
 Indians, they were so much exasperated, that from expostulations and 
 reproaches they proceeded to open hostility [1586]. The supplies of pro- 
 vision which they had been accustomed to receive from the natives were 
 of course withdrawn. Through their own negligence no other precaution 
 had been taken for their support. Ralegh, having engaged in a scheme 
 too expensive for his narrow funds, had not been able to send them that 
 
 * Haklnyt, Hi. 246 t Id. iii. 251 
 
AMERICA. 399 
 
 recruit of stores with which Greenville had promised to furnish them early 
 in the spring. The colony, reduced to the utmost distress, and on the 
 point of perishing with famine, was preparing 1 to disperse into different 
 districts of the country in quest of food, when Sir Francis Drake appeared 
 with his fleet [June 1 J, returning from a successful expedition against the 
 Spaniards in me West Indies. A scheme which he formed, of furnishing 
 Lane and his associates with such supplies as might enable them to remain 
 with comfort in their station, was disappointed, by a sudden storm, in 
 which a small vessel that he destined for their service was dashed to pieces , 
 and as he could not supply them with another, at their joint request, as they 
 were worn out with fatigue and famine, he carried them home to England* 
 [June 19]. 
 
 Such was the inauspicious beginning of the English settlements in the 
 New World ; and, after exciting high expectations, this first attempt pro- 
 duced no effect but that of affording a more complete' knowledge of the 
 country ; as it enabled Hariot, a man of science and observation, to 
 describe its soil, climate, productions, and the manners of its inhabitants, 
 with a degree of accuracy which merits no inconsiderable praise, when 
 compared with the childish and marvellous tales published by several 
 of the early visitants of the New World. There is another consequence 
 of this abortive colony important enough to entitle it to a place in his- 
 tory. Lane and his associates, by their constant intercourse with the 
 Indians, had acquired a relish for their favourite enjoyment of smoking 
 tobacco ; to the use of which, the credulity of that people not only ascribed 
 a thousand imaginary virtues, but their superstition considered the plant 
 itself as a gracious gift of the gods, for the solace of human kind, and the 
 most acceptable offering which man can present to heaven.f They brought 
 with them a specimen of this new commodity to England, and taught their 
 countrymen the method of using it ; which Ralegh and some young men of 
 fashion fondly adopted. From imitation of them, from love of novelty, and 
 from the favourable opinion of its salutary qualities entertained by several 
 physicians, the practice spread among the English. The Spaniards and 
 Portuguese had, previous to this, introduced it into other parts of Europe. 
 This habit of taking tobacco gradually extended from the extremities of 
 the north to those of the south, and in one form or other seems to be equally 
 grateful to the inhabitants of every climate ; and by a singular caprice of 
 the human species, no less inexplicable than unexampled (so bewitching 
 is the acquired taste for a weed of no manifest utility, and at first not only 
 unpleasant but nauseous), that it has become almost as universal as the 
 demands of those appetites originally implanted in our nature. Smoking 
 was the first mode of taking tobacco in England ; and we learn from the 
 comic writers towards the close of the sixteenth century and the beginning 
 of the seventeenth, that this was deemed one of the accomplishments of a 
 man of fashion and spirit. 
 
 A few days after Drake departed from Roanoke, a small bark, despatched 
 by Ralegh with a supply of stores for the colony, landed at the place 
 where the English had settled ; but on finding it deserted by their coun- 
 trymen they returned to England. The bark was hardly gone, when Sir 
 Richard Greenville appeared with three ships. After searching in vain 
 for the colony which he had planted, without being able to learn w r hat 
 had befallen it, he left fifteen of his crew to keep possession of the island. 
 This handful of men was soon overpowered and cut in pieces by the 
 savages.^ 
 
 Though all Ralegh's efforts to establish a colony in Virginia had hitherto 
 proved abortive, arid had been defeated by a succession of disasters and 
 
 * Uakluyi. ii. c -i53. Grand. Anna!. 387. f Hariot ap. Hakluyl, iii. 271. DC Dry. America, pars i. 
 J Hakluy', iii. 235. 233 
 
400 HISTORY OF [BOOK IX, 
 
 disappointments, neither his hopes nor resources were exhausted. Early 
 in the following year [1587], he fitted out three ships, under the command 
 of Captain John White, who carried thither a colony more numerous than 
 that which had been settled under Lane. On their arrival in Virginia, 
 after viewing the face of the country covered with one continued forest, 
 which to them appeared an uninhabited wild, as it was occupied only by 
 a few scattered tribes of savages, they discovered that they were destitute 
 of many things which they deemed essentially necessary towards their 
 subsistence in such an uncom( stable situation ; and with one voice, requested 
 White, their commander, to return to England, as the person among them 
 most likely to solicit, with efficacy, the supply on which depended the 
 existence of the colony. White landed in his native country at a most 
 unfavourable season for the negotiation which he had undertaken. He 
 found the nation in universal alarm at the formidable preparations of 
 Philip II. to invade England, and collecting all its force to oppose the 
 fleet to which he had arrogantly given the name of the Invincible Armada., 
 Ralegh, Greenville, and all the most zealous patrons of the new settlement, 
 were called to act a distinguished part in the operations of a year [1588], 
 equally interesting and glorious to England. Amidst danger so imminent, 
 and during a contest for the honour of their sovereign and the independence 
 of their country, it was impossible to attend to a less important and remote 
 object. The unfortunate colony in Roanoke received no supply, and 
 perished miserably by famine, or by the unrelenting cruelty of those bar- 
 barians by whom they were surrounded. 
 
 During the remainder of- Elizabeth's reign, the scheme of establishing a 
 colony in Virginia was not resumed. Ralegh, with a most aspiring mind 
 and extraordinary talents, enlightened by knowledge no less uncommon, 
 had the spirit and the defects of a projector. Allured by new objects, 
 and always giving the preference to such as were most splendid and 
 arduous, he was apt to engage in undertakings so vast and so various as 
 to be far beyond his power of accomplishing. He was now intent on 
 peopling and improving a large district of country in Ireland, of which he 
 had obtained a grant from the Queen. He was a deep adventurer in the 
 scheme of fitting out a powerful armament against Spain, in order to 
 establish Don Antonio on the throne of Portugal. He had begun to form 
 his favourite but visionary plan, of penetrating into the province of Guiana, 
 where he fondly dreamed of taking possession of inexhaustible wealth 
 flowing from the richest mines in the New World. Amidst this multi- 
 plicity of projects, of such promising appearance, and recommended by 
 novelty, he naturally became cold towards his ancient and hitherto unpro- 
 fitable scheme of settling a colony in Virginia, and was easily induced to 
 assign his right of property in that country, which he had never visited, 
 together with all the privileges contained in his patent, to Sir Thomas Smith 
 and a company of merchants in London [March, 1596]. This company, 
 satisfied with a paltry traffic carried on by a few small barks, made no 
 attempt to take possession of the country. Thus, after a period of a 
 hundred and six years from the time that Cabot discovered North America 
 in the name of Henry VII., and of twenty years from the time that Ralegh 
 planted the first colony, there was not a single Englishman settled there at 
 the demise of Queen Elizabeth, in ihe year one thousand six hundred and 
 three 
 
 I have already explained the c ause of this during the period previous ta 
 the accession of Elizabeth. Other causes produced the same effect under 
 her administration. Thougn for one half of her reign England was engaged 
 in no foreign war, and commerce enjoyed that perfect security which is 
 friendly to its progress ; though the glory of her later years gave the 
 highest tone of elevation and vigour to the national spirit ; the Queen her- 
 self, from her extreme parsimony, and her aversion to demand extraordinary 
 
AMERICA. 401 
 
 supplies of her subjects, was more apt to restrain than to second the ardent 
 genius of her people. Several of the most splendid enterprises in her 
 reign were concerted and executed by private adventurers. All the 
 schemes for colonization were carried on by the funds of individuals, 
 without any public aid. Even the felicity oi her government was averse 
 to the establishment of remote colonies. So powerful is the attraction oi 
 our native soil, and such our fortunate partiality to the laws and manners of 
 our own country, that men seldom choose to abandon it, unless they be driven 
 away by oppression, or allured by vast prospects of sudden wealth. But 
 the provinces of America, in which the English attempted to settle, did 
 not, like those occupied by Spain, invite them thither by any appearance 
 of silver or gold mines. All their hopes of gain were distant ; and they 
 saw that nothing could be earned but by persevering exertions of industry. 
 The maxims of Elizabeth's administration were, in their general tenor, 
 so popular, as did not force her subjects to emigrate in order to escape 
 from the heavy or vexatious hand of power. It seems to have been with 
 difficulty that these slender bands of planters were collected, on which 
 the writers of that age bestow the name of the first and second Virginian 
 colonies. The fulness of time for English colonization was not yet 
 arrived. 
 
 But the succession of the Scottish line to the crown of England [1603] 
 hastened its approach. James was hardly seated on the throne before he 
 discovered his pacific intentions, and he soon terminated the long war 
 which had been carried on between Spain and England, by an amicable 
 treaty. From that period, uninterrupted tranquillity continued during his 
 reign. Many persons of high rank, and of ardent ambition, to whom the 
 war with Spain had afforded constant employment, and presented alluring 
 prospects not only of fame but of wealth, soon became so impatient of 
 languishing at home without occupation or object, that their invention was 
 on the stretch to find some exercise for their activity and talents. To 
 both these North America seemed to open a new field, and schemes of 
 carrying colonies thither became more general and more popular. 
 
 A voyage undertaken by Bartholomew Gosnold, in the last year of the 
 Queen, facilitated as well as encouraged the execution of these schemes. 
 He sailed from Falmouth in a small Ibark with thirty-two men. Instead 
 of following former navigators in their unnecessary circuit by the West 
 India isles and the Gulf of Florida, Gosnold steered due west as nearly as 
 the winds would permit, and was the first English commander who reached 
 America by this shorter and more direct course. That part of the conti- 
 nent which he first descried was a promontory in the province now called 
 Massachusets Bay, to which he gave the name of Cape Cod. Holding 
 along the coast as it stretched towards the south-west, he touched at two 
 islands, one of which he called Martha's Vineyard, the other Elizabeth's 
 Island ; and visited the adjoining continent, and traded with its inhabitants. 
 He and his companions were so much delighted every where with the 
 inviting aspect of the country, that notwithstanding the smallness of their 
 number, a part of them consented to remain there. But when they had 
 leisure to reflect upon the fate of former settlers in America, they retracted 
 a resolution formed in the firsi warmth of their admiration ; and Gosnold 
 returned to England in less than four months from the time of his 
 departure.* 
 
 This voyage however inconsiderable it may appear, had important 
 effects. The English now discovered the aspect of the American continent 
 to be extremely inviting far to the north of the place where they had 
 formerly attempted to settle. The coast of a vast country, stretching through 
 the most desirable climates, lay before them. The richness of its virgir 
 
 * Purchas, iv. p. 1047 
 
 VOL. I. 51 19 
 
402 HISTORY OF [BOOK IX. 
 
 soil promised a certain recompense to their industry. In its interior pro- 
 vinces unexpected sources of wealth might open, and unknown objects of 
 commerce might be found. Its distance from England was diminished 
 almost a third part by the new course which Gosnold had pointed out. 
 Plans for establishing colonies began to be formed in different parts of the 
 kingdom ; and before these were ripe for execution, one small vessel was 
 sent out by the merchants of Bristol, another by the Earl of Southampton 
 and Lord Arundel of Wardour, in order to learn whether Gosnold's account 
 of the country was to be considered as a just representation of its state, 
 or as the exaggerated description of a fond discoverer. Both returned 
 with a full confirmation of his veracity, and with the addition of so many 
 new circumstances in favour of the country, acquired by a more extensive 
 view of it, as greatly increased the desire of planting it. 
 
 The most active and efficacious promoter of this was Richard Hakluyt, 
 prebendary of Westminster, to whom England is more indebted for its 
 American possessions than to any man of that age. Formed under a kins- 
 man of the same name, eminent for naval and commercial knowledge, he 
 imbibed a similar taste, and applied early to the study of geography and 
 navigation. These favourite sciences engrossed his attention, and to diffuse 
 a relish for them was the great object of his life. In order to excite his 
 countrymen to naval enterprise, by flattering their national vanity, he 
 published, in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-nine, his 
 valuable collection of voyages and discoveries made by Englishmen. In 
 order to supply them with what information might be derived from the 
 experience of the most successful foreign navigators, he translated some of 
 the best accounts of the progress of the Spaniards and Portuguese in their 
 voyages both to- the East and West Indies, into (he English tongue. He was 
 consulted with respect to many of the attempt? towards discovery or colo- 
 nization during the latter part of Elizabeth's reign. He corresponded with 
 the officers who conducted them, directed their researches to proper objects, 
 and published the history of their exploits. By the zealous endeavours of 
 a person equally respected by men of rank and men of business, many of 
 both orders formed an association to establish colonies in America, and 
 petitioned the king for the sanction of his authority to warrant the execution 
 of their plans. 
 
 James, who prided himself on his profound skill in the science of govern- 
 ment, and who had turned his attention to consider the advantages which 
 might be derived from colonies, at a time when he patronized his scheme 
 for planting them in some of the ruder provinces of his ancient kingdom, 
 with a view of introducing industry and civilization there,* was now no 
 less fond of directing the active genius bf his English subjects towards 
 occupations not repugnant to his own pacific maxims, and listened with a 
 favourable ear to their application. But as the extent as well as value of 
 the American continent began now to be better known, a grant of the 
 whole of such a vast region to any one body of men, however respectable, 
 appeared to him an act of impolitic and profuse liberality. For this rea- 
 son he divided that portion of North America, which stretches from the 
 thirty-fourth to the fifty-fifth degree of latitude, into two districts nearly 
 equal ; the one called the first or south colony of Virginia, the other, the 
 second or north colony [April 10, 1616]. He authorized Sir Thomas 
 Gates, Sir George Summers, Richard Hakluyt, and their associates, mostly 
 resident in London, to settle any part of the former which they should 
 choose, and vested in them a right of property to the land extending along 
 the coast fifty miles on each side of the place of their first habitation, and 
 reaching into the interior country a hundred miles. The latter district he 
 allotted, as the place of settlement to sundry knights, gentlemen, and mer- 
 
 * Hist, of Scotland, vol. ii. 
 
AMERICA. 403 
 
 chants of Bristol, Plymouth, and other parts in the west of England, with 
 a similar grant of territory. Neither the monarch who issued this charter, 
 nor his subjects who received it, had any conception that they were pro- 
 ceeding to lay the foundation of mighty and opulent states. What James 
 granted was nothing more than a simple charter of corporation to a trading 
 company, empowering the members of it to have a common seal, and to 
 act as a body politic. But as the object for which they associated was 
 new, the plan established for the administration of their affairs was uncom- 
 mon. Instead of the power usually granted to corporations, of electing 
 officers and framing by-laws for the conduct of their own operations, the 
 supreme government of the colonies to be settled was vested in a council 
 resident in England, to be named by the king, according to such laws and 
 ordinances as should be given under his sign manual ; and the subordinate 
 jurisdiction was committed to a council resident in America, which was 
 likewise to be nominated by the king, and to act conformably to his 
 instructions. To this important clause, which regulated the form of their 
 constitution, was added the concession of several immunities to encourage 
 persons to settle in the intended colonies. Some of those were the same 
 which had been granted to Gilbert and Ralegh .; such as the securing to 
 the emigrants and their descendants all the rights of denizens, in the same 
 manner as if they had remained or had been born in England ; and grant- 
 ing them the privilege of holding their lands in America by the freest and 
 least burdensome tenure. Others were more favourable than those granted 
 by Elizabeth. He permitted whatever was necessary for the sustenance 
 or commerce of the new colonies to be exported from England, during the 
 space of seven years, without paying any duty ; and, as a further incite- 
 ment to industry, he granted them liberty of trade with other nations, and 
 appropriated the duty to be levied on foreign commodities, for twenty-one 
 years, as a fund for the benefit of the colony.* 
 
 In this singular charter, the contents of which have been little attended 
 to by the historians of America, some articles are as unfavourable to the 
 rights of the colonists as others are to the interest of the parent state. By 
 placing the legislative and executive powers in a council nominated by the 
 crown, and guided by its instructions, every person settling in America 
 seems to be bereaved of the noblest privilege of a free man ; by_ the 
 unlimited permission of trade with foreigners, the parent state is deprived 
 of that exclusive commerce which has been deemed the chief advantage 
 resulting from the establishment of colonies. But in the infancy of colo- 
 nization, and without the guidance of observation or experience, the ideas 
 of men, with respect to the mode of forming new settlements, were not 
 fully unfolded or properly arranged. At a period when they could not 
 foresee the future grandeur and importance of the communities which they 
 were about to call into existence, they were ill qualified to concert the best 
 plan for governing them. Besides, the English of that age, accustomed to 
 the high prerogative and arbitrary rule of their monarchs, were not ani- 
 mated with such liberal sentiments, either concerning their own personal or 
 political rights, as have become familiar in the more mature and improved 
 state of their constitution. 
 
 Without hesitation or reluctance the proprietors of both colonies prepared 
 to execute their respective plans ; and under the authority of a charter, 
 which would now be rejected with disdain as a violent invasion of the 
 sacred and inalienable rights of liberty, the first permanent settlements of 
 the English in America were established. From this period, the progress 
 of the two provinces of Virginia and New England forms a regular and 
 connected story. The former in the south, and the latter in the north, may 
 be considered as the original and parent colonies ; in imitation of which, 
 
 * Stith. Hidt. of Virginia, p. 33 Ant:end. p. 1. Piurlias, v. ]t;K 3 .. 
 
404 HISTORY OF [BOOK 1 . 
 
 and under whose shelter, all the others have been successively planted and 
 reared. 
 
 The first attempts to occupy Virginia and New England were made by 
 very feeble bodies of emigrants. As these settled under great disadvan- 
 tages, among tribes of savages, and in an uncultivated desert ; as they 
 attained gradually, after long struggles and many disasters, to that maturity 
 of strength, and order of policy, which entitle them to be considered as 
 respectable states, the history of their persevering efforts merits particular 
 attention. It will exhibit a spectacle no less striking than instructive, and 
 presents an opportunity which rarely occurs, of contemplating a society in 
 the first moment of its political existence, and of observing how its spirit 
 forms in its infant state, how its principles begin to unfold as it advances, 
 and how those characteristic qualities which distinguish its maturer age 
 are successively acquired. The account of the establishment of the other 
 English colonies, undertaken at periods when the importance of such pos- 
 sessions was better understood, and effected by more direct and vigorous 
 exertions of the parent state, is less interesting. I shall therefore relate 
 the history of the two original colonies in detail. With respect to the sub- 
 sequent settlements, some more general observations concerning the time, 
 the motives, and circumstances of their establishment will be sufficient. 
 I begin with the history of Virginia, the most ancient and most valuable of 
 the British colonies in North America. 
 
 Though many persons of distinction became proprietors in the company 
 which undertook to plant a colony in Virginia, its funds seem not to have 
 been considerable, and its first effort was certainly extremely feeble. A 
 small vessel of a hundred tons, and two barks, under the command of 
 Captain Newport, sailed [Dec. 19] with a hundred and five men destined 
 to remain in the country. Some of these were of respectable families, 
 particularly a brother of the Earl of Northumberland, and several officers 
 who had served with reputation in the reign of Elizabeth. Newport, I 
 know not for what reason, followed the ancient course by the West Indies, 
 and did not reach the coast of North America for four months [April 26, 
 1607]. But he approached it with better fortune than any former navi- 
 gator ; for, having been driven, by the violence of a storm, to the north- 
 ward of Roanoke, the place of his destination, the first land he discovered 
 was a promontory which he called Cape Henry, the southern boundary of 
 the Bay of Chesapeak. The English stood directly into that spacious inlet, 
 which seemed to invite them to enter ; and as they advanced, contem- 
 plated, with a mixture of delight and admiration, that grand reservoir, 
 into which are poured the waters of all the vast rivers, which not only 
 diffuse fertility through that district of America, but open the interior parts 
 of the country to navigation, and render a commercial intercourse more 
 extensive and commodious than in any other region of the globe. New- 
 port, keeping along the southern shore, sailed up a river which the natives 
 called Powhatan, and to which he gave the name of James River. After 
 viewing 1 its banks, during a run of above forty miles from its mouth, they 
 all concluded that a country, where safe and convenient harbours seemed 
 to be numerous, would be a more suitable station for a trading colony than 
 the shoaly and dangerous coast to the south, on which their countrymen 
 had formerly settled. Here then they determined to abide ; and having 
 chosen a proper spot for their residence, they gave this infant settlement 
 the name of James Town, which it still retains ; and though it has never 
 become either populous or opulent, it can boast of being the most ancient 
 habitation of the English in the New World. But however well chosen 
 the situation might be, the members of the colony were far from availing 
 themselves of its advantages. Violent animosities had broke out among 
 some of their leaders, during their voyage to Virginia. These did not sub- 
 side on their arrival there. The first deed of the council, which assume* 
 
AMERICA. 405 
 
 the government in virtue of a commission brought from England under the 
 seal of the company, and opened on the day after they landed, was an 
 act of injustice. Captain Smith, who had been appointed a member of 
 the council, was excluded from his seat at the board, by the mean jealousy 
 of his colleagues, and not only reduced to the condition of a private man, 
 but of one suspected and watched by his superiors. This diminution of 
 his influence, and restraint on his activity, was an essential injury to the 
 colony, which at that juncture stood in need of the aid of both, tor soon 
 after they began to settle, the English were involved in a war with the 
 natives, partly by their own indiscretion, and partly by the suspicion and 
 ferocity of those barbarians. And although the Indians, scattered over the 
 countries adjacent to James River, were divided into independent tribes, 
 so extremely feeble that hardly one of them could muster above two hun- 
 dred warriors,* they teased and annoyed an infant colony by their inces- 
 saii hostilities. To this was added a calamity still more dreadful ; the 
 stock of provisions left lor their subsistence, on the departure of their ships 
 for England [June 15], was so scanty and of such bad quality, that a 
 scarcity, approaching almost to absolute famine, soon followed. Such poor 
 unwholesome fare brought on diseases, the violence of which was so much 
 increased by the sultry heat of the climate, and the moisture of a country 
 covered with wood, that before the beginning of September one half of 
 their number died, and most of the survivors were sickly and dejected. 
 In such trying extremities, the comparative powers of every individual are 
 discovered and called forth, and each naturally takes that station, and 
 assumes that ascendant, to which he is entitled by his talents and force of 
 mind. Every eye was now turned towards Smith, and all willingly 
 devolved on him that authority of which they had formerly deprived him. 
 His undaunted temper, deeply tinctured with the wild romantic spirit cha- 
 racteristic of military adventurers in that age, was peculiarly suited to such 
 a situation. The vigour of his constitution continued fortunately still unim- 
 paired by disease, and his mind was never appalled by danger. He instantly 
 adopted the only plan that could save them from destruction. He began 
 by surrounding James Town with such rude fortifications as were a suffi- 
 cient defence against the assaults of savages. He then marched, at the 
 head of a small detachment, in quest of their enemies. Some tribes he 
 gained by caresses and presents, and procured from them a supply of 
 provisions. Others he attacked with open force ; and defeating them on 
 every occasion, whatever their superiority in numbers might be, compelled 
 them to impan to him some portion of their winter stores. As the recom- 
 pense of all his toils and dangers, he saw abundance and contentment 
 re-established in the colony, and hoped that he should be able to maintain 
 them in that happy state, until the arrival of ships from England in the 
 spring ; but in one of his excursions he was surprised by a numerous body 
 of Indians, and in making his escape from them, after a gallant defence, he 
 sunk to the neck in a swamp, and was obliged to surrender. Though he 
 knew well what a dreadful fate awaits the prisoners of savages, his pre- 
 sence of mind did not forsake him. He showed those who had taken 
 him captive a mariner's compass, and amused them with so many wonder- 
 ful accounts of its virtues as filled them with astonishment and veneration, 
 which began to operate very powerfully in his favour. They led him, 
 however, in triumph through various parts of the country, and conducted 
 him at last to Powhatan, the most considerable Sacbim in that part of 
 Virginia. There the doom of death being pronounced, he was led to the 
 place of execution, and his head already bowed down to receive the fatal 
 blow, when that fond attachment of the American women to their Euro- 
 
 * Purchas, vol. Iv. 1692. Smith's Travels, p. 23. 
 
406 HISTORY OF [BOOK IX. 
 
 pean invaders, the beneficial effects of which the Spaniards often expe- 
 rienced, interposed in his behalf. The favourite daughter of Powhatan 
 rushed in between him and the executioner, and by her entreaties and 
 tears prevailed on her father to spare his life. The beneficence of his 
 deliverer, whom the early English writers dignify with the title of the 
 Princess Pocahuntas, did not terminate here ; she soon after procured his 
 liberty, and sent from time to time seasonable presents of provisions.* 
 
 Smith, on his return to James Town, found the colony reduced to thirty- 
 eight persons, who, in despair were preparing to abandon a country which 
 did not seem destined to be the habitation of Englishmen. He employed 
 caresses, threats, and even violence, in order to prevent them from executing 
 this fatal resolution. With difficulty he prevailed on them to defer it so 
 long, that the succour anxiously expected from England arrived. Plenty 
 was instantly restored ; a hundred new planters were added to their 
 number ; ana an ample stock of whatever was requisite for clearing and 
 sowing the ground was delivered to them. But an unlucky incident turned 
 their attention from that species of industry which alone could render their 
 situation comfortable. In a small stream of water that issued from a bank 
 of sand near James Town, a sediment of some shining mineral substance, 
 which had some resemblance of gold, was discovered. At a time when 
 the precious metals were conceived to be the peculiar and only valuable 
 productions of the New World, when every mountain was supposed to 
 contain a treasure, and every rivulet was searched for its golden sands, 
 this appearance was fondly considered as an infallible indication of a mine. 
 Evejy hand was eager to dig ; large quantities of this glittering dust were 
 amassed. From some assay of its nature, made by an artist as unskilful 
 as his companions were credulous, it was pronounced to be extremely rich. 
 " There was now," says Smith, " no talk, no hope, no work, but dig gold, 
 wash gold, refine gold."! With this imaginary wealth the first vessel 
 returning to England was loaded, while the culture of the land and every 
 useful occupation were totally neglected. 
 
 The effects of this fatal delusion were soon felt. Notwithstanding all 
 the provident activity of Smith, in procuring corn from the natives by traffic 
 or by force, the colony began to suffer as much as formerly from scarcity 
 of food, and was wasted by the same distempers. In hopes of obtaining 
 some relief, Smith proposed, as they had not hitherto extended their 
 researches beyond the countries contiguous to James River, to open an 
 intercourse with the more remote tribes, and to examine into the state of 
 culture and population among them. The execution of this arduous design 
 ne undertook himself, in a small open boat, with a feeble crew, and a very 
 scanty stock of provisions. He began his survey at Cape Charles, and in 
 twooifferent excursions, which continued above 7our months, he advanced 
 as far as the river Susquehannah, which flows into the bottom of the bay. 
 tie visited all the countries both on the east and west shores ; he entered 
 most of the considerable creeks ; he sailed up many of the great rivers as 
 far as their falls. He traded with some tribes ; he fought with others ; he 
 observed the nature of the territory which they occupied, their mode of 
 subsistence, the peculiarities in their manners ; and left among all a won- 
 derful admiration either of the beneficence or valour of the English. After 
 sailing above three thousand miles in a paltry vessel, ill fitted for such an 
 extensive navigation, during which the hardships to which he was exposed, 
 as well as the patience with which he endured, and the fortitude with 
 which he surmounted them, equal whatever is related of the celebrated 
 Spanish discoverers in their most daring enterprises, he returned to James 
 Town ; he brought with him an account of that large portion of the 
 
 * Smith's Travels, p. 44, &c. Purehas, iv. 1704. Stith, p. 45, &c. t Smith's Travels, p. 53. 
 
AMERICA. 407 
 
 American continent now comprehended in the two provinces of Virginia 
 and Maryland,* so full and exact, that after the progress of information and 
 research for a century and a half, his map exhibits no inaccurate view of 
 both countries, and is the original upon which all subsequent delineations 
 and descriptions have been formed.f 
 
 But whatever pleasing prospect of future benefit might open upon this 
 complete discovery of a country formed by nature to be the seat of an 
 exclusive commerce, it afforded but little relief for their present wants. 
 The colony still depended for subsistence chiefly on supplies from the 
 natives ; as, after all the efforts of their own industry, hardly thirty acres 
 of ground were yet cleared so as to be capable of culture. J By Smith's 
 attention, however, the stores of the English were so regularly tilled that 
 for some time they felt no considerable distress ; and at this juncture a 
 change was made in the constitution of the company, which seemed to 
 promise an increase of their security and happiness. That supreme di- 
 rection of all the company's operations, which the King by his charter had 
 reserved to himself, discouraged persons of rank or property from becoming 
 members of a society so dependent on the arbitrary will of the crown. 
 Upon a representation of this to James, he granted them a new T charter 
 [May 23, 1609], with more ample privileges. He enlarged the boundaries 
 of the colony ; he rendered the powers of the company, as a corporation, 
 more explicit and complete ; he abolished the jurisdiction of the council 
 resident in Virginia ; he vested the government entirely in a council re- 
 siding in London ; he granted to the proprietors of the company the right 
 of electing the persons who were to compose this council, by a majority 
 of voices ; he authorized this council to establish such laws, orders, and 
 forms of government and magistracy, for the colony and plantation, as they 
 in their discretion should think to be fittest for the good of the adventurers 
 and inhabitants there ; he empowered them to nominate a governor to have 
 the administration of affairs in the colony ; and to carry their orders into 
 execution. In consequence of these concessions, the company having 
 acquired the power of regulating all its own transactions, the number of 
 proprietors increased, and among them we find the most respectable names 
 in the nation. 
 
 The first deed of the new council was to appoint Lord Delaware go- 
 vernor and captain-general of their colony in Virginia. To a person of 
 his rank those high sounding titles could be no allurement ; and by his 
 thorough acquaintance with the progress and state of the settlement, he 
 knew enough of the labour and difficulty with which an infant colony is 
 reared, to expect any thing but anxiety and care in discharging the duties 
 of that delicate office. But, from zeaf to promote an establishment which 
 he expected to prove so highly beneficial to his country, he was willing to 
 relinquish all the comforts of an honourable station, to undertake a long 
 voyage to settle in an uncultivated region, destitute of every accommoda- 
 tion to which he had been accustomed, and where he foresaw that toil, 
 and trouble, and danger awaited him. But as he could not immediately 
 leave England, the council despatched Sir Thomas Gates and Sir George 
 Summers, the former of whom had been appointed lieutenant-general and 
 the latter admiral, with nine ships and five hundred planters. They 
 carried with them commissions by which they were empowered to super- 
 sede the jurisdiction of the former council, to proclaim Lord Delaware 
 governor, and until he should arrive, to take the administration of affairs 
 into their own hands. A violent hurricane separated the vessel in which 
 Gates and Summers had embarked from the rest of the fleet, and stranded 
 it on the coast of Bermudas [Aug. 11]. The other ships arrived safely 
 at James Town. But the fate of their commanders was unknown. Their 
 
 * Smith's Travels, p. 65. &c. | Stith, p. 83 J Ibid, p 97. $ Ibid. Append. 8. 
 
408 HISTORY OF [BOOK DC. 
 
 commission for new modelling the government, and all other public papers, 
 were supposed to be lost together with them. The present form of 
 government, however, was held to be abolished. No legal warrant could 
 be produced for establishing any other. Smith was not in a condition at 
 this juncture to assert his own rights, or to act with his wonted vigour. 
 By an accidental explosion of gunpowder, he had been so miserably 
 scorched and mangled that he was incapable of moving, and under the 
 necessity of committing himself to the guidance of his friends, who 
 carried him aboard one of the ships returning to England, in hopes that 
 he might recover by more skilful treatment than he could meet with in 
 Virginia.* 
 
 After his departure, every thing tended fast to the wildest anarchy. 
 Faction and discontent had often risen so high among the old settlers that 
 they could hardly be kept within bounds. The spirit of the new comers 
 was too ungovernable to bear any restraint. Several among them of better 
 rank were such dissipated hopeless young men, as their friends were glad 
 to send out in quest of whatever fortune might betide them in a foreign 
 land. Of the lower order many were so profligate, or desperate, that their 
 country was happy to throw them out as nuisances in society. Such per- 
 sons were little capable of the regular subordination, the strict economy, 
 and persevering industry, which their situation required. The Indians 
 observing their misconduct, and that every precaution for sustenance or 
 safety was neglected, not only withheld the supplies of provisions which 
 they were accustomed to furnish, but harassed them with continual hos- 
 tilities. All their subsistence was derived from the stores which they had 
 brought from England ; these were soon consumed ; then the domestic 
 animals sent out to breed in the country were devoured ; and by this in- 
 considerate waste, they were reduced to such extremity of famine, as not 
 only to eat the most nauseous and unwholesome roots and berries, but to 
 feed on the bodies of the Indians whom they slew, and even on those of 
 their companions who sunk under the oppression of such complicated dis- 
 tress. In less than six months, of five hundred persons whom Smith left in 
 Virginia, only sixty remained ; and these so feeble and dejected that they 
 could not have survived for ten days, if succour had not arrived from a 
 quarter whence they did not expect it.f 
 
 When Gates and Summers were thrown ashore on Bermudas, fortunately 
 not a single person on board their ship perished. A considerable part of 
 their provisions and stores too, was saved, and in that delightful spot, 
 Nature, with spontaneous bounty, presented to them such a variety of her 
 productions, that a hundred and fifty people subsisted in affluence for ten 
 months on an uninhabited island. Impatient, however, to escape from a 
 place where they were cut off from all intercourse with mankind, they set 
 about building two barks with such tools and materials as they had, and 
 by amazing efforts of perseverance and ingenuity they finished them. In 
 these they embarked, and steered directly towards Virginia, in hopes of 
 finding an ample consolation for all their toils and dangers in the embraces 
 of their companions, and amidst the comforts of a flourishing colony. After 
 a more prosperous navigation than they could have expected in their ill 
 constructed vessels, they landed at James Town [May 23]. But instead 
 of that joyful interview for which they fondly looked, a spectacle pre- 
 sented itself which struck them with horror. They beheld the miserable 
 remainder of their countrymen emaciated with famine and sickness, sunk 
 in despair, and in their figure and looks rather resembling spectres than 
 human beings. As Gates and Summers, in full confidence of finding plenty 
 of provisions in Virginia, had brought with them no larger stock (han was 
 
 * Purchas, iv. 1734, &c. Smith's Travels, p. 89. Stith, p. 102, &c. f Stith, p. 116. 
 
 Purchas, iv. 1748 
 
AMERICA. 409 
 
 deemed necessary for their own support during the voyage, their inability 
 to afford relief to their countrymen added to the anguish with which they 
 viewed this unexpected scene of distress. Nothing now remained but in- 
 stantly to abandon a countiy where it was impossible to subsist any longer ; 
 and though all that could be found in the stores of the colony when added 
 to what remained of the stock brought from Bermudas, did not amount to 
 more than what was sufficient to support them for sixteen days, at the most 
 scanty allowance, they set sail, in hopes of being able to reach Newfound- 
 land, where they expected to be relieved by their countrymen employed 
 at that season in the fishery there.* 
 
 But it was not the will of Heaven that all the labour of the English, in 
 planting this colony, as well as all their hopes of benefit from its future 
 prosperity, should be for ever lost. Before Gates and the melancholy 
 companions of his voyage had reached the mouth of James River, they 
 were met by Lord Delaware with three ships, that brought a large recruit 
 of provisions, a considerable number of new settlers, and every thing re- 
 quisite for defence or cultivation. By persuasion and authority he prevailed 
 on them to return to James Town, where they found their fort, their ma- 
 gazines, and houses entire, which Sir Thomas Gates, by some happy 
 chance, had preserved from being set on fire at the time of their departure. 
 A society so feeble and disordered in its frame required a tender and 
 skilful hand to cherish it, and restore its vigour. This it found in Lord 
 Delaware : he searched into the causes of their misfortunes, as far as he 
 could discover them, amidst the violence of their mutual accusations ; but 
 instead of exerting his power in punishing crimes that were past, he em- 
 ployed his prudence in healing their dissensions, and in guarding against a 
 repetition of the same fatal errors. By unwearied assiduities, by the 
 respect due to an amiable and beneficent character, by knowing how to 
 mingle severity with indulgence, and when to assume the dignity of his 
 office, as well as when to display the gentleness natural to his own temper, 
 he gradually reconciled men corrupted fry anarchy to subordination and 
 discipline, he turned the attention of the idle and profligate to industry, 
 and taught the Indians again to reverence and dread the English name. 
 Under such an administration, the colony began once more to assume a 
 promising appearance ; when unhappily for it, a complication of diseases 
 brought on by the climate obliged Lord Delaware to quit the country! 
 [March 28, 1611] ; the government of which he committed to Mr. Percy. 
 
 He was soon superseded by the arrival [May 10] of Sir Thomas Dale ; 
 in whom the company had vested more absolute authority than in any 01 
 his predecessors, empowering him to rule by martial law ; a short code of 
 which, founded on the practice of the armies in the Low Countries, the 
 most rigid military school at that time in Europe, they sent out with him. 
 This system of government is so violent and arbitrary, that even the Spa- 
 niards themselves had not ventured to introduce it into their settlements ; 
 for among them, as soon as a plantation began, and the arts of peace suc- 
 ceeded to the operations of war, the jurisdiction of the civil magistrate 
 was uniformly established. But however unconstitutional or oppressive 
 this may appear, it was adopted by the advice of Sir Francis Bacon, the 
 most enlightened philosopher, and one of the most eminent lawyers of the 
 age.J The company, well acquainted with the inefficacy of every method 
 which they had hitherto employed for restraining the unruly mutinous 
 spirits which ihey had to govern, eagerly adopted a plan that had the 
 sanction of such high authority to recommend it. Happily for the colony, 
 Sir Thomas Dale, who was intrusted with this dangerous power, exercised 
 
 * A minute and curious account of the shipwreck of Gates and Summers, and of their adven- 
 tures in Eermudas, was composed by Strachy, a gentleman who accompanied them, and was pub- 
 lished by Purchas, iv. 1734. t Stith, p. 117. Purchaa, iv. 1764. i Bacon, Essay on 
 Plantations, p. 3. 
 
 VOL. L 52 
 
410 HISTORY OF [BOOK IX. 
 
 it with prudence and moderation. By the vigour which the summary 
 mode of military punishment gave to his administration, he introduced into 
 the c6lony more perfect order than had ever been established there ; and 
 at the same time he tempered his vigour with so much discretion, that no 
 alarm seems to have been given by mis formidable innovation.* 
 
 The regular form which the colony now began to assume induced the 
 king to issue a new charter for the encouragement of the adventurers [March 
 12, 1612], by which he not only confirmed all their former privileges, and 
 prolonged me term of exemption from payment of duties on the commodi- 
 ties exported by^ them, but granted them more extensive property, as well 
 as more ample jurisdiction. All the islands lying within three hundred 
 leagues of the coast were annexed to the province of Virginia. In con- 
 sequence of this, the company took possession of Bermudas and the other 
 small islands discovered by Gates and Summers, and at the same time 
 prepared to send out a considerable reinforcement to the colony at James 
 Town. The expense of those extraordinary efforts was defrayed by the 
 profits of a lottery, which amounted nearly to thirty thousand pounds. 
 This expedient they were authorized to employ by their new charter ;t 
 and it is remarkable, as the first instance in the English history of any public 
 countenance given to this pernicious seducing mode of levying money. 
 But the House of Commons, which towards the close of this reign be^an 
 to observe every measure of government with jealous attention, having 
 remonstrated against the institution, as unconstitutional and impolitic, James 
 recalled the license under the sanction of which it had been established.;); 
 
 By the severe discipline of martial law, the activity of the colonists was 
 forced into a proper direction, and exerted itself in useful industry. This, 
 aided by a fertile soil and favourable climate, soon enabled them to raise 
 such a large stock of provisions, that they were no longer obliged to trust 
 for subsistence to the precarious supplies which they obtained or extorted 
 from the Indians. In proportion as the English became more independent, 
 the natives courted their friendship upon more equal terms.. The happy 
 effects of this were quickly felt. Sir Thomas Dale concluded a treaty 
 with one of their most powerful and warlike tribes, situated on the river 
 Chickahominy, in which they consented to acknowledge themselves sub- 
 jects to the King of Great Britain, to assume henceforth the name of Eng- 
 lishmen, to send a body of their warriors to the assistance of the English 
 as often as they took the field against any enemy, and to deposite annually 
 a stipulated quantity of Indian corn in the storehouses of the colony. 
 An event, which the early historians of Virginia relate with peculiar satis- 
 faction, prepared the way for this union. Pocahuntas. the favourite 
 daughter of the great Chief Powhatan, to whose intercession Captain 
 Smith was indebted for his life, persevered in her partial attachment to 
 the English ; and as she frequently visited their settlements, where she 
 was always received' with respectful hospitality, her admiration of their 
 arts and "manners continued to increase. During this intercourse, her 
 beauty, which is represented as far superior to that of her countrywomen, 
 made such impression on the heart of Mr. Rolfe, a young man of rank in 
 the colony, that he warmly solicited her to accept of him as a husband. 
 Where manners are simple, courtship is not tedious. Neither artifice pre- 
 vents, nor ceremony forbids, the heart from declaring its sentiments. 
 Pocahuntas readily ^ave her consent ; Dale encouraged the alliance, and 
 Powhatan did not disapprove it. The marriage was celebrated with ex- 
 traordinary pomp ; and from that period a friendly correspondence sub- 
 sisted between the colony and all the tribes subject to Powhatan, or that 
 stood in awe of his power. Rolfe and his princess (for by that name the 
 
 * Stith, p. 112. f n>- P- 191. Appendix, 23, &c. f Chalmers' Annals, i. 32 
 
 $ Houier Solida Narratio, ap. de Bry, pars x. p. 33. Stith, p. 130. 
 
AMERICA. 411 
 
 writers of the last age always distinguish her,) set out for England, where 
 she was received by James and his Queen with the respect suited to her 
 birth. Being carefully instructed in the principles of the Christian faith, 
 she was publicly baptized, but died a few years after, on her return to 
 America, leaving one son, from whom are sprung some of the most re- 
 spectable families in Virginia, who boast of their descent from the ra^e of 
 the ancient rulers of their country.* But notwithstanding the visible good 
 effects of that alliance, none of Kolfe's countrymen seem to have imitated 
 the example which he set them, of intermarrying with the natives. Of all 
 the Europeans who have settled in America, the English have availed 
 themselves the least of this obvious method of conciliating the affection of 
 its original inhabitants ; and, either from the shyness conspicuous in their 
 national character, or from the want of that pliant facility of manners which 
 accommodates itself to every situation, they have been more averse than 
 the French and Portuguese, or even the Spaniards, from incorporating with 
 the native Americans. The Indians, courting such a union, offeree! their 
 daughters in marriage to their new guests : and when they did not accept 
 of the proffered alliance, they naturally imputed it to pride, and to their 
 contempt of them as an inferior order of beings.j 
 
 During the interval of tranquillity procured by the alliance with Pow- 
 hatan, an important change was made in the state of the colony. Hitherto 
 no right of private property in land had been established. The fields that 
 were cleared had been cultivated by the joint labour of the colonists; their 
 product was carried to the common storehouses, and distributed weekly 
 to every family, according to its number and exigencies. A society, des- 
 titute of the first advantages resulting from social union, was not formed to 
 prosper. Industry, when not excited by the idea of property in what was 
 acquired by its own efforts, made no vigorous exertion. The head had no 
 inducement to contrive, nor the hand to labour. The idle and improvident 
 trusted entirely to what was issued from the common store ; the assiduity 
 even of the sober and attentive relaxed, when they perceived that others 
 were to reap the fruit of their toil ; and it was computed, that the united 
 industry of the colony did not accomplish as much work in a week as 
 might have been performed in a day, if each individual had laboured on 
 his own account. In order to remedy this, Sir Thomas Dale divided a 
 considerable portion of the land into small lots, and granted one of these to 
 each individual in full property. From the moment that industry had the 
 certain prospect of a recompense, it advanced with rapid progress. The 
 articles of primary necessity were cultivated with so much attention as 
 secured the means of subsistence ; and such schemes of improvement were 
 formed as prepared the way for the introduction of opulence into the colony. J 
 
 The industrious spirit which began to rise among the planters was soon 
 directed towards a new object ; and they applied to it for some tin^e with 
 such inconsiderate ardour as was productive of fatal consequences. The 
 culture of tobacco, which has since become the staple of Virginia, and the 
 source of its prosperity, was introduced about this time [1616], into the 
 colony. As the taste for that weed continued to increase in England, not- 
 withstanding the zealous declamations of James against it, the tobacco 
 imported from Virginia came to a ready market ; and though it was so 
 much inferior in quality or in estimation to that raised by the Spaniards in 
 the West Indian islands, that a pound of the latter sold for eighteen shilling* 
 and of the former for no more than three shillings, it yielded a considerable 
 profit. Allured by the prospect of such a certain and quick return, every 
 other species of industry was neglected. The land which ought to have 
 been reserved for raising provisions, and even the streets of James Town, 
 
 * Hamer Solida Narratio, ap. do Cry, pars x. p. 23. Stitli, p. 129. 146. Smith's Travels, p. 113 
 121, t Beverley's Hist, of Virg. p. 2.3. { Smith's Travels, p. 114. Stitb, p. 131. 
 
412 HISTORY OF [BOOK IX. 
 
 were planted with tobacco. Various regulations were framed to restrain 
 this ill directed activity. But, from eagerness for present gain, the plant- 
 ers disregarded every admonition. The means of subsistence became so 
 scanty, as forced them to renew their demands upon the Indians, who 
 seeing no end of thpse exactions, their antipathy to the English name 
 revived with additional rancour, and they began to form schemes of ven- 
 geance, with a secrecy and silence peculiar to Americans.* 
 
 Meanwhile the colony, notwithstanding this error in its operations, and 
 the cloud that was gathering over its head, continued to wear an aspect of 
 prosperity. Its numbers increased by successive migrations ; the quantity 
 of tobacco exported became every year more considerable, and several 
 of the planters were not only in an easy situation, but advancing fast to 
 opulence ;t and by two events, which happened nearly at the same time, 
 both population and industry were greatly promoted. As few women had 
 hitherto ventured to encounter the hardships which were unavoidable in an 
 unknown and uncultivated country, most of the colonists, constrained to 
 live single, considered themselves as no more than sojourners in a land to 
 which they were not attached by the tender ties of a family and children. 
 In order to induce them to settle there, the company took advantage of the 
 apparent tranquillity in the country, to send out a considerable number of 
 young women of humble birth -indeed, but of unexceptionable character, 
 and encouraged the planters, by premiums and immunities, to marry them.{ 
 These new companions were received with such fondness, and many oi 
 them so comfortably established, as invited others to follow their example ; 
 and by degrees thoughtless adventurers, assuming the sentiments of vir- 
 tuous citizens and of provident fathers of families, became solicitous about 
 the prosperity of a country which they now considered as their own. As 
 the colonists "began to form more extensive plans of industry, they were 
 unexpectedly furnished with means of executing them with greater facility. 
 A Dutch ship from the coast of Guinea, having sailed up James River, 
 sold a part of her cargo of Negroes to the planters ; and as that hardy 
 race was found more capable of enduring fatigue under a sultry climate 
 than Europeans, their number has been increased by continual importation ; 
 their aid seems now to be essential to the existence of the colony, and the 
 greater part of field labour in Virginia is performed by servile hands. 
 
 But as the condition of the colony improved, the spirits of its members 
 became more independent. To Englishmen the summary and severe 
 decisions of martial law, however tempered by the mildness of their 
 governors, appeared intolerably oppressive ; and they longed to recover 
 the privileges to which they had been accustomed under the liberal form 
 of government in their native country. In compliance with this spirit, Sir 
 George Yeardly, in the year 1619 [June], called the first general assembly 
 that was ever held in Virginia ; and the numbers of the people were now 
 so increased, and their settlements so dispersed, that eleven corporations 
 appeared by their representatives in this convention, where they were 
 permitted to assume legislative power, and to exercise the noblest functions 
 of free men. The laws enacteq in it seem neither to have been many nor 
 of great importance ; but the meeting was highly acceptable to the people, 
 as they now beheld among themselves an image of the English constitution, 
 which they reverenced as the most perfect model oi free government. In 
 order to render this resemblance more complete, and the rights of the 
 planters more certain, the company issued a charter of ordinance [July 24], 
 which gave a legal and permanent form to the government of the colony. 
 The supreme legislative authority in Virginia, in imitation of that in Great 
 Britain, was divided and lodged partly in the governor, who held the 
 
 * Stith, p. 140. 147. 164. 163. Smith, p. 130. Purchas. iv. 1787. t Smith, p. 139. 
 
 t Stith, p. 166. 197. $ Beverley, p. 37. 
 
AMERICA. 413 
 
 place of the sovereign ; partly in a council of state named by the company, 
 which possessed some of the distinctions, and exercised some of the func- 
 tions belonging to the peerage ; partly in a general council or assembly 
 composed of the representatives of the people, in which were vested 
 powers and privileges similar to those of the House of Commons. In both 
 these councils all questions were to be determined by the majority of 
 voices, and a negative was reserved to the governor ; but no law or ordi- 
 nance, though approved of by all the three members of the legislature, 
 was to be ot force until it was ratified in England by a general court of the 
 company, and returned under its seal.* Thus the constitution of the colony 
 was fixed, and the members of it are henceforth to be considered, not 
 merely as servants of a commercial company dependent on the will and 
 orders of their superior, but as free men and citizens. 
 
 The natural effect of that happy change in their condition was an increase 
 of their industry. The product of tobacco in Virginia was now equal, 
 not only to the consumption of it in Great Britain,! but could furnish some 
 quantity for a foreign market. The company opened a trade for it with 
 Holland, and established warehouses for it in Middelburg and Flushing. 
 James and his privy council, alarmed at seeing the commerce of a com- 
 modity, for which the demand was daily increasing, turned into a channel 
 that tended to the diminution of the revenue, by depriving it of a consider- 
 able duty imposed on the importation of tobacco, interposed with vigour to 
 check this innovation. Some expedient was found, by which the matter 
 was adjusted for the present ; but it is remarkable as the first instance of 
 a difference in sentiment between the parent state and the colony, concern- 
 ing their respective rights. The former concluded, that the trade of the 
 colony should be confined to England, and all its productions be landed 
 there. The latter claimed, not only the general privilege of Englishmen 
 to carry their commodities to the best market, but pleaded the particular 
 concessions in their charter, by which an unlimited freedom of commerce 
 seemed to be granted to them, j The time for a more full discussion of this 
 important question was not yet arrived. 
 
 But while the colony continued to increase so fast that settlements were 
 scattered, not only along the banks of James and York rivers, but began 
 to extend to the Rapahannock, and even to the Potowmack, the English, 
 relying on their own numbers, and deceived by this appearance of pros- 
 perity, lived in full security. They neither attended to the movements of 
 the Indians, nor suspected their machinations ; and though surrounded by 
 a people whom they might have known from experience to be both artful 
 and vindictive, they neglected every precaution for their own safety that 
 was requisite in such a situation. Like the peaceful inhabitants of a 
 society completely established, they were no longer soldiers but citizens, 
 and were so intent on what was subservient to the comfort or embellishment 
 of civil life that every martial exercise began to be laid aside as unne- 
 cessary. The Indians, whom they commonly employed as hunters, were 
 furnished with fire arms, and taught to use them with dexterity. They 
 were permitted to frequent the habitations of the English at all hours, and 
 received as innocent visitants whom there was no reason to dread. This 
 inconsiderate security enabled the Indians to prepare for the execution of 
 
 * Stith, Appendix, p. 32, &c. 
 
 t It is a matter of some curiosity to trace the progress of the consumption of this unnecessary 
 commodity. The use of tobacco seems to have been first introduced into England about the year 
 1586. Possibly a few seafaring persons may have acquired a relish for it by their intercourse with 
 the Spaniards previous to that period ; but the use of it cannot be denominated a national habit 
 sooner than the time I have mentioned. Upon an average of the seven years immediately prece- 
 ding the year 1622, the whole import of tobacco into England amounted to a hundred and forty-two 
 thousand and eighty-five pounds weigtn. Stith, p. 246. From this it appears, that the taste had 
 spread with a rapidity which is remarkable. But how inconsiderable is that quantity to what ia 
 now consumed in Great Britain I 
 
 t Stith, p. 200, &c. 
 

 
 414 HISTORY OF [BOOK IX. 
 
 that plan of vengeance, which they meditated with all the deliberate fore- 
 thought which is agreeable to their temper. Nor did they want a leader 
 capable of conducting their schemes with address. On the death oi 
 Powhatan, in the year 1618, Opechancanough succeeded him, not only as 
 wirowanee, or chief of his own tribe, but in that extensive influence over 
 all the Indian nations of Virginia, which induced the English writers to 
 distinguish him by the name of Emperor. According to the Indian tradi- 
 tion, he was not a native of Virginia, but came from a distant country to 
 the south-west, possibly from some province of the Mexican empire.* 
 But as he was conspicuous for all the qualities of highest estimation among 
 savages, a fearless courage, great strength and agility of body, and crafty 
 policy, he quickly rose to eminence and power. Soon after his elevation 
 to the supreme command, a general massacre of the English seems to have 
 been resolved upon ; and during four years, the means of perpetrating it 
 with the greatest facility and success were concerted with amazing secrecy 
 All the tribes contiguous to the English settlements were successively gained, 
 except those on the eastern shore, from whom, on account of their peculiar 
 attachment to their new neighbours, every circumstance that might discover 
 what they intended was carefully concealed. To each tribe its station 
 was allotted, and the part it was to act prescribed. On the morning of 
 the day consecrated to vengeance [March 22], each was at the place of 
 rendezvous appointed, while the English were so little aware of the 
 impending destruction that they received with unsuspicious hospitality 
 several persons sent by Opechancanough, under pretext of delivering 
 presents of venison ana fruits, but in reality to observe their motions. 
 Finding them perfectly secure, at midday, the moment that was previously 
 fixed for this deed of horror, the Indians rushed at once upon them in all 
 their different settlements, and murdered men, women, and children, with 
 undistinguishing rage, and that rancorous cruelty with which savages treat 
 their enemies. In one hour nearly a fourth part of the whole colony was 
 cut off, almost without knowing by whose hands they fell. The slaughter 
 would have been universal, if compassion, or a sense of duty, had not 
 moved a converted Indian, to whom the secret was communicated the 
 night before the massacre, to reveal it to his master in such time as to save 
 James Town and some adjacent settlements ; and if the English in other 
 districts ha,d not run to their arms with resolution prompted by despair, 
 and defended themselves so bravely as to repulse their assailants, who, 
 in the execution of their plan, did not discover courage equal to the sagacity 
 and art with which they had concerted it.j 
 
 But though the blow was thus prevented from descending with its full 
 effect, it proved very grievous to an infant colony. In some settlements 
 not a single Englishman escaped. Many persons of prime note in the 
 colony, and among these -several members of the council, were slain. 
 The survivors, overwhelmed with grief, astonishment, and terror, aban- 
 doned all their remote settlements, and, crowding together for safety to 
 James Town, did not occupy a territory of greater extent than had been 
 planted soon after the arrival of their countrymen in Virginia. Confined 
 within those narrow boundaries, they were less intent on schemes of industry 
 than on thoughts of revenge. Every man took arms. A bloody war 
 against the Indians commenced ; ana, bent on exterminating the whole 
 race, neither old nor young were spared. The conduct of the Spaniards 
 in the southern regions of America was openly proposed as the most proper 
 model to imitate ;J and regardless, like them, of those principles of faith, 
 honour, and humanity, which regulate hostility among civilized nations 
 and set bounds to its rage, the English deemed every thing allowable that 
 tended to accomplish their design. They hunted the Indians like wild 
 
 * Beverley, p. 51. t Stith, p. 208, &c. Purchas, iv. 1788, &c J Stith, p. 233. 
 
AMERICA. 415 
 
 beasts rather than enemies ; and as the pursuit of them to their places of 
 retreat in the woods, which covered their country, was both difficult and 
 dangerous, they endeavoured to allure them from their inaccessible fastness 
 by offers of peace and promises of oblivion, made with such an artful 
 appearance of sincerity as deceived their crafty leader, and induced them 
 to return to their former settlements, and resume their usual peaceful oc- 
 cupations [1623], The behaviour of the two people seemed now to be 
 perfectly reversed. The Indians, like men acquainted with the principles 
 of integrity and good faith, on which the intercourse between nations is 
 founded, confided in the reconciliation, and lived in absolute security with- 
 out suspicion of danger ; while the English, with perfidious craft, were 
 preparing to imitate savages in their revenge and cruelty. On the approach 
 of harvest, when they knew a hostile attack would be most formidable 
 and fatal, they fell suddenly upon all the Indian plantations, murdered 
 every person on whom they could lay hold, and drove the rest to the 
 woods, where so many perished with hunger, that some of the tribes 
 nearest to the English were totally extirpated. This atrocious deed, 
 which the perpetrators laboured to represent as a necessary act of retalia- 
 tion, was followed by some happy effects. It delivered the colony so 
 entirely from any dread of the Indians, that its settlements began again to 
 extend, and its industry to revive. 
 
 But unfortunately at this juncture the state of the company in England, 
 in which the property of Virginia and the government of the colony 
 settled there were vested, prevented it from seconding the efforts of the 
 planters, by such a reinforcement of men, and such a supply of necessa- 
 ries, as were requisite to replace what they had lost. The company was 
 originally composed of many adventurers, and increased so fast by the 
 junction of new members, allured by the prospect of gain, or the desire of 
 promoting a scheme of public utility, that its general courts formed a 
 numerous assembly.* The operation of every political principle and 
 passion, that spread through the kingdom, was felt in those popular meet- 
 ings, and influenced their decisions. As towards the close of James's 
 reign more just and enlarged sentiments with respect to constitutional 
 liberty were diffused among the people, they came to understand their 
 rights better and to assert them with greater boldness ; a distinction formerly 
 little known, but now familiar in English policy, began to be established 
 between the court and country parties, and the leaders of each endea- 
 voured to derive power and consequence from every quarter. Both 
 exerted themselves with emulation, in order to obtain the direction of a 
 body so numerous and respectable as the company of Virginian adven- 
 turers. In consequence of this, business had been conducted in every 
 general court for some years, not with the temperate spirit of merchants 
 deliberating concerning their mutual interest, but with the animosity and 
 violence natural to numerous assemblies, by which rival factions contend 
 for superiority.! 
 
 As the king did not often assemble the great council of the nation in 
 parliament, the general courts of the company became a theatre on which 
 popular orators displayed their talents ; the proclamations of the crown, 
 and acts of the privy council, with respect to the commerce and police of 
 the colony, were canvassed there with freedom, and censured with seve- 
 rity, ill suited to the lofty ideas which James entertained of his own 
 wisdom, and the extent ot his prerogative. In order to check this growing 
 spirit of discussion, the ministers employed all their address and influence 
 to gain as many members of the company as might give them the direc- 
 tion of their deliberations. But so unsuccessful were they in this attempt, 
 that every measure proposed by them was reprobated by a vast majority, 
 
 * 3tith, p. 272. 276. * Ihirt. j>. 229, &c. Chalmers, p. 59. 
 
416 HISTORY OF [BOOK IX. 
 
 and sometimes without any reason but because they were the proposers 
 of it. James, little favourable to the power of any popular assembly, 
 and weary of contending with one over which he had laboured in vain to 
 obtain an ascendant, began to entertain thoughts of dissolving the com- 
 pany, and new modelling its constitution. Pretexts, neither unplausible 
 nor destitute of some foondation, seemed to justify this measure. The 
 slow progress of the colony, the large sums of money expended, and great 
 number of men who had perished in attempting to plant it, the late massacre 
 by the Indians, and every disaster that had befallen the English from their 
 first migration to America, were imputed solely to the inability of a nume- 
 rous company to conduct an enterprise so complex and arduous. The 
 nation felt sensibly its disappointment in a scheme in which it had engaged 
 with sanguine expectations of advantage, and wished impatiently for such 
 an impartial scrutiny into former proceedings as might suggest more 
 salutary measures in the future administration of the colony. The pre- 
 sent state of its affairs, as well as the wishes of the people, seemed to call 
 for the interposition of the crown ; and James, eager to display the supe- 
 riority of his royal wisdom, in correcting those errors into which the 
 company had been betrayed by inexperience in the arts of government, 
 boldly undertook the work of reformation [May 9, 1623]. Without 
 regarding the rights conveyed to the company by their charter, and without 
 the formality of any judicial proceeding for annulling it, he, by virtue of 
 his prerogative, issued a commission, empowering some of the judges, and 
 other persons of note, to examine into all the transactions of the company 
 from its first establishment, and to lay the result of their inquiries, together 
 with their opinion concerning the most effectual means of rendering the 
 colony more prosperous,* before the privy council. At the same time, by 
 a strain of authority still higher, he ordered all the records and papers of 
 the company to be seized, and two of its principal officers to be arrested. 
 Violent and arbitrary as these acts of authority may now appear, the com- 
 missioners carried on their inquiry without any obstruction, but what arose 
 from some feeble and ineffectual remonstrances of the company. The 
 commissioners, though they conducted their scrutiny with much activity 
 and vigour,! did not communicate any of their proceedings to the com- 
 pany ; but their report, with respect to its operations, seems to have been 
 very unfavourable, as the king, in consequence of it, signified to the com- 
 pany [Oct. 8], his intention of vesting the supreme government of the 
 company in a governor and twelve assistants, to be resident in England, 
 and the executive power in a council of twelve, which should reside in 
 Virginia. The governor and assistants were to be originally appointed by 
 the king. Future vacancies were to be supplied by me governor and his 
 assistants, but their nomination was not to take effect until it should be 
 ratified by the privy council. The twelve counsellors in Virginia were to 
 be chosen by tne governor and assistants ; and this choice was likewise 
 subjected to the review of the privy council. With an intention to quiet 
 the minds of the colonists, it was declared that private property should 
 be deemed sacred ; and for the more effectual security of it, all grants of 
 lands from the former company were to be confirmed, by the new one. 
 In order to facilitate the execution of this plan, the king required the com- 
 pany instantly to surrender its charter into his hands.J 
 
 But here James and his ministers encountered a spirit of which they 
 seem not to have been aware. They found the members of the company 
 unwilling tamely to relinquish rights of franchises, conveyed to them with 
 such legal formality, that upon faith in their validity they had expended 
 considerable sums ; and still more averse to the abolition of a popular 
 form of government, in which every proprietor had a voice, in order to 
 
 * Slith, p. 288. t Smith's Travels, p. lf>5, &c. J Stith, p 293, &c. $ Chalmers, p. 61. 
 
AMERICA. 417 
 
 subject a colony, in which they were deeply interested, to the dominion 
 f a small junto absolutely dependent on the crown. Neither promises 
 nor threats could induce them to depart from these sentiments ; and in a 
 general court [Oct. 20], the king's proposal was almost unanimously 
 rejected, and a resolution taken to defend to the utmost their chartered 
 rights, if these should be called in question in any court of justice. James, 
 highly offended at their presumption in daring to oppose his will, directed 
 [Nov. 10] a writ of quo warranto to be issued against the company, that 
 the validity of its charter might be tried in the Court of King s Bench ; 
 and in order to aggravate the charge, by collecting additional proofs of 
 maladministration, he appointed some persons in whom he could confide, 
 to repair to Virginia to inspect the state of the colony, and inquire into the 
 conduct of the company, and of its officers there. 
 
 The lawsuit in the King's Bench did not hang long in suspense. It 
 terminated, as was usual in that reign, in a decision perfectly consonant to 
 the wishes of the monarch. The charter was forfeited, the company was 
 dissolved [June, 1624], and all the rights and privileges conferred upon it 
 returned to the King, from whom they flowed.* 
 
 Some writers, particularly Stith, the most intelligent and best informed 
 historian of Virginia, mention the dissolution of the company as a most 
 disastrous event to the colony. Animated with liberal sentiments, imbibed 
 in an age when the principles of liberty were more fully unfolded than 
 under the reign of James, they viewed his violent and arbitrary proceed- 
 ings on this occasion with such indignation that their abhorrence of the 
 means which he employed to accomplish his designs, seems to have ren- 
 dered them incapable of contemplating its effects with discernment and 
 candour. There is not perhaps any mode of governing an infant colony 
 less friendly to its liberty than the dominion of an exclusive corporation 
 possessed of all the powers which James had conferred upon the company 
 of adventurers in Virginia. During several years the colonists can hardly be 
 considered in any other light than as servants to the company, nourished 
 out of its stores, bound implicitly to obey its orders, and subjected to the 
 most rigorous of all forms of government, that of martial law. Even after 
 the native spirit of Englishmen began to rouse under oppression, and had 
 extorted from their superiors the right of enacting laws for the government 
 of that community of which they were members, as no act, though 
 approved of by all the branches of the provincial legislature, was held to 
 be of legal force until it was ratified by a general court in England, the 
 company still retained the paramount authority in its own hands. Nor 
 was the power of the company more favourable to the prosperity of the 
 colony than to its freedom. A numerous body of merchants, as long as its 
 operations are purely commercial, may carry them on with discernment 
 and success. But the mercantile spirit seems ill adapted to conduct an 
 enlarged and liberal plan of civil policy, and colonies have seldom grown 
 up to maturity and vigour under its narrow and interested regulations. 
 To the unavoidable effects in administration which this occasioned, were 
 added errors arising from inexperience. The English merchants of that 
 age had not those extensive views which a general commerce opens to such as 
 have the direction of it. When they first began to venture out of the beaten 
 track, they groped their way with timidity and hesitation. Unacquainted 
 with the climate and soil of America, and ignorant of the productions best 
 suited to them, they seem to have had no settled plan of improvement, and 
 their schemes were continually varying. Their system of government 
 was equally fluctuating. In the course of eighteen years ten different 
 persons presided over the province as chief governors. No wonder that, 
 under such administration, all the efforts to give vigour and stability to the 
 
 * llymer, vol. xvii. p. 618, &c. Chalmers, p. 62. 
 
 VOL. I. 53 
 
418 HISTORY OF [BooKlX, 
 
 colony should prove abortive, or produce only slender effects. These 
 efforts, however, when estimated according to the ideas of that age, either 
 with respect to commerce or to policy, were very considerable, and con- 
 ducted with astonishing perseverance. 
 
 Above a hundred and fifty thousand pounds were expended in this first 
 attempt to plant an English colony in America;* and more than nine 
 thousand persons were sent out from the mother country to people this new 
 settlement. At the dissolution of the company, the nation, in return for 
 this waste of treasure and of people, did not receive from Virginia an 
 annual importation of commodities exceeding twenty thousand pounds in 
 value ; and the colony was so far from having added strength to the state 
 by an increase of population, that in the year one thousand six hundred 
 and twenty-four, scarcely two thousand persons survived ;f a wretched 
 remnant of the numerous emigrants who had flocked thither with, sanguine 
 expectations of a very different fate. 
 
 The company, like all unprosperous societies, fell unpitied. The violent 
 hand with which prerogative had invaded its rights was forgotten, and new 
 prospects of success opened, under a form of government exempt from all 
 the defects to which past disasters were imputed. The King and the 
 nation concurred with equal ardour in resolving to encourage the colony. 
 Soon after the final judgment in the Court of King's Bench against the 
 company, James appointed a council of twelve persons [Aug. 26], to take 
 the temporary direction of affairs in Virginia that he might have leisure to 
 frame with deliberate consideration proper regulations for the permanent 
 government of the colony .J Pleased with such an opportunity of exercising 
 his talents as a legislator, he began to turn his attention towards the 
 subject ; but death prevented him from completing his plan. 
 
 Charles I., on his accession to the throne [March 27, 1625], adopted all 
 his father's maxims with respect to the colony in Virginia. He declared 
 it to be a part of the empire annexed to the crown, and immediately 
 subordinate to its jurisdiction : he conferred the title of Governor on Sir 
 George Yardely, and appointed him, in conjunction with a council of 
 twelve, and a secretary, to exercise supreme authority there, and enjoined 
 them to conform, in every point, to such instructions as from time to time 
 they might receive from him. From the tenor of the king's commission, 
 as well as from the known spirit of his policy, it is apparent that he intended 
 to invest every power of government, both legislative and executive, in 
 the governor and council, without recourse to the representatives of the 
 people, as possessing a right to enact laws for the community, or to impose 
 taxes upon it. Yardely and his council, who seem to have been fit instru- 
 ments for carrying this system of arbitrary rule into execution, did not fail 
 to put such a construction on the words of their commission as was most 
 favourable to their own jurisdiction. During a great part of Charles's 
 reign, Virginia knew no other law than the will of the Sovereign. Statutes 
 were published and taxes imposed, without once calling the representatives 
 of the people to authorize them by their sanction. At the same time that 
 the colonists were bereaved of their political rights, which they deemed 
 essential to freemen and citizens, their private property was violently invaded. 
 A proclamation was issued, by which, under pretexts equally absurd and 
 frivolous, they were prohibited from selling tobacco to any person but 
 certain commissioners appointed by the king to purchase it on nis account ;i) 
 and they had the cruel mortification to behold the sovereign, who should 
 have afforded them protection, engross all the profits of their industry, by 
 seizing the only valuable commodity which they had to vend, and retain- 
 ing the monopoly of it in his own hands. While the staple of the colony 
 
 * Smith's Travels, p. 42. 167. t Chalmers' Annals, p. 69. J Rymer, xvii 618,. &a, 
 
 $ Ibid, xviii. 72. 311. |J Ibid, xviii. 19. 
 
AMERICA. 413 
 
 111 Virginia sunk in value under the oppression and restraints of a monopoly, 
 property in land was rendered insecure by various grants of it, which 
 Charles inconsiderately bestowed upon his favourites. These were not 
 only of such exorbitant extent as to be unfavourable to the progress ot 
 cultivation, but from inattention, or imperfect acquaintance with the 
 geography of the country, their boundaries were so inaccurately defined, 
 that large tracts already occupied and planted were often included in 
 them. 
 
 The murmurs and complaints w r hich such a system of administration 
 excited, were augmented by the rigour with which Sir John Harvey, who 
 succeeded Yardely in the government of the colony,* enforced every act 
 of power [1627]. Rapacious, unfeeling, and haughty, he added insolence 
 to oppression, and neither regarded the sentiments nor listened to the 
 remonstrances of the people under his command. The colonists, far from 
 the seat of government, and overawed by authority derived from a roya. 
 commission, submitted long to his tyranny and exactions. Their patience 
 was at last exhausted ; and in a transport of popular rage and indignation, 
 they seized their governor, and sent him a prisoner to England, accompa- 
 nied by two of their number, whom they deputed to prefer their accusa- 
 tions against him to the king. But this attempt to redress their own 
 wrongs, by a proceeding so summary and violent as is hardly consistent 
 with any idea of regular government, and can be justified only in cases of 
 such urgent necessity as rarely occur in civil society, was altogether repug- 
 nant to every notion which Charles entertained with respect to the obe- 
 dience due by subjects to their sovereign. To him the conduct of the 
 colonists appeared to be not only a usurpation of his right tojudge and to 
 punish one of his own officers, by an open and audacious act of rebellion 
 against his authority. Without deigning to admit their deputies into his 
 presence, or to hear one article of their charge against Harvey, the king 
 instantly sent him back to his former station, with an ample renewal of afi 
 the powers belonging to it. But though Charles deemed this vigorous 
 step necessary in order to assert his own authority, and to testify his dis- 
 pleasure with those who had presumed to offer such an insult to it, he 
 seems to have been so sensible of the grievances under which the colonists 
 groaned, and of the chief source from which they flowed, that soon after 
 [1639] he not only removed a governor so justly odious to them, but named 
 as a successor Sir William Berkeley, a person far superior to Harvey in 
 rank and abilities, and still more distinguished, by possessing all the popu- 
 lar virtues to which the other was a stranger.f 
 
 Under his government the colony in Virginia remained, with some short 
 intervals of interruption, almost forty years ; and to his mild and prudent 
 administration its increase and prosperity are in a great measure to be 
 ascribed. It was indebted, however, to the king himself for such a reform 
 of its constitution and policy, as gave a different aspect to the colony, and 
 animated all its operations with new spirit. Though the tenor of Sir Wil- 
 liam Berkeley's commission was the same with that of his predecessor, he 
 received instructions under the great seal, by which he was empowered to 
 declare, that in all its concerns, civil as well as ecclesiastical, the colony 
 was to be governed according to the laws of England : he was directed to 
 issue writs for electing representatives of the people, who, in conjunction 
 with the governor and council, were to form a general assembly, and to 
 possess supreme legislative authority in the community : he was ordered 
 to establish courts of justice, in which all questions, whether civil or crimi- 
 nal, were to be decided agreeably to the forms of judicial procedure in the 
 mother country. It is not easy to discover what were the motives which 
 induced a monarch, tenacious in adhering to any opinion or system which 
 
 * Rymer, xviii. 980. t Bcverley's Hist, of Virg. p. 50. Chalmers's Annals, p. 118, &c. 
 
42fr HISTORY OF [BOOK IX, 1 
 
 he had once adopted, jealous to excess of his own rights, and adverse or 
 every occasion to any extension of the privileges claimed by his people, 
 to relinquish his original plan of administration in the colony, and to grant 
 such immunities to his subjects settled there. From the historians of Vir- 
 ginia, no less ^ superficial than ill informed, no light can be derived with 
 respect to this T>9int. It is most probable, the dread of the spirit then 
 rising in Great Britain, extorted from Charles concessions so favourable to 
 Virginia. After an intermission of almost twelve years, the state of his 
 affairs compelled him to have recourse to the great council of the nation. 
 There his subjects would find a jurisdiction independent of the crown, 
 and able to control its authority. There they hoped for legal redress of 
 all their grievances. As the colonists in Virginia had applied for relief to 
 a former parliament, it might be expected with certainty that they would 
 lay their case before the first meeting of an assembly in which they were 
 secure of a favourable audience. Charles knew (hat, if the spirit of his 
 administration in Virginia were to be tried by the maxims of the English 
 constitution, it must be severely reprehended. He was aware that many 
 measures of greater moment in his government would be brought under a 
 strict review in parliament ; and, unwilling to give malecontents the advan- 
 tage of adding a charge of oppression in the remote parts of his dominion* 
 to a catalogue of domestic grievances, he artfully endeavoured to take the 
 merit of having granted voluntarily to his people in Virginia such privi- 
 leges as he foresaw would be extorted from him. 
 
 But though Charles established the internal government of Virginia or> 
 a model similar to that of -the English constitution, and conferred on his 
 subjects there all the rights of freemen and citizens, he was extremely 
 solicitous to maintain its connexion with the parent state. With this view 
 he instructed Sir William Berkeley strictly to prohibit any commerce of 
 the colony with foreign nations ; and in order more certainly to secure 
 exclusive possession of all the advantages arising from the sale of its pro- 
 ductions, he was required to take a bond from the master of each vessel 
 that _ sailed from Virginia, to land his cargo in some part of the King's 
 dominions in Europe,* Even under this restraint, such is the kindly influ- 
 ence of free government on society, the colony advanced so rapidly ir> 
 industry and population that at the beginning of the civil war the English 
 settled in it exceeded twenty thousand^ 
 
 Gratitude towards a monarch from whose hands they had received 
 immunities which they had long wished but hardly expected to enjoy, the 
 influence and example of a popular governor passionately devoted to the 
 interests of his master, concurred in preserving inviolated loyalty among 
 the colonists. Even after monarchy was abolished, after one King had 
 been beheaded, and another driven into exile, the authority of the crown 
 continued to be acknowledged and revered in Virginia [1650]. Irritated 
 at this open defiance of its power, the parliament issued an ordinance, 
 declaring, that as the settlement in Virginia had been made at the cost and 
 by the people of England, it ought to be subordinate to and dependent upon 
 the English commonwealth, and subject to such laws and regulations as are 
 or shall be made in parliament ; that, instead of this dutiful submission, the 
 colonists had disclaimed the authority of the state, and audaciously rebel- 
 led against it ; that on this account they were denounced notorious traitors, 
 and not only all vessels belonging to natives of England, but those of 
 foreign nations, were prohibited to enter their ports, or carry on any com- 
 merce with them. 
 
 It was not the mode of that age to wage a war of words alone. The 
 efforts of a high spirited government in asserting its own dignity were 
 prompt and vigorous. A powerful squadron, with a considerable body of 
 
 Chalmers's Annals, p. 219. 232. t Ibid. P- 125* 
 
A M ERIC A. 421 
 
 land forces, was despatched to reduce the Virginians to obedience. After 
 compelling the colonies in Barbadoes and the other islands to submit to the 
 commonwealth, the squadron entered the Bay of Chesapeak [1651]. 
 Berkeley, with more courage than prudence, took arms to oppose this 
 formidable armament ; but he could not long maintain such an unequal 
 contest. His gallant resistance, however, procured favourable terms to the 
 people under his government. A general indemnity for all past offences 
 was granted ; they acknowledged the authority of the commonwealth, 
 and were admitted to a participation of all the rights enjoyed by citizens.* 
 Berkeley, firm to his principles of loyalty, disdained to make any stipula- 
 tion for himself ; and, choosing to pass his days far removed from the seat 
 of a government which he detested, continued to reside in Virginia as a 
 private man, beloved and respected by all over whom he had formerly 
 presided. 
 
 Not satisfied with taking measures to subject the colonies, the common- 
 wealth turned its attention towards the most effectual mode of retaining 
 them in dependence on the parent state, and of securing to it the benefit 
 of their increasing commerce. With this view the parliament framed two 
 laws, one of which expressly prohibited all mercantile intercourse between 
 the colonies and foreign states, and the other ordained that no production 
 of Asia, Africa, or America, should be imported into the dominions of the 
 commonwealth but in vessels belonging to English owners, or to the people 
 of the colonies settled there, and navigated by an English commander,! 
 and by crews of which the greater part must be Englishmen. But while 
 the wisdom of the commonwealth prescribed the channel in which the 
 trade of the colonies was to be carried on, it was solicitous to encourage 
 the cultivation of the staple commodity of Virginia, by an act of parlia- 
 ment [1652], which gave legal force to all the injunctions of James and 
 Charles against planting tobacco in England.^ 
 
 Under governors appointed by the commonwealth, or by Cromwell when 
 he usurped the supreme power, Virginia remained almost nine years in 
 perfect tranquillity. During that period, many adherents to the royal 
 party, and among these some gentlemen of good families, in order to avoid 
 danger and oppression, to which they were exposed in England, or in hopes 
 of repairing their ruined fortunes, resorted thither. Warmly attached to 
 the cause for which they had fought and suffered, and animated with all 
 the passions natural to men recently engaged in a fierce and long pro- 
 tracted civil war, they, by their intercourse with the colonists, confirmed 
 them in principles of loyalty, and added to their impatience and indignation 
 under the restraints imposed on their commerce by their new masters. 
 On the death of Matthews, the last governor named by Cromwell, the 
 sentiments and inclination of the people, no longer under the control of 
 authority, burst out with violence. They forced Sir William Berkeley to 
 quit his retirement ; they unanimously elected him governor of the colony : 
 and as he refused to act under a usurped authority, they boldly erected 
 the royal standard, and acknowledging Charles II. to be their lawful sove- 
 reign, proclaimed him with all his titles ; and the Virginians long boasted, 
 that as they were the last of the king's subjects who renounced their alle- 
 giance, they were the first who returned to their duty. 
 
 Happily for the people of Virginia, a revolution in England, no less 
 sudden than unexpected, seated Charles on the throne of his ancestors, and 
 saved them from the severe chastisement to which their premature de- 
 claration in his favour must have exposed them. On receiving the firs* 
 account of this event, the joy and exultation of the colony were universal 
 and unbounded. These, however, were not of long continuance. Gracious 
 
 * Tliurlow's State Papers, i. 197. Chalmers' Annals, p. 122. Beverley's Hist. p. 53. | Sco 
 bel's Acts, p. 132, 167. J Ib. p. 117. $ Beverley, p. 55. Chalmers, p. 124, 
 
422 HISTORY OF [BOOK IX. 
 
 but unproductive professions of esteem and good will were the only return 
 made by Charles to loyalty and services which in their own estimation 
 were so distinguished that no recompense was beyond what they might 
 claim. If the king's neglect and ingratitude disappointed all the sanguine 
 hopes which their vanity had founded on the merit of their past conduct, 
 the spirit which influenced parliament in its commercial deliberations 
 opened a prospect that alarmed them with respect to their future situation. 
 In framing regulations for the encouragement of trade, which, during the 
 convulsions of civil war, and amidst continual fluctuations in government, 
 had met with such obstruction that it declined in every quarter ; the House 
 of Commons, instead of granting the colonies that relief which they ex- 
 pected from the restraints in their commerce imposed by the common- 
 wealth and Cromwell, not only adopted all their ideas concerning this 
 branch of legislation, but extended them further. This produced the act 
 of navigation, the most important and memorable of any in the statute-book 
 with respect to the history of English commerce. By it, besides several 
 momentous articles foreign to- the subject of this work, it was enacted, 
 that no commodities should be imported into any settlement in Asia, Africa, 
 or America, or exported from them, but in vessels of English or plantation 
 built, whereof the master and three-fourths of the mariners shall be English 
 subjects, under pain of forfeiting ship and goods ; that none but natural 
 born subjects, or such as have been naturalized, shall exercise the occupa- 
 tion of merchant or factor in any English settlement, under pain of for- 
 feiting their goods and chattels ; that no sugar, tobacco, cotton, wool, 
 indigo, ginger, or woods used in dyeing, of the growth or manufacture of 
 th colonies, shall be shipped from them to any other country but England ; 
 and in order to secure the performance of this, a sufficient bond, with one 
 surety, shall be given before sailing by the owners, for a specific sum pro- 
 portional to the rate of the vessel employed by them.* The productions 
 subjected to this restriction are distinguished, in the language of commerce 
 and finance, by the name of enumerated commodities ; and as industry in 
 its progress furnished new articles of value, these have been successively 
 added to the roll, and subjected to the same restraint. Soon after [1663], 
 the act of navigation was extended, and additional restraints were imposed, 
 by a new law, which prohibited the importation of any European com- 
 modity into the colonies, but what was laden in England in vessels navi- 
 gated and manned as the act of navigation required. More effectual pro- 
 vision was made by this law for exacting the penalties to which the 
 transgressors of the act of navigation were subjected ; and the principles 
 of policy, on which the various regulations contained in both statutes are 
 founded, were openly avowed in a declaration, that as the plantations 
 beyond seas are inhabited and peopled by subjects of England, they may 
 be kept in a firmer dependence upon it, and rendered yet more beneficial 
 and advantageous unto it, in the further employment and increase of Eng- 
 lish shipping and seamen, as well as in the vent of English woollen and 
 other manufactures and commodities ; and in making England a staple, not 
 only of the commodities of those plantations, but also of the commodities 
 of other countries and places, for the supplying of them ; and it being the 
 usage of other nations to keep the trade of their plantations to themselves.! 
 In prosecution of those favourite maxims, the English legislature pro- 
 ceeded a step further. As the act of navigation had left the people of the 
 colonies at liberty to export the enumerated commodities from one planta- 
 tion to another without paying any duty [1672], it subjected them to a tax 
 equivalent to what was paid by the consumers of these commodities in 
 England.J 
 By these successive regulations, the plan of securing to England a mo 
 
 *Car. II. c. 18. 1 15 Car. II. c. 7. J 25 Car. II. c. 7 
 
AMERICA. 423 
 
 ysopoly of the commerce with its colonies, and of shutting up every other 
 channel into which it might be diverted, was perfected, and reduced into 
 complete system. On one side of the Atlantic these regulations have been 
 extolled as an extraordinary effort of political sagacity, and have been 
 considered as the great charter of national commerce, to which the parent 
 state is indebted for all its opulence and power. On the other, they have 
 been execrated as a code of oppression, more suited to the illiberally of 
 mercantile ideas than to extensive views of legislative wisdom. Which of 
 these opinions is best founded, I shall examine at large in another part of 
 this work. But in writing the history of the English settlements in 
 America, it was necessary to trace the progress of those restraining laws 
 with accuracy, as in every subsequent transaction we may observe a per- 
 petual exertion, on the part of the mother country, to enforce and extend 
 them ; and on the part of the colonies, endeavours no less unremitting to 
 elude or to obstruct their operation. 
 
 Hardly was the act of navigation known in Virginia, and its effects begun 
 to be felt, when the colony remonstrated against it as a grievance, and 
 petitioned earnestly for relief. But the commercial ideas of Charles and 
 his ministers coincided so perfectly with those of parliament, that, instead 
 of listening with a favourable ear to their applications, they laboured 
 assiduously to carry the act into strict execution. For this purpose, in- 
 structions were issued to the governor, forts were built on the banks of the 
 principal rivers, and small vessels appointed to cruise on the coast. The 
 Virginians, seeing no prospect of obtaining exemption from the act, set 
 themselves to evade it ; and found means, notwithstanding the vigilance 
 with which they were watched, of carrying on a considerable clandestine 
 trade with foreigners, particularly with the Dutch settled on Hudson's 
 River. Emboldened by observing disaffection spread through the colony, 
 some veteran soldiers who had served under Cromwell, and had been 
 banished to Virginia, formed a design of rendering themselves masters of 
 the country, and of asserting its independence on England. This rash 
 project was discovered by one of their associates, and disconcerted by 
 the vigorous exertions of Sir William Berkeley. But the spirit of dis- 
 content, though repressed, was not extinguished. Every day something 
 occurred to revive and to nourish it. As it is with extreme difficulty that 
 commerce can be turned into a new channel, tobacco, the staple of the 
 colony, sunk prodigiously in value when they were compelled to send it all 
 to one market. It was some time before England could furnish them re- 
 gularly full assortments of those necessary articles, without which the 
 industry of the colony could not be carried on, or its prosperity secured. 
 Encouraged by the symptoms of general languor and despondency which 
 this declining state of the colony occasioned, the Indians seated towards 
 the heads of the rivers ventured first to attack the remote settlements, and 
 then to make incursions into the interior parts of the country. ^ Unexpected 
 as these hostilities were, from a people who during a long period had lived 
 in friendship with the English, a measure taken by the king seems to have 
 excited still greater terror among the most opulent people of the colony. 
 Charles had imprudently imitated the example of his father, by granting 
 such large tracts of lands in Virginia to several of his courtiers, as tended 
 to unsettle the distribution of property in the country, and to render the 
 title of the most ancient planters to their estates precarious and questionable. 
 From those various causes, which in a greater or less degree affected 
 every individual in the colony, the indignation of the people became 
 general, and was worked up to such a pitch, that nothing was wanting to 
 precipitate them into the most desperate acts but some leader qualified to 
 unite and to direct their operations.* 
 
 * Chalmers's Annals, ch. 10. 13, 14, passim. Bevcrley's Hist, of Virg. p. 58, &c. 
 
424 HISTORY OF [BOOK I 
 
 Such a leader they found in Nathaniel Bacon, a colonel of militia, 
 though he had been settled in Virginia only three years, had acquired, by 
 
 Eopular manners, an insinuating address, and the consideration derived 
 om having been regularly trained in England to the profession of law, 
 such general esteem that he had been admitted into the council, and was 
 regarded as one of the most respectable persons in the colony. Bacon 
 was ambitious, eloquent, daring, and, prompted either by honest zeal to 
 redress the public wrongs, or allured by hopes of raising himself to dis- 
 tinction and power, he mingled with the malecontents ; and by his bold 
 harangues and confident promises of removing all their grievances, he 
 inflamed them almost to madness. As the devastations committed by the 
 Indians was the calamity most sensibly felt by the people, he accused the 
 governor of having neglected the proper measures for repelling the inva- 
 sions of the savages, and exhorted them to take arms in their own defence, 
 and to exterminate that odious race. Great numbers assembled, and ehose 
 Bacon to be their general. He applied to the governor for a commission? 
 confirming this election of the people, and offering to march instantly against 
 the common enemy. Berkeley, accustomed by long possession of supreme 
 command to high ideas of the respect due to his station, considered this 
 tumultuary armament as an open insult to his authority, and suspected that, 
 under specious appearances, Bacon concealed most dangerous designs. 
 Unwilling, however, to give farther provocation to an incensed multitude 
 by a direct refusal of what they demanded, he thought it prudent to nego- 
 tiate in order to gain time ; and it was not until he found all endeavours 
 to soothe them ineffectual, that he issued a proclamation, requiring them in 
 the king's name, under the pain of being denounced rebels, to disperse. ^ 
 But Bacon, sensible that he had now advanced so far as rendered it 
 impossible to recede with honour or safety, instantly took the only resolu- 
 tion that remained in his situation. At the head of a chosen body of his 
 followers, he marched rapidly to James Town, and surrounding the house 
 where the governor and council were assembled, demanded the commission 
 for which he had formerly applied. Berkeley, with the proud indignant 
 spirit of a cavalier, disdaining the requisitions of a rebel, peremptorily 
 refused to comply, and calmly presented his naked breast to the weapons 
 which were pointed against it. The council, however, foreseeing the fatal 
 consequences of driving an enraged multitude, in whose power they were, 
 to the last extremities of violence, prepared a commission constituting 
 Bacon general of all the forces in Virginia, and by their entreaties prevailed 
 on the governor to sign it. Bacon with his troops retired in triumph. 
 Hardly was the council delivered by his departure from the dread of 
 present danger, when, by a transition not unusual in feeble minds, pre- 
 sumptuous boldness succeeded to excessive fear. The commission granted 
 to Bacon was declared to be null, having been extorted by force ; he was 
 proclaimed a rebel, his followers were required to abandon his standard, 
 and the militia ordered to arm, and to join the governor. 
 
 Enraged at conduct which he branded with the name of base and treache- 
 rous, Bacon, instead of continuing his march towards the Indian country, 
 instantly wheeled about, and advanced with all his forces to James Town. 
 The governor, unable to resist such a numerous body, made his escape, 
 and fled across the bay to Acomack on the eastern shore. Some of the 
 counsellors accompanied him thither, others retired to their own plantations. 
 Upon the flight 01 Sir William Berkeley, and dispersion of the council, the 
 frame of civil government in the colony seemed to be dissolved, and Bacon 
 became possessed of supreme and uncontrolled power. But as he was 
 sensible that his countrymen would not long submit with patience to 
 authority acquired and held merely by force of arms, he endeavoured to 
 found it on a more constitutional basis, by obtaining the sanction of the 
 people's approbation. With this view he called together the most con- 
 
AMERICA. 425 
 
 siderable gentlemen in the colony, and havjng prevailed on them to bind 
 themselves by oath to maintain his authority, and to resist every enemy 
 that should oppose it, he from that time considered his jurisdiction as legally 
 established. 
 
 Berkeley, meanwhile, having collected some forces, made inroads into 
 different parts of the colony where Bacon's authority was recognised. 
 Several sharp conflicts happened with various success. James Town was 
 reduced to ashes, and the best cultivated districts in the province were laid 
 waste, sometimes by one party and sometimes by the other. But it was 
 not by his own exertions that the governor hoped to terminate the contest. 
 He had early transmitted an account of the transactions in Virginia to the 
 king, and demanded such a body of soldiers as would enable him to quell 
 the insurgents whom he represented as so exasperated by the restraint 
 imposed on their trade, that they were impatient to shake off all dependence 
 on the parent state. Charles, alarmed at a commotion no less dangerous 
 than unexpected, and solicitous to maintain his authority over a colony the 
 value of which was daily increasing and more fully understood, speedily 
 despatched a small squadron with such a number of regular troops as 
 Berkeley had required. Bacon and his followers received information of 
 this armament, but were not intimidated at its approach. They boldly 
 determined to oppose it with open force, and declared it to be consistent 
 with their duty and allegiance, to treat all who should aid Sir William 
 Berkeley as enemies, until they should have an opportunity of laying their 
 grievances before their sovereign.* 
 
 But while both parties prepared, with equal animosity, to involve their 
 country in the horrors of civil war [1677J, an event happened, which quieted 
 the commotion almost as suddenly as it had been excited. Bacon, when 
 ready to take the field, sickened and died. None of his followers pos- 
 sessed such talents, or were so much objects of the people's confidence, as 
 entitled them to aspire to the supreme command. Destitute of a leader to 
 conduct and animate them, their sanguine hopes of success subsided ; 
 mutual distrust accompanied this universal despondency ; all began to wish 
 for an accommodation ; and after a short negotiation with Sir William 
 Berkeley, they laid down their arms, and submitted to his government, on 
 obtaining a promise of general pardon. 
 
 Thus terminated an insurrection, which, in the annals of Virginia, is dis- 
 tinguished by the name of Bacon's rebellion. During seven months this 
 daring leader was master of the colony, while the royal governor was shut 
 up in a remote and ill-peopled corner of it. W r hat were the real motives 
 that prompted him to take arms, and to what length he intended to carry 
 his plans of reformation, either in commerce or government, it is not easy 
 to discover, in the scanty materials from which we derive our information 
 with respect to this transaction. It is probable, that his conduct, like that 
 of other adventurers in faction, would have been regulated chiefly by 
 events ; and accordingly as these proved favourable or adverse, his views 
 and requisitions would have been extended or circumscribed. 
 
 Sir William Berkeley, as soon as he was reinstated in his office, called 
 together the representatives of the people, that by their advice and autho- 
 rity public tranquillity and order might be perfectly established. Though 
 this assembly met a few weeks after the death of Bacon, while the memory 
 of reciprocal injuries was still recent, and when the passions excited by 
 such a fierce contest had but little time to subside, its proceedings were 
 conducted with a moderation seldom exercised by the successful party in 
 a civil war. No man suffered capitally ; a small number were subjected 
 to fines ; others were declared incapable of holding any office of trust ; 
 and with those exceptions the promise of general idemnity was confirmed 
 
 * Bevcrley's Hist. p. 75, 76 
 VOL. I. 54 20 
 
426 HISTORY OF [BooKX. 
 
 by law. Soon after Berkeley was recalled, and Colonel Jeffreys was 
 appointed his successor. 
 
 From that period to the Revolution iri 1688, there is scarcely any memo- 
 rable occurrence in the history of yirginia. A peace was concluded with 
 the Indians. Under several successive governors, administration was carried 
 on in the colony with the same arbitrary spirit that distinguished the latter 
 years of Charles II. and the precipitate councils of James II. The Virgin- 
 ians, with a constitution which in form resembled that of England, enjoyed 
 hardly 'any portion of the liberty which that admirable system of policy is 
 framed to secure. They were deprived even of the last consolation of 
 the oppressed, the power of complaining, by a law which, under severe 
 penalties, prohibited them from speaking disrespectfully of the governor, 
 or defaming, either by words or writing, the administration of the colony.* 
 Still, however, the laws restraining their commerce were felt as an intole- 
 rable grievance," and they nourished in secret a spirit of discontent, which, 
 from the necessity of concealing it, acquired a greater degree of acrimony. 
 But notwithstanding those unfavourable circumstances, the colony continued 
 to increase. The use of tobacco was now become general in Europe ; 
 and though it had fallen considerably in price, the extent of demand com- 
 pensated that diminution, and by giving constant employment to the industry 
 of the planters diffused wealth among them. At the Revolution the number 
 of inhabitants in the colony exceeded sixty thousand,! and in the course 
 of twenty-eight years its population had been more than doubled.J 
 
 BOOK X. 
 
 WHEN James I., in the year one thousand six hundred and six, made 
 that magnificent partition, which has been mentioned, of a vast region in 
 North America, extending from the thirty-fourth to the forty-fifth degree 
 of latitude, between two trading companies of his subjects, he established 
 the residence of the one in London, and of the other in Plymouth. The 
 former was authorized to settle in the southern, and the latter in the 
 northern part of this territory, then distinguished by the general name of 
 Virginia. This arrangement seems to have been formed upon the idea of 
 some speculative refiner, who aimed at diffusing the spirit of industry, by 
 fixing the seat of one branch of the trade that was now to be opened, on 
 the east coast of the island, and the other on the west. But London pos- 
 sesses such advantages of situation, that the commercial wealth and activity 
 of England have always centered in the capital. At the beginning of the 
 last century, the superiority of the metropolis in both these respects was so 
 great, that though the powers and privileges conferred by the king on the 
 two trading companies were precisely the same, the adventurers settled in 
 Plymouth fell far short of those in London in the vigour and success of their 
 efforts towards accomplishing the purpose of their institution. Though the 
 operations of the Plymouth company were animated by the public-spirited 
 zeal of Sir John Popham, chief justice of England, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 
 and some other gentlemen of the west, all its exertions were feeble and 
 unfortunate. 
 
 The first vessel fitted out by the company was taken by the Spaniards 
 [1606]. In the year one thousand six hundred and seven, a feeble settle- 
 ment was made at Sagahadoc ; but, on account of the rigour of the climate, 
 
 * 2everley, p. 81. Chalmers p 341. + Chalmers's Annals, p. 35C. J Ibid. p. 135. 
 
AMERICA. 427 
 
 was soon relinquished, and for some time nothing further was attempted 
 than a few fishing voyages to Cape Cod, or a pitiful traffic with the natives 
 for skins and oil. One of the vessels equipped for this purpose [1614] 
 was commanded by Captain Smith, whose name has been so often 
 mentioned with distinction in the History of Virginia. The adventure was 
 prosperous and lucrative. But his ardent enterprising mind could not 
 confine its attention to objects so unequal to it as the petty details of a 
 trading voyage. He employed a part of his time in exploring the coast, 
 and in delineating its bays and harbours. On his return, he laid a map of 
 it before Prince Charles, and, with the usual exaggeration of discoverers, 
 painted the beauty and excellence of the country in such glowing colours, 
 that the young prince, in the warmth of admiration, declared, that it should 
 be called New England ;* a name which effaced that of Virginia, and by 
 which it is still distinguished. 
 
 The favourable accounts of the country by Smith, as well as the success 
 of his voyage, seem to have encouraged private adventurers to prosecute 
 the trade on the coast of New England with greater briskness ; but did 
 not inspire the languishing company of Plymouth with such vigour as to 
 make any new attempt towards establishing a permanent colony there. 
 Something more than the prospect of distant gain to themselves, or ot 
 future advantages to their country, was requisite in order to induce men to 
 abandon the place of their nativity, to migrate to another quarter of the 
 globe, and endure innumerable hardships under an untried climate, and 
 in an uncultivated land, covered with woods, or occupied by fierce and 
 hostile tribes of savages. But what mere attention to private emolu- 
 ment or to national utility could not effect, was accomplished by the 
 operation of a higher principle. Religion had gradually excited among a 
 great body of the people a spirit that fitted them remarkably for encoun- 
 tering the dangers, and surmounting the obstacles, which had hitherto 
 rendered abortive the schemes of colonization in that part of America 
 allotted to the company of Plymouth. As the various settlements in New 
 England are indebted for their origin to this spirit, as in the course of our 
 narrative we shall discern its influence mingling in all their transactions, 
 and giving a peculiar tincture to the character of the people, as well as 
 to their institutions both civil and ecclesiastical, it becomes necessary to 
 trace its rise and progress with attention and accuracy. 
 
 When the superstitions and corruptions of the Romish church prompted 
 different nations of Europe to throw off its joke, and to withdraw from 
 its communion, the mode as well as degree of their separation was various. 
 Wherever reformation was sudden, and carried on by the people without 
 authority from their rulers, or in opposition to it, the rupture was violent 
 and total. Every part of the ancient fabric was overturned, and a different 
 system, not only with respect to doctrine, but to church government, and 
 me external rites of worship, was established. Calvin, who, by his abili- 
 ties, learning, and austerity of manners, had acquired high reputation and 
 authority in the Protestant churches, was a zealous advocate for this plan of 
 thorough reformation. He exhibited a model of that pure form of eccle- 
 siastical policy which he approved in the constitution of the church of 
 Geneva. The simplicity of its institutions, and still more their repugnancy 
 to those of the Popish church, were so much admired by all the stricter 
 reformers, that it was copied, with some small variations, in Scotland, in 
 the republic of the United Provinces, in the dominions of the House of 
 Brandenburgh, in those of the Elector Palatine, and in the churches of the 
 Hugonots in France. 
 
 Hut in those countries where the steps of departure from the church of 
 Rome were taken with greater deliberation, and regulated by the wisdom 
 
 * Smith's Trav. book vi. p. 203, &c. Purchas, iv. p. 1837. 
 
428 HISTORY OF [BOOK X. 
 
 or policy of the supreme magistrate, the separation was not so wide. Of 
 all the reformed churches, that of England has deviated least from the 
 ancient institutions. The violent but capricious spirit of Henry VIII., who, 
 though he disclaimed the supremacy, revered the tenets of the Papal see, 
 checked innovations in doctrine or worship during his reign. When his 
 son ascended the throne, and the Protestant religion was established by 
 law, the cautious prudence of Archbishop Cranmer moderated the zeal of 
 .those who had espoused the new opinions. Though the articles to be 
 recognised as the system of national faith were framed conformably to the 
 doctrines of Calvin, his notions with respect to church government and the 
 mode of worship were not adopted. As the hierarchy in England was 
 incorporated with the civil policy of the kingdom, and constituted a 
 member of the legislature, archbishops, and bishops, with all the subor- 
 dinate ranks of ecclesiastics subject to them, were continued according to 
 ancient form, and with the same dignity and jurisdiction. The peculiar 
 vestments in which the clergy performed their sacred functions, bowing 
 at the name of Jesus, kneeling at receiving the Sacrament of the Lord's 
 Supper, the sign of the Cross in baptism, the use of the Ring in marriage, 
 with several other rights to which long usage had accustomed the people, 
 and which time had rendered venerable, were still retained. But though 
 Parliament enjoined the observance of these ceremonies under very severe 
 penalties,* several of the more zealous clergy entertained scruples with 
 respect to the lawfulness of complying with this injunction : and the vigi- 
 lance and authority of Cranmer and Ridley, with difficulty saved their 
 infant church from the disgrace of a schism on this account. 
 
 On the accession of Mary, the furious zeal with which she persecuted 
 all who had adopted the tenets of the reformers forced many eminent 
 protestants, laymen as well as ecclesiastics, to seek an asylum on the 
 continent. Francfort^ Geneva, Basil, and Strasburgh received them with 
 affectionate hospitality as sufferers in the cause of truth, and the magistrates 
 permitted them to assemble by themselves for religious worship. The 
 exiles who took up their residence in the two former cities, modelled their 
 little congregations according to the ideas of Calvin, and with a spirit 
 natural to men in their situation, eagerly adopted institutions which appeared 
 to be further removed from the superstitions of Popery than those of their 
 own church. They returned to England as soon as Elizabeth re-established 
 the protestant religion, not only with more violent antipathy to the opinions 
 and practices of that church by which they had been oppressed, but with 
 a strong attachment to that mode of worship to which they had been for 
 some years accustomed. As they were received by their countrymen with 
 the veneration due to confessors, they exerted all the influence derived from 
 that opinion in order to obtain such a reformation in the English ritual as 
 might bring it nearer to the standard of purity in foreign churches. Some 
 of the Queen's most confidential ministers were warmly disposed to 
 co-operate with them in this measure. But Elizabeth paid little regard to 
 the inclinations of the one or the sentiments of the other. Fond of pomp 
 and ceremony, accustomed, according to the mode of that age, to study 
 religious controversy, and possessing, like her father, such confidence in her 
 own understanding, that she never doubted her capacity to judge and 
 decide with respect to every point in dispute between contending sects,t 
 
 *2and3Edw.VI.c.l. 
 
 t Of the high idea which Elizabeth entertained with respect to her own superior skill in theology, 
 as well as the haughty tone in which she dictated to her subjects what they ought to believe, we 
 have a striking picture in her speech at the close of the parliament, A. D. 1585. " One thing I may 
 not overskip Religion, the ground on which all other matters ought to take root ; and, being cor- 
 rupted, may mar all the tree. And that there be some fault-finders with the order of the clergy, 
 which so may make a slander to myself, and to the church, whose overruler God hath made me, 
 whose negligence cannot be excused, if any schisms or errors heretical were suffered. Thus much 
 I must say, that some faults and negligences must grow and be, as in all other great charges it hap- 
 peneth ; and what vocation without ? All which, if you, my lords of the clergy, do riot amend, 
 
AMERICA. 42* 
 
 she chose to act according to her own ideas, which led her rather to approach 
 nearer to the church of Home, in the parade of external worship, than to 
 widen the breach by abolishing any rite already established.* An act of 
 parliament, in the first year of her reign, not only required an exact con- 
 ibrmity to the mode 01 worship prescribed in the service book, under 
 most rigorous penalties, but empowered the Queen to enjoin the observance 
 of such additional ceremonies as might tend, in her opinion, to render the 
 public exercises of devotion more decent and edifying.! 
 
 The advocates for a further reformation, notwithstanding this cruel 
 disappointment of the sanguine hopes with which they returned to their 
 native country, did not relinquish their design. They disseminated their 
 opinions with great industry among the people. They extolled the purity 
 of foreign churches, and inveighed against the superstitious practices with 
 which religion was defiled in their own church. In vain did the defenders 
 of the established system represent that these forms and ceremonies were 
 in themselves things perfectly indifferent, which, from long usage, were 
 viewed with reverence ; and by their impression upon the senses and 
 imagination, tended not only to fix the attention, but to affect the heart, 
 and to warm it with devout and worthy sentiments. The Puritans (for 
 by that name such as scrupled to comply with what was enjoined by the 
 Act of Uniformity were distinguished) maintained that the rites in question 
 were inventions of men, superadded to the simple and reasonable services 
 required in the word of God ; that from the excessive solicitude with 
 which conformity to them was exacted, the multitude must conceive such 
 a high opinion of their value and importance as might induce them to rest 
 satisfied with the mere form and shadow of religion, and to imagine that 
 external observances may compensate for the want of inward sanctity f 
 that ceremonies which had been long employed by a society manifestly 
 corrupt, to veil its own defects, and to seduce and fascinate mankind, ought 
 now to be rejected as relics of superstition unworthy of a place in a church 
 which gloried in the name of Reformed. 
 
 The people, to whom in every religious controversy the final appeal is 
 made, listened to the arguments of the contending parties ; and it is 
 obvious to which of them, men who had lately beheld the superstitious 
 spirit of popery, and felt its persecuting rage, would lend the most favour- 
 able ear. The desire of a further separation from the church of Rome 
 spread wide through the nation. The preachers who contended for this, 
 and who refused to wear the surplice, arid other vestments peculiar to their 
 order, or to observe the ceremonies enjoined by law, were followed and 
 admired, while the ministry of the zealous advocates for conformity was 
 deserted, and their persons often exposed to insult. For some time the 
 nonconformists were connived at ; but as their number and boldness 
 increased, the interposition both of spiritual and civil authority was deemed 
 necessary in order to check their progress. To the disgrace of Christians, 
 the sacred rights of conscience and private judgment, as well as the charity 
 and mutual forbearance suitable to the mild spirit of the religion which 
 they professed, were in that age little understood. Not only the idea of 
 toleration, but even the word itself in the sense now affixed to it, was then 
 unknown. Every church claimed a right to employ the hand of power 
 for the protection of truth and the extirpation of error. The laws of her 
 
 I mean to depose you. Look ye, therefore, well to your charges. This may be amended without 
 needless or open exclamations. I am supposed to have many studies, but most philosophical. 
 I must yield this to be true, that I suppose few (that be not professors) have read more. 
 And I need not tell you, that I am not so simple that I understand not, nor so forgetful that 
 I remember not ; and yet amidst my many volumes, I hope God's book hath not been my seldomest 
 lectures, in which we find that by which reason all ought to believe. I see many over-bold with 
 God Almighty, making too many subtle scannings of his blessed will. The presumption is so great 
 that I may not suffer it," <fcc. D'Ewos's Journal, p. 328. 
 * Neal's Hist, of the Puritans, i. 138. 176. 1 1 Eliz. c.2. 
 
430 HISTORY OF [BOOK X. 
 
 kingdom armed Elizabeth with ample authority for this purpose, and she 
 was abundantly disposed to exercise it with full vigour. Many of the 
 most eminent among the puritan clergy were deprived of their benefices, 
 others were imprisoned, several were fined, and some put to death. But 
 persecution, as usually happens, instead of extinguishing, inflamed their 
 zeal to such a height, that the jurisdiction of the ordinary courts of law 
 was deemed insufficient to suppress it, and a new tribunal was established 
 under the title of the High Commission for Ecclesiastical Affairs, whose 
 powers and mode of procedure were hardly less odious or less hostile to 
 the principles of justice than those of the Spanish Inquisition. Several 
 attempts were made in the House of Commons to check these arbitrary 
 proceedings, and to moderate the rage of persecution ; but the Queen 
 always imposed silence upon those who presumed to deliver any opinion 
 with respect to a matter appertaining solely to her prerogative, in a tone as 
 imperious and arrogant as was ever used by Henry VIII. in addressing his 
 parliaments ; and so tamely obsequious were the guardians of the people's 
 rights that they not only obeyed those unconstitutional commands, but con- 
 sented to an act, by which every person who should absent himself from 
 church during a month was subjected to punishment by fine and imprison- 
 ment ; and if after conviction he did not within three months renounce his 
 erroneous opinions and conform to the laws, he was then obliged to abjure 
 the realm ; but if he either refused to comply with this condition, or returned 
 from banishment, he should be put to death as a felon without benefit of 
 clergy.* 
 
 By this iniquitous statute, equally repugnant to ideas of civil and of reli- 
 gious liberty, the puritans were cut off from any hope of obtaining either 
 reformation in the church or indulgence to themselves. Exasperated by 
 this rigorous treatment, their antipathy to the established religion increased, 
 and with the progress natural to violent passions, carried them far beyond 
 what was their original aim. The first puritans did not entertain any scru- 
 ples with respect to the lawfulness of episcopal government, and seem to 
 nave been very unwilling to withdraw from communion with the church 
 of which they were members. But when they were thrown out of her 
 bosom, and constrained to hold separate assemblies for the worship 01 
 God, their followers no longer viewed a society by which they Were 
 oppressed, with reverence or affection. Her government, her discipline, 
 her ritual, were examined with minute attention. Every error was pointed 
 out, and every defect magnified. The more boldly any preacher inveighed 
 against the corruptions of the church, he was listened to with greater ap- 
 probation ; and the further he urged his disciples to depart from such an 
 impure community, the more eagerly did they follow him. By degrees, 
 ideas of ecclesiastical policy, altogether repugnant to those of the estab- 
 lished church, gained footing in the nation. The more sober and learned 
 puritans inclined to that form which is known by the name of Presbyterian. 
 Such as were more thoroughly possessed with the spirit of innovation: 
 however much they might approve the equality of pastors which that sys- 
 tem establishes, reprobated the authority which it vests in various judica- 
 tories, descending from one to another in regular subordination, as incon- 
 sistent with Christian liberty. 
 
 These wild notions floated for some time in the minds of the people, and 
 amused them with many ideal schemes of ecclesiastial policy. At length 
 Robert Brown [1580], a popular declaimer in high estimation, reduced 
 them to a system, on which he modelled his own congregation. He taught 
 that the church of England was corrupt and antichristian, its ministers not 
 lawfully ordained, its ordinances and sacraments invalid ; and therefore 
 he prohibited his people to hold communion with it in any religious func- 
 
 * 35 EHz. c. 1. 
 
AMERICA. 431 
 
 tion. He maintained, that a society of Christians, uniting together to wor- 
 ship God, constituted a church possessed of complete jurisdiction in the 
 conduct of its own affairs, independent of any other society, and unaccount- 
 able to any superior ; that the priesthood was neither a distinct order in 
 the church, nor conferred an indelible character ; but that eyery man quali- 
 fied to teach might be set apart for that office by the election of the breth- 
 ren, and by imposition of their hands ; in like manner, by their authority, 
 he might be discharged from that function, and reduced to the rank of a 
 private Christian ; that every person when admitted a member of a church, 
 ought to make a public confession of his faith, and give evidence of his 
 being in a state of favour with God ; and that all the affairs of a church 
 were to be regulated by the decision of the majority of its mesnbers. 
 
 This democratical" form of government, which abolished all distinction 
 of ranks in the church, and conferred an equal portion of power on every 
 individual, accorded so perfectly with the levelling genius of fanaticism, 
 that it was fondly adopted -by many as a complete model of Christian 
 policy. From their founder they were denominated Brownists ; and as 
 their tenets were more hostile to the established religion than those of other 
 separatists, the fiercest storm of persecution fell upon their heads. Many 
 of them were fined or imprisoned, and some put to death ; and though 
 Brown, with a levity of which there are few examples among enthusiasts 
 whose vanity has been soothed by being recognised as heads of a party, 
 abandoned his disciples, conformed to the established religion, and accepted 
 of a benefice in the church, the sect not only subsisted, but continued to 
 spread, especially among persons in the middle and lower ranks of life. 
 But as all their motions were carefully watched, both by the ecclesiastical 
 and civil courts, which, as often as they were detected, punished them 
 with the utmost rigour, a body of them, weary of living in a state of con- 
 tinual danger and alarm, fled to Holland, and settled in Leyden, under the 
 care of Mr. John Robinson their pastor. There they resided for several 
 years unmolested and obscure. But many of their aged members dying, 
 and some of the younger marrying into Dutch families, while their church 
 received no increase, either by recruits from England or by proselytes 
 gained in the country, they began to be afraid that all their high attain- 
 ments in spiritual knowledge would be lost, and that perfect fabric of 
 policy which they had erected would be dissolved, and consigned to obli- 
 vion, if they remained longer in a strange land. 
 
 Deeply affected with the prospect of an event which to them appeared 
 fatal to the interests of truth, they thought themselves called, in order to 
 prevent it, to remove to some other place, where they might profess and 
 propagate their opinions with greater success. America, in which their 
 countrymen were at that time intent on planting colonies, presented itself 
 to their thoughts. They flattered themselves with hopes of being per- 
 mitted, in that remote region, to follow their own ideas in religion wHhout 
 disturbance. The dangers and hardships to which all former emigrants to 
 America had been exposed did not deter them. " They were well weaned 
 (according to their own description,) from the delicate milk of their mother 
 country, and inured to the difficulties of a strange land. They were knit 
 together in a strict and sacred band, by virtue of which they held them- 
 selves obliged to take care of the good of each other, and of the whole. 
 It was not with them, as with other men, whom small things eould discou- 
 rage, or small discontents cause to wish themselves at home again."* The 
 first object of their solicitude was to secure the free exercise of their reli- 
 gion. For this purpose they applied to the king ; and, though James 
 refused to give them any explicit assurance of toleration, they seem to have 
 obtained from him some promise of his connivance, as long as they cou- 
 
 * Hutchinson's Hist, of Massach. p. 4, 
 
432 HISTORY OF BOOK X. 
 
 tinued to demean themselves quietly. So eager were they to accomplish 
 their favourite scheme, that, relying on this precarious security, they began 
 to negotiate with the Virginian company for a tract of land within the 
 limits of their patent. This they easily procured from a society desirous 
 of encouraging migration to a vast country, of which they had hitherto 
 occupied only a few spots. 
 
 After the utmost efforts, their preparations fell far short of what was 
 requisite for beginning the settlement of a new colony. A hundred and 
 twenty persons sailed from England [Sept. 6, 1620], in a single ship on 
 this arduous undertaking. The place of their destination was Hudson's 
 River, where they intended to settle ; but their captain having been 
 bribed, as is said, by the Dutch, who had then formed a scheme $ which 
 they afterwards accomplished, of planting a colony there, carried them 
 so far towards the north, that the first land in America which they made 
 [Nov. 11], was Cape Cod. They were now not only beyond the pre- 
 cincts of the territory which had been granted to them, but beyond those 
 of the company from which they derived their right. The season, how- 
 ever, was so far advanced, and sickness raged so violently among men 
 unaccustomed to the hardships of a long voyage, that it became necessary 
 to take up their abode there. After exploring the coast, they chose for 
 their situation a place now belonging to the province of Massachusetts Bay, 
 to which they gave the name of New Plymouth, probably out of respect 
 to that company within whose jurisdiction they now found themselves 
 situated.* 
 
 No season could be more unfavourable to settlement than that in which 
 the colony landed. The winter, which, from the predominance of cold 
 in America, is rigorous to a degree unknown in parallel latitudes of our 
 hemisphere, was already set in : and they were slenderly provided with 
 what was requisite for comfortable subsistence, under a climate consider- 
 ably more severe than that for which they had made preparation. Above 
 one half of them was cut off before the return of spring, by diseases, or by 
 famine : the survivors, instead of having leisure to attend to the supply of 
 their own wants, were compelled to take arms against the savages in their 
 neighbourhood. Happily for the English, a pestilence which raged in 
 America the year before they landed, had swept off so great a number 
 of the natives that they were quickly repulsed and humbled. The privi- 
 lege of professing their own opinions, and of being governed by laws of 
 their own framing, afforded consolation to the colonists amidst all their 
 dangers and hardships. The constitution of their church was the same 
 with that which they had established in Holland. Their system of civil 
 government was founded on those ideas of the natural equality among 
 men, to which their ecclesiastical policy had accustomed them. Every 
 free man, who was a member of the church, was admitted into the supreme 
 legislative body. The laws of England were adopted as the basis of their 
 jurisprudence, though with some diversity in the punishments inflicted 
 upon crimes, borrowed from the Mosaic institutions. The executive power 
 was vested in a governor and some assistants, who were elected annually 
 by the members of the legislative assembly.f So far their institutions 
 appear to be founded on the ordinary maxims of human prudence. But 
 it was a favourite opinion with all the enthusiasts of that age, that the 
 Scriptures contained a complete system not only of spiritual instruction, 
 but of civil wisdom and polity ; and without attending to the peculiar 
 circumstances or situation of the people whose history is there recorded, 
 they often deduced general rules for their own conduct from what happened 
 among men in a very different state. Under the influence of this wild 
 
 * Hubard's Pres. State, p. 3. Cotton's Magnalia, p. 7. Hutcbinson's Hist. p. 3 &c, 
 t Chalmers's Annals, p. 87. 
 
AMERICA. 433 
 
 notion, the colonists of New Plymouth, in imitation of the primitive Chris- 
 tians, threw all their property into a common stook, and, like members of 
 one family, carried on every work of industry by their joint labour for 
 public behoof.* But, however this resolution might evidence the sincerity 
 of their faith, it retarded the progress of their colony. The same fatal 
 effects flowed fj-om this community of goods, and of labour, which had 
 formerly been experienced in Virginia ; and it soon became necessary to 
 relinquish what was too refined to be capable of being accommodated to 
 the affairs of men. But though thej built a small town, and surrounded 
 it with such a fence as afforded sufficient security against the assaults of 
 Indians, the soil around it was so poor, their religious principles were so 
 unsocial, and the supply sent them by their friends so scanty, that at the 
 end of ten years the number of people belonging to the settlement did 
 not exceed three hundred.! During some years they appear not to have 
 acquired right by any legal conveyance to the territory which they had 
 occupied. At length [1630], they obtained a grant of property from the 
 council of the New Plymouth Company, but were never incorporated as 
 a body politic by royal charter. J Unlike all the other settlements in 
 America, this colony must be considered merely as a voluntary association, 
 held together by the tacit consent of its members to recognise the autho- 
 rity of laws, and submit to the jurisdiction of magistrates, framed and 
 chosen by themselves. In this state it remained an independent but feeble 
 community, until it was united to its more powerful neighbour, the colony 
 of Massachusetts Bay, the origin and progress of which I now proceed to 
 relate. 
 
 The original company of Plymouth having done nothing effectual to- 
 wards establishing any permanent settlement in America, James I., in the 
 year one thousand six hundred and twenty, issued a new charter to the 
 Duke of Lenox, the Marquis of Buckingham, and several other persons 
 of distinction in his court, by which he conveyed to them a right to a ter- 
 ritory in America, still more extensive than what had been granted to the 
 former patentees, incorporating them as a body politic, in order to plant 
 colonies there, with powers and jurisdictions similar to those contained in 
 his charters to the companies of South and North Virginia. This society 
 was distinguished by the name of the Grand Council of Plymouth for 
 planting and governing New England. What considerations of public 
 utility could induce the king to commit such an undertaking to persons 
 apparently so ill qualified for conducting it, or what prospect of private 
 advantage prompted them to engage in it, the information we receive from 
 contemporary writers does not enable us to determine. Certain it is, that 
 the expectations of both were disappointed ; and after many schemes and 
 arrangements, all the attempts of the new associates towards colonization 
 proved unsuccessful. 
 
 New England must have remained unoccupied, if the same causes 
 which occasioned the emigration of the Brownists had not continued to 
 operate. Notwithstanding the violent persecution to which puritans of 
 every denomination were still exposed, their number and zeal daily in- 
 creased. As they now despaired of obtaining in their own country any 
 relaxation of the penal statutes enacted against their sect, many began to 
 turn their eyes towards some other place of retreat, where they might pro- 
 fess their own opinions with impunity. From the tranquillity which their 
 brethren had hitherto enjoyed in New Plymouth, they hoped to find this 
 desired asylum in New. England ; and by the activity of Mr. White, a 
 nonconformist minister at Dorchester, an association was formed by several 
 gentlemen who had imbibed puritanical notions, in order to conduct a 
 
 * Chalmers's Annals, p. 89. Douglas's Summary, i. p. 370. t Chalmers's Annals, p 97 
 
 t Ibid. p. 97. 107. 
 VOL. L 55 
 
434 HISTORY OF [BOOK 
 
 cdony thither. They purchased from the council of Plymouth [March 
 19, 1627], all the territory, extending in length from three miles north oi 
 the river Merrimack, to three miles south of Charles River, and in breadth, 
 from the Atlantic to the Southern Orean. Zealous as these proprietors 
 were to accomplish their favourite purpose, they quickly perceived their 
 own inability to attempt the population of such an immense region, and 
 deemed it necessary to call in the aid of more opulent copartners.* 
 
 Of these 4hey found without difficulty, a sufficient number, chiefly in the 
 capital, and among persons in the commercial and other industrious walks 
 of life, who had openly joined the sect of the puritans, or secretly favoured 
 their opinions. These new adventurers, with the caution natural to men 
 conversant in business, entertained doubts concerning the propriety oi 
 founding a colony on the basis of a grant from a private company of pa- 
 tentees, who might convey a right of property in the soil, but could not 
 confer jurisdiction, or the privilege of governing that society which they 
 had in contemplation to establish. As it was .only from royal authority that 
 such powers could be derived, they applied for these ; and Charles granted 
 their request, with a facility which appears astonishing, when we consider 
 theprinciples and views of the men' who were suitors for the favour. 
 
 Time has been considered as the parent of political wisdom, but its 
 instructions are communicated slowly. Although the experience of above 
 twenty years might have taught the English the impropriety of committing 
 the government of settlements in America to exclusive corporations resident 
 in Europe, neither the king nor his subjects had profited so much by what 
 passed before their eyes as to have extended their ideas beyond those 
 adopted by James in his first attempts towards colonization. The charter 
 of Charles I. to the adventurers associated for planting the province of 
 Massachusetts Bay, was perfectly similar to those granted by his father to 
 the two Virginian companies and -to the council of Plymouth. The new 
 adventurers were incorporated as a body politic, ana their right to the 
 territory, which they had purchased from the council at Plymouth, being 
 confirmed by the king, they were empowered to dispose of lands, and to 
 govern the people who should settle upon them. The first governor of 
 the company and his assistants were named by the crown ; the right of 
 electing their successors was vested in the members of the corporation. 
 The executive power was committed to the governor and assistants ; that 
 of legislation to the body of proprietors, who might make statutes and 
 orders for the good of the community, not inconsistent with the laws of 
 England, and enforce the observance of them, according to the course of 
 other corporations within the realm. Their lands were to be held by the 
 same liberal tenure with those granted to the Virginian company. They 
 obtained the same temporary exemption from internal taxes, and from 
 duties on goods exported or imported ; and notwithstanding their migra- 
 tion to America, they and their descendants were declared to be entitled to 
 all the rights of natural born subjects. f 
 
 The manifest object of this charter was to confer on the adventurers who 
 undertook to people the territory on Massachusetts Bay, all the corporate 
 rights possessed by the council of Plymouth, from which they had pur- 
 chased it, and to form them into a public body, resembling other great 
 trading companies, which the spirit of monarchy had at that time multiplied 
 in the kingdom. The king seems not to have foreseen, or to have sus- 
 pected the secret intentions of those who projected the measure ; for so 
 far was he from alluring emigrants, by any hopes of indulgence with re- 
 spect to their religious scruples, or from promising any relaxation from the 
 rigour of the penal statutes against nonconformists, that he expressly pro- 
 
 * Neal's Hit*, of New England, i. p. 12?. f Hutchinson'a CoUect. of Original Papers, 
 
AMERICA. 435 
 
 vides for having the oath of supremacy administered to every person who 
 shall pass to the colony, or inhabit there.* 
 
 But whatever were the intentions of the king, the adventurers kept their 
 own object steadily in view. Soon after their powers to establish a colony 
 were rendered complete by the royal charter [1629], they fitted out five 
 ships for New England ; on board of which embarked upwards of three 
 hundred passengers, with a view of settling there. These were most 
 zealous puritans, whose chief inducement to relinquish their native land 
 was the hope of enjoying religious liberty in a country far removed from 
 the seat of government and the oppression of ecclesiastical courts. Some 
 eminent nonconformist ministers accompanied them as their spiritual in- 
 structers. On their arrival in New England, they found the wretched re- 
 mainder of a small body of emigrants, who had left England [June 29], 
 tlie preceding year, under the conduct of Eridicott, a deep enthusiast, 
 whom, prior to their incorporation by the royal charter, the associates had 
 appointed deputy governor. They were settled at a place called by the 
 Indians Naunekeag, and to which Endicott, with the fond affectation of 
 fanatics of that age to employ the language and appellations of Scripture 
 in the affairs of common life, had given the name of Salem. 
 
 The emigrants under Endicott. and such as now joined them, coincided 
 perfectly in religious principles. They were puritans of the strictest 
 form. ; and to men of this character the institution of a church was naturally 
 of such interesting concern as to take place of every other object. In this 
 first transaction, they displayed at once the extent of the reformation at 
 which they aimed. Without regard to the sentiments of tnat monarch 
 under the sanction of whose authority they settled in America, and from 
 whom they derived right to act as a body politic, and in contempt of the 
 laws of England, with which the charter required that none of their acts 
 or ordinances should be inconsistent, they adopted in their infant church 
 that form of policy which has since been distinguished by the name of 
 Independent. They united together in religious society [Aug. 6], by a 
 solemn covenant with God and with one another, and in strict conformity, 
 as they imagined, to the rules of Scripture. They elected a pastor, a 
 teacher, and an elder, whom they set apart for their respective offices, by 
 imposition of the hands of the brethren. All who were that day admitted 
 members of the church signified their assent to a confession of faith drawn 
 up by their teacher, and gave an account of the foundation of their own 
 hopes as Christians ; and it was declared that no person should hereafter 
 be received into communion until he gave satisfaction to the church with 
 respect to his faith and sanctity. The form of public worship which thej r 
 instituted was without a liturgy, disencumbered of every superfluous cere- 
 mony, and reduced to the lowest standard of Calvinistic simplicity.! 
 
 It was with the utmost complacence that men passionately attached to 
 their own notions, and who had long been restrained from avowing them, 
 employed themselves in framing this model of a pure church. But in the 
 first moment that they bepn to taste of Christian liberty themselves, they 
 forgot that other men had an equal title to enjoy it. Some of their num- 
 ber, retaining a high veneration for the ritual of the English church, were 
 so much offended at the total abolition of it, that they withdrew from com- 
 
 * Hutchinson's Collect, of Orig. Papers, p. 18. It is surprising that Mr. Neal, an industrious and 
 generally well informed writer, should affirm, that " free liberty of conscience was granted by this 
 charter to all who should settle in those parts, to worship God in their own way." Hist, of Nev,- 
 Engl. i. 124. This he repeats in his History of the Puritans, ii. 210 ; and subsequent historians have 
 copied him implicitly. No permission of this kind, however, is contained in the charter ; and such 
 an indulgence would have been inconsistent with all the maxims of Charles and his ministers during 
 the course of his reign. At the time when Charles issued the charter, the influence of Laud over 
 his counsels was at its height, the puritans were prosecuted with the greatest severity, and the 
 kingdom was ruled entirely by prerogative. This is not an era in which one can expect to meet 
 with concessions in favour of nonconformists, from a prince of Charles's character and principles. 
 
 | Math. Megoal, p. 18. Neal's Hist, of N. Engl. i. 126. Chalmers, D. 143. 
 
436 HISTORY OF [BOOK X. 
 
 munion with the newly instituted church, and assembled separately for the 
 worship of God. With an inconsistency of which there are such flagrant 
 instances among Christians of every denomination that it cannot be im- 
 
 Suted as a reproach peculiar to any sect, the very men who had themselves 
 ed from persecution became persecutors ; and had recourse, in order to 
 enforce their own opinions, to the same unhallowed weapons, against the 
 employment of which they had lately remonstrated with so much violence. 
 Endicott called the two chief malecontents before him ; and though they 
 were men of note, and among the number of original patentees, he expelled 
 them from the society, and sent them home in the ships which were re- 
 turning to England.* The colonists were now united in sentiments ; but, 
 on the approach of winter, they suffered so much from diseases, which 
 carried off almost one half of their number, that they made little progress 
 in occupying the country. 
 
 Meanwhile the directors of the company in England exerted their 
 utmost endeavours in order to reinforce the colony with a numerous body 
 of new settlers ; and as the intolerant spirit of Laud exacted conformity to 
 all the injunctions of the church with greater rigour than ever, the condition 
 of such as had any scruples with respect to this became so intolerable tnal 
 many accepted of their invitation to a secure retreat in New England. 
 Several of these were persons of greater opulence and of better condition 
 than any who had hitherto migrated to that country. But as they intended 
 to employ their fortunes, as well as to hazard their persons in establishing 
 a permanent colony there, and foresaw many inconveniences from their 
 subjection to laws made without their own consent, and framed by a 
 society which must always be imperfectly acquainted with their situation, 
 they insisted that the corporate powers of the company should be trans- 
 ferred from England to America, and the government of the colony be 
 vested entirely in those who, by settling in the latter country, became 
 members of it.| The company had already expended considerable sums 
 in prosecuting the design of their institution, without having received 
 almost any return, and had no prospect of gain, or even of reimbursement, 
 but what was too remote and uncertain to be suitable to the ideas of mer- 
 chants, the most numerous class of its members. They hesitated, however, 
 with respect to the legality of granting the demand of the intended emi- 
 grants. But such was^ their eagerness to be disengaged from an unpro- 
 mising adventure, that, " by general consent it was determined, that the 
 charter should be transferred, and the government be settled in New 
 England."| To the members of the corporation who chose to remain at 
 home was reserved a share in the trading stock and profits of the company 
 during seven years. 
 
 In this singular transaction, to which there is nothing similar in the history 
 of English colonization, two circumstances merit particular attention : one 
 is the power of the company to make this transference ; the other is the 
 silent acquiescence with which the king permitted it to take place. If the 
 validity of this determination' of the company be tried by the charter 
 which constituted it a body politic, and conveyed to it all the corporate 
 powers with which it was invested, it is evident that it could neither ex- 
 ercise those powers in any mode different from what the charter prescribed, 
 nor alienate them in such a manner as to convert the jurisdiction of a 
 trading corporation in England into a provincial government in America. 
 But from the first institution of the company of Massachusetts Bay, its 
 members seem to have been animated with a spirit of innovation in civil 
 policy, as well as in religion; and by the habit of rejecting established 
 usages in the one, they were prepared for deviating from them in the other. 
 
 * Mather, p. 19. Neal, p. J29. t Hutchinson's Coll. of Papers, p. 25. $ Mather, 
 
 p. 20. Hutchinson's Hist, p. 12. Chalmers, p. 150. 
 
AMERICA. 437 
 
 They had applied for a royal charter, in order to give legal effect to their 
 operations in England, as acts of a body politic ; but the persons whom 
 they sent out to America, as soon as they landed there, considered them- 
 selves as individuals united together by voluntary association, possessing 
 the natural right of men who form a society, to adopt what mode of govern- 
 ment, and to enact what laws they deemed most conducive to general 
 felicity. Upon this principle of being entitled. to judge and to decide for 
 themselves, they established their church in Salem, without regard to the 
 institutions of the church of England, of which the charter supposed them 
 to be members, and bound of consequence to conformity with its ritual. 
 Suitable to the same ideas, we shall observe them framing all their future 
 plans of civil and ecclesiastical policy. The king, though abundantly 
 vigilant in observing and checking slighter encroachments on his prerogative, 
 was either so much occupied at that time with other cares, occasioned by 
 his fatal breach with his parliament, that he could not attend to the pro- 
 ceedings of the company ; or he was so much pleased with the prospect 
 of removing a body of turbulent subjects to a distant country, where they 
 might be useful, and could not prove dangerous, that he was disposed to 
 connive at the irregularity of a measure which facilitated their departure. 
 
 Without interruption from the crown, the adventurers proceeded to carry 
 their scheme into execution. In a general court, John Winthrop was 
 appointed governor, and Thomas Dudley deputy governor, and eighteen 
 assistants were chosen ; in whom, together with the body of freemen who 
 should settle in New England, were vested all the corporate rights of the 
 company. With such zeal and activity did they prepare for emigration, 
 that in the course of the ensuing year seventeen ships sailed for New 
 England, and aboard these above fifteen hundred persons, among whom 
 were several of respectable families, and in easy circumstances. On their 
 arrival in New England, many were so ill satisfied with the situation of 
 Salem, that they explored the country in quest of some better station ; and 
 settling in different places around the Bay, according to their various 
 fancies, laid the foundations of Boston, Charles Town, Dorchester, Rox- 
 borough, and other towns, which have since become considerable in the 
 province. In each of these a church was established on the same model 
 with that of Salem. This, together with the care of making provision for 
 their subsistence during winter, occupied them entirely during some months. 
 But in the first general court [Oct. 19], their disposition to consider them- 
 selves as members of an independent society, unconfined by the regulations 
 of their charter, began to appear. The election of the governor and 
 deputy governor, the appointment of all other officers, and even the power 
 of making laws, all which were granted by the charter^ to the freemen, 
 were taken from them, and vested in the council of assistants. But the 
 aristocratical spirit of this resolution did not accord with the ideas of equality 
 prevalent among the people, who had been surprised into an approbation 
 of it. Next year [1631] the freemen, whose numbers had been greatly 
 augmented by the admission of new members, resumed their former rights. 
 
 But, at the same time, they ventured to deviate from the charter in a 
 matter of greater moment, which deeply affected all the future operations 
 of the colony, and contributed greatly to form that peculiar character by 
 which the people of New England have been distinguished. A law was 
 passed, declaring that none shall hereafter be admitted freemen, or be 
 entitled to any share in the government, or be capable of being chpfeen 
 magistrates, or even of serving as jurymen, but such as have been received 
 into the church as members.* By this resolution, every person who did 
 not hold the favourite opinions concerning the doctrines of religion, the 
 discipline of the church, or the rites of worship, was at once cast out of the 
 
 * Hutching n, p. 96. Chalmers, p. 153. 
 
438 HISTORY OF [BOOK*. 
 
 society, and stripped of all the privileges of a citizen. An uncontrolled 
 power of approving or rejecting the claims of those who applied for 
 admission into communion with the ehurch being vested in the ministers 
 and leading men of each congregation, the most valuable of all civil rights 
 was made to depend on their decision with respect to qualifications purely 
 ecclesiastical. As in examining into these they proceeded not by any 
 known or established rules, but exercised a discretionary judgment, the 
 clergy rose gradually to a degree of influence and authority, from which 
 the levelling spirit of the independent church policy was calculated to 
 exclude them. As by their determination the political condition, of every 
 citizen was fixed, all paid court to men possessed of such an important 
 power, by assuming those austere and sanctimonious manners which were 
 known to be the most certain recommendations to their favour. In con- 
 sequence of this ascendant, which was acquired chiefly by the wildest 
 enthusiasts among the clergy, their notions became a standard to which all 
 studied to conform, and the singularities characteristic of the puritans in 
 that age increased, of which many remakable instances will occur In the 
 course of our narrative. 
 
 Though a considerable number of planters was cut off by the diseases 
 prevalent in a country so imperfectly cultivated by its original inhabitants 
 as to be still almost one continued forest, and several, discouraged by the 
 hardships to which they were exposed, returned to England, recruits suffi- 
 cient to replace them arrived. At the same time the small-pox, a dis- 
 temper fatal to the people of the New World, swept away such multi- 
 tudes of the natives, that some whole tribes disappeared ; and Heaven, by 
 thus evacuating a country in which the English might settle without 
 molestation, was supposed to declare its intention that they should 
 occupy it 
 
 As several of the vacant Indian stations were well chosen, such was the 
 eagerness of the English to take possession of them, that their settlements 
 became more numerous and more widely dispersed than suited the con- 
 dition of an infant colony. This led to an innovation which totally altered 
 the nature and constitution of the government. When a general court was 
 to he held in the year one thousand six hundred and thirty-four, the free- 
 men instead of attending it in^ person, as the charter prescribed, elected 
 representatives in their different districts, authorizing them to appear in 
 their name, with full power to deliberate and decide concerning every 
 point that fell under the cognizance of the general court. Whether this 
 measure was suggested by some designing leaders, or whether they found 
 it prudent to soothe the people by complying with their inclination, is 
 uncertain. The representatives were admitted, and considered themselves, 
 in conjunction with the governor and assistants, as the supreme legislative 
 assembly of the colony. In assertion of their own rights, they enacted 
 that no law should be passed, no tax should be imposed, and no public 
 officer should be appointed, but in the general assembly. The pretexts for 
 making this new arrangement were plausible. The number of freemen was 
 greatly increased ; many resided at a distance from the places where the 
 supreme courts were held ; personal attendance became inconvenient ; the 
 form of government in their own country had rendered familiar the idea of 
 delegating their rights, and committing the guardianship of their liberties 
 to representatives of their own choice, and the experience of ages had 
 taught them that this important trust might with safety be lodged in their 
 hands. Thus did the company of Massachusetts Bay, in less than six 
 years from its incorporation by the king, mature ana perfect a scheme 
 which, I have already observed, some of its more artful and aspiring 
 leaders seem to have had in view, when the association for peopling New 
 England was first formed. The colony must henceforward be considered, 
 not as a corporation whose powers were defined, and its mode of 
 
AMERICA. 439 
 
 procedure regulated by its charter, but as a society, which, having acquired 
 or assumed political liberty, had, by its own voluntary deed, adopted a 
 constitution or government framed on the mode] of that in England, 
 
 But however liberal their system or civil policy might be, as their leli- 
 gious opinions were no longer under any restraint of authority, the spirit 01 
 fanaticism continued to spread, and became every day wilder and more 
 extravagant. Williams, a minister of Salem, in high estimation, having 
 conceived an antipathy to the cross of St. George in the standard of Eng- 
 land, declaimed against it with so much vehemence, as a relic of super- 
 stition and idolatry which ought not to be retained among a people so pure 
 and sanctified, that Endicott, one of the members of the court of assistants, 
 in a transport of zeal, publicly cut out the cross from the ensign displayed 
 before the governor's gate. This frivolous matter interested and divided 
 the colony. Some of the militia scrupled to follow colours in which there 
 was a cross, lest they should do honour to an idol ; others refused to serve 
 under a mutilated banner, lest they should be suspected of having 
 renounced their allegiance to the crown of England. After a long contro- 
 versy, carried on by both parties with that heat and zeal which in trivial 
 disputes supply the want of argument, the contest was terminated by a 
 compromise. The cross was retained in the ensigns of forts and ships, but 
 erased from the colours of the militia. Williams, on account of this, as 
 well as of some other doctrines deemed unsound, was banished out of the 
 colony.* 
 
 The prosperous state of New England was now so highly extolled, and 
 the simple frame of its ecclesiastic policy so much admired by all whose 
 affections were estranged from the church of England, that crowds of new 
 settlers flocked thither [1635]. Among these were two persons, whose 
 uames have been rendered memorable by the appearance which they 
 afterwards made on a more conspicuous theatre ; one was Hugh Peters, the 
 enthusiastic and intriguing chaplain of Oliver Cromwell : the other Mr. 
 Henry Vane, son of Sir Henry Vane, a privy counsellor, high in office, and 
 of great credit with the king ; a young man of a noble family, animated 
 with such zeal for pure religion and such love of liberty as induced him 
 to relinquish all his hopes in England, and to settle in a colony hitherto no 
 further advanced in improvement than barely to afford subsistence to its 
 members, was received with the fondest admiration. His mortified 
 appearance, his demure look and rigid manners, carried even beyond the 
 standard of preciseness in that society which he joined, seemed to indicate 
 a man of high spiritual attainments, while his abilities and address in busi- 
 ness pointed him out as worthy of the highest station in the community. 
 With universal consent, and high expectations of advantage from his 
 administration, he was elected governor in the year subsequent to his 
 arrival [1636]. But as the affairs of an infant colony afforded not objects 
 adequate to the talents of Vane, his busy pragmatical spirit occupied itself 
 with theological subtilties and speculations unworthy of his attention. 
 These were excited by a woman, whose reveries produced such effects 
 both within the colony and beyond its precincts, that frivolous as they may 
 now appear, they must be mentioned as an occurrence of importance in its 
 history. 
 
 It was the custom at that time in New England, among the chief men 
 in every congregation, to meet once a week in order to repeat the sermons 
 which they had heard, and to hold religious conference with respect to the 
 doctrine contained in them. Mrs. Hutchinson, whose husband was among 
 the most respectable members of the colony, regretting that persons of her 
 sex were excluded from the benefit of those meetings, assembled statedly 
 ui her house a number of women, who employed themselves in pious exercises 
 
 * Neal's Hist, of N Eng. p. 140, &c. Hutchineon, p. 37. Chalmers, p 15B. 
 
440 HISTORY OF [BOOK A. 
 
 similar to those of the men. At first she satisfied herself with repeating what 
 she could recollect of the discourses delivered by their teachers. She began 
 afterwards to add illustrations, and at length proceeded to censure some of 
 the clergy as unsound, and to vent opinions and fancies of her own. These 
 were all founded on the system which is denominated Antinpmian by 
 divines, and tinged with the deepest enthusiasm. She taught, that sanctity 
 of life is no evidence of .justification, or of a state of favour with God ; and 
 that such as inculcated the necessity of manifesting the reality of our faith 
 by obedience preached only a covenant of works ; she contended that the 
 Spirit of God otwelt personally in good men, and by inward revelations and 
 impressions they received the fullest discoveries of the divine will. The 
 fluency and confidence with which she delivered these notions gained 
 her many admirers and proselytes, not only among the vulgar but among 
 the principal inhabitants. The whole colony was interested and agitated. 
 Vane, whose sagacity and acuteness seemed to forsake him whenever they 
 were turned towards religion, espoused and defended her wildest tenets. 
 Many conferences were held, days of fasting and humiliation were 
 appointed, a general synod was called ; and, after dissensions so violent as 
 threatened the dissolution of the colony, Mrs. Hutchinson's opinions were 
 condemned as erroneous, and she herself banished [1637]. Several ot her 
 disciples withdrew from the province of their own accord. Vane quitted 
 America in disgust, unlamented even by those who had lately admired 
 him ; some of whom now regarded him as a mere visionary, and others as 
 one of those dark turbulent spirits doomed to embroil every society into 
 which they enter.* 
 
 However much these theological contests might disquiet the colony of 
 Massachusetts Bay, they contributed to the more speedy population of 
 America. When Williams was banished from Salem in the year one 
 thousand six hundred and thirty-four, such was the attachment of his hear- 
 ers to a pastor whose piety they revered, that a good number of them volun^ 
 tarily accompanied him in his exile. They directed their march towards 
 the south ; and having purchased from the natives a considerable tract of 
 land, to which Williams gave the name of Providence, they settled there. 
 They were joined soon after by some of those to whom the proceedings 
 against Mrs. Hutchinson gave disgust ; and by a transaction with the 
 Indians they obtained a right to a fertile island in Narraganset Bay, which 
 acquired the name of Rhode Island. Williams remained among them 
 upwards of forty years, respected as the father and the guide of the colony 
 which he had planted. His spirit differed from that of the puritans in 
 Massachusetts ; it was mild and tolerating ; and having ventured himself 
 to reject established opinions, he endeavoured to secure the same liberty 
 to other men, by maintaining that the exercise of private judgment was a 
 natural and sacred right ; that the civil magistrate has no compulsive juris- 
 diction in the concerns of religion ; that th'e punishment of any person on 
 account of his opinions was an encroachment on conscience, and an act of 
 persecution.! These humane principles he instilled into his followers; 
 and all who felt or dreaded oppression in other settlements resorted to a 
 community in which universal toleration was known to be a fundamental 
 maxim. In the plantations of Providence and Rhode Island, political union 
 was established by voluntary association, and the equality of ^condition 
 among the members, as well as their religious opinions ; their form of 
 government was purely democratical, the supreme power being lodged in 
 the freemen personally assembled. In this state they remained untfl they 
 were incorporated by charter.J 
 
 * Mather, book vii. c. 3. Hutchhison, p. 53. 74. Neal, p. 1. 144. 165, &c. Chalmers, p. J63, 
 t Neal's Hist, of N. Eng. p. 141. J Hutchinson, p. 38. Neal, ii. 142. Dougl. Sum. ii. f 76, 
 &c. Chalmers, cu. ii. 
 
AMERICA. 441 
 
 To similar causes the colony of Connecticut is indebted for its origin. 
 The rivalship between Mr. Cotton and Mr. Hooker, two favourite minis- 
 ters in the settlement of Massachusetts Bay, disposed the latter, who was 
 Jeast successful in this contest for fame and power, to wish for some settle- 
 ment at a distance from a competitor by whom his reputation was eclipsed. 
 A good number of those who had imbibed Mrs. Hutchinson's notions, and 
 were offended at such as combated them, offered to accompany him. 
 Having employed proper persons to explore the country, they pitched upon 
 the west side of the great river Connecticut as the most inviting station ; 
 .and in the year one thousand six hundred and thirty-six, about a hundred 
 persons, with their wives and families, after a fatiguing march of many 
 days through woods and swamps, arrived there, and laid the foundation of 
 the towns of Hartford, Springneld, and Weathersfield. /This settlement 
 was attended with peculiar irregularities. Part of the district now occu- 
 pied lay beyond the limits of the territory granted to the colony of Mas- 
 sachusetts Bay, and yet the emigrants took a commission from the governor 
 and court of assistants, empowering them to exercise jurisdiction in that 
 country. The Dutch from Manhados or New York, having discovered 
 the river Connecticut, and established some trading houses upon it, had 
 acquired all the right that prior possession confers. Lord Say and Sele 
 and Lord Brook, the heads of two illustrious families, were so much 
 alarmed at the arbitrary measures of Charles I., both in his civil and eccle- 
 siastical administration, that they took a resolution, not unbecoming young 
 men of noble birth and liberal sentiments, of .retiring to the New World, 
 in order to enjoy such a form of religion as they approved of, and those 
 liberties which they deemed essential to the well being of society. They, 
 too, fixed on the banks of the Connecticut as their place of settlement, and 
 had taken possession, by building a fort at the mouth of the river, which 
 from their united names was called Say Brook. The emigrants from Mas- 
 sachusetts, without regarding either me defects in their own right or the 
 pretensions of" other claimants, kept .possession, and proceeded with vigour 
 to clear and cultivate the countiy. By degrees they got rid of every com- 
 petitor. The Dutch, recently settled in America, and too feeble to engage 
 in a war, peaceably withdrew from Connecticut. Lord Say and Sele and 
 Lord Brook made over to the colony whatever title they might have to 
 any lands in that region. Society was established by a voluntary compact 
 of the freemen ; and though they soon disclaimed all dependence on_ the 
 colony of Massachusetts Bay, they retained such veneration for its legisla- 
 tive wisdom as to adopt a form ot government nearly resembling its insti- 
 tutions, with respect both to civil and ecclesiastical policy. At a subse- 
 quent period, the colony of Connecticut was likewise incorporated by 
 royal charter.* 
 
 The history of the first attempts to people the provinces of New Hamp 
 shire and Maine, which form the fourth and most extensive division in New 
 England, is obscured and perplexed, by the interfering claims of various 
 proprietors. The company of Plymouth had inconsiderately parcelled 
 out the northern part of the territory contained in its grant among different 
 persons : of these only Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Captain Mason seem io 
 have had any serious intention to occupy the lands allotted to them. Their 
 efforts to accomplish this were meritorious and persevering, but unsuccess- 
 ful. The expense of settling colonies in an uncultivated country must 
 necessarily be great and immediate ; the prospect of a return is often un- 
 certain, and always remote. The funds of two private adventurers were 
 not adequate to such an undertaking. Nor did the planters whom they 
 sent out possess that principle of enthusiasm, which animated their neigh- 
 bours of Massachusetts with vigour to struggle through all the hardships and 
 
 * Hutchinson, p. 44, &c. Nal, i. 147. Douglas, ii. 158, &c. Chalmers's Annals, ch. xh. 
 VOL. I. 56 
 
442 HISTORY OF [BooKX. 
 
 dangers to which society in its infancy is exposed in a savage land. 
 Gorges and Mason, it is probable, must have abandoned their design, if, 
 from the same motives that settlements had been made in Rhode Island and 
 Connecticut, colonists had not unexpectedly migrated into New Hamp- 
 shire and Maine. Mr. Wheelwright, a minister of some note, nearly related 
 to Mrs. Hutchinson, and one of her most fervent admirers and partisans, 
 had on this account been banished from the province of Massachusetts Bay.* 
 In quest of a new station, he took a course opposite to the other exiles, 
 and advancing towards the north, founded the town of Exeter on a small 
 river flowing into Piscataqua Bay. His followers, few in number, but 
 firmly united, were of such rigid principles, that even the churches of 
 Massachusetts did not appear to them sufficiently pure. From time to time 
 they received some recruits, whom love of novelty, or dissatisfaction with 
 the ecclesiastical institutions of the other colonies prompted to join them. 
 Their plantations were widely dispersed, but the country was thinly peo- 
 pled, and its political state extremely unsettled. The colony of Massa- 
 chusetts Bay claimed jurisdiction over them, as occupying lands situated 
 within the limits of their grant. Gorges and Mason asserted the rights 
 conveyed to them as proprietors by their charter. In several districts the 
 planters, without regarding the pretensions of either party, governed them- 
 selves by maxims and laws copied from those of their brethren in the adja- 
 cent colonies.! The first reduction of the political constitution in the pro- 
 vinces of New Hampshire and Maine into a regular and permanent form, 
 was subsequent to the Revolution. 
 
 By extending their settlements, the English became exposed to new 
 danger. The tribes of Indians around Massachusetts Bay were feeble and 
 unwarlike ; yet from regard to justice, as well as motives of prudence, the 
 first colonists were studious to obtain the consent of the natives before they 
 ventured to occupy any of their lands ; and though in such transactions the 
 consideration given was often very inadequate to the value of the territory- 
 acquired, it was sufficient to satisfy the demands of the proprietors. The 
 English took quiet possession of the lands thus conveyed to them, and no 
 open hostility broke out between them and the ancient possessors. But 
 the colonies of Providence and Connecticut soon found that they were sur- 
 rounded by more powerful and martial nations. Among these the most 
 considerable were the Narragansets and Pequods ; the former seated on the 
 bay which bears their name, and the latter occupying the territory which 
 stretches from the river Pequods along the banks of the Connecticut. The 
 Pequods were a formidable people, who could bring into the field a thou- 
 sand warriors not inferior in courage to any in the New World. They 
 foresaw, not only that the extermination of the Indian race must be the 
 consequence of permitting the English to spread over the continent of 
 America, but that, if measures were not speedily concerted to prevent it, 
 the calamity would be unavoidable. With this view they applied to the 
 Narragansets, requesting them to forget ancient animosities for a moment, 
 and to co-operate with them in expelling a common enemy who threatened 
 both with destruction. They represented that, when those strangers first 
 landed, the object of their visit was not suspected, and no proper precau- 
 tions were taken to check their progress ; that now, by sending out colo- 
 nies in one year towards three different quarters, their intentions were 
 manifest, ana the people of America must abandon their native seats to 
 make way for unjust intruders. 
 
 But the Narragansets and Pequods, like most of the contiguous tribes in 
 America, were rivals, and there subsisted between them an hereditary and 
 implacable enmity. Revenge is the darling passion of savages ; in order 
 
 * Hutchinson, p. 70. f Ibid. p. 103, &c. 176. Douglas's Sum. ii. 22, &c. Chalmers's Annals, 
 
 cli. ivii. 
 
AMERICA. 443 
 
 to secure tne indulgence of which there is no present advantage that they 
 will not sacrifice, and no future consequence which they do not totally 
 disregard. The Narragansets, instead of closing with the prudent proposal 
 of their neighbours, discovered their hostile intentions to the governor of 
 Massachusetts Bay : and, eager to lay hold on such a favourable opportu- 
 nity of wreaking their vengeance on their ancient foes, entered into an 
 alliance with the English against them. The Pequods, more exasperated 
 than discouraged by the imprudence and treachery of their countrymen, 
 look the field, and carried on the war in the usual mode of Americans. 
 They surprised stragglers, and scalped them ; they plundered and burnt 
 remote settlements ; they attacked Fort Say Brook without success, though 
 garrisoned only by twenty men ; and when the English began to act 
 offensively, they retired to fastnesses which they deemed inaccessible. 
 The different colonies had agreed to unite against the common enemy, 
 each furnishing a quota of men in proportion to its numbers. The troops 
 of Connecticut, which lay most exposed to danger, were soon assembled. 
 The march of those from Mussachusetts, which formed the most consider- 
 able body, was retarded by the most singular cause that ever influenced 
 the operations of a military force. When they were mustered previous to 
 their departure, it was found that some of the officers, as well as of the 
 private soldiers, were still under a covenant of works ; and that the 
 blessing of GOD could not be implored or expected to crown the arms of 
 such unhallnwed men with success. The alarm was general, and many 
 arrangements necessary in order to cast out the unclean, and to render this 
 little band sufficiently pure to fight the battles of a people who entertained 
 high ideas of their own sanctity.* 
 
 Meanwhile the Connecticut troops, reinforced by a small detachment 
 from Say Brook, found it necessary to advance towards the enemy. They 
 were posted on a rising ground, in the middle of a swamp towards the 
 head of the river Mistick, which they had surrounded with palisadoes, 
 the best defence that their slender skill in the art of fortification had dis- 
 covered. Though they knew that the English were in motion, yet, with 
 the usual improvidence and security of savages, they took no measures 
 either to observe their progress,, or to guard against being surprised them- 
 selves. The enemy, unperceived, reached the palisadoes [May 20] ; and 
 if a dog had not given the alarm by barking, the Indians must have been 
 massacred without resistance. In a moment, however, they started to 
 arms, and, raising the war cry, prepared to repel the assailants. But at 
 that early period, of their intercourse with the Europeans, the Americans 
 were little acquainted with the use of gunpowder, and dreaded its effects 
 extremely. While some of the English galled them with an incessant fire 
 through the intervals between the palisadoes, others forced their way by 
 the entries into the fort, filled only with branches of trees ; and setting fire 
 to the huts which were covered with reeds, the confusion and terror quickly 
 became general. Many of the women and children perished in the 
 flames ; and the warriors, in endeavouring to escape, were either slain by 
 the English, or, falling into the hands of their Indian allies, who surrounded 
 ihe fort at a distance, were reserved for a more cruel fate. After the junc- 
 tion of the troops from Massachusetts, the English resolved to pursue their 
 victory ; and hunting the Indians from one place of retreat to another, 
 some subsequent encounters were hardly less fatal to them than the action 
 on the Mistick. In less than three months the tribe of Pequods were ex- 
 tirpated : a few miserable fugitives, who took refuge among the neigh- 
 bouring Indians, being incorporated by them, lost their name as a distinct 
 people. In this first essay of their arms, the colonists of New England 
 seern to have been conducted by skilful and enterprising officers, and dis- 
 
 Neal, i. 168. 
 
444 HISTORY OF [BOOK X 
 
 played both courage and perseverance as soldiers. But they stained their 
 laurels by the use which they made of victory. Instead of treating the 
 Pequods as an independent people, who made a gallant effort to defend 
 the property, the rights, and the freedom of their nation, they retaliated 
 upon them all the barbarities of American war. Some they massacred in 
 cold blood, others they gave up to be tortured by their Indian allies, a con- 
 siderable number they sold as slaves in Bermudas, the rest were reduced 
 to servitude among themselves.* 
 
 But reprehensible as this conduct of the English must be deemed, their 
 vigorous efforts in this decisive campaign filled all the surrounding tribes 
 of Indians with such a high opinion of their valour as secured a long tran- 
 quillity to all their settlements. At the same time the violence of admin- 
 istration in England continued to increase their population and strength, by 
 forcing many respectable subjects to tear themselves from all the tender 
 connections that bind men to their native country, and to fly for refuge to a 
 region of the New World, which hitherto presented to them nothing that 
 could allure them thither but exemption from oppression. The number of 
 those emigrants drew the attention of government, and appeared so formi- 
 dable that a proclamation was issued, prohibiting masters of ships from 
 carrying passengers to New England without special permission. On 
 many occasions this injunction was -eluded or disregarded. Fatally for the 
 king, it operated with full effect in one instance. Sir Arthur Haslerig, 
 John Hampden, Oliver Cromwell, and some other persons whose principles 
 and views coincided with theirs, impatient to enjoy those civil and reli- 
 
 fious liberties which they struggled in vain to obtain in Great Britain, 
 ired some ships to carry them and their attendants to New England. By 
 order of council, an embargo was laid on these when on the point of 
 sailing; and Charles, far from suspecting that the future revolutions in his 
 kingdoms were to be excited and directed by persons in such an humble 
 sphere of life, forcibly detained the men destined to overturn his throne 
 and to terminate his days by a violent death*! 
 
 But, in spite of all the efforts of government to check this spirit of 
 migration, the measures of the king and his ministers were considered by 
 a great body of the people as so hostile to those rights which they deemed 
 most valuable, that in the course of the year one thousand six hundred and 
 thirty-eight, about three thousand persons embarked for New England; 
 choosing rather to expose therr.selves to all the consequences of disre- 
 garding the royal proclamation than to remain longer under oppression. 
 Exasperated at this contempt of his authority, Charles had recourse to a 
 violent but effectual mode of accomplishing what he had in view. A 
 writ of quo tvarranto was issued against the corporation of Massachusetts 
 Bay. The colonists had conformed so little to the terms of their charter 
 that judgment was given against them without difficulty. They were 
 found to have forfeited all their rights as a corporation, which of course 
 returned to the crown, and Charles began to take measures for new model- 
 ling the political frame of the colony, and vesting the administration of its 
 affairs in other hands. But his plans were never carried into execution. 
 In every corner of his dominions the storm now began to gather, which 
 soon burst out with such fatal violence, that Charles, during the remainder 
 of his unfortunate reign, occupied with domestic and more interesting cares, 
 had not leisure to bestow any attention upon a remote and inconsiderable 
 province.J 
 
 On the meeting of the Long Parliament, such a revolution took place 
 in England that all the motives for migrating to the New World ceased. 
 
 * Hutchinson, p. 58. 76, &c. Mather, Magnalia, b. vii. oh. 6. Hubbard's State of N- Eng. p. 5. 
 116, &c. t Mather, Magnalia, b. i. ch. 5. p. 23. Neal's Hist, of N. Eng. i. 151. Chalmers's 
 
 Annals, i. 155. 160, &c. f Hutchmson, p. 86. 502, &c. Chalmers's Annals, i. 161. 
 
AMERICA. 446 
 
 The maxims of the puritans with respect to the government both of church 
 and state became predominant in the nation, and were enforced by the 
 hand of power. Their oppressors were humbled ; that perfect system 
 of reformed polity, which had long been the object of their admiration 
 and desire, was established by law ; and amidst the intrigues and conflicts 
 of an obstinate civil war, turbulent and aspiring spirits found such full oc- 
 cupation that they had no inducement to quit a busy theatre, on which they 
 had risen to act a most conspicuous part. From the year one thousand six 
 hundred and twenty, when the first feeble colony was conducted to New 
 England by the Brownists, to the year one thousand six hundred and forty, 
 it has been computed that twenty-one thousand two hundred British 
 subjects had settled there. The money expended by various adventurers 
 during that period, in fitting out ships, in purchasing stock, and transporting 
 settlers, amounted on a moderate calculation, nearly to two hundred thou- 
 sand pounds :* a vast sum in that age, and which no principles, inferior in 
 force to those wherewith the puritans were animated, could have persuaded 
 men to lay out on the uncertain prospect of obtaining an establishment in 
 a remote uncultivated region, which, from its situation and climate, could 
 allure them with no hope but that of finding subsistence and enjoying 
 freedom. For some years, even subsistence was procured with difficulty ; 
 and it was towards the close of the period to which our narrrative is arrived, 
 before the product of the settlement yielded the planters any return for 
 their stock. About that time they began to export corn in small quantities 
 to the West Indies, and made some feeble attempts to extend the fishery, 
 and to open the trade in lumber, which have since proved the staple 
 articles of commerce in the colony.! Since the year one thousand six 
 hundred and forty, the number of people with which New England has 
 recruited the population of the parent state, is supposed at least to equal 
 what may have been drained from it by occasional migrations thither. 
 
 But though the sudden change of system in Great Britain stopped 
 entirely the influx of settlers into New England, the principles of tha 
 colonists coincided so perfectly with those of the popular leaders in par- 
 liament that they were soon distinguished by peculiar marks of their 
 brotherly affection. By a vote of the House of Commons in the year one 
 thousand six hundred and forty-two, the people in all the different planta- 
 tions of New England were exempted from payment of any duties, either 
 upon goods exported thither, or upon those which they imported into the 
 mother country, until the House shall take further order to the contrary. 
 This was afterwards confirmed [1646] by the authority of both Houses. 
 Encouraged by such an extraordinary privilege, industry made rapid pro- 
 gress in all the districts of New England, and population increased along 
 with it. In return for those favours, the colonists applauded the measures 
 of parliament, celebrated its generous efforts to vindicate the rights and 
 liberties of the nation, prayed for the success of its arms, and framed regu- 
 lations in order to prevent any exertion in favour of the king on the other 
 side of the Atlantic. J 
 
 Relying on the indulgent partiality with which all their proceedings 
 were viewed by men thus closely united with them in sentiment and 
 wishes, the people of New England ventured on a measure which not 
 only increased their security and power, but may be regarded as a con- 
 siderable step towards independence. Under the impression or pretext of 
 the danger to which they were exposed from the surrounding tribes of 
 Indians, the four colonies of Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut, and 
 New Haven, entered into a league of perpetual confederacy, offensive and 
 defensive [May 19, 1643] ; an idea familiar to several leading men in the 
 
 * Mather, b. i ch 4. p. 17. ch. 5. p. 23. Hutchinson, p. 193. Chalmers's Annals, p. IG5. 
 f HutcliUHon, p. 91, 92. J Ibid. p. 114. App. 517. Chalmers's Annals, i. 174. 176. 
 
416 HISTORY OF [BooK X 
 
 colonies, as it was framed in imitation of the famous bond of union among 
 the Dutch provinces, in whose dominions the Brownists had long resided. 
 It was stipulated that the confederates should henceforth be distinguished 
 by the name of the United Colonies of New England j^that each colony 
 should remain separate and distinct, and have exclusive jurisdiction within 
 its own territory ; and that in every war, offensive or defensive, each of 
 the confederates shall furnish his quota of men, provisions, and money, 
 at a rate to be fixed from time to time, in proportion to the number of 
 people in each settlement ; that an assembly composed of two commis- 
 sioners from each colony shall be held annually, with power to deliberate 
 and decide in all points of common concern to the confederacy ; and every 
 determination, in which six of their number concur, shall be binding on 
 the whole.* In this transaction the Colonies of New England seem to 
 have considered themselves as independent societies, possessing all the 
 rights of sovereignty, and free from the control of any superior power. 
 1 he governing party in England, occupied with affairs of more urgent 
 concern, and nowise disposed to observe the conduct of their brethren in 
 America with any jealous attention, suffered the measure to pass without 
 animadversion. 
 
 Emboldened by this connivance, the spirit of independence gathered 
 strength, and soon displayed itself more openly ; some persons of note in 
 the colony of Massachusetts, averse to the system of ecclesiastical polity 
 established there, and preferring to it the government and discipline of the 
 churches of England or Scotland, having remonstrated to the general court 
 against the injustice of depriving them of their rights as freemen, and of 
 their privileges as Christians [1646], because they could not join as mem- 
 bers with any of the congregational churches, petitioned that they might 
 no longer be bound to obey laws to which they had not assented, nor be 
 subjected to taxes imposed by an assembly in which they were not repre- 
 sfented. Their demands were not only rejected, but they were imprisoned 
 and fined as disturbers of the public peace ; and when they appointed 
 some of their number to lay their grievances before parliament, the' annual 
 court, in order to prevent this appeal to the supreme power, attempted 
 first to seize their papers, and to dbstruct their embarkation for England. 
 But though neither of these could be accomplished, such was the address 
 and influence of the Colony's agents in England, that no inquiry seems ta 
 have been made into this transaction.! This was followed by an indica- 
 tion, still less ambiguous, of the aspiring spirit prevalent among the people 
 of Massachusetts. Under every form of government the right of coining 
 money has been considered as a prerogative peculiar to sovereignty, and 
 which no subordinate member in any state is entitled to claim. Regardless 
 of this established maxim, the general court ordered a coinage of silver 
 money at Boston [1652], stamped with the name of the colony, and a tree 
 as an apt symbol of its progressive vigour.! Even this usurpation escaped 
 without notice. The Independents, having now humbled all rival sects, 
 engrossed the whole direction of affairs in Great Britain, and long accustomed 
 to admire the government of New England, framed agreeably to those 
 principles which they had adopted as the most perfect model of eivil and 
 ecclesiastical polity, they were unwilling to stain its reputation by censuring 
 any part of its conduct. 
 
 When Cromwell usurped the supreme power, the colonies of New 
 England continued to stand as high in his estimation. As he had deeply 
 imbibed all the fanatical notions of the Independents, and was perpetually 
 surrounded by the most eminent and artful teachers of that sect, he kept 
 a constant correspondence with the leading men in the American settle- 
 
 * Neal's Hist, of N. Eng. i. 202, &c. Hutchinson p. 124. Chalmers's Annals, p. 177. f Neal's 
 Hist, of N. Eng. i. 121. Hutctrinson's Hist. 145, &c Collect. 188, &c. Chalm. Ann. 179. Mather, 
 Magnal. b. iii. ch. i. p 30. $ Hutchuison's Hist. 177, 178. Chalmers's Annals, p. 181 
 
AMERICA. 447 
 
 mcnts, who seem to have looked up to him as a zealous patron.* He in 
 return considered them as his most devoted adherents, attached to him na 
 less by affection than by principle. He soon gave a striking proof of this. 
 On the conquest of Jamaica, he formed a scheme for the security and 
 improvement of the acquisition made by his victorious arms, suited to the 
 ardour of an impetuous spirit that delighted in accomplishing its ends by 
 extraordinary means. He proposed to transport the people of New 
 England to that island, and employed every argument calculated to make 
 impression upon them, in order to obtain their consent. He endeavoured 
 to rouse their religious zeal by representing what a fatal blow it would be 
 to the man of sin, if a colony of the faithful were settled in the midst of 
 his territories in the New World. He allured them with prospects of 
 immense wealth in a fertile region, which would reward the industry of 
 those who cultivated it with all the precious productions of the torrid zone, 
 and expressed his fervent wish that they might take possession of it, in 
 order to fulfil God's promise of making his people the head and not the 
 tail, He assured them of being supported by the whole force of his 
 authority, and of vesting all the powers of government entirely in their 
 hands. But by this time the colonists were attached to a country in which 
 they had resided for many years, and where, though they did not attain 
 opulence, they enjoyed the comforts of life in great abundance ; and they 
 dreaded so much the noxious climate of the West Indies, which had proved 
 fatal to a great number of the English who first settled in Jamaica, that 
 they declined, though in the most respectful terms, closing with the Pro- 
 tctor's proposition.! 
 
 * Hutchinson, App. 520, &c. Collect, p. 233 t Hutchinson, p. 190, &c. Chalmers, p 188 
 
I 448 
 
 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 NOTE [1]. PAGE 1;). 
 
 TYRE was situated at such a distance from the Arabian Gulf, or Red Sea, as 
 made it impracticable to convey commodities from thence to that city by land 
 carriage. This jnduced the Phoenicians to render themselves masters of Rhino- 
 crura or Rhinocolura, the nearest port in the Mediterranean to the Red Sea. 
 They landed the cargoes which they purchased in Arabia, Ethiopia, and India, 
 at Elath, the safest harbour in the Red Sea towards the North. Thence they 
 were carried by land to Rhinocolura, the distance not being very considerable ; 
 and, being re-shipped in that port were transported to Tyre, and distributed over 
 the world. Strabon. 'Geogr. edit. Casaub. lib. xvi. p. 1128. Diodor. Sicul. 
 Biblioth. Histor. edit. Wesselingii, lib. i. p. 70. 
 
 NOTE [2]. PAGE 21. 
 
 THE Periplus Hannonis is the only authentic monument of the Carthaginian 
 skill in naval affairs, and one of the most curious fragments transmitted to us 
 by antiquity. The learned and industrious Mr. Dodwell, in a dissertation 
 prefixed to the Periplus of Hanno, in the edition of the Minor Geographers 
 published at Oxford, endeavours to prove that this is a spurious work, the 
 composition of some Greek, who assumed Hanno's name. But M. de Montes- 
 quieu, in his 1 'Esprit des Loix, lib. xxi. c. 8. and M. de Bougainville, in a dis- 
 sertation published torn. xxvi. of the M6moires de 1'Acade'mie des Inscriptions, 
 &c. have established its authenticity by arguments which to me appear un- 
 answerable. Ramusio has accompanied his translation of this curious voyage 
 with a dissertation tending to illustrate it. Racolte de Viaggi, vol. i. p. 112. 
 M. de Bougainville has, with great learning and ability, treated the same subject. 
 It appears that Hanno, according to the mode of ancient navigation, undertook 
 this voyage in small vessels so constructed that he could keep close in with the 
 coast. He sailed from Gedes to the island of Cerne in twelve days. This is 
 probably what is known to the moderns by the name of the Isle of Arguim. 
 It became the chief station of the Carthaginians on that coast ; and M. de 
 Bougainville contends, that the cisterns found there are monuments of the Car- 
 thaginian power and ingenuity. Proceeding from Cerne, and still following 
 the winding of the coast, he arrived in seventeen days, at a promontory which 
 he called The West Horn, probably Cape Palmas. From this he advanced to 
 another promontory, which he named The South Horn, and which is manifestly 
 Cape de Tres Puntas, about five degrees north of the line. All the circumstances 
 contained in the short abstract of his journal, which is handed down to us, con- 
 cerning the appearance and state of the countries on the coast of Africa, are 
 confirmed and illustrated by a comparison with the accounts of modern naviga- 
 tors. Even those circumstances which, from their seeming improbability, have 
 been produced to invalidate the credibility of his relation, tend to confirm it. 
 He observes, that in the country to the south of Cerne, a profound silence 
 reigned through the day ; but during the night innumerable fires were kindled 
 along the banks ;>f the rivers, and the air resounded with the noise of pipefl 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 449 
 
 and drums and cries of joy. The same thing, as Ramusio observes, still takes 
 place. The excessive heat obliges the Negroes to take shelter in the woods, or 
 in their houses, during the day. As soon as the sun sets, they sally out, and by 
 torchlight enjoy the pleasure of music and dancing, in which they spend the 
 night. Ramus. i. 113. F. In another place, he mentions the sea as burning 
 with torrents of fire. What occurred to M. Adanson, on the same coast, may 
 explain this : " As soon," says he, " as the sun dipped beneath the horizon, and 
 night overspread the earth with darkness, the sea lent us its friendly light. 
 While the prow of our vessel ploughed the foaming surges, it seemed to set them 
 all on fire. Thus we sailed in a luminous inclosure, which surrounded us like 
 a large circle of rays, from whence darted in the wake of the ship a long stream 
 of a light." Voy. to Senegal, p. 176. This appearance of the sea, observed by 
 Hunter, has been mentioned as an argument against the authenticity of the 
 Periplus. It is, however, a phenomenon very common in warm climates. Cap- 
 tain Cook's second voyage, vol. i. p. 15. The Periplus of Hanno has been 
 translated, and every point with respect to it has been illustrated with much 
 learning and ingenuity, in a work published by Don Pedr. Rodrig. Campomanes, 
 entitled, Antiguedad maritima de Cartago, con el Periplo desu General Hannon 
 traducido e illustrado. Mad. 1756. 4to. 
 
 NOTE [3]. PAGE 21 
 
 LONG after the navigation of the Phoenicians and of Eudoxus round Africa, 
 Polybius, the most intelligent and best informed historian of antiquity, and par- 
 ticularly distinguished by his attention to geographical researches, affirms, that 
 it was not known, in his time, whether Africa was a continued continent stretching 
 to the south, or whether it was encompassed by the sea. Polybii Hist. lib. hi. 
 Pliny the naturalist asserts, that there can be no communication between the 
 southern and northern temperate zones. Plinii Hist. Natur. edit, in usum. 
 Delph. 4to. lib. ii. c. 68. If they had given full credit to the accounts of those 
 voyages, the former could not have entertained such a doubt, the latter could 
 not have delivered such an opinion. Strabo mentions the voyage of Eudoxus, 
 but treats it as a fabulous tale, lib. ii. p. 155 ; and, according to his account of 
 it, no other judgment can be formed with respect to it. Strabo seems not to 
 have known any thing with certainty concerning the form and state of the 
 southern parts of Africa. Geogr. lib. xvii. p. 1180. Ptolemy, the most inquisi- 
 tive and learned of all the ancient geographers, was equally unacquainted with 
 any parts of Africa situated a few degrees beyond the equinoctial line ; for he 
 supposes that this great continent was not surrounded by the sea, but that it 
 stretched, without interruption, towards the south pole ; and he so far mistakes 
 its true figure that he describes the continent as becoming broader and broader 
 as it advanced towards the south. Ptolemsei Geogr. lib. iv. c. 9. Brietii Parallela 
 Geogr. veteris etnovee, p. 86. 
 
 NOTE [4]. PAGE 24. 
 
 A FACT recorded by Strabo affords a very strong and singular proof of the 
 ignorance of the ancients with respect to the situation of the various parts of 
 the earth. When Alexander marched along the banks of the Hydaspes and 
 Acesine, two of the rivers which fall into the Indus, he observed that there were 
 many crocodiles in those rivers, and that the country produced beans of the 
 same species with those which were common in Egypt. From these circum- 
 stances he concluded that he had discovered the source of the Nile, and prepared 
 a fleet to sail down the Hydaspes to Egypt. Strab. Geogr. lib. xv. p. 1020. 
 This amazing error did not arise from any ignorance of geography peculiar to 
 that monarch ; for we are informed by Strabo, that Alexander applied with 
 particular attention in order to acquire the knowledge of this science, and had 
 accurate maps or descriptions of the countries through which he marched. Lib. 
 ii. p. 120. But in his age the knowledge of the Greeks did not extend beyond 
 (he limits of the Mediterranean. 
 
 VOL. I.-67 
 
450 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 NOTE [5]. PAGE 24. 
 
 As the flux and reflux of the sea is remarkably great at the mouth of tfle 
 river Indus, this would render the phenomenon more formidable to the Greeks. 
 Varen Geogr. vol. i. p. 251. 
 
 NOTE [6]. PAGE 25. 
 
 IT is probable that the ancients were seldom induced to advance so far as the 
 mouth of the Ganges, either by motives of curiosity or views of commercial 
 advantage. In consequence of this, their idea concerning the position of that 
 great river was very erroneous. Ptolemy places that branch of the Ganges, 
 which he distinguishes by the name of the Great Mouth, in the hundred and 
 forty-sixth degree of longitude from his first meridian in the Fortunate Islands. 
 But its true longitude, computed from that meridian, is now determined, by 
 astronomical observations, to be only a hundred and five degrees. A geographer 
 so eminent must have been betrayed into an error of this magnitude by the 
 imperfection of the information which he had received concerning thoe o distant 
 regions; and this affords a striking proof of the intercourse with them being 
 extremely rare. With respect to the countries of India beyond the Ganges, 
 his intelligence was still more defective, and his errors more enormous. I shall 
 have occasion to observe, in another pla'ce, that he has placed the country of 
 the Seres, or China, no less than sixty degrees further east than its true position. 
 M. d'Anville, one of the most learned and intelligent of the modern geographers, 
 has set this matter in a clear light, in two dissertations published in Mem. de 
 1'Academ. des Inscript &c. torn, xxxii. p. 573. 604. 
 
 NOTE [7]. PAGE 25. 
 
 IT is remarkable, that the discoveries of the ancients were made chiefly by 
 land; those of the moderns are carried on chiefly by sea. The progress of 
 conquest led to the former, that of commerce to the latter. It is a judicious 
 observation of Strabo, that the conquests of Alexander the Great made known 
 the East, those of the Romans opened the West, and those of Mithridates King 
 of Pontus the North. Lib. i. p. 26. When discovery is carried on by land 
 alone, its progress must be slow and its operations confined. When it is carried 
 on only by sea, its sphere may be more extensive, and its advances more rapid ; 
 but it labours under peculiar defects. Though it may make known the position 
 of different countries, and ascertain their boundaries as far as these are deter- 
 mined by the ocean, it leaves us in ignorance with respect to their interior state. 
 Above two centuries and a half have elapsed since the Europeans sailed round 
 the southern promontory of Africa, and have traded in most of its ports ; but, 
 in a considerable part of that great continent, they have done little more than 
 survey its coasts, and mark its capes and harbours. Its interior regions are in a 
 great measure unknown. The ancients, w"ho had a very imperfect knowledge 
 of its coasts, except where they are washed by the Mediterranean or Red Sea, 
 were accustomed to penetrate into its inland provinces, and, if we may rely on 
 the testimony of Herodotus and Diodorus Siculus, had explored many parts of 
 it now altogether unknown. Unless both modes of discovery be united, tho 
 geographical knowledge of the earth must remain incomplete and inaccurate. 
 
 NOTE [8]. PAGE 27. 
 
 THE notion of the ancients concerning such an excessive degree of heat in 
 tho torrid zone as rendered it uninhabitable, and their persisting in this error 
 long after they began to have some commercial intercourse with several parts 
 of India lying within the tropics, must appear so singular and absurd, that it 
 may not be unacceptable to some of my readers to produce evidence of their 
 holding this opinion, and to accountfor the apparent inconsistence of their theory 
 with their experience. Cicero, who had bestowed attention upon every part 
 of philosophy known to the ancients, seems to have believed that the torrid zone 
 was uninhabitable, and, of consequence, that there could be no intercourse 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 451 
 
 betwtcm the northern and southern temperate zones. He introduces Africanus 
 thus addressing the younger Scipio: "You sec this earth encompassed, and as 
 it were bound in by certain zones, of which two, at the greatest distance from 
 each other, and sustaining the opposite poles of heaven, are frozen with perpetual 
 cold ; the middle one, and the largest of all, is burnt with the heat of the sun; 
 two are habitable ; the people in the southern one are antipodes to us, with 
 whom, we have no connection." Somnium Scipionis, c. 6. Geminus, a Greek 
 philosopher, contemporary with Cicero, delivers the same doctrine, not in a 
 popular work, but inhisEia-a.ya>yn ti; $a.ivofAtv&, a treatise purely scientific. "When 
 we speak," says he, " of the southern temperate zone and its inhabitants, and 
 concerning those who are called antipodes, it must be always understood, that 
 we have no certain knowledge or information concerning the southern temperate 
 zone, whether it be inhabited or not. But from the spherical figure of the earth, 
 and the course which the sun holds between the tropics, we conclude that there 
 is another zone situated to the south, which enjoys the same degree of tempera- 
 ture with the northern one which we inhabit." Cap. xiii. p. 31. ap. Petavii 
 Opus de Doctr. Tempor. in quo Uranologium siye Systemata var. Auctorum. 
 Amst. 1705. vol. 3. The opinion of Pliny the naturalist, with respect to both 
 .hese points, was the same : " There are five divisions of the earth, which are 
 called zones. All that portion which lies near to the two opposite poles is 
 oppressed with vehement cold and eternal frost. There, unblessed with 
 the aspect of milder stars, perpetual darkness reigns, or at the utmost, a 
 feeble light reflected from surrounding snows. The middle of the earth, in 
 which is the orbit of the sun, is scorched and burnt up with flames and fiery 
 vapour. Between these torrid and frozen districts lie two other portions of 
 the earth, which are temperate ; but, on account of the burning region inter- 
 posed, there can be no communication between them. Thus Heaven has de- 
 prived us of three parts of the earth." Lib. ii. c. 68. Strabo delivers his opinion 
 to the same effect, in terms no less explicit: "The portion of the earth which 
 lies near the equator, in the torrid zone, is rendered uninhabitable by heat." 
 Lib. ii. p. 154. To these I might add the authority of many other respectable 
 philosophers and historians of antiquity. 
 
 In order to explain the sense in which this doctrine was generally received, we 
 may observe, that Parmenides, as we are informed by Strabo, was the first who 
 divided the earth into five zones, and extended the limits of the zone which he 
 supposed to be uninhabitable on account of heat beyond the tropics. Aristotle, 
 as we learn likewise from Strabo, fixed the boundaries of the different zones in 
 the same manner as they are defined by modern geographers. But the progress 
 of discovery having gradually demonstrated that several regions of the earth 
 which lay within the tropics were not only habitable, but populous and fertile, 
 this induced later geographers to circumscribe the limits of the torrid zone. It 
 is not easy to ascertain with precision the boundaries which they allotted it. 
 From a passage in Strabo, who, as far as I know, is the only author of antiquity 
 from whom we receive any hint concerning this subject, I should conjecture, 
 that those who calculated according to the measurement of the earth by Era- 
 tosthenes, supposed the torrid zone to comprehend near sixteen degrees, about 
 eight on each side of the equator; whereas such as followed the computation 
 of Posidonius allotted about twenty-four degrees, or somewhat more than 
 twelve degrees on each side of the equator to the torrid zone. Strabo, lib. ii. p. 
 151. According to the former opinion, about two-thirds of that portion of the 
 earth which lies between the tropics was considered as habitable ; according to 
 the latter, about one-half of it. With this restriction, the doctrine of the 
 ancients concerning the torrid zone appears less absurd ; and we can conceive 
 the reason of their asserting this zone to be uninhabitable, even after they had 
 opened a communication with several places within the tropics. When men 
 of science spoke of the torrid ione, they considered it as it was limited by the 
 definition of geographers to sixteen, or at the utmost to twenty-four degrees; 
 and as they knew almost nothing of the countries nearer to the equator, they 
 might still suppose them to be uninhabitable. In loose and popular discourse, 
 the name of the torrid zone continued to be given to all that portion of the 
 earth which lies within the tropics. Cicero seems to have been unacquainted 
 with those ideas of the later geographers ; and, adhering to tho division of 
 
452 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 Parmenides, describes the torrid zone as the largest of the five. Some of the 
 ancients rejected the notion concerning the intolerable heat of the torrid zone 
 as a popular error. This we are told by Plutarch was the sentiment of Pythago- 
 ras; and we learn from Strabo, that Eratosthenes and Poly bius had adopted 
 the same opinion, lib. ii. p. 154. Ptolemy seems to have paid no regard to tho 
 ancient doctrine and opinions concerning the torrid zone. 
 
 NOTE [9]. PAGE 35. 
 
 THE court of Inquisition, which effectually checks a spirit of liberal inquiry, 
 and of literary improvement, wherever it is established, was unknown in Por- 
 tugal in the fifteenth century, when the people of that kingdom began their 
 voyages of discovery. More than a century elapsed before it was introduced 
 by John III., whose reign commenced A. D. 1521. 
 
 NOTE [10]. PAGE 38. 
 
 AN instance of this is related by Hakluyt, upon the authority of the Portu 
 guese historian Garcia de Resende. Some English merchants having resolved 
 to open a trade with the coast of Guinea, John II. of Portugal despatched 
 ambassadors to Edward IV., in order to lay before him the right which he had 
 acquired by the Pope's bull to the dominion of that country, and to request of 
 him to prohibit his subjects to prosecute their intended voyage. Edward was 
 so much satisfied with the exclusive title of tho Portuguese, that he issued his 
 orders hi the terms which they desired. Hakluyt, Navigations, Voyages, and 
 Traffics of the English, vol. ii. part ii. p. 2. 
 
 NOTE [11]. PAGE 42. 
 
 THE time of Columbus's death may be nearly ascertained by the following 
 circumstances. It appears from the fragment of a letter addressed by him to 
 Ferdinand and Isabella, A. D. 1501, that he had at that time been engaged forty 
 years in a seafaring life. In another letter he informs them that he went to 
 sea at the age of fourteen : from those facts it follows, that he was born A. D. 
 1447. Life of Christa. Columbus, by his son Don Ferdinand. Churchill's 
 Collection of Voyages, vol. ii. p. 484, 485. 
 
 NOTE [12]. PAGE 44. 
 
 THE spherical figure of the earth was known to the ancient geographers. 
 They invented the method, still in use, of computing the longitude and latitude 
 of different places. According to their doctrine, the equator, or imaginary line 
 which encompasses the earth, contained three hundred and sixty degrees ; these 
 they divided into twenty-four parts, or hours, each equal to fifteen degrees. 
 The country of the Seres or Since, being the furthest part of India known to 
 the ancients, was supposed by Marinus Tyrius, the most eminent of the ancient 
 geographers before Ptolemy, to be fifteen hours, or two hundred and twenty- 
 five degrees to the east of the first meridian, passing through the Fortunate 
 Islands. Ptolemsei Geogr. lib. i. c. 11. If this supposition was well founded, 
 the country of the Seres, or China, was only nine hours, or one hundred and 
 thirty-five degrees west from the Fortunate or Canary Islands ; and the navi- 
 gation in that direction was much shorter than by the course which the Portu- 
 guese were pursuing. Marco Polo, in his travels, had described countries, 
 particularly the island of Cipango or Zipangri, supposed to be Japan, con- 
 siderably to the east of any part of Asia known to the ancients. Marcus Paulus 
 de Region. Oriental, lib. ii. c. 70. lib. iii. c. 2. Of course, this country, as it 
 extended further to the east, was still nearer to the Canary Islands. The con- 
 clusions of Columbus, though drawn from inaccurate observations, were just. 
 If the suppositions of Marinus had been well founded, and if the countries 
 which Marco Polo visited, had been situated to the east of those whose longitude 
 Marinus had ascertained, the proper and nearest course to the East Indies must 
 have ben to steer directly west. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. i. c. 2. A more extensive 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 453 
 
 knowledge of the globe has now discovered the great error of Marinas, in 
 supposing China to be fifteen hours, or two hundred and twenty-five degrees 
 east from the Canary Islands; and that even Ptolemy was mistaken, when he 
 
 The longitude of the western frontier of that vast empire is seven hours, or one 
 .hundred and fifteen degrees from the meridian of the Canary Islands. But 
 Columbus followed the light which his age afforded, and relied upon the 
 authority of writers, who were at that time regarded as the instructors and 
 guides of>- mankind in the science of geography. 
 
 NOTE [13]. PAGE 53. 
 
 As the P ortuguese, in making their discoveries, did not depart far from the 
 coast of Africa, they concluded that birds, whose flight they observed with 
 great attention, did not venture to any considerable distance from land. In 
 the infancy of navigation it was not known that birds often stretched their flight 
 to an immense distance from any shore. In sailing towards the West Indian 
 Islands, birds are often seen at the distance of two hundred leagues from the 
 nearest coast. Sloane's Nat. Hist, of Jamaica, vol. i. p. 30. Catesby saw an 
 owl at sea when the ship was six hundred leagues distant from land. Nat. 
 Hist, of Carolina, pref. p. 7. Hist. Naturelle de M. Buffon, torn. xvi. p. 32. 
 From which it appears, that this indication of land, on which Columbus seems 
 to have relied with some confidence, was extremely uncertain. This observa- 
 tion is confirmed by Capt. Cook, the most extensive and experienced navigator 
 of any age or nation. "No one yet knows (says he) to what distance any of 
 the oceanic birds go to sea; for my own part, I do not believe that there is one 
 in the whole tribe that can be relied on in pointing out the vicinity of land." 
 Voyage towards the South Pole, vol. i. p. 275. 
 
 NOTE [14]. PAGE 58. 
 
 IN a letter of the Admiral's to Ferdinand and Isabella, he describes one of 
 the harbours in Cuba with all the enthusiastic admiration of a discoverer. "I 
 discovered a river which a galley might easily enter : the beauty of it induced 
 me to sound, and I found from five to eight fathoms of water. Having pro- 
 ceeded a considerable way up the river, every thing invited me to settle there. 
 The beauty of the river, the clearness of the water through which I could see 
 the sandy bottom, the multitude of palm trees of different kinds, the tallest 
 and finest I had seen, and an infinite number of other .arge and flourishing trees, 
 the birds, and the verdure of the plains are so wonderfully beautiful, that this 
 country excels all others as far as the day surpasses the night in brightness and 
 splendour, so that I often said, that it would be in vain for me to attempt to 
 give your Highnesses a full account of it, for neither my tongue nor my pen 
 could come up to the truth ; and indeed I am so much amazed at the sight of 
 such beauty, that I know not how to describe it." Life of Columb. c. 30 
 
 NOTE [15]. PAGE 59. 
 
 THE account which Columbus gives of the humanity and orderly behaviour 
 of the natives on this occasion is very striking. " The king (says he in a letter 
 to Ferdinand and Isabella) having been informed of our misfortune, expressed 
 great grief for our loss, and immediately sent aboard all the people in the place 
 in many large canoes ; we soon unloaded the ship of every thing that was upon 
 deck, as the king gave us great assistance : he himself, with his brothers and 
 relations, took all possible care that every thing should be properly done, both 
 aboard and on shore. And, from time to time, he sent some of his relations 
 weeping, to beg of me not to be dejected, for he would give me all that he had. 
 I can assure your Highnesses, that so much care could not have been taken hi 
 securing our effects in any part of Spain, as all our property was put together 
 in one place near his palace, until the houses which he wanted to prepare for 
 the custody of it were emptied. He immediately placed a guard of armed men, 
 who watched during the whole night, and those on shore lamented as if they 
 
454 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 had been much interested in our loss. The people are so affectionate, so tractable, 
 and so peaceable, that I swear to your Highnesses, that there is not a better race 
 of men, nor a better country in the world. They love their neighbour as them- 
 selves ; their conversation is the sweetest and mildest in the world, cheerful and 
 always accompanied with a smile. And although it is true that they go naked, 
 yet your Highnesses may be assured that they have many very commendable 
 customs ; the king is served with great state, and his behaviour is so decent that 
 it is pleasant to see him, as it is likewise to observe the wonderful memory 
 which these people have, and their desire of knowing every thing, which Icada 
 them to inquire into its causes and effects." Life of Columbus, c. 32. It is 
 pjobable that the Spaniards were indebted for this officious attention to the 
 opinion which the Indians entertained of them as a superior order of beings. 
 
 NOTE [16]. PAGE 62. 
 
 EVERY monument of such a man as Columbus is valuable. A letter which 
 he wrote to Ferdinand and Isabella, describing what passed on this occasion, 
 exhibits a most striking picture of his intrepidity, his humanity, his prudence, 
 his public spirit, and courtly address. " I would have been less concerned for 
 this misfortune had I alone been in danger, both because my life is a debt that 
 I owe to-the Supreme Creator, and because I have at other times been exposed 
 to the most imminent hazard. But what gave me infinite grief and vexation 
 was, that after it had pleased our Lord to give me faith to undertake this enter- 
 prise, in which I had now been so successful, that my opponents would have 
 been convinced, and the glory of your Highnesses, and the extent of your ter- 
 ritory, increased by me ; it should please the Divine Majesty to stop all by my 
 death. All this would have been more tolerable had it not been attended with 
 the loss of those men whom I ha A carried with me, upon promise of the greatest 
 prosperity, who, seeing themselves in such distress, cursed not only their 
 coming along with me, but that fear and awe of me which prevented them 
 from returning, as they often had resolved to have done. But besides all this, 
 my sorrow was greatly increased by recollecting that I had left my two sons at 
 school at Cordova, destitute of friends, in a foreign country, when it could not 
 in all probability be known that I had done such services as might induce Your 
 Highnesses to remember them. And though I comforted myself with the faith 
 that our Lord would not permit that which tended so much to the glory of his 
 Church, and which I had brought about with so much trouble, to remain im- 
 perfect, yet I considered, that, on account of my sins, it was his will to deprive 
 me of that glory which I might have attained in this world. While in this 
 confused state, I thought on the good fortune which accompanies Your High- 
 nesses, and imagined that although I should perish, and the vessel be lost, it 
 was possible that you might somehow come to the knowledge of my voyage, 
 and the success with which it was attended. For that reason I wrote upon 
 parchment with the brevity which the situation required, that I had discovered 
 the lands which I promised, in how many days I had done it, and what course 
 I had followed. I mentioned the goodness of the country, the character of the 
 inhabitants, and that Your Highnesses' subjects were left in possession of fill 
 that I had discovered: Having sealed this writing, I addressed it to Your 
 Highnesses, and promised a thousand ducats to any person who should deliver 
 it sealed, so that if any foreigner found it, the promised reward might prevail 
 on them not to give the information to another. I then caused a great cask to 
 be brought to me, and wrapping up the parchment in an oiled cloth, and after- 
 wards in a cake of wax, I put it into the cask, and having stopped it well, I 
 cast it into the sea. All the men believed that it was some act of devotion. 
 Imagining that this might never chance to be taken up, as the ships approached 
 nearer to Spain, I made another packet like the first, and placed it at the top 
 of the poop, so that, if the ship sunk, the cask remaining above water might 
 be committed to the guidance of fortune." 
 
 NOTE [17]. PAGE 64. 
 
 SOME Spanish authors, with the meanness of national jealousy, have endea- 
 voured to detract from the glory of Columbus, by insinuating that he was led 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 455 
 
 to the discovery of the New World, not by his own inventive or enterprising 
 genius, but by information which he had received. According to their ac- 
 count a vessel having been driven from its course by easterly winds, was 
 carried before them far to the west, and landed OH the coast of an unknown 
 country, from which it returned with difficulty ; the pilot and three sailors 
 being the only persons who survived the distresses which the crew suffered 
 from want of provisions and fatigue in this long voyage. In a few days after 
 their arrival, all the four died ; but the pilot having been received into the house 
 of Columbus, his intimate friend disclosed to him before his death, the secret 
 of the discovery which he had accidentally made, and left him his papers con- 
 taining a journal of the voyage, which served as a guide to Columbus in his 
 undertaking. Gomara, as far as I know, is the first author who published this 
 story. Hist. c. 13. Every circumstance is destitute of evidence to support it. 
 Neither the name of the vessel nor its destination is known. Some pretend 
 that it belonged to one of the seaport towns in Andalusia, and was sailing 
 either to the Canaries or to Madeira ; others, that it was a Biscayner in its way 
 to England ; others, a Portuguese ship trading on the coast of Guinea. The 
 name of the pilot is alike unknown, as well as that of the port hi which he 
 landed on his return. According to some, it was in Portugal; according to 
 others, in' Madeira, or the Azores. The year in which this voyage was made is 
 no less uncertain. Monson's Nav. Tracts. Churchill, iii. 371. No mention is 
 made of this pilot, or his discoveries, by And. Bernaldes, or Pet. Marty*, the 
 contemporaries of Columbus. Herrera, with his usual judgment, passes over 
 it in silence. Oviedo takes notice of this report, but considers it as a tale fit 
 only to amuse the vulgar. Hist. lib. ii. c. 2. As Columbus held his course 
 directly west from the Canaries, and never varied it, some later authors have 
 supposed that this uniformity is a proof of his being guided by some previous 
 information. But they do not recollect the principles on which he founded all 
 his hopes of success, that by holding a westerly course he must certainly arrive 
 at those regions of the east described by the ancients. His firm belief of his 
 own system led him to take that course, and to pursue it without deviation. 
 
 The Spaniards are not the only people who have called in question Columbus's 
 claim to the honour of having discovered America. Some German authors 
 ascribed this honour to Martin Behaim their countryman. He was of the noble 
 family of the Behaims of Schwartzbach, citizens of the first rank in the Imperial 
 town of Nuremberg. Having studied under the celebrated John Muller, better 
 known by the name of Regiomontanus, he acquired such knowledge of cos- 
 mography as excited a desire of exploring those regions, the situation and 
 qualities of which he had been accustomed, under that able master, to investi- 
 gate and describe. Under the patronage of the Dutchess of Burgundy he re- 
 paired to Lisbon, whither the fame of the Portuguese discoveries invited all 
 the adventurous spirits of the age. There, as we learn from Herman Schedel, 
 of whose Chrohicon Mundi, a German translation was printed at Nuremberg, 
 A. D. 1493, his merit as a cosmographer raised him, in conjunction with 
 Diego Cano, to the command of a squadron fitted out for discovery in the year 
 1483. In that voyage he is said to have discovered the kingdom of Congo. 
 He settled in the island of Fayal, one of the Azores, and was a particular friend 
 of Columbus. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. i. c. 2. Magellan had a terrestrial globe 
 made by Behaim, on which he demonstrated the course that he proposed to 
 hold in search of the communication with the South Sea, which he afterwards 
 discovered. Gomara Hist. c. 19. Herrera, dec. 11. lib. ii. c. 19. In the year 
 1492, Behaim visited his relations in Nuremberg, and left with them a map 
 drawn with his own hand, which is still preserved among the archives of the 
 family. Thus far the story of Martin Behaim seems to be well authenticated ; 
 but the account of his having discovered any part of the New World appears 
 to be merely conjectural. 
 
 In the first edition, as I had at that time hardly any knowledge of Behaim 
 but what i derived from a frivolous dissertation ' De vero Novi Orbis Inven- 
 tore,' published at Frankfort, A. D. 1714, by Jo. Frid. Stuvenius, I was induced, 
 by the authority of Herrera, to suppose that Behaim was not a native of Ger- 
 many ; but from more full and accurate information, communicated to me by 
 the learned Dr. John Reinhold Forster, I am now satisfied that I was mistaken. 
 
456 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 Dr. Forster has been likewise so good as to favour me with a copy of Behaim's 
 map, as published by Doppelmayer in his account of the Mathematicians and 
 Artists of Nuremberg. From this map the imperfection of cosmographical 
 knowledge at that period is manifest. Hardly one place is laid down in ita 
 true situation. Nor can I discover from it any reason to suppose that Behaim 
 had the least knowledge of any region in America. He delineates, indeed, an 
 island to which he gives the name of St. Brandon. This, it is imagined, may 
 be some part of Guiana, supposed at first to be an island. He places it in the 
 same latitude with the Cape Verd isles, and I suspect it to be an imaginary 
 island which has been admitted into some ancient maps on no better authority 
 than the legend of the Irish St. Brandon or Brendan, whose story is so childishly 
 fabulous as to be unworthy of any notice. Girald. Cainbrensis ap. Missingham 
 Florijegium Sanctorum, p. 427. 
 
 The pretensions of the Welsh to the discovery of America seem not to rest 
 on a foundation much more solid. In the twelfth century, according to Powell, 
 a dispute having arisen among the sons of Owen Guyneth, King of North 
 Wales, concerning the succession to his crown, Madoc, one of their number, 
 weary of this contention, betook himself to sea in quest of a more quiet settle- 
 ment. He steered due west, leaving Ireland to the north, and arrived in an 
 unknown country, which appeared to him so desirable, that he returned to 
 Wales and carried thither several of his adherents and companions. This is 
 said to have happened about the year 1170, and after that, he and his colony 
 were heard of no more. But it is to be observed, that Powell, on whose tes- 
 timony the authenticity of this story rests, published his history above four 
 centuries from the date of the event which he relates. Among a people as 
 rude and as illiterate as the Welsh at that period, the memory of a transaction 
 so remote must have been very imperfectly preserved, and would require to be 
 confirmed by some author of greater credit, and nearer to the era of Madoc's 
 voyage than Powell. Later antiquaries have indeed appealed to the testimony 
 of Meredith ap Rees, a Welsh hard, who died A. D. 1477. But he too lived at 
 such a distance of time from the event, that he cannot be considered as a wit- 
 ness of much more credit than Powell. Besides, his verses, published by Hakluyt, 
 vol. iii. p. 1., convey no information, but that Madoc, dissatisfied with his 
 domestic situation, employed himself in searching the ocean for new possessions. 
 But even if we admit the authenticity of Powell's story, it does not follow that 
 the unknown country which Madoo discovered by steering west, in such a 
 course as to leave Ireland to the north, was any part of America. Tho naval 
 skill of the Welsh in the twelfth century was hardly equal to such a voyage. 
 If he made any discovery at all, it is more probable that it was Madeira, or 
 some other of the western isles. The affinity of the Welsh language with some 
 dialects spoken in America, has been mentioned as a circumstance which confirms 
 the truth of Madoc's voyage. But that affinity has been observed in so few in- 
 stances, and in some of these is so obscure, or so fanciful, that no conclusion 
 can be drawn from the casual resemblance of a small number of words. There 
 is a bird, which, as far as is yet known, is found only on the coasts of South 
 America, from Port Desire to the Straits of Magellan. It is distinguished 
 by the name of Penguin. This word in the Welsh language signifies White- 
 head. Almost all the authors who favour the pretensions of the Welsh to the 
 discovery of America, mention this as an irrefragable proof of the affinity of 
 the Welsh language with that spoken in this region of America. But Mr. 
 Pennant, who has given a scientific description of the Penguin, observes that 
 all the birds of this genus have black heads, " so that we must resign every 
 hope (adds he) founded on this hypothesis of retrieving the Cambrian race in 
 the New World." Philos. Transact, vol. Iviii. p. 91, &c. Besides this, if the 
 Welsh, towards the close of the twelfth century, had settled in any part o*" 
 America, some remains of the Christian doctrine and rites must have been 
 found among their descendants, when they were discovered about three hundred 
 years posterior to their migration ; a period so short that, in the course of it, 
 we cannot well suppose that all European ideas and arts would be totally for- 
 gotten. Lord Lyttleton, in his notes to the fifth book of his History of Henry 
 II., p. 371, has examined what Powell relates concerning the discoveries made by 
 Madoc, and invalidates the truth of his story by other arguments of great weight 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 457 
 
 The pretensions of the Norwegians to the discovery of America seem to bo 
 better founded than those of the Germans or Welsh. The inhabitants of 
 Scandinavia were remarkable in the middle ages for the boldness and extent 
 of their maritime excursions. In 874, the Norwegians discovered and planted 
 a colony in Iceland. In 982, they discovered Greenland, and established settle- 
 ments there. From that, some of their navigators proceeded towards the 
 west, and discovered a country more inviting than those horrid regions with 
 which they were acquainted. According to their representation, this country 
 was sandy on the coasts, but in the interior parts level and covered with wood, 
 on which account they gave it the name of Helle-land, and Mark-land, and 
 having afterwards found some plants of the vine which bore grapes, they called 
 it Win-land. The credit of this story rests, as far as I know, on the authority 
 of the saga, or chronicle of King Olaus, composed by Snorro Sturlonides, or 
 Sturlusons, published by Perinskiold, at Stockholm, A. D. 1697. As Snorro 
 was born in the year 1179, his chronicle might be compiled about two centuries 
 after the event which he relates. His account of the navigation and discoveries 
 of Biorn, and his companion Lief, is a very rude confused tale, p. 104. 110. 
 326. It is impossible to discover from him what part of America it was in 
 which the Norwegians landed. According to his account of the length of the 
 days and nights, it must have been as far north as the fifty-eighth degree of 
 latitude, on some part of the coast of Labradore, approaching near to the entry 
 of Hudson's Straits. Grapes certainly are not the production of that country. 
 Torfeus supposes that there is an error in the text, by rectifying of which the 
 place where the Norwegians landed may be supposed to be situated in latitude 
 49. But neither is that the region of the. vine in America. From perusing 
 Snorro's tale, I should think that the situation of Newfoundland corresponds 
 best with that of the country discovered by the Norwegians. Grapes, however, 
 are not the production of that barren island. Other conjectures are mentioned 
 by M. Mallet, Introd. a PHist. de Dannem. 175, &c. I am not sufficiently ac- 
 quainted with the literature of the north to examine them. It seems manifest, 
 that if the Norwegians did discover any part of America at that period, their 
 attempt to plant colonies proved unsuccessful, and all knowledge of it was 
 soon lost. 
 
 NOTE [18]. PAGE 64. 
 
 PETER MARTYR, ab Angleria, a Milanese gentleman, residing at that time in 
 the court of Spain, whose letters contain an account of the transactions of 
 that period, in the order wherein they occurred, describes the sentiments with 
 which he himself and his learned correspondents were affected in very striking 
 terms. " Prae Isetitia prosiluisse to, vixque a lachrymis prse gaudio temperasse, 
 quando literas adspexisti meas quibus, de antipodum orbe latenti hactenus, te 
 certiorem feci, mi suavissime Pomponi, insinuasti. Ex tuis ipse Hteris colligo, 
 quid senseris. Sensisti autem, tantique rem fecisti, quanti virum summa doc- 
 trina insignitum decuit. Quis namque cibus sublimibus praestari potest ingeniis, 
 isto suavior ? quod condimentum gratius ? A me facio conjecturarn. Beati 
 sentio spiritus meos, quando accitos alloquor prudentes aliquos ex his qui ab ea 
 redeunt provincia. Implicent animos pecuniarum cumulis augendis miseri 
 avari, libidinibus obscoeni ; nostras nos mentes, postquam Deo pleni aliquando 
 fuerimus, contemplando, hujuscemodi rerum notitia demulciamus." Epist. 152, 
 Pomponio Lseto. 
 
 NOTE [19]. PAGE 69. 
 
 So firmly were men of science, in that age, persuaded that the countries 
 which Columbus had discovered were connected with the East Indies, that Be- 
 naldes, the Cura de los Palacios, who seems to have been no inconsiderable 
 proficient in the knowledge of cosmography, contends that Cuba was not an 
 Island, but a part of the continent, and united to the dominions of the Great 
 Khan. This he delivered as his opinion to Columbus himself, who was his 
 guest for some time on his return from his second voyage ; and he supports it 
 by several arguments, mostly founded on the authority of Sir John Mandevillc. 
 
 VOL. I. 58 
 
458 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 MS. penes me. Antonio Gallo, who was secretary to the magistracy of Genoa 
 towards the close of the fifteenth century, published a short account of the 
 navigations and discoveries of his countryman Columbus, annexed to his 
 Opuscuia Historica de Rebus Populi Genuensis: in which he informs us, from 
 letters of Columbus which he himself had seen, that it was his opinion, founded 
 upon nautical observations, that one of the islands he had discovered was dis- 
 tant only two hours or thirty degrees from Cattigara, which, in the charts of the 
 geographers of that age, was laid down, upon the authority of Ptolemy, lib. 
 vii. c. 3, as the most easterly place in Asia. From this he concluded, that if 
 some unknown continent did not obstruct the navigation, there must be a short 
 and easy access, by holding a westerly course, to this extreme region of the 
 East. Muratori Scriptores Rer. Italicarum, vol. xxiii. p. 304. 
 
 NOTE [20]. PAGE 71. 
 
 BERNALDES, the Cura or Rector de los Palacios, a contemporary writer, says, 
 that five hundred of these captives were sent to Spain, and sold publicly in 
 Seville as slaves ; but that, by the change of climate and their inability to 
 bear the fatigue of labour, they all died in a ghort time. MS. penes me. 
 
 NOTE [21]. PAGE 76. 
 
 Columbus seems to have formed some very singular opinions concerning tne 
 countries which he had now discovered. The violent swell and agitation of 
 the waters on the coast of Trinidad led him to conclude this to be the highest 
 part of the terraqueous globe, and he imagined that various circumstances 
 concurred in proving that the sea was here visibly elevated. Having adopted 
 this erroneous principle, the apparent beauty of the country induced him to 
 fall in with a notion of Sir John Mandeville, c. 102, that the terrestrial paradise 
 was the highest land hi the earth ; and he believed that he had been so fortunate 
 as to discover this happy abode. Nor ought we to think it strange that a person 
 of so much sagacity should be influenced by the opinion or reports of such a 
 fabulous author as Mandeville. Columbus and the, other discoverers were 
 obliged to follow such guides as they could find ; and it appears from several 
 passages in the manuscript of Andr. Bernaldes, the friend of Columbus, that 
 no inconsiderable degree of credit was given to the testimony of Mandeville in 
 that age. Bernaldes frequently quotes him, and always with respect. 
 
 NOTE [22]. PAGE 81. 
 
 IT is remarkable that neither Gomara nor Oviedo, the most ancient Spanish 
 historians of America, nor Herrera, consider Ojeda, or his companion Vespucci, 
 as the first discoverers of the continent of America. They uniformly ascribe 
 this honour to Columbus. Some have supposed that national resentment 
 against Vespucci, for deserting the service of Spain, and entering into that of 
 Portugal, may have prompted these writers to conceal the actions which he 
 performed. But Martyr and Benzoni, both Italians, could not be warped by 
 the same prejudice. Martyr was a contemporary author; he resided in the 
 court of Spain, and had the best opportunity to be exactly informed with respect 
 to all public transactions ; and yet neither in his Decads, the first general history 
 published of the New World, nor m his Epistles, which contain an account of 
 all the remarkable events of his time, does he ascribe to Vespucci the honour 
 of having first discovered the continent. Benzoni went as an adventurer to 
 America in the year 1541, and resided there a considerable time. He appears 
 to have been animated with a warm zeal for the honour of Italy, his native 
 country, and yet does not mention the exploits and discoveries of Vespucci. 
 Herrera, who compiled his general history of America from the most authentic 
 records, not only follows those early writers, but accuses Vespucci of falsifying 
 the dates of both the voyages which he made to the New World, and of con- 
 founding the one with the other, in order that he might arrogate to himself the 
 glory of having discovered the continent. Her. dec. 1. lib. iv. c. 2. He asserts, 
 that in a judicial inquiry into this matter by the royal fiscal, it was proved by 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 459 
 
 the testimony of Ojcda himself, that he touched at Hispaniola when returning 1 
 to Spain from his first voyage; whereas Vespucci gave out that they returned 
 directly to Cadiz from the coast of Paria, and touched at Hispaniola only in 
 their second voyage ; and that he had finished the voyage in five months ; 
 whereas, according to Vespucci's account, he had employed seventeen months 
 in performing it. Viaggio primo de Am. Vespucci, p. 36. Viag. secundo, p. 45. 
 Herrera gives a more full account of this inquest in another part of his Decads, 
 and to the same effect. Her. dec. 1. lib. vii. c. 5. Columbus was in Hispaniola 
 when Ojeda arrived there, and had by that time come to an agreement with 
 Roldan, who opposed Ojeda's attempt to excite a new insurrection, and, of 
 consequence, his voyage must have been posterior to that of the admiral. 
 Life of Columbus, c. 84. According to Vespucci's account, he set out on his 
 first voyage May 10th, 1497. Viag. primo, p. 6. At that time Columbus 
 was in the court of Spain preparing for his voyage, and seems to have en- 
 joyed a considerable degree of favour. The affairs of the New World were 
 at this juncture under the direction of Antonio Torres, a friend of Columbus. 
 It is not probable that, at that period, a commission would be granted to another 
 person to anticipate the admiral by undertaking a voyage which he himself 
 intended to perform. Fonseca, who patronized Ojeda, and granted the license 
 for his voyage, was not recalled to court, and reinstated in the direction of 
 Indian affairs, until the death of Prince John, which happened September, 1497, 
 (P. Martyr, Ep. 182,) several months posterior to the time at which Vespucci 
 pretends to have set out upon his voyage. A life of Vespucci was published 
 at Florence by the Abate Bandini, A. D. 1745, 4to. It is a work of no merit, 
 written with little judgment, and less candour. He contends for his country- 
 man's title to the discovery of the continent with all the blind zeal of national 
 partiality, but produces no new evidence to support it. We learn from hirp 
 that Vespucci's account of his voyage was published as early as the year 1510, 
 and probably sooner. Vita di Am. Vesp. p. 52. At what time the name of 
 AMERICA came to be first given to the New World is not certain. 
 
 NOTE [23]. PAGE 99. 
 
 THE form employed on this occasion served as a model to the Spaniards in 
 all their subsequent conquests in America. It is so extraordinary in its nature, and 
 gives us such an idea of the proceedings of the Spaniards, and the principles upon 
 which they founded their right to the extensive dominions which they acquired 
 in the Now World, that it well merits the attention of the reader. " I Alonso de 
 Ojeda, servant of the most high and powerful kings of Castile and Leon, the 
 conquerors of barbarous nations, their messenger and captain, notify to you, and 
 declare in as ample form as I am capable, that God our Lord, who is one and 
 eternal, created the heaven and the earth, and one man and one woman, of 
 whom you and we, and all the men who have been or shall be in the world, 
 are descended. But as it has come to pass through the number of generations 
 during more than five thousand years, that they have been dispersed into 
 different parts of the world, and are divided into various kingdoms and pro- 
 vinces, because one country was not able to contain them, nor could they have 
 found in one the means of subsistence and preservation : therefore God our 
 Lord gave the charge of all thoee people to one man named St. Peter, whom 
 he constituted the lord and head of all the human race, that all men, in what- 
 ever place they are born, or in whatever faith or place they are educated, might 
 yield obedience unto him. He hath subjected the whole world to his jurisdic- 
 tion, and commanded him to establish his residence in Rome, as the most 
 proper place for the government of the world. He likewise promised and gave 
 him power to establish his authority in every other part of the world, and to 
 judge and govern all Christians, Moors, Jews, Gentiles, and all other people 
 of whatever sect or faith they may be. To him is given the name of Pope, 
 which signifies admirable, great father and guardian, because he is the father 
 and governor of all men. Those who lived in the time of this holy father 
 obeyed and acknowledged him as their Lord and King, and the superior of the 
 universe. The same has been observed with respect to them who, since his 
 
460 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 time, have been chosen to the pontificate. Thus it now continues, and will 
 continue to the end of the world. 
 
 " One of these Pontiffs, as lord of the world, hath made a grant of these 
 islands, and of the Tierra Firme of the ocean sea, to the Catholic Kings of 
 Castile, Don Ferdinand and Donna Isabella, of glorious memory, and their 
 successors, our sovereigns, with all they contain, as is more fully expressed in 
 certain deeds passed upon that occasion^ which you may see if you desire it. 
 Thus His Majesty is King and lord of these islands, and of the continent, in 
 virtue of this donation ; and, as King and lord aforesaid, most of the islands 
 to which his title hath been notified, have recognised His Majesty, and now 
 yield obedience and subjection to him as their lord, voluntarily and without 
 resistance ; and instantly, as soon as they received information, they obeyed 
 the religious men sent by the King to preach to them, and to instruct them in 
 our holy faith ; and all these, of then* own free will, without any recompense 
 or gratuity, became Christians, and continue to be so ; and His Majesty having 
 received them graciously under his protection, has commanded that they should 
 be treated in the same manner as his other subjects and vassals. You are 
 bound and obliged to act in the same manner. Therefore I now entreat and 
 require you to consider attentively what I have declared to you ; and that you 
 may more perfectly comprehend it, that you take such time as is reasonable in 
 order that you may acknowledge the Church as the superior and guide of the 
 universe, and likewise the holy father called the Pope, in his own right, and 
 his Majesty, by his appointment, as King and sovereign lord of these Islands, 
 and of the Tierra Firm ; and that you consent that the aforesaid holy fathers 
 shall declare and preach to you the doctrines above mentioned. If you do this, 
 you act well, and perform that to which you are bound and obliged ; and His 
 Majesty, and I in his name, will receive you with love and kindness, and will 
 leave you, your wives and children, free and exempt from servitude, and in 
 the enjoyment of all you possess, in the same manner as the inhabitants of 
 the islands. Besides this, His Majesty will bestow upon you many privileges, 
 exemptions, and rewards. But if you will not comply, or maliciously delay to 
 obey my injunction, then, with the help of God, I will enter your country by 
 force, I will carry on war against you with the utmost violence, I will subject 
 you to the yoke of obedience to the Church and King, I will take your wives 
 and children, and will make them slaves, and sell or dispose of them according 
 to His Majesty's pleasure; I will seize your goods, and do you all the mischief 
 in my power, as rebellious subjects, who will not acknowledge or submit to 
 their lawful sovereign. And I protest, that all the bloodshed and calamities 
 which shall follow are to be imputed to you, and not to His Majesty, or to me, 
 or the gentlemen who serve under me ; and as I have now made this declara- 
 tion and requisition unto you, I require the notary here present to grant me a 
 certificate of this, subscribed in proper form." Herrera, dec. 1. lib. vii. c. 14. 
 
 NOTE [24]. PAGE 105. 
 
 BALBOA, in bis letter to the king, observes that of the hundred and ninety 
 men whom he took with him, there were never above eighty fit for service at 
 one time. So much did they suffer from hunger, fatigue, and sickness. Her- 
 rera, dec. l..lib. x. c. 16. P. Mart, decad. 226. 
 
 NOTE [25]. PAGE 110. 
 
 FONSECA, Bishop of Palencia, the principal director of American Affairs, had 
 eight hundred Indians in property ; the commendator Lope de Conchillos, his 
 chief associate in that department, eleven hundred ; and other favourites had 
 considerable numbers. They sent overseers to the islands, and hired out thoso 
 slaves to the planters. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. ix. c. 14. p. 325. 
 
 NOTE [26]. PAGE 119. 
 
 THOUGH America is more plentifully supplied with water than the other 
 regions of the globe, there is no river or stream of water in Yucatan. This 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 461 
 
 peninsula projects from the continent a hundred leagues, but, where broadest, 
 does not extend above twenty-five leagues. It is an extensive plain, not only 
 without mountains, but almost without any inequality of ground. The in- 
 habitants are supplied with water from pits, and, wherever they dig them, find 
 it in abundance. It is probable, from all those circumstances, that this country 
 was formerly covered by the sea. Herrerae Descriptio Indies Occidentalis, p. 
 14. Histoire Naturelle, par M. de Buffon, torn. i. p. 593. 
 
 NOTE [27]. PAGE 120. 
 
 M. CLAVIGERO censures me for having represented the Spaniards who sailed 
 with Cordova and Grijalva, as fancying in the warmth of their imagination, 
 that they saw cities on the coast of Yucatan adorned with towers and cupolas. 
 I know not what translation of my history he has consulted (for his quotation 
 from it is not taken from the original), but I never imagined that any building 
 erected by Americans could suggest the idea of a cupola or dome, a structure 
 which their utmost skill in architecture was incapable of rearing. My words 
 are, that they fancied the villages which they saw from their ships u to be 
 cities adorned with towers and pinnacles." By pinnacles I meant some eleva- 
 tion above the rest of the building ; and the passage is translated almost 
 literally from Herrera, dec. 2. lib. iii. c. 1. In almost all the accounts of new 
 countries given by the Spanish discoverers in that age, this warmth of admira- 
 tion is conspicuous ; and led them to describe these new objects in the most 
 splendid terms. When Cordova and his companions first beheld an Indian 
 village of greater magnitude than any they had beheld in the islands, they dig- 
 nified it by the name of Grand Cairo. B. Diaz, c. 2. From the same cause 
 Grijalva and his associates thought the country, along the coast of which they 
 held their course, entitled to the name of New Spain. 
 
 NOTE [28]. PAGE 123. 
 
 THE height of the most elevated point in the Pyrenees is, according to M. 
 Cassini, six thousand six hundred and forty-six feet. The height of the moun- 
 tain Gemmi, in the canton of Berne, is ten thousand one hundred and ten feet. 
 The height of the Peak of Teneriffe, according to the measurement of P, 
 FeuiHe", is thirteen thousand one hundred and seventy-eight feet. The height 
 of Chimborazo, the most elevated point of the Andes, is twenty thousand 
 two hundred and eighty feet ; no less than seven thousand one hundred and 
 two feet above the highest mountain in the ancient continent. Voyage de D. 
 Juan Ulloa, Observations Astron. et Physiq. torn. ii. p. 114. The line of con- 
 gelation on Chimborazo, or that part of the mountain which is covered per- 
 petually with snow, is no less than two thousand four hundred feet from its 
 summit. Prevot Hist. Ge*ner. des Voyages, vol. xiii. p. 636. 
 
 NOTE [29]. PAGE 123. 
 
 As a particular description makes a stronger impression than general asser- 
 tions, I shall give one of Rio de la Plata by an eye-witness, P. Cattanco, a 
 Modenese Jesuit, who landed at Buenos Ayres in 1749, and thus represents 
 what he felt when such new objects were first presented to his view. " While 
 I resided in Europe, and read in books of history or geography, that the mouth 
 of the river de la Plata was a hundred and fifty miles in breadth, I considered 
 it as an exaggeration, because in this hemisphere we have no example of such 
 vast rivers. When I approached its mouth, I had the most vehement desire to 
 ascertain the truth with my own eyes ; and I found the matter to be exactly as 
 it was represented. This I deduce particularly from one circumstance : When 
 we took our departure from Monte Video, a fort situated more than a hundred 
 miles from the mouth of the river, and where its breadth is considerably di- 
 minished, we sailed a complete day before we discovered the land on the op 
 posite bank of the river ; and when we were in the middle of the channel, we 
 could not discern land on either side, and saw nothing but the sky and water as 
 if we had been in some great ocean. Indeed we should have taken it to be sea, 
 
462 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 if the fresh water of the river, which was turbid like the Po, had not satisfied 
 us that it was a river. Moreover, at Buenos Ayres, another hundred miles 
 up the river, and where it is still much narrower, it is not only impossible to 
 discern the opposite coast, which is indeed very low, but perceive the houses 
 or the tops of the steeples in the Portuguese settlement at Colonia on the other 
 side of the river." Lettera prima, published by Muratori, II Christianesimo 
 Felice, &c. i. p. 257. 
 
 NOTE [30]. PAGE 124. 
 
 NEWFOUNDLAND, part of Nova Scotia, and Canada, are the countries which 
 lie in the same parallel of latitude with the Kingdom of France ; and in every 
 part of these the water of the rivers is frozen during winter to the thick- 
 ness of several feet ; the earth is covered with snow as deep ; almost all the 
 birds fly during that season from a climate where they could not live. The 
 country of the Eskimaux, -part of Labrador, and the countries on the south 
 of Hudson's Bay, are in the same parallel with Great Britain ; and yet in all 
 these the cold is so intense that even the industry of Europeans has not at- 
 tempted cultivation. 
 
 NOTE [31]. PAGE 125. 
 
 ACOSTA is the first philosopher, as far as I know, who endeavoured to ac- 
 count for the different degrees of heat in the old and new continents, by the 
 agency of the winds which blow in each. Histoire Moral. &c. lib. ii. and iii. 
 M. de Buffon adopts this theory, and has not only improved it by new observa- 
 tions, but has employed his amazing powers of descriptive eloquence in em- 
 bellishing and placing it in the most striking light. Some remarks may be 
 added, which tend to illustrate more fully a doctrine of much importance in 
 every inquiry concerning the temperature of various climates. 
 
 When a cold wind blows over land, it must in its passage rob the surface of 
 some of its heat. By means of this the coldness of the wind is abated. But 
 if it continue to blow in the same direction, it will come, by degrees, to pass 
 over a surface already cooled, and will suffer no longer any abatement of its 
 own keenness. Thus, as it advances over a large tract of land, it brings on all 
 the severity of intense frost. 
 
 Let the same wind blow over an extensive and deep sea ; the superficial 
 water must be immediately cooled to a certain degree, and the wind propor- 
 tionally warmed. But the superficial and colder water, becoming specifically 
 heavier than the warmer water below it, descends ; what is warmer supplies 
 its place, which, as it comes to be cooled in its turn, continues to warm the air 
 which passes over it, or to diminish its cold. This change of the superficial 
 water and successive ascent of that which is warmer, and the consequent suc- 
 cessive abatement of coldness in the air, is aided by the agitation caused in the 
 sea by the mechanical action of the wind, and also by the motion of the tides. 
 This will go on, and the rigour of the wind will continue to diminish until the 
 whole water is so far cooled, that the water on the surface is no longer removed 
 from the action of the wind fast enough to hinder it from being arrested by 
 frost. Whenever the surface freezes, the wind is no longer warmed by the 
 water from below, and it goes on with undiminished cold. 
 
 From those principles may be explained the severity of winter frosts in ex- 
 tensive continents ; their mildness in small islands: and the superior rigour of 
 winter in those parts of North America with which we are best acquainted. 
 In the north-west parts of Europe, the severity of winter is mitigated by the 
 west winds, which usually blow in the months of November, December, and 
 part of January. 
 
 On the other hand, when a Warm wind blows over land, it heats the surface, 
 which must therefore cease to abate the fervour of the wind. But the same 
 wind blowing over water, agitates it, brings up the colder water from below, 
 and thus is continually losing somewhat of its own heat. 
 
 But the great power of the sea to mitigate the heat of the wind or air passing 
 over it, proceeds from the following circumstance : that on account of the 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 463 
 
 transparency of the sea, its surface cannot be heated to a great degree by the 
 sun's rays; whereas the ground, subjected to their influence, very soon acquires 
 great heat. When, therefore, the wind blows over a torrid continent, it is 
 soon raised to a heat almost intolerable ; but during its passage over an exten- 
 sive ocean, it is gradually cooled ; so that on its arrival at the furthest shore 
 it is again fit for respiration. 
 
 Those principles will account for the sultry heats of large continents in the 
 torrid zone : for the mild climate of islands in the same latitude ; and for the 
 superior warmth in summer which large continents, situated in the temperate 
 or colder zones of the earth, enjoy when compared with that of islands. The 
 heat of a climate depends not only upon the immediate effect of the sun's 
 rays, but on their continued operation, on the eflect which they have formerly 
 produced, and which remains for some tune in the ground. This is the reason 
 why the day is warmest about two in the afternoon, the summer warmest about 
 the middle of July, and the winter coldest about the middle of January. 
 
 The forests which cover America, and hinder the sunbaems from heating the 
 ground, are a great cause of the temperate climate in the equatorial parts. The 
 ground, not being heated, cannot heat the air ; and the leaves, which receive 
 the rays intercepted from the ground, have not a mass of matter sufficient to 
 absorb heat enough for this purpose. Besides, it is a known fact, that the vege- 
 tative power of a plant occasions a perspiration from the leaves in proportion 
 to the heat to which they are exposed : and, from the nature of evaporation, 
 this perspiration produces a cold in the leaf proportional to the perspiration. 
 Thus the effect of the leaf in heating the air in contact with it is prodigiously 
 diminished. For those observations, which throw much additional light on 
 this curious subject, I am indebted to my ingenious friend, Mr. Robison, pro- 
 fessor of natural philosophy in the university of Edinburgh. 
 
 NOTE [32]. PAGE 125. 
 
 THE climate of Brazil has been described by two eminent naturalists, Piso 
 and Margrave, who observed it with a philosophical accuracy for which we 
 search in vain m the accounts of many other provinces in America. Both 
 represent it as temperate and mild when compared with the climate of Africa. 
 They ascribe this chiefly to the refreshing wind which blows continually from 
 the sea. The air is not only cool, but chilly through the night, insomuch that 
 the natives kindle fires every evening in their huts. Piso deMedicina Brasiliensi, 
 lib. i. p. 1, &c. Margravius Histor. Rorum Natural. Brasilise, lib. viii. c. 3. p. 
 264. Nieuhoff. who resided long in Brazil, confirms their description. Churchill's 
 Collection, vol. ii. p. 25. Gumilla, who was a missionary many years among 
 the Indians upon the river Oronoco, gives a similar description of the tempera- 
 ture of the climate there. Hist, de 1'Oronoque, torn. i. p. 26. P. Acugna felt 
 a very considerable degree of cold in the countries on the banks of the river 
 Amazons. Relat. vol. ii. p. 56. M. Biet, who lived a considerable time in 
 Cayenne, gives a similar account of the temperature of that climate, and 
 ascribes it to the same cause. Voyage de la France, Equinox, p. 330. Nothing 
 can be more different from these descriptions than that of the burning heat of 
 the African coast given by M. Adanson. Voyage to Senegal, passim 
 
 NOTE [33]. PAGE 126. 
 
 Two French frigates were sent upon a voyage of discovery in the year 1739. 
 In latitude 44 south, they began to feel a considerable degree of cold. In 
 latitude 48, they met with Islands of floating ice. Histoire des Navigations 
 aux Terres Australes, torn. ii. p. 256, &c. Dr. Halley fell in with ice in latitude 
 59. Id. torn. i. p. 47. Commodore Byron, when on the coast of Patagonia, 
 latitude 50 33' south, on the fifteenth of December, which is midsummer in 
 that part of the globe, the twenty-first of December being the longest day 
 there, compares the climate to that of England in the middle of whiter. 
 Voyages by Hawkesworth, i. 25. Mr. Banks having landed on Terra del 
 Fuego, in the Bay of Good Success, latitude 55, on the sixteenth of January, 
 which corresponds to the month of July in our hemisphere, two of his attend- 
 
464 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 ants died in one night of extreme cold, and all the party were in the most 
 imminent danger of perishing. Id. ii. 51, 52. By the fourteenth of March, 
 corresponding to September in our hemisphere, winter was set in with rigour, 
 and the mountains were covered with snow. Ibid. 72. Captain Cook, in his 
 voyage towards the South Pole, furnishes new and striking instances of the 
 extraordinary predominance of cold in this region of the globe. " Who would 
 have thought (says he) that an island of no greater extent than seventy leagues 
 in circuit, situated between the latitude of 54 and 55, should in the very 
 height of summer be, hi a manner, wholly covered, many fathoms deep, with 
 frozen snow ; but more especially the S. W. coast? The very summits of the 
 lofty mountains were cased with snow and ice ; but the quantity that lay in 
 the valleys is incredible ; and at the bottom of the bays, the coast was ter- 
 minated by a wall of ice of considerable height." Vol. ii. p. 217. 
 
 In some places of the ancient continent, an extraordinary degree of cold 
 prevails hi very low latitudes. Mr. Bogle, in his embassy to the court of the 
 Delai Lama, passed the winter of the year 1774, at Chamnanning, in latitude 
 31 39' N. He often found the thermometer in his room twenty-nine degrees 
 under the freezing point by Fahrenheit's scale : and in the middle of AprS the 
 standing waters were all frozen, and heavy showers of snow frequently fell. 
 The extraordinary elevation of the country seems to be the cause of this ex- 
 cessive cold. In travelling from Indostan to Thibet, the ascent to the sum- 
 mit of the Boutan Mountains is very great, but the descent on the other side 
 is not in equal proportion. The kingdom of Thibet is an elevated region, ex- 
 tremely bare and desolate. Account of Thibet, by Mr. Stewart, read in the 
 Royal Society, p. 7. The extraordinary cold in low latitudes in America cannot 
 be accounted for by the same cause. Those regions are not remarkable for 
 elevation. Some of them are countries depressed and level. 
 
 The most obvious and probable cause of the superior degree of cold towards 
 the southern extremity of America, seems to be the form of the continent there. 
 Its breadth gradually decreases as it stretches from St. Antonio southwards, 
 and from the bay of St. Julian to the Straits of Magellan its dimensions are 
 much contracted. On the east and west sides it is washed by the Atlantic and 
 Pacific Oceans. From its southern point it is probable that a great extent of 
 sea, without any considerable tract of land, reaches to the Antarctic pole. 
 In whichever of these directions the wind blows, it is cooled before it approaches 
 the Magellanic regions, by passing over a vast body of water ; nor is the land 
 there of such extent, that it can recover any considerable degree of heat in its 
 progress over it. These circumstances concur in rendering the temperature of 
 the air in this district of America more similar to that of an insular, than to 
 that of a continental climate, and hinder it from acquiring the same degree of 
 summer heat with places in Europe and Asia in a correspondent northern lati- 
 tude. The north wind is the only one that reaches this part of America, after 
 blowing over a great continent. But from an attentive survey of its position, 
 this will be found to have a tendency rather to diminish than augment the 
 degree of heat. The southern extremity of America is properly the termina- 
 tion of the immense ridge of the Andes, which stretches nearly in a direct line 
 from north to south, through the whole extent of the continent. The most 
 eultry regions in South America, Guiana, Brazil, Paraguay, and Tucuman, lie 
 many degrees to the east of the Magellanic regions. The level country of 
 Peru, which enjoys the tropical heats, is situated considerably to the west of 
 them. The north wind then, though it blows over land, does not bring to the 
 southern extremity of America an increase of heat collected in its passage 
 over torrid regions ; but before it arrives there, it must have swept along the 
 summits of the Andes, and becomes impregnated with the cold of that frozen 
 region. 
 
 Though it be now demonstrated that there is no southern continent in that 
 region of the globe which it was supposed to occupy, it appears to be certain 
 from Captain Cook's discoveries, that there is a large tract of land near the 
 south pole, which is the source of most of the ice spread over the vast southern 
 ocean. Vol. ii. p. 230. 239, &c. Whether the influence of this remote frozen 
 continent may reach the southern extremity of America, and affect its climate, 
 rs an inquiry not unworthy of attention. 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 465 
 
 NOTE [34]. PAGE 127. 
 
 M. CONDAMINE is one of the latest and most accurate observers of the in- 
 terior state of South America. " After descending from the Andes (says he,) 
 one beholds a vast and uniform prospect of water and verdure, and nothing 
 more. One treads upon the earth, but does*not see it ; as it is so entirely 
 covered with luxuriant plants, weeds, and shrubs, that it would require a con- 
 siderable degree of labour to clear it for the space of a foot." Relation abrg- 
 gee d'un Voyage, &c. p. 48. One of the singularities in the forests is a sort of 
 osiers, or withes, called bejucos by the Spaniards, lianes by the French, and nibbes 
 by the Indians, which are usually employed as ropes in America. This is one 
 of the parasitical plants, which twists about the trees it meets with, and rising 
 above their highest branches, its tendrils descend perpendicularly, strike into 
 the ground, take root, rise up around another tree, and thus mount and descend 
 alternately. Other tendrils are carried obliquely by the wind, or some accident^ 
 and form a confusion of interwoven cordage, which resembles the rigging of a 
 ship. Bancroft, Nat. Hist, of Guiana, 99. These withes are often as thick as 
 the arm of a man. Id. p. 75. M. Boguer's account of the forests in Peru 
 perfectly resembles this description. Voyages au Peru, p. 16. Oviedo gives a 
 similar description of the forests in other parts of Americ'a. Hist. lib. ix. p. 
 144. D. The country of the Moxos is so much overflowed, that they are 
 obliged to reside on the summit of some rising ground during some part of the 
 year, and have no communication with their countrymen at any distance. 
 Lettres Edifiantes, torn. x. p. 187. Garcia gives a full and just description of 
 the rivers, lakes, woods, and marshes in those countries of America which lie 
 between the tropics. Origen de los Indies, lib. ii. c. 5. $ 4, 5. The incredible 
 hardships to which Gonzalez Pizarro was exposed in attempting to march into 
 the country to the east of the Andes, convey a very striking idea of that part 
 of America in its original uncultivated state. Garcil. de la Vega, Roval Com- 
 ment, of Peru, part ii. book iii. c. 2 5. 
 
 NOTE [35]. PAGE 128. 
 
 THE animals of America seem not to have been always of a size inferior to 
 those in other quarters of the globe. From antlers of the moose-deer which 
 have been found in America, it appears to have been an animal of great size. 
 Near the banks of the Ohio, a considerable number of bones of an immense 
 magnitude have been found. The place where this discovery has been made 
 lies about one hundred and ninety miles below the junction of the river Scioto 
 with the Ohio. It is about four miles distant from the banks of the latter, on 
 the side of the marsh called the Salt lick. The bones lie in vast quantities 
 about five or six feet under ground, and the stratum is visible in the bank on 
 the edge of the Lick. Journal of Colonel George Croglan, MS. penes me. 
 This spot seems to be accurately laid down by Evans in his map. These bones 
 must have belonged to animals of enormous bulk ; but naturalists being ac- 
 quainted with no living creature of such size, were at first inclined to think 
 that they were mineral substances. Upon receiving a greater number of speci- 
 mens, and after inspecting them more narrowly, they are now allowed to be 
 the bones of an animal. As the elephant is the largest known quadruped, and 
 the tusks wnich were found, nearly resembled, both in form and quality, the 
 tusks of an elephant, it was concluded that the carcasses deposited on the 
 Ohio were of that species. But Dr. Hunter, one of the persons of our age 
 best qualified to decide with respect to this point, having accurately examined 
 several parcels of tusks, and grinders, and jaw-bones, sent from the Ohio to 
 London, gives it as his opinion that they did not belong to an elephant, but to 
 some huge carnivorous animal of an unknown species. Phil. Transact, vol. 
 Iviii. p. 34. Bones of the same kind, and as remarkable for their size, havo 
 been found near the mouths of the great rivers Oby, Jeniseia, and Lena in 
 Siberia. Strahknberg, Descript. of North and East Parts of Europe and Asia* 
 p. 402, &c. The elephant seems to be confined in his range to the torrid zone, 
 
 VOL. L 59 
 
466 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 and never multiplies beyond it. In such cold regions as those bordering on the 
 frozen sea, he could not live. The existence of such large animals in America 
 might open a wide field for conjecture. The more we contemplate the face of 
 nature, and consider the variety of her productions, the more we must be satisfied 
 that astonishing changes have been made in the terraqueous globe by convul- 
 sions and revolutions, of which no account is preserved in history. 
 
 NOTE [36]. PAGE 128. 
 
 THIS degeneracy of the domestic European animals in America may be im- 
 puted to some of these causes. In the Spanish settlements, which are situated 
 either within the torrid zone, or in countries bordering upon it, the increase of 
 heat and diversity of food prevent sheep and horned cattle from attaining the 
 same size as in Europe. They seldom become so fat, and their flesh is not so 
 juicy, or of such delicate flavour. In North America, where the climate is 
 more favourable, and similar to that of Europe, the quality of the grasses 
 which spring up naturally in their pasture grounds is not good. Mitchell, p. 
 151. Agriculture is still so much in its infancy, that artificial food for cattle is 
 not raised in any quantity. During a winter, long in many provinces, and rigo- 
 rous in all, no proper care is taken of their cattle. The general treatment of 
 their horses and horned cattle is injudicious and harsh in all the English colonies. 
 These circumstances contribute more, perhaps, than any thing peculiar in the 
 quality of the climate, to the degeneracy of breed in* the horses, cows, and 
 sheep of many of the North American provinces. 
 
 TE [37]. PAGE 128. 
 
 IN the year 1518, the island of Hispaniola was afflicted with a dreadful visita- 
 tion of those destructive insects, the particulars of which Herrera describes, 
 and mentions a singular instance of the superstition of the Spanish planters. 
 After trying various methods of exterminating the ants, they resolved to im- 
 plore protection of the saints ; but as the calamity was new, they were at a loss 
 to find out the saint who could give them the most effectual aid. They cast 
 lots in order to discover the patron whom they should invoke. The lots de- 
 cided in favour of St. Saturninus. They celebrated his festival with great 
 solemnity, and immediately, adds the historian, the calamity began to abate. 
 Herrera, dec. 2. lib. iii. c. 15. p. 107. 
 
 NOTE [38]. PAGE 129. 
 
 THE author of Recherches Philosophiques sur les Americains supposes this 
 difference in heat to be equal to twelve degrees, and that a place thirty degrees 
 from the equator in the old continent is as warm as one situated eighteen degrees 
 from it in America, torn. i. p. 11. Dr. Mitchell, after observations carried on 
 during thirty years, contends that the difference is equal to fourteen or fifteen 
 degrees of latitude. Present. State, &c. p. 257. 
 
 NOTE [39]. PAGE 129. 
 
 JANUARY 3d, 1765, Mr. Bertram, near the head of St. John's river, in East 
 Florida, observed a frost so intense that in one night the ground was frozen an 
 inch thick upon the banks of the river. The limes, citrons, and banana trees, 
 at St. Augustin, were destroyed. Bertram's Journal, p. 20. Other instances 
 of the extraordinary operations of cold in the southern provinces of North 
 America are collected by Dr. Mitchell. Present State, p. 206, &c. February 
 7th, 1747, the frost at Charleston was so intense, that a person having carried 
 two quart bottles of hot water to bed, in the morning they were split to pieces, 
 Mid the water converted into solid lumps of ice. In a kitchen where there was 
 a fire, the water in a jar in which there was a live large eel, was frozen to the 
 bottom. Almost all the orange and olive trees were destroyed. Description of 
 South Carolina, 8vo. Lond. 1761. 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 467 
 
 NOTE [40]. PAGE 129. 
 
 A REMARKABLE instance of this occurs in Dutch Gui,ana, a country every 
 where level, and so low, that during the rainy seasons it is usually covered with 
 water near two feet in height. This renders the soil so rich, that on the surface, 
 for twelve inches in depth, it is a stratum of perfect manure, and as such has 
 been transported to Barbadoes. On the banks of the Essequibo, thirty crops of 
 ratan canes have been raised successively ; whereas in the West Indian islands 
 not more than two is ever expected from the richest land. The expedients by 
 which the planters endeavour to diminish this excessive fertility of soil are va- 
 rious. Bancroft, Nat. Hist, of Guiana, p. 10, &c. 
 
 NOTE [41]. PAGE 134. 
 
 MULLER seems to have believed, without sufficient evidence, that the Cape 
 had been doubled, torn. i. p. 11, &c.; and the imperial academy of St. Peters- 
 burgh give some countenance to it by the manner in which Tschukotskoi-noss 
 is laid down in their charts. But I am assured, from undoubted authority, that 
 no Russian vessel has ever sailed round that cape ; and as the country of Tshutki 
 is not subject to the Russian empire, it is very imperfectly known. 
 
 NOTE [42]. PAGE 135. 
 
 WERE this the place for entering into a long and intricate geographical dis 
 quisition, many curious observations might arise from comparing the accounts of 
 the two Russian voyages and the charts of their respective navigations. One 
 remark is applicable to both. We cannot rely with absolute certainty on the 
 position which they assign to several of the places which they visited. The 
 weather was so extremely foggy, that they seldom saw the sun or stars ; and 
 the position of the islands and supposed continents was commonly determined 
 by reckoning, not by observation. Behring and Tschirikow proceeded much 
 further towards the east than Krenitzin. The land discovered by Behring, which 
 he imagined to be part of the American continent, is in the 236th degree of 
 longitude from the first meridian in the isle of Ferro, and in 58 28' of latitude. 
 Tschirikow came upon the same coast in longitude 241, latitude 56. Muller, 
 i. 248, 249. The former must have advanced 60 degrees from the port of 
 Petropawlowski, from which he took his departure, and the latter 65 degrees. 
 But from the chart of Krenitzen's voyage, it appears that he did not sail further 
 towards the east than to the 208th degree, and only 32 degrees from Petropaw- 
 lowski. In 1741, Behring and Tschirikow, both in going and returning, held a 
 course which was mostly to the south of that chain of islands, which they dis- 
 covered; and observing the mountainous and rugged aspect of the headlands 
 which they descried towards the north, they supposed them to be promontories 
 belonging to some part of the American continent, which, as they fancied, 
 stretched as far south as the latitude 56. In this manner they are laid down 
 in the chart published by Muller, and likewise in a manuscript chart drawn by 
 a mate of Behring's ship, communicated to me by Mr. Professor Robison. 
 But in 1769, Krenitzin, after wintering in the island Alaxa, stood so far towards 
 the north in his return, that his course lay through the middle of what Behring 
 and Tschirikow had supposed to be a continent, which he found to be an open sea, 
 and that they had mistaken rocky isles for the headlands of a continent. It is 
 probable, that the countries discovered in 1741, towards the east, do not belong 
 to the American continent, but are only a continuation of the chain of islands. 
 The number of volcanos in this region of the globe is remarkable. There are 
 several in Kamtchatka, and not one of the islands, great or small, as far as the 
 R ussian navigation extends, is without them. Many are actually purning, and 
 the mountains in all bear marks of having been once in a state of eruption. 
 Were I disposed to admit such conjectures as have found place in other inquiries 
 concerning the peopling of America, I might suppose that this part of the 
 earth, having manifestly suffered violent convulsions from earthquakes and 
 
468 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 volcanog, an isthmus, which may have formerly united Asia to America, has 
 been broken, and formed into a cluster of islands by the shock. 
 
 It is singular, that at the very time the Russian navigators were attempting 
 to make discoveries in the north-west of America, the Spaniards were prose- 
 cuting the same design from another quarter. In 1769, two small vessels 
 sailed from Loretto in California to explore the coasts of the country to the 
 north of that peninsula. They advanced no further than the port of Monte- 
 Rey, in latitude 36. But, in several successive expeditions fitted out from the 
 port of St. Bias in New Galicia, the Spaniards have advanced as far as the 
 latitude 58. Gaseta de Madrid, March 19, and May 14, 1776. But as the 
 journals of those voyages have not yet been published, I cannot compare their 
 progress with that of the Russians, or show how near the navigators of the 
 two nations have approached to each other. It is to be hoped that the enlight- 
 ened minister who has now the direction of American affairs in Spain, will not 
 withhold this information from the public. 
 
 NOTE [43]. PAGE 136. 
 
 OUR knowledge of the vicinity of the two continents of Asia and America, 
 which was very imperfect when I published the History of America in the year 
 1777, is now complete. Mr. Coxe's account of the Russian Discoveries between 
 Asia and America, printed in the year 1780, contains many curious and im- 
 portant facts with respect to the various attempts of the Russians to open a com- 
 munication with the New World. The history of the great voyage of Discovery, 
 begun by Captain Cook in 1776, and completed by Captains Clerk and Gore, 
 published in the year 1780, communicates all the information that the curiosity 
 of mankind could desire with regard to this subject. 
 
 At my request, my friend, Mr. Playfair, Professor of Mathematics in the 
 University of Edinburgh, has compared the narrative and charts of those illus- 
 trious navigators with the more imperfect relations and maps of the Russians. 
 The result of this comparison I communicate in his own words, with much 
 greater confidence in his scientific accuracy, than I could have ventured to 
 place in any observations which I myself might have made upon the subject. 
 
 " The discoveries of Captain Cook in his last voyage have confirmed the 
 conclusions which Dr. Robertson had drawn, and have connected together the 
 facts from which they were deduced. They have now rendered it certain that 
 Behring and Tschirikow touched on the coast of America in 1741. The former 
 discovered land in latitude 58, 28', and about 236 east from Ferro. He has 
 given such a description of the Bay in which he anchored, and the high moun- 
 tain to the westward of it which he calls St. Elias, that though the account of 
 his voyage is much abridged in the English translation, Captain Cook recognised 
 the place as he sailed along the western coast of America in the year 1778. 
 The isle of St. Hermogenes, near the mouth of Cook's river, Schumagins isles 
 on the coast of Alashka, and Foggy Isle, retain in Captain Cook's chart the 
 names which they had received from the Russian navigator. Cook's Voy. vol. 
 ii. p. 347. 
 
 " Tschirikow came upon the same coast about 2 30' farther south than Beh- 
 ring, near the Mount Edgecumbe of Captain Cook. 
 
 " With regard to Krenitzin, we learn from Coxe's Account of the Russian 
 Discoveries, that he sailed from the mouth of the Kamtchatka river with twe 
 ships in the year 1768. With his own ship he reached the island of Oonolashka, 
 in which there had been a Russian settlement since the year 1762, where he 
 wintered probably in the same harbour or bay where Captain Cook afterwards 
 anchored. The other ship wintered at Alashka, which was supposed to be an 
 island, though it be in fact a part of the American continent. Krenitzin 
 accordingly returned without knowing that either of his ships had been on the 
 coast of America ; and this is the more surprising, because Captain Cook has 
 informed us that Alashka is understood to be a great continent, both by the 
 Russians and the natives at Oonolashka. 
 
 " According to Krenitzin, the ship which had wintered at Alashka had hardly 
 sailed 30 to the eastward of the harbour of St. Peter and St. Paul in Kamt- 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 469 
 
 chatka ; out, according to the more accurate charts of Captain Cook, it had 
 sailed no less than 37 17' to the eastward of that harbour. There is nearly 
 the same mistake of 5 in the longitude which Krenitzin assigns to Oonolashka. 
 It is remarkable enough, that in the chart of those seas, put into the hand of 
 Captain Cook by the Russians on that island, there was an error of the same 
 kind, and very nearly of the same extent. 
 
 " But what is of most consequence to be remarked on the subject is, that 
 the discoveries of Captain Cook have fully verified Dr. Robertson's conjecture 
 that it is probable that future navigators in those seas, by steering farther 
 to the north than Behring and Tschirikow or Krenitzin had done, may find 
 that the continent of America approaches still nearer to that of Asia.' See p. 
 134. It has accordingly been found that these two continents, which, in the 
 parallel of 55, or that of the southern extremity of Alashka, are about four 
 hundred leagues asunder, approach continually to one another as they stretch 
 together toward the north, until, within less than a degree from the polar circle, 
 they are terminated by two capes only thirteen leagues distant. The east cape 
 of Asia is in latitude 66 6' and in longitude 190 S2f east from Greenwich ; the 
 western extremity of America, or Prince of Wales' Cape, is in latitude 65 46', 
 and in longitude 191 45'. Nearly in the middle of the narrow strait (Behring's 
 Strait) which separates these capes, are the two islands of St. Diomede, from 
 which both continents may be seen. Captain King informs us, that as he 
 was sailing through this strait, July 5, 1779, the fog having cleared away, he 
 enjoyed the pleasure of seeing from the ship the continents of Asia and 
 America at the same moment, together with the islands of St. Diomede lying 
 between them. Cook's Voy. vol. iii. p. 244. 
 
 " Beyond this point the strait opens towards the Arctic Sea, and the coasts 
 of Asia and America diverge so fast from one another, that in the parallel of 
 69 they are more than- one hundred leagues asunder. Ib. p. 277. To the 
 couth of the strait there are a number of islands, Clerk's, King's, Anderson's, 
 &c., which, as well as those of St. Diomede, may have facilitated the migra- 
 tions of the natives from the one continent to the other. Captain Cook, 
 however, on the authority of the Russians at Oonolashka, and for other good 
 reasons, has diminished the number of islands which had been inserted in 
 former charts of the northern Archipelago. He has also placed Alashka, or 
 the promontory which stretches from the continent of America S. W. towards 
 Kamtchatka, at the distance of five degrees of longitude farther from the coast 
 of Asia than it was reckoned by the Russian navigators. 
 
 " The geography of the Old and New World is therefore equally indebted to 
 the discoveries made in this memorable voyage ; and as many errors have been 
 corrected, and many deficiencies supplied, by means of these discoveries, so the 
 accuracy of some former observations has been established. The basis of the 
 map of the Russian empire, as far as regarded Kamtchatka, and the country of 
 the Tschutzki, was the position of four places, Yakutsh, Ochotz, Bolcheresk, and 
 Petropawlowski, which had been determined by the astronomer Krassilnicow in 
 the year 1744. Nov. Comment. Petrop. vol. iii. p. 465, &c. But the accuracy of 
 his observations was contested byM.Engel, and M. Robert de Vaugondy; Coxe, 
 Append, i. No. 2. p. 267. 272. and the former of these geographers ventured to take 
 away no less than 28 degrees from the longitude, which, on the faith of Kras- 
 silnicow's observations, was assigned to the eastern boundary of the Russian 
 empire. With how little reason this was done, will appear from considering 
 that our British navigators, having determined the position of Petropawlowski 
 by a great number of very accurate observations, found the longitude of that 
 port 158 43' E. from Greenwich, and its latitude 53 I 1 ; agreeing, the first to 
 less than seven minutes, and the second to less than half a minute, with the 
 calculations of the Russian astronomer : a coincidence which, in the situation 
 of so remote a place, does not leave an uncertainty of more than four English 
 miles, and which, for the credit of science, deserves to be particularly remarked. 
 The chief error in the Russian maps has been in not extending the boundaries 
 of that empire sufficiently towards the east. For as there was nothing to con- 
 nect the land of the Tschulzki and the north-east point of Asia with those 
 places whereof the position had been carefully ascertained, except the imperfect 
 accounts of Behring's and Synd's voyages, considerable errors could not fail to 
 
470 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 be introduced, and that point was laid down as not more than 23 2' east of 
 the meridian of Petropawlowski. Coxe, App. i. No. 2. By the observationa 
 of Captain King, the difference of longitude between Petropawlowski and the 
 East Cape is 31 9' ; that is 8 1' greater than it was supposed to be by the 
 Russian geographers." It appears from Cook's and King's Voy. iii. p. 272, 
 that the continents of Asia and America are usually joined together by ice 
 during winter. Mr. Sam well confirms this account of his superior officer. 
 At this place, viz. near the latitude of 66 N. the two coasts are only thirteen 
 leagues asunder, and about midway between them lie two islands, the distance 
 from each to either shore is short of twenty miles. At this place the natives 
 of Asia could find no difficulty in passing over to the opposite coast, which 
 is in sight of their own. That in a course of years such an event would happen, 
 either through design or accident, cannot admit of a doubt. The canoes which 
 we saw among the Tschutzki were capable of performing a much longer voyage ; 
 and, however rude they may have been at some distant period, we can scarcely 
 suppose them unequal to a passage of six or seven leagues. People might 
 have been carried over by accident on floating pieces of ice. They might 
 also have travelled across on sledges or on foot ; for we have reason to believe 
 that the strait is entirely frozen over in the winter ; so that, during that season, 
 the continents, with respect to the communication between them, may be con- 
 sidered as one land." Letter from Mr. Samwell, Scot's Magazine for 1788, p. 
 604. It is probable that this interesting portion of geographical knowledge 
 will, in the course of a few years, receive farther improvement. Soon after 
 the publication of Captain Cook's last voyage, the great and enlightened 
 Sovereign of Russia, attentive to every thing that may contribute to extend 
 the bounds of science, or to render it more accurate, formed the plan of a new 
 voyage of discovery, in order to explore those parts of the ocean lying between 
 Asia and America, which Captain Cook did not visit, to examine more accu- 
 rately the islands which stretch from one continent almost to the other, to sur- 
 vey the north-east coast of the Russian empire, from the mouth of the Kovyma, 
 or Kolyma, to the North Cape, and to settle, by astronomical observations, the 
 position of each place worth notice. The conduct of this important enterprise 
 is committed to Captain Billings, an English officer in the Russian service, of 
 whose abilities for that station it will be deemed the best evidence, that he 
 accompanied Captain Cook in his last voyage. To render the expedition more 
 extensively useful, an eminent naturalist is appointed to attend Captain Billings. 
 Six years will be requisite for accomplishing the purposes of the voyage. 
 Coxe's Supplement to Russian Discoveries, p. 27, &c. 
 
 NOTE [44]. PAGE 141. 
 
 FEW travellers have had such opportunity of observing the natives of Am& 
 rica, in its various districts, as Don Antonio Ulloa. In a work lately published 
 by him, he thus describes the characteristical features of the race: "A very 
 small forehead, covered with hair towards its extremities, as far as the middle 
 of the eye-brows 4 little eyes ; a thin nose, small and bending towards the 
 upper lip ; the countenance broad ; the ears large ; the hair very black, lank, 
 and coarse ; the limbs well turned, the feet small, the body of just proportion ; 
 and altogether smooth and free from hair, until old age, when they acquire 
 some beard, but never on the cheeks." Noticias Americanas, &c. p. 307. M. 
 le Chevalier de Pinto, who resided several years in a part of America which 
 Ulloa never visited, gives a sketch of the general aspect of the Indians there. 
 " They are all of copper colour with some diversity of shade, not in proportion 
 to their distance from the equator, but according to the degree of elevation of 
 the territory which they inhabit. Those who live in a high country are fairer 
 than those in the marshy low lands, on the coast. Their face is round, further 
 removed, perhaps, than that of any people from an oval shape. Their forehead 
 is small, the extremity of their ears far from the face, their lips thick, their nose 
 flat, their eyes black, or of a chesnut colour, small, but capable of discerning 
 objects at a great distance. Their hair is always thick and sleek, and without 
 any tendency to curl. They have no hair on any part of their body but the 
 head. At the first aspect a southern American appears to be mild and innocent. 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 471 
 
 but on a more attentive view, one discovers in his countenance something wild, 
 distrustful, and sullen." MS. penes me. The two portraits drawn by hands 
 very different from those of common travellers, have a near resemblance. 
 
 NOTE [45]. PAGE 141. 
 
 AMAZING accounts are given of the persevering speed of the Americans. 
 Adair relates the adventures of a Chikkasah warrior, who ran through woods 
 and over mountains, three hundred computed miles, in a day and a half and 
 two nights. Hist, of Amer. Ind. 396. 
 
 NOTE [46]. PAGE 143 
 
 M. Groom LE JEUNE, who resided fifteen years among the Indians of Peru 
 and Quito, and twenty years in the French colony of Cayenne, in which there 
 is a constant intercourse with the Galibis and other tribes on the Oronoco, ob- 
 serves, that the vigour of constitution among the Americans is exactly in pro- 
 portion to their habits of labour. The Indians in warm climates, such as those 
 on the coasts of the South Sea, on the river of Amazons, and the river Orinoco, 
 are not to be compared for strength with those in cold countries ; and yet, says 
 he, boats daily set out from Para, a Portuguese settlement on the river of Ama- 
 zons, to ascend that river against the rapidity of the stream, and with the same 
 crew they proceed to San Pablo, which is eight hundred leagues distant. No 
 crew of white people, or even of Negroes, would be found equal to a task of 
 such persevering fatigue, as the Portuguese have experienced ; and yet the 
 Indians being accustomed to this labour from their infancy, perform it. MS. 
 penes me. 
 
 NOTE [47]. PAGE 145. 
 
 DON ANTONIA ULLOA, who visited a great part of Peru and Chili, the king- 
 dom of New Granada, and several of the provinces bordering on the Mexican 
 Gulf, while employed in the same service with the French Mathematicians 
 during the space of ten years, and who afterwards had an opportunity of 
 viewing the North Americans, asserts " that if we have seen one American, 
 we may be said to have seen them all, their colour and make are so nearly the 
 same." Notic. Americanas, p. 328. A more early observer, Pedro de Cieca 
 de Leon, one of the conquerors of Peru, who had likewise traversed many 
 provinces of America, affirms that the people, men and women, although there 
 is such a multitude of tribes or nations as to be almost innumerable, and such 
 diversity of climates, appear nevertheless like the children of one father and 
 mother. Chronica del' Peru, parte i. c. 19. There is, no doubt, a certain com- 
 bination of features, and peculiarity of aspect, Which forms what may be called 
 a European or Asiatic countenance. There must likewise be one that may be 
 denominated American, common to the whole race. This may be supposed to 
 strike the traveller at first sight, while not only the various shades, which dis- 
 tinguish people of different regions, but the peculiar features which discriminate 
 individuals, escape the notice of a transient observer. But when persons who 
 had resided so long among the Americans concur in bearing testimony to the 
 similarity of their appearance in every climate, we may conclude that it is 
 more remarkable than that of any other race. See likewise Garcia Origen de 
 los Indies, p. 54. 242. Torquemada Monarch. Indiana, ii. 571. 
 
 NOTE [48]. PAGE 146. 
 
 M. LE CHEVALIER DE PINTO observes, that in the interior parts of Brazil, he 
 had been informed that some persons resembling the white people of Darien 
 had been found ; but that the breed did not continue, and their children became 
 like other Americans. This race, however, is very imperfectly known. MS. 
 penes me. 
 
472 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 NOTE [49]. PAGE 147. 
 
 THE testimonies of different travellers, concerning the Patagonians, have 
 been collected and stated with a considerable degree of accuracy by the author 
 of Recherches Philosophiques, &c. torn. i. 281, &c. iii. 181, &c. Since the 
 publication of his work, several navigators have visited the Magellanic regions, 
 and like their predecessors, differ very widely in their accounts of its inhabitants. 
 By Commodore Byron and his crew, who sailed through the Straits in 1764, 
 the common size of the Patagonians was estimated to be eight feet, and many 
 of them much taller. Phil. Transact, vol. Ivii. p. 78. By Captains Wallis and 
 Carteret, who actually measured them in 1766, they were found to be from six 
 feet to six feet five and seven inches in height. Phil. Trans, vol. he. p. 22. 
 These, however, seem to have been the very people whose size had been rated 
 so high in the year 1764 ; for several of them had beads and red baize of the 
 same kind with what had been put on board Captain Wallis's ship, and he 
 naturally concluded that they had got these from Mr. Byron. Hawkesw. i. 
 In 1767 they were again measured by M. Bougainville, whose account differs 
 little from that of Captain Wallis. Voy. 129. To these I shall add a testi- 
 mony of great weight. In the year 1762, Don Bernardo Ibegnez de Echavarri 
 accompanied the Marquis de Valdelirios to Buenos Ayres, and resided there 
 several years. He is a very intelligent author, and his reputation for veracity 
 unimpeached among his countrymen. In speaking of the country towards the 
 southern extremity of America, " By what Indians," says he, " is it possessed ? 
 Not certainly by the fabulous Patagonians who are supposed to occupy this 
 district. I have from many eye-witnesses, who have lived among those Indians, 
 and traded much with them, a true and accurate description of their persons. 
 They are of the same stature with the Spaniards. I never saw one who rose 
 in height two varas and two or three inches," i. e. about 80 or 81-332 inches 
 English, if Echavarri makes his computation according to the vara of Madrid. 
 This agrees nearly with the measurement of Captain Wallis. Reyno Jesuitico, 
 238. Mr. Falkner, who resided as a missionary forty years in the southern 
 parts of America, says that " the Patagonians, or Puelches, are a large bodied 
 people ; but I never heard of that gigantic race which others have mentioned, 
 though I have seen persons of all the different tribes of southern Indians." 
 Introd. p. 26. M. Dobrizhoffer, a Jesuit, who resided eighteen years in Para- 
 guay, and who had seen great numbers of the various tribes which inhabit the 
 countries situated upon the Straits of Magellan, confirms, in every point, the 
 testimony of his brother missionary Falkner. Dobrizhoffer enters into some 
 detail with respect to the opinions of several authors concerning the stature of 
 the Patagonians. Having mentioned the reports of some early travellers with 
 regard to the extraordinary size of some bones found on that coast which were 
 supposed to be human ; and having endeavoured to show that these bones 
 belonged to some large marine or land animal, he concludes, " de hisce ossibus 
 crede quicquid libuerit, dummodo, me suasore, Patagones pro gigantibus desinas 
 habere." Hist, de Abissonibus, vol. ii. p. 19, &c. 
 
 NOTE [50]. PAGE 149 
 
 ANTONIO SANCHES RIBEIRO, a learned and ingenious physician, published a 
 dissertation in the year 1765, in which he endeavours to prove that this disease 
 was not introduced from America, but took its rise in Europe, and was brought 
 on by an epidemical and malignant disorder. Did I choose to enter into a dis- 
 quisition on this subject, which I should not have mentioned if it had not been 
 intimately connected with this part of my inquiries, it would not bo difficult to 
 point out some mistakes with respect to the facts upon which he founds, as 
 well as some errors in the consequences which he draws from them. The rapid 
 communication of this disease from Spain over Europe, seems however to 
 resemble the progress of an epidemic, rather than that of a disease transmitted 
 by infection. The first mention of it is in the year 1493, and before the year 
 1497, it had made its appearance in most countries of Europe, with such alarming 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 473 
 
 symptoms as rendered it necessary for the civil magistrate to interpose, in order 
 to check its career. Since the publication of this work, a second edition of 
 Dr. Sanchez's Dissertation has been communicated to me. It contains several 
 additional facts in confirmation of his opinion, which is supported with such 
 plausible arguments, as render it a subject of inquiry well deserving the atten- 
 tion of learned physicians. 
 
 NOTE [51]. PAGE 150. 
 
 THE people of Otaheite have no denomination for any number above two 
 hundred, which is sufficient for their transactions. Voyages by Hawkesworth, 
 
 NOTE [52]. PAGE 152. 
 
 As the view which I have given of rude nations is extremely different from 
 that exhibited by very respectable authors, it may be proper to produce some of 
 the many authorities on which I found my description. The manners of the 
 savage tribes in America have never been viewed by persons more capable of 
 observing them with discernment, than the philosophers employed by France 
 and Spain, in the year 1735, to determine the figure of the earth. M. Bouguer, 
 D. Antonio d''Ulloa, and D. Jorge Juan, resided long among the natives of the 
 least civilized provinces in Peru. M. de la Condamine had not only the same 
 advantages with them for observation, but, in his voyage down the Maragnon, 
 he had an opportunity of inspecting the state of the various nations seated on 
 its banks, in its vast course across the continent of South America. There is a 
 wonderful resemblance in their representation of the character of the Ameri- 
 cans. " They are all extremely indolent," says M Bouguer, u they are stupid ; 
 they pass whole days sitting in the same place, without moving, or speaking a 
 single word. It is not easy to describe the degree of their indifference for 
 wealth, and all its advantages. One does not well know what motive to pro- 
 pose to them, when one would persuade them to perform any service. It is 
 vain to offer them money; they answer, that they are not hungry." Voyage 
 au Perou, p. 102. " If one considers them as men, the narrowness of their 
 understanding seems to be incompatible with the excellence of the soul. Their 
 imbecility is so visible that one can hardly form an idea of them different from 
 what one has of the brutes. Nothing disturbs the tranquillity of their souls, 
 equally insensible to disasters and to prosperity. Though half naked, they 
 are as contented as a monarch in his most splendid array. Riches do not 
 attract them in the smallest degree, and the authority of dignities to which 
 they may aspire are so little the objects of their ambition, that an Indian will 
 receive with the same indifference the office of a judge (Alcade) or that of a 
 hangman, if deprived of the former and appointed to the latter. Nothing can 
 move or change them. Interest has no power over them, and they often refuse 
 to perform a small service, though certain of a great recompense. Fear makes 
 no impression upon them, and respect as little. Their disposition is so singular 
 that there is no method of influencing them, no means of rousing them from 
 that indifference which is proof against all the endeavours of the wisest persons ; 
 no expedient which can induce them to abandon that gross ignorance, or lay 
 aside that careless negligence which disconcert the prudence and disappoint 
 the care of such as are attentive to their welfare." Voyage d'Ulloa, torn. i. 
 335. 356. Of those singular qualities he produces many extraordinary instances, 
 p. 336347. "Insensibility," says M. de la Condamine, "is the basis of the 
 American character. I leave others to determine, whether this should be dig- 
 nified with the name of apathy, or disgraced with that of stupidity. It arises, 
 without doubt, from the small number of their ideas, which do not extend 
 beyond their wants. Gluttons even to voracity, when they have wherewithal 
 to satisfy their appetite. Temperate, when necessity obliges them, to such a 
 degree, that they can endure want without seeming to desire any thing. Pusil- 
 lanimous and cowardly to excess, unless when they are rendered desperate by 
 drunkenness. Averse to labour, indifferent to every motive of glory, honour, 
 or gratitude ; occupied entirely by the object that is presnut. and always de- 
 VOL. I.-60 22 
 
474 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 ternlined by it alone, without any solicitude about futurity; incapable of for<* 
 sight or ot reflection; abandoning themselves when under no restraint, to a 
 puerile joy, which they express by frisking about and immoderate fits of laugh- 
 ter ; without object or design, they pass their life without thinking, and grow 
 old without advancing beyond childhood, of which they retain all the defects. 
 If this description were applicable only to the Indians in some provinces of 
 Peru, who are slaves in every respect but the name, one might believe, that this 
 degree of degeneracy was occasioned by the servile dependence to which they 
 are reduced ; the example of the modern Greeks being proof how far servitude 
 may degrade the human species. But the Indians in the missions of the Jesuits, 
 and the savages who still enjoy unimpaired liberty, being as limited in their 
 faculties, not to say as stupid, as the other, one cannot observe without humilia- 
 tion, that man, when abandoned to simple nature, and deprived of the ad- 
 vantages resulting from education and society, differs but little from the brute 
 creation." Voyage de la Riv. de Amaz. 52, 53. M. de Chanvalon, an intelli- 
 gent and philosophical observer, who visited Martinico in 1751, and resided 
 there six years, gives the following description of the Caraibs : " It is not the 
 red colour of their complexion, it is not the singularity of their features, which 
 constitutes the chief difference between them and us. It is their excessive sim- 
 plicity : it is the limited degree of their faculties. Their reason is not more 
 enlightened or more provident than the instinct of brutes. The reason of the 
 most gross peasants, that of the negroes brought up in the parts of Africa 
 most remote from intercourse with Europeans, is such, that we discover ap- 
 pearances of intelligence, which, though imperfect, is capable of increase. But 
 of this the understanding of the Caraibs seems to be hardly susceptible. If 
 sound philosophy and religion did not afford us their light, if we were to decide 
 according to the first impression which the view of that people makes upon 
 the mind, we should be disposed to believe that they do not belong to the sam* 
 species with us. Their stupid eyes are the true mirror of their souls ; it appears 
 to be without functions. Their indolence is extreme ; they have never the 
 least solicitude about the moment which is to succeed that which is present." 
 Voyage a la Martinique, p. 44, 45. 51. M. de la Borde, Tertre, and Rochefort, 
 confirm this description. " The characteristics of the Californians," says P. 
 Venegas, " as well as of all other Indians, are stupidity and insensibility ; want 
 of knowledge and reflection ; inconstancy, impetuosity, and blindness of appe- 
 tite ; an excessive sloth, and abhorrence of all labour and fatigue ; an excessive 
 love of pleasure and amusement of every kind, however trifling or brutal ; 
 pusillanimity ; and, in fine, a most wretched want of every thing which con- 
 stitutes the real man, and renders him rational, inventive, tractable, and useful 
 to himself and society. It is not easy for Europeans, who never were out of 
 their own country, to conceive an adequate idea of those people ; for, even in 
 the least frequented corners of the globe, there is not a nation so stupid, of 
 such contracted ideas, and so weak both in body and mind, as the unhappy 
 Californians. Their understanding comprehends little more than what they 
 see ; abstract ideas, and much less a chain of reasoning, being far beyond their 
 power ; so that they scarce ever improve their first ideas, and these are in 
 general false, or at least inadequate. It is in vain to represent to them any 
 future advantages which will result to them from doing or abstaining from 
 this or that particular immediately present ; the relation of means and ends 
 being beyond the stretch of their faculties. Nor have they the least notion of 
 pursuing such intentions as will procure themselves some future good, or guard 
 them against future evils. Their will is proportional to their faculties, and all 
 their passions move in a very narrow sphere. Ambition they have none, and 
 are more desirous of being accounted strong than valiant. The objects of 
 ambition with us, honour, fame, reputation, titles, posts, and distinctions of 
 superiority, are unknown among them ; so that this powerful spring of action, 
 the cause of so much seeming good and real evil in the world, has na power 
 here. This disposition of mind, as it gives them up to an amazing languor and 
 lassitude, their lives fleeting away in a perpetual inactivity and detestation of 
 labour, so it likewise induces them to be attracted by the first object which their 
 own fancy, or the persuasion of another, places before them ; and at the same 
 time renders them as prone to alter their resolutions with the same facility. 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 475 
 
 They look with indifference upon any kindness done them; nor is even the 
 bare" remembrance of it to bo expected from them. In a word, the unhappy 
 mortals may be compared to children, in whom the developement of reason is 
 not completed. They may indeed be called a nation who never arrive at man- 
 hood." Hist, of California, English Transl. i. 64. 67. Mr. Ellis gives a similar 
 account of the want of foresight and inconsiderate disposition of the people 
 adjacent to Hudson's Bay. Voyage, p. 194, 195. 
 
 The incapacity of the Americans is so remarkable, that negroes from all the 
 different provinces of Africa are observed to be more capable of improving by 
 instruction. They acquire the knowledge of several particulars which the 
 Americans cannot comprehend. Hence the negroes, though slaves, value them- 
 selves as a superior order of beings, and look down upon the Americans with 
 contempt, as void of capacity and of rational discernment. Ulloa Notic. 
 Americ. 322, 323. 
 
 NOTE [53]. PAGE 155. 
 
 DOBRIZHOFFER, the last traveller I know who has resided among any tribe of 
 the ruder Americans, has explained so fully the various reasons which have 
 induced their women to suckle their children long, and never to undertake 
 rearing such as were feeble or distorted, and even to destroy a considerable 
 number of their offspring, as to throw great light on the observations I have 
 made, p. 144. 154. Hist, de Abissonibus, vol. ii. p. 107. 221. So deeply were 
 these ideas imprinted in the minds of the Americans, that the Peruvians, a 
 civilized people when compared with the barbarous tribes whose manners I am 
 describing, retained them ; and even their intercourse with the Spaniards has 
 not been able to root them out. When twins are born in any family, it is still 
 considered as an ominous event, and the parents have recourse to rigorous acts 
 of mortification, in order to avert the calamities with which they are threatened. 
 When a child is born with any deformity, they will not, if they can possibly 
 avoid it, bring it to be baptised, and it is with difficulty they can be brought to 
 rear it. Arriaga Extirpac. de la Idolat. del Peru, p. 32, 33. 
 
 NOTE [54]. PAGE 156. 
 
 THE number of the fish in the rivers of South America is so extraordinary 
 as to merit particular notice. " In the Maragnon (says P. Acugna,) fish are 
 so plentiful, that, without any art, they may take them with the hands." p. 138. 
 " In the Orinoco (says P. Gumilla,) besides an infinite variety of other fish, 
 tortoise or turtle abound in such numbers, that I cannot find words to express 
 it. I doubt not but that such as read my account will accuse me of exaggera- 
 tion : but I can affirm that it is as difficult to count them as to count the sands 
 on the banks of that river. One may judge of their number by the amazing 
 consumption of them ; for all the nations contiguous to the river, and even 
 many who are at a distance, flock thither at the season of breeding, and not 
 only find sustenance during that time, but carry off great numbers both of the 
 turtles and of their eggs," &c. Hist, de 1'Orenoque, ii. c. 22. p. 59. M. de la 
 Condamine confirms their accounts, p. 159. 
 
 NOTE [55]. PAGE 156. 
 
 Piso describes two of these plants, the Cururuape and the Guajana-Timbo. 
 It is remarkable, that though they have this fatal effect upon fishes, they are 
 so far from being noxious to the human species, that they are used in medicine 
 with success. Piso, lib. iv. c. 88. Bancroft mentions another, the Hiarree, a 
 small quantity of which is sufficient to inebriate all the fish to a considerable 
 distance, so that in a few minutes they float motionless on the surface of the 
 water, and are taken with ease. Nat. Hist, of Guiana, p. 106. 
 
 NOTE [56]. PAGE 157. 
 
 REMARKABLE instances occur of the calamities which rude nations suffer by 
 famine. Alvar Nugnez Cabeca de Vaca, one of the most gallant and virtuous 
 
476 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 of the Spanish adventurers, resided almost nine years among the savages of 
 Florida. They were unacquainted with every species of agriculture. Their 
 subsistence was poor and precarious. "They live chiefly (says he) upon roots 
 of different plants, which they procure with great difficulty, wandering from 
 place to place in search of them. Sometimes they kill game, sometimes they 
 catch fish, but in such small quantities, that their hunger is so extreme as com- 
 pels them to eat spiders, the eggs of ants, worms, lizards, serpents, a kind of 
 unctuous earth, and, I am persuaded, that if in this country there were stones, 
 they would swallow these. They preserve the bones of fishes and serpents, 
 which they grind into powder and eat. The only season when they do not 
 suffer much from famine, is when a certain fruit, which he calls Tunas, is ripe. 
 This is the same with the Opuntia, or prickly pear, of a reddish and yellow 
 colour, with a sweet insipid taste. They are sometimes obliged to travel far 
 from their usual place of residence in order to find them. Naufragios, c. xviii. 
 p. 20, 21, 22. In another place he observes, that they are frequently reduced 
 to pass two or three days without food, c. xxiv. p. 27. 
 
 NOTE [57]. PAGE 158. 
 
 M. FERMIN has given an accurate description of the two species of' manioc, 
 with an account of its culture, to which he has added some experiments, in 
 order to ascertain the poisonous qualities of the juice extracted from that 
 species which he calls the bitter cassava. Among the Spaniards it is known 
 by the name of Yuca brava. Descr. de Surin. torn. i. p. 66. 
 
 NOTE [68]. PAGE 158. 
 
 THE plantain is found m Asia and Africa, as well as in America. Oviedo 
 contends, that it is not an indigenous plant of the New World, but was intro- 
 duced into the Island of Hispaniola, in the year 1516, by Father Thomas de 
 Berlanga, and that he transplanted it from the Canary Islands, whither the 
 original slips had been brought from the East Indies. Oviedo, lib. viii. c. 1. 
 But the opinion of Acosta and other naturalists, who reckon it an American 
 plant, seems to be better founded. Acosta Hist. Nat. lib. iv. 21. It was culti- 
 vated by rude tribes in America, who had little intercourse with the Spaniards, 
 and who were destitute of that ingenuity which disposes men to borrow what 
 is useful from foreign nations. Gumil. iii. 186. Wafer's Voyage, p. 87. 
 
 NOTE [59]. PAGE 159. 
 
 IT is remarkable that Acosta, one of the most accurate and best informed 
 writers concerning the West Indies, affirms that maize, though cultivated in the 
 continent, was not known in the islands, the inhabitants of which had none 
 but cassada bread. Hist. Nat. lib. iv. c. 16. But P. Martyr, in the first book of 
 his first Decad, which was written in the year 1493, upon the return of Columbus 
 from his first voyage, expressly mentions maize as a plant which the islanders 
 cultivated, and of which they made bread, p. 7. Gomara likewise asserts that 
 they were acquainted with the culture of maize. Histor. Gener. cap. 28. 
 Oviedo describes maize without any intimation of its being a plant that was 
 not natural to Hispaniola. Lib. vii. c. 1. 
 
 NOTE [60]. PAGE 161. 
 
 NEW Holland, a country which formerly was only known, has lately been 
 visited by intelligent observers. It lies in a region of the globe where it must 
 enjoy a very favourable climate, as it stretches from the 10th to the 38th degree 
 of southern latitude. It is of great extent, and from its square form must be 
 much more than equal to all Europe. The people who inhabit the various 
 parts of it appear to be of one race. They are evidently ruder than most of 
 the Americans, and have made still less progress in improvement and the arta 
 of life. There is not the least appearance of cultivation in any part of this 
 vast region. The inhabitants are extremely few, so that the country appears 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 477 
 
 almost desolate. Their tribes are still more inconsiderable than those of 
 America. They depend for subsistence almost entirely on fishing. They do 
 not settle in one place, but roam about in quest of food. Both sexes go stark 
 naked. Their habitations, utensils, &c. are more simple and rude than those 
 of the Americans. Voyages, by Hawkesworth, iii. 622, &c. This, perhaps, 
 is the country where man has been discovered in the earliest stage of his pro- 
 gress, and exhibits a miserable specimen of his condition and powers in that 
 uncultivated state. If this country shall be more fully explored by future 
 navigators, the comparison of the manners of its inhabitants with those of the 
 Americans will prove an instructive article in the history of the human species. 
 
 NOTE [61]. PAGE 161. 
 
 P. GABRIEL MAREST, who travelled from his station among the Illinois to 
 Michilimackinac, thus describes the face of the country: "We have marched 
 twelve days without meeting a single human creature. Sometimes we found 
 ourselves in vast meadows, of which we could not see the boundaries, through 
 which there flowed many brooks and rivers, but without any path to conduct 
 us. Sometimes we were obliged to open a passage across thick forests, through 
 bushes, and underwood filled with briars and thorns. Sometimes we had to 
 pass through deep marshes, in which we sunk up to the middle. After being 
 fatigued through the day, we had the earth for our bed, or a few leaves, ex- 
 posed to the wind, the rain, and all the injuries of the air." Lettr. Edifiantes, 
 ii. 360. Dr. Bicknell, in an excursion from North Carolina towards the moun- 
 tains, A. D. 1730, travelled fifteen days without meeting with a human creature. 
 Nat. Hist, of North Carolina, 389. Diego de Ordas, in attempting to make a 
 settlement in South America, A. D. 1532, marched fifty days through a country 
 without one inhabitant. Herrera, dec. 5. lib. i. c. 11. 
 
 NOTE [62]. PAGE 162. 
 
 I STRONGLY suspect that a community of goods, and an undivided store, are 
 known only among the rudest tribes of hunters ; and that as soon as any spe- 
 cies of agriculture or regular industry is known, the idea of an exclusive right 
 of property to the fruits of them is introduced. I am confirmed in this opi- 
 nion by accounts which I have received concerning the state of property among 
 the Indians in very different regions of America. " The idea of the natives of 
 Brazil concerning property is, that if any person cultivate a field, he alone 
 ought to enjoy the produce of it, and no other has a title to pretend to it. If 
 an individual or family go a hunting or fishing, what is caught belongs to the 
 individual or to the family, and they communicate no part of it to any but to 
 their cazique, or to such of their kindred as happen to be indisposed. If any 
 person in the village come to their hut, he may sit down freely, and eat without 
 asking liberty. But this is the consequence of their general principle of hos- 
 pitality ; for I never observed any partition of the increase of their fields, or 
 the produce of the chase, which I could consider as the result of any idea con- 
 cerning a community of goods. On the contrary, they are so much attached 
 to what they deem to be their property, that it would be extremely dangerous 
 to encroach upon it. As far as I can see or can learn, there is not one tribe of 
 Indians in South America among whom the community of goods which has 
 been so highly extolled is known. The circumstance in the government of the 
 Jesuits, most irksome to the Indians of Paraguay, was the community of goods 
 which those fathers introduced. This was repugnant to the original ideas of 
 the Indians. They were acquainted with the rights of private exclusive pro- 
 perty, and they submitted with impatience to regulations which destroyed 
 them." M. le Cheval, de Pinto, MS. penes me. " Actual possession (says a 
 missionary who resided several years among the Indians of the five nations) 
 gives a right to the soil ; but, whenever a possessor sees fit to quit it, another 
 has as good right to take it as he who left it. This law, or custom, respects 
 not only the particular spot on which he erects his house, but also his planting- 
 ground. If a man has prepared a particular spot of ground on which he 
 designs in future to build or plant, no man has a right to incommode him, 
 
478 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 much less to the fruit of his labours, until it appears that he voluntarily gives 
 up his views. But I never heard of any formal conveyance from one Indian 
 to another in their natural state. The limit of every canton is circumscribed ; 
 that is, they are allowed to hunt as far as such a river on this hand, and such a 
 mountain on the other. This area is occupied and improved by individuals and 
 their families : individuals, not the community, have the use and profit of their 
 own labours, or success in hunting." MS. of Mr. Gideon Hawley, penes me. 
 
 NOTE [63]. PAGE 162. 
 
 THIS difference of temper between the Americans and Negroes is so remark- 
 able, that it is a proverbial saying in the French islands, " Regarder un sauvage 
 de travers, c'est le battre ; le battre, c'est le tuer; battre un Negre, c'est le 
 nourrir." Tertre, ii. 490. 
 
 NOTE [64]. PAGE 163. 
 
 THE description of the political state of the people of Cinaloa perfectly 
 resembles that of the inhabitants of North America. " They have neither 
 laws nor kings (says a missionary who resided long among them) to punish any 
 crime. Nor is there among them any species of authority, or political govern- 
 ment, to restrain them in any part of their conduct. It is true that they ac- 
 knowledge certain caziques, who are heads of their families or villages ; but 
 their authority appears chiefly in war, and the expeditions against their enemies. 
 This authority the caziques obtain not by hereditary right, but by their valour 
 in war, or by the power and number of their families and relations. Sometimes 
 they owe their pre-eminence to their eloquence in displaying their own ex- 
 ploits." Ribas Histor. de las Triumph, &c. p. 11. . The state of the Chiquitos 
 in South America is nearly the same. " They have no regular form of govern- 
 ment or civil life, but in matters of public concern they listen to the advice of 
 their old men, and usually follow it. The dignity of Cazique is not hereditary, 
 but conferred according to merit, as the reward of valour hi war. The union 
 among them is impe/fect. Their society resembles a republic without any 
 head, in which every man is master of himself, and, upon the least disgust, 
 separates from those with whom he seemed to be connected." Relacion His- 
 torical de las Missiones de los Chiquitos, por P. Juan, Patr. Fernandez, p. 32, 33. 
 Thus, under very different climates, when nations are in a similar state of 
 society, their institutions and civil government assume the same form. 
 
 NOTE [65]. PAGE 168. 
 
 u I HAVE known the Indians (says a person well acquainted with their mode 
 of life) to go a thousand miles for the purpose of revenge, in pathless woods, 
 over hills and mountains, through huge cane swamps, exposed to the extremi- 
 ties of heat and cold, the vicissitude of seasons, to hunger and thirst. Such is 
 their overboiling revengeful temper, that they utterly contemn all those things 
 as imaginary trifles, if they are so happy as to get the scalp of the murderer, 
 or enemy, to satisfy the craving ghosts of their deceased relations." Adair's 
 Hist, of Araer. Indians, p. 150. 
 
 NOTE [66]. PAGE 168. 
 
 IN the account of the great war between the Algonquins and Iroquois, the 
 achievements of Piskaret, a famous chief of the Algonquins, performed mostly 
 by himself alone, or with one or two companions, make a capital figure. De 
 la Potherie, i. 297, &c. Colden's Hist, of Five Nations, 125, &c. 
 
 NOTE [67]. PAGE 169. 
 
 THE life of an unfortunate leader is often in danger, and he is always de- 
 graded from the rank which he had acquired by his former exploits. Adair, 
 p. 388. 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 479 
 
 NOTE [68]. PAGE 169. 
 
 As the ideas of the North Americans, with respect to the mode of carrying 
 on war, are generally known, I have founded my observations chiefly upon the 
 testimony of the authors who describe them. But the same maxims took 
 place among other nations in the New World. A judicious missionary has 
 given a view of the military operations of the people in Gran Chaco, in South 
 America, perfectly similar to those of the Iroquois. " They are much addicted 
 to war (says he), which they carry on frequently among themselves, but per- 
 petually against the Spaniards. But they may rather be called thieves than 
 soldiers, for they never make head against the Spaniards, unless when they can 
 assault them by stealth, or have guarded against any mischance by spies, who 
 may be called indefatigable ; they will watch the settlements of the Spaniards 
 for one, two, or three years, observing by night every thing that passes with the 
 utmost solicitude, whether they may expect resistance or not, and until they 
 are perfectly secure of the event, they will not venture upon an attack ; so 
 that, when they do give the assault, they are certain of success, and free from 
 all danger. These spies, in order that they may not be observed, will creep on 
 all four like cats in the night ; but if they are discovered, make their escape 
 with much dexterity. But, although they never choose to face the Spaniards, 
 if they be surrounded in any place whence they cannot escape, they will fight 
 with desperate valour, and sell their lives very dear." Lozano Descript. del 
 Gran Chaco, p. 78. 
 
 NOTE [69]. PAGE 170. 
 
 LERY, who was an eye-witness of the proceedings of the Toupinambos, a 
 Bjrasilian tribe, in a war against a powerful nation of their enemies, describes 
 their courage and ferocity in very striking terms. Ego cum Gallo altero. paulo 
 curiosius, magno nostro periculo (si enim ab hostibus capti aut lesi fuissemuB, 
 devorationi fuissemus devoti), barbaros nostros in militiam ountes comitari 
 volui. Hi, numero 4000 capita, cum hostibus ad littus deccrtarunt, tanta feroci- 
 tate, ut vel rabidos et furiosos quosque superarent. Cum primum hostes 
 conspexere, in magnos atque editos ululatus perruperunt. Hsec gens adeo fera 
 est et truculenta, ut tantisper dum virium vel tantillum restat, continuo dimi- 
 cenl, fugamque nunquam capessant. Quod a natura illis inditum esse reor. 
 Tester interea me, qui non semel, turn peditum turn equitum copias ingentes, 
 in aciem instructas hie conspexi, tanta nunquam voluptate videndis peditum 
 legionibus armis fulgentibus, quanta turn pugnantibus istis percussum fuisse. 
 Lery Hist. Navigat. in Brasil. ap. de Bry, iii. 207, 208, 209. 
 
 NOTE [70]. PAGE 170. 
 
 IT was originally the practice of the Americans, as well as of other savage 
 nations, to cut off the heads of the enemies whom they slew, and to carry them 
 away as trophies. But, as they found these cumbersome in their retreat, which 
 they always make very rapidly, and often through a vast extent of country, 
 they became satisfied with tearing off their scalps. This custom, though most 
 prevalent in North America, was not unknown among the Southern tribes. 
 Lozano, p. 79. 
 
 NOTE [71]. PAGE 172. 
 
 THE terms of the war song seem to be dictated by the same fierce spirit of 
 revenge. " I go to war to revenge the death of my brothers ; I shall kill ; I 
 shall exterminate ; I shall burn my enemies ; I shall bring away slaves ; I shall 
 devour their heart, dry their flesh, drink their blood ; I shall tear off their 
 scalps, and make cups of their skulls." Bossu's Travels through Louisiana, 
 vol. i. p. 102. I am informed, by persons on whose testimony I can rely, that 
 as the number of people in the Indian tribes has decreased so much, almost 
 none of their prisoners are now put to death. It is considered as better policy 
 
480 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS, 
 
 to spare and to adopt them. Those dreadful scenes which I have described 
 occur now so rarely, that missionaries and traders who have resided long 
 among the Indians, never were witnesses to them. 
 
 NOTE [72]. PAGE 172. 
 
 ALL the travellers who have visited the most uncivilized of the American 
 tribes, agree in this. It is confirmed by two remarkable circumstances, which 
 occurred in the conquest of different provinces. In the expedition of Narvaez 
 into Florida in the year 1528, the Spaniards were reduced to such extreme dis- 
 tress by famine, that, in order to preserve their own lives, they ate such of their 
 companions as happened to die. This appeared so shocking to the natives, who 
 were accustomed to devour none but prisoners, that it filled them with horror 
 and indignation against the Spaniards. Torqueinada Monarch. Ind. ii. p. 584. 
 Naufragios de Alv. Nugnes Cabeca de Vaca, c. xiv. p. 15. During the siege 
 of Mexico, though the Mexicans devoured with greediness the Spaniards and 
 Tlascalans whom they took prisoners, the utmost rigour of the famine which 
 they suffered could not induce them to touch the dead bodies of their own 
 countrymen. Bern. Diaz del Castillo Conquist. de laN. Espagna, p. 156. 
 
 NOTE [73]. PAGE 172. 
 
 MANY singular circumstances concerning the treatment of prisoners among 
 the people of Brasil, are contained in the narrative of Stadius, a German officer 
 in the service of the Portuguese, published in the year 1556. He was taken 
 prisoner by the Toupinambos, and remained in captivity nine years. He was 
 often present at those horrid festivals which he describes, and was destined him- 
 self to the same cruel fate with other prisoners. But he saved his life by his 
 extraordinary efforts of courage and address. De Bry, iii. p. 34, &c. M. de 
 Lery, who accompanied M. de Villagagnon in his expedition to Brasil in the 
 year 1556, and who resided some time in that country, agrees with Stadius in 
 every circumstance of importance. He was frequently an eye-witness of the 
 manner in which the Brasilians treated their prisoners. De Bry, iii. 210. 
 Several striking particulars omitted by them, are mentioned by a Portuguese 
 author. Purch. Pilgr. iv. 1294, &c. 
 
 NOTE [74]. PAGE 174. 
 
 THOUGH I have followed that opinion concerning the apathy of the Ameri- 
 cans, which appeared to me most rational, and supported by the authority of 
 the most respectable authors, other theories have been formed with regard to 
 it, by writers of great eminence. D. Ant. Ulloa, in a late work, contends that 
 the texture of the skin and bodily habit of the Americans is such, that they 
 are less sensible of pain than the rest of mankind. He produces several proofs 
 of this, from the manner in which they endure the most cruel chirurgical opera- 
 tions, &c. Noticias Americanas, p. 313, 314. The same observation has been 
 made by surgeons in Brasil. An Indian, they say, never complains under pain, 
 and will bear the amputation of a leg or an arm without uttering a single 
 groan. MS. penes me. 
 
 NOTE [75]. PAGE 174. 
 
 THIS is an idea natural to all rude nations. Among the Romans, in the 
 early periods of their commonwealth, it was a maxim that a prisoner " turn 
 decessisse videtur cum captus est." Digest, lib. xlix. tit. 15. c. 18. And after- 
 wards, when the progress of refinement rendered them more indulgent with 
 respect to this article, they were obliged to employ two fictions of law to secure 
 the property, and permit the return of a captive ; the one by the Lex Cornelia, 
 and the other by the Jus Postliminii. Heinec. Elem. Jur. Civ. sec. ord. Pand. 
 ii. p. 294. Among the Negroes the same ideas prevail. No ransom was ever 
 accepted for a prisoner As soon as one is taken in war, he is reputed to be 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 481 
 
 dead ; and he is so in effect to his country and his family. Voy. du Cheval. des 
 Marchais, i. p. 369. 
 
 NOTE [76]. PAGE 175. 
 
 THE people of Chili, the most gallant and high-spirited of all the Americans, 
 are the only exception to this observation. They attack their enemies in the 
 open field ; their troops are ranged in regular order ; their battalions advance 
 to the charge not only with courage, but with discipline. The North Ameri- 
 cans, though many of them have substituted the European fire-arms in place of 
 their own bows and arrows, still adhere to their ancient maxims of war, and 
 carry it on according to their own peculiar system. But the Chilese nearly 
 resemble the warlike nations of Europe and Asia in their military operations. 
 Ovalle's Relation of Chili. Church. Coll. iii. p. 71. Lozano's Hist. Parag. i. 
 144, 145. 
 
 NOTE [77]. PAGE 176. 
 
 HERRERA gives a remarkable proof of this. In Yucatan, the men are so so- 
 licitous about their dress, that they carry about with them mirrors, probably 
 made of stone, like those of the Mexicans, Dec. iv. lib. iii. c. 8, in which they 
 delight to view themselves ; but the women never use them. Dec. iv. lib. x. c. 
 3. He takes notice that among the fierce tribe of the Punches, in the new- 
 kingdom of Granada, none but distinguished warriors were permitted either to 
 pierce their lips and to wear green stones in them, or to adorn their heads with 
 plumes of feathers. Dec. vii. lib. ix. c. 4. In some provinces of Peru, though 
 that empire had made considerable progress in civilization, the state of women 
 was little improved. All the toil of cultivation and domestic work was devolved 
 upon them, and they were not permitted to wear bracelets, or other ornaments, 
 with which the men were fond of decking themselves. Zarate Hist, de Peru, 
 i. p. 15, 16. 
 
 NOTE [78]. PAGE 176. 
 
 I HAVE ventured to call this mode of anointing and painting their bodies, the 
 dress of the Americans. This is agreeable to their own idiom. As they never 
 stir abroad if they are not completely anointed ; they excuse themselves when 
 in this situation, by saying that they cannot appear because they are naked 
 Gumilla, Hist, de POrenoque, i. 191. 
 
 NOTE [79]. PAGE 177. 
 
 SOME tribes in the province of Cinaloa, on the gulf of California, seem to be 
 among the rudest people of America united in the social state. They neither 
 cultivate nor sow ; they have no houses in which they reside. Those in the 
 inland country subsist by hunting; those on the seacoast chiefly by fishing. 
 Both depend upon the spontaneous productions of the earth, fruits, plants, and 
 roots of various kinds. In the rainy season, as they have no habitations to 
 afford them shelter, they gather bundles of reeds, or strong grass ; and binding 
 them together at one end, they open them at the other, and fitting them to 
 *heir heads, they are covered as with a large cap, which, like a penthouse, 
 throws off the rain, and will keep them dry for several hours. During the 
 warm season, they form a shed with the branches of trees, which protects them 
 from the sultry rays of the sun. When exposed to cold they make large fires, 
 round which they sleep in the open air. Historia de los Triomphos de Nueetra 
 Santa Fe entre Centres las mas Barbaras, &c. por P. And. Perez de Ribas, 
 p. 7, &c. 
 
 NOTE [80]. PAGE 177. 
 
 THESE houses resemble barns. " We have measured same which were a 
 hundred and fifty paces long, and twenty paces broad. Above a hundred per- 
 VOL. I 61 
 
482 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 sons resided in some of them." Wilson's Account of Guiana. Purch, Pilgr, 
 vol. iv. p. 1263. Ibid. 1291. " The Indian houses," says Mr. Barrere, u have 
 a most wretched appearance, and are a striking image of the rudeness of early 
 times. Their huts are commonly built on some rising ground, or on the banks 
 of a river, huddled sometimes together, sometimes straggling, and always with- 
 out any order. Their aspect is melancholy and disagreeable. One sees nothing 
 but what is hideous and savage. The uncultivated fields have no gayety. 
 The silence which reigns there, unless when interrupted by the disagreeable 
 notes of birds, or cries of wild beasts, is extremely dismal." Relat. de la 
 France Equin. p. 146. 
 
 . .-,"'., NOTJS [81]. PAOE 178. 
 
 SOME tribes in South America can send their arrows to a great distance, and 
 with considerable force, without the aid of the bow. They make use of a 
 hollow reed, about nine feet long and an inch thick, which is called a Sarbacane. 
 In it they lodge a small arrow, with some unspun cotton wound about its great 
 end ; this confines the air, so that they can blow it with astonishing rapidity, 
 and a sure aim, to the distance of above a hundred paces. These small arrows 
 are always poisoned. Fermin. Descr. de Surin. i. 55. Bancroft's Hist, of 
 Guiana, p. 281, &c. The Sarbacane is much used in some parts of the East 
 Indies. 
 
 NOTE [82]. PAGE 178. 
 
 I MIGHT produce many instances of this, but shall satisfy myself with one 
 taken from the. Eskimaux. " Their greatest ingenuity (says Mr. Ellis) is 
 shown in the structure of their bows, made commonly of three pieces of wood, 
 each making part of the same arch, very nicely and exactly joined together. 
 They are commonly of fir or larch ; and as this wants strength and elasticity, 
 they supply both by bracing the back of the bow with a kind of thread, or line, 
 made of the sinews of their deer, and the bowstring of the same materials. 
 To make them draw more stiffly, they dip them into water, which causes both 
 the back of the bow and the string to contract, and consequently gives it the 
 greater force ; and as they practise from their youth, they shoot with very 
 great dexterity." Voyage to Hudson's Bay, p. 138. 
 
 NOTE [83]. PAGE 178. 
 
 NECESSITY is the great prompter and guide of mankind in their inventions. 
 There is, however, such inequality in some parts of their progress, and some 
 nations get so far the start of others in circumstances nearly similar, that we 
 must ascribe this to some events in their story, or to some peculiarity in their 
 situation, with which we are unacquainted. The people in the island of Ota- 
 heite, lately discovered in the South Sea, far excel most of the Americans in 
 the knowledge and practice of the arts of ingenuity, and yet they had not in- 
 vented any method of boiling water; and having no vessel that could bear the 
 fire, they had no more idea that water could be made hot, than that it could be 
 made solid. Voyages by Hawkesworth, i. 466. 484. 
 
 NOTE [84]. PAGE 178. 
 
 ONE of these boats, which could carry nine men, weighed only sixty pounds. 
 Gosnol. Relat. des Voy. a la Virgin. Rec. de Voy. au Nord, torn. v. p. 403. 
 
 NOTE [85], PAGE 179. 
 
 A REMARKABLE proof of this is produced by Ulloa. In weaving hammocks, 
 coverlets, and other coarse cloths which they are accustomed to manufacture, 
 their industry has discovered no more expeditious method than to take up 
 thread after thread, and, after counting and sorting them each time, to pass 
 the woof between them, so that in finishing a small piece of those stuffs they 
 
 t 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 483 
 
 frequently spend more than two years. Voyage, i. 336. Bancroft gives the 
 same description of the Indians of Guiana, p. 255. According to Adair, tho 
 ingenuity and despatch of the North American Indians are not greater, p. 422. 
 From one of the engravings of the Mexican paintings in Purchas, vol. iii. p. 
 1106, I think it probable that the people of Mexico were unacquainted with 
 any better or more expeditious mode of weaving. A loom was an invention 
 beyond the ingenuity of the most improved Americans. In all their works they 
 advance so slowly, that one of their artists is two months at a tobacco-pipe 
 with his knife before he finishes it. Adair, p. 423. 
 
 NOTE [86]. PAGE 180. 
 
 THE article of religion in P. Lafitau's Mceurs des Sauvages extends to 347 
 tedious pages in quarto. , 
 
 NOTE [87]. PAGE 181. 
 
 I HAVE referred the reader to several of the authors who describe the most 
 uncivilized nations in America. Their testimony is uniform. That of P. 
 Ribas concerning the people of Cinaloa coincides with the rest. "I was ex- 
 tremely attentive (saj-s he), during the years I resided among them, to ascertain 
 whether they were to be considered as idolaters ; and it may be affirmed with 
 the most perfect exactness, that though among some of them there may be 
 traces of idolatry, yet others have not the least knowledge of God, or even of 
 any false deity, nor pay any formal adoration to the Supreme Being who exer- 
 cises dominion over the world ; nor have they any conception of the providence 
 of a Creator, or Governor, from whom they expect in the next life the reward 
 of their good or the punishment of their evil deeds. Neither do they publicly 
 join in any act of divine worship." Ribas Triumphos, &c. p. 16. 
 
 NOTE [88]. PAGE 181. 
 
 THE people of Brasil were so much affrighted by thunder, which is frequent 
 and awful in their country, as well as in other parts of the torrid zone, that it 
 was not only the object of religious reverence, but the most expressive name 
 in their language for the Deity was Toupan, the same by which they distin- 
 guished thunder. Piso de Medec. Brasil, p. 8. Nieuhoff. Church. Coll. ii. p. 132. 
 
 NOTE [89]. PAGE 184. 
 
 BY the account which M. Dumont, an eye-witness, gives of the funeral of 
 the great chief of the Natchez, it appears that the feelings of the persons who 
 suffered on that occasion were very different. Some solicited the honour with 
 eagerness ; others laboured to avoi-d their doom, and several saved their lives 
 by flying to the woods. As the Indian Brahmins give an intoxicating draught 
 to the women who are to be burned together with the bodies of their husbands, 
 which renders them insensible of their approaching fate, the Natchez obliged 
 their victims to swallow several large pills of tobacco, which produces a similar 
 effect. Mem de Louis, i. 227. 
 
 NOTE [90]. PAGE 187. 
 
 ON some occasions, particularly in. dances instituted for the recovery of 
 persons who are indisposed, they are extremely licentious and indecent. De 
 la Potherie Hist. &c. ii. p. 42. Charlev. N. Fr. iii. p. 319. But the nature of 
 their dances is commonly such as I have described. 
 
 NOTE [91]. PAGE 187. 
 
 THE Othomacoas, a tribe seated on the banks of the Orinoco, employ for the 
 same purpose a composition Avhich they call Yupa. It is formed of the seeds 
 of an unknown plant reduced to powder, and certain shells burnod and pul- 
 
484 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 verized. The effects of this when drawn up into the nostrils are so violent 
 that they resemble madness rather than intoxication. Gumilla, i. 286. 
 
 NOTE [92]. PAGE 188. 
 
 THOUGH this observation holds true among the greater part of the southern 
 tribes, there are some in which the intemperance of the women is as excessive 
 as that of the men. Bancroft's Nat. Hist, of Guiana, p. 275. 
 
 NOTE [93]. PAGE 190. 
 
 EVEN in the most intelligent writers concerning the manners of the Ameri- 
 cans, one meets with inconsistent and inexplicable circumstances. The Jesuit 
 Charlevoix, who, in consequence of the controversy between his order and that 
 of the Franciscans, with respect to the talents and abilities of the North Ameri- 
 cans, is disposed to represent their intellectual as well as moral qualities in the 
 most favourable light, asserts, that they are engaged in continual negotiations 
 with their neighbours, and conduct these with the most refined address. At the 
 same time he adds, " that it behooves their envoys or plenipotentiaries to exert 
 their abilities and eloquence, for, if the terms which they offer are not accepted, 
 they had need to stand on their guard. It frequently happens, that a blow 
 with the hatchet is the only return given to their propositions. The envoy is 
 not out of danger, even if he is so fortunate as to avoid the stroke ; he may 
 expect to be pursued, and, if taken, to be burnt." Hist. N. Fr. iii. 251. What 
 occurs, p. 147, concerning the manner in which the Tlascalans treated the am- 
 bassadors from Zempoalla, corresponds with the fact related by Charlevoix. 
 Men capable of such acts of violence seem to be unacquainted with the first 
 principles upon which the intercourse between nations is founded ; and instead 
 of the perpetual negotiations which Charlevoix mentions, it seems almost im- 
 possible that there should be any correspondence whatever among them. 
 
 NOTE [94]. PAGE 191. 
 
 IT is a remark of Tacitus concerning the Germans, " Gaudent muneribus, 
 ed nee data imputant, nee acceptis obligantur." C. 21. An author who had 
 a good opportunity of observing the principle which leads savages neither to 
 express gratitude for favours which they had received, nor to expect any return 
 for such as they bestowed, thus explains their ideas : " If (say they) you give 
 me this, it is because you have no need of it yourself; and as for me, I never 
 part with that which I think necessary to me." Me"moire sur le Galibis ; Hist. 
 des Plantes de la Guiane Franjoise par M. Aublet, torn ii. p. 110. 
 
 NOTE [95]. PAGE 196. 
 
 AND Bernaldes, the contemporary and friend of Columbus, has preserved 
 some circumstances concerning the bravery of the Caribbees, which are not 
 mentioned by Don Ferdinand Columbus, or the other historians of that period 
 whose works have been published. A Caribbean canoe, with four men, two 
 women, and a boy, fell in unexpectedly with the fleet of Columbus in his second 
 voyage, as it was steering through their islands. At first they were struck 
 almost stupid with astonishment at such a strange spectacle, and hardly moved 
 from the spot for above an hour. A Spanish bark, with twenty-five men, ad- 
 vanced towards them, and the fleet gradually surrounded them, so as to cut 
 off their communication with the shore. " When they saw that it was im- 
 possible to escape (says the historian), they seized their arms with undaunted 
 resolution, and began the attack. I use the expression with undaunted resolution, 
 for they were few, and beheld a vast number rea.dy to assault them. They 
 wounded several of the Spaniards, although they had targets, as well as other 
 defensive armour ; and even after their canoe was overset, it was with no little 
 difficulty and danger that part of them were taken, as they continued to defend 
 themselves, and to use their bows with great dexterity while swimming in the 
 sea." Hist, do D. Fern, y Ysab. MS. c. 119. 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 485 
 
 NOTE [96]. PAGE 196. 
 
 A PROBABLE conjecture may be formed with respect to the cause of the dis- 
 tinction in character between the Caribbees and the inhabitants of the larger 
 islands. The former appear manifestly to be a separate race. Their language 
 is totally different from that of their neighbours in the large islands. They 
 themselves have a tradition, that their ancestors came originally from some 
 part of the continent, and, having conquered and exterminated the ancient 
 inhabitants, took possession of their lands, and of their women. Rochefort, 
 384. Tertre, 360. Hence they call themselves Banaree, which signifies a man 
 come from beyond sea. Labat, vi. 131. Accordingly, the Caribbees still use 
 two distinct languages, one peculiar to the men, and the other to the women. 
 Tertre, 361. The language of the men has nothing common with that spoken 
 in the large islands. The dialect of the women considerably resembles it. 
 Labat, 129. This strongly confirms the tradition which I have mentioned. 
 The Caribbees themselves imagine that they were a colony from the Galabis, 
 a powerful nation of Guiana in South America. Tertre, 361. Rochefort, 348. 
 But as their fierce manners approach nearer to those of the people in the 
 northern continent, than to those of the natives of South America ; and as 
 their language has likewise some affinity to that spoken in Florida, their origin 
 should be deduced rather from the former than from the latter. Labat, 128, 
 &c. Herrera, dec. i. lib. ix. c. 4. In their wars, they still observe their ancient 
 practice of destroying all the males, and preserving the women either for ser- 
 vitude or for breeding. 
 
 NOTE [97]. PAGE 197. 
 
 OUR, knowledge of the events which happened in the conquest of New Spain, 
 is derived from sources of information more original and authentic than that 
 of any transaction in the history of America. The letters of Cortes to the 
 Emperor Charles V. are an historical monument, not only first in order of 
 time, but of the greatest authenticity and value. As Cortes early assumed a 
 command independent of Velasquez, it became necessary to convey such an 
 account of his operations to Madrid, as might procure him the approbation of 
 his sovereign. 
 
 The first of his despatches has never been made public. It was sent from 
 Vcra Cruz, July 16th, 1519. As I imagined that it might not reach the Emperor 
 until he arrived in Germany, for which he set out early in the year 1520, in 
 order to receive the Imperial crown ; I made diligent search for a copy of this 
 despatch, both in Spain and in Germany, but without success. This, however, 
 is of less consequence, as it could not contain any thing very material, being 
 written so soon after Cortes arrived in New Spain. But, in searching for the 
 letter from Cortes, a copy of one from the colony of Vera Cruz to the Emperor 
 has been discovered in the Imperial library at Vienna. Of this I have given 
 some account in its proper place, see p. 210. The second despatch, dated Oc- 
 tober 30th, 1520, was published at Seville A. D. 1522, and the third and fourth 
 soon after they were received. A Latin translation of them appeared in Ger- 
 many A. D. 1532. Ramusio soon after made them more generally known, by 
 inserting them in his valuable collection. They contain a regular and minute 
 history of the expedition, with many curious particulars concerning the policy 
 and manners of the Mexicans. The work does honour to Cortes ; the style is 
 simple and perspicuous ; but as it was manifestly his interest to represent his 
 own actions in the fairest light, his victories are probably exaggerated, his 
 losses diminished, and his acts of rigour and violence softened. 
 
 The next in order is the Chronica de la Nueva Espagna, by Francisco Lopez 
 de Gomara, published A. D. 1554. Gomara's historical merit is considerable. 
 His mode of narration is clear, flowing, always agreeable, and sometimes 
 elegant. But he is frequently inaccurate and credulous ; and as he was the do- 
 mestic chaplain of Cortes after his return from New Spain, and probably com- 
 posed his work at his desire, it is manifest that he labours to magnify the merit 
 of his hero, d to conceal or extenuate such transactions as were unfavourable 
 
486 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 to his character. Of this, Herrera accuses him in one instance, Dec. ii. lib. iii, 
 c. 2, and it is not once only that this is conspicuous. Ho writes, however, with 
 BO much freedom concerning several measures of the Spanish Court, that the 
 copies both of his Historia de las Indias, and of his Chronica, were called in 
 by a decree of the Council of the Indies, and they were long considered as pro- 
 hibited books in Spain; it is only of late that license to print them has been 
 granted. Pinelo Biblioth. 589. 
 
 The Chronicle of Gomara induced Bernal Diaz del Castillo to compose his 
 Historia Verdadera de la Conquista de la Nueva Espagna. He had been an 
 adventurer in each of the expeditions to New Spain, and was the companion 
 of Cortes in all his battles and perils. When he found that neither he himself, 
 nor many of his fellow-soldiers, were once mentioned by Gomara, but that the 
 fame of ,all their exploits was ascribed to Cortes, the gallant veteran laid hold 
 of his pen with indignation, and composed his true history. It contains a prolix, 
 minute, confused narrative of all Cortes's operations, in such a rude vulgar 
 style as might be expected from an illiterate soldier. But as he relates trans- 
 actions of which he was witness, and in which he performed a considerable 
 part, his account bears all the marks of authenticity, and is accompanied with 
 such a pleasant navi'ete, with such interesting details, with such amusing vanity, 
 and yet so pardonable in an old soldier who had been (as he boasts) in a hun- 
 dred and nineteen battles, as renders his book one of the most singular that 
 is to be found in any language. 
 
 Pet. Martyr ab Angleria, in a treatise De Insulis nuper inventis, added to 
 his Decades de Rebus Oceanicis et Novo -Orbe, gives some account of Cortes'a 
 expedition. But he proceeds no further than to relate what happened after 
 his first landing. This work, which is brief and slight, seems to contain the 
 information transmitted by Cortes in his first despatches, embellished with 
 several particulars communicated to the author by the officers who brought the 
 letters from Cortes. 
 
 But the book to which the greater part of modern historians have had re- 
 course for information concerning the conquest of New Spain, is Historia do 
 la Conquista de Mexico, por D. Antonio de Solis, first published A D. 1684. 
 I know no author in any language whose literary fame has risen so far beyond 
 his real merit. De Solis is reckoned by his countrymen one of the purest 
 writers in the Castilian tongue ; and if a foreigner may venture to give his 
 opinion concerning a matter of which Spaniards alone are qualified to judge, 
 he is entitled to that praise. But though his language be correct, his taste in 
 composition is far from being just. His periods are so much laboured as to be 
 often stiff, and sometimes tumid ; the figures which he employs by way of 
 ornament are frequently trite or improper, and his observations superficial. 
 These blemishes, however, might easily be overlooked, if he were not defective 
 with respect to all the great qualities of an historian. Destitute of that 
 patient industry in research which conducts to the knowledge of truth ; a 
 stranger to that impartiality which weighs evidence with cool attention ; and 
 ever eager to establish his favourite system of exalting the character of Cortes 
 into that of a perfect hero, exempt from error, and adorned with every virtue ; 
 he is less solicitous to discover what was true than to relate what might appear 
 splendid. When he attempts any critical discussion, his reaspnings are fa! 
 lacious, and founded upon an imperfect view of facts. Though he sometimes 
 quotes the despatches of Cortes, he seems not to have consulted them ; and 
 though he sets out with some censure on Gomara, he frequently prefers his 
 authority, the most doubtful of any, to that of the other contemporary his- 
 torians. 
 
 But of all the Spanish writers, Herrera furnishes the fullest and most accu- 
 rate information concerning the conquest of Mexico, as well as every other 
 transaction of America. The industry and attention with which he consulted 
 not only the books, but the original papers and public records, which tended to 
 throw any light upon the subject of his inquiries, were so great, and he usually 
 judges of the evidence before him with so much impartiality and candour, that 
 his Decads may be ranked among the most judicious and usefiil historical col- 
 lections. If, by attempting to relate the various occurrences in the New World 
 in a strict chronological order, the arrangement of events in his work had not 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 487 
 
 been rendered so perplexed, disconnected, and obscure, that it is an unpleasant 
 task to collect from different parts of his book, and piece together the detached 
 shreds of a story, he might justly have been ranked among the most eminent 
 historians of his country. He gives an account of the materials from which 
 he composed his work, Dec. vi. lib. iii. c. 19. 
 
 NOTE [98]. PAGE 198. 
 
 CORTES purposed to have gone in the train of Ovando when he set out for 
 his government in the year 1502, but was detained by an accident. As he was 
 attempting in a dark night to scramble up to the window of a lady's bed- 
 chamber, with whom he carried on an intrigue, an old wall, on the top of 
 which he had mounted, gave way, and he was so much bruised by the fall as 
 to be unfit for the voyage. Gomara, Cronica de la Nueva Espagna, cap. 1 
 
 NOTE [99]. PAGE 198. 
 
 CORTES had two thousand pesos in the hands of Andrew Duero, and he bor- 
 rowed four thousand. Those sums are about equal in value to fifteen hundred 
 pounds sterling ; but as the price of every thing was extremely high in America, 
 they made but a scanty stock when applied towards the equipment of a military 
 expedition. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. c. 2. B. Diaz, c. 20. 
 
 NOTE [100]. PAGE 200. 
 
 THE names of those gallant officers, which will often occur in the subsequent 
 story, were Juan Velasquez de Leon, Alonso Hernandez Portocarrero, Francisco 
 de Montejo, Christoval de Olid, Juan de Escalante, Francisco de Morla, Pedro 
 de Alvarado, Francisco de Salceda, Juan de Escobar, Gines de Nortes. Cortes 
 himself commanded the Capitana, or Admiral. Francisco de Orozco, an officer 
 formed in the wars of Italy, had the command of the artillery. The experi- 
 enced Alaminos acted as chief pilot. 
 
 NOTE [101]. PAGE 201. 
 
 IN those different conflicts, the Spaniards lost only two men, but had a con- 
 siderable number wounded. Though there be no occasion for recourse to any 
 supernatural cause to account either for the greatness of their victories, or the 
 srnallness of their loss, the Spanish historians fail not to ascribe both to the 
 patronage of St. Jago, the tutelar saint of their country, who, as they relate, 
 fought at the head of their countrymen, and by his prowess gave a turn to the 
 fate of the battle. Gomara is the first who mentions this apparition of St. 
 James. It is amusing to observe the embarrassment of B. Diaz del Castillo, 
 occasioned by the struggle between his superstition and his veracity. The 
 former disposed him to believe this miracle, the latter restrained him from 
 attesting it. " I acknowledge," says he, " that all our exploits and victories 
 are owing to our Lord Jesus Christ, and that in this battle there was such a 
 number of Indians to every one of us, that if each had thrown a handful of 
 earth they might have buried us, if by the great mercy of God we had not 
 been protected. It may be that the person whom Gomara mentions as having 
 appeared on a mottled gray horse, was the glorious apostle Signor San Jago 
 or Signor San Pedro, and that I, as being a sinner, was not worthy to see him. 
 This I know, that I saw Francisco de Morla, on such a horse, but as an un- 
 worthy transgressor, did not deserve to see any of the holy apostles. It may 
 have been the will of God, that it was so as Gomara relates, but until I read 
 his Chronicle I never heard among any of the conquerors that such a ihinjf 
 had happened." Cap. 34. 
 
 NOTE [102]. PAGE 203. 
 
 SEVERAL Spanish historians relate this occurrence in such terms as if they 
 wished it should be believed, that the Indians, loaded with the presents, had 
 
438 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 carried them from the capital, in the same short space of time that the couners 
 performed that journey. This is incredible, and Gomara mentions a circum- 
 stance which shows that nothing extraordinary happened on this occasion. 
 This rich present had been prepared for Grijalva, when he touched at the same 
 place some months before, and was now ready to be delivered, as soon as 
 Montezuma sent orders for that purpose. Gomara Cron. c. xxvii. p. 28. 
 
 According to B. Diaz del Castillo, the value of the silver plate representing 
 the moon was alone above twenty thousand pesos, above five thousand pounds 
 sterling. 
 
 NOTE [103]. PAGE 206. 
 
 THIS private traffic was directly contrary to the instructions of Velasquez, 
 who enjoined, that whatever was acquired by trade should be thrown into the 
 common stock. But it appears that the soldiers had each a private assortment 
 of toys and other goods proper for the Indian trade, and Cortes gained their 
 favour by encouraging this underhand barter. B. Diaz, c. 41. 
 
 NOTE [104]. PAGE 211. 
 
 GOMARA has published a catalogue of the various articles of which this pre- 
 sent consisted. Cron. c. 49. P. Martyr ab Angleria, who saw them after they 
 were brought to Spain, and who seems to have examined them with great at- 
 tention, gives a description of each, which is curious, as it conveys some idea 
 of the progress which the Mexicans had made in several arts of elegance. De 
 Insulis nuper inventis Liber, p. 354, &c. 
 
 NOTE [105]. PAGE 213. 
 
 THERE is no circumstance hi the history of the conquest of America which 
 is more questionable than the account of the numerous armies brought into 
 the field against the Spaniards. As the war with the republic of Tlascala, 
 though of short duration, was one of the most considerable which the Spaniards 
 waged in America, the account given of the Tlascalan armies merits some at- 
 tention. The only authentic information concerning this is derived from threo 
 authors. Cortes in his second despatch to the Emperor, dated at Segura de la 
 Frontera, Oct. 30, 1520, thus estimates the number of their troops ; in the first 
 battle 6000; in the second battle 100,000; in the third battle 150,000. Relat. 
 ap. Ramus. iii. 228. Bernal Diaz del Castillo, who was an eye witness, and 
 engaged in all the actions of this war, thus reckons their numbers : in the first 
 battle, 3000, p. 43 ; in the second battle 6000, ibid. ; in the third battle 50,000, 
 p. 45. Gomara, who was Cortes's chaplain after his return to Spain, and 
 published his Cronica in 1552, follows the computation of Cortes, except in the 
 second battle, where he reckons the Tlascalans, at 80,000, p. 49. It was mani- 
 festly the interest of Cortes to magnify his own dangers and exploits. For it 
 was only by the merit of extraordinary services that he could hope to atone for 
 his irregular conduct in assuming an independent command. Bern. Diaz, 
 though abundantly disposed to place his own prowess, and that of his fellow- 
 conquerors, in the most advantageous point of light, had not the same tempta- 
 tion to exaggerate ; and it is probable that his account of the numbers ap- 
 proaches nearer to the truth. The assembling of an army of 150,000 men 
 requires many previous arrangements, and such provisions for their subsistence 
 as seems to be beyond the foresight of Americans. The degree of cultivation 
 in Tlascala does not seem to have been so great as to have furnished such 
 a vast army with provisions. Though this province was so much better 
 cultivated than other regions of New Spain that it was called the country of 
 bread ; yet the Spaniards hi their march suffered such want, that they were 
 obliged to subsist upon Tunas, a species of fruit which grows wild in the fields. 
 Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. c. 5. p. 182. 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS 489 
 
 NOTE [106]. PAGE 2k> 
 
 THESE unhappy victims are said to be persons of distinction. It seems im- 
 probable that so great a number as fifty should be employed as spies. So many 
 prisoners had been taken and dismissed, and the Tlascalans had sent so many 
 messages to the Spanish quarters, that there appears to be no reason for 
 hazarding the lives of so many considerable people in order to procure infor- 
 mation about the position and state of their camp. The barbarous manner in 
 which Cortes treated a people unacquainted with the laws of war established 
 among polished nations, appears so shocking to the later Spanish writers, that 
 they diminish the number of those whom he punished so cruelly. Herrera 
 says, that he cut off the hands of seven, and the thumbs of some more. Dec. 
 ii. lib. ii. c. 8. De Solis relates, that the hands of fourteen or fifteen were cut 
 off, and the thumbs of all the rest. Lib. ii. c. 20. But Cortes himself, Relat. 
 p. 228. b. and after him Gomara, c. 48, affirm, that the hands of all the fifty 
 were cut off. 
 
 NOTE [107]. PAGE 216. 
 
 THE horses were objects of the greatest astonishment to all the people of 
 New Spain. At first they imagined the horse and his rider, like the Centaurs 
 of the ancients, to be some monstrous animal of a terrible form ; and supposing 
 that their food was the same as that of men, brought flesh and bread to nourish 
 them. Even after they discovered their mistake, they believed the horses de- 
 voured men hi battle, and when they neighed, thought that they were demanding 
 their prey. It was not the interest of the Spaniards to undeceive them. 
 Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. c. 11. 
 
 NOTE [108]. PAGE 218. 
 
 ACCORDING to Bart, de las Casas, there was no reason for this massacre, and 
 it was an act of wanton cruelty, perpetrated merely to strike terror into the 
 people of New Spain. Relac. de la Destruyc. p. 17, &c. But the zeal of Las 
 Casas often leads him to exaggerate. In opposition to him, Bern. Diaz, c. 83, 
 asserts, that the first missionaries sent into New Spain by the Emperor made a 
 judicial inquiry into this transaction; and having examined the priests and elders 
 of Cholula, found that there was a real conspiracy to cut off the Spaniards, 
 and that the account given by Cortes was exactly true. As it was the object 
 of Cortes at that time, and manifestly his interest, to gain the good will of 
 Montezuma, it is improbable that he should have taken a step which tended 
 so visibly to alienate him from the Spaniards, if he had not believed it to be 
 necessary for his own preservation. At the same time the Spaniards who 
 served in America had such contempt for the natives, and thought them so 
 little entitled to the common rights of men, that Cortes might hold the Cholu- 
 lans to be guilty upon slight and imperfect evidence. The severity of the 
 punishment was certainly excessive and atrocious. 
 
 NOTE [109]. PAGE 218. 
 
 THIS description is taken almost literally from Bernal Diaz del Castillo, who 
 was so unacquainted with the art of composition as to be incapable of em- 
 bellishing his narrative. He relates in a simple and rude style what passed in 
 his own mind and that of his fellow-soldiers on that occasion : " and let it not 
 be thought strange," says he, " that I should write in this manner of what then 
 happened, for it ought to be considered, that it is one thing to relate, another 
 to have beheld things that were never before seen, or heard, or spoken of 
 among men." Cap. 86. p. 64. b. 
 
 NOTE [110]. PAGE 223. 
 
 B. DIAZ DEL CASTILLO gives us some idea of the fatigue and hardships they 
 underwent in performing this and other parts of duty. During the nine months 
 VOL. I. 62 
 
489 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 Uiat they remained in Mexico, every man, without any distinction between 
 officers and soldiers, slept on his arms in his quilted jacket and gorget. They 
 lay on mats, or straw spread on the floor, and each was obliged to hold himself 
 as alert as if he had been on guard. This," adds he, "became so habitual to 
 me, that even now, in my advanced age, I always sleep in my clothes, and never 
 in any bed. When I visit my Encomienda, I reckon it suitable to my rank to 
 have a bed carried along with my other baggage, but I never go into it ; but 
 according to custom, I lie in my clothes, and walk frequently during the 
 night into the open air to view the stars, as 1 was wont when in service." 
 
 night into the open 
 Cap. 108. 
 
 NOTE [111]. PAGE 224. 
 
 CORTES himself, in his second despatch to the Emperor, does not explain the 
 motives which induced him either to condemn Qualpopoca to the flames, or 
 to put Montezuma in irons. Ramus. iii. 236. B. Diaz is silent with respect to 
 his reasons for the former ; and the only cause he assigns for the latter was, 
 that he might meet with no interruption in executing the sentence pronounced 
 against Qualpopoca, c. xcv. p. 75. But as Montezuma was his prisoner, and 
 absolutely in his power, he had no reason to dread him, and the insult offered 
 to that monarch could have no effect but to irritate him unnecessarily. Gomara 
 supposes that Cortes had no other object than to occupy Montezuma with his 
 own distress and sufferings, that he might give less attention to what befell 
 Qualpopoca. Cron. c. 89. Herrera adopts the same opinion. Dec. ii. lib. 
 viii. c. 9. But it seems an odd expedient, in order to make a person bear one 
 injury, to load him with another that is greater. De Solis imagines, that Cortes 
 had nothing else in view than to intimidate Montezuma, so that he might make 
 no attempt to rescue the victims from their fate ; but the spirit of that monarch 
 was so submissive, and he had so tamely given up the prisoners to the disposal 
 of Cortes, that he had no cause to apprehend any opposition from him. If the 
 explanation which I have attempted to give of Cortes's proceedings on this oc- 
 casion be not admitted, it appears to me, that they must be reckoned among 
 the wanton and barbarous acts of oppression which occur too often in the his- 
 tory of the conquest of America. 
 
 NOTE [112]. PAGE 226. 
 
 DE SOLIS asserts, lib. iv. c. 3, that the proposition of doing homage to the King 
 of Spain came from Montezuma himself, and was made in order to induce the 
 Spaniards to depart out of his dominions. He describes his conduct on this 
 occasion as if it had been founded upon a scheme of profound policy, and 
 executed with such a refined address as to deceive Cortes himself. But there 
 is no hint or circumstance in the contemporary historians, Cortes, Diaz, or 
 Gomara, to justify this theory. Montezuma, on other occasions, discovered 
 no such extent of art and abilities. The anguish which he felt in performing 
 this humbling ceremony is natural, if we suppose it to have been involuntary. 
 But, according to the theory of De Solis, which supposes that Montezuma was 
 executing what he himself had proposed, to have assumed an appearance of 
 sorrow would have been preposterous, and inconsistent with his own design of 
 deceiving the Spaniards. 
 
 NOTE [113]. PAGE 227. 
 
 , IN several of the provinces, the Spaniards, with all their industry and influ- 
 ence, could collect no gold. In others, they procured only a few trinkets of 
 small value. . Montezuma assured Cortes, that the present which he offered to 
 the king of Castile, after doing homage, consisted of all the treasure amassed 
 by his father : and told him, that he had already distributed the rest of his 
 gold and jewels among the Spaniards. B. Diaz. c. 104. Gomara relates, that 
 all the silver collected amounted to 500 marks. Cron. c. 93. This agrees with 
 the account given by Cortes, that the royal fifth of silver was 100 marks. 
 Relat. 239, B, So that the sum total of silver was only 4000 ounces, at the 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 491 
 
 rate of eight ounces a mark, which demonstrates the proportion of silver to 
 gold to have been exceedingly small. 
 
 NOTE [114]. PAGE 227 
 
 DE SOLIS, lib. iv. c. 1. calls in question the truth of this transaction, from no 
 better reason than that it was inconsistent with that prudence which distin- 
 guishes the character of Cortes. But he ought to have recollected the impetu- 
 osity of his zeal at Tlascala, which was no less imprudent. He asserts, that 
 the evidence for it rests upon the testimony of B. Diaz del Castillo, of Gomara, 
 and of Herrera. They all concur, indeed, in mentioning this inconsiderate 
 step which Cortes took; and they had good reason to do so, for Cortes him- 
 self relates this exploit in his second despatch to the Emperor, and seems to 
 glory in it. Cort. Relat. Ramus. iii. 140. D. This is one instance, among 
 many, of De Solis's having consulted with little attention the letters of Cortes 
 to Charles V. from which the most authentic information with respect to his 
 operations must be derived. 
 
 NOTE [115]. PAGE 229. 
 
 HERRERA and De Solis suppose that Velasques was encouraged to equip this 
 armament against Cortes by the account which he received from Spain con- 
 cerning the reception of the agents sent by the colony of Vera Cruz, and the 
 warmth with which Fonseca Bishop of Burgos had espoused his interest, and 
 condemned the proceedings of Cortes. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. c. 18. De 
 Solis, lib. iv. c. 5. But the chronological order of events refutes this supposi- 
 tion. Portocarrero and Montejo sailed from Vera Cruz, July 26, 1519. , Her- 
 rera, dec. ii. lib. v. c. 4. They landed at St. Lucar in October, according to 
 Horrera, ibid. But P. Martyr, who attended the court at that time, and com- 
 municated every occurrence of moment to his correspondents day by day, 
 mentions the arrival of these agents for the first time in December, and speaks 
 of it as a recent event. Epist. 650. All the historians agree that the agents 
 of Cortes had their first audience of the Emperor at Tordesillas, when he went 
 to that town to visit his mother in his way to St. Jago de Compostella. Her- 
 rera, dec. ii. lib. v. c. 4. De Solis, lib. iv. c. 5. But the Emperor set out from 
 Valladolid for Tordesillas on the llth of March, 1520 ; and P. Martyr mentions 
 his having seen at that time the presents made to Charles. Epist. 1665. The 
 armament under Narvaez sailed from Cuba in April 1520. It is manifest then 
 that Velasquez could not receive any account of what passed in this interview 
 at Tordesillas previous to his hostile preparations against Cortes. His real 
 motives seem to be those which I have mentioned. The patent appointing him 
 Addantado of New Spain, with such extensive powers, bears date November 
 13, 1519. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. c. 11. He might receive it about tho 
 beginning of January. Gomara takes notice, that as soon as this patent was 
 delivered to him, he began to equip a fleet and levy forces. Cron. c. 96. 
 
 NOTE [116]. PAGE 230. 
 
 DE SOLIS contends, that as Narvaez had no interpreters, he could hold no 
 intercourse with the people of the provinces, nor converse with them in any 
 way but by signs, that it was equally impossible for him to carry on any com- 
 munication with Montezuma. Liv. iv. c. 7. But it is upon the authority of 
 Cortes himself that I relate all the particulars of Narvaez's correspondence both 
 with Montezuma and with his subjects in the maritime provinces. Relat. 
 Ramus. iii. 244. A. C. Cortes affirms that there was a mode of intercourse 
 between Narvaez and the Mexicans, but does not explain how it was carried on. 
 Bernal Diaz supplies this defect, and informs us that the three deserters who 
 joined Narvaez acted as interpreters, having acquired a competent knowledge 
 of the language, c. 110. With his usual minuteness, he mentions their names 
 and characters, and relates, in chapter 122, how they were punished for their 
 perfidy. The Spaniards had now resided above a year among the Mexicans ; 
 and it is not surprising that several among them should have made some pro- 
 
492 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 ficiency m speaking their language. This seems to have been the case. Her- 
 rera, dec. 2. lib. x. c. 1. Both B. Diaz, who was present, and Herrera, the most 
 accurate and best informed of all the Spanish writers, agree with Cortes in his 
 account of the secret correspondence carried on with Montezuma. Dec. 2. lib. 
 x. c. 18, 19. De Solis seems to consider it as a discredit to Cortes, his hero, 
 that Montezuma should have been ready to engage in a correspondence with 
 Narvaez. He supposes that monarch to have contracted such a wonderful 
 affection for the Spaniards, that he was not solicitous to be delivered from 
 them. After the indignity with which he had been treated, such an affection 
 is incredible ; and even De Solis is obliged to acknowledge, that it must be 
 looked upon as one of the miracles which God had wrought to facilitate the 
 conquest, lib. iv. c. 7. The truth is, Montezuma, however much overawed by 
 his dread of the Spaniards, was extremely impatient to recover his liberty. 
 
 NOTE [117], PAGE 236. 
 
 These words I have borrowed from the anonymous Account of the European 
 Settlements hi America, published by Dodsley, in two volumes 8vo. ; a work 
 of so much merit, that I should think there is hardly any writer hi the age who 
 ought to be ashamed of acknowledging himself to be the author of it. 
 
 NOTE [118]. PAGE 238. 
 
 The contemporary historians differ considerably with respect to the loss of 
 the Spaniards on this occasion. Cortes in his second despatch to the Emperor, 
 makes the number only 150. Relat. ap. Ramus. iii. p. 249. A. But it was 
 manifestly his interest, at that juncture, to conceal from the court of Spain the 
 full extent of the loss which he had sustained. De Solis, always studious to 
 diminish every misfortune that befell his countrymen, rates their loss at about 
 two hundred men. Lib. iv. c. 19. B. Diaz affirms that they lost 870 men, 
 and that only 440 escaped from Mexico, c. 128. p. 108. B. Palafox, Bishop of 
 Los Angeles, who seems to have inquired into the early transactions of his 
 countrymen in New Spain with great attention, confirms the account of B. 
 Diaz with respect to the extent of their loss. Virtudes del Indio, p. 22. Gomara 
 states their loss at 450 men. Cron. c. 109. Some months afterwards, when 
 Cortes had received several reinforcements, he mustered his troops, and found 
 them to be only 590. Relat. ap. Ramus. iii. p. 255. E. Now, as Narvaez 
 brought 880 men into New Spain, and about 400 of Cortes's soldiers were then 
 alive, it is evident that his loss, in the retreat from Mexico, must have been 
 much more considerable than what he mentions. B. Diaz, solicitous to magnify 
 the dangers and sufferings to which he and his fellow-conquerors were exposed, 
 may have exaggerated their loss; but, hi my opinion, it cannot well be estimated 
 at less than 600 men. 
 
 NOTE [119]. PAGE 246.. 
 
 SOME remains of this great work are still visible, and the spot where the 
 brigantines.were built and launched is still pointed out to strangers. Torque- 
 mada viewed them. Monarq. Indiana, vol. i. p. 531. 
 
 NOTE [120]. PAGE 249. 
 
 THE station of Alvarado on the causeway of Tacuba was the nearest to the 
 city. Cortes observes, that there they could distinctly observe what passed 
 when their countrymen were sacrificed. Relat. ap. Ramus. iii. p. 273. E. B. 
 Diaz, who belonged to Alvarado's division, relates what he beheld with his 
 own eyes. C. 151. p. 148. b. 149. a. Like a man whose courage was so clear 
 as to be above suspicion, he describes with his usual simplicity the impression 
 which this spectacle made upon him. " Before (says he) I saw the breasts of 
 my companions opened, their hearts yet fluttering, offered to an accursed idol, 
 and their flesh devoured by their exulting enemies ; I was accustomed to ' 
 a battle not only without fear, but with high spirit. But from that time I 
 
 to enter 
 nevei 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS, 493 
 
 advanced to fight with the Mexicans without a secret horror and anxiety ; my 
 heart trembled at the thoughts of the death which I had seen them suffer." 
 He takes care to add, that as soon as the combat began, his terror went off ; 
 and indeed, his adventurous bravery on every occasion is full evidence of this. 
 B. Diaz, c. 156. p. 157. a. 
 
 NOTE [121]. PAGE 252. 
 
 ONE circumstance in this siege merits particular notice. The account which 
 the Spanish writers give of the numerous armies employed in the attack or 
 defence of Mexico seems to be incredible. According to Cortes himself, he 
 had at one time 150,000 auxiliary Indians in his service. Relat. Ramus. iii. 
 275. E. Gomara asserts that they were above 200,000. Cron. c, 136. Her, 
 rera, an author of higher authority, says they were about 200,000. Dec. iii. 
 lib. i. c. 19. None of the contemporary writers ascertain explicitly the number 
 of persons in Mexico during the siege. But Cortes on several occasions men- 
 tions the number of Mexicans who were slain, or who perished for want of 
 food ; and, if we may rely on those circumstances, it is probable that above 
 two hundred thousand must have been shut up in the town. But the quantity 
 of provisions necessary for the subsistence of such vast multitudes assembled 
 in one place, during three months, is so great, that it requires so much foresight 
 and arrangement to collect these, and lay them up in magazines, so as to be 
 certain of a regular supply, that one can hardly believe that this could be ac- 
 complished in a country where agriculture was so imperfect as in the Mexican 
 empire, where there were no tame animals, and by a people naturally so im- 
 provident, and so incapable of executing a complicated plan, as the most 
 improved Americans. The Spaniards, with all their care and attention, fared 
 very poorly, and were often reduced to extreme distress for want of provisions. 
 B. Diaz, p. 142. Cortes Relat. 271. D. Cortes on one occasion mentions 
 slightly the subsistence of his army ; and, after acknowledging that they were 
 often in great want, adds, that they received supplies from the people of the 
 country, of fish, and of some fruit, which he calls the cherries of the country. 
 Ibid. B. Diaz says that they had cakes of maize, and serasas de la tierra ; and 
 when the season of these was over, another fruit, which he calls Tunas ; but 
 their most comfortable subsistence was a root which the Indians use as food, to 
 which he gives the name of Quilites, p. 142. The Indian auxiliaries had one 
 means of subsistence more than the Spaniards. They fed upon the bodies of 
 the Mexicans whom they killed in battle. Cortes Relat. 176. C. B. Diaz con- 
 firms his relation, and adds, that when the Indians returned from Mexico to 
 their own country, they carried with them large quantities of flesh of the 
 Mexicans salted or dried, as a most acceptable present to their friends, that they 
 might have the pleasure of feeding upon the bodies of their enemies in their 
 festivals, p. 157. De Solis, who seems to consider it as an imputation of dis- 
 credit to his countrymen, that they should act in concert with auxiliaries who 
 fed upon human flesh, is solicitous to prove that the Spaniards endeavoured to 
 prevent their associates from eating the bodies of the Mexicans, lib. v. c. 24. 
 But he has no authority for this from the original historians. Neither Cortes 
 himself nor B. Diaz seems to have had any such scruple ; and on many occa- 
 sions they mention the Indian repasts, which were become familiar to them, 
 without any mark of abhorrence. Even with this additional stock of food for 
 the Indians, it was hardly possible to procure subsistence for armies amounting 
 to such numbers as we find in the Spanish writers. Perhaps the best solution 
 of the difficulty is, to adopt the opinion of B. Diaz del Castillo, the most artless 
 of all the Historiadores primitives. " When Gomara (says he) on some occa- 
 sions relates, that there were so many thousand Indians our auxiliaries, and on 
 others, that there were so many thousand houses in this or that town, no regard 
 is to be paid to his enumeration, as he has no authority for it, the numbers not 
 being in reality the fifth of what he relates. If we add together the different 
 numbers which he mentions, that country would contain more millions than 
 there are in Castile." C. 129. But though some considerable deduction should 
 certainly be made from the Spanish accounts of the Mexican forces, they must 
 have been very numerous ; for nothing but an immense superiority in number 
 
494 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 could have enabled them to withstand a body of nine hundred Spaniards, con- 
 ducted by a leader of such abilities as Cortes. 
 
 NOTE [122]. PAGE 257. 
 
 IN relating the oppressive and cruel proceedings of the conquerors of New 
 Spain, I have not followed B. de las Casas as my guide. His account of them, 
 Relat. de la Destruyc. p. 18, &c. is manifestly exaggerated. It is from the 
 testimony of Cortes himself, and of Gomara who wrote under his eye, that I 
 have taken my account of the punishment of the Panucans, and they relate it 
 without any disapprobation. B. Diaz, contrary to his usual custom, mentions 
 it only in general terms, c. 162. Herrera, solicitous to extenuate this barbarous 
 action of his countrymen, though he mentions 63 caziques, and 400 men of 
 note, as being condemned to the flames, asserts that 30 only were burnt, and 
 the rest pardoned. Dec. 3. lib. v. c. 7. But this is contrary to the testimony 
 of the original historians, particularly of Gomara, whom it appears he had 
 consulted, as he adopts several of his expressions in this passage. The punish- 
 ment of Guatimozin is related by the most authentic of the Spanish writers. 
 Torquemada has extracted from a history of Tezeuco, composed in the Mexi- 
 can tongue, an account of , this transaction, more favourable to Guatimozin 
 than that of the Spanish authors. Mon. Indiana, i. 575. According to the 
 Mexican account, Cortes had scarcely a shadow of evidence to justify such a 
 wanton act of cruelty. B. Diaz affirms, that Guatimozin and his fellow- 
 sufferers asserted their innocence with their last breath, and that many of the 
 Spanish soldiers condemned this action of Cortes as equally unnecessary and 
 unjust, p. 200. b. 201. a. 
 
 NOTE [123]. PA.GE 259. 
 
 THE motive for undertaking this expedition was, to punish Christoval de 
 Olid, one of his officers who had revolted against him, and aimed at establishing 
 an independent jurisdiction. Cortes regarded this insurrection as of such 
 dangerous example, and dreaded so much the abilities and popularity of its 
 author, that hi person he led the body of troops destined to suppress it. He 
 marched, according to Gomara, three thousand miles, through a country 
 abounding with thick forests, rugged mountains, deep rivers, thinly inhabited, 
 and cultivated only in a few places. What he suffered from famine, from the 
 hostility of the natives, from the climate, and from hardships of every species, 
 has nothing in history parallel to it^ but what occurs in the adventures of the 
 other discoverers and conquerors of the New World. Cortes was employed 
 in this dreadful service above two years ; and though it was not distinguished 
 by any splendid event, he exhibited, during the course of it, greater personal 
 courage, more fortitude of mind, more perseverance and patience than in any 
 other period or scene in his life. Herrera, dec. 3. lib. vi. vii. viii. ix. Gomara, 
 Cron. c. 163^-177. B. Diaz, 174 190. Cortes, MS. penes me. Were one to 
 write a life of Cortes, the account of this expedition should occupy a splendid 
 place in it. In a general history of America, as the expedition was productive 
 of no great event, the mention of it is sufficient. 
 
 NOTE [124]. PAGE 259. 
 
 ACCORDING to Herrera, the treasure which Cortes brought with him, Consisted 
 of fifteen hundred marks of wrought plate, two hundred thousand pesos of 
 fine gold, and ten thousand of inferior standard, many rich jewels, one in par- 
 ticular worth forty thousand pesos, and several trinkets and ornaments of 
 value. Dec. 4. lib. iii. c. 8. lib. iv. c. 1. He afterwards engaged to give a por- 
 tion with his daughter of a hundred thousand pesos. Gomara Cron. c. 237. 
 The fortune which he left his sons was very considerable. But, as we have 
 before related, the sum divided among the conquerors, <)n the first reduction 
 of Mexico, was very small. There appears, then, to be some reason for sus- 
 pecting that the accusations of Cortes's enemies were not altogether destitute 
 of foundation. They charged him with having applied to his own use a dis- 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS, 496 
 
 proportionate share of the Mexican spoils ; with having concealed the royal 
 treasures of Montezuma and Guatimozin ; with defrauding the king of his 
 fifth; and robbing his followers of what was due to them. Herrera, dec. 3. lib. 
 Viii. c. 15. dec. 4. lib. iii. c. 8. Some of the conquerors themselves entertained 
 suspicions of the same kind with respect to this part of his conduct. B. 
 Diaz, c. 157. 
 
 NOTE [125]. PAGE 261. 
 
 IN tracing the progress of the Spanish arms in New Spain, we have followed 
 Cortes himself as our most certain guide. His despatches to the Emperor con- 
 tain a minute account of his operations. But the unlettered conqueror of 
 Peru was incapable of relating his own exploits. Our information with respect 
 to them, and other transactions in Peru, is derived, however, from contemporary 
 and respectable authors. 
 
 The most early account of Pizarro's transactions in Peru was published by 
 Francisco de Xerez, his secretary. It is a simple, unadorned narrative, carried 
 down no further than the death of Atahualpa, in 1533 ; for the author returned 
 to Spain in 1534, and, soon after he landed, printed at Seville his short History 
 of the Conquest of Peru, addressed to the Emperor. 
 
 Don Pedro Sancho, an officer who served under Pizarro, drew up an account 
 of his expedition, which was translated into Italian by Ramusio, and inserted 
 in his valuable collection, but has never been published in its original language. 
 Sancho returned to Spain at the same time with Xerez. Great credit is due 
 to what both these authors relate concerning the progress and operations of 
 Pizarro ; but the residence of the Spaniards in Peru had been so short, at the 
 time when they left it, and their intercourse with the natives are so slender, 
 that their knowledge of the Peruvian manners and customs is very imperfect. 
 
 The next contemporary historian is Pedro Cieza de Leon, who published his 
 Cronica del Peru at Seville in 1553. If he had finished all that he purposes in 
 the general division of his work, it would have been the most complete history 
 which had been published of any region in the New World, He was well 
 qualified to execute it, having served during seventeen years in America, and 
 having visited in person most of the provinces concerning which he had occa- 
 sion to write. But only the first part of his chronicle has been printed. It 
 contains a description of Peru, and several of the adjacent provinces, with an 
 account of the institutions and customs of the natives, and is written with so 
 little art, and such an apparent regard for truth, that one must regret the loss 
 of the other parts of his work. 
 
 This loss is amply supplied by Don Augustine Zarate, who published, in 
 1555, his Historia del Descubrimiento y Conquesta de la Provincia del Peru. 
 Zarate was a man of rank and education, and employed in Peru as comptroller- 
 general of the public revenue. His history, whether we attend to its matter 
 or composition, is a book of considerable merit: as he had an opportunity to 
 be well informed, and seems to have been inquisitive with respect to the man- 
 ners and transactions of the Peruvians, great credit is due to his testimony. 
 
 Don Diego Fernandez published his Historia del Peru in 1571. His sole 
 object is to relate the dissensions and civil wars of the Spaniards in that em- 
 pire. As he served in a public station in Peru, and was well acquainted both 
 with the country and with the principal actors in those singular scenes which 
 he describes, as he possessed sound understanding and great impartiality, his 
 work may be ranked among those of the historians most distinguished for their 
 industry in research, or their capacity in judging with respect to the events 
 which they relate. 
 
 The last author who can be reckoned among the contemporary historians of 
 the conquest of Peru is Garcilasso de la Vega, Inca. For though the first part 
 of his work, entitled Commentaries Reales del Origin de los Incas Reies del Peru, 
 was not published sooner than the year 1609, seventy-six years after the death 
 of Atahualpa the last Emperor, yet as he was born in Peru, and was the son of 
 an officer of distinction among the Spanish conquerors, by a Coya, or lady of 
 the royal race, on account of which he always took the name of Inca ; as he 
 was master of the language spoken by the Incas, and acquainted with the tta- 
 
496 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 ditions of his countrymen, his authority is rated very high, and often placed 
 above that of all the other historians. His work, however, is little more than 
 a commentary upon the Spanish writers of the Peruvian story, and composed 
 of quotations taken from the authors whom I have mentioned. This is the 
 idea which he himself gives of it, lib. i. c. 10. Nor is it in the account of 
 facts only that he follows them servilely. Even in explaining the institutions 
 and rites of his ancestors, his information seems not to be more perfect than 
 theirs. His explanation of the Quipos is almost tho same with that of Acosta. 
 He produces no specimen of Peruvian poetry, but that wretched one which he 
 borrows from Bias Valera, an early missionary, whose memoirs have never been 
 published. Lib. ii. c. 15. As for composition, arrangement, or a capacity of 
 distinguishing between what is fabulous, what is probable, and what is true, 
 one searches for them in vain in the commentaries of the Inca. His work, 
 however, notwithstanding its great defects, is . not altogether destitute of use. 
 Some traditions which he received fr,om his countrymen are preserved In it. 
 His knowledge of the Peruvian language has enabled him to correct some errors 
 of the Spanish writers, and he has inserted in it some curious facts taken from 
 authors whose works were never published, and .are now lost. 
 
 NOTE [126]. PAGE 263. 
 
 ONE may form an idea both of the hardships which they endured, and of 
 the unhealthy climate in the regions which they visited, from the extraordinary 
 mortality that prevailed among them. Pizarro carried out 112 men, Almagro 
 70. In less than nine months 130 6f these died. Few fell by the sword ; most 
 of them were cut off by diseases. Xeres, p. 180. 
 
 NOTE [127], PAGE 264. 
 
 THIS island, says Herrera, is rendered so uncomfortable by the unwholesome- 
 ness of its climate, its impenetrable woods, its rugged mountains, and the mul- 
 titude of insects and reptiles, that it is seldom any softer epithet than that of 
 infernal is employed in describing it. The sun is almost never seen there, and 
 throughout the year it hardly ever ceases to rain. Dec. iii. lib. x. c. 3. Dam- 
 pier touched at this island in the year 1685 ; and his account of the climate is 
 not more favourable. Vol. i. p. 172. He, during his cruise on the coast, visited 
 most of the places where Pizarro landed, and his description of them throws 
 light on the narrations of the early Spanish historians. 
 
 NOTE [128]. PAGE 270. 
 
 BY this time horses had multiplied greatly in the Spanish settlements on tho 
 continent. When Cortes began his expedition in the year 1518, though his 
 armament was more considerable than that of Pizarro, and composed of persons 
 superior in rank to those who invaded Peru, he could procure no more than 
 sixteen horses. 
 
 NOTE [129]. PAGE 271. 
 
 IN the year 1740, D. Ant. Ulloa and D. George Juan travelled from Guay- 
 aquil to Motupe by the same route which Pizarro took. From the description 
 of their journey, one may form an idea of the difficulty of his march. The 
 sandy plains between St. Michael de Pieura and Motupe extend 90 miles, with- 
 out water, without a tree, a plant, or any green thing, on a dreary stretch of 
 burning sand. Voyage, torn. i. p. 399, &c. 
 
 NOTE [130]. PAGE 273. 
 
 THIS extravagant and unseasonable discourse of Valverde has been censured 
 by all historians, and with justice. But though he seems to have been an 
 illiterate and bigotted monk, nowise resembling the good Olmedo, who accom- 
 panied Cortes; the absurdity of his address to Atahualpa must not be charged 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 497 
 
 wholly upon him. His harangue is evidently a translation or paraphrase of 
 that form, concerted by a junto of Spanish divines and lawyers in the year 
 1509, for explaining the right of their king to the sovereignty of the New World, 
 and for directing the officers employed in America how they should take pos- 
 session of any new country. See Note 23. The sentiments contained in Val- 
 verde's harangue must not then be imputed to the bigotted imbecility of a 
 particular man, but to that of the age. But Gomara and Benzoni relate one 
 circumstance concerning Valverde, which, if authentic, renders him an object 
 not of contempt only but of horror. They assert, that during the whole action 
 Valverde continued to excite the soldiers to slaughter, calling to them to strike 
 the enemy not with the edge but with the points of their swords. Gom. Cron. 
 c. 113. Benz. Histor. Nov. Orbis, lib. iii. c. 3. Such behaviour was very dif- 
 ferent from that of the Roman Catholic clergy in other -parts of America, 
 where they uniformly exerted their influence to protect the Indians, and to 
 moderate the ferocity of their countrymen. 
 
 NOTE [131]. PAGE 273. 
 
 Two different systems have been formed concerning the conduct of Atahu- 
 alpa. The Spanish writers, in order to justify the violence of their countrymen, 
 contend that all the Inca's professions of friendship were feigned ; and that his 
 intention in agreeing to an interview with Pizarro at Caxamalca, was to cut 
 off him and his followers at one blow ; that for this purpose he advanced with 
 such a numerous body of attendants, who had arms concealed under their gar- 
 ments to execute this scheme. This is the account given by Xeres and Zarate, 
 and adopted by Herrera. But if it had been the plan of the Inca to destroy 
 the Spaniards, one can hardly imagine that he would have permitted them to 
 march through the desert of Motupe, or have neglected to defend the passes 
 in the mountains, where they might have been attacked with so much advan- 
 tage. If the Peruvians marched to Caxamalca with an intention to fall upon 
 the Spaniards, it is inconceivable that of so great a body of men, prepared for 
 action, not one should attempt to make resistance, but all tamely suffer them- 
 selves to be butchered by an enemy whom they were armed to attack. Ata- 
 hualpa's mode of advancing to the interview has the aspect of a peaceable 
 procession, not of a military enterprise. He himself and his followers were in 
 their habits of ceremony, preceded, as on days of solemnity, by unarmed har- 
 bingers. Though rude nations are frequently cunning and false ; yet if a 
 scheme of deception and treachery must be imputed either to a monarch that 
 had no great reason to be alarmed at a visit from strangers who solicited ad- 
 mission into his presence as friends, or to an adventurer so daring and so little 
 scrupulous as Pizarro, one cannot hesitate in determining where to fix the pre- 
 sumption of guilt. Even amidst the endeavours of the Spanish writers to 
 palliate the proceedings of Pizarro, one plainly perceives that it was his inten- 
 tion, as well as his interest, to seize the Inca, and that he had taken measures 
 for that purpose previous to any suspicion of that monarch's designs. 
 
 Garcilasso de la Vega, extremely solicitous to vindicate his countrymen, the 
 Peruvians, from the crime of having concerted the destruction of Pizarro and 
 his followers, and no less afraid to charge the Spaniards with improper conduct 
 towards the Inca, has framed another system. He relates, that a man of ma- 
 jestic form, with a long beard, and garments reaching to the ground, having ap- 
 peared in a vision to Viracocha, tho eighth Inca< and declared that he was a 
 child of the Sun, that monarch built a temple in honour of this person, and 
 erected an image of him, resembling as nearly as possible the singular form in 
 which he had exhibited himself to his view. In this temple divine honours 
 were paid to him, by the name of Viracocha. P. i. lib. iv. c. 21. lib. v. c. 22. 
 When the Spaniards first appeared in Peru, the length of their beards, and the 
 dress they wore, struck every person so much with their likeness to the image 
 of Viracocha, that they supposed them to be children of the Sun, who had 
 descended from heaven to earth. All concluded that the fatal period of the 
 Peruvian empire was now approaching, and that the throne would be .occupied 
 by new possessors. Atahualpa himself, considering the Spaniards as messen- 
 gers from heaven, was so far from entertaining aory thoughts of resisting them, 
 
 VOL. I. 63 23 
 
496 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 that he determined to yield implicit obedience to their commands. From these 
 sentiments flowed his professions of love and respect. To those were owing 
 the cordial reception of Soto and Ferdinand Pizarro in his camp, and the sub- 
 missive reverence with which he himself advanced to visit the Spanish general 
 in his quarters ; but from the gross ignorance of Philipillo, the interpreter, the 
 declaration of the Spaniards, and his answer to it, were so ill explained, that, 
 by their mutual inability to comprehend each other's intentions, the fatal ren- 
 contre at Caxamalca, with all its dreadful consequences, was occasioned. 
 
 It is remarkable, that no traces of this superstitious veneratir n of the Peru- 
 vians for the Spaniards are to be found either in Xeres, or Sancho, or Zarate, 
 previous to the interview at Caxamalca ; and yet the two former served under 
 Pizarro at that time, and the latter visited Peru soon after the conquest. If 
 either the Inca himself, or his messengers, had addressed the Spaniards in the 
 words which Garcilasso puts in their mouths, they must have been struck with 
 such submissive declarations; and they would certainly have availed themselves 
 of them to accomplish their own designs with greater facility. Garcilasso 
 himself, though his narrative of the intercourse between the Inca and Spaniards, 
 preceding the rencontre at Caxamalca, is founded on the supposition of his 
 believing them to be Viracochas, or divine beings, P. ii. lib. i. c. 17, &c., yet, 
 with his ieual inattention and inaccuracy, he admits in another place that the 
 Peruvians did not recollect the resemblance between them and the god Viraco- 
 cha, until the fatal disasters subsequent tp the defeat at Caxamalca, and then 
 only began to call them Viracochas. P. i. lib. v. c. 21. This is confirmed by 
 Herrera, dec. v. lib. ii. c. 12. In many different parts of America, if we may 
 believe the Spanish writers, their countrymen were considered as divine beings 
 who had descended from heaven. But in this instance, as in many which occur 
 in the intercourse between nations whose progress in refinement is very unequal, 
 the ideas of those who used the expression were different from the ideas of 
 those who heard it. For such is the idiom of the Indian languages, or such is 
 the simplicity of those who speak them, that when they see any thing with 
 which they were formerly unacquainted, and of which they do not know tho 
 origin, they say that it came down from heaven. Nugnez. Ram. iii. 327. C. 
 
 The account which I have given of the sentiments and proceedings of the 
 Peruvians, appears to be more natural and consistent than either of the two 
 preceding, and is better supported by the facts related by the contemporary 
 historians. 
 
 According to Xeres, p. 200, two thousand Peruvians were killed. Sancho 
 makes the number of the slain six or seven thousand. Ram. iii. 274. D. By 
 Garcilasso's account, five thousand were massacred. P. ii. lib. i. c. 25. The 
 number which I have mentioned, being the medium between the extremes, may 
 probably be nearest the truth. 
 
 NOTE [132]. PAGE 274. 
 
 NOTHING can be a more striking proof of this, than that three Spaniards 
 travelled from Caxamalca to Cuzco. The distance between them is six hundred 
 miles. In every place throughout this great extent of county, they were 
 treated with all the honours which the Peruvians paid to their sovereigns, and 
 even to their divinities. Under pretext of amassing what was wanting for the 
 ransom of the Inca, they demanded the plates of gold with which the walls of 
 the Temple of the Sun in Cuzco were adorned ; and though the priests were 
 unwilling to alienate those sacred ornaments, and the people refused to violate 
 the shrine of their God, the three Spaniards, with their own hands, robbed the 
 Temple of part of this valuable treasure ; and such was the .reverence of the 
 natives for their persons, that though they beheld this act of sacrilege with 
 astonishment, they did not attempt to prevent or disturb the commission of it. 
 Zarate, lib. ii. c. 6. Sancho ap. Ramus. iii. 375. D. 
 
 NOTE [133]. PAGE 278. 
 
 ACCORDING to Herrera, the spoil of Cuzco, after setting apart the King's 
 fifth, was divided among 480 persons. Each received 4000 pesos. This 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 499 
 
 amounts to 1,920,000 pesos. Dec* v. lib. vi. c. 3. But as the general and other 
 officers were entitled to a share far greater than that of the private men, tho 
 sum total must have risen much beyond what I have mentioned. Gomara, c. 
 123, and Zarate, lib. ii. c. 8, satisfy themselves with asserting in general, that 
 the plunder of Cuzco was of greater value than the ransom of Atahualpa. 
 
 NOTE [134], PAGE 279. 
 
 No expedition in the New World was conducted with more persevering 
 courage than that of Alvarado, and in none were greater hardships endured. 
 Many of the persons engaged in it were, like their leader, veterans who had 
 served under Cortes, inured to all the rigour of American war. Such of my 
 readers as have not an opportunity of, perusing the striking description of their 
 sufferings by Zarate, or Herrera, may form some idea of the nature of their 
 march from the sea-coast to Quito, by consulting . the account which' D. Ant. 
 Ulloa gives of his own journey in 1736, nearly in the same route. Voy. torn, 
 i. p. 178, &c., or that of M. Bouguer, who proceeded from Puerto Viejo to Quito 
 by the same road which Alvarado took. He compares- his own journey with 
 that of the Spanish leader, and by the comparison gives a most striking idea of 
 the boldness and patience of Alvarado in forcing his way through so many 
 obstacles. Voyage de Perou, p. 28, c. 
 
 NOTE [135]. PAGE 279: 
 
 ACCORDING to Herrera, there was entered on account of the king in- gold 
 155,300 pesos, and 5,400 marks (each 8 ounces) of silver, besides several vessels 
 and ornaments, some of gold, and others of silver ; on account of private per- 
 sons, in gold 499,000 pesos, and 54,000 marks of silver. Dec. 5. lib. vi. c. 13'. 
 
 NOTE [136]. PAGE 283. 
 
 THE Peruvians not only imitated the military arts of the Spaniards, but had 
 recourse to devices of their own. As the cavalry were the chief objects of 
 their terror, they endeavoured to render them incapable of acting by means of 
 a long thong with a stone fastened to each end. This, when thrown by a 
 skilful hand, twisted about the horse and its rider, and entangled them so as to 
 obstruct their motions. Herrera mentions this as an invention of their own. 
 Dec. 5. lib. viii. c. 4. But as I have observed, p. 178, this weapon is common 
 among several barbarous tribes towards the extremity of South America ; and 
 it is more probable that the Peruvians had observed the dexterity with which 
 they used it in hunting, and on this occasion adopted it themselves. The Spa- 
 niards were considerably annoyed by it. Herrera, ibid. Another instance of 
 the ingenuity of the Peruvians deserves mention. By turning a river out of 
 its channel, they overflowed a valley, in which a body of the enemy was 
 posted, so suddenly, that it was with the utmost difficulty the Spaniards made 
 their escape. Herrera, dec. 5. lib. viii. c. 5. 
 
 NOTE [137]. PAGE 290. 
 
 HERRERA'S account of Orellana's voyage is the most minute and apparently 
 the most accurate. It was probably taken from the journal of Orellana him- 
 self. But the dates are not distinctly marked. His navigation down the Coca, 
 Or Napo, began early in February, 1541 ; and he arrived at the mouth of the 
 fiver on the 26th of August, having spent near seven months in the voyage^ 
 M. de la Condamine, in the year 1743, sailed from Cuenca to Para, a settlement 
 of the Portuguese at the mouth of the river, a navigation much longer than 
 that of Orellana, in less than four months. Voyage, p. 179. But the two 
 adventurers were very differently provided for the voyage. This hazardous 
 undertaking to which ambition prompted Orellana, and to which the love of sci- 
 ence led M. de la Condamine, was undertaken in the year 1769, by Madame 
 Godin des Odonais from conjugal affection. The narrative of the hardships 
 which she suffered, of the dangers to which she was exposed, and of the dis- 
 
500 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 asters which befell her, is one of the most singular and affecting stories in any 
 language, exhibiting in her conduct a striking picture of the fortitude which 
 distinguishes the one sex, mingled with the sensibility and tenderness peculiar 
 to the other. Lettre de M. Godin a M. de la Condamine. 
 
 NOTE [138]. PAGE 291. 
 
 HERRERA gives a striking picture of their indigence. Twelve gentlemen, 
 who had been officers of distinction under Almagro, lodged in the same house, 
 and having but one cloak among them,' it was worn alternately by him who 
 had occasion to appear in public, while the rest, from the want of a decent 
 dress, were obliged to keep within doors. Their former friends and com- 
 panions were so much afraid of giving offence to Pizarro, that they durst not 
 entertain or even converse with them. One may conceive what was the con- 
 dition, and what the indignation of men once accustomed to power and opu- 
 lence, when they felt themselves poor and despised, without a roof under 
 which to shelter their heads, while they beheld others, whose merits and services 
 were not equal to theirs, living in splendour in sumptuous edifices. Dec. 6 
 7 ih viii. c. 6. 
 
 NOTE [139]. PAGE 296. 
 
 HERRERA, whose accuracy entitles him to great credit, asserts, that Gonzalo 
 Pizarro possessed domains in the neighbourhood of Chuquesaca de la Plata, 
 which yielded him an annual revenue greater than that of the Archbishop of 
 Toledo, the best endowed see in Europe. Dec. 7. lib. vi. c. 3. 
 
 NOTE [140]. PAGE 301. 
 
 ALL the Spanish writers describe his march, and the distresses of both par- 
 ties, very minutely. Zarate observes, that hardly any parallel to it occurs in 
 history, either with respect to the length of the retreat, or the ardour of the 
 pursuit. Pizarro, according to his computation, followed the viceroy upwards 
 of three thousand miles. Lib. v. c. 16. 26. 
 
 NOTE [141]. PAGE 307. 
 
 IT amounted, according to Fernandez, the best informed historian of that 
 period, to one million four'hundred thousand pesos. Lib. ii. c. 79. 
 
 NOTE [142]. PAGE 308. 
 
 CARVAJAL, from the beginning, had been an advocate for an accommodation 
 with Gasca. Finding Pizarro incapable of holding that bold course which he 
 originally suggested, he recommended to him a timely submission to his sove- 
 reign as the safest measure. When the president's offers were first communi- 
 cated to Carvajal, " By our Lady (says he in that strain of buffoonery which 
 was familiar to him), the priest issues gracious bulls. He gives them both 
 good and cheap ; let us not only accept them, but wear them as reliqucs about 
 our necks." Fernandez, lib. ii. c. 63. 
 
 NOTE [143]. PAGE 310. 
 
 DURING the reoellion of Gonzalo Pizarro, seven hundred men were killed in 
 battle, and three hundred and eighty were hanged or beheaded. Herrera, dec. 
 8. lib. iv. c. 4. Above three hundred of these were cut off by Carvajal. Fer- 
 nandez, lib. ii. c. 91. Zarate makes the number of those put to a violent death 
 five hundred. Lib. vii. c. 1. 
 
 NOTE [144]. PAGE 313 
 
 IN my inquiries concerning the manners and policy of the Mexicans, 1 have 
 received much information from a large manuscript of Don Alonso de Corita, 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 501 
 
 one of the judges in the Court of Audience at Mexico. In the year 1553, 
 Philip II., in order to discover the ,inode of levying tribute from his Indian sub- 
 jects, that would bo most beneficial to the crown, and least oppressive to them, 
 addressed a mandate to all the Courts of Audience in America, enjoining them 
 to answer certain queries which he proposed to them concerning the ancient 
 form of government established among the various nations of Indians, and the 
 mode in which they had been accustomed to pay taxes to their kings or chiefs. 
 In obedience to this mandate, Corita, who had resided nineteen years in America, 
 fourteen of which he passed in New Spain, composed the work of which I have 
 a copy. He acquaints his sovereign, that he had made it an object, during his 
 residence in America, and in all its provinces which he had visited, to inquire 
 diligently into the manners and customs of the natives ; that he had conversed 
 for this purpose with many aged and intelligent Indians, and consulted several 
 of the Spanish Ecclesiastics, who understood the Indian language most per- 
 fectly, particularly some of those who landed in New'Spain soon after the con- 
 quest. Corita appears to be a man of some learning, and to have carried on 
 his inquiries with the diligence and accuracy to which he pretends. Greater 
 credit is due to his testimony from one circumstance. His work was not com- 
 posed with a view to publication, or in support of any particular theory, but 
 contains simple though full answers to queries proposed to him officially. 
 Though Herrera does not mention him among the authors whom he had 
 followed as guides in his history, I should suppose, from several facts of which 
 he takes notice, as well as from several expressions which he use$, that this 
 memorial of Corita was not unknown to him. 
 
 NOTE [145]. PAGE 317. 
 
 THE early Spanish writers were so hasty and inaccurate in estimating the 
 numbers of people in the provinces and towns in America, that it is impossiblu 
 to ascertain that of Mexico itself with any degree of precision. Cortus 
 describes the extent and populousness of Mexico in general terms, which imply 
 that it was not inferior to the greatest cities in Europe. Gomara is more 
 explicit, and affirms, that there were 60,000 houses or families in Mexico. Cron. 
 c. 78. Herrera adopts his opinion, Dec. 2. lib. vii. c. 13 ; and the generality of 
 writers follow them implicitly without inquiry or scruple. According to this 
 account, the inhabitants of Mexico must have been about 300,000. Torque- 
 mada, with his usual propensity to the marvellous, asserts, that there, were 
 120,000 houses or families in Mexico, and consequently about 600,000 inhabit- 
 ants. Lib. iii. c. 23. But in a very judicious account of the Mexican empire, 
 by one of Cortes's officers, the population is fixed at 60,000 people. Ramusio, 
 iii. 309. A. Even by this account, which probably is much nearer the truth 
 than any of the foregoing, Mexico was a great city. 
 
 NOTE [146]. PAGE 318. 
 
 IT is to P. Torribio de Benavente that I am indebted for this curious observa- 
 tion. Palafox, Bishop of Ciudad de la Puebla Los Angeles, confirms and illus- 
 trates it more fully. The Mexican (says he) is the only language in which a 
 termination indicating respect, silavas reverentiales y de cortesia, may be affixed 
 to every word. By adding the final syllable zin or azin to any word, it be- 
 comes a proper expression of veneration in the mouth of an inferior. If, in 
 speaking to an equal, the word Father is to he used, it is Tatl^bul an inferior 
 says Tatsin. One priest speaking to another, calls him Teopixque ; a person 
 of inferior rank calls him Teopixcatzin. The name of the emperor who reigned 
 when Cortes invaded Mexico, was Montezuma ; but his vassals, from reverence, 
 pronounced it Montesumasin. Torribio, MS. Palaf. Virtudes del Indio, p. 65. 
 The Mexicans had not only reverential nouns, but reverential verbs. The 
 manner in which these are formed from the verbs in common use is explained 
 fay D. Jos. Aug. Aldama y Guevara in his Mexican Grammar, No. 188. 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 NOTE [147]. PAGE 32Q. 
 
 FROM comparing several passages in Corita and Herrera, we may collect, 
 with some degree of accuracy, the various modes in which the Mexicans con- 
 tributed towards the support of government. Some persons of the first order 
 seem to have been exempted from the payment of any tribute, and as their 
 onlj duty to the public, were bound to personal service in war, and to follow 
 the banner of their sovereign with their vassals. 2. The immediate vassals of 
 the crown were bound not only to personal military service, but .paid a certain 
 proportion pf the produce of their lands in kind. 3. Those who held offices 
 of honour or trust paid a certain share of what they received in consequence 
 of holding these. 4. Each Capullce, or association, cultivated some part of the 
 common field allotted to it, for the behoof of the crown, and deposited the 
 produce in the royal granaries. 5. Some part of whatever was brought to the 
 public markets, whether fruits of the earth, or the various productions of their 
 artists and manufacturers, was .demanded for the public use, and the merchants 
 who paid this were exempted from every other tax. 6. The Mayeques, or adscripti 
 gleba, were bound to cultivate certain districts in every province, which may 
 be considered as crown lands, and brought the increase into public storehouses. 
 Thus the sovereign received some part of whatever was useful or valuable in 
 the country, whether it was the natural production of the soil, or acquired by 
 the industry pf the people. What each contributed towards the support of 
 government seems to have been inconsiderable. Corita, in answer to one of 
 the queries put to the Audience of Mexico by Philip II., endeavours to estimate 
 in money the value of what each citizen might be supposed to pay, and does 
 not reckon it at more than three or four reals, about eighteen pence or two 
 shillings a head. 
 
 'NOTE [148]. PAGE 321. 
 
 CORTES, who seems to have been as much astonished with this, as with any 
 instance of Mexican ingenuity, gives a particular description of it. Along 
 one of the causeways, says he, by which they enter the city, are conducted two 
 conduits, composed of clay tempered with mortar, about two paces in breadth, 
 and rrased about six feet. In one .of them is conveyed a stream of excellent 
 water, as large, as the body pf 'a man, intp the centre of the city, and supplies 
 all the, inhabitants plentifully. The other is empty, that when it is necessary 
 to clean or repair the former, the stream of water may be turned into it. As 
 this conduit passes along twp of the bridges, where there are breaches in the 
 causeway, through which the salt water of the lake flow^, it is conveyed over 
 them in pipes as large as the body of an ox, then carried from the conduit to 
 the remote quarters of the city in canoes, and sold to the inhabitants. Relat 
 ap. Ramus. 241. A. 
 
 NOTE [149]. PAGE 32 
 
 IN the armoury pf the royal palace. of Madrid are shown suits of armour, 
 .which are called Montezuma's. They are composed of thin lacquered copper- 
 plates. In the opinion of very intelligent judges, they are evidently eastern. 
 The forms of the silver ornaments upon them, representing dragons, &c. may 
 be considered a confirmation of this. They are infinitely superior, in point of 
 workmanship, to any effort of American art. The Spaniards probably received 
 them from the Philippine islands* The only unquestionable specimen of 
 Mexican art, that I know of in Great Britain, is a cup of very fine gold, which 
 is said to have belonged to Montezuma. It weighs 5oz. 12dwt. Three draw- 
 ings of it were exhibited to the Society of Antiquaries, June 10, 1765. A 
 man's head is represented on this cup. On one side the full face, on the other 
 the profile, on the third the back parts of the head. The relievo is said to have 
 been produced by punching the inside of the cup, so as to make the representa- 
 tion of a face on the outside. The features are gross, but represented with 
 some degree of art, and certainly too rude for Spanish workmanship. This 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 503 
 
 crap was purchased by Edward Earl of Orford, while he lay in the harbour of 
 Cadiz with the fleet under his command, and is now in the possession of his 
 grandson, Lord Archer. I am indebted for this information to my respectable 
 and ingenious friend Mr. Barrington. In the sixth volume of the Archeeologia, 
 j>. 107, is published an account of some masks of Terra Cotta, brought from a 
 burying-ground on the American continent, about seventy miles from the 
 British settlement on the Mosquito shore. They are said to be likenesses of 
 chiefs, or other eminent persons. From the descriptions and engravings of 
 them, we have an additional proof of the imperfect state of arts among the 
 Americans. 
 
 NOTE '[150]. PAGE 323 
 
 THE learned reader will perceive how much I have been indebted, in this 
 part of my work, to the guidance of the Bishop of Gloucester, who has traced 
 the successive steps by which the human mind advanced in this line of its pro- 
 gress, with much erudition, and greater ingenuity. He is the first, as far as I 
 know, who formed a rational and consistent theory concerning the various 
 modes of writing practised by nations, according to the various degrees of 
 their improvement. Div. Legation of Moses, iii. 69, &c. Some important 
 observations have been added by M. le President de Brosses, the learned and 
 intelligent author of the Traite de la Formation Mecanique des Langues, torn, 
 i. 295, &c. 
 
 As the Mexican paintings are the most curious monuments extant of the 
 earliest mode of writing, it will not be improper to give some account of the 
 means by which they were preserved from the general, wreck of every work of 
 art in America, and communicated to the public. For the most early and com- 
 plete collection of these published by Purchas, we are indebted to the attention 
 of that curious inquirer, Hakluyt. Don Antonio Mendoza, viceroy of New 
 Spain, having deemed those paintings a proper present for Charles V., the ship 
 in which they were sent to Spain was taken by a French cruiser, and they came 
 into the possession of Thevet, the King's geographer, who, having travelled 
 himself into the New World, and described one of its provinces, was a curious 
 observer of whatever tended to illustrate the manners of the Americans. On 
 his death, they were purchased by Hakluyt, at that time chaplain of the 
 English ambassador to the French court ; and, being left by him to Purchas, 
 were published at the desire of the learned antiquary, Sir Henry Spelman. 
 Purchas, iii. 1065. They were translated from English into French by Mel- 
 chizedeck Thevenot, and published in his collection of voyages, A. D. 1683. 
 
 The second specimen of Mexican picture-writing was published by Dr. Fran- 
 cis Gemelli Carreri, in two copper-plates. The first is a map, or representation 
 of the progress of the ancient Mexicans on their first arrival in the country, 
 and of the various stations in which they settled, before they founded the 
 capital of their empire in the lake of Mexico. The second is a Chronological 
 Wheel, or Circle, representing the manner in which they computed and marked 
 their cycle of fifty-two years. He received both from Don Carlos de Siguenza 
 y Congorra, a diligent collector of ancient Mexican Documents. But as it 
 seems now to be a received opinion (founded, as far as I know, on no good 
 evidence), that Carreri was never out of Italy, and that his famous Giro del 
 J\fundo is an account of a fictitious voyage, I have not mentioned these paintings 
 in the text. They have, however, manifestly the appearance of being Mexican 
 productions, and are allowed to be so by Boturini, who was well qualified to de- 
 termine whether they were genuine or supposititious. M. Clavigero likewise 
 admits them to be genuine paintings of the ancient Mexicans. To me they 
 always appeared to be so, though from my desire to rest no part of my narra- 
 tive upon questionable authority, I did not refer to them. The style of painting 
 in the former is considerably more perfect than any other specimen of Mexican 
 design ; but as the original is said to have been much defaced by time, I suspect 
 that it has been improved by some touches from the hand of a European artist. 
 Carreri, Churchill, iv. p. 487. The Chronological Wheel is a just delineation 
 of the Mexican mode of computing time, as described by Acosta, lib. vi. c. 2. 
 It seems to resemble one which that learned Jesuit had seen ; and if it be ad- 
 
504 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 mitted as a genuine monument, it proves that the Mexicans had artificial or 
 arbitrary characters, which represented several things besides numbers. Each 
 month is there fepresented by a symbol expressive of some work or rite pe- 
 culiar to it. 
 
 The third specimen of Mexican painting was discovered by another Italian. 
 In 1736, Lorenzo Boturini Benaduci set out for New Spain, and was led by 
 several incidents to study the language of the Mexicans, and to collect the re- 
 mains of their historical monuments. He persisted nine years in his researches, 
 with the enthusiasm of a projector, and the patience of an antiquary. In 
 1746, he published at Madrid, Idea de una Nueva Hi,storia General de la America 
 Septentrional, containing an account of the result of his inquiries ; and he added 
 .to it a catalogue of his American Historical Museum, arranged under thirty-six 
 different heads, His idea of a New History appears to me the work of a whim- 
 sical credulous man. But his catalogue of Mexican maps, paintings, tribute- 
 rolls, calendars, &.c. is much larger than one could have expected. Unfortu- 
 nately a ship, in which he had sent a considerable part of them to Europe, was 
 taken by an English privateer during the war between Great Britain and Spain, 
 which commenced in the year 1739 ; and it is probable that they perished by 
 falling into the hands of ignorant captors. Boturini himself incurred the dis- 
 pleasure of the Spanish court, and died in an hospital at Madrid. The history, 
 of which the Idea, &c. was only a prospectus, was never published. The re- 
 mainder of his Museum seems to have been dispersed. Some part of it came 
 into the possession of the present Archbishop of Toledo, when he was primate 
 of New Spain : and he published from it that curious tribute-roll which I have 
 mentioned. 
 
 The only other collection of Mexican paintings, as far as I can learn, is in 
 the Imperial Library at Vienna. By order of their Imperial Majesties I have 
 obtained such a specimen of these as I desired, in eight paintings made with 
 so much fidelity, that I am informed the copies could hardly be distinguished 
 from the originals. According to a note in this Codex Mexicans, it appears 
 to have been a present from Emmanuel, King of Portugal, to Pope Clement 
 VII. who died A. D. 1533.' After passing through the hands of several illus- 
 trious proprietors, it fell into those of the Cardinal of Saxe-Eisenach, who 
 presented it to the Emperor Leopold. These paintings are manifestly Mexican, 
 but they are in a style very different from any of the former. An engraving 
 has been made of one of them, in order to gratify such of my readers as may 
 deem this an object worthy of their attention. Were it an object of sufficient 
 importance, it might perhaps be possible, by recourse to the pktes of Purchas, 
 and the Archbishop of Toledq, as a key, to form plausible conjectures concerning 
 the meaning of this picture. Many of the figures are evidently similar. A. A. 
 are- targets and darts, almost in the same form with those published by Purchas, 
 p. 1070, 1071, &c. B. B. are figures of temples, nearly resembling those in 
 Purchas, p. 1109 and 1113, and in Lorenzana. Plate II. C. is a bale of mantles, 
 or cotton cloths, the figure of which occurs in almost every plate of Purchas 
 and Lorenzana.' E. E. E. seem to be Mexican captains in their war dress, 
 the fantastic ornaments of which resemble the figures in Purchas, p. 1110, 
 1111. 2113. I should suppose this picture to be a tribute-roll, as their mode of 
 noting numbers occurs frequently. D. D. D., &c. According to Boturini, the 
 mode of Computation by the number of knots was known to the Mexicans as 
 well as to the Peruvians, p. 85, and the manner in which the number of units 
 is represented in the Mexican paintings in my possession seems to confirm this 
 opinion: They plainly resemble a string of knots on a cord or slender rope. 
 
 Since I published the former edition, Mr. Waddilove, who is still pleased to 
 continue his friendly attention to procure me information, has discovered, in 
 the Library of the Escuri,al, a volume in folio, consisting of forty sheets of a 
 .kind of pasteboard, each the size of a common sheet of writing paper, with 
 great variety of uncouth and whimsical figures of Mexican painting, in very 
 fresh colours, and with an explanation in Spanish to most of them. The first 
 twenty-two sheets are the signs of the months, days, &c. About the middle 
 of each sheet are two or more large figures for the month, surrounded by the 
 pigns of the days. The last eighteen sheets are not so filled with figures. 
 They seem to be signs of Deities, and images of various objects. According 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 505 
 
 to this Calendar in the Escurial, the Mexican year contained 286 days, divided 
 into 22 months of 13 days. Each day is represented by a different sign, taken 
 from some natural object, a serpent, a dog, a lizard, a reed, a house, &c. The 
 signs of days in the Calendar of the Escurial are precisely the same with those 
 mentioned by Boturini, Idea, &c. p. 45. But, if we may give credit to that 
 author, the Mexican year contained 360 days, divided into 18 months of 20 
 days. The order of days in every month was computed, according to him, 
 first by what he calls a tridecennary progression of days from one to thirteen, 
 in the same manner as in the Calendar of the Escurial, and then by a septenary 
 progression of days from one to seven, making in all twenty. In this Calendar, 
 not only the signs which distinguish each day, but the qualities supposed to 
 be peculiar to each month are marked. There are certain weaknesses which 
 seem to accompany the human mind through every stage of its progress in 
 observation and science. Slender as was the knowledge of the ]Vfexicans in 
 astronomy, it appears to have been already connected with judicial astrology. 
 The fortune and character of persons born hi each month are supposed to be 
 decided by some superior influence predominant at the time of nativity. 
 Hence it is foretold in the Calendar, that all who are born in one month will 
 be rich, in another warlike, in a third luxurious, &e. The pasteboard, or what- 
 ever substance it may be on which the Calendar in the Escurial is painted, 
 seems, by Mr. Waddilove's description of it, to resemble nearly that in the 
 Imperial Library at Vienna. In several particulars the figures bear some like- 
 ness to those in the plate which I have published. The figures marked D, 
 which induced me to conjecture that this painting might be a tribute-roll simi- 
 lar to those published by Purchas and the Archbishop of Toledo, Mr. Waddi- 
 love supposes to be signs of days : and I have such confidence in the accuracy 
 of his observations, as to conclude his opinion to be well founded. It appears, 
 from the characters in which the explanations of the figures are written, that 
 this curious monument of Mexican art has been obtained soon after the conquest 
 of the Empire. It is singular that it should never have been mentioned by any 
 Spanish author. 
 
 NOTE [151]. PAGE 324. 
 
 THE first was called the Prince of the Deathful Lance ; the second the Di- 
 vider of Men ; the third the Shedder of Blood ; the fourth the Lord of the 
 Dark-house. Acosta, lib. vi. c. 25. 
 
 NOTE [152]. PAGE 327. 
 
 THE temple of Cholula, which was deemed more holy than any in New 
 Spain, was likewise the most considerable. But it was nothing more than a 
 mount of solid earth. According to Ttrquemada, it was above a quarter of a 
 league in circuit at the base, and rose to the height of forty fathoms. Mon. 
 Ind. lib. iii. c. 19. Even M. Clavigero acknowledges that all the Mexican 
 temples were solid structures, or earthen mounts, and of consequence cannot 
 be considered as any evidence of their having made any considerable progress 
 in the art of building. Clavig. ii. 207. 
 
 From inspecting various figures of temples in the paintings engraved by 
 Purchas, there seems to be some reason for suspecting that all their temples 
 were constructed in the same manner. See vol. iii. p. 1109, 1110, 1113. 
 
 NofE [153]. PAGE 327. 
 
 NOT only in Tlascala and Tepeaca, but even in Mexico itself, the houses of 
 the people were mere huts built with turf or mud, or the branches of trees. 
 They were extremely low and slight, and without any furniture but a few 
 earthen vessels. Like the rudest Indians, several families resided under the 
 same roof, without having any separate apartments. Herrera, dec. 2. lib. viu 
 c. 13. lib. x. c. 22. dec. 3. lib. iv. c. 17. Torquem. lib. iii. c. 23. 
 
 VOL. I. 64 
 
506 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 NOTE [154]: PAGE 327. 
 
 I AM informed by a person who resided long in New Spain, and visited almost 
 every province of it, that there is not, in all the extent of that vast empire, any 
 monument or vestige of any building more ancient than the conquest, nor of 
 any bridge or highway, except some remains of the causeway from Guadeloupe 
 to that gate of Mexico by which Cortes entered the city. MS. penes me. The 
 author of another account in manuscript observes, " That at this day there 
 does not remain even the smallest vestige of the existence of any ancient 
 Indian building, public or private, either in Mexico or in any province of New 
 Spain. I have travelled, says he, through all the countries adjacent to them, 
 viz. New Galicia, New Biscay, New Mexico, Sonora, Cinaloa, the New King 
 dom of Leon, and New Santandero, without having observed any monument 
 worth notice, except some ruins near an ancient village in the valley de Casas 
 Grandes, in lat. N. 3. 46'. long. 258. 24'. from the island of Teneriffe, or 460 
 leagues N. N. W. from Mexico." He describes these ruins minutely, and they 
 appear to be the remains of a paltry building of turf and stone, plastered over 
 with white earth or lime. A missionary informed that gentleman, that he had 
 discovered the ruins of another edifice similar to the former, about a hundred 
 leagues towards N. W. on the banks of the river St. Pedro. MS. penes me. 
 
 These testimonies derive great credit from one circumstance, that they were 
 not given in support of any particular system or theory, but as simple answers 
 to queries which I had proposed. It is probable, however, that when these 
 gentlemen assert that no ruins or monuments of any ancient work whatever 
 are now to be discovered in the Mexican empire, they meant that there were 
 no such ruins or monuments as conveyed any idea of grandeur or magnificence 
 in the works of its ancient inhabitants. For it appears from the testimony of 
 several Spanish authors, that in Otumba, Tlascala, Cholula, &c. some vestiges 
 of ancient buildings are still visible. Villa Segnor Theatro Amer. p. 143. 308. 
 353. D. Fran. Ant. Lorenzana, formerly Archbishop of Mexico, and now of 
 Toledo, in his introduction to that edition of the Cartas de Relacion of Cortes, 
 which he published at Mexico, mentions some ruins which are still visible in 
 several of the towns through which Cortes passed in his way to the capital, p. 
 4, &c. But neither of these authors gives any description of them, and they 
 seem to be so very inconsiderable, as to show only that some buildings had once 
 been there. The large mount of earth at Cholula, which the Spaniards dig- 
 nified with the name of temple, still remains, but without any steps by which 
 to ascend, or any facing of stone. It appears now like a natural mount, covered 
 with grass and shrubs, and possibly it was never any thing more. Torquem. 
 lib. iii. c. 19. I have received a minute description of the remains of a temple 
 near Cuernavaca, on the road from Mexico to Acapulco. It is composed of 
 large stones, fitted to each other as nicely as those in the buildings of the Pe- 
 ruvians, which are hereafter mentioned. At the foundation it forms a square 
 of twenty-five yards ; but as it rises in height it diminishes in extent, not 
 gradually, but by being contracted suddenly at regular distances, so that it 
 must have resembled the figure B. in the plate. It terminated, it is said, in 
 a spire. 
 
 NOTE [155]. PAGE 329. 
 
 THE exaggeration of the Spanish historians, with respect to the number of 
 human victims sacrificed in Mexico, appears to be very great. According to 
 Gomara, there was no year in which twenty thousand human victims were not 
 offered to the Mexican Divinities, and in some years they amounted to fifty 
 thousand. Cron. c. 229. The skulls of those unhappy persons were ranged 
 in order in a building erected for that purpose, and two of Cortes's officers, 
 who had counted them, informed Gomara that their number was a hundred 
 and thirty-six thousand. Ibid. c. 82. Herrera's account is still more incredible, 
 that the number of victims was so great, that five thousand have been sacrificed 
 in one day, nay, on some occasions, no less than twenty thousand. Dec. iii. lib. 
 ii. c. 16. Torquemada goes beyond both in extravagance ; for he asserts that 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS, 507 
 
 twenty thousand children, exclusive of other victims, were siaughleitd annu- 
 ally. Mon. Ind. lib. vii. c. 21. The most respectable authority in favour of 
 such high numbers is that of Zumurraga, the first Bishop of Mexico, who, in 
 a letter to the chapter-general of his order, A. D. 1631, asserts, that the Mexi- 
 cans sacrificed annually twenty thousand victims. Davila. Teatro Eccles. 126. 
 In opposition to all these accounts, B. de las Casas observes, that if there had 
 been such an annual waste of the human species, the country could never have 
 arrived at that degree of populousness for which it was remarkable when the 
 Spaniards first landed there. This reasoning is just. If the number of victims 
 in all the provinces of New Spain had been so great, not only must population 
 have been prevented from increasing, but the human race must have been ex- 
 terminated in a short time. For besides the waste of the species by such 
 numerous sacrifices, it is observable that wherever the fate of captives taken 
 in war is either certain death or perpetual slavery, as men can gain nothing by 
 submitting speedily to an enemy, they always resist to the uttermost, and war 
 becomes bloody and destructive to the last degree. Las Casas positively, as- 
 serts, that the Mexicans never sacrificed more than fifty or a hundred persons 
 in a year. See his dispute with Sepulveda, subjoined to his Brevissima Rela- 
 cion, p. 105. Cortes does not specify what number of victims was sacrificed 
 annually ; but B. Diaz del Castillo relates that, an inquiry having been made 
 with respect to this by the Franciscan monks who were sent into New Spain 
 immediately after the conquest, it was found that about two thousand five 
 hundred were sacrificed every year in Mexico. C. 207. 
 
 NOTE [156]. PAGE 330. 
 
 IT is hardly necessary to observe, that the Peruvian Chronology is not only 
 obscure, but repugnant to conclusions deduced from the most accurate and 
 extensive observations, concerning the time that elapses during each reign, in 
 any given succession of Princes. The medium has been found not to exceed 
 twenty years. According to Acosta and Garcilasso de la Vega, Huana Capac, 
 who died about the year 1527, was the twelfth Inca. According to this rule 
 of computing, the duration of the Peruvian monarchy ought not to have been 
 reckoned above two hundred and forty years ; but they affirm that it had sub- 
 sisted four hundred years. Acosta, lib. vi. c. 19. Vega, lib. i. c. 9. By this 
 account each reign is extended at a medium to thirty-three years, instead of 
 twenty, the number ascertained by Sir Isaac Newton's observations ; but so 
 imperfect were the Peruvian traditions, that though the total is boldly marked, 
 the number of years in each reign is unknown. 
 
 NOTE [157]. PAGE 332. 
 
 MANY of the earliest Spanish writers assert that the Peruvians offered human 
 sacrifices. Xeres, p. 190. Zarate, lib. i. c. 11. Acosta, lib. v. c. 19. But Gar- 
 cilasso de la Vega contends, that though this barbarous practice prevailed 
 among their uncivilized ancestors, it was totally abolished by the Incas, and 
 that no human victim was ever offered in any temple of the Sun. This asser- 
 tion, and the plausible reasons with which he confirms it, are sufficient to refute 
 the Spanish writers, whose accounts seem to be founded entirely upon report, 
 not upon what they themselves had observed. Vega, lib. ii. c. 4. In one of 
 their festivals, the Peruvians offered cakes of bread moistened with blood 
 drawn from the arms, the eyebrows, and noses of their children. Id. lib. vii. 
 c. 6. This rite may have been derived from their ancient practice, in their un- 
 civilized state, of sacrificing human victims. 
 
 NoTt [158]. PAGE 334. 
 
 THE Spaniards have adopted both those customs of the ancient Peruvians. 
 They have preserved some of the aqueducts or canals, made in the days of 
 the Incas, and have made new ones, by which they water every field that they 
 cultivate. Ulloa Voyage, torn. i. 422. 477. They likewise continue to use 
 
SOB NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 guano, or the dung of sea-fowls, as manure. Ulloa gives a description of tho 
 almost incredible quantity of it in the small islands near the coast. Ibid. 481. 
 
 NOTE [159]. PAGE 335. 
 
 THE temple of Cayambo, the palace of the Inca at Callo in the plain of 
 Lacatunga, and that of Atun-Cannar, are described by Ulloa, torn. i. 286, &c. 
 who inspected them with great care. M. de Condamine published A curious 
 memoir concerning the ruins of Atun-Cannar. Me'm. de PAcademie de Berlin, 
 A. D. 1746, p. 435. Acosta describes the ruins of Cuzco, which he had ex- 
 amined. Lib. vi. c. 14. Garcilasso, in his usual style, gives pompous and 
 confused descriptions of several temples and other public edifices. Lib. iii. c. 
 
 1. c. 21. lib. vi. c. 4. Don. Zapata, in a large treatise concerning Peru, 
 
 which has not hitherto been published, communicates some information with 
 respect to several monuments of the ancient Peruvians, which have not been 
 mentioned by other authors. MS. penes me, Articulo xx. Ulloa describes some 
 of the ancient Peruvian fortifications, which were likewise works of great ex- 
 tent and solidity. Tom. i. 391. Three circumstances struck all those observ- 
 ers : the vast size of the stones which the Peruvians employed in some of their 
 buildings. Acosta measured one, which was thirty feet long, eighteen broad, 
 and six in thickness ; and yet, he adds, that in the fortress at Cuzco there were 
 stones considerably larger. It is difficult to conceive how the Peruvians could 
 move these, and raise them to the height even of twelve feet. The second 
 circumstance is, the imperfection of the Peruvian art, when applied to working 
 in timber. By the patience and perseverance natural to Americans, stones may 
 be formed into any shape, merely by rubbing one against another, or by the 
 use of hatchets or other instruments made of stone ; but with such rude tools 
 little progress can be made in carpentry. The Peruvians could not mortise 
 two beams together, or give, any degree of union or stability to any work com- 
 posed of timber. As they could not form a centre, they were totally unac- 
 quainted with the use of arches in building ; nor can the Spanish authors con- 
 ceive how they were able to frame a roof for those ample structures which 
 they raised. 
 
 The third circumstance is a striking proof, which all the monuments of the 
 Peruvians furnish, of their want of ingenuity and invention, accompanied with 
 patience no less astonishing. None of the stones employed in those works 
 were formed into any particular or uniform shape, which could render them 
 fit for being conlpacted together in building. The Indians took them as they 
 fell from the mountains, or were raised out of the quarries. Some were 
 square, some triangular, some convex, some concave. Their art and industry 
 were employed in joining them together., by forming such hollows in the one 
 as perfectly corresponded to the projections or risings in the other. This 
 tedious operation, which might have been so easily abridged by adapting the 
 surface of the stones to each other, either by rubbing, or by their hatchets of 
 copper, would be deemed incredible, if it were not put beyond doubt by in- 
 specting the remains of those buildings. It gives them a very singular ap- 
 pearance to a European eye. There is no regular layer or stratum of building, 
 and no one stone resembles another in dimensions or form. At the same time, 
 by the persevering but ill-directed industry of the Indians, they are all joined 
 with that minute nicety which I have mentioned. Ulloa made this observation 
 concerning the form of the stones in the fortress of Atun-Cannar. Voy. i. p. 
 387. Penito gives a similar description of the fortress of Cuzco, the most per- 
 fect of all the Peruvian works. Zapata MS. penes me. According to M. de 
 Condamine, there were regular strata of building in some parts of Atun- 
 Cannar, which he remarks as singular, and as a proof of some progress in 
 improvement. 
 
 NOTE [160]. PAGE 337. 
 
 THE appearance of those bridges which bend with their own weight, wave 
 with the wind, and are considerably agitated by the motion of every person 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 50* 
 
 who passes along them, is very frightful at first. But the Spaniards have 
 found them to be the easiest mode of passing the torrents in Peru, over which 
 it would be difficult to throw more solid structures either of stone or timber. 
 They form those hanging bridges so strong and broad, that loaded mules pass 
 along them. All the trade of Cuzco is carried on by means of such a bridge 
 over the river Apurimac. Ulloa, torn. i. p. 358. A more simple contrivance 
 was employed in passing smaller streams : A basket, in which the traveller 
 was placed, being suspended from a strong rope stretched across the stream, 
 it was pushed or drawn from one side to the other. Ibid. 
 
 NOTK [161]. PAGE 341. 
 
 MY information with respect to those events is taken from Noticia breve de 
 la expedicion militar de Sinora y Cinaloa, su exito feliz, y vantojoso estado, en 
 que por consecuentia de ello, se han puesto ambas provincias, published at 
 Mexico, June 17th, 1771, in order to satisfy the curiosity of the merchants, 
 who had furnished the viceroy with money for defraying the expense of the 
 armament. The copies of this Notida are very rare in Madrid ; but I have 
 obtained one, which has enabled me to communicate these curious facts to the 
 public. According to this account, there was found in the mine Yecorato in 
 Cinaloa a grain of gold of twenty-two carats, which weighed sixteen marks 
 four ounces four ochavas ; this was sent to Spain as a present fit for the king, 
 and is now deposited in the royal cabinet at Madrid. 
 
 NOTE [162]. PAGE 341. 
 
 THE uncertainty of geographers with respect to this point is remarkable, for 
 Cortes seems to have surveyed its coasts with great accuracy. The Archbishop 
 of Toledo has published, from the original in the possession of the Marquis 
 del Valle, the descendant of Cortes, a map drawn in 1541, by the pilot Domingo- 
 Castillo, in which California is laid down as a peninsula, stretching out nearly 
 in the same direction which is now given to it in the best maps ; and the point 
 where Rio Colorada enters the gulf is marked with precision. Hist, de Nueva 
 Espagna, 327. 
 
 NOTE [163]. PAGE 342. 
 
 I AM indebted for this fact to M. L'Abbe" Raynal, torn. iii. 103 ; and upon 
 consulting an intelligent person, long settled on the Mosquito shore, and who 
 has been engaged in the logwood trade, I find that ingenious author has been 
 well informed. The logwood cut near the town of St. Francis of Campeachy 
 is of much better quality than that on the other side of Yucatan : and the 
 English trade in the Bay of Honduras is almost at an end. 
 
 NOTE [164]. PAGE 348. 
 
 P. TORRIBIO DE BENEVENTE, or Motolinea, has enumerated ten causes of 
 the rapid depopulation of Mexico, to which he gives the name of the Ten 
 Plagues. Many of these are not peculiar to that province. 1. The introduc- 
 tion of the small pox. This disease was first brought into New Spain in the 
 year 1520, by a Negro-slave, who attended Narvaez in his expedition against 
 Cortes. Torribio affirms, that one half of the people in the provinces visited 
 with this distemper died. To this mortality, occasioned by the small pox, 
 Torquemada adds the destructive effects of two contagious distempers which 
 raged in the year 1545 and 1576. In the former 800,000, in the latter above 
 two millions perished, according to an exact account taken by order of the 
 viceroys. Mon. Ind. i. 642. The small pox was not introduced into Peru for 
 several years after the invasion of the Spaniards ; but there, too, that distem- 
 per proved very fatal to the natives. Garcia Origin, p. 88. 2. The numbers 
 who were killed or died of famine in their war with the Spaniards, particularly 
 during the siege of Mexico. 3. The great famine that followed after the re- 
 duction of Mexico, as all the people engaged, either en one side or other, had 
 
510 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS, 
 
 neglected the cultivation of their lands. Something similar to this happened 
 in all the other countries conquered by the Spaniards. 4. The grievous tasks 
 imposed by the Spaniards upon the people belonging to their Repartimientos. 
 5. The oppressive burden of taxes which they were unable to pay, and from 
 which they could hope for no exemption. 6. The numbers employed in col- 
 lecting the gold carried down by the torrents from the mountains, who were 
 forced from their own habitations, without any provision made for their sub- 
 sistence, and subjected to all the rigour of cold in those elevated regions. 7. 
 The immense labour of rebuilding Mexico, which Cortes urged on with such 
 precipitate ardour as destroyed an incredible number of people. 8. The num- 
 ber of people condemned to servitude, under various pretexts, and employed 
 in working the silver mines. These, marked by each proprietor with a hot 
 iron, like his cattle, were driven in herds to the mountains. 9. The nature of 
 the labour to which they were subjected there, the noxious vapours of the mines, 
 the coldness of the climate, and scarcity were so fatal, that Torribio affirms 
 the country found several of those mines, particularly near Guaxago, was 
 covered with dead bodies, the air corrupted with their stench, and so many vul- 
 tures and other voracious birds hover'ed about for their prey, that the sun was 
 darkened with their flight. 10. The Spaniards, in the different expeditions? 
 which they undertook, and by the civil wars which they carried on, destroyed 
 many of the natives whom they compelled to serve them as Tamemes, or car- 
 riers of burdens. This last mode of oppression was particularly ruinous to 
 the Peruvians. From the number of Indians who perished in Gonzalo Pizarro's 
 expedition into the countries to the east of the Andes, one may form some 
 idea of what they suffered in similar services, and how fast they were wasted 
 by them. Torribio, MS. Corita, in his Breve y Summaria Relacion, illus- 
 trates and confirms several of Torribio's observations, to which he refers. MS. 
 penes me. 
 
 NOTE [165]. PAGE 348. 
 
 EVEN Montesquieu Las adopted this idea, lib. viii. c. 18. But the passion of 
 that great man for system sometimes rendered him inattentive to research ; 
 and from his capacity to refine, he was apt, in some instances, to overlook 
 obvious and just causes. 
 
 NOTE [166]. PAGE 349. 
 
 A STRONG proof of this occurs in the testament of Isabella, where she dis- 
 covers the most tender concern for the humane and mild usage of the Indians. 
 Those laudable sentiments of the queen have been adopted in the public law 
 of Spain, and serve as the introduction to the regulations contained under the 
 title Of the good treatment of the Indians. Recopil. lib. vi. tit. x. 
 
 NOTE [167]. PAGE 350. 
 
 IN the seventh Trifle of the first book of the Recopilacion, which contains the 
 laws concerning the powers and functions of archbishops and bishops, almosl 
 a third part of them relates to what is incumbent upon them as guardians of 
 the Indians, and points out the various methods in which it is their duty to 
 interpose, in order to defend them from oppression either with respect to their 
 persons or property. Not only do the laws commit to them this honourable 
 and humane office, but the ecclesiastics of America actually exercise iti 
 
 Innumerable proofs of this might be produced from Spanish authors. But I 
 rather refer to Gage, as he was not disposed to ascribe any merit to the popish 
 clergy to which they were not fully entitled. Survey, p. 142. 192, &c. Henry 
 Hawks, an English merchant, who resided five years in New Spain previous 
 to the year 1572, gives the same favourable account of the popish clergy. 
 Hakluyt, iii. 466. By a law of Charles V. not only bishops, but other eccle- 
 siastics, are empowered to inform and admonish the civil magistrates, if any 
 Indian is deprived of his just liberty and rights ; Recopilac. lib. vi. tit. VK ley 
 14: and thus were constituted legal protectors of the Indians. Some of the 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 511 
 
 Spanish ecclesiastics refused to grant absolution to such of their countrymen 
 as possessed Encomiendas, and considered the Indians as slaves, or employed 
 them in working their mines. Gonz. Davil. Teatro Eccles. i. 157. 
 
 NOTE [168]. PAGE 350. 
 
 ACCORDING to Gage, Chiapa dos Indos contains 4000 families ; and he men- 
 tions it only as one of the largest Indian towns in America, p. 104. 
 
 NOTE [169]. PAGE 350, 
 
 IT is very difficult to obtain an accurate account of the state of population 
 in those kingdoms of Europe where the police is most perfect, and where sci- 
 ence has made the greatest progress. In Spanish America, where knowledge 
 is still in its infancy, and few men have leisure to engage in researches merely 
 speculative, little attention has been paid to this curious inquiry. But in the 
 year 1741, Philip V. enjoined the viceroys and governors of the several pro- 
 vinces in America, to make an actual survey of the people under their jurisdic- 
 tion, and to transmit a report concerning their number and occupations. In 
 consequence of this order, the Conde de Fuen-Clara, Viceroy of New Spain, 
 appointed D. Jos. Antonio de Villa Segnor y Sanchez to execute that commis- 
 sion in New Spain. From the reports of the magistrates in the several dis- 
 tricts, as well as from his own observations and long acquaintance with most 
 of the provinces, Villa Segnor published the result of his inquiries in his Teatro 
 Americano. His report, however, is imperfect. Of the nine diocesses, into 
 which the Mexican empire has been divided, he has published an account of 
 five only, viz. the archbishopric of Mexico, the bishoprics of Pueblo de los 
 Angeles, Mechoacan, Oaxaca, and Nova Galicia. The bishoprics of Yucatan, 
 Verapaz, Chiapa, and Guatimala, are entirely omitted, though the two latter 
 comprehend countries in which the Indian race is more numerous than in any 
 part of New Spain. In his survey of the extensive diocess of Nova Galicia, 
 the situation of the different Indian villages is described, but he specifies the 
 number of people only in a small part of it. The Indians of that extensive 
 province, in which the Spanish dominion is imperfectly established, are not 
 registered with the same accuracy as in other parts of New Spain. According 
 to Villa Segnor, the actual state of population in the five diocesses above men- 
 tioned is of Spaniards, negroes, inulattoes, and mestizos, in the diocesses of 
 
 Families. 
 
 Mexico 105,202 
 
 Los Angeles -- - - - 30,600 
 
 Mechoacan 30,840 
 
 Oaxaca ---- 7,296 
 
 Nova Galicia 16,770 
 
 190,708 
 At the rate of five to a family, the total number is ... 953,540 
 
 Indian families in the diocess of Mexico - 119,511 
 
 Los Angeles 88,240 
 
 Mechoacan .......... 36,196 
 
 Oaxaca - - - - 44,222 
 
 Nova Galicia 6,222 
 
 294,391 
 
 At the rate of five to a family, the total number is 1,471,955. We may rely 
 with great certainty on this computation of the number of Indians, as it is 
 taken from the Mairicula^ or register, according to which the tribute paid by 
 them is collected. As four diocesses of nine are totally omitted, and in that 
 
512 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 of Nova Galicia the numbers are imperfectly recorded, we may conclude ihat 
 the number of Indians in the Mexican empire exceeds two millions. 
 
 The account of the number of Spaniards, &c. seems not to be equally com- 
 plete. Of many places, Villa Segnor observes in general terms, that several 
 Spaniards, negroes, and people of mixed race, reside there, without specifying 
 their number. If, therefore, we make allowance for these, and for all who re- 
 side in the four diocesses omitted, the number of Spaniards, and of those of a 
 mixed race, may probably amount to a million and a half. In some places 
 Villa Segnor distinguishes between Spaniards and the three inferior races of 
 negroes, mulattoes, and mestizos, and marks their number separately. But he 
 generally blends them together. But from the proportion observable in those 
 places, where the number of each is marked, as well as from the account of 
 the state of population in New Spain by other authors, it is manifest that the 
 number of negroes and persons of a mixed race far exceeds that of Spaniards. 
 Perhaps the latter ought not to be reckoned. above 500,000 to a million of the 
 former. 
 
 Defective as this account may be, I have not been able to procure such in- 
 telligence concerning the number of people in Peru, as might enable me to form 
 any conjecture equally satisfying with respect to the degree of its population. 
 I have been informed that, in the year 1761, the protector of the Indians in the 
 viceroyalty of Peru computed that 612,780 paid tribute to the king. As all 
 females, and persons under age, are exempted from this tax in Peru, the total 
 number of Indians ought by that account to be 2,449,120. MS. penes me. 
 
 I shall mention another mode by which one may compute, or at least form a 
 guess concerning the state of population in New Spain and Peru. According 
 to an account which I have reason to consider as accurate, the number of 
 copies of the bull of Cruzada exported to Peru on each new publication, is, 
 1,171,953 ; to New Spain, 2,649,326. I am informed that but few Indians 
 purchase bulls, and that they are sold chiefly to the Spanisli inhabitants, and 
 those of mixed race ; so that the number of Spaniards, and people of a mixed 
 race, will amount, by this mode of computation, to at least three millions. 
 
 The number of inhabitants in many of the towns in Spanish America may 
 give us some idea of the extent of population, and correct the inaccurate but 
 popular notion entertained in Great Britain concerning the weak and desolate 
 state of their colonies. The city of Mexico contains at least 150,000 people. 
 It is remarkable that Torquemada, who wrote his Monarquia Indiana about 
 the year 1612, reckons the inhabitants of Mexico at that time to be only 7000 
 Spaniards and 8000 Indians. Lib. iii. c. 26. Puebla de los Angeles contains 
 a.bove 60,000 Spaniards, and people of a mixed race. Villa Segnor, p. 247. 
 Guadalaxara contains above 30,000 exclusive of Indians. Ibid. ii. 206. Lima 
 contains 54,000. De Cosme ^Bueno Descr. de Peru, 1764. Carthagena con- 
 tains 25,000. Potosi contains 25,000. Bueno, 1767. Popayan contains above 
 20,000. Ulloa, i. 287. Towns of a second class are still more numerous. 
 The cities in the most thriving settlements of other European nations in Ame* 
 rica cannot be compared with these. 
 
 Such are the detached accounts of the number of people in several towns, 
 which I found scattered in authors whom I thought worthy of credit. But I 
 have obtained an enumeration of the inhabitants of the towns in the province 
 of Quito, on the accuracy of which I can rely ; and I communicate it to the 
 public, both to gratify curiosity, and to rectify the mistaken notion which I 
 have mentioned. St. Francisco de Quito contains between 50 and 60,000 
 people of all the different races. Besides the city, there are in the Corregimi- 
 ento twenty-nine euros or parishes established in the principal villages, each of 
 which has smaller hamlets depending upon it. The inhabitants of these are 
 mostly Indiajis and mestizos., St. Juan de Pasto has between 6 and 8000 in- 
 habitants, besides twenty-seven dependent villages. St. Miguel de Ibarra, 
 7000 citizens, and ten villages. The district of Havalla, between 18 and 20,000 
 people. The district of Tacuna, between 10 and 12,000, The district of 
 Ambato, between 8 and 10,000, besides sixteen depending villages. The city 
 of lliobamba, between 16 and 20,000 inhabitants, and nine depending villages. 
 The district of Chimbo, between 6 and 8000. The city of Guayaquil, from 16 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 513 
 
 to 20,000 inhabitants, and fourteen depending villages. The district of Atuasi, 
 between 5 and 6000 inhabitants, and four depending villages. The city of 
 Cuonza, between 25 and 30,000 inhabitants, and nine populous depending 
 villages. The town of Laxa, from 8 to 10,000 inhabitants, and fourteen de- 
 pending villages. This degree of population, though slender if we consider 
 the vast extent of the country, is far beyond what is commonly supposed. I 
 have omitted to mention^ in its proper place, that Quito is the only province in 
 Spanish America that can be denominated a manufacturing country ; hats, 
 cotton stuffs, and coarse woollen cloths are made there in such quantities as to 
 be sufficient not onlv for the consumption of the province, but to furnish a con- 
 siderable article for exportation into other parts of Spanish America. 1 know 
 not whether the uncommon industry of this province should be considered as 
 the cause or the effect of its populousness. But among the ostentatious in- 
 habitants of the New World, the passion for every thing that comes from 
 Europe is so violent, that I am informed the manufactures of Quito are so 
 much undervalued as to be on the decline. 
 
 NOTE [170]. PAGE 352. 
 
 THESE are established at the following places : St. Domingo in the island 
 of Hispaniola, Mexico in New Spain, Lima in Peru, Panama in Tierra Firme, 
 Santiago in Guatimala, Guadalaxara in New Galiqia, Santa Fe in the New 
 Kingdom of Granada, La Plata in the country of Los Charcas, St. Francisco 
 de Quito, St. Jago de Chili, Buenos Ayres. To each of these are subjected 
 several large provinces, and some so far removed from the cities where the 
 courts are fixed, that they can derive little benefit from their jurisdiction. The 
 Spanish writers commonly reckon up twelve Courts cf Audience, but they in- 
 clude that of Manilla, in the Philippine islands. 
 
 NOTE [171]. PAGE 354. 
 
 ON account of the distance of Peru and Chili from Spain, and the difficulty 
 of carrying commodities of such bulk as wine and oil across the isthmus of 
 Panama, the Spaniards in those provinces have been permitted to plant vines 
 and olives : but they are strictly prohibited from exporting wine or oil to any 
 of the provinces on the Pacific Ocean, which are in such a situation as to re- 
 ceive them from Spain. Recop. lib. i. tit. xvii. 1. 15 18. 
 
 NOTE [172]. PAGE 355. 
 
 THIS computation was made by Benzoni, A. D. 1550, fifty-eight years after 
 the discovery of America. Hist. Novi Orbis, lib. iii. c. 21. But as Benzoni 
 wrote with the spirit of a malecontent, disposed to detract from the Spaniards 
 in every particular, it is probable that his calculation is considerably too low. 
 
 NOTE [173]. PAGE 355. 
 
 MY information with respect to the division and transmission of property in 
 the Spanish colonies is imperfect: The Spanish authors do not explain this 
 fully, and have not perhaps attended sufficiently to the effects of their own in- 
 stitutions and laws. Solorzano de Jure Ind. (vol. ii. lib. ii. 1. 16.) explains 
 in some measure the introduction of the tenure of Mayorasgo, and mentions 
 some of its effects. Villa Segnor takes notice of a singular consequence of it. 
 He observes, that in some of the best situations in the city of Mexico, a good 
 deal of ground is unoccupied, or covered only with the ruins of the houses 
 once erected upon it ; and adds, that as this ground is held by right of Mayo- 
 rasgo, and cannot be alienated, that desolation and those ruins become perpetual. 
 Teatr. Amer. vol. i. p. 34. 
 
 NOTE [174]. PAGE 356. 
 
 THERE is no law that excludes Creoles from offices either civil or ecclesiastic. 
 On the contrary, there are many Cedulas, which recommend the conferring: 
 VOL. I. 65 
 
614 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 places of trust indiscriminately on the natives of Spain and America. Betan 
 court y Figueroa Derecho, &c. p. 5, 6. But, notwithstanding such repeated 
 recommendations, preferment in almost every line is conferred on native 
 Spaniards. A remarkable proof of this is produced by the author last quoted. 
 From the discovery of America to the year 1637, three hundred and sixty-nine 
 bishops, or archbishops, have been appointed to the different diocesses in that 
 country, and of all that number only twelve were Creoles, p. 40. This predi- 
 lection for Europeans seems still to continue. By a royal mandate, issued in 
 1776, the chapter of the cathedral of Mexico is directed to nominate European 
 ecclesiastics of known merit and abilities, that the King may appoint them to 
 supply vacant benefices. MS. penes me. 
 
 NOTE [175]. PAGE 358. 
 
 MODERATE as this tribute may appear, such is the extreme poverty of the 
 Indians in many provinces of America, that the exacting of it is intolerably 
 oppressive. Pegna Itiner. par Paroches de IndiQs, p. 192. 
 
 NOTE [176]. PAGE 358. 
 
 IN New Spain, on account of the extraordinary merit and services of the first 
 conquerors, as well as the small revenue arising from the country previous to 
 the discovery of the mines of Sacatecas, the encorwendas were granted for 
 three, and sometimes for four lives. Recopil. lib. vi. tit. ii. c. 14, &c. 
 
 NOTE [177]. PAGE 359. 
 
 D. ANT. ULLOA contends, that working in mines is not noxious, and as a 
 proof of this informs us, that many Mestizos and Indians, who do not belong to 
 any Repartimiento, voluntarily hire themselves as miners ; and several of the 
 Indians; when the legal term of their service expires, continue to work in the 
 mines of choice. Entreten. p. 265. But his opinion concerning the whole- 
 someness of this occupation is contrary to the experience of all ages ; and 
 wherever men are allured by high wages, they will ngage in any species of 
 labour, however fatiguing or pernicious it may^be. D. Hrn, Carillo Altamirano 
 relates a curious fact incompatible with this opinion. Wherever mines are 
 wrought, says he, the number of Indians decreases ; but in the province of 
 Campeachy, where there are no mines, the number of Indians has increased 
 more than a third since the conquest of America, though neither the soil nor 
 climate be so favourable as in Peru or Mexico. Colbert Collect. In another 
 memorial presented to Philip III. in the year 1609, Captain Juan Gonzales de 
 Azevedo asserts, that in every district of Peru where the Indians are compelled 
 to labour in the mines, .their numbers were reduced to the half, and in some 
 places to the third, of what it was under the viceroyalty of Don Fran. Toledc 
 in 1581. Colb. Collect. 
 
 NOTE [178]. PAGE 359. 
 
 As labour of this kind cannot be prescribed with legal accuracy, the tasks 
 seem to be in a great measure arbitrary, and, like the services exacted by feudal 
 superiors in vinea prato, aut messe, from their vassals, are extremely burden- 
 some, and often wantonly oppressive. Pegna Itiner. par Paroches de Indios. 
 
 NOTE [179]. PAGE 359. 
 
 THE turn of service known in Peru by the name of Mita is called Tanda in 
 New Spain. There it continues no longer than a week at a time. No person 
 is called to serve at a greater distance from his habitation than 24 miles. This 
 arrangement is less oppressive to the Indians than that established in Peru. 
 Memorial of Horn. Carillo Altamirano. Colbert Collect. 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 515 
 
 NOTE [180]. PAGE 360. 
 
 THE strongest proof of this may be deduced from the laws themselves. By 
 the multitude and variety of regulations to prevent abuses, we may form an 
 idea of the number of abuses that prevail. Though the laws have wisely pro- 
 vided that no Indian shall be obliged to serve in any mine at a greater distance 
 from his place of residence than thirty miles ; we are informed, in a memorial 
 of D. Hernan Carillo Altamirano presented to the king, that the Indians of 
 Peru are often compelled to serve in mines at the distance of a hundred, a 
 hundred and fifty, and even two hundred leagues from their habitation. Col- 
 bert Collect. Many mines are situated in parts of the country so barren and 
 so distant from the ordinary habitations of the Indians, that the necessity of 
 procuring labourers to work there has obliged the Spanish monarchs to dis- 
 pense with their own regulations in several instances, and to permit the vice- 
 roys to compel the people of more remote provinces to resort to those mines. 
 Escalona Gazophyl. Perub. lib. i. c. 16. But, in justice to them, it should be 
 observed that they have been studious to alleviate this oppression as much as 
 possible, by enjoining the viceroys to employ every method in order to induce 
 the Indians to settle in some part of the country adjacent to the mines. Id. ibid. 
 
 NOTE [181]. PAGE 362. 
 
 TORQUEMADA, after a long enumeration which has the appearance of accu- 
 racy, concludes the number of monasteries in New Spain to be four hundred. 
 Mon. Ind. lib. xix. c. 32. The number of Monasteries in the city of Mexico 
 alone was, in the year 1745, fifty-five. Villa Segnor Theat. Amer. i. 34. Ulloa 
 reckons up forty convents in Lima ; and mentioning those for nuns, he says 
 that a small town might be peopled out of them, the number of persons shut 
 up there is so great. Voy. i. 429. Philip III., in a letter to the Viceroy of 
 Peru, A. D. 1620, observes, that the number of convents in Lima was so great, 
 that they covered more ground than all the rest of the city. Solorz. lib. iii. c. 
 23. n. 57. Lib. iii. c. 16. Torquem. lib. xv. c. 3. The first monastery in 
 New Spain was founded A. D. 1525, four years only after the conquest. Torq. 
 lib. xv. c. 16. 
 
 According to Gil Gonzalez Davila, the complete establishment of the 
 American church in all the Spanish settlements was, in the year 1649, 1 patri- 
 arch, 6 archbishops, 32 bishops, 346 prebends, 2 , abbots, 5 royal chaplains, 840 
 convents. Teatro Ecclesiastico de las Ind. Occident. Vol. i. Pref. When 
 the order of Jesuits was expelled from all the Spanish dominions, the colleges, 
 professed houses, and residences which it possessed in the province of New 
 Spain were thirty, in Quito sixteen, in the New Kingdom of Granada thirteen, 
 in Peru seventeen, in Chili eighteen, in Paraguay eighteen ; in all, a hundred 
 and twelve. Collection General de Providencias hasta aqui tomadas sobre 
 estranamento, &c. de la Compagnia, part i. p. 19. The number of Jesuits, 
 priests, and novices in all these amounted to 2245. MS. penes me. 
 
 In the year 1644 the city of Mexico presented a petition to the king, praying 
 that no new monastery might be founded, and that the revenues of those 
 already established might be circumscribed, otherwise the religious houses 
 would soon acquire the property of the whole country. The petitioners request 
 likewise, that the bishops might be laid under restrictions in conferring holy 
 orders, as there were at that time in New Spain above six thousand clergymen 
 without any living. Ibid. p. 16. These abuses must have been enormous in- 
 deed, when the superstition of American Spaniards was shocked, and induced 
 to remonstrate against them. 
 
 NOTE [182]. PAGE 363. 
 
 THIS description of the manners of the Spanish clergy I should not Lave 
 ventured to give upon the testimony of Protestant authors alone, as they may 
 be suspected of prejudice or exaggeration. Gage, in particular, who had a 
 better opportunity than any Protestant to view the interior state of Spanish 
 
516 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 America, describes the corruption of the church which he had forsaken with 
 so much of the acrimony of a new convert, that I should have distrusted his 
 evidence, though it communicates some very curious and striking facts. But 
 Benzoni mentions 'the profligacy of ecclesiastics in America at a very early 
 period after their settlement there. Hist. lib. ii. c. 19, 20. M. Frezier, an in- 
 telligent observer, and zealous for his own religion, paints the dissolute manners 
 of the Spanish ecclesiastics in Peru, particularly the regulars, in stronger 
 colours than I have employed. Voy. p. 51. 215,. &c. M. lentil confirms this 
 account. Voy. i. 34. Correal concurs with both 1 ," and adds many remarkable 
 circumstances. Voy. i. 61. 155. 161. I have good reason to believe that the 
 manners 6f the regular clergy, particularly in Peru, are still extremely indecent. 
 Acosta himself acknowledges that great corruption of manners had been the 
 consequence of permitting monks to forsake the retirement and discipline of 
 the cloister, and to mingle again with the world, by undertaking the charge of 
 the Indian parishes. De Procur. Ind. Salute, lib. iv. c. 13, &c. He mentions 
 particularly those vices of which I have taken notice, and considers the tempt- 
 ations to them as so formidable, that he leans to the opinion of those who 
 hold that the regular clergy should not be employed as parish priests. Lib. v. 
 c. 20. Even the advocates of the regulars- admit, that many and great enor- 
 mities abounded among the monks of diiferent orders, when set free from the 
 restraint of monastic discipline ; and from the tone of their defence, one may 
 conclude that the charge brought against them was not destitute of truth. In 
 the French colonies the state of the regular clergy is nearly the same as in the 
 Spanish settlements, and the same consequences have followed. M. Biet, 
 superior of the secular priests in Cayenne, inquires, with no less appearance 
 of piety than of candour, into the causes of this corruption, and imputes it 
 chiefly to the exemption of regulars from the jurisdiction and censures of their 
 diocessans ; to the temptations to which they are exposed ; and to their en- 
 gaging in commerce. Voy. p. 320. It is remarkable, that all the authors who 
 censure the licentiousness of the Spanish regulars with the greatest severity, 
 concur in vindicating the conduct of the Jesuits. Formed under a discipline 
 more perfect than that of the other monastic orders, or animated by that con- 
 cern for the honour of the society which takes such full possession of every 
 member of the order, the Jesuits, both in Mexico and Peru, it is allowed, main- 
 tain a most irreproachable decency of manners. Frezier, 223. Gentil. i. 34. 
 The same praise, is likewise due to the bishops and most of the dignified clergy. 
 Frez. Ibid. 
 
 A volume of the Gazette de Mexico for the years 1728, 1729, 1730, having 
 been communicated to me, I find there a striking confirmation of what I have 
 advanced concerning the spirit of low illiberal superstition prevalent in Spanish 
 America. From the newspapers of any nation one may learn what are the 
 objects which chiefly engross its attention, and which appear to it most inte- 
 resting. The Gazette of Mexico is filled almost entirely with accounts of re- 
 ligious functions, with descriptions of processions, consecrations of churches, 
 beatifications of saints, festivals, autos de fe, &c. Civil or commercial affairs, 
 and even the transactions of Europe, occupy but a small corner in this maga- 
 zine of monthly intelligence. From the titles of new books, which are regularly 
 inserted in this Gazette, it appears that two-thirds of them are treatises of 
 scholastic theology, or of monkish devotion.. 
 
 NOTE [183]. PAGE 363. 
 
 SOLORZANO, after mentioning the corrupt morals of some of the regular 
 clergy, with that cautious reserve which became a Spanish layman in touching 
 on a subject so delicate, gives his opinion very explicitly, and with much firm- 
 ness, against committing parochial charges to monks. He produces the testi- 
 mony of several respectable authors of his country, both divines and lawyers, 
 in confirmation of his opinion. De Jure Ind. ii. lib. iii. c. 16. A striking proof 
 of the alarm excited by the attempt of the Prince d'Esquilache to exclude the 
 regulars from parochial cures, is contained in the Colbert collection of papers. 
 Several memorials were presented to the lung by the procurators for the mo- 
 nastic orders, and replies were made to these in name of the secular clergy. 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 517 
 
 An eager and even rancorous spirit is manifest on both sides in the conduct of 
 this dispute. 
 
 NOTE [184]. PAGE 365. 
 
 NOT only the native Indians, but the Mestizos, or children of a Spaniard 
 and Indian, were originally excluded from the priesthood, and refused admis- 
 sion into any religious order. But by a law issued Sept. 28th, 1588, Philip 11. 
 required the prelates of America to ordain such mestizos born in lawful wed- 
 lock, as they should find to be properly qualified, and to permit them to take 
 the vows in any monastery where they had gone through a regular noviciate. 
 Ilecopil. lib. i. tit. vii. 1. 7. Some regard seems to have been paid to this law 
 in New Spain ; but none in Peru. Upon a representation of this to Charles 
 II. in the year 1697, he issued a new edict, enforcing the observation of it, and 
 professing his desire to have all his subjects, Indians and mestizos as well sa 
 Spaniards, admitted to the enjoyment of the same privileges. Such, how- 
 ever, was the aversion of the Spaniards in America to the Indians and their 
 race, that this seems to have produced little effect; for in the year 1725 Philip 
 V. was obliged to renew the injunction in a more peremptory tone. But so 
 urisunnountable are hatred and contempt of the Indians among the Peruvian 
 Spaniards, that the present king has been constrained to enforce the former 
 edicts anew, by a law published September 11, 1774. Real Cedula, MS. 
 penes me. 
 
 M. Clavigero has contradicted what I have related concerning the ecclesias- 
 tical state of the Indians, particularly their exclusion from the sacrament o 
 the eucharist, and from holy orders, either as seculars or regulars, in such a 
 manner as cannot fail to make a deep impression. He, from his own know- 
 ledge, asserts, " that in New Spain not only are Indians permitted to partake of 
 the sacrament of the altar, but that Indian priests are so numerous that they 
 may be counted by hundreds ; and among these have been many hundreds 6^ 
 rectors, canons, and doctors, and, as report goes, even a very learned bishop 
 At present there are many priests, and not a few rectors, among whom there 
 have been three or four our own pupils." Vol. II. 348, &c. I owe it, therefore, 
 as a duty to the public as well as to myself, to consider each of these points 
 with care, and to explain the reasons which induced me to adopt the opinion 
 which I have published. 
 
 I knew that in the Christian church there is no distinction of persons, but 
 that men of every nation, who embrace the religion of Jesus, are equally en- 
 titled to every Christian privilege which they are qualified to receive. I knew 
 likewise that an opinion prevailed, not only among most of the Spanish laity 
 settled in America, but among " many ecclesiastics (I use the words of Herrera, 
 dec. ii. lib. ii. c. 15), that the Indians were not perfect or rational men, and 
 were not possessed of such capacity as qualified them to partake of the sacra- 
 ment of the altar, or of any other benefit of our religion." It was against 
 this opinion that Las Casas contended with the laudable zeal which I have 
 described in Books III. and VI. But as the Bishop of Darien, doctor Sepul- 
 vida, and other respectable ecclesiastics, vigorously supported the common 
 opinion concerning the incapacity 6f the Indians, it became necessary, in order 
 to determine the point, that the authority of the Holy See should be interposed ; 
 and accordingly Paul III. issued a bull, A. D. 1537, in which, after condemning 
 the opinion of those who held that the Indians, as being on a level with brute 
 beasts, should be reduced to servitude, he declares that they were really men, 
 and as such were capable of embracing the Christian religion, and participating 
 of all its blessings. My account of this bull, notwithstanding the cavils of M. 
 Clavigero, must appear just to every person who takes the trouble of perusing 
 
 council of Lima (I call it by that name on the authority of the best Spanish 
 authors) discountenanced the admission of Indians to the holy communion. 
 Torquem. lib. xvi. c. 20. In New Spain the exclusion of Indians from the 
 sacrament was still more explicit. Ibid. After two centuries have elapsed, and 
 
518 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 notwithstanding all the improvement that the Indians may be supposed to have 
 derived from their intercourse with the Spaniards during that period, we are 
 informed by D. Ant. Ulloa, that in Peru, where, as will appear in the sequel 
 of this note, they are supposed to be better instructed than in New Spain, 
 their ignorance is so prodigious that very few are permitted to communicate, as 
 being altogether destitute of the requisite capacity. Voy. i. 341, &c. Solorz. 
 Polit. Ind. i. 203. 
 
 With respect to the exclusion of Indians from the priesthood, either as secu- 
 lars or regulars, we may observe that while it continued to be the common 
 opinion that the natives of America, on account of their incapacity, should 
 not be permitted to partake of the holy sacrament, we cannot suppose that 
 they would be clothed with that sacred character which entitled them to con- 
 secrate and to dispense it. When Torquemada composed his Monarquia In- 
 diana it was almost a century after the conquest of New Spain ; and yet in his 
 time it was still the general practice to exclude Indians from holy orders. Of 
 this we have the most satisfying evidence. Torquemada having celebrated 
 the virtues and graces of the Indians at great length, and with all the com- 
 placency of a missionary, he starts as an objection to What he had asserted, 
 " If the Indians really possess all the excellent qualities which you have de- 
 scribed, why are they not permitted to assume the religious habit ? Why are 
 they not ordained priests and bishops, as the Jewish and Gentile converts were 
 in the primitive church, especially as they might be employed with such su- 
 perior advantage to other persons in the instruction of their countrymen ? " 
 Lib. xvii. c. 13, 
 
 In answer to this objection, which establishes, in the most unequivocal man- 
 ner, what was the general practice at that period, Torquemada observes, that 
 although by their natual dispositions the Indians are well fitted for a subordi- 
 nate situation, they are destitute of all the qualities requisite in any station of 
 dignity, and authority; and that they are in general so addicted to drunken- 
 ness, that upon the slightest temptation one cannot promise on their behaving 
 with the decency suitable to the clerical character. The propriety of excluding 
 them from it, on these accounts, was, he observed, so well justified by experi- 
 ence, that when a foreigner of great erudition, who came from Spain, con- 
 demned the practice of the Mexican church, he was convinced of his mis- 
 take in a public disputation with the learned and most religious Father D. Juan 
 de Gaona, and his retraction is still extant. Torquemada indeed acknowledges, 
 as M. Clavigero observes with a degree of exultation, that in his name some 
 Indians had been admitted into monasteries ; but, with the art of a disputant, 
 he forgets to mention that Torquemada specifies only two examples of this, 
 and takes notice that in both instances those Indians had been admitted by 
 mistake. Relying upon the authority of Torquemada with regard to New 
 Spain, and of Ulloa with regard to Peru, and considering the humiliating de- 
 pression of the Indians in all the Spanish settlements, I concluded that they 
 were not admitted into the ecclesiastical order, which is held in the highest 
 veneration all over the New World. 
 
 But when M. Clavigero, upon his own knowledge asserted facts so repugnant 
 to the conclusion I had formed, I hegan to distrust it, and to wish for further 
 information. In order to obtain this, I applied to a Spanish nobleman, high in 
 office, and eminent for his abilities, who, 6n different occasions, has permitted 
 me to have the honour and benefit of corresponding with him. I have been 
 favoured with the following answer : "What you have written concerning the 
 admission of Indians into holy orders, or into monasteries, in Book VIII., 
 especially as it is explained and limited in Note LXXXVIII. of the quarto edi- 
 tion, is in general accurate, and conformable to the authorities which you quote. 
 And although the congregation of the council resolved and declared, Feb. 13, 
 A. D. 1682, that the circumstance of being an Indian, or mulatto, or mestizo, 
 did not disqualify any person frojn being admitted into holy orders, if he was 
 possessed of what is required by the canons to entitle him to that privilege ; 
 this only proves such ordinations to be legal and valid (of which Solorzano and 
 the Spanish lawyers and historians quoted by him, Pol. Lid. lib. ii. c. 29, were 
 persuaded), but it neither proves the propriety of admitting Indians into holy 
 orders, nor what was then the common practice with respect to this ; but, on 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 519 
 
 the contrary, it shows that there was some doubt concerning the ordaining of 
 Indians, and some repugnance to it. 
 
 u Since that time there have been some examples of admitting Indians into 
 holy orders. We have now at Madrid an aged priest, a native of Tlascala. 
 His name is D. Juan Cerilo de Castilla Aquihual Catehuttlo, descended of a 
 cazique converted to Christianity soon after the conquest. He studied the 
 ecclesiastical sciences in a seminary of Puebla de los Angeles. He was a can- 
 didate, nevertheless, for ten years, and it required much interest before Bishop 
 Abren would consent to ordain him. This ecclesiastic was a man of unexcep- 
 tionable character, modest, self-denied, and with a competent knowledge of 
 what relates to his clerical functions. He came to Madrid above thirty-four 
 years ago with the sole view of soliciting admission for the Indians into the 
 colleges and seminaries in New Spain, that if, after being well instructed and 
 tried, they should find an inclination to enter into the ecclesiastical state, they 
 might embrace it, and perform its functions with the greatest benefit to their 
 countrymen, whom they could address i.n their native tongue. He has ob- 
 tained various regulations favourable to his scheme, particularly that the hrst 
 college which became vacant in consequence of the exclusion of the Jesuits 
 should be set apart for this purpose. But neither these regulations, nor any 
 similar ones inserted in the laws of the Indies, have produced any effect, on 
 account of objections and representations from the greater part of persons of 
 chief consideration employed in New Spain. Whether their opposition be well 
 founded or not is a problem difficult to resolve, and towards the solution of 
 which several distinctions and modifications are requisite. 
 
 " According to the accounts of this ecclesiastic, and the information of other 
 persons who have resided in the Spanish dominions in America, you may rest 
 assured, that in the kingdom of Tierra Firme no such thing is known as either 
 an Indian secular priest or monk ; and that in New Spain there are very few 
 ecclesiastics of Indian race. In Peru, perhaps, the number may be greater, as 
 in that country there are more Indians who possess the means of '-acquiring 
 such a learned education as is necessary for persons vho aspire to the clerical 
 character." 
 
 NOTE [185]. PAGE 366. 
 
 UZTARIZ, an accurate and cautious calculator, seems to admit, that the 
 quantity of silver which does not pay duty, may be stated thus high. According 
 to Herrera there was not above a third of what was extracted from Potosi that 
 paid the king's fifth. Dec. 8. lib. ii. c. 15. Solorzano asserts likewise', that the 
 quantity of silver which is fraudulently circulated, is far greater than that 
 which is regularly stamped, after paying the fifth. De Ind. Jure, vol. ii. lib 
 v. p. 846. 
 
 NOTE [186]. PAGE 368. 
 
 When the mines of Potosi were discovered in the year 1545, the veins were 
 so near the surface, that the ore was easily extracted, and so rich that it was 
 refined with little trouble and at a small expense, merely by the action of fire. 
 The simple mode of refining by fusion alone continued until the year 1574, 
 when the use of mercury in refining silver, as well as gold, was discovered. 
 Those mines having been wrought without interruption for two centuries, the 
 veins are now sunk so deep, that the expense of extracting the ore is greatly 
 increased. Besides this, the richness of the ore, contrary to what happens in 
 most other mines, has become less as the vein continued to dip. The vein 
 has likewise diminished to such a degree, that one is amazed that the Spaniards 
 should persist in working it. Other rich mines have been successively disco- 
 vered; but in general the value of the ores has decreased so much, while the ex- 
 pense of extracting them has augmented, that the court of Spain in the year 
 1736 reduced the duty payable to the king from a. fifth to a tenth. All the quick- 
 silver used in Peru is extracted from the famous mine of Guancabelica, dis- 
 covered in the year 1563. The crown has reserved the property of this mine 
 to itself; and the persons who purchase the qujcksilver pay not only the price 
 

 520 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 of it, but likewise a./2/2/t, as a duty to the king. But in the year 1761 this dutj 
 on quicksilver was abolished, on account of the increase of expense in working 
 mines. Ulloa, Entretenimientos, xii xv. Voyage, i. p. 505. 523. In conse- 
 quence of this abolition of thejifth, and some subsequent abatements of price, 
 which became necessary on account of the increasing expense of working mines, 
 quicksilver, which was formerly sold at eighty pesos the quintal, is now de- 
 livered by the king at the rate of sixty pesos. Campomanes, Educ. Popul. ii, 
 132, note. The duty on gold is reduced to a.- twentieth, or five per cent. Any 
 of my readers who are desirous of being acquainted with the mode in which 
 the Spaniards conduct the working of their mines, and the refinement of the 
 ore, will find an accurate description of the ancient method by Acosta, lib. iv, 
 c. 1 13, and of >t their more recent improvements in the metallurgic art, by 
 Gamboa Comment, a las ordenanz. de Minas, c. 22. 
 
 NOTE [187]. PAGE 369. 
 
 MANY remarkable proofs occur of the advanced state of industry in Spain 
 at the beginning of the sixteenth century. The number of cities in Spain was 
 considerable, and they were peopled far beyond the proportion that was com- 
 mon in other parts of Europe. The causes of this I have explained. Hist, 
 of Cha. V. p. 68. Wherever cities are populous, that species of industry 
 which is peculiar to them increases : artificers and manufacturers abound. 
 The effect of the American trade in giving activity to these is manifest from a 
 singular fact. In the year 1545, while Spain continued to depend on its own 
 industry for the supply of its colonies, so much work was bespoke from the 
 manufacturers, that it was supposed they could hardly finish it in less than six 
 years. Campom. i. 406. Such a demand must have put much industry in 
 motion, and have excited extraordinary efforts. Accordingly, we are informed, 
 that in the beginning of Philip II.'s reign, the city of Seville alone, where the 
 trade with America centred, gave employment to no fewer than 16,000 looms 
 in silk or woollen work, and that above 130,000 persons had occupation in car- 
 rying on these manufactures. Campom. ii. 472. But so rapid and pernicious 
 was the operation of the causes which I shall enumerate, that before Philip III. 
 ended his reign the looms in Seville were reduced to 400. Uztariz, c. 7. 
 
 Since the publication of the first edition, I have the satisfaction to find my 
 ideas concerning the early commercial intercourse between Spain and her colo- 
 nies confirmed and illustrated by D. Bernardo Ward, of the Junto de Com- 
 ercio at Madrid, in his Proyicto Economico, part ii. c. i. " Under the reigns 
 of Charles V. and Philip. II." says he, " the manufactures of Spain and of 
 the Low-Countries subject to her dominion were in a most flourishing state. 
 Those of France and England were in their infancy. The republic of the 
 United Provinces did not then exist. No European power but Spain had colo- 
 nies of any value in the New World. Spain could supply her settlements 
 there with the productions of her own soil, the fabrics wrought by the hands 
 of her own artisans, and all she received in return for these belonged to herself 
 alone. Then the exclusion of foreign manufactures was proper, because it 
 might be rendered effectual. Then Spain might lay heavy duties upon goods 
 exported to America, or imported from, it, and might impose what restraints 
 she deemed proper upon a commerce entirely in her own hands. But when 
 time and successive revolutions had occasioned an alteration in all those cir- 
 cumstances, when the manufactures of Spain began to decline, and the de- 
 mands of America were supplied by foreign fabrics, the original maxims and 
 regulations of Spain should have been accommodated to the change in her 
 situation. The policy that was wise at one period became absurd in the 
 other." 
 
 NOTE [188]. PAGE 372. 
 
 No bale of goods is ever opened, no chest of treasure is examined. Both 
 are received on the credit of the persons to whom they belong ; and only one 
 instance of fraud is recorded, during the long period in which trade was carried 
 on with this liberal confidence. All the coined silver that was brought from 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 521 
 
 Peru to Porto-bello in the year 1654 was found to be adulterated, and to be 
 mingled with a fifth part of base metal. The Spanish merchants, with senti- 
 ments suitable to their usual integrity, sustained the whole loss, and indemni- 
 fied the foreigners by whom they were employed. The fraud was detected, 
 and the treasurer of the revenue in Peru, the author of it, was publicly burnt. 
 B. Ulloa. Retablis. de Manuf., &c. liv. ii. p. 102. 
 
 NOTE [189]. PAGE 374. 
 
 MANY striking proofs occur of the scarcity of money in Spain. Of all the 
 immense sums which have been imported from America, the amount of which 
 J shall afterwards have occasion to mention, Moncada asserts, that there did 
 not remain in Spain, in 1619, above two hundred millions of pesos, one half in 
 coined money, the other in plate and jewels. Restaur. de Espagna, disc. iii. c. 
 1. Uztariz, who published his valuable work in 1724, contends, that in money, 
 plate, and jewels, there did not remain a hundred million. Theor., &c. c. 3. 
 Campomanes, on the authority of a remonstance from the community of mer- 
 chants in Toledo to Philip 111., relates, as a certain proof how scarce cash had 
 become, that persons who lent money received a third of the sum which they 
 advanced as interest and premium. Educ. Popul. i. 417. 
 
 NOTE [190]. PAGE 375. 
 
 THE account of the mode in which the factors of the South Sea company 
 conducted the trade in the fair of Porto-bello, which was opened to them by 
 the Assiento, I have taken from Don Dion. Alcedo y Herrera, president of the 
 Court of Audience in Quito, and governor of that province. Don Dionysio 
 was a person of such respectable character for probity and discernment, that 
 his testimony in any point would be of much weight ; but greater credit is 
 due to it in this case, as he was an eye-witness of the transactions which he 
 relates, and was often employed in detecting and authenticating the frauds 
 which he describes. It is probable, however, that his representation, being 
 composed at the commencement of the war which broke out between Great 
 Britain and Spain, in the year 1739, may, in some instances, discover a portion 
 of the acrimonious spirit natural at that juncture. His detail of facts is 
 curious ; and even English authors confirm it in some degree, by admitting 
 both that various frauds were practised in the transactions of the annual ship, 
 and that the contraband trade from Jamaica, and other British colonies, was 
 become enormously great. But for the credit of the English nation it may be 
 observed, that those fraudulent operations are not to be considered as deeds of 
 the company, but as the dishonourable arts of their factors and agents. The 
 company itself sustained a considerable loss by the Assiento trade. Many of 
 its servants acquired immense fortunes. Anderson Chronol. deduct, ii. 388. 
 
 NOTE [191]. PAGE 377. 
 
 SEVERAL facts with respect to the institution, the progress, and the effects of 
 this company, are curious, and but little known to English readers. Though 
 the province of Venezuela, or Caraccas, extends four-hundred miles along the 
 coast, and is one of the most fertile in America, it was so much neglected by 
 the Spaniards, that during the twenty years prior to the establishment of the 
 company, only five ships sailed from Spain to that province ; and, during six- 
 teen years, from 1706 to 1722, not a single ship arrived from the Caraccas in 
 Spain. Noticias de Real Campania de Caraccas, p. 28. During this period 
 Spain must have been supplied almost entirely with a large quantity of cacao, 
 which it consumes, by foreigners. Before the erection of the company, neither 
 tobacco nor hides were imported from Caraccas into Spain. Ibid. p. 117. 
 Since the commercial operations of the company, begun in the year 1731, the 
 importation of cacao into Spain has increased amazingly. During thirty 
 years subsequent to 1701, the number of fanegas of cacao (each a hundred and 
 ten pounds) imported from Caraccas was 643,215. During eighteen years sub- 
 sequent to 1731, the number offamgas imported was 869,247 ; and if we sup- 
 
 VOL. I. b'6 24 
 
6S2 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 pose the importation to be continued in the same proportion during the re- 
 mainder of thirty years, it will amount to 1,448, 746 fanegas, which is an increase 
 of 805,53 Ifanegas. Id. p. 148. During eight years subsequent to 1756, there 
 have been imported into Spain by the company 88,482 arrobqs (each twenty- 
 five pounds) of tobacco ; and hides to the number of 177,354. Id. 161. Since 
 the publication of the Noticias de Campania, in 1765, its trade seems to be on 
 the increase. During five years subsequent to 1769, it has imported 179,156 
 fanegas of cacao into Spain, 36,208 arrobas of tobacco, 75,496 hides, and 221,432 
 pesos in specie. Campomanes, ii. 162. The last article ia a proof of the grow- 
 ing wealth of the colony. It receives cash from Mexico in return for the cacao, 
 with which it supplies that province, and this it remits to Spain, or lays out in 
 purchasing European goods. But, besides this, the most explicit evidence is 
 produced, that the quantity of Cacao raised in the province is double to what 
 it yielded in 1731 ; the number of its live stock is more than treble, and its in- 
 habitants much augmented. The revenue of the bishop, which arises wholly 
 from tithes, has increased from eight to twenty thousand pesos. Notic. p. 69. 
 In consequence of the augmentation of the quantity of cacao imported into 
 Spain, its price has decreased from eighty pesos for thefanega to forty. Ibid. 
 61. Since the publication of the first edition. I have learned that Guyana, 
 including all the extensive provinces situated on the banks of the Orinoco, the 
 Islands of Trinidad and Margarita are added to the countries with which the 
 company of Caraccas had liberty of trade by their former charters. Real Ce- 
 dula, Nov. 19, 1776. But I have likewise been informed, that the institution of 
 this company has not been attended with all the beneficial effects which I have 
 ascribed to it. In many of its operations the illiberal and oppressive spirit of 
 monopoly is still conspicuous. But in order to explain this, it would be neces- 
 sary to enter into minute details, which are not suited to the nature of this 
 work. 
 
 NOTE [192]. PAGE 380. 
 
 THIS first experiment made by Spain of opening a free trade with any o. 
 her colonies, has produced effects so remarkable, as to merit some further illus- 
 tration. The towns to which this liberty has been granted, are Cadiz and 
 Seville, for the province pf Andalusia : Alicant and Carthagena, for Valencia 
 and Murcia ; Barcelona, for Catalonia and Aragon ; Santander, for Castile ; 
 Corugna, for Galicia ; and Gijon, for Asturias. Append, ii. a la Educ. Popul. 
 p. 41. These are either the ports of chief trade in their respective districts, or 
 those most conveniently situated for the exportation of their respective produc- 
 tions. The following facts give a view of the increase of trade in the settle- 
 ments to which the new regulations extend. Prior to the allowance of free 
 trade, the duties collected in the custom house at the Havanna were computed 
 to be 104,208 pesos annually. During the five years preceding 1774, they rose 
 at a medium to 308,000 pesos a year. In Yucatan the duties have arisen from 
 8000 to 15,000. In Hispaniola, from 2500 to 5600. In Porto Rico, from 1200 
 to 7000. The total value of goods imported from Cuba into Spain was 
 reckoned, in 1774, to be 1,500,000 pesos. Educ. Popul. i. 450, &c. 
 
 NOTE [193]. PAGE 382. 
 
 THE two treatises of Don Pedro Rodriguez Campomanes, Fiscal del real Con- 
 sejo y Supremo (an officer in rank and power nearly similar to that of Attorney- 
 General in England), and Director of the Royal Academy of History, the one 
 entitled Discurso sobre el Fomento de la Industria Popular ; the other, Dis- 
 curso sebre la Education Popular de los Artesanos y su Fomento ; the former 
 published in 1774, and the latter in 1775, afford a striking proof of this. 
 Almost every point of importance with respect to interior police, taxation, 
 agriculture, manufactures, and trade, domestic as well as foreign, is examined 
 in the course of these works ; and there are not many authors, even in the 
 nations most eminent for commercial knowledge, who have carried on their 
 inquiries with a more thorough knowledge of those various subjects, and 
 a more perfect freedom from vulgar and national prejudices, or who have 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 523 
 
 united more happily the calm researches of philosophy with the ardent zeal of 
 a, public spirited citizen. These books are in high estimation among the 
 Spaniards ; and it is a decisive evidence of the progress of their own ideas, 
 that they are capable of relishing an author whose sentiments are so liberal. 
 
 NOTE [194]. PAGE 384. 
 
 THE galeon employed in that trade, instead of the six hundred tons to which 
 it is limited by law, Recop. lib. xlv. 1. 15, is commonly from ^welve hundred to 
 two thousand tons burden. The ship from Acapulco, taken by Lord Anson, 
 instead of the 500,000- pesos permitted by law, had on board 1,313,843 pesos, 
 besides uncoined silver equal in value to 43,611 pesos more. Anson's Voy. 384. 
 
 NOTE [195]. PAGE 384. 
 
 THE price paid for the bull varies according to the rank of different persons. 
 Those in the lowest order who are servants or slaves, pay two reals of plate, 
 or one shilling ; other Spaniards pay eight reals, and those in public office, or 
 who hold encomiendas, sixteen reals. Solorz. de Jure Ind. vol. ii. lib. iii. c. 25. 
 According to Chilton, an English merchant who resided long in the Spanish 
 settlements, the bull of Cruzado bore a higher price in the year 1570, being 
 then sold for four reals at the lowest. Hakluyt, iii. 461. The price seems to 
 have varied at different periods. That exacted for the bulls issued in the last 
 Predication will appear from the ensuing table, which will give some idea of 
 the proportional numbers of the different classes of citizens in New Spain and 
 Peru. 
 
 There were issued for New Spain 
 
 Bulls at 10 pesos each --------- 4 
 
 at 2 pesos each --.-...- 22,601 
 
 at 1 peso each --------- 164,220 
 
 at 2 reals each - - -'- - - - - 2,462,500 
 
 2,649,325 
 For Peru 
 
 at 16 pesos 4j reals each -----.- 3 
 
 at 3 pesos 3 reals each - - - - - - - 14,202 
 
 at 1 peso 5i reals each ... t ...... 78,822 
 
 at 4 reals each 410,325 
 
 at 3 reals each - 668,601 
 
 1,171,953 
 
 NOTE [196]. PAGE 385. 
 
 As Villa Segnor, to whom we are indebted for this information contained in 
 bis Theatro Americano, published in Mexico A. D. 1746, was accomptarit-gene- 
 ral in one of the most considerable departments of the royal revenue, and by that 
 means had access to proper information, his testimony with respect to this point 
 merits great credit. No such accurate detail of the Spanish revenues in any 
 part of America has hitherto been published in the English language ; and the 
 particulars of it may appear curious and interesting to some of my readers. 
 
 From the bull of Cruzado, published every two years, there arises 
 
 an annual revenue in pesos --..-.- 150,000 
 From the duty on silver 700,000 
 
 850,000 
 
524 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 Brought forward 
 From the duty on gold &n<- d* _.._,. 
 
 From tax on cards - - ' b* , 
 
 From tax on pulque, a drink used by the Indians - . ' ?&&$* OK 
 From tax on stamped paper - - - - - ; i 
 
 From ditto on ice ----.---.. 
 
 From ditto on leather -------- 
 
 From ditto on gunpowder -------- 
 
 From ditto on salt ------..- 
 
 From ditto on copper of Mechoachan - - - - - - 
 
 From ditto on alum - - - - - -- 
 
 From ditto oji Juego de los gallos ---.._ 
 From the half of ecclesiastical annats - .... 
 
 From royal ninths of bishoprics, c. ------ 
 
 From the tribute of Indians ------- 
 
 From Alcavala, or duty on sale of goods - 
 
 From the Almajorifasgo, custom house - - - - 
 
 From the mint ---------- 
 
 850,000 
 
 60,000 
 
 70,000 
 
 161,000 
 
 41,000 
 
 15,522 
 
 2,500 
 
 71,550 
 
 32,000 
 
 1,000 
 
 6,500 
 
 21,100 
 
 49,000 
 
 68,800 
 
 650,000 
 
 721,875 
 
 373,333 
 
 357,500 
 
 3,552,680 
 
 This sum amounts to 819,161 sterling^. ; -and if we add to it the profit ac- 
 cruing from the sale of 5000 quintals of quicksilver, imported from the mines 
 of Almaden, in Spain, on the King's account, and what accrues from the Averia, 
 and some other taxes which Villa' Segnor does not estimate, the public revenue 
 in new Spain may well be reckoned above a million pounds sterling money. 
 Theat. Mex. vol. i. p. 38, c. According to Villa Segnor, the total produce of 
 the Mexican mines amounts at a medium to eight millions of Pesos in silver 
 annually, and to 5912 marks of gold. Ibid. p. 44. Several branches of the 
 revenue have been explained in the course of the history ; some of which 
 there was no occasion of mentioning, require a particular illustration. The 
 riglit to the tithes in the New World is vested in the crown of Spain, by a bull 
 of Alexander VI. Charles V. appointed them to be applied in the following 
 manner: One fourth is allotted to the bishop of the diocess, another fourth to 
 the dean and chapter, and other officers of the cathedral. The remaining half 
 is divided into nine equal parts. Two of these, under the denomination of 
 los dos Novenos reales, are paid to the crown, and constitute a branch of the 
 royal revenue. The other seven parts are applied to the maintenance of the 
 parochial clergy, the building and support of churches, and other pious uses. 
 Recopil. lib. L tit. xvi. Ley, 23, &c. Avendano Thesaur. Indie, vol. i. p. 184. 
 
 The Alcavala is a duty levied by an excise on the sale of goods. In Spain 
 it amounts to ten per cent. In America to four per cent. Solorzano, Polit. 
 Indiana, lib. vi. c. 8. Avendano, voL i. 186. 
 
 The Almajorifasco, or custom paid in America on goods imported and ex- 
 ported, may amount on an average to fifteen per cent. Recopil. lib. viii. tit. 
 xiv. Ley, i. Avendano, vol. i. p. 188. 
 
 The Averia, or tax paid on account of convoys to guard the ships sailing to 
 and from America, was first imposed when Sir Francis Drake filled the New 
 World with terror by his expedition to the South Sea. It amounts to two per 
 cent, on the value of goods. Avendano, vol. i. p. 189. Recopil. lib. ix. tit. ix. 
 Ley, 43, 44. 
 
 I have not been able to procure any accurate detail of the several branches 
 of revenue in Peru later than the year 1614. From a curious manuscript con- 
 taining a state of that viceroyalty in all its departments, presented to the Mar 
 quis of Montes-Claros by Fran. Lopez Caravantes, accomptant-general in the 
 tribunal of Lima, it appears that the public revenue, as nearly as f can com- 
 pute the value of the money in which Caravantes states his accounts, amounted 
 in ducats at 4s. lid. to - - - - - - - 2,372,768 
 
 Expenses of government ------- 1,242,992 
 
 Net free revenue 1,129,776 
 
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. W& 
 
 The total in sterling money 583,303 
 
 Expenses of government - - - - -. - - 305,568 
 
 Net free revenue 277,735 
 
 But several articles appear to be omitted in this computation, such as the 
 duty on stamped paper, leather, ecclesiastical annats, &c. so that the revenue 
 of Peru may be well supposed equal to that of Mexico, 
 
 In computing the expense of government in New Spain, I may take that of 
 Peru as a standard. There the annual establishment for defraying the charge 
 of administration exceeds one half of the revenue collected, and there is no 
 reason for supposing it to be less in New Spain. 
 
 I have obtained a calculation of the total amount of the public revenue of 
 Spain from America and the Philippines, which, as the reader will perceive 
 from the two last articles, is more recent than any of the former. 
 
 Alcavalas (Excise) and Aduanas (Customs), &c. in pesos fuertes - 2,500,000 
 
 Duties on Gold and silver 3,000,000 
 
 Bull of Cruzado 1.000,000 
 
 Tribute of the Indians 2,000,000 
 
 By sale of quicksilver 300,000 
 
 Paper exported on the king's account, and sold in the royal ware- 
 houses 300,000 
 
 Stamped paper, tobacco, and other small duties - 1,000,000 
 
 Duty on coinage of, at the rate of one real de la Plata for each mark 300,000 
 From the trade of Acapulco, and the coasting trade from province 
 
 to province 500,000 
 
 Assiento of Negroes 200,000 
 
 .From the trade ofMathe^ or herb of Paraguay, formerly monopolized 
 
 by the Jesuits 500,000 
 
 From other revenues formerly belonging to that order - 400,000 
 
 Total 12.000,000 
 
 Total in sterling money 2,700,000 
 
 Deduct half, as the expense of administration, and there remains 
 
 net free revenue - - - - 1,350,000 
 
 NOTE [197]. PAGE 385. 
 
 AN author long conversant in commercial speculation has computed, that 
 from the mines of New Spain alone the king receives annually, as his fifth, the 
 sum of two millions of our money. Harris, Collect, of Voy. ii. p. 164. Ac- 
 cording to this calculation, the total produce of the mines must be ten millions 
 sterling ; a sum so exorbitant, and so little corresponding with all accounts of 
 the annual importation from America, that the information on which it is 
 founded must evidently be erroneous. According to Campomanes, the total 
 product of the American mines may be computed at thirty millions of pesos, 
 which, at four shillings and sixpence a peso, amounts to 7,425,OOOZ. sterling, the 
 king's fifth of which (if that were rermlarly paid) would be 1,485,OOOZ. But 
 from this sum must be deducted what is lost by a fraudulent withholding of the 
 fifth due to the crown, as well as the sum necessary for defraying the expense 
 of administration. Educ. Popular, vol. ii. p. '131. note. Both these sums are 
 considerable. 
 
 NOTE [198]. PAGE 385. 
 
 ACCORDING to Bern, de Ulloa, all foreign goods exported from Spain to 
 America pay duties of various kinds, amounting in all to more than 25 per 
 cent. As most of the goods with which Spain supplies her colonies are foreign, 
 such a tax upon a trade so extensive must yield a considerable revenue. 
 
526 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 Retablis. de Manuf. et du Commerce d'Esp. p. 150. He computes the valu? 
 of goods exported annually from Spain to America to be about two millions 
 and a half sterling, p. 97. 
 
 NOTE [199]. PAGE 386. 
 
 THE Marquis de Serralvo, according to Gage, by a monopoly of salt, and by 
 embarking deeply in the Manilla trade, as well as in that to Spain, gained 
 annually a million of ducats. In one year he remitted a million of ducats to 
 Spain, in order to purchase from the Conde Olivares, and his creatures, a pro- 
 longation of his government, p. 61. He was successful in his suit, and con- 
 tinued in office from 1624 to 1635, double the usual time. 
 
I N D EX. 
 
 j3J5 YSSfNIA, an embassy sent to that country 
 by John II. king of Portugal, 41. 
 
 ticapulco, the nature of the trade carried on from 
 thence to Manilla, 383. Amount of the trea- 
 sure on board the bhip taken by Lord Anson, 
 523. 
 
 ./Icosta, his method of accounting for the differ- 
 ent degrees of heat in the old and new conti- 
 nents, 462. 
 
 Adair, his account of the revengeful temper of 
 the native Americans, 478. 
 
 Adanson, hisjustification of Hanno's account of 
 the African seas, 449. 
 
 Africa, the western coast of, iirst explored by 
 order of John I. king of Portugal, 34. Is dis- 
 covered from Cape Non to Bojador, 35. Cape 
 Bojador doubled, 36. The countries south- 
 ward of the river Senegal discovered, 39. Cape 
 of Good Hope seen by Bartholomew Bias, 40. 
 Causes of the extreme heat of the climate 
 there, 125. Ignorance of the ancient astrono- 
 mers concerning, 449. Expedition to the coast 
 of, 394. 
 
 Agriculture, the state of, among the native Ame- 
 ricans, 158. Two principal causes of the de- 
 fects of, 161. 
 
 Aguadu, is sent to Hispaniola, as a commissioner 
 to inspect the conduct of Columbus, 72. 
 
 Affuilar, Jerom de, is relieved from a long capti- 
 vity among the Indians at Cozumel by Fer- 
 nando Cortes, 201. 
 
 Albuquerque, Rodrigo, his barbarous treatment 
 of the Indians of Hispaniola, 108. 
 
 Alcavala, in the Spanish Customs, the terms ex- 
 
 plained, 524. 
 Alex 
 
 exander the Great, his political character, 23. 
 His motive in founding the city of Alexandria, 
 ib. His discoveries in India, ib. 
 
 Ale-xander, VI. Pope, grants to Ferdinand and 
 Isabella of Castile the right of all their western 
 discoveries, 65. Sends missionaries with Co- 
 lumbus on his second voyage, ib. 
 
 Almagro, Diego de, his birth and character, 262. 
 Associates with Pizarro and De Luque in a 
 voyage of discovery, ib. His unsuccessful 
 attempts, 283. Is neglected by Pizarro in his 
 Spanish negotiation, 265. Is reconciled to him, 
 266. Brings reinforcements to Pizarro at Peru, 
 274. Beginning of dissensions between him 
 and Pizarro, 280. Invades Chili, 281. Is 
 created governor of Chili, and marches to 
 Cuzco, 283. Seizes Cuzco out of the hands of 
 Pizarro, 284. Defeats Alvarado, and takes 
 him prisoner, ib. Is deceived by the artful 
 negotiations of Francis Pizarro, 285. Is de- 
 feated by the Pizarros, 286. Is taken prisoner, 
 287 Is tried and condemned, ib. Is put to 
 death, ib. 
 
 , the son, affords refuge to his father's 
 
 followers at Lima, 291. His character, ib. 
 Heads a conspiracy against Francis Pizarro, 
 292. Pizarro assassinated, ib. Is acknow- 
 ledged as his successor, ib. His precarious 
 situation, 293. Is defeated by Vaca de Castro, 
 294. Is betrayed and executed, ib. 
 Mmajorifasgo, in the Spanish American Cus- 
 tonis, the amount of, 524. 
 
 Alvarado, Alonzo, is sent from Lima by Franc 
 Pizarro witli a body of Spaniards to relieve 
 his brothers at Cuzco, 284. Is taken prisoner 
 by Alrnagro, ib. His escape, 285. 
 
 , Pedro de, is left by Cortes to command 
 
 at Mexico, while he marched against Narvaez, 
 231. He is besieged by the Mexicans, 233. 
 His imprudent conduct, 234. His expedition 
 to Quito in Peru, 279. 
 
 Amazons, a community of, said to exist in South 
 America, by Francis Orellana, 290. 
 
 America, the continent of, discovered by Chris- 
 topher Columbus, 76. How it obtained this 
 name, 81. Ferdinand of Castile nominates 
 two governments in, 98. The propositions 
 offered Jo the natives, 99. Hi reception of 
 Ojeda and Nicuessa among them, ib. The 
 South Sea discovered by Balboa, 104. Rio de 
 Plata discovered, 108. The natives of, inju- 
 riously treated by the Spaniards, 117. The 
 vast extent of, 123. The grand objects it pre- 
 sented to view, ib. The circumstances of, 
 favourable for commerce and civilizt ion, ib 
 The climates of, 124. Various causes of the 
 peculiarity of its climates, 125. Its rude and 
 uncultivated state when first discovered, 126. 
 Its animals, 127. Its insects and reptiles, 128. 
 Birds, ib. General account of its soil, 129. 
 Inquiry into the first population of, ib. Could 
 not he peopled by civilized nations, 132. The 
 northern extremity of, contiguous to Asia, 133. 
 Probably peopled by Asiatics, 137. Condition 
 and character of the native inhabitants in- 
 quired into, ib. Were more rude than the 
 natives of any other known parts of the earth, 
 ib. The Peruvians and Mexicans excepted, 
 
 138. The first discoverers incapable of a judi- 
 cious speculative examination, ib. The various 
 systems of philosophers respecting the natives, 
 
 139. Method observed in the present review 
 of their bodily constitution and circumstances, 
 
 140. The venereal disease derived from this 
 part of the world, 148. Why so thinly inha- 
 bited, 161. The country depopulated by con- 
 tinual wars, 174. Causes of the depopulation 
 of, traced, 347. This depopulation not the 
 result of any intentional system of policy, 348. 
 Nor the result of religion, 349. Number ot 
 Indian natives still remaining in Mexico and 
 Peru, 350. All the Spanish dominions there 
 subjected to two viceroys, 351. Its third vice- 
 royalty lately established, ib. Cause of the 
 extreme coldness toward the southern extre- 
 mity of, 464. The natural uncultivated state 
 of the country described, 465. Bones of large 
 extinct species of animals discovered under 
 ground near the banks of the Ohio, ib. Why 
 European animals degenerate there, 466. Sup- 
 posed to have undergone a convulsive separa- 
 tion froi i Asia, 467. The vicinity of the two 
 continents of Asia and America clearly ascer- 
 tained, 468, 469, 470. -See Mexico, Peru, Cortes, 
 Pizarro, Cabot, &c. 
 
 , North, project of settling there, 396. 
 
 First expedition to, fails, 397. A second expe- 
 dition to, ends disastrously, ib. Plan of settling 
 there resumed without effect, ib. The coast 
 
528 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 of, divided into two parts, 402. Charters 
 granted to two companies for settling colonies 
 in, ib. Emigrations from England to, 436. 
 See Colonies, New-England, Virginia, &c. 
 Americans, native, in Spanish America, their 
 bodiiy constitution and complexion, 140, 141. 
 Their strength and abilities, 141, 142. Their 
 insensibility with regard to their women, 142. 
 No deformities in their frame, 144. This cir- 
 cumstance accounted for, ib. Uniformity of 
 their colour, 145. A peculiar race of, described, 
 146. The Esquimaux, ib. Patagonians, 147. 
 The existence of Patagonian giants yet remain- 
 ing to be decided, ib. Their diseases, 148. The 
 venereal disease peculiarly theirs, ib. The 
 powers and qualities of their minds, 149. Are 
 only solicitous to supply immediate wants, ib. 
 The art of computation scarcely known to 
 them, 150. Have no abstract ideas, ib. The 
 North Americans much more intelligent than 
 those of the South, 151. Their aversion to 
 labour, 152. Their social state, ib. Domestic 
 union, 153. The women, ib. Their women 
 not prolific, 154. Their parental affection and 
 filial duty, 155. Their modes of subsistence,' 
 156. Fishing, ib. Hunting, 157. Agriculture, 
 ]58. The various objects of their culture, ib. 
 Two principal causes of the defects of their 
 agriculture, 159. Their want of tame animals, 
 ib. Their want of useful metals, i<5u. Their 
 political institutions, 161. Were divided into 
 small independent communities, ib. Unac- 
 quainted wiih,the idea of property, 162. Their 
 high sense of equality and independence, ib. 
 Their Ideas of subordination imperfect, ib. To 
 what tribes these descriptions apply, 163. 
 Some exceptions, 164. Florida, ib. The 
 Natchez, ib. The islands, 165. In Bogota, ib. 
 Inquiry into the causes of these irregularities, 
 ib. Their art of war, 167. Their motives to 
 hostility, ib. Causes of their ferocity, ib. 
 Perpetuity of their animosities, 168. Their 
 modes of conducting war, ib. Are not destitute 
 of courage and fortitude, 169. Incapable of 
 military discipline, 170. Their treatment of 
 prisoners, ib. Their fortitude under torture, 
 171. Never eat human flesh but to gratify re- 
 venge, 172. How the South Americans treated 
 their prisoners, ib. Their military education, 
 
 173. Strange method of choosing a captain 
 among the Indians on the banks of the Orinoco, 
 ib. Their numbers wasted by continual wars, 
 
 174. Their tribes now recruit their numbers 
 by adopting prisoners, ib. Are never formida- 
 ble in war to more polished nations, 175. Their 
 arts, dress, and ornaments, ib. Their habita- 
 tions, 176. Their arms, 173. Their domestic 
 utensils, ib. Construction of their canoes, ib. 
 The listlessness with whicti tl'ry apply to la- 
 bour, 179. T'.icir religion, ib. Some tribes 
 altogether destitute of any, 180. Remarkable 
 diversity in their religious rations, 181. Their 
 ideas of the immortality of the soul, 183. Their 
 modes of burial, 184. Why their physicians 
 pretend to be conjurors, ib. Their love of 
 dancing, 185. Their immoderate passion for 
 gaming, 187. Are extremely addicted to drunk- 
 enness, ib. Put their aged and incurable to 
 death, 189. General estimate of their charac- 
 ter, ib. Their intellectual powers, ib. Their 
 political talents, 190. Powers of affection, 191. 
 Hardness of heart, ib. Their insensibility, ib. 
 Taciturnity, 192. Their cunning, ib. Their 
 virtues, 193. Their spirit of independence, ib. 
 Fortitude, ib. Attachment to their commu- 
 nity, ib. Their satisfaction with their own 
 condition, 194. General caution with respect 
 to this inquiry, ib. Two distinguishable classes, 
 195. Exceptions as to their character, 196. 
 An antipathy industriously encouraged be- 
 tween them and the Negroes in America, by 
 the Spaniard8,-358. Their present condition, 
 
 ib. How taxed, ib. Stated services demandert 
 from them, ib. Mode of exacting ti.ese ser- 
 vices, 359. How governed, ib. Protector of 
 the Indians, his function, ib. seasons why 
 so small a progress is made in their conversion, 
 364. Their characteristic features described, 
 470 Instances of their persevering speed, 
 
 Amerigo, Vespucci, publishes the first written 
 account of the New World, and hence gave 
 name to America, 81. His claim as a disco- 
 verer examined, 458. 
 
 Anacoana, a female cazique of Hispaniola, her 
 base and cruel usage by the Spaniards, 93, 94. 
 
 Andes, stupendous height and extent of that 
 range of mountains, 123. Their height com- 
 pared with other mountains, 46 J Gonzalo 
 Pizarro's remarkable expedition over, 5iS9. 
 
 Animals, large, very few found in America at its 
 first discovery, 128. 
 
 Ancients, cause of the imperfection of the art of 
 navigation among them, 18. Their geographi- 
 cal knowledge extremely confined, 449. 
 
 Arabians, peculiarly attached to the study of 
 Geography, 28 
 
 Argonauts, the. expedition of, why so famous 
 among the Greeks, 2J 
 
 Arithmetic, or computation, the art of, hardly 
 known to the native Americans, 150 
 
 Ascollno, Father, his extraordinary mission to 
 the Prince of the Tartars, 30. 
 
 Asiatic discoveries made by the Russians, 135. 
 
 Assiento trade, the n,alure of, explained, 374. 
 The frauds in, and how put an end to, 375. 
 
 Atahualpa, is left by his father Huascar his suc- 
 cessor in the kingdom of Quito, 269. Defeats 
 his brother Huascar, and usurps the empire of 
 Peru',ib. Sends presents to Pizarro, 270. Visits 
 Pizarro, 272. Is perfidiously seized by him, 
 273. Agrees with Pizarro on a ransom, ib 
 Is refused his liberty, 275. His behaviour dur- 
 ing his confinement, 276. A form of trial be- 
 stowed on him, ib. Is put to death, 277. Com- 
 parison of authorities relating to his transac- 
 tions with, and treatment by Pizarro, 497. 
 
 Audience of New Spain, board of, established by 
 the Emperor Charles V., 259. Courts of, their 
 jurisdiction, 352. 
 
 Averia, a Spanish tax for convoy to and from 
 America, when first imposed, 524. Its rate, ib. 
 
 Azores, those islands discovered by the Portu- 
 guese, 38. 
 
 Bacon, Nathaniel, heads an insurrection in Vir- 
 ginia, 424. Forces the governor and council 
 there to fly, ib. They apply to England for 
 succour, 425. His death terminates the rebel- 
 lion, ib. 
 
 Balboa, Vasco Nugnez de, settles a colony at 
 Santa Maria, in the Gulf of Darien, 100. "Re 
 ceives intelligence of the rich country of Peru, 
 102. His character, 103. Marches across the 
 isthmus, 104. Discovers the Southern Ocean, 
 ib. Returns, 105. Is superseded in his com- 
 mand by the appointment of Pedrarias Davila, 
 ib. Is fined by Pedrarias for former transac- 
 tions, 106. Is appointed lieutenant-governor 
 of the countries on the South Sea, and marries 
 Pedrarias's daughter, 106, 107. Is arrested and 
 put to dnath by Pedrarias, 107. 
 
 Bark, Jesuits', a production peculiar to Peru, 368. 
 
 Barrere, his description of the construction of 
 Indian houses, 482. 
 
 Behaim, Martin, the honour of having discovered 
 America falsely ascribed to him by some Ger- 
 man authors, 455. Account of him and his 
 family, ib. 
 
 Behring and Tschirikow, Russian navigators, 
 thought to have discovered the north-west 
 extremity of America from the eastward, 135 
 Uncertainty of their accounts, 467. 
 
 Bcnalcazar, governor of St. Michael, reduces 
 
INDEX. 
 
 529 
 
 T the kingdom of Quito, 278, 279. Is deprived 
 of his command by Pizarro, 289. 
 
 Benjamin, the Jew of Tudela, his extraordinary 
 travels, 30. 
 
 Bernaldes, instance of the bravery of the Carib- 
 bees mentioned by him, 484. 
 
 Bcthencourt, John de, a Norman baron, conquers 
 and possesses the Canary islands, 33. 
 
 Birds, an account of those natural to America, 
 128. The flight of, often stretch to an immense 
 distance from land, 453. 
 
 Bogota, in America, some account of the inha- 
 bitants of, 165. Causes of their tame submis- 
 sion to the Spaniards, 166, Their religious 
 doctrines and rites, 183. 
 
 Bojador, Cape, the first discovery of, 35. Is 
 doubled by the Portuguese discoverers, 36. 
 
 Bossu, his account of the American war song, 
 
 Bovadilla, Francis de, is sent to Hispaniola to 
 inquire into the conduct of Columbus, 83. 
 Sends Columbus home in irons, 83, 84. Is de- 
 graded, 85. 
 
 Bougainville, his defence of the Periplus of 
 Hanno, 448. 
 
 jBouffuer, M., his character of the native Peru- 
 vians, 473. 
 
 Brasil, the coast of, discovered by Alvarez Ca- 
 bral, 82. Remarks on the climate of, 463. 
 
 Bridges, Peruvian, described, 508. 
 
 Buenos Jlyres, in South America, some account 
 of that province, 344. 
 
 Bulls, papal, of no force in Spanish America, 
 before examined and approved by the royal 
 council of the Indies, 361. See Crusado. 
 
 Burial of the dead, American mode of, 184. 
 
 Cabot, Giovanni, is appointed to command the 
 first expedition to explore unknown countries, 
 
 390. Embarks with his son at Bristol, ib. 
 Discovers Newfoundland, ib. Returns to Eng- 
 land, ib. No advantage is derived from his 
 discoveries, ib. The scheme is abandoned, 
 
 391. He is appointed governor of a company 
 of merchant adventurers, for whom he obtains 
 a chatter, 393. 
 
 , Sebastian, sails on an expedition to South 
 
 America, 392. Visits Brasil, and touches at 
 Hispaniola and Puerto Rico, ib. His voyage 
 extends the sphere of English navigation, and 
 proves the means of opening an intercourse 
 with the Archipelago, and some towns on the 
 coast of Syria, ib. 
 
 Cabral, Alvarez, a Portuguese commander, dis- 
 covers the coast of Brasil, 82. 
 
 Cacao, the best in quality, produced in the Spanish 
 American colonies, 368. The preparation of 
 chocolate from, derived from the Mexicans, 
 376. 
 
 Cadiz, the galeons and flota removed thither from 
 Seville, 372. 
 
 California, the peninsula of, discovered by Fer- 
 nando Cortes, 260. The true state of this 
 country long unknown, 341. Why depreciated 
 by the Jesuits, ib. Favourable account of, 
 given by Don Joseph Galvez, ib. 
 
 Califormans, the character of, by P. Venegas, 
 474. 
 
 Campeachy, discovered by Cordova, who is re- 
 pulsed by the natives, 119 
 
 Campomanes, Don Pedro Rodriguez, character of 
 his political and commercial writings, 522. 
 His account of the produce of the Spanish 
 American mines, 525. 
 
 Canary islards, erected into a kingdom by Pope 
 Clement VI., 33. Are conquered by John de 
 Bethencourt, ib. 
 
 Cannibals, no people ever found to eat human 
 flesh for subsistence, though often for revenge, 
 172. 480. 
 
 Canoes, American the construction of, described, 
 1V8. 
 
 VOL. I. 67 
 
 Caraccas, establishment of 'the company trading 
 to that coast, 377. Growth of the trade, &il. 
 
 Caribbee islands, discovered by Columbus in his 
 second voyage, 66. 
 
 Caribbees, their spirit peculiarly fierce, 196 
 Their character, by M. de Chanvalon, 474. 
 Probable conjecture as to the distinction in 
 character between them and the natives of 
 the larger islands, 485. 
 
 Carpini, his extraordinary mission to the Prince 
 of the Tartars, 30. 
 
 Carthagena, the harbour of, the safest and best 
 Jortiried of any in all the Spanish American 
 dominions, 345 
 
 Carthaginians, state of commerce and navigation 
 among, 20. The famous voyages of Li anno 
 and Himlico, ib. 
 
 Carvajal, Francisco de, contributes to Vaca de 
 Castro's victory over young Almagro, 294. 
 Encourages Gonzalo Pizarro to assume the 
 government of Peru, 300 Advises Pizarro to 
 assume the sovereigntv of the country, 302. 
 Is seized by Gasca, and executed, 308. 
 
 Castillo, Bernal Diaz del, character of his His- 
 toria Verdadera de la Conquista de la Nueva 
 Espagna, 486. 
 
 Centeno, Diego, revolts from Gonzalo Pizarro to 
 the viceroy of Peru, 301. Is defeated by Car- 
 vajal, and secretes himself in a cave, 302w 
 Sallies out, and seizes Cuzco, 306, 307. In 
 reduced by Pizarro, 307. Is employed by 
 Gasca to make discoveries in the regions about 
 the river Plata, 310. 
 
 Chancelour, Richard, sails in search of a north- 
 west passage, 393. The fleet is scattered in a 
 storm, ib. He enters the White Sea, and win- 
 ters at Archangel, ib. Visits Moscow, a dis- 
 tance of 1200 miles, and delivers a letter to the 
 czar, ib. Is the means of opening a trade 
 with Russia, ib. Is empowered by Queen 
 Elizabeth to negotiate with the czar in her 
 name, ib. 
 
 Chanvalon, M. de, his character of the native 
 Caribbees, 474. 
 
 Chapetones, in the Spanish American colonies, 
 who thus distinguished, 356. 
 
 Charles III., king of Spain, establishes packet 
 boats between Spain and the colonies, 378. 
 Allows free trade to the Windward islands, ib. 
 Grants the colonies a free trade with each 
 other, 380. 
 
 V., Emperor, sends Roderigo de Figueroa 
 
 to Hispaniola, as Chief Judge, to regulate the 
 treatment of the Indians, 113. Causes this 
 subject to be debated before him, 115. Equips 
 a squadron at the solicitation of Ferdinand 
 Magellan, 253. Resigns his claim on the Mo- 
 luccas to the Portuguese, 255. Appoints Cortes 
 governor of New Spain, 256. Rewards him 
 on coming home, 259. Establishes a board 
 called the Audience of New Spain, ib. His 
 consultations on American affairs, 294. Esta- 
 blishes new regulations, 206. 
 
 Chesapeak. See Virginia. 
 
 Chili, is invaded by Amiagro, 281. How sub- 
 jected by the Spaniards, 342. Excellence ot 
 its climate and soil, ib. Cause of its being 
 neglected, 343. Prospect of its improvement, 
 ib. 
 
 Chiquiios, political state of that people, from 
 Fernandez, 478. 
 
 Chocolate, the use of, derived from the Mexicans! 
 376. 
 
 Cholula, in Mexico, arrival of Cortes there, with 
 some account of the town, 217. A conspiracy 
 against Cortes discovered, and the inhabitant! 
 destroyed, ib. 
 
 Church government, sentiments respecting, at 
 the Reformation, 427. Religious persecution 
 in the reigns of Queen Mary and Queen Eliza- 
 beth, 428. Intolerant spirit of the church, 429. 
 Separation of the Puritans from the church, 
 
530 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 ib. They are reduced into an ecclesiastical 
 system by Bobert Brown, a popular declaimer, 
 and adopt the name of Brownists, 430. Take 
 refuge in Holland, 431. Remove thence to 
 America, 432. Church government is esta- 
 blished in Massachusetts Bay, 435. Its intole- 
 rance, ib. The intolerance of Laud increases 
 the emigrations from England, 436. 
 
 Cicero, instance of his ignorance in geography, 
 450. 
 
 Cinaloa, political state of the people there, 478. 
 Their mode of living, 481. Are destitute of 
 all religion, 483. Extraordinary large grain of 
 gold found there, 509. 
 
 Cineffuilla, in the province of Sonora, late dis- 
 coveries of rich mines made there by the Spa- 
 niards, 340. Probable effects of these disco- 
 veries, 341. 
 
 Clavigero, M., several of his objections answered, 
 518, 519. 
 
 Clement VI., Pope, erects the Canary islands into 
 a kingdom, 33. 
 
 Climates, influenced by a variety of causes, 
 124. Their operation on mankind, .195. In- 
 quiry into the cause of the different degrees of 
 neat in, 462. 
 
 Cochineal, an important production, almost pe- 
 culiar to New Spain, 368. 
 
 Cold, extraordinary predominance of, in the cli- 
 mate of America, 124. Causes of this pecu- 
 liarity, 125. 
 
 Colonies, English American, project of settling 
 them, 396. Two expeditions fail, 397, The 
 first colony established in Virginia, 398. In 
 danger of perishing by famine: it returns to 
 England, 399. A second attempt made to 
 settle there, but the colony perishes by famine, 
 400. The scheme of settling there is aban- 
 doned, ib. Circumstances in the reign of Eli- 
 zabeth unfavourable to colonization, 401. The 
 reign of James favourable to the establishment 
 of colonies, ib. James divides the coast of 
 America into two parts ; the one called the first 
 or south colony of Virginia, the other the 
 second or north colony, 402. He grants char- 
 ters to two companies for the government of 
 them, ib. Tenor and defects of those charters, 
 403. Under these charters the settlements of 
 the English in Virginia and New England were 
 established, ib. Capt. Newport sails from 
 England for Virginia, and discovers the Chesa- 
 peak, 404. Sails up James river, and founds 
 a settlement in Jamestown, ib. Its bad ad- 
 ministration, ib. It is annoyed by the Indians, 
 and suffers ftom scarcity and the unhealthiness 
 of the climate, 405. Seasonable succours are 
 sent from England, 406. A survey of the 
 country is undertaken, ib. The colony depends 
 for subsistence chiefly on supplies from the 
 natives, 407. A change is made in the consti- 
 tution of the company, and a new charter is 
 granted with more ample privileges, ib. Lord 
 Delaware is appointed governor of the colony, 
 ib. Anarchy prevails there, 408. It is almost 
 reduced by famine, ib. Lord Delaware arrives, 
 and by his wise administration restores order 
 and discipline, 409. His health obliges him to 
 return to England, and he is superseded by Sir 
 Thomas Dale, who establishes martial law, 
 ib. A new charter is issued to the colony, and 
 new privileges are granted, 410. Cultivation 
 of the land is promoted, and a treaty entered 
 into with the natives, ib. The land in Virginia 
 becomes property, 411. The culture of tobacco 
 is introduced, and its pernicious consequences, 
 ib. The company in England send out a 
 number of young women to induce the colo- 
 nists to form more extensive plans of industry, 
 41S. Negroes are first introduced, ib. A 
 Tanv constitution is given to the colony, ib. A 
 general massacre of the English is planned by 
 the Indians, and executed in most of the set- 
 
 tlements, 414. A bloody war is commenced 
 with the Indians, and neither old nor young 
 are spared, ib. The settlements extend, and 
 industry revives, 415. . Defects in the first con- 
 stitution of the colonies, 417. King Charles's 
 arbitrary government of them, 418. He grants 
 them new privileges, 419. They flourish under 
 the new government, 420. The colonists re- 
 main attached to the royal cause, and parlia- 
 ment makes war on Virginia, which is obliged 
 to acknowledge the Commonwealth, 420, 421. 
 Restraints are laid on the trade of the colonies, 
 431. The colonists are dissatisfied with these 
 restraints, ib. Are the first to acknowledge 
 Charles II., but their loyalty is ill rewarded, ib. 
 Restraints on their commerce further extended 
 by the navigation act, 422. Effects of the act, 
 423. Colonists remonstrate against it, ib. The 
 colony of Virginia is attacked by the Indians, 
 ib. Discontents are produced by the grants of 
 land by the crown, ib. A colony is established 
 at New Plymouth in New England, 432. Plan 
 of its government, ib. A grand council is ap- 
 pointed, 433. A new colony is projected, ib. 
 Settles at Massachusetts Bay, 434. The char- 
 ter of the company in England being trans- 
 ferred to the colonies, they extend in conse- 
 quence of it, 436. The colonists increase, 437. 
 New settlers arrive, 439. Sectaries settle in 
 Providence and Rhode Island, 440. Theologi- 
 cal contests give rise to a colony at Connecticut. 
 441. Emigrants from Massachusetts Bay settle 
 there, ib. Settlements are formed in the pro- 
 vinces of New-Hampshire and Maine, ib. 
 State of the colonies at the Revolution, 444. 
 Are exempted from certain duties, 445. Enter 
 into a league of confederacy, ib. Assume the 
 right of coining, 446. Are patronized by Crom- 
 well, who proposes to transport them to Ja- 
 maica.ib. They decline his ofler, 447. See 
 New- England, Virginia, &c. 
 Colonies, Spanish American, view of the policy 
 and trade of, 347. Depopulation the first effect 
 of them, ib. Causes of this depopulation, ib. 
 The small-pox very fatal to, 348. Genera! idea 
 of the Spanish policy in, ib. Early interposi- 
 tion of the regal authority in, 349. An exclu 
 sive trade the first object in, 353. Compared 
 with those of ancient Greece and Rome, 354. 
 The great restrictions they are subject to, ib. 
 Slow progress of their population from Europe, 
 355. Are discouraged by the state of property 
 there, ib. ; and by the nature of their ecclesi 
 astical policy, '356. The various classes of 
 people in, ib. Ecclesiastical constitution of, 
 360. Form and endowments of the church- 
 there, 361. Pernicious effects of monastic in- 
 stitutions there, ib. Character of the eccle- 
 siastics there, 362. Productions of, 365. The 
 mines, 366. Those of Potosi and Sacotecas, 
 ib. The spirit with which they are worked, 
 ib. Fatal effects of this ardour, 367. Other 
 commodities that compose the commerce of, 
 368. Amazing increase of horned cattle there, 
 ib. Advantages which Spain formerly derived 
 from them, 369. Why the same advantages 
 are not still received, ib. Guarda cosfas em 
 ployed to check the contraband trade in, 375. 
 The use of register ships introduced, 376 ; and 
 galeons laid aside, ib. Company of the Ca- 
 raccas instituted, 377. Establishment of regulai 
 packet boats to, 378. Free trade permitted be- 
 tween them, ib. New regulations in the go- 
 vernment of, 380. Reformation of the courts 
 of justice, ib. New distribution of govern- 
 ments, ib. A fourth viceroyalty established, 
 ib. Attempts to reform domestic policy, 381. 
 Their trade with the Philippine islands, 383. 
 Revenue derived from, by Spain, 384. Expense- 
 of administration there, 385. State of popu- 
 lation in, 512: The number of monasteries 
 there, 513. See Mexico, Peru, &e. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 531 
 
 Columbus, Bartholomew, is sent by his brother 
 Christopher to negotiate with Henry VII. king 
 of England, 46. The misfortunes of his voy- 
 age, 48. Follows his brother to Hispaniola 
 69, 70. Is vested with the administration ot 
 affairs there by his brother on his return to 
 Spain, 73. Founds the town of St. Domingo 
 77. 
 
 , Christopher, birth and education of, 
 
 42. His early voyages, ib. Marries and settles 
 at Lisbon, ib. His geographical reflections, 43. 
 Conceives the idea of making discoveries to 
 the westward, 44* Offers his services to the 
 Genoese senate, 45. Cause of his overtures 
 being rejected in Portugal, 46. Applies to the 
 courts of Castile and England, ib. His propo- 
 sal, how treated by the Spanish geographers. 
 47. Is patronized by Juan Perez, 48. His 
 
 Eroposals again rejected, 49. Is invited by 
 sabella, and engaged in the Spanish service, 
 50. Preparations for his voyage, 51. The 
 amount of his equipment, ib. Sails from 
 Spain, 52. His vigilant attention to all cir- 
 cumstances during his voyage, ib. Apprehen- 
 sions of his crew, ib. His address in quieting 
 their cabals, ib. Indications of their approach- 
 ing land, 54. An island discovered, 55. He 
 lands, 56. His interview with the natives, ib. 
 Names the island San Salvadore, ib. Prose- 
 cutes his discoveries southward, 57, Discovers 
 and lands on the island of Cuba, ib. Discovers 
 Hispaniola, 58. Suffers shipwreck, but is saved 
 by the Indians, 59. Builds a fort, 60. Returns 
 to Europe, 61. His expedient to preserve the 
 memory of his discoveries during a storrn, 62. 
 Arrives at the Azores, ib. Arrives at Lisbon, 
 ib. His reception in Spain, 63. His audience 
 with Ferdinand and Isabella, ib. His equip- 
 ment for a second voyage, 65. Discovers the 
 Carribbee islands, 66. Finds his colony on 
 Hispaniola destroyed, ib. Builds a city, which 
 he calls Isabella, 67. Visits the interior parts 
 of the country, ib. His men discontented and 
 factious, 68. Discovers the island of Jamaica, 
 69. Meets his brother Bartholomew at Isa- 
 oella, 70. The natives ill used by his men, 
 and begin to be alarmed, ib. He defeats the 
 Indians, 71, Exacts tribute from them, ib. 
 Returns to Spain to justify his conduct, 73. Is 
 furnished with a more regular plan for coloni- 
 zation, 74. His third voyage, 75. Discovers 
 the island of Trinidad, 76. Discovers the con- 
 tinent of America, ib. State of Hispaniola on 
 his arrival, ib. Composes the mutiny of Roldan 
 and his adherents, 78. Is distressed by the 
 factious behaviour of hi-s men, 82. Complaints 
 carried to Spain against him, ib. Is sent home 
 in irons, 84. Clears his conduct, but is not 
 restored to his authority, ib. His solicitations 
 neglected, 86. Forms new schemes of disco- 
 very, ib. Engages in a fourth voyage, 87. 
 His treatment at Hispaniola, ib. Searches 
 after a passage to the Indian ocean, 88. Is 
 shipwrecked on the coast of Jamaica, 89. His 
 artifice to secure the friendship of the Indians, 
 
 90. Is delivered, and arrives at Hispaniola, 
 
 91. Returns to Spain, ib. His death, 92. His 
 right to the original discovery of America de- 
 fended, 298. The spirit of adventure raised 
 in England by his discoveries, 389. Is checked 
 by the want of skill in navigation, ib. His 
 system of opening a passage to~ India by steer- 
 ing a western course is adopted by Cabot, 390. 
 
 , Don Diego, sues out his claim to his 
 
 father's privileges, 97. Marries, and goes over 
 to Hispaniola, ib. Establishes a pearl-fishery 
 at Cubagua, 98. Projects the conquest of Cuba, 
 100. His measures- thwarted by Ferdinand, 
 108. Returns to Spain, ib. 
 Commerce, the era from which its commencement 
 is to be dated, 17. Motives to an intercourse 
 among distant nations, 18. Still flourished in 
 
 the eastern empire after the subversion of the 
 western, 28. Revival of, in Europe, 31. 
 
 Compass, mariner's, navigation extended more 
 by the invention of, than by all the efforts of 
 preceding ages, 32. By whom invented, ib. 
 
 Condamine, M., his account of the country at 
 the foot of the Andes, in South America, 465. 
 His remarks on the character of the native 
 Americans, 473. 
 
 Congo, the kingdom of, discovered by the Portu- 
 guese, 39. 
 
 Constantinople, the consequence of removing 
 the seat of the Roman Empire to, 27. Conti- 
 nued a commercial city after the extinction of 
 the western empire, 28. Became the chief 
 mart of Italy, 29. 
 
 Cordova, Francisco Hernandez, discovers Yuca- 
 tan, 119. Is repulsed at Campeachy, and re- 
 turns to Cuba, ib. 
 
 Corita, Alonzo, his observations on the contra- 
 band trade of the Spanish colonies, 382, 383. 
 Character of his American memoirs, 500, 501. 
 
 Cortes, Fernando, his birth, education, and cha- < 
 racter, 197. Is by Velasquez appointed com 
 mander of the armament fitted out by him 
 against New Spain, 198. Velasquez becomes 
 jealous of him, 199. Velasquez sends an order 
 to deprive him of his commission, and lay him 
 under an arrest, 199. Is protected by his 
 troops, ib. The amount of his forces, 200. 
 Reduces the Indians at Tabasco, 201. Arrives 
 at St. Juan de Ulua, ib. His interview with 
 two Mexican commanders, ib. Sends presents 
 to Montezuma, 203. Receives others in return, 
 ib. His schemes, 205. Establishes a form of 
 civil government, 207. Resigns his commis- 
 sion under Velasquez, and assumes the com- 
 mand in the king's name, 207, 208. His friend- 
 ship courted by the Zempoallans, 208. Builds 
 a fort, 209. Concludes a formal alliance with 
 several caziques, 210. Discovers a conspiracy 
 among his men, and destroys his ships, 211. 
 Advances into the country, 212. Is opposed 
 by the Tlascalans, 213. Concludes a peace 
 with them, 215. His rash zeal, 216. Proceeds 
 to Cholula, 217. Discovers a conspiracy 
 against him there, and destroys the inhabitants, 
 ib. Approaches in sight of the capital city of 
 Mexico, ib. His first interview with Monte- 
 zuma, 218. His anxiety at his situation in the 
 city of Mexico, 221. Seizes Montezuma, 223. 
 Orders him to be fettered, 224. Reasons for 
 his conduct, ib. Prevails on Montezuma to 
 own himself a vassal to the Spanish crown, 
 
 225, Amount and division of his treasure, 
 
 226. Enrages the Mexicans by his imprudent 
 zeal, 227. An armament sent by Velasquez 
 to supersede him, 228. His deliberations on 
 this event, 230. Advances to meet Narvaez, 
 231. Defeats Narvaez, and takes him pri- 
 soner, 233. Gains over the Spanish soldiers to 
 his interest, ib. Returns to Mexico, 234. His- 
 improper conduct on his arrival, ib. Is reso- 
 lutely attacked by the Mexicans, 235. Attacks 
 them in return without success, ib. Death of 
 Montezuma, 236. His extraordinary escape 
 from death, 237. Abandons the city of Mex- 
 ico, ib. Is attacked by the Mexicans, ib. His 
 great losses in the encounter, 238. Difficulties 
 of his retreat, ib. Battle of Otumba, 239. 
 Defeats the Mexicans, 240. Mutinous spirit 
 of his troops, 241. Reduces the Tepeacans, 
 242. Is strengthened by several reinforcements, 
 ib. Returns towards Mexico, 543. Establishes 
 his head-quarters at Tezeuco, 244. Reduces 
 or conciliates the surrounding country, ib. 
 Cabals among his troops, 245. His prudence 
 in suppressing them, ib. Builds and launches 
 a fleet of brigantines on the lake, 246. Be- 
 sieges Mexico, 247. Makes a grand assault to 
 take the city by storm, but is repulsed, 248. 
 Evades the Mexican prophecy, 250. Takes 
 
532 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Guatimozin prisoner, 251. Gains possession ' 
 of the city, ib. ; and of the whole empire, 252. 
 Defeats another attempt to supersede him in 
 his command, 256. Is appointed governor of 
 New Spain, ib. His schemes and arrange- 
 ments, 256, 257. Cruel treatment of the na- 
 tives 257. His conduct subjected to inquiry, 
 258. ' Returns to Spain to justify-himself, 259. 
 Is rewarded by the emperor Charles V., ib. 
 Goes back to Mexico with limited powers, ib. 
 Discovers California, 260. Returns to Spain, 
 and dies, ib. Inquiry into the nature of-his 
 1 otters to the emperor Charles V. , 485. A uthprs 
 who wrote of his conquest of New Spain, ib. 
 
 Council of the Indies, its power, 353. 
 
 Creoles in the Spanish American colonies, cha- 
 racter of, 356. 
 
 Crofflan, Colonel George, his account of the dis- 
 covery of the bones of a large extinct species 
 of animals in North America, 465. 
 
 Crusades to the Holy Land, the great political 
 advantages derived from, by the European na- 
 tions, 29. 
 
 Orusado, bulls of, published regularly every two 
 years in the Spanish colonies, 384. Prices of, 
 and amount of the sale at the last publication, 
 523. 
 
 Cuba, the island of, discovered by Christopher 
 Columbus, 57. Is sailed round by Ocampo, 97. 
 The conquest of, undertaken by Diego Velas- 
 quez, 101. Cruel treatment of the cazique 
 Hatuey, and his repartee to a friar, ib. Co- 
 lumbus's enthusiastic description of a harbour 
 in, 453. The tobacco produced there the finest 
 in all America, 368. 
 
 Cubagua, a pearl fishery established there, 98. 
 
 Cumana, the natives of, revenge their ill treat- 
 ment by the Spaniards, 118. The country de- 
 solated by Diego Ocampo, ib. 
 
 Cuzco, the capital of the Peruvian empire, founded 
 by Manco Capac, 268. Is seized by Pizarro, 
 278. Is besieged by the Peruvians, 282. Is 
 surprised by Almagro, 233. Is recovered and 
 pillaged by the Pizarros, 286, 287. Was thi 
 only city in all Peru, 338. 
 
 Dancing, the love of, a favourite passion among 
 the Americans, 185. 
 
 Darien, the isthmus of, described, 103. The in- 
 crease of- settlement there obstructed by the 
 noxiousness of the climate, 345. 
 
 Delaware, Lord, is appointed governor of Virgi- 
 nia, 407. His wise administration there, 409. 
 (s obliged to return to England on account of 
 his health, ib. 
 
 De Solis, his unfortunate expedition up the river 
 Plata, 108. 
 
 , Antonio, character of his Historia de 
 
 la Conquista de Mexico, 486. 
 
 D" 1 Esquilache, Prince, viceroy of Peru, his vi- 
 gorous measures for restraining the excesses of 
 the regular clergy there, 363. Rendered inef- 
 fectual, ib. 
 
 Diaz, Bartholomew, discovers the Cape of Good 
 Hope, 40. 
 
 Discoveries, the difference between those made 
 by land and those by sea stated, 450. 
 
 Dodwell, his objections to the Periplua of Hanno 
 exploded, 448. 
 
 Domingo, St., on the island of Hispaniola, found- 
 ed by Bartholomew Columbus, 76, 77. 
 
 Dominicans, those in Hispaniola publicly remon 
 strata against the cruel treatment of the Indians, 
 109. See Las Casas. 
 
 Drake, Sir Francis, sails round the world, 395. 
 
 Drunkenness, strong propensity of the Americans 
 to indulge in, 187. 
 
 Earth, the globe of, how divided into zones by 
 the ancients, 26. 
 
 Egyptians, ancient, state of commerce and na- 
 vigation among them> 19. 
 
 El Dorado, wonderful reports of a country so 
 called, made by Francis Orellana, 290. 
 
 Elephant, that animal peculiar to the torrid zone, 
 465. 
 
 Elizabeth, the reign of, auspicious to discovery, 
 394. She encourages commerce, and secures 
 the trade to Russia, 395. Circumstances in 
 her reign unfavourable to colonization, 401. 
 Her high idea of her superior skill in theology, 
 428, note. 
 
 Escurial, curious calendar discovered in the 
 library there by Mr. Waddilove, 504. Descrip- 
 tion of that valuable monument of Mexican 
 art, ib. 
 
 Esquimaux Indians, resemblance between them 
 and their neighbours the Greenianders, 136. 
 Some account of, 482, 
 
 Eugene IV., Pope, grants to the Portuguese an 
 exclusive right to all the countries they should 
 discover, from Cape Non to the continent of 
 India, 38. 
 
 Europe, how affected by the dismemberment of 
 the Roman empire by the barbarous nations, 
 27. Revival of commerce and navigation, 28. 
 Political advantages derived from the cru- 
 sades, 29. 
 
 Ferdinand, king of Castile see Coiumbus and 
 Isabella turns his attention at length to the 
 regulation of American affairs, 95. Don Diego 
 de Columbus sues out his father's claims 
 against him, 97. Erects two governments on 
 the continent of America, 98. Sends a fleet 
 to Darien, and supersedes Balboa, 105. Ap- 
 points Balboa lieutenant-governor of the coun 
 tries on the South Sea, 106. Sends Dias de 
 Solis to discover a western passage to the Mo 
 luccas, 108, Thwarts the measures of Diego 
 Columbus, ib. His decree concerning the 
 treatment of the Indians, 109. 
 
 Fernandez, Don Diego, character of his Historia 
 del Peru, 495. 
 
 , P., hie description of the political 
 
 state of the Chiquitos, 478. 
 
 Figueroa, Rpderigo de, is appointed chief judge 
 of Hispaniola, with a commission to examine 
 into the treatment of the Indian natives, 113. 
 Makes an experiment to determine the capacity 
 of the Indians, 117. 
 
 Florida, discovered by Juan Ponce de Leon, 101. 
 The chiefs there hereditary, 164. Account of, 
 from Alvara Nugnez Cabeca de Veca, 475. 
 
 Flota, Spanish, some account of, 372. 
 
 Fonseca, bishop of Badajos, minister for Indian 
 affairs, obstructs the plans of colonization and 
 discovery formed by Columbus, 72. 75. Pa- 
 tronizes the expedition of Alonzo de Qjeda, 80. 
 
 Frobisher, Martin, makes three unsuccessful 
 attempts to discover a north-east passage to 
 India, 395. 
 
 Galeons, Spanish, the nature and purpose of 
 these vessels, 372. Arrangement of their voy- 
 age, ib. 
 
 Oalvez, Don Joseph, sent to discover the true 
 state of California, 341. 
 
 Oama, Vasco de, his voyage for discovery, 79. 
 Doubles die Cape of Good Hope, ib. Anchors 
 before the city of Melinda, ib. Arrives at Gale- 
 cut, in Malabar, ib. 
 
 Gaming, strange propensity of the Americans 
 to, 187. 
 
 Ganges, erroneous ideas of the ancients as to the 
 position of that, river, 450. 
 
 Gasca, Pedro de la, sent to Peru as president of 
 the Court of Audience in Lima, 304. His 
 character and moderation, ib. The powers he 
 was vested with, ib. Arrives at Panama, 305 
 Acquires possession of Panama with the fleet 
 and forces there, 306. Advances towards 
 Cuzco. 307. Pizarro's troops desert to him, 
 308. His moderate use of the victory ib 
 
INDEX. 
 
 533 
 
 IDevises employment for his soldiers, 310. His 
 division of the country among his followers, 
 311. The discontents it occasions, ib. Re- 
 stores order and government, ib. His reception 
 at bis return to Spain, 311, 312. 
 
 Geminus, instance of his ignorance in geogra 
 , phy, 451. 
 
 Geography, the knowledge of, extremely confined 
 among the ancients, 28. Became a favourite 
 study among the Arabians, 28. 
 
 Giants, the accounts of, in our early travellers, 
 unconfirmed by recent discoveries, 32. 472. 
 
 Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, conducts the first colony 
 to North America, 396. A charter is granted 
 to him and his heirs, ib. Conducts another ex- 
 pedition, which ends disastrously, and in which 
 he perishes, 397. 
 
 Gioia, Flavio, the inventor of the mariner's com- 
 pass, 32. 
 
 Globe, its division into zones by the ancients, 26. 
 
 Gold, why the first metal with which man was 
 acquainted, 160. Extraordinary large grain of, 
 found in the mines at Cinaloa, 509. 
 
 Gomara, character of his Cronica de la Nueva 
 Espagna, 485. 
 
 Good Hope, Cape of, discovered by Bartholomew 
 Diaz, 40. 
 
 Gosnold, Bartholomew, is the first who attempts 
 to steer a direct course from England to North 
 America, 401. Descries Massachusetts Bay, 
 and returns to England, ib. The consequences 
 of his voyage, ib. 
 
 Government, no visible form of, among the native 
 Americans, 163. Exceptions, 164. 
 
 Gran Cltaco, account of the method of making 
 war among the natives of, from Lozano, 479. 
 
 Granada, new kingdom of, in America, by whom 
 reduced to the Spanish dominion, 346. Its cli- 
 mate and produce, ib. A viceroy lately esta- 
 blished there, 351. 
 
 Greeks, ancient, progress of navigation and dis- 
 covery among them, 21. Their commercial 
 intercourse with other nations very limited, 34. 
 
 Greenland, its vicinity to North America, 136. 
 
 Greenville, Sir Richard, establishes a colony in 
 Virginia, which, being in danger of perishing 
 by famine, is obliged to return to England, 398. 
 Appears off the coast soon after the departure 
 of the colony, and lands fifteen of his crew to 
 keep possession of the island, who are destroyed 
 by the savages, 399. 
 
 Grijalva, Juan de, sets out from Cuba on a voy- 
 age of discovery, 120. Discovers and gives 
 name to New Spain, ib. His reasons for not 
 planting a colony in his newly discovered 
 lands, 121. 
 
 Guarda Costas, employed by Spain to check illi- 
 cit trade in the American colonies, 375. 
 
 Guatimala, the indigo there superior to any in 
 America, 368. 
 
 Guatimozin, nephew and son-in-law of Monte- 
 zuma, succeeds duetlavaca in the kingdom of 
 Mexico, 223. Repulses the attacks of the Spa- 
 niards in storming the city of Mexico, 249. Is 
 taken prisoner by Cortes, 251. Is tortured to 
 discover his treasure, 252. Is hanged, 257. 
 
 Guiana, Dutch, cause of the excessive fertility 
 of the soil there, 467. 
 
 Hakluyt, improves the naval and commercial 
 skill of the age in which he lived, 402. Is em- 
 powered to settle any part of the south colony 
 of Virginia, ib. 
 
 Hanno, his Periplus defended, with an account 
 of his voyage, 448. 
 
 jffatuey, a cazique of Cuba, his cruel treatment, 
 and memorable repartee to a Franciscan friar, 
 101. 
 
 i ffawkesmortK's voyages, account of New Hol- 
 land, and the inhabitants from, 476. 
 
 Heat, the different degrees of, in the old and new 
 
 , continents accounted for, 462. Estimated, 466. 
 
 Henry, prince of Portugal, his character and 
 studies, 35. Expeditions formed by his order, 
 36. Applies for a papal grant of his new dis- 
 coveries, 37. His death, 38. 
 
 Hcrrada, Juan de, assassinates Francis Pizarro. 
 
 292. Dies, 293. 
 
 Herrera, the best historian of the conquest of 
 New Spain, 486. His account of Orellana's 
 voyage, 499. 
 
 Hispaniola, the island of, discovered by Christo- 
 pher Columbus, 58. His transactions with the 
 natives, ib. A colony left there by Columbus, 
 61. The colony destroyed, 66. Columbus 
 builds a city called Isabella, 67. The natives 
 ill used, and begin to be alarmed, 70. Are de- 
 feated by the Spaniards, 71. Tribute exacted 
 from them, ib. They scheme to starve the 
 Spaniards, 72. St. Domingo founded by Bar- 
 tholomew Columbus, 77. Columbus sent home 
 in irons by Bovadilla, 84. Nicholas de Ovando 
 appointed governor, 85. Summary view of 
 the conduct of the Spaniards towards the na- 
 tives of, 92. Unhappy fate of Anacoana, 94. 
 Great produce from the mines there, ib. The 
 inhabitants diminish, 96. The Spaniards re- 
 cruit them by trepanning the natives of the 
 Lucayos, ib. Arrival of Don Diego de Colum- 
 bus, 97, 98. The natives of, almost extirpated 
 by slavery, 100. 103. Controversy concerning 
 the treatment of them, 109. Columbus's ac- 
 count of the humane treatment he received 
 from the natives of, 453. Curious instance of 
 superstition in the Spanish planters there, 466. 
 
 Holguin, Pedro Alvarez, erects the royal standard 
 in Peru, in opposition to the younger Almagro, 
 
 293. Vaca de Castro arrives, and assumes the 
 command, 294. 
 
 Homer, his account of the navigation of the an- 
 cient Greeks, 21, 22. 
 
 Honduras, the value of that country, owing to 
 its production of the logwood tree, 341. 
 
 Horned cattle, amazing increase of them in Spa- 
 nish America, 368. 
 
 Horses, astonishment and mistakes of the Mexi- 
 cans at the first sight of them, 489. Expedient 
 of the Peruvians to render them incapable of 
 action, 499. 
 
 Huana Capac, inca of Peru, his character and 
 family, 269. 
 
 Huascar Capac, inca of Peru, disputes his bro- 
 ther Atahualpa's succession to Quito, 269. Is 
 defeated and taken prisoner by Atahualpa, ib. 
 Solicits the assistance of Pizarro against his 
 brother, 270. Is put to death by order of Ata- 
 hualpa, 274. 
 
 Hutchinson, Mrs., heads a sect of religious wo- 
 men in New-England, who are denominated 
 Antinomians, 439. Her doctrines are con- 
 demned by a general synod there, 440. 
 
 Incas of Peru, received origin of their empire, 
 268. Their empire founded both in religion 
 and policy, 331. See Peru. 
 
 India, the motives of Alexander the Great in his 
 expedition to, 23. The commerce with, how 
 carried on in ancient times, 25 ; and when arts 
 began to revive in Europe, 28. The first voy- 
 age made round the Cape of Good Hope, 79. 
 Attempts to discover a north-west passage to, 
 unsuccessful, 392. 395. An attempt made by 
 the north-east to, 394. A company of mer 
 chants in England is incorporated to prosecute 
 discoveries in, 393. A communication with, 
 attempted by land, 394. The design is encou- 
 raged by Queen Elizabeth, 395. 
 
 Indians in Spanish America. See Americans. 
 
 Indies, West, why Columbus's discoveries were 
 so named, 64. 
 
 Innocent IV., Pope, his extraordinary mission to 
 the Prince of the Tartars, 30. 
 
 Inquisition, court of, when and by whom first 
 introduced into Portugal, 452. 
 
534 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Insects and reptiles, why so numerous and nox- 
 ious in America, 128. 
 
 Iron, the reason why savage nations were unac- 
 quainted with this metal, 160. 
 
 Isabella, queen of Castile, is applied to by Juan 
 Perez in behalf of Christopher Columbus, 48. 
 Is again applied to by Quintanilla and Santan- 
 gel.ib. Is prevailed on to equip him, 50. Dies, 
 91. Her real motives for encouraging discove- 
 ries in America, 349. 
 
 _ } the city of, in Hispamola, built by 
 
 Christopher Columbus, 67. 
 
 Italy, the first country in Europe where civiliza- 
 tion and arts revived after the overthrow of 
 the Roman empire, 29. The commercial spirit 
 of, active and enterprising, ib. 
 
 Jamaica, discovered by Christopher Columbus, 69. 
 
 Jerome, St., three monks of that order sent by 
 Cardinal Ximenes to Hispaniola, to regulate 
 the treatment of the Indians, 111. Their con- 
 duct under this commission, ib. ; are recalled, 
 
 Jesuits, acquire an absolute dominion over Cali- 
 fornia, 341. Their motives for depreciating the 
 country, ib. 
 
 Jews, ancient state of commerce and navigation 
 among them, 20. 
 
 John I., king of Portugal, the first who sent ships 
 to explore the western coast of Africa, 34. His 
 son, Prince Henry, engages in these attempts, 
 36. 
 
 - II., king of Portugal, patronises all attempts 
 towards discoveries, 39. ,-Sends an embassy to 
 Abyssinia, 41. His ungenerous treatment of 
 Columbus, 46. 
 
 Ladrone islands, discovered by Ferdinand Ma- 
 gellan, 254. 
 
 Lakes, amazing size of those in North America, 
 123. 
 
 Las Casas, Bartholomew, feturns from Hispa- 
 niola to solicit the cause of the enslaved Indians 
 at the court of 'Spain, 110. Is sent back with 
 .powers by Cardinal Ximenes, 111. Returns 
 dissatisfied, 112. Procures a new commission 
 'to be sent over on this subject, 113- Recom- 
 mends the scheme of supplying the colonies 
 with Negroes, ib. Undertakes a new colony, 
 114. His conference with the bishop of Darien 
 before the emperor Charles V., 115, 116. Goes 
 to America to carry his schemes into execution, 
 116. Circumstances unfavourable to him, 117. 
 His final miscarriage, L18. Revives his repre- 
 sentations in favour of the Indians at the de- 
 sire of the emperor, 295. Composes a treatise 
 on the destruction of America, 296. 
 
 Leon, Pedro Cieza de, character of his Cronica 
 del Peru, 495. 
 
 Lery, his description of the courage and ferocity 
 of the Toupinambos, 479. 
 
 Lima, the city of, in Peru, founded by Pizarro, 
 
 Liston, Mr., the British minister at Madrid, his 
 answer to several interesting inquiries relating 
 to the admission of Indians into holy orders, 
 518. 
 
 Logwood, the commodity that gives importance 
 to the provinces of Honduras and Yucatan, 
 341. Policy of the Spaniards to defeat the 
 English trade in, 342. 
 
 Louis, St., king of France, his embassy to the 
 Chan of the Tartars, 31. 
 
 Lozano, his account of the method of making 
 war among the natives of Gran Chaco, 479. 
 
 Luque, Hernando de, a priest, associates with 
 Pizarro in his Peruvian expedition, 262. 
 
 Madeira, the island of, first discovered, 36. 
 Madoc, prince of North Wales, story of his voy- 
 age and discovery of North America examined, 
 
 Magellan, Ferdinand, his account of the gigantic 
 size of the Patagonians, 147. The existence 
 of this gigantic race yet to be decided, ib. Hi 
 introduction to the court of Castile, 253. la 
 equipped with a squadron for a voyage of dis- 
 covery, ib. Sails through the famous strait 
 that bears his name, 254. Discovers the La- 
 drone and Philippine islands, ib. Is killed, ib 
 
 Magnet, its property of attracting iron known to 
 the ancients, but not its polar inclination, 18. 
 Extraordinary advantages resulting from this 
 discovery, 32. 
 
 Malo, St., account of its commerce with Spanisn 
 America, 374. 
 
 Manco Capac, founder of the Peruvian empire, 
 account of, 268. 
 
 Mandeville, Sir John, his eastern travels, with a 
 character of his writings, 31. 
 
 Manila, the colony of, established by Philip II. 
 of Spain, 383. Trade between, and South 
 America, ib. 
 
 Mankind, their disposition and manners formed 
 by their situation, 131. Hence resemblances to 
 be traced in very distant places without com- 
 munication, ib Have uniformly attained the 
 greatest perfection of their nature in temperate 
 regions, 195. 
 
 Marco Polo, the Venetian, his extraordinary tra- 
 vels in the East, 31. 
 
 Marest, Gabriel, his account of the country be- 
 tween the Illinois and Michilimackinac, 477. 
 
 Marina, Donna, a Mexican slave, her history 
 201. 
 
 Marinus, Tyrius, his erroneous position of China, 
 452. 
 
 Martyr, Peter, his sentiments on the first disco- 
 very of America, 457. 
 
 Maryland, See Virginia. 
 
 Massachusetts Bay. See America, New-Eng- 
 land, &c. 
 
 Merchants, English, the right of property in the 
 North American colonies vested in a company 
 of, resident in London, 400. Charters are 
 granted to two companies of, to make settle- 
 ments in America, 402. Tenor and defects of 
 these charters, 403. A new charter is granted 
 to them, with more ample privileges, 407. 
 They are divided by factions, 415. An inquiry 
 is instituted into their conduct, 416. They are 
 required to eurrender their charter, which they 
 refuse, ib. A writ of quo warranto is issued 
 out against them, 417. They are tried in the 
 court of King's Bench, and the company is 
 dissolved, ib. Their charter is transferred to 
 the colonies, 4J8. 
 
 Mestizos, in the Spanish American colonies, dis- 
 tinction between them and mulattoes, 357. 
 
 Metals, useful, the original natives of America 
 totally unacquainted with, 160. 
 
 Mexicans, their account of their own origin, 
 compared with later discoveries, 137. Their 
 paintings few in number, and of ambiguous 
 meaning, 314. Two collections of them dis- 
 covered, ib., note. Their language furnished 
 with respectful terminations for all its words, 
 501. How they contributed to the support of 
 government, 502. Descriptions of their histo- 
 rical pictures, ib. Various exaggerated accounts 
 of the number of human victims sacrificed by 
 them, 506. 
 
 Mexico, arrival of Fernando Cortes on the coast 
 of, 201. His interview with two Mexican offi- 
 cers, 202. Information sent to Montezuma, 
 with some Spanish presents, 203. Montezuma 
 sends presents to Cortes, with orders not to ap- 
 proach his capital, ib. State of the empire at 
 that time, 204. The Zempoallans court the 
 friendship of Cortes, 208. Several caziquee 
 enter into alliance with Cortes, 209. Character 
 of the natives of Tlascala, 212. The Tlasca- 
 lans reduced to sue for peace, 215. Arrival 
 of Cortes at the caoital sity, 218. The city 
 
INDEX. 
 
 535 
 
 described, 220. Montezuma acknowledges 
 himself a vassal to the Spanish crown, 235. 
 Amount of the treasure collected by Cortes, ib. 
 Reasons of gold being found in such small 
 quantities, 227. The Mexicans enraged at the 
 imprudent zeal of Cortes, ib. ; attack Alvarado 
 during the absence of Cortes, 233. Their reso- 
 lute attack on Cortes when he returned, 235. 
 Death of Montezuma, 23(5. The city aban- 
 doned by Cortes, ib. Battle of Otumba, 240. 
 The Tepeacans reduced, 242. Preparations of 
 the Mexicans against the return of Cortes, 243. 
 Cortes besieges the city with a fleet on the 
 lake, 247. The Spaniards repulsed in storming 
 the city, 249. Guatimozin taken prisoner, 251. 
 Cortes appointed governor, 250. His schemes 
 and arrangements, 257. Inhuman treatment 
 of the natives, ib. Reception of the new 
 regulations there, 258. List and character of 
 those authors who wrote accounts of the con- 
 quest of, 485. A retrospect into the form of 
 government, policy, and arts in, 3L3. Our in- 
 formation concerning, very imperfect, 314. 
 Origin of the monarchy, 315. Number and 
 greatness of the cities, 3 16, Mechanical pro- 
 fessions there distinguished from each other, 
 317. Distinction of ranks, ib. Political insti- 
 tutions, 319. Power and solendour of their 
 monarchs, 320. Order of government, ib. 
 Provision for the support of it, ib. Police of, 
 ib. Their arts, 321. Their paintings, ib. 
 Their method of computing time, 323. Their 
 wars continual and ferocious, 324. Their fu- 
 neral rites, ib. Imperfection of their agricul- 
 ture, ib. Doubts concerning the extent of the 
 empire, 325. Little intercourse among its 
 several provinces, ib. Ignorance of money, 
 326. State of their cities, ib. Temples and 
 other public buildings, ib. Religion of, 329. 
 Causes of the depopulation of this country, 
 347. The small-pox very fatal there, 348. 
 Number of Indian natives remaining there, 
 350. Description of the aqueduct for the sup- 
 ply of the capital city, 502. See Colonies. 
 
 Michael, St., the gulf of, in the South Sea, dis- 
 covered and named by Balboa, 104. The 
 colony of, established by Pizarro, 268. 
 
 Migrations of mankind, why first made by land, 
 
 Mind, human, the efforts of it proportioned to 
 the wants of the body, 151. 
 
 Mines of South America, the great inducement 
 to population, 340. Some account of, 366. 
 Their produce, ib. The spirit with which they 
 are worked, 367. Fatal effects of this ardour, 
 ib. Evidence of the pernicious effects of la- 
 bouring in them, 514. Of Mexico, total pro- 
 duce of, to the Spanish revenue, 523, 524. 
 
 Molucca islands, the Spanish claims on, sold by 
 the emperor Charles V. to the Portuguese, 255. 
 
 Monastic institutions, the pernicious effects of, 
 in the Spanish American colonies, 361. Num- 
 ber of convents there, 515. 
 
 Monsoons, the periodical course of, when disco- 
 vered by navigators, 25. 
 
 Montcsino, a Dominican preacher at St. Domingo, 
 publicly remonstrates against the cruel treat- 
 ment of the Indians, 109. 
 
 Montezuma, the first intelligence received by the 
 Spaniards of this prince, 121. Receives intel- 
 ligence of the arrival of Fernando Cortes in 
 his dominions, 203. His presents to Cortes, ib. 
 Forbids him to approach his capital, ib. State 
 of his empire at this time, 204. His character, 
 ib. His perplexity at the arrival of the Spa- 
 niards, ib. His timid negotiations with Cortes, 
 206. His scheme for destroying Cortes at Cho- 
 lula discovered, 217. His irresolute conduct, 
 218. His first interview with Cortes, 219. Is 
 seized by Cortes, and confined to the Spanish 
 quarters, 223. Is fettered, 221. Acknowledges 
 himself a vassal to the Spanish crown, 325 
 
 Remains inflexible with regard to religion, 227. 
 Circumstances of his death, 236. Account of 
 a gold cup of his in England, 502. 
 Midattoes, in the Spanish American colonies, 
 explanation of this distinction, 357 
 
 Narvaez, Pamphilo, is sent by Velasquez with 
 an armament to Mexico, to supersede Cortes. 
 229. Takes possession of Zempoalla. 231. Is 
 defeated and taken prisoner by Cortes, 233. 
 How he carried on his correspondence with 
 Montezuma, 491. 
 
 Natchez, an American nation, their political in- 
 stitutions, 164. Causes of their tame submis- 
 sion to the Spaniards, 166. Their religious 
 doctrines, ib. 
 
 Navigation, the arts of, very slowly improved 
 by mankind, 17. The knowledge of, prior to 
 commercial intercourse, ib. Imperfections ofj 
 among the ancients, 18. More improved by 
 the invention of the mariner's compass than 
 by all the efforts of preceding ages, 32. The 
 first naval discoveries undertaken by Portugal, 
 33. 
 
 Negroes, their peculiar situation under the Spa- 
 nish dominion in America, 357. Are first in 
 troduced into Virginia, 412 
 
 New England, first attempts to settle in, unsuc 
 cessful, 426. Religious disputes give rise to 
 the colony there, 427. A settlement is formed 
 at New Plymouth in Massachusetts Bay, 432. 
 Plan of its goverrment, ib. All property ia 
 thrown into a. common stock, 433. A grand 
 council is appointed, ib. A new colony is pro- 
 jected at Massachusetts Bay, and a charter 
 granted for its establishment, 434. Its settle- 
 ment there, 435. A new church is instituted 
 there, ib. Its intolerance, 436. Charter of the 
 English company of merchants in London is 
 transferred to the colonies, ib. The colony 
 at Massachusetts Bay extends, 437. None but 
 members of the church are admitted as free- 
 men there, ib. Bad consequences of this regu 
 lation, 438. The settlement increases, and the 
 assembly is restricted to the representatives oi 
 freemen, ib. Extent of political liberty as- 
 sumed by tho assembly, ib. Spirit of fanati- 
 cism spreads in the colony, 439. New settlers 
 arrive, and the doctrines of the Antinomiana 
 are condemned by a general synod, 440. Secta- 
 ries settle in Providence and Rhode Island, ib. 
 Theological contests give rise to the colony of 
 Connecticut, 441. Emigrants from Massachu 
 setts Bay settle in Connecticut, ib. The Dutch, 
 who had established a few trading towns on 
 the river there, peaceably withdraw, ib. Set- 
 tlements are formed in the provinces of New 
 Hampshire and Maine, 442. Further encroach- 
 ments of the English are resisted by the natives, 
 ib. War with the Pequod tribes is commenced, 
 443. Purification of the army, ib. The In- 
 dians are defeated, ib. Cruelties exercised 
 against them, 444. Emigrations from England 
 to the colonies are prohibited by proclamation, 
 ib. Colony of Massachusetts Bay is sued at 
 law, and found to have forfeited its rights, ib. 
 Confederacy of the States in, 445. See Colo- 
 nies. 
 
 Newfoundland, its situation described, 462. Dis- 
 covery of, by Cabot, 390. 
 
 New Holland, some account of the country and 
 inhabitants, 476. 
 
 New Plymouth, settlement at, 432. See Colo- 
 nies, New England. 
 
 New Spain, discovered and named by Juan de 
 Grijalva, 120. See Mexico. 
 
 Nigno, Alonso, his voyage to America, 81. 
 
 Norwegians, might in ancient times have mi 
 grated to and colonized America, 136. 
 
 Nugnez Vela, Blasco, appointed viceroy of Peru, 
 to enforce the new regulations, 297. His cha- 
 racter, 2D9. Commits Vaca de Castro to prison, 
 
536 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 ib. Dissensions between him and the Court of 
 Audience, 300. Is confined, ib. Recovers his 
 liberty, 301. Resumes his command, ib. Is 
 pursued by Gonzalo Pizarro, ib. Is defeated 
 and killed by Pizarro, 302. 
 
 Ocampo, Diego, sent with a squadron from His- 
 paniola to desolate the country of Cumana, 
 117. 
 
 , Sebastian de, first sails round Cuba, 
 
 and discovers it to be an island, 97. 
 
 Ocean, though adapted to facilitate the inter- 
 course between distant countries, continued 
 long a formidable barrier, 17. See Compass 
 and Navigation. 
 
 Ojeda, Alonzo de, his private expedition to the 
 West Indies, 80. His second voyage, 85. Ob- 
 tains a government on the continent, 98, 99. 
 
 Olmedo, Father Bartholomew de, checks the 
 rash zeal of Cortes at Tlascala in Mexico, 216. 
 Is sent by Cortes to negotiate with Narvaez, 
 230. 
 
 * rellana, Francis, is appointed to the command 
 of a bark built by Gonzalo Pizarro, and deserts 
 him, 290. Sails down the Maragnon, ib. Re- 
 turns to Spain with a report of wonderful dis- 
 coveries, ib. Herrera's account of his voyage, 
 499. 
 
 Orgognez, commands Almagro's party against 
 the Pizarros, and is defeated and killed by 
 them, 286. 
 
 Orinoco, the great river of, discovered by Chris- 
 topher Columbus, 76. Strange method of 
 choosing a captain among the Indian tribes on 
 the banks of, 173. The amazing plenty of fish 
 in, 475. 
 
 Otaheite, the inhabitants of, ignorant of the art 
 of boiling water, 482. 
 
 Otumba, battle of, between Cortes and the Mexi- 
 cans, 239, 240. 
 
 Ovando, Nicholas de, is sent governor to Hispa- 
 niola, 85. His prudent regulations, ib. Re- 
 fuses admission to Columbus, on his fourth 
 voyage, 87. His ungenerous behaviour to Co- 
 'umbus on his shipwreck, 89, 90. Receives 
 .aim at length, and sends him home, 91. En- 
 gages in a war with the Indians, 93. His cruel 
 treatment of them, ib. Encourages cultivation 
 and '/ ir:r;factures, 95. His method of trepan- 
 ning the natives of the Lucayos, 96. Is re- 
 called, 97. 
 
 Pacific Ocean, why and by whom so named, 254. 
 
 Packet boats, first esta>".4ment of, between 
 Spain and her Americas w..Ln;'es ; 373. 
 
 Panama, is settled by Pedrarias Davila, 107. 
 
 Parmenides, the first who divided the earth by 
 zones, 451. 
 
 Patagonians, some account of, 147. The reality 
 of their gigantic size yet to be decided, 472. 
 
 Pedrarias Davila, is sent with a fleet to super- 
 sede Balboa in his government of Santa Maria 
 on the isthmus of Darien, 105. Treats Balboa 
 ill, 106. Rapacious conduct of his men, ib. 
 Is reconciled to Balboa, and gives him his 
 daughter, 107. Puts Balboa to death, ib. Re- 
 moves his settlement from Santa Maria to Pa- 
 nama, ib. 
 
 Penguin, the name of that bird not derived from 
 the Welsh language, 456. 
 
 Perez, Juan, patronizes Columbus at the court 
 of Castile, 48. His solemn invocation for the 
 success of Columbus's voyage, 52, 
 
 Periplus of Hanno, the authenticity of that work 
 justified, 448. 
 
 Peru, the first intelligence concerning this country 
 received by Vasco Nugnez de Balboa, 104. 
 The coast of, first discovered by Pizarro, 264. 
 Pizarro's second arrival, 267. His hostile pro- 
 ceedings against the natives, ib. The colony 
 of St. Michael established, 268. State of the 
 empire at the time of this invaskm, ib. The 
 
 kingdom divided between Huascar and Ata 
 hualpa, 269. Atahualpa usurps the govern' 
 ment, ib. Huascar solicits assistance from 
 Pizarro, 270. Atahualpa visits Pizarro, 272. 
 Is seized by Pizarro, 273. Agreement foe his 
 ransom, ib. Is refused his liberty, 275. la 
 cruelly put to death, 277. Confusion of the 
 empire on this event, ib. Quito reduced by 
 Beiialcazar, 278, 279. The city of Lima 
 founded by Pizarro, 281. Chili invaded by 
 Almagro, ib. Insurrection of the Peruvians, 
 282. Almagro put to death by Pizarro, 287. 
 Pizarro divides the country among his follow- 
 ers, 288. Progress of the Spanish arms there, 
 289. Francis Pizarro assassinated, 292. Re- 
 ception of the new regulations there, 297, 298. 
 The viceroy confined by the court of audience, 
 300. The viceroy defeated and killed by Gon- 
 zalo Pizarro, 302. Arrival of Pedro de la 
 Gasca, 306. Reduction and death of Gonzalo 
 Pizarro, 308. The civil wars there not carried 
 on with mercenary soldiers, 309. But never- 
 theless gratified with immense rewards, ib. 
 Their profusion and luxury, ib. Ferocity of 
 their contests, 310. Their want of faith, ib. 
 Instances, ib. Division of, by Gasca, among 
 his followers, 311. Writers who gave accounts 
 of the conquest of, 493. A retrospect into the 
 original government, arts, and manners of the 
 natives, 313. The high antiquity they pretend 
 to, 329. Their records, 330. Origin of their 
 civil policy, ib. This founded in religion, 331 
 The authority of the incas absolute and un 
 limited, ib. All crimes were punished capi 
 tally, 332. Mild genius of their religion, ib. 
 Its influence on their civil policy, ib. ; and on 
 their military system, 333. Peculiar state of 
 property there, ib. Distinction of ranks, 334. 
 State of arts, ib. Improved state of agricul- 
 ture, ib. Their buildings, 335. Their public 
 roads, ib. Their bridges, 336. Their mode of 
 refining silver ore, 337. Works of elegance, 
 ib. Their civilization, nevertheless, but im- 
 perfect, 338. Cuzco the only place that had 
 the appearance of a city, ib. No perfect sepa- 
 ration of professions, ib. Little commercial 
 intercourse, ib. Their unwarlike spirit, ib. 
 Eat their flesh and fish raw, 339. Brief ac- 
 count of other provinces under the viceroy of 
 New Spain, ib. Causes of the depopulation 
 of this country, 347. The small-pox very fatal 
 there, 348. "Their method of building, 508. 
 State of the revenue derived from, by the 
 crown of Spain, 520. See Colonies. 
 
 Peter I., czar of Russia, his extensive views in 
 prosecuting Asiatic discoveries, 133. 
 
 Philip II. of Spain, his turbulent disposition aided 
 by his American treasures, 369. Establishes 
 the colony of Manila, 383. 
 
 Philip IH., exhausts his country by inconsiderate 
 bigotry, 370. 
 
 Philippine Islands, discovered by Ferdinand Ma- 
 gellan, 254. A colony established there by 
 Philip II. of Spain, 383. Trade between, and 
 America, ib. 
 
 Phoenicians, ancient state of commerce and na- 
 vigation among them, 19. Their trade, how 
 conducted, 448. 
 
 Physic, the art of, in America, why connected 
 with divination, 184. 
 
 Pinto, Chevalier, his description of the charac- 
 teristic features of the native Americans, 470. 
 
 Pinzon, Vincent Yanez, commands a vessel 
 under Columbus in his first voyage of disco- 
 very, 51. Sails to America on a private ad- 
 venture with four ships, 81. Discovers Yuca- 
 tan, 97. 
 
 Pizarro, Ferdinand, is besieged in Cuzco by tlxj 
 Peruvians, 282. Is surprised there by AlmHgm, 
 283. Escapes with Alvarado 285. Dofe/uis 
 his brother at the court of Spain, 288. la 
 committed to prison, ib. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 537 
 
 fitarro, Francisco, attends Balboa in his settle- 
 ment on the isthmus of Darien, 100. Marches 
 under him across the isthmus, where they dis- 
 cover the South Sea, 103. His birth, education, 
 and character, 261. Associates with Almagro 
 and De Luque in a voyage of discovery, 262. 
 His ill success, ib. Is recalled, and deserted by 
 most of his followers, 263, 264. Remains on 
 the island of Gorgona for supplies, 264. Dis- 
 covers the coast of Peru, ib. Returns to Pa- 
 nama, 265. Goes to Spain to solicit reinforce- 
 ments, ib. Procures the supreme command 
 for himself, 266. Is assisted with money by 
 Cortes, ib. Lands again in Peru, 267. His 
 hostile proceedings against the natives, ib. 
 Establishes the colony of St. Michael, 268. 
 State of the Peruvian empire at this time, ib. 
 Cause of his ea.-:y penetration into the country, 
 
 270. Is applied to by Huascar for assistance 
 against his victorious brother Atahuaipa, ib. 
 State of his forces, ib. Arrives atCaxamalca, 
 
 271. Is visited by the inca, 272. His perfi- 
 dious seizure of him, 273. Agrees to Atahu- 
 alpa's offer for his ransom, ib. Division of 
 their plunder, 274. Refuses Atahuaipa his 
 liberty, 275. His ignorance exposed to Atahu- 
 aipa, 276. Bestows a form of trial on the inca, 
 ib. Puts him to death, 277. Advances to 
 Cuzco, 278. Honours conferred on him by the 
 Spanish court, 280. Beginning of dissensions 
 between him and Almagro, ib. His civil regu- 
 lations, ib. Founds the city of Lima, 281. 
 Insurrection of the Peruvians, 282, 283. Cuzco 
 seized by Almagro, 284. Deludes Almagro by 
 negotiations, 285. Defeats Almagro, and takes 
 him prisoner, 286. Puts Almagro to death, 
 337. Divides the country among his followers, 
 283, 289. The impolitic partiality of his allot- 
 ments, ib. Makes his brother Gonzalo governor 
 of Quito, 289. Is assassinated by Juan de 
 Herreda, 292. 
 
 , Gonzalo, is made governor of Quito 
 
 by his brother Francis, 289. His expedition 
 over the Andes, ib. Is deserted by Orellana, 
 290. His distress on this event, ib. His disas- 
 trous return to Quito, 291. Is encouraged by 
 the people to oppose Nugnez Vela, the new 
 viceroy, 299. Assumes the government of 
 Peru, 301. Marches against the viceroy, 302. 
 Defeats and kills him, ib. Is advised by Car- 
 vajal to assum* 1 .ne sovereignty of the country, 
 ib. Chooses ,,0 negotiate with the court of 
 Spain, 303. Consultations of the court on his 
 conduct, ib. His violent resolutions on the 
 arrival of Pedro de la Gasca, 305. Resolves 
 to oppose him by violence, 306. Marches to 
 reduce Centcno at Cuzco, 307. Defeats him, 
 ib. Is deserted by his troops on the approach 
 of Gasca, 308. Surrenders, and is executed, 
 ib His adherents men of no principle, 309. 
 
 Plata, Rio de, discovered by Dias de Soils, 108. 
 Its amazing width, 461. 
 
 Playfair, Mr., professor of mathematics in Edin- 
 burgh, the result of his comparison of the nar- 
 rative and charts given in Captain Cook's 
 voyages, published in 1780, and Mr. Coxe's 
 account of the Russian discoveries, printed in 
 the same year, in which the vicinity of the two 
 continents of Asia and America is clearly as- 
 certained, 468, 469. 
 
 Pliny, the naturalist, instance of his ignorance in 
 geography, 451. 
 
 Ponce de Leon, Juan, discovers Florida, 101. 
 Romantic motive of his voyage, ib. 
 
 Population of the earth, slow progress of, 17. 
 
 Porto Bello, discovered and named by Christo- 
 pher Columbus, 88. 
 
 Porto Rico, is settled and subjected by Juan 
 Ponce de Leon, 97. 
 
 Porto Santo, the first discovery of, 36. 
 
 Portugal, when and by whom the court of In- 
 .quisition was first introduced into, 452. 
 VOL. I. 68 
 
 Portuguese, a view of the circumstances that 
 induced them to undertake the discovery of 
 unknown countries, 33. First African disco- 
 veries of, 34. Madeira discovered, 36. They 
 double Cape Bojador, ib. Obtain a papal grant 
 of all the countries they should discover, 38. 
 Cape Verd islands and the Azores discovered, 
 ib. Voyage to the East Indies by Vasco de 
 Gama. 79. 
 
 Potosi, the rich silver mines there, how disco- 
 vered, 366. The mines of, greatly exhausted, 
 and scarcely worth working, 519. 
 
 Prisoners of war, how treated by the native 
 Americans, 170. 
 
 Property, the idea of, unknown to the native 
 Americans, 161. Notions of the Brasiliana 
 concerning, 477. 
 
 Protector of the Indians in Spanish America, his 
 function, 359. 
 
 Ptolemy, the philosopher, his geographical de- 
 scriptions more ample and exact than those of 
 his predecessors, 27. His Geography translated 
 by the Arabians, 28. His erroneous position 
 of the Ganges, 449. 
 
 Quetlavaca, brother of Montezuma, succeeds 
 him as king of Mexico, 243. Conducts in per- 
 son the fierce attacks which oblige Cortes to 
 abandon his capital, ib. Dies of the small- 
 pox, ib. 
 
 Quevcdo, bishop of Darien, his conference with 
 Las Casas on the treatment of the Indians, in 
 the presence of the emperor Charles V., 115. 
 
 Qicksiluer, the property of the famous mines of, 
 at Guanacabelica, reserved by the crown of 
 Spain, 519. The price of, why reduced, 520. 
 
 Quinquina, or Jesuits' Bark, a production pecu- 
 liar to Peru, 368. 
 
 Quipos, or historic cords of the Peruvians, some 
 account of, 330. 
 
 Quito, the kingdom of, conquered by Huana 
 Capac, inca of Peru, 269. Is left to his son 
 Atahuaipa, ib. Atahualpa's general revolts 
 after his death, 278. Is reduced by the Spa< 
 niards under Benalcazar, 278, 279. Benalcazar 
 deposed, and Gonzalo Pizarro made governor, 
 289. 
 
 Raleigh, resumes the plan of settling colonies in 
 North America, 397. Despatches Amadas and 
 Barlow to examine the intended settlements, 
 who discover Virginia, and return to England, 
 397, 398. Establishes a colony in Virginia, 
 which, on account of famine, is obliged to re- 
 turn to England, 398, 399. Makes a second 
 attempt to settle a colony there, which perishes 
 by famine, 400. Abandons the design, ib. 
 
 Ramusio, his defence of Hanno's account of the 
 coast of Africa, 448. 
 
 Register ships, for what purpose introduced in 
 the trade between Spain and her colonies, 376. 
 Supersede the use of the galeons, ib. 
 
 Religion of the native Americans, an inquiry 
 into, 179. 
 
 Rib as, his account of the political state of the 
 people of Cinaloa, 481. Of their want of reli- 
 gion, 483. 
 
 Ri'o dela Plata and Tucuman, account of those 
 provinces, 343. 
 
 Rivers, the amazing size of those in America, 123. 
 
 Robinson, Professor, his remarks on the tempera- 
 ture of various climates, 462. 
 
 Roldan, Francis, is left chief justice in Hispanlola 
 by Christopher Columbus, 73. Becomes the 
 ringleader of a mutiny, 77. Submits, 78. 
 
 Romans, their progress in navigation and disco- 
 very, 24. Their military spirit averse to me- 
 chanical arts and commerce, ib. Navigation 
 and trade favoured in the provinces under their 
 government, 24 f 25. Their extensive discove- 
 ries by land, 27. Their empire and the sciences 
 destroyed together, ib. 
 
INDEX 
 
 Rubruguis, Father, his embassy from France lo 
 the Chan of the Tartars, 31. 
 
 Russia, a trade to, opened by the English, 393. 
 Restricted to a company of British merchants, 
 ib The connection with the Russian empire 
 encouraged by Queen Elizabeth, 395. 
 
 Russians, Asiatic discoveries made by them, 134. 
 Uncertainty of, 467. 
 
 Sacotecas, the rich silver mines there, when dis- 
 covered, 366. 
 
 San Salvador, discovered and named by Chris- 
 topher Columbus, 56. 
 
 Sancho, Don Pedro, account of his history of the 
 conquest of Peru, 495. 
 
 Sandoval, the shocking barbarities executed by, 
 in Mexico, 257. 
 
 , Francisco Tello de, is sent by the 
 
 emperor Charles V. to Mexico, as visitador of 
 America, 297. His moderation and prudence, 
 ib. 
 
 Savage life, a general estimate of, 189. 
 
 Scalps, motive of the native Americans for taking 
 them from their enemies, 479. 
 
 Serraloo, Marquis de, his extraordinary gains 
 during his viceroyalty in America, 526. 
 
 Seville, extraordinary increase of its manufac- 
 tures by the American trade, 520. Its trade 
 greatly reduced, ib. The American trade re- 
 moved to Cadiz, 371. 
 
 Silver ore, method of refining it practised by the 
 native Peruvians, 337. 
 
 Small-pox, Indian territories depopulated by, 438. 
 
 Sonora, late discoveries of rich mines made there 
 by the Spaniards, 340. 
 
 Soul, American ideas of the immortality of, 
 183. 
 
 Soutk Sea, first discovered by Vasco Nugnez de 
 Balboa, 104. 
 
 Spain, general idea of the policy of, with regard 
 to the American colonies, 350. Early interpo- 
 sition of the regal authority in the colonies, ib. 
 All the American dominions of, subjected to 
 two viceroys, 352. A third viceroyalty lately 
 established, ib. The colonies of, compared 
 with those of Greece and Rome, 354. Advan- 
 tages she derived from her colonies, 369. Why 
 she does not still derive the same, ib. Rapid 
 decline of trade, 370. This decline increased 
 by the mode of regulating the intercourse with 
 America, ib. Employs guarda costas to check 
 illicit trade, 375. The use of register ships in- 
 troduced, 376. Establishment of the company 
 pfCaraccas,377. Enlargement of commercial 
 ideas? there, ib. Free trade permitted to several 
 provinces, 378. Revenue derived from Ame- 
 rica, 384. Specification, 523. 
 
 Spaniards, their curious form of taking posses- 
 sion of newly discovered countries, 459. 
 
 Strabo, a citation from, proving the great geo- 
 graphical ignorance of the ancients, 449. His 
 own want of geographical knowledge, 451. 
 
 Superstition always connected with a desire of 
 penetrating into the secrets of futurity, 184. 
 
 Tapia, Christoval de, is sent from Spain to Mex- 
 ico, to supersede Cortes in his command, but 
 fails in the attempt, 256. 
 
 Tartars, the possibility of their migrating to 
 America, 135. 
 
 Tithes of Spanish America, how applied by the 
 court of Spain, 524. 
 
 Tlascala, in Mexico, character of the natives of, 
 213. Oppose the passage of the Spaniards, ib. 
 Are reduced to sue for neace, 214, 215. 
 
 Tobacco, that of Cuba the best flavoured of any 
 in all America, 368. The use of, first intro- 
 duced into England, 399. Culture of, in Vir- 
 ginia, and its consequences, 411. Its exporta 
 tion theqce is annually increased, 412. Trade 
 for, opened with Holland. 413. Grants and 
 monopoly of, 4J8, 419. 
 
 Toupinambos, account of their ferocious courage, 
 from Lery, 479. 
 
 Trade, no efforts made in England to extend it 
 in the reign of Henry Vli. or his immediate 
 successors, 391. To what causes that neglect 
 was owing, ib, 
 
 , free, opened between Spain and her colo- 
 nies, 378. Increase of the Spanish customs 
 from this measure, 522. 
 
 winds, the periodical course of, when dis- 
 covered by navigators, 25. 
 
 Travellers, ancient, character of their writings 
 31,32. 
 
 Trinidad^ the island of, discovered by Christopher 
 Columbus on his third voyage, 76. 
 
 Tucuman and Rio de la Plata, account of those 
 provinces, 343. 
 
 Tyre, the commerce of that city, how conducted, 
 448. 
 
 Ulloa, Don Antonio de, his description of the 
 characteristic features of the native Ameri- 
 cans, 479. His reason for the Americans not 
 being so sensible of pain as the rest of man- 
 kind, 480. His account of the goods exported 
 from Spain to America, with the duty on them, 
 525. 
 
 Vaca de Castro, Christoval, is sent from Spain 
 to regulate the government of Peru, 288. Ar- 
 rives at Quito, 293. Assumes the supreme 
 authority, ib. Defeats young Almagro, 294. 
 The severity of his proceedings, ib. Prevents 
 an insurrection concerted to oppose the new 
 regulations, 298. Is imprisoned by the new 
 viceroy, 299. 
 
 Valoerde, Father Vincent, his curious harangue 
 to Atahualpa, inca of Peru, 272. Gives his 
 sanction to the trial and condemnation of Ata- 
 hualpa, 277. 
 
 Vega, Garcilasso de la, character of his com- 
 mentary on the Spanish writers concerning 
 Peru, 495. 
 
 Vegetables, their natural tendency to fertilize the 
 soil where they grow, 129. 
 
 Velasquez, Diego de, conquers the island of Cuba, 
 100. 118. His preparations for invading New 
 Spain, 197. His difficulty in choosing a com- 
 mander for the expedition, ib. Appoints Fer- 
 nando Cortes, 198. His motives to this choice, 
 ib. Becomes suspicious of Cortes, 199. Orders 
 Cortes to be deprived of his commission, and 
 arrested, ib. Sends an armament to Mexico 
 after Cortes, 228. 
 
 Venegas, P., his character of the native Califor- 
 nians, 474. 
 
 Vemreal disease, originally brought from Ame- 
 rica, 148. Appears to be wearing out, 149. 
 Its first rapid progress, 472. 
 
 Venezuela, history of that settlement, 345. 
 
 Venice, its origin as a maritime state, 29. Travels 
 of Marco Polo, 31. 
 
 Verd Islands, discovered by the Portuguese, 38. 
 
 Viceroys, all the Spanish dominions in America 
 subjected to two, 351. A third lately esta- 
 blished, ib. Their powers, ib. A fourth esta- 
 blished, 380. 
 
 Villa, Segnor, his account of the state of popu- 
 lation in New Spain, 511. His detail of the 
 Spanish American revenue, 523. 
 
 Villefagna, Antonio, one of Cortes's soldiers, 
 foments a mutiny among his troops, 245. Is 
 discovered by Cortes and'hanged, ib. 
 
 Virginia, first discovery of, 398. Attempt to 
 settle there unsuccessful, 398, 399. A second 
 attempt to settle there, when the colony per- 
 ishes by famine, 400. The scheme of settling 
 there abandoned, ib. Is divided into two colo- 
 nies, 402. Charters are granted to two com- 
 panies to make settlements in, ib. Captain 
 Newport sails from England to, and discovers 
 the Chesapeak, 404. He proceeds up Jamea 
 
INDEX. 
 
 539 
 
 elver, and founds a colony in Jamestown, ib. 
 Its bad administration, ib. Captain Smith is 
 excluded from his seat at the council board, 
 405. The colony is annoyed by the Indians, 
 and suffers from scarcity and the unhealthiness 
 of the climate, ib. Smith is recalled, and the 
 prosperity of the colony restored, ib. He is 
 taken prisoner by the Indians, his life spared, 
 and his liberty obtained through the interces- 
 sion of the favourite daughter of an Indian 
 chief, 405, 406. Returns to Jamestown, and 
 finds the colony in distress, 406. The colonists 
 are deceived by the^appearance of gold, ib. A 
 survey of the country is undertaken by Smith, 
 ib. The company obtains a new charter with 
 more ample privileges, 407. The jurisdiction 
 of the council in, is abolished, and the govern- 
 ment vested in a council resident in London, 
 ib. Lord Delaware is appointed governor and 
 captain-general of the colony, and Sir Thomas 
 Gates and Sir George Summers are vested with 
 the command till his arrival, ib. The vessel 
 in which they embark is stranded on the coast 
 of Bermudas, ib. Smith' returns to England, 
 and anarchy prevails in the colony, 408. The 
 Indians withhold supplies, and the colony is 
 reduced by famine, ib. Gates and Summers 
 arrive from Bermudas, and find the colony in 
 a desperate situation, ib. They are about to 
 return to England, when Lord Delaware ar- 
 rives, 409. He reconciles all differences, and 
 perfectly restores subordination, ib. Is obliged 
 to resign the government, and return to Eng- 
 land on account of his health, ib. Is super- 
 seded by Sir Thomas Dale, who establishes 
 martial law, ib. Another charter is granted 
 to the colony, with new privileges, 410. The 
 land is cultivated, and a treaty concluded with 
 the Indians, ib. Rolfe, a man of rank in the 
 colony, marries the daughter of an Indian 
 
 chief, ib. The land first becomes property, 
 introduced, ib. 
 
 411. The culture of tobacco is ir 
 
 The quantity exported increases every year, 
 
 412. Negroes are first introduced, ih. A ge- 
 neral assembly of representatives is formed, 
 ib. A new constitution is given to the colony, 
 and a trade for tobacco opened with Holland, 
 
 41 3. The necessary precautions for the defence 
 of the colony being neglected, a general mas- 
 sacre of the English is planned by the Indians, 
 and executed in most of the settlements, 413, 
 
 414. A bloody war is commenced with the 
 Indians, 414. Their plantations are attacked, 
 and the owners murdered, 415. A few escape 
 to the woods, where they perish with hunger, 
 ib. The settlements extend, and industry re- 
 vives, ib. The strength of the colony is consi- 
 derably weakened, 418. A temporary council 
 is appointed for its government, ib. The arbi- 
 trary government of the colonies on the acces- 
 sion of Charles I., ib. The colonists seize Sir 
 
 John Harvey, the governor, and send him pri 
 soner to England, 419. He is released by the 
 king, and reinstated in his government, ib. la 
 succeeded by Sir John Berkeley, whose wise 
 administration is productive of the best effects, 
 ib. New privileges are granted to the colony, 
 which flourishes under the new government, 
 420. It is attacked by the Indians, 423. Dis- 
 contents are produced by grants of land from 
 the crown, ib. An insurrection breaks out, 
 and the governor and council are forced to fly, 
 424. They apply to England for succour, 425. 
 The rebellion is terminated by the death of 
 Nathaniel Bacon, ib. The governor is rein- 
 stated, and an assembly called, ib. The mo- 
 deration of its proceedings, ib. General state 
 of the colony till the year 1688, 426. See 
 Colonies. 
 
 folcanos, remarkable number of, in the northern 
 parts of the globe, discovered by the Russians, 
 467. 
 
 Wafer, Lionel, his account of a peculiar race of 
 diminutive Americans, 146. Compared with 
 similar productions in Africa, ib. 
 
 War song of the native Americans, the senti- 
 ments and terms of, 479. 
 
 Willoughby, Sir Hugh, sails in search of a north 
 east passage to India, 393. Steers along the 
 coast of Norway, and doubles the North Cape, 
 ib. His squadron is separated in a storm, and 
 his ship driven into an obscure harbour in Rus- 
 sian Lapland, where he and all his companions 
 are frozen to death, ib. 
 
 Women, the condition of, among the native Ame- 
 ricans, 153, 154. Are not prolific, 154. Are 
 not permitted to join in their drunken feasts, 
 188. Nor to wear ornaments, 481. 
 
 Xcrez, Francisco de, secretary to Pizarro, the 
 earliest writer on his Peruvian expedition, 495 
 
 Ximenes, Cardinal, his regulations for the treat- 
 ment of the Indians in the Spanish colonies, 
 111. Patronizes the attempt of Ferdinand 
 Magellan, 253. 
 
 Yucatan, the province of, discovered by Pinzon 
 and Dias de Solis, 97. Described, 460, 461. 
 From whence that province derives its value, 
 342. Policy of the court of Spain with respect 
 to, ib. 
 
 Zarate, Don Augustine, character of his History 
 of the Conquest of Peru, 495. 
 
 Zones, the earth how divided into, by the geo- 
 graphy of the ancients, 26. By whom first so 
 divided, 451. 
 
 Zummaraga, Juan de, first bishop of Mexico, 
 the destroyer of all the ancient records of the 
 Mexican empire, 314. 
 
QUESTIONS 
 
 FOR THE 
 
 EXAMINATION OF STUDENTS. 
 
 BY JOHN FROST, A.M. 
 
'1 
 
 
 
QUESTIONS 
 
 FOR 
 
 EXAMINATION OF STUDENTS 
 
 IN 
 
 ROBERTSON'S HISTORY OF AMERICA. 
 
 N. B. The figures prefixed to each paragraph refer to the pages of Harper's stereotype 
 edition uj Robertson's History of America. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 Page 17. 
 
 Was the earth rapidly peopled? What oc- 
 casioned the first dispersion of the human 
 race? How were the early migrations made? 
 Were navigation and ship-building rapidly 
 perfected? How is their early imperfection 
 proved? From what era must we date the 
 origin of commerce: 
 
 Page 18. 
 
 What is the first species of commerce'; 
 Rive some account of its progress. What 
 besides conquest became a motive for long 
 voyages ? Of what did trade become a great 
 source? Did navigation advance as rapidly 
 as commerce ? Before the discovery of the 
 mariner's compass how far were voyages ex- 
 tended I Were voyages longer than at pre- 
 sent ? At what season were they undertaken ? 
 
 Page 19. 
 
 Where did the Egyptians open a commerce 1 
 What seas were crossed in these voyages ? 
 By what route were their commodities brought 
 from India to Egypt 7 What change took 
 place in the character of the Egyptians ? 
 Where is Egypt? What other ancient nation 
 was devoted to commerce ? Where was an- 
 cient Phoenicia? What were its commercial 
 cities ? Which way is it from Tyre to Egypt ? 
 At what did the Phoenicians aim? What 
 places did their ships visit? Where are the 
 Straits of Gades? What is the modern name? 
 Did the Phoenicians plant colonies ? Where 
 did they acquire commodious harbours ? With 
 what countries did they establish a regular in- 
 tercourse? Under what kings did the Jews 
 direct their attention to commerce ? How did 
 they obtain a share of the Phoenician com- 
 merce ? 
 
 Page 20. 
 
 Where is Idumea ? Where is Palestine? 
 Which way from Phoenicia? Which way are 
 Tyre and Sidon from Jerusalem? Whither 
 did Solomon send fleets ? Where were prob- 
 ably the places called Ophir and Tarshish? 
 Did the Jews long continue commerce ? 
 Did they improve navigation or extend dis- 
 covery? Who were the descendants of the 
 Phoenicians ? Where was ancient Carthage ? 
 Did the Carthaginians inherit the commer- 
 cial spirit ? What countries did their voyagers 
 visit in the north-west? What countries in 
 the south ? How far south did they sail ? 
 What islands did they discover? Did they 
 undertake voyages of discovery ? Under what 
 
 leaders? Describe the voyage of Hanno. 
 Of Himlico. 
 
 Page 21. 
 
 Describe the voyage said to have been ac- 
 complished by a Phoenician fie- 1 fitted out by 
 Necho. Who else is said to have accom 
 plished the same? Are these accounts well 
 authenticated ? Why did the Phoenician and 
 Carthaginian voyagers conceal their disco- 
 veries? When did the memorials of their 
 naval skill perish ? Did the Greeks and Ro- 
 mans learn navigation and commerce from the 
 Phoenicians and Carthaginians? What was 
 the first object among the early Grecian voya- 
 gers? What was the extent of the famous 
 expedition of the Argonauts? What is the 
 modern name of the Euxine Sea ? Had navi- 
 gation advanced much in Homer's time 1 
 
 Page 22 
 
 Describe the ships of th ; early Greeks. To 
 what rank among maritime nations did th 
 ancient Greeks afterward arrive? What sort 
 of vessels were used in the Persian war ? 
 How far did the ancient Grecian commerce 
 extend ? With whom was their chief inter 
 course? What places did they occasionally 
 visit ? Which way from Greece is Asia Mino 
 or Lesser Asia? Italy 7- -Sicily ? The Eux- 
 ine ? The Hellespont ? What example of the 
 ignorance of the Greeks is quoted ? How far 
 did the geographical knowledge of the Greeks 
 extend ? Of what facts were they ignorant 
 
 Page 23. 
 
 What expedition enlarged the geographical 
 knowledge of the Greeks ? What commercial 
 republic was among the conquests of Alex 
 ander? After reducing Tyre and Egypt what 
 plan did he form ? What city did he found 
 Where? With what design? What was 
 the consequence of its situation? Whither 
 did he conduct his army by land ? How far 
 into India did he advance ? What did he ro- 
 solve to examine? By what communication 
 did he design to furnish his Asiatic dominions 
 with the commodities of the East ? How did 
 he design to distribute them to the rest of the 
 world? Whom did he send to survey the Per- 
 sian Gulf ? Was this justly considered a grea 
 undertaking ? 
 
 Page 24. 
 
 In executing it, what surprising discovery 
 was made? How was it regarded? How 
 long did the voyage last? Was the navigation 
 to India by this course continued ? Who were 
 enriched afterward by the Indian trade of 
 
644 
 
 QUESTIONS. 
 
 Alexandria? What progress did the Roman 
 make in navigation and discovery ? Why wa 
 this ? What made them first aim at maritim 
 power ? For what purpose was this powe 
 used? Did the Romans ever become a com 
 mercial people? In whose hands did thei 
 commerce remain? Was it well protectec 
 and profitable ? What improved under it ? 
 
 Page 25. 
 
 What fact was observed in the Indian 
 Ocean ? What use was made of this obser 
 vation ? What was the utmost limit of th 
 Roman navigation? How far did traveller 
 probably penetrate by land? What amoun 
 of money was drawn annually from Rome b> 
 the Indian trade ? What nnmber of ships an 
 nually sailed from the Arabian Gulf to India 
 --How was the knowledge of remote countries 
 obtained in ancient times? What countries o 
 Europe were conquered by the Romans ? 
 
 Page 26. 
 
 In Africa ? In Asia ? Of what countries h 
 Europe were the ancient Romans ignorant ? 
 In Africa ? In Asia ? What did the ancients 
 believe concerning the Zones ? By what class 
 of people was this theory held? What conse^ 
 quences follow from this theory ? 
 
 Page 27 
 
 What other extravagant theory did the an. 
 cients believe ? What does this theory prove < 
 Who brought geography to its highest point 
 among the ancients ? When did he flourish 
 and what did he publish ? Did geographica 
 knowledge decline after Ptolemy's time? 
 What city became first in point of commerce ? 
 What was the consequence of the fall of the 
 Roman empire ? What was the first effect o. 
 the settlement of the barbarous nations in the 
 south of Europe? 
 
 Page 28. 
 
 Did geographical science nearly perish in 
 the wreck of the Roman empire ? Did com- 
 merce? What prevented commerce from 
 ceasing altogether? How far did the trade of 
 Constantinople extend? After the conquest 
 of Egypt by the Arabians, how were commodi- 
 ties conveyed from India to Constantinople ? 
 How did the Arabians acquire a fondness 
 for geographical science? Did they advance 
 the science? Where is Arabia ? Which way 
 from Egypt ? 
 
 Page 29. 
 
 What country first began to recover from 
 the desolation and barbarism occasioned by 
 the fall of the Roman empire ? What hap- 
 pened to the Italian cities ? What was the 
 consequence? What foreign city became the 
 chief mart of the Italians? At what other 
 cities did they purchase the commodities of 
 the East? Where is Aleppo? Tripoli ? 
 Syria? How were the goods conveyed from 
 India to these ports ? To what port of Egypt 
 did the Italian merchants resort? What were 
 the chief commercial cities of Italy ? To what 
 countries beyond the Mediterranean did their 
 merchants resort ? What event gave a new 
 impulse to commerce ? Who furnished trans- 
 . ports and provisions to the crusaders ?- Were 
 the Italians enriched by the crusades 1 
 
 Page 30. 
 
 Did the other countries of Europe partici- 
 pate in the benefits of the crusades ? Give an 
 account of the travels of Benjamin of Tudela. 
 Give an account of the mission of Carpini 
 and Ascolino. 
 
 Page 31. 
 
 What induced St. Louis to send a mlssteif 
 to Tartary? Who were sent? What was 
 the result? Who was Marco Polo? When 
 did he flourish ? Under whose protection di(f 
 he travel ? How long ? What countries be- 
 fore unknown did he visit? What English- 
 man visited the same countries ? When ? 
 Where is Pekin ? Japan ? 
 
 Page 32. 
 
 What was the character of the narratives 
 of these travellers ? What was their effect 
 on the public? What important discovery 
 was made at this time ? What use did navi- 
 gators make of it ? Who was the author of 
 the discovery? What injustice did he suffer? 
 Why was not the discovery immediately 
 used for the purpose of making distant dis- 
 coveries ? 
 
 Page 33. 
 
 How long time elapsed before it was used 
 for discovery? For what purposes did the 
 Spaniards first visit the Canaries? Where 
 are they ? To whom did Clement VI. give 
 them? By what right? Who conquered 
 them ? How far had navigation advanced at 
 the beginning of the fifteenth century ? What 
 kingdom first roused that spirit of curiosity 
 and enterprise which led to the discovery of 
 the New World ? Who was trained in this 
 school ? 
 
 Page 34. 
 
 What had raised the military spirit and en- 
 terprise of the Portuguese ? When did John 
 1. become king of Portugal? What was his 
 character? For what did he equip a fleet and 
 armament? Whither did he send ships for 
 discovering new regions ? What may we 
 date from this ? What had been the former 
 boundary of the Portuguese voyagers ? * 
 
 Page 35. 
 
 What was the literary character of the Por- 
 uguese in the fifteenth century ? How far did 
 heir discoverers go in the first voyage ? What 
 was the character of Henry duke of Viseo? 
 Where did he fix his residence? For what 
 jurpose? To what sources of information 
 did he apply? -Whom did he engage in his 
 service ? 
 
 Page 36. 
 
 Describe his first effort ? What island did 
 Zarco and Vaz discover ? What was done- 
 next year? Describe the settlement of Ma- 
 deira and its consequences ? Who first dou- 
 )led Cape Bojador ? When ? 
 
 Page 37. 
 
 What further discoveries did the Portuguese 
 make towards the south of Africa ? Where is 
 he river Senegal? In what latitude? In- 
 what latitude is Cape Blanco ? Cape Verd ? 
 Vhat sort of inhabitants did the Portuguese 
 nd south of the Senegal ? What objections 
 fere made to prince Henry's schemes ? Was 
 e deterred by them ? Who supported him in 
 is designs 1 What did he request of the 
 ope? 
 
 rege 38. 
 
 hat grant was obtained from the pope ? 
 Vhat advantage arose from it ? What was 
 e effect of the Portuguese discoveries on the 
 ublic mind? What new adventurers entered 
 eir service ? What new discoveries were- 
 mde by them ? Where are the Azores ? The 
 ape Verd Isles 7 What does the discovery of 
 
QUESTIONS. 
 
 045 
 
 these clusters prove ? When did prince Henry 
 die 7 How far south had the Portuguese dis- 
 coveries then extended ? What extent of the 
 west coast of Africa was explored 7 
 
 Page 39. 
 
 What prevented Alphonso king of Portugal 
 from prosecuting the African discoveries with 
 ardour? To whom did he commit them? 
 What was the consequence 7 When did the 
 Portuguese cross the equinoctial 1 What then 
 surprised them 1 When did John II. succeed 
 Alphonso? What did his voyagers find to he 
 the character of the country north of the Sene- 
 gal? What, south? What ensued 1 When 
 did king John fit out a new fleet? What 
 kingdoms were discovered? Where did he 
 build forts and settle colonies 7 Where is 
 Benin ? Congo? Guinea? 
 
 Page 40. 
 
 What country did the Portuguese expect to 
 arrive at by going round Africa to the south? 
 To whom did the king of Portugal send an 
 embassy? Was Prester John a real person- 
 age? What was the origin of his name? 
 Who were the ambassadors sent in quest of 
 Prester John's dominions by the king of Por- 
 tugal ? What other expedition did king John 
 project ? To whom was it intrusted ? When ? 
 What was the length of the voyage ? What 
 discoveries did he make 7 
 
 Page 41. 
 
 What cape was the limit of his voyage 7 
 Why was it so called ? How far did Covillam 
 and Pay va travel together ? What countries 
 did they respectively visit after separating ? 
 What important conclusion was conveyed in 
 Covillam's despatches ? What design did the 
 king of Portugal now entertain ? Who were 
 alarmed at it ? Why T What news was re- 
 ceived before the expedition sailed 7 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 Page 42. 
 
 Of what country was Christopher Columbus 
 a subject? How was he educated? When 
 did he first go to sea ? What places did he 
 visit in 1467? Whose service did he next en- 
 ter? Relate an adventure of his off the coast 
 of Portugal. Whither did he go ? What hap- 
 pened to him there .' 
 
 Page 43. 
 
 Who was his wife? What effect did the 
 perusal of Perestrello's papers have on Colum- 
 bus ? With what places did he trade ? Wha 
 did he acquire by these voyages ? What was 
 the great object of voyagers at this time ? 
 W'hy 7 What was the only route to India 
 which had ever been thought of before Colum- 
 bus's time? What route did he propose to 
 take? 
 
 Page 44. 
 
 On what arguments, drawn from the figure 
 and structure of the earth, did Columbus founc' 
 his belief of a continent in the west? Wha 
 facts led to the same conclusion? What lee 
 Columbus to believe that this western conti 
 nent was connected with India T Did Colum 
 bus suppose that the western continent was 
 near the Western Isles 7 
 
 Page 45. 
 
 To whom did Columbus communicate hi 
 opinions ?-DidPaul encourage him ? To wha 
 design did Columbus's opinions -Jead him? 
 
 VOL. I. 69. 25 
 
 What was the first step towards prosecuting 
 his design 7 To whom did he first submit his 
 reject? How was it received? To whom 
 text ? 
 
 Page 46. 
 
 How did the king receive the proposal 7 To 
 
 horn did he refer it? What was the result? 
 
 To whom did Columbus next apply ? When 
 
 d he land in Spain ? To whom did he send 
 
 is brother 7 What circumstances were un- 
 
 avourable to Columbus's success in Spain 7 
 
 low Was his character suited to please the 
 
 Spanish 7 
 
 Page 47. 
 
 What did he gain by it 7 To whom did Fer 
 dinand and Isabella remit the consideration of 
 
 Columbus's project ? What remarks did the 
 Spanish philosophers make on Columbus's 
 project 7-^-How long did Columbus urge his 
 
 iroject before obtaining a report from Tala- 
 
 era ? What was the answer of Ferdinand 
 and Isabella founded on this report ? To what 
 Spanish subjects did Columbus next apply 7 
 With what success 1 
 
 Page 48. 
 
 What had befallen Bartholomew Columbus? 
 Who prevented Columbus from leaving 
 Spain, and going to England 7 What was the 
 character of Perez 7 To whom did Perez ap- 
 ply on behalf of Columbus? What did Isa- 
 oella do? What was the first effect of the 
 nterview ? What new friends did Columbus 
 acquire ? How did Ferdinand regard Colum- 
 bus's plot 7 
 
 Page 49. 
 
 What demands did Columbus make 7 How 
 did the commissioners proceed 7 What was 
 the result of the negotiation 7 What did Co- 
 lumbus then do 7 What great event happened 
 about this time 7 What advantage did Quin* 
 tanilla and Santangel take of it 7 What argu- 
 ments did they offer to the queen? 
 
 Page 50. 
 
 What was the effect 7 What generous offer 
 did Isabella make? How did Santangel re- 
 ceive it '.' When was the treaty of negotiation 
 signed? What was the first article? The 
 second 7 Third 7 Fourth ? Fifth 7 How did 
 Ferdinand behave 7 
 
 Page 51. 
 
 Who defrayed the expense 7 What precau- 
 tion was taken with respect to the Portuguese 7 
 Where was the expedition fitted ? Where 
 is Palos 7 Who assisted and accompanied Co- 
 lumbus 7 Of what did the armament consist ? 
 Who were the several commanders, and 
 what were their vessels' names 7 What was 
 the number of men ? What was the whole 
 sum employed in fitting out the squadron 7 
 What circumstances rendered the undertaking 
 a very bold one ? 
 
 Page 52. 
 
 What religious act preceded the embarka- 
 tion ? When did the squadron sail 7 Where 
 did they arrive August 13th 7 Where are these 
 islands ? What accident happened to the Pin- 
 ta? Whence and when did Columbus next 
 take his departure 7 What disposition did the 
 sailors manifest 7 How were the effects of it 
 prevented 7 What character and qualifications 
 did Columbus now exhibit 1 
 
 Page 53. 
 What did he endeavour to conceal ? What 
 
S>46 
 
 QUESTIONS. 
 
 new phenomenon respecting the compass 
 alarmed I them ?-How did Columbus dissipate 
 the fears occasioned by this appearance ?- 
 What wind did he fall in with ?-What new 
 appearance alarmed the sailors 400 leagues 
 west of the Canaries ?-How did Columhus 
 recoHcile them to this .'-How far had they 
 advanced, October lst?-How far didColu.u- 
 bus pretend that they had advanced? 
 
 ; Page 54. 
 
 What did the sailors now resolve to do? 
 How did Columbus prevent them from open 
 mutiny? By what did he next steer his 
 course 1 1 Did he make the land in this direc- 
 tion 7 What was the consequence * 
 
 Page 55. 
 
 By what means did he overcome this new 
 . difficulty ?- What signs of land appeared ?- 
 What orders did Columbus give ? What did 
 Columbus discover at 10 o'clock, P. M.? From 
 which ship was the cry of land first heard ? 
 What was discovered in the morning? What 
 religious act was performed ? How did the 
 crews behave towards Columbus ? Whal was 
 done at sunrise? What was discovered on 
 shore ? 
 
 Page 56. 
 
 How did the voyagers behave on landing ? 
 For whom did they take possession of the 
 country? -How did the natives regard the 
 Spaniards and their ships? Of this newly 
 discovered island, what was the appearance of 
 the soil ? Climate ? Trees ? Inhabitants ? 
 What sort of trade was carried on between 
 the Spaniards and natives? What were the 
 boats of the natives called? What title and 
 authority did Columbus assume? What did 
 he call the island ? Where is it ? Was it as 
 rich as had been expected ? 
 Page 57. 
 
 What induced Columbus to sail towards trie 
 south ? Whom did he take along with him ? 
 To what other islands did he give names? 
 What did he next discover? Whom did he 
 send into the interior? Give the particulars 
 of their discoveries in the interior. What is 
 maize 7 Does it appear by the narrative that 
 this is an original production of Cuba? 
 Where did the natives tell Columbus that they 
 found their gold ? What did he infer from 
 this? What part of the coast of Cuba did he 
 explore ? Where is Porto del Principe? 
 
 Page 58. 
 
 To what island did the natives direct Colum- 
 bus in quest of gold? Where is Hayti? 
 What captain deserted the squadron ? When 
 did Columbus reach Hayti ? What did he call 
 the port? The country? What port did he 
 next visit? How did he here contrive to open 
 a communication with the natives? How did 
 they behave ? Did they possess more gold than 
 the natives of Cuba ? By whom was Colum- 
 bus here visited ? How did this prrson be- 
 have ?_what led Columbus to suppose that 
 he had arrived at Japan ? 
 
 Page 59. 
 
 Whither did he now direct his course 1 
 What harbour did he put into ? What caziqtie 
 governed the district ? What present did he 
 make to Columbus ? When did Columbus set 
 sail to visit Guacanahari? Give an account 
 of his shipwreck. How did the natives be- 
 have ? How did Guacanahari ? What were 
 now Columbus'* circumstances 1 
 
 Page 
 
 Did Columbns determine to return to Spain ? 
 What means did he adopt of prosecuting 
 discoveries in Hayti ? How was an opportu- 
 nity presented of colonizing the country? 
 Did the cazique accept his offer? Give an ac- 
 count of the settlement. How did Columbus 
 strike terror into the natives j 
 
 Page 61. 
 
 What was the effect of firing the cannon? 
 How many men did Columbus leave ? Under 
 whom? What advice did he give? When 
 did he sail ? Whom did he overtake 'Did he 
 excuse Pinzon ? What had Pinzon done in 
 his absence ? What did Columbus now de- 
 termine to do? What preparations did he 
 make? How far and how long did he sail 
 prosperously ? 
 
 Page 62. 
 
 What now befell Col umbus ? How were the 
 sailors affected ? What did Columbus do to 
 preserve a record of his voyage ? What land 
 was discovered on the 15th ? Where are the 
 Azores ? What disquieted Columbus here ? 
 Whither was he driven by a second storm ? 
 How was he treated there ? 
 
 Page 63. 
 
 What satisfaction did Columbus enjoy? 
 How long did he remain in Lisbon ? When 
 did he arrive in Palos ? After how long a voy- 
 age? How was he received? When did the 
 Pinta arrive ? Where were the sovereigns ? 
 What did they order? Describe Columbus's 
 journey. His entrance into the city. How 
 was he received by Ferdinand and Isabella ! 
 How was he honoured ? 
 
 Page 64. 
 
 How rewarded ? What was he commanded 
 to do? How was Columbus's discovery re- 
 garded in Europe? To what opinion did Co- 
 lumbus adhere? By what was it confirmed? 
 Was Columbus's opinion generally adopted ? 
 What name was given to the country dis- 
 covered by Columbus ? After the country 
 was found not to be India, what was it called* 
 What were the natives called 1 
 
 Page 65. 
 
 What number of ships were provided for 
 the second expedition ? Of men ? What did 
 they carry with them? Did Ferdinand enter 
 into the spirit of his subjects ? Who was 
 pope at this time? What grant did he make 
 to Ferdinand and Isabella? Where was the 
 celebrated line drawn which was to separate 
 the Spanish from the Portuguese possessions? 
 What preparations were made for convert- 
 ng the Indians? 
 
 Page 66. 
 
 When did Columbus sail on his second voy- 
 age 7_Where did he touch ? How did he vary 
 lis course? When did he make the land? 
 What did he call it ? What islands did he af- 
 .erward visit? Where is Dominica 7 Mar- 
 inica? Marigalante ? Guadaloupe ? Anti- 
 gua] Porto Rico? What people inhabited 
 !hese islands ? Were they cannibals ? When 
 did he arrive at Navidad? What had hap- 
 wned there? What account did the cazique's 
 jroiher give of the colony? 
 
 Page 67. 
 
 What colony did Columbus now found ? 
 What was the character of Columbus's colo- 
 nists ? Were they suitable persons for colo- 
 
QUESTIONS. 
 
 547 
 
 nizlng a new country 7 To what did their 
 discontent lead? How did Columbus treat 
 those who conspired against him? How many 
 s ;ips were sent home .'What did he request 
 from Spain ? 
 
 Page 6 3. 
 
 Whom did Columbus send to explore Cibao ? 
 How did he proceed? What were the In- 
 dian opinions concerning the horses? How 
 did they find the gold? Why did Columbus 
 call the port St. Thomas ? What distresses 
 came upon the colonists ? Did these lead to 
 discontents? 
 
 Page 69. 
 
 Who joined in them 1 Was their discontent 
 removed ? Whom did Columbus leave to 
 govern the colony while he should make fur- 
 ther discoveries ? What island did he dis- 
 cover ? What happened to him on the south 
 coast of Cuba? Whom did he meet on his 
 return to Hispaniola-? Give an account of 
 Bartholomew's adventures. 
 
 Page 70. 
 
 What had been the conduct of the soldiers 
 under Margarita? What were the habits of 
 the Indians with respect to food? What did 
 they resolve to do ? 
 
 Page 71. 
 
 What did Columbus determine to do ? What 
 was the number of the Indians? What king 
 remained faithful to the Spaniards? How was 
 the attack managed ? What was the result? 
 How did Columbus then employ himself? 
 What tax did he impose? Why did Columbus 
 tax the Indians 1 
 
 Fage 72. 
 
 Who was Columbus's enemy at court? 
 What was his only means of counteracting 
 the machinations of his enemies at court? 
 Why was the tribute peculiarly oppressive to 
 the Indians ? What expedient did they devise 
 for freeing themselves ? What was its effect 
 on tlu Spaniards ? On the Indians ? What 
 proportion of the inhabitants of Hay i perish- 
 ed ] What complaints were made of Colum- 
 bus? Wh-.it was the consequence ? What 
 person was appointed a commissioner to ex- 
 amine into Columbus's cotiduct 1 
 
 Page 73. 
 
 How did Aguado behave in his new office ? 
 What resolution did Columbus take? To 
 whom di ! he commit the administration o 
 affairs? What was he called? Who was 
 appointed chief justice? What mistake die 
 Columbus make in directing his course home* 
 What was the consequence? How did h 
 behave in this extremity ? How was he re 
 ceived at court ? 
 
 Page 74. 
 
 What had he done for Spain ? What did he 
 promise 'What was the effect on the king 
 and quee i ? What plan was now formed ? 
 What sort of labourers were logo out? How 
 were they to be supported? What irnprope: 
 persons did Columbus propose to take out I 
 
 Page 75. 
 
 What hindrances to Columbus's enterpris 
 existed ? How long was he delayed by them 
 ._How many ships were prepared ? Wha 
 course did he resolve 10 steer? When did h 
 sail ? Where did he touch ? From the Cana 
 ries, how many ships were sent to Hispaniola 
 What befell him near the equinoctial 7 
 
 Page 76. 
 
 How did he alter his course? What island 
 as discovered, August 1st ? Where is if 
 ear what river ? Describe the river. How 
 as Columbus's squadron endangered by it ? 
 What did he call it? What inference did 
 -, draw from its size and violence ? Was it 
 mfirmed? What part of the continent of 
 merica did Columhus first visit ? What sort 
 f people did he there find ? What animals? 
 What did the admiral imagine concerning 
 What compelled him to go to Hayti ? 
 Vhat islands did he discover on his way ? 
 Vhatdid they become remarkable for? What 
 ras Columbus's condition on his arrival? 
 Vhat happened in his absence ? 
 
 Page 77. 
 
 What city had the adelantado Bartholomew 
 junded in Hayti ? Where is it ? How did he 
 ie/e employ "the Spaniards? Who rebelled 
 gainst Bartholomew ? Who saved the fort 
 tSt. Domingo from the mutineers? Whither 
 id they retire? What did they do? What 
 ad befallen the ships sent by Columbus from 
 he Canaries? Who had gained a large part 
 f the crews of these ships 1 What was their 
 haracter ? 
 
 Page 78. 
 
 When did these ships arrive at St. Domin- 
 o? Why was Columbus reluctant to light 
 lie rebels"? How did he recover them to obe- 
 ience ? How did he gain Roldan ? Did these 
 eirotiatioris occupy much time? What new 
 emulation concerning the Indians was intro- 
 duced? What did this regulation introduce? 
 What were the repartirnientos i What ef- 
 ect did they have ? What prevented Colum- 
 jus from prosecuting his discoveries ? What 
 did he send to Spain? What complaints did 
 loldan make? What did Columbus? 
 
 Page 79. 
 
 Which gained most credit ? For what pur- 
 .iose did Ernanuelof Portugal send out a fleet? 
 To whom did he give the command ? What 
 was his character ? Whence did he sail? 
 'low long was he in passing the Cape of Good 
 Plope? Why? Which way did he steer? 
 Where did he anchor ? What sort of people 
 lad he i'ound on the east coast of Africa? 
 How did they change as he advanced north ? 
 Whither did" he go from Melinda ? Where is 
 Melinda? Calec ut? What sort of country 
 and people did he find ? What is observed of 
 he voyage? 
 
 Page 80. 
 
 When did he land at Lisbon, and after how 
 long a voyage? Give a summary of the dis- 
 coveries of the fifteenth century. What pri- 
 vate adventurer set out for the new world? 
 With how many ships ? How did Fonseca, 
 bishop of Badajos, assist him ? Give an ac- 
 count of his voyage. 
 
 Page 81. 
 
 Who accompanied him ? What was the 
 consequence of Amerigo's account of the voy- 
 age ? What other private adventurers went 
 to the new world ? Describe the voyage. 
 Describe Pinzon's voyage. What did the king 
 of Portugal undertake ? To whom did he give 
 the command of the expedition ? 
 
 Page 82. 
 
 Which way did Cabral steer, in order to 
 avoid the coast of Africa? What country did 
 he accidentally discover? For whom did he 
 take possession of it? Where is Brazil? 
 
548 
 
 QUESTIONS. 
 
 Does it appear by this that America would 
 have been discovered without Columbus's voy- 
 age ? What was the state of things in His- 
 paniola ? What was taking place in Spain to 
 Columbus's disadvantage 1 
 
 Page 83. 
 
 What was the effect of the accusations on 
 the minds of the sovereigns ? What person 
 was sent out to try and to supersede Colum- 
 bus ? How did he proceed on his arrival ? 
 What did Columbus do 1 How was he treated ? 
 How did he bear it ? 
 
 Page 84. 
 
 How did Bovadilla render himself popular 
 and Columbus unpopular ? How did he accu- 
 mulate charges against Columbus ? How did 
 the captain treat Columbus 1 What was Co- 
 lumbus's answer to the captain's offer to take 
 off his chains? How were Ferdinand and 
 Isabella affected on hearing 6f Columbus's ar- 
 rival in chains ? What orders did they give? 
 How did he behave at the interview with the 
 sovereigns? Did they degrade Bovadilla? 
 Why did they not restore Columbus ? 
 
 Page 85. 
 
 Whom did they appoint governor of His- 
 paniola? How did Columbus manifest his 
 feelings at this indignity ? What private ad- 
 venturers fitted out two ships for America in 
 January, 1501 ? What coast did they discover? 
 W T hat is that country now called ? What 
 other adventurers visited the same coast ? 
 For what was a w fleet equipped at the public 
 expense ? How was Bovadilla proceeding in 
 Hispaniola? How did he govern the Spanish 
 colonists ? How did he treat the Indians ? 
 
 Page 86. 
 
 What was the effect of this oppression on 
 the Indians ? How many ships were there in 
 Ovando's armament ? How many settlers ? 
 How did the new governor, on his arrival, 
 treat Bovadilla ? Roldan ? The Indians? 
 The Spaniards? Who was Bovadilla ? Rol- 
 dan? What regulation was introduced re- 
 specting the gold ? What did Columbus de- 
 mand of the sovereigns ? Why was it not 
 granted ? How long was he urging his claim 
 at court ? What opinion did Columbus adopt 
 Concerning a passage to the East Indies ? 
 
 Page 87. 
 
 What did he ask of the sovereigns ? For 
 what purpose ? What reasons disposed them 
 to grant his request ? What had been the re- 
 sult of the Portuguese voyages to the East 
 Indies? What sort of fleet was allowed Co- 
 lumbus to find his passage to the East Indies ? 
 Who accompanied him? When did he 
 sail ? Where did he touch ?-What occasioned 
 his going to Hispaniola ? What found he 
 there ? What request did he make of Ovan- 
 do? Who was Ovando? What advice did 
 Columbus give him ? How were Columbus's 
 request and his counsel treated ? What was 
 the consequence? Did Columbus suffer by 
 the storm ? 
 
 Pag b 88. 
 
 How many ships of Ovando's fleet were lost ? 
 -What men perished ? What amount of 
 money was lost? Were Columbus's effects 
 saved? What is remarked concerning this 
 event by historians ? What construction did 
 the people of that age put upon it? When did 
 Columbus leave Hispaniola .'What island 
 did he discover? What sort of inhabitants 
 did he find ? What information did they give 
 
 him ? Did Columbus go to the west ? What 
 kingdom would he have found there .'Which 
 way did he go ? What did he discover ? De- 
 scribe the situation of these countries on the 
 map. W T here is Cape Gracias a Dios ? Porto 
 Bello ? Where did he attempt to fix a colony 1 
 What was the result ? 
 
 Page 89. 
 
 What misfortunes now befell Columbus ? 
 Where was he wrecked ? When ? Who un- 
 dertook to carry intelligence of his situation 
 to Hispaniola ? In what sort of vessel ? De- 
 scribe the voyage. How were they treated on 
 their arrival ? How long did they solicit as- 
 sistance ? In the mean time, what happened 
 to Columbus and his companions in Jamaica ? 
 What did the seamen do ? 
 
 Page 90. 
 
 How did the natives behave ? Relate Co- 
 lumbus's expedient for striking awe into the 
 minds of the Indians ? What was the effect ? 
 Meantime what had the mutineers done ? 
 How did Ovando, the governor of Hispaniola, 
 insult Columbus ? 
 
 Page 91. 
 
 How did Columbus explain this cruel pro- 
 ceeding to his followers? How did the muti- 
 neers proceed ? Who marched against them ? 
 Describe the battle and its results. What 
 happened after tranquillity was restored? 
 How long had they remained on the island ? 
 What island was it ? Which way is it from 
 Hispaniola? How far distant? How did 
 Ovando treat Columbus on his arrival at St. 
 Domingo? How did he treat the captain of 
 the. mutineers? How the faithful men who 
 had adhered to Columbus ? When did he sail 
 for Spain ? What befell him on his voyage ? 
 Where did he arrive? Where is St. Lucar? 
 What event did he hear of on his arrival * 
 Why was this news afflictive to him 'I 
 
 Page 92. 
 
 What did Columbus demand of Ferdinand ? 
 How were his claims treated? What was 
 he result ? When and where did he die ? 
 How? 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 What was the effect of Isabella's regulations 
 n favour of the Indians of Hispaniola? 
 What was the effect of the king's claiming 
 half the gold ? How did Ovando modify these 
 regulations ? 
 
 Page 93. 
 
 Were these acts of Ovando approved? 
 What was the effect of this new oppression of 
 he Indians? How did the Spaniards regard 
 he Indians? How did they treat them? 
 What occasioned the war against the cazique 
 of Higuey ? How was it terminated ? Who 
 was cazique of Xaragua? How had she 
 treated the Spaniards ? 
 
 Page 94. 
 
 What exasperated the adherents of Roldan 
 against her? Of what did they accuse her? 
 With what force did Ovando march into her 
 country ? Under what pretence ? Relate the 
 manner in which he betrayed her and her peo- 
 ple. What was her fate ? What was the 
 effect of this cruel treatment on the Indians? 
 How was Isabella's death a misfortune to 
 he Indians ? How much of the revenues of 
 :he New World belonged to Ferdinand ? To 
 whom did he confer grants? How did the 
 
QUESTIONS. 
 
 549 
 
 courtiers profit by these grants ! What was 
 the effect in Ilispaniola 1 
 
 Page 95. 
 
 What amount of money was annually re- 
 ceived from Ilispaniola ? How did Ovando 
 govern the Spaniards ? What new source of 
 wealth did he open? What was the effect? 
 Who seconded Ovando in promoting the 
 welfare of the colony? What court did he 
 erec t ; Where did it assemble ? Where is 
 Seville ? How did he regulate the ecclesiasti- 
 cal government of America ? What did he 
 
 jhibit 1 
 
 Page 96. 
 
 How many inhabitants were there in His- 
 paniola when Columbus discovered it ? To 
 what number were they reduced in fifteen 
 years? To what causes does the historian 
 attribute this waste of human life? What 
 was its effect on the Spanish improvements? 
 What remedy did Ovando propose ? Under 
 what pretence were the inhabitants of the 
 Lucayo islands removed to Hispaniola 1 How 
 many were removed 1 What urged the Span- 
 iards to new discoveries ? 
 
 Page 97. 
 
 Who was Juan Ponce de Leon? What 
 island did he settle ? Which way is it from 
 Ilispaniola? Is it larger or smaller than 
 Ilispaniola ? What became of the original in- 
 habitants of that island ? What two adven- 
 turers made a voyage to the continent? What 
 country did they discover? How is it situ- 
 ated ? Between what bays ? What important 
 discovery did Sebastian de Ocampo make ? 
 What claim did Don Diego Columbus prefer 
 against king Ferdinand ? How much time did 
 he waste in fruitless importunity ? Before 
 what council did he then bring his celebrated 
 lawsuit with the king ? What was the deci- 
 sion ? How did Don Diego strengthen his in- 
 fluence at court ? At the instance of the duke 
 of Alva and his family, what did king Ferdi- 
 nand then do? 
 
 Page 98. 
 
 Who accompanied the new governor to 
 Hispaniola? How did he there live? Who 
 are descended from the persons who accom- 
 panied Don Diego Columbus I How were the 
 Indians treated by Don Diego? For what pur- 
 pose was Cubagua settled? Who were em- 
 ployed to dive for pearls ? What was the 
 effect ?_HOW far south' did Solis and Pinzon 
 go in their second voyage ? Did they leav 
 colony? What adventurers went out to colo- 
 nize the north coast of South America? 
 Under whose patronage ? What part of the 
 coast did Ferdinand give to Ojeda? What 
 part to Nieuessa ? Point these out on the 
 rnap, and show to what governments they now 
 belong. 
 
 Page 99. 
 
 Describe the manner in which the Spanish 
 lawyers and priests directed these adventurers 
 to take possession of South America. Did 
 the natives assent to the doctrines ? What did 
 Ojeda and Nicuessa then do? What was the 
 character of the natives? How were they 
 armed ? What was the consequence ? What 
 other disasters befell the Spaniards ? 
 
 Page 100. 
 
 How many reinforcements did the colony 
 receive from Ilispaniola? What befell the 
 greatest part of the colony ? Where did the 
 
 emnant settle ? Under whom ? What two 
 ither great Spanish leaders were originally 
 mgaged in this expedition ? Why did Cortes 
 itay at Hispaniola ? What roused the spirit 
 >f adventure among the Spaniards ? What 
 iade them leave Hispaniola ? What island 
 d Don Diego Columbus propose to conquer ? 
 When ? Who was sent for that purpose? 
 With how many men? What is the length 
 )f Cuba? 
 
 Page 101. 
 
 What was the character of the people of 
 2uba? Did they prepare for defence ? Who 
 pposed the Spaniards ? How was he treated ? 
 Give an account of his conference with the 
 Franciscan friar. What was the effect of Ve- 
 asquez's cruelty to Hatuey? How many 
 ships did Juan Ponce de Leon fit out ? To- 
 wards what islands did he sail ? Where did he 
 ouch ? What country did he discover ? Why 
 did he call it Florida ? Where is it? To 
 whom does it now belong? How did the na- 
 ives behave ? Through what channel did he 
 return to Porto Rico? What curious tradition 
 ed Ponce de Leon to the Lucayos? 
 
 Page 102. 
 
 How is the Spanish belief of this tradition 
 accounted for? Where was Balboa's colony? 
 How did he try to gain from the crown a 
 confirmation of his election as governor? 
 Relate the incident which happened in one of 
 his excursions. To what country did the 
 cazique refer in this conversation? What did 
 Balboa suppose ? 
 
 Page 103. 
 
 What preparations did Balboa make for his 
 expedition ? Describe the isthmus of Darien. 
 Was it easy to cross it? What was Bal- 
 boa's character ? What was the number of 
 his men ? Of Indians who accompanied him ? 
 For what purpose did he take dogs with 
 him ? What difficulties did he encounter ? 
 
 Page 104. 
 
 How did he reassure his men ? How was 
 he opposed? What ensued? How many 
 days had they spent? Relate the manner of 
 Balboa's discovering the Pacific Ocean. In 
 what manner did he take possession of it ? 
 What part of the Pacific did he discover? 
 Where is it ? What wealth did he obtain ? 
 How? What information did he receive con- 
 cerning Peru ? What country did he suppose 
 it to be near ? 
 
 Page J05. 
 
 What did Balboa determine to do? To 
 what place did he return ? After how long an 
 absence? What officer distinguished himself 
 in this expedition? What was Balboa's first 
 care? What was the effect of this intelli- 
 gence? Who was Balboa's enemy at court? 
 Who was appointed governor of Darien in- 
 stead of Balboa? How many vessels and 
 soldiers were sent out? How many people 
 embarked in the fleet? How did he find 
 Balboa engaged ? How was he received by 
 him? 
 
 Page 106. 
 
 How did Balboa behave ? How was he 
 treated ? What misfortunes befell the colony ? 
 How did the forces of Pedrarias treat the sur- 
 rounding Indians ? What country was deso- 
 lated by him? What is this country now 
 called ? What accounts were sent to Spain 
 by Balboa? By Pedrarias ? What did king 
 
550 
 
 QUESTIONS. 
 
 Ferdinand do ? What did he order Pedrarias 
 to do? 
 
 Page 107. 
 
 How did Pedrarias treat Balboa? Who ef- 
 fected a reconciliation between them ? What 
 was the consequence of it ? What was the 
 first effect of their concord ? For what did he 
 begin to prepare? With what number of 
 ships and men did he furnish himself ? How 
 did Pedrarias regard this ? What did he order 
 Balboa to do ? Relate the manner of his ar- 
 rest, trial, and death. Why did not the king 
 punish Pedrarias for this arbitrary act? 
 Whither did he remove the colony ? Of what 
 use was this removal ? Where is Santa Ma- 
 ria ? On. what ocean Panama ? 
 
 Page 108. 
 
 For what purpose did king Ferdinand fit out 
 two ships ? Under whose command did he 
 place them ? What river did he enter Janu- 
 ary 1st, 1516? Where is Rio de Janeiro? 
 What mistake did he make concerning' the 
 Rio de la Plata ? What put a stop to their 
 discoveries and sent the ships home ? How 
 did the Spaniards still regard Hispaniola? 
 How did king Ferdinand retrench the author- 
 ity of Don Diego Columbus in Hispaniola ' 
 What did Don Diego do ? Who was appointed 
 to the office of distributing the Indians ? How 
 did hs execute it ? How many Indians did he 
 find of the 60,000 who had escaped their former 
 oppressions? What was the effect of his 
 causing them to be sold at auction ? 
 
 Page 109. 
 
 What was the occasion of a controversy be- 
 tween the Dominican and Franciscan friars ? 
 Which party befriended the Indians ? To 
 whom did they apply to decide the dispute? 
 To whom did Ferdinand refer it? What was 
 the decision ? Did it abolish the repartitnien- 
 tosl What did the Dominicans then do? 
 What was the substance of the decree by 
 which Ferdinand silenced them? 
 
 Page 110. 
 
 What grants did Ferdinand make ? What 
 edict did he publish ? How did the Domini- 
 cans then proceed ? What new advocate for 
 the Indians did the oppression of Albuquerque 
 call forth ? What was his history and char- 
 acter? How did he now attempt to serve the 
 cause of the Indians ? How was he received 
 by the king? What did Ferdinand promise ? 
 
 Page 111. 
 
 What prevented him from fulfininghisprom- 
 ise? Who succeeded him? How was Las 
 Casas prevented from visiting Charles in the 
 Low Countries ? How did Cardinal Ximenes 
 settle the affair? Why did he confide the 
 office of superintendents to monks of St. Je- 
 rome ? What lawyer was joined with them ? 
 What title did he give to Las Casas? Who 
 opposed this measure of Xirnenes ? How did 
 
 despatches ? How did these new-made offi- 
 cers proceed on their arrival in Hispaniola? 
 What was the effect on the colonists ? What 
 conclusion did the fathers 01' St. Jerome after- 
 ward arrive at ? 
 
 Page 112. 
 
 What were the habits of the Indians? 
 What did the superintendents find necessary? 
 What did they endeavour to secure ? How ? 
 What did Zuazo do? Who was Zuazo? 
 How were the Spanish settlers pleased with 
 Zuazo and the superintendents ? To whom 
 
 did they give the credit of the whole ? Give 
 an account of Las Casas's behaviour. Where 
 did he take shelter ? With what determination 
 did he set sail for Europe? In what state did 
 he find Cardinal Ximenes? Wtio took the 
 government ? Who were Charles's counsel- 
 lors! 
 
 Page 113. 
 
 How did Las Casas ingratiate himself with 
 Charles's Flemish ministers? What scheme 
 did he cen ure? Who joined in his censures ? 
 Who were recalled ? Who super.sec'ed 
 them? What was he instructed to do? -What 
 was the objection to treating the Indians as 
 free subjects ? Wh-it remedy did Las Casas 
 propose for this ? Had this trade been abol- 
 ished ? When had slaves been imported into 
 America? By whose permission ? For what 
 reasons were they preferred to the Indians ? 
 Had Cardinal Ximenes encouraged this traf- 
 fic .'Why did Las Casas? 
 
 Page 114. 
 
 Was his plan adopted ? What patent did 
 Charles grant? To whom? To whom did 
 he sell it ? What did they do ? What limited 
 he effects of their trade ! What other expe- 
 dient did Las Casas have recourse to? Who 
 defeated it ? What did he next attempt ? Of 
 what country did he solicit a grant ? How, 
 and with what sort of people did he propose to 
 colonize it ? 
 
 Page 115. 
 
 What objections did the bishop of Burgos 
 and the Council of the Indies make to this 
 scheme? To whom did he then have re- 
 course? To whom did Charles refer his pe- 
 tition ? What country did they grant Las 
 Casas ? Who censured this determination ? 
 What was the effect? For what did the em- 
 peror Charles V. himself discover an inclina- 
 ion ? How was an opportunity afforded? 
 Where was the court then held ? Where is 
 Barcelona? For what purpose did Charles re- 
 solve to confront Las Casas and the bishop of 
 Darien? Where was the solemn audience 
 held'' 
 
 Page 116. 
 
 Who attended ? What observations did the 
 bishop of Darien make ? What reply did Las 
 Casas make ? What patent did Charles grant ? 
 Wnat hindered Las Casas from procuring 
 settlers ? How many did he obtain ? Did he 
 set bail with these? Where did he touch? 
 What news did he hear there ? Owing to the 
 high price of negroes, whither had the Span- 
 iards lately resorted for slaves? 
 
 Page 117. 
 
 How did they obtain them ? How were the 
 Indians of Cumana affected by these atroci- 
 ties ? Whom did they murder ? How did the 
 people of Hispaniola resolve to revenge this ? 
 What number of ships and men were placed 
 
 he treat them? Did they issue the necessary under the command of Ocarnpo? For what 
 
 purpose ? Where did Las Casas meet this ar- 
 mament ? What did he perceive to be the efftct 
 of this movement? Whither did he go? 
 How was he received there ? What had ren- 
 dered him unpopular there? What experi- 
 ment had Figueroa there made? What infer- 
 ence was drawn from the result of this experi- 
 ment ? What did Las Casas obtain in His- 
 paniola? 
 
 Page 118. 
 
 What did he find on returning to Ports 
 Rico? What did be do with the remnant of 
 
QUESTIONS. 
 
 551 
 
 bis colonists ? What rendered their situation [ narrative with a disquisition concerning the 
 
 dangerous ? What did he call the place where aborigines of America, which may be consider- 
 
 ne established his colony ? Did the troops re- ed as superseded by the works of writers of later 
 
 main with him? Whither did he go in search | date and better means of information on that 
 
 ot protection for his colony ? What happened to particular subject. 
 
 them in his abs3nce? Whither did he retreat | 
 
 after the complete failure of a'l his schemes? j 
 
 What comment does the historian make on 
 
 Las Casas's system ? When did Diego Ve- I 
 
 lasquez conquer Cuba ? What had been the \ 
 
 state of the island under his administration ? 
 
 How is Cuba situated .'Had the sea west 
 of it been explored ? Was this sea considered 
 the best field for discoveries I 
 
 Page 11 9. 
 
 What officers were desirous to attempt dis- 
 coveries in that quarter ? Whom did they 
 persuade to join them ? Who approved and 
 assisted in the design ? How many men em- 
 barked ? When /From what port ? Where 
 is this port situated? Who was pilot ? Why 
 did they sail due west? When did they make 
 land? What did it prove to be? Where is 
 this cape? Where is Yacaran? How were 
 they received ? By what sort of people ? On 
 landing, what befell them ? Which way did 
 he sail when he left this place? What place 
 did he come to next < Where is this place ? 
 Which way from Cape Catouohe ? What 
 surprised the Spaniards ? Where did they find 
 a river 1 Which way is this place from Carn- 
 peachy ? What befell the watering party 
 which Cordova landed? What befell the Span- 
 iards on their way back to Cuba? 
 
 Page 120. 
 
 What befell Cordova on his return? Did 
 the result of this expedition damp the ardour 
 of discovery ?- Why did Velasquez encourage 
 a new expedition ? How many embarked in 
 the new enterprise ? Under whose command ? 
 Whence and when did it sail ? Who was 
 pilot ? What was the lirst land they made ? 
 Where is this island 7 Why did they noi stay 
 there? Where did they next land? What 
 transpired there? Which way did they sail 
 from Fotoiichan ? What did they observe on 
 the coast? What, country did one of the sol- 
 diers say it resembled ' What name did Gri- 
 jalva, in consequence, give the country ? Was 
 
 this name retained -Where did they next 
 land? Where is the river Tabasco? 
 
 BOOK V. 
 
 Page 197. 
 
 What did Grijalva find on his return to 
 Cuba ? Who was the author of this expedi- 
 tion? Did he defray a considerable part of 
 the expense? What sort of commander did 
 Velasquez seek ? Could he find one courage- 
 ous and servile too ? Who was recommended 
 to him by Lares and Ducro? Where and 
 when was Cortes born ? Where is Estrema- 
 dura? To what university was Cortes sent? 
 Did he finish his studies there .' Why did 
 his father send him abroad ? 
 
 Page 198. 
 
 What were then the two great fields of mili- 
 tary enterprise for the Spanish youth? What 
 prevented Cortes from going to Italy ? Under 
 whose patronage did he seek his fortune in 
 America ? How was he employed in Hispan- 
 iola? With whom did he go to Cuba? 
 When ? flow did Velasquez reward his ser- 
 vices there ? What was now his character ? 
 What did Velasquez expect from him ? How- 
 did he proceed on receiving his commission ? 
 How were his zeal and activity misrepre- 
 sented to Velasquez? 
 
 Page 199. 
 
 Was Velasquez suspicious of him ? Why 
 was his departure hastened ? When did he 
 sail ? From what port ? Where did he touch 
 for stores and recruits ? What did Velasquez 
 do after his departure ? Whom did he em- 
 power to deprive Cortes of his commission ? 
 How did Cortes prevent this? For what port 
 did Cortes next sail ? What did Velasquez 
 then do ?--How did Cortes hear of Velasquez's 
 mentions ? 
 
 Page 200. 
 
 How did Cortes remove Diego de Ordaz ? 
 Why ? What information did Cortes then 
 
 give his troops? What request didthey make ? 
 What ensued ? Were great efforts made in 
 . fitting out this expedition ? What was the 
 
 Page 121. [ number and size of the vessels ? Of men ? 
 
 How were they here received? At what Hovv were lne s ldiers divided and corn- 
 
 place did they next touch? Where is the 
 province of Guaxaca 7 How were the Span- 
 iards there received ~ What amount of gold 
 did they obtain tor their toys in trade with the 
 natives ? Who did the natives say was their 
 king? Where did Grijalva behold the horrid 
 effects of the Indian superstitions'' Whom 
 did he despatch to Vaiasquez * With what 
 information ? From what place ' To what 
 river did ha then pioceod ? What did Grijal- 
 va's off cers v ish him t > do ? Why did he not 
 compl) with heir wisies? To what port of j 
 Cuba did he r< turn? When ? - -After how long 
 a voyage? What aad the Spaniards disco- 
 vered in this irnortant voyage ? 
 
 Page 122. 
 
 In what direction hau they pursued their 
 course? How far? Foi what purposes did 
 Velasquez send a confidential messenger to 
 Spain ? What preparations did he make be- 
 fore Grijalva's return? 
 
 Note. The editor has omitted the Fourth 
 Book in his set of Questions, as it interrupts the 
 
 manded ? How many of them had muskets ? 
 -How many were crossbow-men ?-How were 
 the rest armed ? What sort of defensive arm- 
 our did they wear? How many horses, field- 
 pieces, and falconets had they? When did 
 they sail ? What sign and superscription was 
 on their banners ? 
 
 Page 201. 
 
 Were they confident of success? Where 
 did Cortes first touch ? Wiiat important ac- 
 
 Indians here altered since Grijalva's visit? 
 Did Cortes make war on them ? With what 
 success? Where did Cortes next land? How 
 was he here received ? What embarrassed 
 him in his intercourse with these Indians? 
 How was he relieved ? Give an account of 
 Donna Marina. 
 
 Page 202. 
 
 Who had sent two persons to Cortes ? For 
 what purpose had they been sent .'What an 
 swer did he give? What did be do next morn- 
 ing ? Who entered the camp next morning 7 
 
552 QUESTIONS. 
 
 How did Cortes receive them ? What did 
 he tell them ? How did they receive the in- 
 formation ? How did they attempt to concili- 
 ate him 1 Of what did this present consist ? 
 What was its effect? On what did Cortes in- 
 sist ? During the interview, how were some 
 of the Mexican attendants employed ? How 
 di^. Cortes lake advantage of this? 
 
 Page 203. 
 
 What exhibitions of power and skill did he 
 make ? How were the Indians affected by it ? 
 What information and presents were now 
 aent to Montezuma? What refinement in po- 
 lice had the Mexican monarchs introduced? 
 How far was the capital from St. Juan de 
 Ulua? How soon were the presents trans- 
 ported and the answer returned? How did 
 the Mexican ambassadors renew the negotia- 
 tion 1 Of what did these presents consist ? 
 How did Cortes receive them? With what 
 message were they accompanied 1 
 
 Page 204. 
 
 What reply did Cortes make? What did 
 the astonished Mexican* prevail on him to do ? 
 What was the state of the Mexican empire 
 at this time ? How long had it existed ? What 
 was its length and breadth ? The character 
 of the people ? The situation of the monarch ? 
 Wiiat would have been the result, if Monte- 
 zuma had brought his forces at once to act 
 against the Spanish intruders? What was 
 Montezuma's general character ? What symp- 
 toms had he discovered since the appearance 
 of the Spaniards ? What seems to have been 
 the remote source of his indecision and fear ? 
 
 Page 205. 
 
 Does this tradition account in part for the 
 alarm of Montezuma and his subjects ? What 
 was the effect on Montezuma of Cortes's re- 
 fusal to depart? What did his counsellors 
 advise? With what was their positive in- 
 junction to Cortes to depart accompanied? 
 What two parties existed in the Spanish camp ? 
 Had Cortes become popular among the sol- 
 diers? 
 
 Page 206. 
 
 During the intrigues in the camp, who ar- 
 rived from the Mexican court ? With what ? 
 When Cortes refused to depart, how did 
 Teutile behave ? What happened next morn- 
 ing ? How did the adherents of Velasquez 
 take advantage of this ? Whom did they send 
 to remonstrate with Cortes? What request 
 did they make through Ordaz? What orders 
 did Cortes then issue? What ensued?- Had 
 Cortes foreseen this? Did he affect surprise 
 at it? What did he declare ? What did he 
 say had been his own private opinion ? 
 
 Page 207. 
 
 What did he offer to do ? How was the offer 
 received ? Were the malecontents obliged to 
 join in the enthusiastic applause expressed by 
 the other soldiers ? What did Cortes set 
 about? What officers of the colony were 
 elected by his contrivance ? What sort of per- 
 sons were chosen ? Did they acknowledge de- 
 pendence on Velasquez ? -What name did they 
 give the settlement ? What is this in Span- 
 ish? What is the place now called ? How 
 is St. Juan de Ulua situated with respect to 
 Vera Cruz ? What did Cortes do at the first 
 meeting of the council ? What was the sub- 
 stance of his harangue ? What did he do after 
 having finished his discourse ? 
 
 Page 208. 
 Was his resignation accepted? To what 
 
 offices was he then elected ? Who ratified the 
 choice? On accepting his new commission, 
 how did Cortes proceed ? What did the adhe- 
 rents of Velasquez do ? Who of them were 
 arrested by Cortes ? How were they treated 7 
 What was the effect on their dependants ? 
 How did Cortes conciliate these three leaders i 
 Did they always afterward remain faithful 
 to him? What was the chief instrument 
 of Cortes's intrigue ? What caziques offered 
 friendship to Cortes ? Why ? What did Cor- 
 tes infer from this offer ? 
 
 Page 209. 
 
 How did he receive the Zempoallans? 
 What place had been fixed on for a settlement ? 
 How far from Vera Cruz' Which way? 
 In marching thither whom did Cortes visit ? 
 What did he learn from the cazique ? To what 
 place did Cortes continue his march ? Relate 
 the manner of building and fortifying this 
 town. Who assisted the Spaniards in their 
 labours? How did Cortes gain the caziques 
 of Zempoalla and Quiabislan to his interest 
 while the town was built ? What insult did 
 they offer to the Mexican power ? 
 
 Page 210. 
 
 Who saved the deputies of Montezuma from 
 being sacrificed ? How did the two caziques 
 now complete their union with the Spaniards ' 
 What did they offer ? How long had Cor 
 tes been in Mexico ? What had he reason to 
 apprehend ? Why ? Before he began his 
 march towards the capital of Mexico, what 
 did he persuade the magistrates of Vera Cruz 
 to do ? In this letter, what did they say con- 
 cerning Velasquez? Concerning Cortes and 
 his officers ? What request did they make ? 
 What did they say concerning the country ? 
 Did Cortes write ? 
 
 Page 211. 
 
 What did he prevail on his soldiers to do ? 
 Who were sent with the letters and present ? 
 With what instructions? What alarming 
 event occurred while the vessel was preparing 
 for their departure ? How was the conspiracy 
 betrayed ? What appearances did Cortes now 
 observe in his army? What did he appre- 
 hend ? What did he resolve to do ? How did 
 he prevail on his soldiers to destroy the ships ? 
 How was the project executed ? What re- 
 mark does the historian make on this transac- 
 tion? 
 
 Page 212. 
 
 What act of Cortes at this time gave great 
 offence to the Zempoallans? How were the 
 consequences of it avoided ? When did Cortes 
 march from Zempoalla ? With what forces 
 and equipments ? Where and with whom did 
 he leave a garrison ? With what did the ca- 
 zique of Zempoalla supply him? Where is 
 Flascala? Which way from Vera Cruz? 
 What was the character of the people of Flas- 
 cala? How did Cortes hope to gain their alli- 
 ance? 
 
 Page 213. 
 
 Whom did Cortes send to the Flascalans ? 
 How were they treated ? Why ? When did 
 Cortes advance into the Flascalan territories? 
 What loss did he sustain in the first battle with 
 the Flascalans ? What precaution did he then 
 take ? How long did he suffer assaults from 
 them ? Did they make any impression on the 
 Spaniards? What peculiar practice was a 
 hindrance to them ? 
 
 Page 214. 
 What were their weapons ? Were they of 
 
QUESTIONS. 
 
 553 
 
 much use against the Spaniards? What ex- 
 amples of generosity did the Flascalans ex- 
 bibit ? When repulsed, to whom did they 
 have recourse 1 What answer did the priests 
 give 1 What did they do in consequence of 
 the priests' opinion? Did their night-attack 
 succeed ? To what did they then incline ? 
 
 Page 215. 
 
 What made the Flascalans suppose the 
 Spaniards to be benevolent ? What circum- 
 stance favoured the opposite opinion ? What 
 curious address did their deputies make ? On 
 what terms was peace concluded ? What suf- 
 ferings had the Spaniards endured? What 
 caused them to forget these sufferings ? How 
 long did Cortes remain at Flascala ? For what 
 purpose ! What information did he there ac- 
 quire ? 
 
 Page 216. 
 
 How did the Flascalans regard the Span- 
 iards? What did they offer? How did the 
 Spaniards all consider themselves ? Did Cor- 
 tes attempt to convert the Flascalans to 
 Christianity ? Did they acknowledge the 
 truth of what he taught? What did they 
 claim of him and the other Europeans ? What 
 did Cortes demand 1 When refused,what was 
 he about to do ? Who prevented him ? By 
 what arguments? 
 
 Page 217. 
 
 When leaving the Flascalans in the exer- 
 cise of their own rites, what did Cortes re- 
 quire? What warning did the Flascalans 
 give Cortes on his leaving the country for 
 Mexico ? How many Flascalans accompanied 
 him ? Towards what place did they march ? 
 Where is Cholula ? Had Montezuma con- 
 sented to their going thither ? How was the 
 place considered by the Mexicans ? What 
 offerings were there made ? Why did Monte- 
 zuma invite the Spaniards thither .' What 
 signs of treachery did two Flascalans disco- 
 ver ? What information did Marina obtain ? 
 How did Cortes prepare to revenge this treach- 
 ery ? Describe the massacre. 
 
 Page 218. 
 
 How long did it last? How many Cholu- 
 lans fell? How many Spaniards ? What did 
 Cortes then order? Was he obeyed? To- 
 wards what city did Cortes next advance ? 
 Which way is Mexico from Cholula ? In his 
 march, what dispositions did he observe among 
 the Mexicans towards Momezuma's govern- 
 ment ? Where did the Spaniards first behold 
 the plain of Mexico? Describe the appear- 
 ance of the plain. The situation of the city of 
 Mexico. What messages did Cortes receive 
 from Montezuma? What persuasion seems 
 to have preserved the Spaniards from any at- 
 tack? 
 
 Page 219. 
 
 Over what did they continue their march ? 
 Who met them as they drew near the city ? 
 Whose approach did they announce? Who 
 preceded Montezuma ? How was he attend- 
 ed ? Describe the pageant. How did Cortes 
 receive him ? Describe the ceremonial. What 
 did the Spaniards hear among the crowd of 
 Mexicans ? What did Montezuma say at part- 
 ing? Describe the place allotted for the Span- 
 iards. How did Cortes strengthen it ? What 
 happened in the evening ? 
 
 Page 220. 
 
 What tradition did Montezuma communicate 
 to Cortes? What reply did Cortes make? 
 VOL. I. 70 
 
 What happened next morning? How were 
 the three succeeding days employed ? How is 
 Mexico situated? How watered? What is 
 the size of the two largest lakes ? On what is 
 the city of Mexico built ? By what was the 
 access to the city ? What was the length of 
 these causeways ? How were they construct- 
 ed? Describe the buildings. How large was 
 the great square for the market ? 
 
 Page 221. 
 
 What was now the situation of the Span- 
 iards ? What circumstances rendered it very 
 perilous? What had Cortes heard before 
 leaving Cholula ? Of what did he become sen- 
 sible on his arrival in the city of Mexico? On 
 what did his success depend ? 
 
 Page 222. 
 
 What bold resolution did he form? How 
 did his officers at first receive it? Did they 
 afterward accede to it ? How did he prepare 
 to execute it ? Who accompanied him? How 
 was Cortes received? How did he address 
 Montezuma? How did Montezuma behave? 
 What orders did he give? What reason did 
 Cortes then offer for Montezuma's repairing 
 to his quarters? What did he promise? 
 How was the proposition received? What 
 was the reply ? How long did the interview 
 last? 
 
 Page 223. 
 
 What exclamation did Velasquez de Leon 
 utter ? What was the effect ? How were the 
 officers and people of Montezuma affected by 
 his surrender ? How did Monies ama hush the 
 tumult? What remark is made concerning 
 this transaction? How was Montezuma re- 
 ceived and treated i?\ the Spanish quarters ? 
 Who were brought prisoners to Mexico ? By 
 whose order ? For what act ? How were they 
 tried? What was their sentence ? What 
 part had these men acted ? Of what was the 
 pile composed on which they suffered death ? 
 
 Page 224. 
 
 How was Montezuma treated? How did 
 this treatment affect him and his attendants? 
 What happened on the return of Cortes from 
 the execution ? What motive of policy seems 
 to have actuated Cortes in these atrocious acts 
 of cruelty to the officers, and contumely to- 
 wards the sovereign ? Did they produce the 
 desired effect ? How long did Montezuma re- 
 main tranquilly in the Spanish quarters? 
 How were the affairs of the empire conducted ? 
 
 Page 225. 
 
 How was Montezuma guarded when hunt- 
 ing beyond the lake ? Is this management of 
 Cortes considered an extraordinary refinement 
 in policy ? For what purpose did he send 
 Spaniards into the interior ? While they were 
 thus employed, what did Cortes do ? What 
 was still wanting to complete his security ? 
 How was this attained ? What did he next 
 urge Montezuma to do ? Did he comply ? 
 
 Page 226. 
 
 In what manner was Montezuma affected on 
 making his submission to the Spanish govern- 
 ment ? How did his princes receive the pro- 
 posal ? How did Cortes reconcile them to it ? 
 With what was Montezuma's submission 
 accompanied ? To what did the amount of 
 treasure received from the Mexicans amount ? 
 How much was set apart for the king? 
 For Cortes? How was the rest divided? 
 How much did each soldier's share amount to? 
 Were they satisfied ? 
 
554 
 
 QUESTIONS. 
 
 Page 227. 
 
 Why was the amount of gold collected in s 
 rich a country so small? Did the Mexica 
 use it as money 1 For what purposes did th 
 ese it? Did they work the mines of thu 
 country ? How did they obtain gold ? O 
 what point was Monte/.uma inflexible ? Wh 
 was the effect of his firmness on Cortes? 
 How was Cortes deterred from throwing dow 
 all the idols? With what did he content hitr 
 seif? What did the Mexicans now resolve 
 How did they pro] rose to effect it ? Wha 
 did Montezuma observe to Cortes ? 
 
 Page 228. 
 
 What threat did he add to this declaration 
 Wuat answer diJ Cortes give? What pre 
 parations did he make? How long had hi 
 messengers to Spain been gone? What wa 
 his situation .' What news was brought by 
 Mexican courier ? What by SandovaPs coi 
 rier ? How nad Velasquez learned the situa 
 tion of Cortes ? How was he affected by the 
 intelligence ? 
 
 Page 229. 
 
 How had Velasquez's messenger been re 
 ceived at the Spanish court ? What appoint 
 rnent had Velasquez received ? What did h 
 determine to do? What number of ships. 
 men, and cannon compose] his armament ? 
 Under what commander? What were his in 
 structions ? When and where did he land ? 
 How did he obtain interpreters and in forma 
 tion of Cortes's movements ? How did these 
 soldiers misrepresent Cortes's situation? 
 What message did he send to Sandoval, the 
 governor of Vera Cruz ? How were his mes- 
 senger and suite treated by Sandoval ? How 
 by Cortex ? What was the benefit which Cor 
 tes derived from this ? What information did 
 they give concerning Narvaez? 
 
 Page 230. 
 
 What representations had Narvaez secretly 
 conveyed to Montezuma? What was their 
 effect on the Mexicans ? On Montezuma ? 
 What did Cortes resolve to do? Whom did 
 he send .to Narvaez ? How did he receive Ol- 
 medo ? How was Olmedo received by Nar- 
 vaez's men ? What was the effect of Cortes's 
 presents on Narvaez's soldiers ? 
 
 Page 231. 
 
 What course did Narvaez take ? What did 
 Cortes determine to lo .'Whom did he leave 
 in charge of Montezuma and the capital ? 
 With how many men ? When reinforced by 
 Sandoval, what was his force ? How did he 
 
 arm his soldiers against Narvaez's cavalry ? 
 
 Towards what place did he advance ? What 
 prevented an accommodation between Cortes 
 and Narvaez .'How did Cortes take advan- 
 tage of the intercourse between the two ar- 
 mies ? How were nearly all Narvaez's officers 
 and men inclined? What was the effect of 
 this on Narvaez ? 
 
 Page 232. 
 
 Which leader offered battle ? Was the offer 
 accepted ? What compelled Narvaez's soldiers 
 to retreat to Zempoalla? What did Cortes 
 now resolve? What part of the undertaking 
 did he intrust to Sandoval ? To Olid ? 
 What did he reserve for himself ? Describe 
 Che action. 
 
 Page 233. 
 
 What befell Narvaez ? What was the re- 
 sult of the action ? What was the loss of 
 Cortes? Of Narvaez? How were the van- 
 
 quished party treated ? What was the effect 
 of this treatment? How many soldiers had 
 Cortes now ? To what should these events be 
 ascribed ? What news came from Mexico? 
 
 Page 234. 
 
 What had occasioned the revolt in the city 
 of Mexico? What was its extent ? What did 
 Cortes do on hearing the news of this revolt? 
 What nuniber of Flascalans joined him ? 
 What did he learn on entering the Mexican 
 territories? What precautions did the Mexi- 
 cans neglect to take? What was the conse- 
 quence ? When did Cortes enter the city? 
 How did Alvarado and his soldiers receive 
 him? Of what imprudence was Cortes 
 guilty 1 
 
 Page 235. 
 
 Who reported the contemptuous expressions 
 of Cortes ? What was their effect ? Where 
 was the first attack made? What discovery 
 was made by the Mexicans on this occasion I 
 What happened next day ? What was the 
 effect of this determined attack on Cortes ? 
 How did it affect the soldiers who had come 
 with Narvaez? What was the cause of the 
 Mexicans ceasing from hostilities at night ? 
 Whatdid Cortes do next day ? What animated 
 the courage of the Mexicans ? What enabled 
 he Spaniards to cut through the Mexicans 
 wherever they met? What disadvantages did 
 they suffer from fighting among houses ? 
 
 Page 236. 
 
 Did the Spaniards effect any thing decisive 
 on the second day of battle ? What loss did 
 
 hey suffer? What happened to Cortes in the 
 
 icxt sally ? What expedient was now re- 
 sorted to? What was the effect of Mo.itezu- 
 ma's appearance ? What did he advise? 
 "low was his harangue received ? When 
 
 VIontezuina fell, how did his subjects behave? 
 How did Montezuma treat Cortes's attempt 
 
 o console him ? In what manner did he die * 
 
 For what did Cortes now prepare? What 
 icw motion of the Mexicans engaged him in 
 
 new conflicts ? Who was commissioned to 
 lodge them from the tower? How often 
 vas he repulsed? 
 
 Page 237. 
 
 What did Cortes then do? What extraor- 
 imry instance of self-devotion in two Mexi- 
 ans is recorded? When possessed of the 
 ower, how did the Spaniards dispose,of it? 
 Vhat rendered a retreat absolutely necessary? 
 How did the Spaniards attempt to effect their 
 scape? Who commanded the van? The 
 ear? The centre ? What relations of Mon 
 ezuma were carried with tnem ? How did the 
 Mexicans interrupt their retreat ? Describe 
 he attack. 
 
 Page 238. 
 
 What happened when the Spaniard? began 
 give way? Which general first passed the 
 auseway, and reached the mainland? With 
 3vv many men? What did they hear? 
 Vhere did those who escaped from the city to 
 mainland assemble ? What number? 
 Vhat trait of feeling was observed in Cortes ? 
 What distinguished officer fell in the action ? 
 What supplies were lost? What number 
 ' Flascalans? What injury wis occasioned 
 y the gold in possession of the Spaniards 1 
 
 Page 239. 
 
 Where did the Spaniards take shelter? 
 Which side of the lake were they on ? On 
 which, side was Flascala ?-Which end of the 
 
QUESTIONS. 
 
 655 
 
 Infce were they obliged to go round ? Under 
 whose guidance? To what distresses were 
 they exposed in their retreat towards Ftas- 
 cala { What circumstance animated tnem ' 
 Where d>d they arrive on the sixth day ? What 
 exclamation did they hear from the Mexicans 
 as they approached towards it ? How was its 
 meaning explained? What was the effect of 
 this sight on the Spaniards? What did L'orus 
 do/ 
 
 Page 240. 
 
 How did Cortes effect the dispersion of this 
 great army? What treasure did he get? 
 Where did they arrive next day ? How were 
 they received by the Flascaians ? What losses 
 did Cortes now hear of? Was he discouraged 
 from his undertaking by this intelligence ? 
 
 Page 241. 
 
 What colony of the Spaniards in New Spain 
 remained unmolested? How did Cortes se- 
 cure the Flascalan chiefs ? What did he bring 
 from VeraCruz? For what did he send to 
 Hispaniola and Jamaica ? What did he pre- 
 pare to build? What portion of his army was 
 discontented? What "was the effect of their 
 discontent? What was the utmost which 
 Cortes could effect with them .' -What expedi- 
 tion did he employ them in ? 
 
 Page 242. 
 
 What was its success ? How did he after- 
 ward employ his troops? How did ('ones 
 gain the soldiers sent by Velasquez to reinforce 
 Narvaez? What other reinforcement old Cor- 
 tes receive ? What occasioned their joining 
 him ? What reinforcement did he receive from 
 Spain '.' What was now the amount of his 
 armv? 
 
 Page 243. 
 
 Whom did Cortes now dismiss ? What 
 number of soldiers and guns did he then mus- 
 ter? Of Flas^alans and other friendly In- 
 dians ? When did he begin his march towards, 
 Mexico ? Who had succeeded Montezuma? 
 How had he shown his courage and capacity ? 
 What preparations had he made lor resisting 
 the renewed attack of the Spaniards ? Had 
 he succeeded in gaining Ihe Flascalans ? 
 What happened in the midst of his prepara- 
 tions? Who succeeded Quetlavaca? 
 
 Page 244. 
 
 Of what city did Cortes take possession ? 
 Where was it situated ? How did Cortes se- 
 cure his possession of this place? Was he 
 ready to attack the city ? How did he employ 
 his troops? What was the condition of mos'. 
 of the cities adjacent to the city of Mexico ? 
 How did Cortes prevail on several of them to 
 acknowledge the king of Castile as their sove- 
 reign? Did Guatimozin attempt to prevent 
 this? 
 
 Page 245. 
 
 What soldiers formed a conspiracy in the 
 Spanish ca;np? Who headed it? How far 
 had it proceeded ? How was it betrayed ? 
 How suppressed .' By what stroke of policy 
 did Cortes retain the allegiance of all the sur- 
 viving conspirators ? 
 
 Page 246. 
 
 Whom did Cortes send to bring down the 
 materials for the brigantines to the lake? 
 With what force ?~What did these materials 
 consist of? In what manner were they con- 
 veyed ? By how many Tameues ? What 
 were the Tamenes ? How did they carry these 
 
 heavy articles ? How far did the company ex- 
 tend when most scattered? Did they anive 
 safe at Tezenco ? What nu nber of men, 
 hurses, and cannon arrived at Vera Cruz from 
 Hispaniola ? How long was the canal through 
 which the brigantines were conveyed from the 
 building-place lo the lake ? When were they 
 launched? With what ceremonies? 
 
 Page 247. 
 
 How did Cortes determine to attack the 
 city ? To what officers did he assign the three 
 points of attack? What d'd he reserve for 
 himself? How did Alvarado and Olid dis- 
 tress the inhabitants of the city ? In what 
 condition did they find the towns which they 
 were sent to occupy on the borders of the 
 lake ? How did Guatimozin attempt to de- 
 stroy the Spanish brigantines ? Describe the 
 attack, and its result. Of what advantage did 
 Cortes find the possession of the lake? Did 
 Cortes conduct the siege in a regular manner? 
 What was done each morning ? 
 
 Page 248. 
 
 What rendered this mode of warfare neces- 
 sary ? How long did Cortes adhere to it ? 
 How did he then attempt to take the city? 
 What officer was charged to secure a retreat ? 
 How ? How did he discharge the duty ? 
 How did Guaiimozin lake advantage of his 
 neglect ? 
 
 Page 249. 
 
 How did he inspirit his men ? Describe the 
 consequences of this movement of Guatimo- 
 zin. How many Spaniards were lost? What 
 did the Spaniards observe in the city at night ? 
 How did Cortes bear his misfortune? 
 Wtiat proclamation did the Mexicans send into 
 the country I 
 
 Page 250. 
 
 How did Cortes defeat this stratagem? 
 When the eight days expired, how did the In- 
 dians proceed? How many of them joined 
 Cortes? How did Cortes now pioceed in the 
 siege? What weapons did his men use? 
 How did Cortes deprive the besieged Mexicans 
 of supplies? What were the consequences 1 
 How did Guatimozin behave? 
 
 Page 25 J. 
 
 How much of the city was laid in ruins? 
 What did the Mexicans now design ? How 
 did they endeavour to conceal this devSign? 
 Who was ordered to watch their movements 
 on the lake ? Relai3 the capture of Guatimo- 
 zin. What was his address to Cortes ? What 
 was the effect of his capture ? How long had 
 the siege lasted? By whose aid did Cortes 
 effect the reduction of Mexico ? 
 
 Page 252. 
 
 In what were the Spaniards disappointed ? 
 What had Guatimozin done with his trea- 
 sures? By what deed did Cortes sully the 
 glory of his conquest ? Relate the behaviour 
 of Guatimozin under the torture. What was 
 the consequence of the fate of the capital ? 
 How far did the Spaniards penetrate .'What 
 new discovery did Cortes now meditate * 
 
 Page 253. 
 
 Who was Ferdinand Magellan ? Where had 
 he served ? Whither did he go, on quitting 
 the service under Albuquerque? What offer 
 did he make to the king of Portugal ? Why 
 was his suit refused ? How did Magellan 
 manifest his indignation at this treatment? 
 Where did he next offer his project ? To what 
 
556 QUESTIONS. 
 
 minister did he apply? What monarch or- 
 dered an expedition to be equipped under Ma- 
 gellan ? What titles were given him ? When 
 did he sail? From what port? With how 
 many ships and men 1 
 
 Page 254. 
 
 Where did he search for a passage to India? 
 What river did he reach January 12th, 1520? 
 What led him to suppose that lifts was the 
 long-sought passage? What made him re- 
 nounce the idea ? Where did he winter ? In 
 what latitude ? What events transpired there 1 
 In what latitude did he discover the strait ? 
 How long was he in passing through it to 
 the great Southern Ocean ? What name did he 
 give to the strait ? How long did he sail north- 
 west without discovering land 1 What did the 
 crews suffer 1 Why did they call the ocean 
 Pacific ? What islands did he discover March 
 6th 1 What others ? What happened at one 
 of them ? At what place did the expedition 
 arrive November 8th ? 
 
 Page 255. 
 
 What surprised the Portuguese there? 
 What sort of cargo was put on board the Vic- 
 tory ? Under whose command did the expedi- 
 tion return to Spain ? By what route ? After 
 how long a voyage ? Was this the first voy- 
 age round the world? To whom belongs the 
 honour of these great discoveries? What 
 merit now belonged to Spain ? For what did 
 their men of science contend? In what trade 
 did their merchants engage? For what sum 
 did Charles V. give up the rich commerce of 
 the Spice Islands to the Portuguese ? Was it 
 ever recovered by Spain? What important 
 commercial effects resulted to Spain from the 
 voyage of Magellan ? 
 
 Page 256. 
 
 l While effecting the conquest of Mexico, 
 of what was Cortes destitute ? Who was 
 sent to supersede him 1 By whose influence ? 
 When and where did Tapia land ? What 
 was his character 1 How did Cortes prevail 
 upon him to abandon the province? With 
 what did he send deputies to Spain ? What 
 request were they ordered to urge? At what 
 Juncture did they arrive in Spain ? How was 
 their account received? What appointment 
 did the emperor give to Cortes? What au- 
 thority had Cortes already exercised? 
 
 Page 257. 
 
 Where did he determine to establish the 
 seat of government? Did he attend to the 
 mines and to the agricultural interests of the 
 country ? What did he grant his officers ? 
 Did the Mexicans submit to their conquerors 
 without resistance ? How did the several re- 
 bellions end 1 How were the common people 
 treated? The chiefs? How hiany were burnt 
 at once inPanuco? By whose command? 
 With the advice of Cortes ? What circum- 
 stance heightened the cruelty of the scene ? 
 What other horrible example of severity was 
 Cortes guilty of ? What was the effect of these 
 examples on the inferior Spanish officers? 
 
 Page 258. 
 
 Who distinguished himself by acts of cru- 
 elty ? What circumstance probably saved the 
 Mexicans from extermination? When were 
 the rich mines of Mexico discovered ? What 
 was then the state of the colony ? Were the 
 conquerors ot Mexico enabled to live in ease and 
 splendour? What arrangement did Charles 
 V. make? What was the character of these 
 
 commissioners ? What representations did 
 they make concerning Cortes ? What effect 
 did these have on the ministers ? 
 
 Page 259. 
 
 Did they infuse the same suspicions into 
 Charles's mind? W, hat did he order? What 
 prevented the execution of Ponce de Leon's 
 commission ? What was its effect on the mind 
 of Cortes ? Were his actions still misrepre- 
 sented to his sovereign ? What was the con- 
 sequence ? What did the followers of Cortes 
 advise? What did Cortes do? How did he 
 appear in Spain ? What did he take with him ? 
 Who attended him ? How was he received ? 
 What honours and rewards did he receive .' 
 How was he treated by the emperor him- 
 self? - Was he reinstated in his office ? What 
 department was committed to him? 
 
 Page 260. 
 
 To whom was the supreme direction of civil 
 affairs in Mexico given ? Who was afterward 
 made viceroy ? What effect did this arrange- 
 ment have on Cortes ? What did he now en- 
 gage in ? What befell the squadrons sent out 
 by him to make discoveries? What did he 
 then do ? What country did he discover ? 
 When did he return once more to Spain ? 
 What sort of reception did he meet with ? 
 How did the emperor treat him ? How was 
 the rest of his life passed ? When did he die ? 
 In what particulars did his fate resemble that 
 of all the other persons who had distinguished 
 themselves in the discovery or conquest of the 
 New World ? 
 
 BOOK VI. 
 
 Page 261. 
 
 Who discovered the Pacific Ocean ? What 
 was the effect of this discovery on the adven- 
 turers of the 16th century ? For what pur- 
 pose were several armaments fitted out ? 
 Under what sort of leaders ? What opinion 
 resulted from their failure? What three per- 
 sons resolved to execute Balboa's scheme ? 
 Who was Pizarro ? What was his character ? 
 Where did he first serve? Where after- 
 ward ? With what success ? 
 
 Page 262. 
 
 Who was Almagro? What was his charac- 
 ter? Who was Luque? Who authorized 
 their confederacy ? What did Pizarro engage 
 to do? What did Almagro? Luque? How 
 was the confederacy confirmed ? Whence did 
 Pizarro sail ? With what force ? What re- 
 tarded his progress ? Where did he touch t 
 What difficulties did he encounter ? 
 
 Page 263. 
 
 Whither did he retire ? Describe Almagro's 
 adventures. What wound did he receive ? 
 After joining Pizarro, whither did he repair ? 
 For what purpose ? How many men did he 
 raise ? What bay did he and Pizarro reach ? 
 Where is it ? What sort of country did they 
 find? What prevented their invading it? 
 Whither did Pizarro retire ? Whither did Al- 
 magro go? For what purpose? What pre- 
 vented his succeeding? What did the gov- 
 ernor of Panama do ? What advice did Al- 
 magro and Luque send to Pizarro ? 
 
 Page 264. 
 
 What was Pizarro's resolution ? How many 
 of his men adhered to him ? Where did they 
 stay ? How long was it before the governor 
 sent a vessel to their relief ? What did Pizarro 
 
QUESTIONS. 
 
 557 
 
 Induce the crew of the vessel and his followers 
 to do? What coast did they discover? 
 Where did they land ? Where is Tumbez ? 
 What did they find there? What chiefly at- 
 tracted their notice? 
 
 Page 265. 
 
 After exploring the country, what did Pizarro 
 take with him ? Whither did he then sail ? 
 After how long an absence ? What is ob- 
 served of Pizarro? Did the governor of Pa- 
 nama still discourage Pizarro's scheme? 
 Why? To whom did the three associates now 
 resolve to apply ? What stations did they re- 
 spectively resolve to apply for? Who went 
 to Spain to urge their suit ? How did Pizarro 
 conduct at court ? How was his scheme re- 
 garded by the emperor Charles V. and his min- 
 isters ? What did he obtain for Luque ? For 
 Alrnagro ? 
 
 Page 266. 
 
 What did Pizarro secure to himself? What 
 was the extent of his territory ? Of his power 
 with respect to his appointments? Was he 
 to be independent of the governor of Panama? 
 What did he engage to do in return for these 
 concessions ? From what port did he sail ? 
 In what manner ? Why secretly? Who sup- 
 plied him with money ? Where did he land ? 
 Whither did he march? What were the 
 names of the four brothers who accompanied 
 him ? W r hat was their character? Why was 
 Almagro offended with Pizarro? How was 
 he pacified? On what terms was the confede- 
 racy renewed? What was their force ? When 
 did Pizarro sail ? 
 
 Page 267. 
 
 For what purpose was Almagro left at Pa- 
 nama? How long was the voyage? Where 
 did Pizarro land his troops? Which way did 
 they march ? What difficulties did ihey en- 
 counter? What amount of booty did they gain 
 in Coaque ? What was the effect of this suc- 
 cess ? Whither did Pizarro despatch ships ? 
 Did he use force, or did he use policy in re- 
 ducing the natives ? How long was he occu- 
 pied in subjecting Puna? Where is this 
 island ? How long was he detained at Tum- 
 bez ? By what cause ? What reinforcements 
 did he receive ? Under what commanders ? 
 Where did he establish the first Spanish colony 
 in Peru ? Under what name ? 
 
 .Page 268. 
 
 What was the extent of Peru at the time of 
 the Spanish invasion ? What was the char- 
 acter of its early inhabitants? Who, accord- 
 ing to their tradition, appeared on the banks of 
 the Titiaca lake I From whom did they claim 
 descent? For what did they say they had been 
 sent ? What city did they found ? What were 
 their names ? What did Manco Capac teach ? 
 What did Mama Ocollo ? What did Manco 
 Capac introduce, after teaching the arts of 
 civilized life? What was thus founded? 
 What was at first the extent of the empire ? 
 What was the nature of Manco's authority ? 
 
 Page 269. 
 
 How were the incas regarded ? Were the 
 royal lamily forbidden to ally themselves with 
 their subjects ? Was their despotic power 
 abused ? What was the character of twelve 
 of their monarchs in succession ? Who was 
 their monarch when the Spaniards first visited 
 Peru ? What was his character ? What king- 
 dom did he subject ? How did he violate the 
 ancient laws? When did he die? How did 
 
 he divide his empire? What did Huascar re- 
 quire his brother to do ? How did Atahualpa 
 proceed ? Which brother conquered ? What 
 use did he make of his victory ? Why did he 
 spare Huascar ? 
 
 Page 270. 
 
 What was the state of the empire when Pi- 
 zarro visited Peru the second time? What 
 prevented the Peruvians from resisting his 
 encroachments ? Who sent to solicit his aid ? 
 What did he determine to do? Where did 
 he leave a garrison ? With what force did he 
 march ? Towards what place? Who was 
 there ? Who met him on his march ? What 
 assurances did Pizarro send to Atahualpa 1 
 
 Page 271. 
 
 What opinions did the Peruvians form con- 
 cerning the Spaniards ? What sort of recep- 
 tion did the inca resolve to give them ? Did 
 he, in consequence of this resolution, neglect 
 good opportunities to cut them off? Where 
 did Pizarro take his station on entering Caxa- 
 malca ? Whom did he send to Atahualpa ? 
 For what purpose ? How were they received ? 
 What did they observe ? On their return, 
 what did Pizarro resolve to do 7 
 
 Page 272. 
 
 How did he prepare for seizing the mca ? 
 In what style did the inca appear when he 
 came to Pizarro's quarters? What part did 
 Father Valverde perform in this transaction ? 
 Describe his proceedings; What did he re- 
 quire of Atahualpa? Was his harangue un- 
 derstood? What was the inca's reply? 
 
 Page 273. 
 
 How did he exasperate the priest ? What 
 did the priest say ? What did Pizarro do ? 
 Describe the massacre of the people and the 
 capture of the inca. How many Peruvians 
 fell ? How many Spaniards ? How were the 
 Spaniards affected by their victory ? How was 
 the inca affected by his misfortune ? Did Pi- 
 zarro attempt to console him ? What disco- 
 very did the inca make ? What offer ? Was 
 it accepted ? 
 
 Page 274. 
 
 How was the gold collected, the inca being 
 a prisoner ? Why was not his rescue attempt- 
 ed ? Did all tue Spaniards remain at Caxa- 
 malca ? What news did Pizarro hear ? What 
 number of soldiers did Almagro bring ? How 
 was the inca affected with the intelligence of 
 this reinforcement ? What news did he hear 
 from his brother ? Why did this alarm him ? 
 How did he dispose of Huascar? Did the 
 Spaniards wait ibr the reception of all the 
 promised treasure before dividing it ? How 
 much was set apart for the crown of Spain ? 
 How much for Almagro's men? How 
 much remained for Pizarro and his men ? 
 
 Page 275. 
 
 With what ceremonies was it divided? 
 How much did each soldier receive ? Is there 
 any parallel for this in history ? Why did Pi- 
 zarro allow sixty of his followers to go to 
 Spain ? Did he now grant Atahualpa his 
 liberty? What is observed of this transac- 
 tion? Was the possession of Atahualpa's 
 person of as great advantage to Pizarro as 
 Montezuma's capture was to Cortes? Why 
 not ?_ What part of Pizarro's army was dis- 
 satisfied ? Why ? 
 
 Page 276. 
 
 What did they insist on ? What alarmed 
 
663 
 
 QUESTIONS. 
 
 Pizarro * Who increased his apprehensions ? | the Peruvians infest? What did the men sf 
 
 -Who was .his miscreant ?-Why did he 1 - -'' 
 
 wijh to cut off Ataliualpa ? How did Atahu- 
 alpa hasten his own tale? How did Pizarro 
 seek to cover the guilt of Atahualpa's murder ? 
 Who were his judges? What crimes was 
 he charged with ? 
 
 Page 277. 
 
 How did Philippillo conduct during the trial ? 
 What was Alahualpa's sentence? How 
 was he affected by it? What did Valverde 
 offer him for embracing Ihe Christian faith? 
 How was he put to death? Whom did Pi- 
 zarro now invest with the ensigns of royalty ? 
 Whom did the people of Cuzoo acknowledge 
 as inca ? What was the state of the country ? 
 
 Page 278. 
 
 How did the people behave after Atahualpa's 
 death? How did the general who commanded 
 for Atahualpa in Quilo behave? Were Ihe 
 Spaniards pleased with these appearances? 
 Towards what city did Pizafro march ? What 
 had been the effect of the return of some of 
 his followers with their gold to Panama ? 
 How many men had he now? Was he op- 
 posed .' What was the result ? Did he take, 
 Cuzco ? What, treasures were found there ? 
 When did Atahualpa's son die ? Who was 
 then acknowledged as inca ? What general 
 set out to reduce Quito ? 
 
 Page 279. 
 
 What difficulties did he encounter? Did he 
 take the city ?- What disappointment did he 
 meet there? What other general advanced to 
 attack Quito ? With ho^v many men ? Where 
 did he land ? What route diu he tako ? What 
 hardships did he suffer? How many men did 
 he lose 'On arriving at the plain of Quito, 
 whom did he find opposed to him ? On what 
 terms did Alvarado agree to return to Guati- 
 mala ? What did most of his followers do ? 
 "Whan did Ferdinand Pizarro land in Spain ? 
 What "Was the effect of his wealth? How 
 was he received by the emperor 1 
 
 Page 280. 
 
 How were his brother's services recom- 
 pensed ? How was Alrhagro rewarded ? 
 How was Ferdinand ? Did he set out again 
 for Peru / When Almagro heard of his pro- 
 motion, what did he do? Who opposed him ? 
 What was the effect of Francis Pizarro's ar- 
 rival ? What were the terms of their recon- 
 ciliatiort ? To what part of the country did 
 Pizarro now march? How did he employ 
 himself? 
 
 Page 281. 
 
 Where did lie establish the capital of the 
 empire ? Where is Lima? Cuzco? Quito ? 
 Callao? Whither did Almagro march? 
 With what force ? What route did he take? 
 What was the consequence ? What sort of 
 people did they find in Chili ? Were the Span- 
 iards completely victorious and successful in 
 Chili? 
 
 Page 282. 
 
 What recalled them from Chili to Peru ? 
 How did Pizarro find occupation for the nu- 
 merous adventurers who flocked to Peru ? 
 How did Manco Capac take advantage of their 
 dispersion into different parts of the empire ? 
 How did he contrive to raise troops while 
 he was himself a prisoner ? How did he make 
 his escape ? How many men did he raise ? 
 Whiat city did he attack? Who defended it? 
 With how many men I What other city did 
 
 these besieged cities suppose concerning each 
 ner? How long was Cuzco invested] 
 Who commanded there * 
 
 Page 283. 
 
 How did the Peruvians imitate the Span 
 iards ? How much of the city did they re- 
 cover from the Spaniards ? What officer fell 
 n the siege? What Spaniard appeared in the 
 neighbourhood of Cuzco? -What had he re- 
 ceived from Spain ? How did he intejpret it ? 
 What was his object in coming to Cuzco * 
 Who endeavoured to gain his friendship ? 
 
 Page 284. 
 
 Failing of this, how did the inca proceed ? - 
 Did be gain his object? How did Almagro 
 gain possession of the city ? Was his juris- 
 diction over Cuzco acknowledged ? Whom 
 did Francisco Pizarro send to Cuzco to relieve 
 his brothers? With how many men? On 
 what river were they opposed by Almagro? 
 How did Almagro attempt to gain these men 
 and their leader ? When he did not succeed 
 in this, how did he contrive to surprise Alva- 
 rado's camp and take him ? What advice did 
 Orgognez give Almagro? What prevented 
 his taking his advice? 
 
 Page 285. 
 
 What did Almagro do .' Was Pizarro ac 
 quamted with the late events at Cuzco ? What 
 events did he hear of at one time ? What was 
 his situation ? How did he contrive to gain 
 lime? Who escaped from Almagro? With 
 how many men ? What proposal aid Pizarro 
 then make to Almagro ? Did Alrnagro accede 
 to it ? When Ferdinand Pizarro was released, 
 how did Francisco proceed ? What city did 
 he design to attack? How many men did he 
 muster ? Who had command of them? 
 
 Page 286. 
 
 By what route did they approach Cuzco ?- 
 Why did not Almagro cut them off in the de- 
 files of the An.ies? On what plain did the 
 two factions meet ? Who were assembled to 
 witness the battle? Who led Almagro's ar- 
 my ? Why did not he lead it himself ? What 
 is observed of the respective forces ? Of the 
 battle? What forces decided the fate of the 
 day ? Who was dangerously wounded ? 
 Who were massacred ? How many men fell ? 
 
 Page 287. 
 
 What befell Almagro? How did the Indians 
 behave ? What city was pillaged ? By whom ? 
 Was much plunder obtained ? Were the 
 new adventurers of Ferdinand Pizarro's army 
 satisfied with this plunder ? How did he em- 
 ploy them? For what did the conquerors im- 
 peach and try Almagro? What was his sen- 
 tence? Did he attempt to avert his fate? 
 How? How did he die? At what age? How 
 many children did he leave 1 
 
 Page 288. 
 
 Who first carried the news of the dissen- 
 sions in Peru to Spain ? Who arrived in Spain 
 afterward ? What did he endeavour to do ? 
 Who was sent out to settle the disputes of the 
 Spaniards in Peru ? What were his instruc- 
 tions ? How was Ferdinand Pizarro treated ? 
 How was Francisco Pizarro proceeding in 
 Peru? How did he proceed in parcelling out 
 the territory ? 
 
 Page 289. 
 
 To whom did he assign the best portions of 
 the country ? What was the effect of this 
 
QUESTIONS. 
 
 659 
 
 partiality ? How did Pizarro's officers employ 
 themselves ? Who invaded Chili .' What city 
 did he found ? Who succeeded to the govern- 
 ment of Quito .' -In whose stead .'What was 
 Gonzalo instructed to attempt ? Why 1 With 
 how many soldiers di-J he set out from Quito ? 
 How many Indians 1 What did they sutler ? 
 
 Page 290, 
 
 What river did they reach ? Into what does 
 it empty ? Where is the Maragnon .'--Into what 
 does it empty 1 What ocean borders oil Peru ? 
 Wuat did they construct on their arrival at 
 the banks of the Napo? Who took command 
 of it '/With how many men ? What scheme 
 did Orellana now form .' What is said of it ? 
 How far had he to sail ? By what rivers did he 
 reach the ocean ? How did he obtain provi- 
 sions on his way ? To what island did he at 
 last arrive? Whither did he then go ? What 
 marvellous stories did he tell there? Whal 
 was the fabulous region described by him 
 called ? Have reason and observation at last 
 exploded Ore'.lana's fables ? Of what extensive 
 countries was he the first discoverer ? How 
 was Gonzaio Pizarro affected on rioi liuding 
 Orellana at the junction of the Napo and Ma- 
 ragnon 1 
 
 Page 291. 
 
 How far did he advance en the Maragnon in 
 search of him ? How did he hear of Oreilana's 
 treachery 1 What was the effect of this news 
 on his men ? Did Puarro conse.it to return 1 
 How far were thay from Quito? To what 
 extremities of famine were they reduced on 
 their return? How many Spaniards and In- 
 dians perished in this expedition? How many 
 relumed to Quito? In what condition ? Who 
 composed the discontented party in Peru? 
 Who headed them ? What was his character ? 
 What did they plot ? Was Pizarro warned 
 of it ? Did he regard the warning ] 
 
 Page 292. 
 
 Who was Almagro's tutor? What part did 
 he take? Relate the story of Pizarro's assas- 
 sination. Atler the assassination, how many 
 conspirators joined ihe nineteen assassins? 
 Whom did they proclaim governor? What 
 dwellings were pillaged ? 
 
 Page 293. 
 
 How many men did Almagro muster? 
 Whom did he appoint to act as general? 
 Why ? Did all the Spanish officers join Al- 
 niagVo? Why not? At what city was the 
 royal standard erected ? While tri:s opposition 
 to Aimagro was acquiring vigour, who arrived 
 in Popayan .' To what city did he march ? 
 On learning Pizarro's death, what did he do ? 
 What two commanders acknowledged his 
 jurisdiction ? What talents did Vaca de Cas- 
 tro discover? How did he gain followers? 
 For what place did Almagro set out? Who 
 commanded there ? Whom did he lose, on the 
 march ? 
 
 Page 294. 
 
 Did Holguin escape from Almagro? Whom 
 did he join ? Who entered their camp and took 
 the supreme command ? By what right ? 
 Where did he meet the followers of Almagro? 
 How far from Cuzco ? What distinguished 
 veteran fought on Vaca de Castro's side? 
 Which side prevailed ? How many fought on 
 both sides ? How many fell ? What did Vaca 
 de Castro do after the battle ? What was Al- 
 magro's fate 1 
 
 Page 295. 
 Wag the expense of the expeditions to Peru 
 
 paid by the Spanish crown? By whom then 1 
 How long were the Spaniards occupied in 
 acquiring their possessions in America ? 
 Was the crown entitled to claim much from 
 the conquerors? Why not? What was re- 
 served lor the crown ? What was the great 
 object of the conquerors ? Had they any thing 
 like well-regulated government T What evil 
 in particular required a remedy ? Were the 
 emperor Charles V. and his ministers anxious 
 to prevent the extinction of the Indian race * 
 Who was at Madrid then ? 
 
 Page 29tf. 
 
 What representations did he make to the 
 emperor? What treatise did he compose? 
 How was Charles affected ? Were his views 
 confined merely to the relief of the Indians'' 
 How did he regard the conquerors of Peru? 
 What did he prepare? Wh'at provisions of 
 his code of laws were approved ? What re- 
 gulations were disapproved 1 
 
 Page 297. 
 
 Who remonstrated against these regula 
 lions? What did they say? Did Charles 
 persist ? Whom did he send to Mexico? In 
 what capacity ? To Peru ? With what title ? 
 How was the entry of Sandoval into Mexico 
 viewed ? Did the inhabitants submit to the 
 new laws ? Why ? Did Mendoza and Sando- 
 val agree to remonstrate against the new 
 laws ? Did Charles relax, the rigour of the 
 laws? 
 
 Page 298. 
 
 Were the laws as well received in Peru? 
 Why not ? What did the colonists say con- 
 cerning the new laws ? For what ,were they 
 ready ? How were they diverted 'from their 
 design ? What had now become necessary ? 
 
 Page 299. 
 
 What was the character of the viceroy ? 
 How did he proceed on landing at Tumbez ? 
 How was he received ? What did he declare 
 on entering Lima ? How did he behave there ? 
 How did he treat the persons of rank in 
 Lima ? How Vaca de Castro ? To whom did 
 the colonists look for relief? What was his 
 character? What considerations prompted 
 him to rebel ? What restrained him ? What 
 induced him to repair to Cuzco? 
 
 Page 300. 
 
 How was he received ? To what office did 
 the people elect him ! What did they em- 
 power him to do? What measures did he take 
 under the sanction of this nomination ? Who 
 resorted to his standard 1 Who deserted from 
 the viceroy to him ? What had happened at 
 Lima ? Who had quarrelled with the viceroy? 
 Which prevailed? What did they do with 
 the viceroy ? What did the judges then do ? 
 With what intention? Who corresponded 
 with Pizarro? What adviser had Pizarro? 
 What did he wish Pizarro to aim at? What 
 did Pizarro demand ? 
 
 Page 301. 
 
 When the judges hesitated to comply with 
 this command, what did Carvajal do ? What 
 did the court of audience do next morning? 
 Was Pizarro's government firmly and quietly 
 settled ? Relate the circumstances of Nugnez 
 Vela's embarkation, sailing for Spain, and re- 
 turn to Tumbez What did he do on landing 
 at Tumbez 'Who joined him ? Who put the 
 lieutenant-governor of Charcas to death, and 
 declared for the viceroy ? Against whom did 
 Pizarro march ? Whither did Vela retreat T 
 
560 QUESTIONS. 
 
 Who pursued him 7 Whither did he fly from ] happened on the march 1 How many soldiers 
 Quito? Who now pursued him? To what | had he on_ arriving in_sight of Huarina?j~ 
 place did Pizarro return ? 
 
 Page 302. 
 
 Whither did he send Carvajal ? How many 
 men did the viceroy raise in Popayan ? By 
 whose assistance ? Whither did he march ? 
 When did he arid Pizarro meet ? What was 
 the result of the battle ? Who fell ? What 
 city did Pizarro enter in triumph ? Who de- 
 feated Centeno ? Where did Centeno conceal 
 himself? What was now the extent of Pizar- 
 ro's command ? Where did he place a garri- 
 son? Where is Nombre de Dios? How did 
 Pizarro's followers behave? What was the 
 substance of Carvajal 's letter to Pizarro? 
 
 Page 303. 
 
 Who seconded these exhortations ? What 
 did he attempt to demonstrate ? To what did 
 Pizarro confine his views ? For what did he 
 send a person to Spain ? How was Charles V. 
 occupied during these troubles in Peru ? To 
 whom did he leave the care of providing a 
 remedy for them ? What were the chief ob- 
 stacles to the employment of force in quelling 
 the rebels in Peru ? 
 
 Page 304. 
 
 What were the different routes for arriving 
 at Peru ? Were they practicable at that time 
 for an army ? What remained for the minis- 
 ters to do ? Whom did the ministers choose 
 for an envoy to Peru? What was his charac- 
 ter? What did the emperor do ? Did Gasca 
 accept the appointment ? What did he refuse ? 
 What title did he accept ? What instances 
 of self denial did he exhibit ? What sort of au- 
 thority did he require to be invested with ? 
 
 Page 305. 
 
 Enumerate some of the powers which he 
 demanded for himself? Who refused them ? 
 Who granted them ? In what style did he 
 set out for the purpose of quelling a rebellion? 
 Who received him at Nombre de Dios ? 
 How? Why? Who received him at Pana- 
 ma ? How ? What did he declare in both 
 places ? Who were gained over to his inter- 
 est ? What exasperated Pizarro ? What did 
 he resolve to do ? For what purpose did he 
 send a deputation to Spain ? What did these 
 persons require of Gasca ? 
 
 Page 306. 
 
 What instructions did they carry to Hino- 
 josa? What circumstances pushed Pizarro to 
 these wild measures ? To what did he trust 
 for continuance in power ? Was he aware of 
 the disaffection spreading among his follow- 
 ers ? What did Hinojosa and his officers do ? 
 What did the deputies ? What news did 
 Pizarro hear ? For what did he prepare ? For 
 what did he order Gasca to be tried? Who 
 acted as judge and condemned him? What 
 was the object and effect of this proceeding? 
 Had Pizarro the power of executing the sen- 
 tence at this time ? Why not ? How many 
 men did he raise ? From what places did 
 Gasca raise troops ?WVhen did he detach a 
 squadron of his fleet to the coast of Peru? 
 Did they 'and? How did they do more effect- 
 ual service ? What was the effect of the offers 
 of pardon ? 
 
 Page 307. 
 
 Who emerged from his cave, and took Cuzco 
 with a few men ? What was the number of 
 soldiers there? What did most of them do? 
 Whom did Pizarro set out to oppose? What 
 
 Where is Huarina ? Where is the lake of Ti- 
 tiaca? What was the character of Pizarro's 
 remaining troops? When did he attack Cen- 
 teno ? What was Centeno's force ? What 
 was the result of the battle? What counter 
 balanced this victory ? Who took possession 
 of Lima? Who landed at Tumbez? With 
 how many men ? What territory was now in 
 Pizarro's possession ? What was in Gasca's ? 
 Which way did Gasca march ? How did he 
 behave ? Where did he stop ? For what pur- 
 pose? 
 
 Page 308. 
 
 How many men had Pizarro? Did he listen 
 to Gasca's offers of pardon ? Who advised him 
 to do so? Towards what city did Gasca 
 march? With how many men? Why did 
 not Pizarro advance to meet him ? How near 
 did Gasca approach to Cuzco ? When Pizarro 
 had marched out to meet him, who chose the 
 ground ? What was there unusual in the ap- 
 pearance of Pizarro's army? Of Gasca's? 
 Who deserted Pizarro when both armies were 
 ready to engage ? What was the effect of this 
 defection ? What did Pizarro and Carvajal 
 do? How soon was their army dispersed? 
 What did Pizarro say to his officers 1 What 
 answer did they make ? What did he do ? 
 What befell Carvajal ? How did Gasca use 
 his victory ? When was Pizarro beheaded ? 
 How did he die ? How did Carvajal die ? 
 
 Page 309. 
 
 What befell Cepeda ? Were the adventurers 
 to Peru hired soldiers ? What did each of 
 them expect to do for himself? Were the 
 troops raised at a great expense? Did the 
 chiefs make expensive presents to their offi- 
 cers ? What did Gonzalo Pizarro expend in 
 raising a thousand soldiers 1 What did Gasca 
 expend in raising his army ? What did Cepeda 
 receive? For what? What did Hinojosa re- 
 ceive ? For what ? What was the effect of 
 this wealth on the soldiers? 
 
 Page 310. 
 
 What was the character of the conquerors 
 of Peru ? What was their leading passion 1 
 Give examples of their rapacity. Of their 
 treachery and inconstancy. What was the 
 effect of Pizarro's death ? What two objects 
 now occupied the president's attention ? How 
 was the former of these accomplished ? 
 
 Page 311. 
 
 What was the amount of repartimientos to 
 be distributed in consequence of Pizarro's 
 death -i Did Gasca reserve any of it for him- 
 self? Whither did he retire to make the dis- 
 tribution ? With whom ? How did he avoid 
 the effects of his impartiality in the distribu- 
 tion ? What was the effect of publishing the 
 decree of partition ? Of what was Gasca ac- 
 cused ? How was this mutinous spirit check- 
 ed ? How did Gasca labour to sooth the male- 
 contents ? How did he endeavour to strength- 
 en the hands of his successors ? What im- 
 provements did he make ? To whom did he 
 commit the government of Peru? When did 
 he sail for Spain ? How much of the public 
 money did he carry with him ? 
 
 Page 312. 
 
 How was he received in Spain ? Give a 
 summary account of his services. How did 
 the emperor receive him? To what office was 
 he promoted ? How did he pass the remainder 
 of hie days ? Did tranquillity continue long 
 
QUESTIONS. 
 
 56! 
 
 in Peru after Gasca's departure 1 What deso- 
 lated tile country tor several years? What 
 were the ultimate effects of these commotions? 
 To what state was Peru finally brought? 
 Where is Peru ? How is it bounded ? What 
 are its chief cities 1 Ports ? Mountains ? 
 Does it now belong to Spain ] 
 
 BOOK VII. 
 
 Page 313. 
 
 How did Mexico and Peru differ from the 
 other parts of the New World? How did 
 they compare with Europe ? Were the people 
 of these countries acquainted with the useful 
 metals? What animals had the Mexicans 
 reared? What had the Peruvians tamed ? 
 For what were the lamas useful? What are 
 considered very important steps in the progress 
 of civilization ? 
 
 Page 314. 
 
 What effect had the ignorance of these on 
 ttio Mexicans and Peruvians ? Which empire 
 was first subjected to the Spanish crown ? 
 Were Cortes and his followers well qualified 
 to examine the government and policy of Mex- 
 ico ? Why not ? How was the memory of 
 past events preserved? Why did the early 
 missionaries destroy these records? What 
 was the effect of this piece of fanaticism ? 
 Can tradition be depended upon for a history 
 of past events ? On what writers must we 
 depend for the particulars uf the Mexican, his- 
 tory ? 
 
 Page 315. 
 
 Was the Mexican empire of long duration ? 
 How was their country originally peopled? 
 When did certain tribes from the north and 
 north-west enter New Spain? When did the 
 Mexicans take possession of the plain of Mex- 
 ico? What town did they found fifty years 
 afterward ? How were they for a long time 
 governed ? How afterward ? Who was their 
 ninth monarch ? According to this account, 
 what was the age of the ftlexican nation? 
 Of the monarchy ? 
 
 Page 316. 
 
 Was the right of private property understood 
 in Mexico ? Was the distinction between real 
 and personal estate established ? Did any 
 part of the citizens hold land so as to trans- 
 mit it to their heirs ? What was the second 
 mode of tenure? To what classes of citizens 
 did these modes of tenure appertain ? How 
 was land divided among the great body of the 
 people/ What other striking circumstance 
 distinguishes Mexico from other nations in 
 America ? 
 
 Page 317. 
 
 Which were the principal cities? Did Cor- 
 tes and his followers exaggerate the import- 
 ance of these cities ? How many inhabitants 
 had the city of Mexico? What is the next- 
 mentioned symptom of improvement ? Does 
 it exist among savages? Did it exist to any 
 considerable extent in Mexico ? What is the 
 next circumstance that merits attention? 
 Were the savage tribes of America distin- 
 guished by this characteristic ? 
 
 Page 318. 
 
 Did it exist in Mexico? Who were the 
 Mayeques .? Describe their situation. How 
 were the freemen treated ? How were the no- 
 bles divided ? Were their titles and lands here- 
 ditary J What mark of distinction between the 
 nobles and the people existed ? What marks 
 
 VOL. I.7J 
 
 of homage did the nobles pay the king ? What 
 is observed of the Mexican tongue? Have the 
 Spaniards described the Mexican government 
 and laws accurately ? What inconsistency 
 appears in their accounts ? 
 
 Page 319. 
 
 From what has it arisen ? What was Mon- 
 tezuma's object? How did he pursue it? 
 How was Cortes benefited by these proceed- 
 ings ofMontezuma? Where can we discover 
 the original form and genius of the Mexican 
 policy ? Who composed the most respectable 
 order of the state ? Were they all of equal 
 rank ? How many inhabitants were there iu 
 the territories of each of the first thirty no- 
 bles ? How many inferior nobles were there ? 
 What nobles levied taxes from their vassals ? 
 Did they all pay military service and tribute 
 to the emperor ? What policy is found in this 
 view of the Mexican state? What ire the 
 three distinguishing features of tije fc-.ntal 
 system? Did the system operate h-<-p as in 
 Europe? Who possessed the real and effect- 
 ive power in Mexico? What constitutional 
 restraints had the nobles imposed on the em- 
 peror ? How was the crown disposed of? 
 Wiio at first were electors ? Who afterward ? 
 Where did the choice generally fall? 
 
 Page 320. 
 
 What was the character of the Mexican 
 princes ? At what particular appearances in 
 Montezuma's court were the Spaniards sur- 
 prised ? How was justice administered in 
 the different parts of the empire I How was 
 the government supported? How were the 
 taxes paid ? Where was the produce of the 
 taxes collected? What use was made of 
 them ? How did people of inferior condition 
 and without property pay their taxes ? What 
 evidence of civilization is found in the Mexi- 
 can police and public works? 
 
 Page 321. 
 
 What improvements of polished life existed 
 in the city of Mexico ? What is considered as 
 the most decisive proof of Mexican refine- 
 ment ? Gi\e examples. Are the Spanish ac- 
 counts of these manufactures probably exag- 
 gerated? Are they contradicted by the exist- 
 ing remains of Mexican art ? 
 
 Page 322. 
 
 In what view are these rude pictures im- 
 portant and interesting ? For what were the 
 first essays of this art probably first used ? 
 What is this sort of record called ? Where 
 do w e find traces of it 7 For what did the Indian 
 chiefs use it ? Are the Mexican pictures su- 
 perior to these Indian records ? What could 
 the Mexicans represent in their pictures ? 
 Who has published the best series of them ? 
 What does the first part contain ? The sec- 
 ond ? The third ? Who has published another 
 specimen ? 
 
 Page 323. 
 
 What do these pictures represent ? Do they 
 address the eye or the understanding? What 
 may they be considered ? Are they very de- 
 fective records ? To what might the Mexicans 
 have eventually arrived? By what steps? 
 Were they approaching towards writing ? 
 How did they indicate a town ? How did they 
 distinguish one town from another? Did they 
 sometimes indicate a particular town by the 
 emblem without the house? How did they 
 represent a king who had made conquests ? 
 In what notation did they attempt to exhibit 
 ideai without any corporeal fbrm ? Htfw di 
 
562 
 
 QUESTIONS. 
 
 they represent a unit ? How small numbers ? 
 How large numbers? To what amount ? 
 What prevented a further improvement? 
 Are their records any thing more than picture- 
 writin" ? How did the Mexicans divide their 
 vear ?How did they make out the complete 
 y ear ?_ What did they call these five days ? 
 
 Page 324. 
 
 How did they employ them? Were the 
 Mexicans a warlike people ? What was usu- 
 ally their object in war? How were their 
 captives treated ? How was the emperor's 
 funeral celebrated? Were the Mexicans a 
 hardy, laborious people ? To what was their 
 weakness attributed? 
 
 ' Page 325. 
 
 Did Montezuma rule over the whole of what 
 is now called Mexico ? Who possessed the 
 provinces towards the north and west? 
 What other provinces were independent of the 
 emperor? Was there much intercourse be- 
 tween the different parts of the empire ? 
 What proofs of this are given ? 
 
 Page 326. 
 
 Had the Mexicans any money ? Is this a 
 strong proof of barbarism? Was money an 
 early invention in the Old World ? How 
 was commercial intercourse carried on in 
 Mexico? What sort of nuts had acquired a 
 standard value like that of money ? What is 
 said of the Mexican cities ? How is Tlascala 
 described ? What sort of a structure was the 
 great temple of Mexico ? 
 
 , Page 327. 
 
 Did the other temples resemble this ? Do 
 the Spaniards describe the emperor's house 
 and those of the nobility as being magnificent ? 
 What reason is there to doubt their state- 
 ments ? From this enumeration of facts, what 
 is evident ? What is no less manifest 1 
 
 Paga 328. 
 
 Are the Spanish accounts of the Mexican 
 government and policy to be considered sub- 
 stantially true? If Cortes had made false 
 statements to the emperor, would his enemies 
 have contradicted them? What institution of 
 the Mexicans is mentioned which had no par- 
 allel in Europe at that time ? 
 
 Page 329. 
 
 In what respect were the Mexicans repre- 
 sented as more barbarous than they really 
 were ? What was the character of the Mexi- 
 can religion ? What were the ornaments of 
 their temples ? What means were employed 
 to appease the wrath of their gods? What 
 sacrifices were deemed most acceptable? 
 What was the effect of this religion on the 
 feelings and character of the people? How 
 long had Peru subsisted as an empire before 
 the conquest ? Under how many rnonarchs 
 
 Page 330. 
 
 What were the quipos? For what were 
 they used ? Were they still more imperfec 
 records than the Mexican pictures? How 
 were most of them lost ? Who attempted to 
 throw light on the Peruvian history by means 
 of the quipos ? Did he succeed ? Is much 
 credit due to the traditional stories of the early 
 Peruvian monarchs ? 
 
 Page 331. 
 
 Is there any satisfactory statement concern 
 ing the real origin of Manco Capac and Mama 
 Ocollo? Who did they pretend to be? How 
 
 far did Manco's successors extend their de- 
 mi riion ' On what was the whole system of 
 policy in Peru founded ? How were the chil- 
 dren of the sun regarded ? Was it a part of 
 the people's religion to reverence the royal 
 family ? What consequences resulted from 
 these ideas ? What was the badge of an ex- 
 ecutive officer of the emperor ? 
 
 Page 332. 
 
 How were all crimes punished in Pern ? 
 Why ? Did these severe laws render crimes 
 rare? What were the principal objects of 
 worship among the Peruvians? Is this sort 
 of superstition milder than the worship of 
 imaginary divinities ? Where have we exam- 
 ples of the two kinds? What were offered to 
 ihe sun? Did the incas offer human sacri- 
 fices? What was the national character of 
 the Peruvians compared with that of the Mex- 
 icans ? 
 
 Page 333. 
 
 Was the mixture of religion in the Peruvian 
 aystem of policy favourable to the character 
 of both kings and people ? Were rebellious 
 subjects and tyrannical rulers equally rare? 
 For what did the incas conquer ? How were 
 prisoners treated? How were thfc lands di- 
 vided in Peru? How was the product of the 
 first share employed? The second? The 
 third ? How often was the land divided ? 
 How was it cultivated ? What was the effect 
 of this arrangement on the character of the 
 people 1 
 
 Page 334. 
 
 Was the distinction of ranks established in 
 Peru? Who were the Yanaconas? Were 
 they numerous ? Who were the next class? 
 Who were the Orejones? Who were the 
 head of all ? To what was this form of soci- 
 ety favourable ? Were the arts more advanced 
 in Peru than in Mexico? What is observed 
 of agriculture in Peru? How did the Peru- 
 vians provide for times of scarcity ? Is Peru 
 well watered ? How did the Peruvians water 
 their fields 1 
 
 Page 335. 
 
 Did they use the plough? How did they 
 turn up the earth? How were the houses 
 built on the coast ? In the mountainous re- 
 gions ? Do any of their buildings remain ? 
 What is observed of their temples and pal- 
 aces? What was the extent of the temple 
 of Pachacamac ? Describe it. What was the 
 greatest work of the incas ? 
 
 Page 336. 
 
 What was the extent of these roads ? De- 
 scribe their construction. Did the Spaniards 
 keep this work in repair? In what respect 
 did the Peruvian policy resemble the Roman ? 
 Were the roads of the incas superior to any 
 work of public utility then existing in Europe ? 
 Describe the rope bridges of the Peruvians. 
 
 Page 337. 
 
 What advances had the Peruvians made in 
 navigation ? How did the Peruvians obtain 
 gold ? How did they obtain silver ? How did 
 they supply the want of bellows? What is 
 said of their vessels and trinkets ? What 
 were the guacas ? What articles were found 
 in them ? Did they use copper ? 
 
 Page 338. 
 
 What was the only city, properly so called, 
 of ancient Peru ? Are cities necessary to the 
 progress of refinement in arts and manners T~^ 
 
QUESTIONS. 
 
 563 
 
 Was the separation of professions so complete 
 in Peru as in Mexico? What was the onl> 
 separate order of artists? What other conse- 
 quence followed from the want of cities in 
 Peru? Explain t'te connexion between com- 
 merce and agriculture. What was the differ- 
 ence between Mexico and Peru with respect 
 to commerce ? What was the most fatal de- 
 fect in the Peruvian character ? 
 
 Page 339. 
 
 How did they differ from the other Ameri- 
 cans in this respect ? Does the same pacific 
 character still appear in the native Peruvians? 
 What cruel custom existed in Peru? What 
 was their reason for it ? How many were 
 sacrificed on the death of Huana Capac? In 
 what particular were the Peruvians more bar- 
 barous than the, most rude tribes ? Were Peru 
 and Mexico the only possessions of Spain in the 
 New World? When were the others con- 
 quered? By whom 1 What provinces of New 
 Spain were never subject to the dominion of 
 the Mexicans ? 
 
 Page 340. 
 
 What is said of their soil and productions ? 
 What circumstance is favourable to the in- 
 crease of their population ? What happened 
 in the provinces of Cinaloa and Sonora in 
 1765 ? To whom did the Spanish inhabuants 
 apply for aid ! Why was he at first unable to 
 give it ? How did he raise money for the 
 war? How long did it last ? How did it ter- 
 minate? What discoveries were made during 
 the war? What was discovered at Cine- 
 guilla? 
 
 Page 341. 
 
 Who discovered California? When? 
 Where is it situated ? What religious order 
 acquired dominion over it? Why did they 
 represent it as barren and unwholesome ? On 
 the expulsion of the Jesuits from the Spanish 
 dominions, who was sent to California ? 
 What discoveries did he make ? What prov- 
 inces are east of Mexico? What is their ex- 
 tent? What do they produce in abundance? 
 After conquering Jamaica, what was the 
 first object of the English ? 
 
 Page 342. 
 
 Where did they make their first attempt ? 
 Where did they afterward establish their prin- 
 cipal station ? How did the Spaniards endea- 
 vour to stop this encroachment on their terri- 
 tories ? Have they been co'upelled to consent 
 to it? What method did they devise for ren- 
 dering it of little consequence? Where are 
 Costa Rica and Veragua ? What is said of 
 them ? Where is Chili ? Who attempted its 
 conquest .' Die! Almagro succeed ? What was 
 the fate of Valdivia .'Who saved the remnant 
 of his army? What part of Chili was con- 
 quered by the Spaniards ? What part is pos- 
 sessed by the Indians? What is the extent of 
 Chili ? What is observed of its soil and cli- 
 mate? 
 
 Page 343. 
 
 What is said of its animals ? Its mines ? 
 Was it neglected by the Spaniards ? Through 
 what ports was its commerce long carried on 
 with Spain? Has a direct intercourse been 
 since opened ? What are now the chief ports 
 of Chili ? Is it a Spanish province at the pres- 
 ent time.' What provinces are east of Chili? 
 What mountains separate them from Chili ? 
 On what viceroyaity were they formerly de- 
 pendent ? What is their extent ? How is this 
 
 region divided ? What country is north of 
 Rio de la Plata ? 
 
 Page 344. 
 
 Where are Tucumari and Buenos Ayres? 
 What is the chief settlement ? What is the 
 most remarkable feature of the province of 
 Tucuman ? By what European animals have 
 these plains been filled? What article of 
 commerce do they furnish? What sort of 
 trade was carried on through the Rio de la 
 Plata and Brazil with Peru ? Where is Terra 
 Firma ? What is it now called ? Where is 
 New Granada ? What lies east of Veragua? 
 
 Page 345. 
 
 What are its harbours ? Which is on the 
 east side? What were they Called? Was 
 another communication to the Pacific opened 
 afterward? Where are Carthagena and St. 
 Martha? Who conquered these provinces? 
 When? What does the country produce? 
 What is the chief port ? What enriched this 
 place? What Spaniard first visited Santa 
 Martha? Why was Venezuela so called 'I- 
 Upon whom did Charles V. bestow the prov 
 ince of Venezuela 1 For what ? 
 
 Page 346. 
 
 On what condition? To whom did they 
 commit the execution of their plan? How 
 did they proceed? What was the conse- 
 quence ? To whom did the province revert I 
 What were the other Spanishjprovinces on the 
 north coast of South America? Where are 
 they situated ? Who conquered New Grana- 
 da? When? What rendered UK conquest 
 difficult? What renders the climate of New 
 Granada temperate? How is gold obtained 
 there? Who are employed in finding it? 
 Why are the negroes unfit for mining ? 
 
 Page 347. 
 
 What facts are mentioned illustrating the 
 wealth of New Granada? To what country 
 does New Granada now belong ? Is it now a 
 Spanish province ] 
 
 BOOK VIII. 
 
 To what objects does the historian now di- 
 rect our attention ? What was the first conse- 
 quence of the establishment of the Spaniards 
 America? What was the first cause of 
 depopulation ? Where was it first experi- 
 enced ? What was there besides war to cause 
 the depopulation of these countries? How 
 were many of the natives destroyed in Mexi- 
 co ? In Peru ? 
 
 Page 348. 
 
 What was more destructive than war to the 
 natives of Mexico and Peru .'What was the 
 chief object of the conquerors of these coun- 
 tries? For" this, what did they neglect? 
 Where were the mines situated ? Who were 
 employed to work them ? From whence were 
 they brought ? What was the consequence? 
 What disease increased the evil? What 
 false charge is brought against the Spaniards ? 
 Is such a design necessary to account for 
 the depopulation of Spanish America? 
 
 Page 349. 
 
 Did the Spanish government try to prevent 
 the destruction of lives among the Indians? 
 Why could it not be prevented by the govern- 
 ment? To whom should the desolation of the 
 New' World be attributed? To what other 
 cause is the depopulation of Spanish America 
 
64 
 
 QUESTIONS. 
 
 unjustly attributed ? What reasons are op- 
 posed to this ? 
 
 Page 350. 
 
 Whom did the Indians consider as their 
 natural guardians and protectors ? Are many 
 of the Indians still left in Mexico and Peru? 
 In what other provinces are they numerous ? 
 Hpw many were there in New Spain in 
 Robertson's time? What nations were most 
 easily civilized ? Were the Spaniards suc- 
 cessful in civilizing the most savage tribes? 
 What was the condition of the government of 
 Spain when Spanish America was settled ? 
 What peculiarity distinguishes the Spanish 
 from other European colonies? 
 
 Page 351. 
 
 What was the fundamental maxim of the 
 Spanish colonial policy? What was their 
 great charter ? Was the power of the Spanish 
 crown over the colonies absolute ? How was 
 Spanish America at first divided? How far 
 did the jurisdiction of the first division extend? 
 The second? What inconveniences at- 
 tended this arrangement ? Where was a third 
 viceroyalty established ? How far did its ju- 
 risdiction extend ? What power did the vice- 
 roys iK)ssess ? What pomp of state did they 
 exhibit 1 
 
 Page 352. 
 
 In whom was the administration of justice 
 in Spanish America vested? What is the 
 characteristic of the most despotic govern- 
 ments? How were the Spanish viceroys re- 
 strained from intermeddling with the adminis- 
 tration of justice ? On whom did tne govern- 
 ment devolve in case of the viceroy's death ? 
 
 Page 353. 
 
 What was vested in the council of the In- 
 dies 7 What laws originate in this council ? 
 What offices are conferred by it? Who were 
 accountable to it ? What has been the object 
 of the Spanish monarchs I Where did the 
 council meet? For what was the Casade la 
 Contratacion instituted .'Where and when ? 
 What commerce was at first confined to 
 Seville? On what river is Seville? What 
 are the powers of the house of trade ? What 
 was the first object of the Spanish monarchs ? 
 
 Page 354. 
 
 Why did they dread the intrusion of stran- 
 gers ? What two kinds of colonies existed in 
 ancient times? Give examples of each. 
 Which kind speedilv became independent? 
 What did the Spanish monarchs do in Ameri- 
 ca? How did they secure the dependence of 
 the colonies on the parent state'? What were 
 the colonies principally employed about ? 
 Whence were they supplied with manufactured 
 articles and a part of their provisions ? What 
 was severely prohibited in the Spanish colo- 
 nies? Why ? What did the colonies give in 
 exchange for clothes, furniture, luxuries, &c. 
 imported from Spain ? What vessels monopo- 
 lized all the commerce between Spain and her 
 colonies ? 
 
 Page 355. 
 
 What restrictions were laid respecting all 
 foreigners '! What was the effect of this policy 
 on the colonies? Was the progress of the 
 colonies slow? How many Spaniards were 
 there in all the provinces sixty years after their 
 settlement? What is necessary in order to 
 promote a rapid increase of people in any new 
 settlement ? Did the Spaniards regard this ? 
 What were the encomiendas? The mayoras- 
 
 gw? How did they descend ? Were the evil 
 effects of these extensive entails severely 
 felt? 
 
 Page 356. 
 
 What other severe burthen did the Span- 
 ish colonies bear ? What articles paid tithes ? 
 Were the colonists liberal towards the 
 churches? Who were the chapetones 1 
 What offices were confined to them ? What 
 was meant by old Christians? What was the 
 character of the chapetones '< Who were the 
 Creoles 1 What was their character in Robert* 
 son's time ? 
 
 Page 357. 
 
 Who conducted the internal commerce of 
 the colonies? With what were the Creoles 
 satisfied ? How did the chapetones and Cre- 
 oles regard each other ? Did the Spanish court 
 encourage this hostility ? Why ? Were the 
 mestizos and mulattoes numerous ? What 
 were carried on by them ? How were the ne- 
 groes mostly employed? Were they lavou** 
 ites of the Spaniards ? 
 
 Page 358. 
 
 Whom did they hate ?-- Why did the Span 
 iards encourage this hostility? Which was 
 the most depressed order of men in the Span- 
 ish colonies ? Who freed them from slavery? 
 When? What tax was imposed on them? 
 Of whom was every Indian in Spanish 
 America a vassal ? To whom was three- 
 fourths of the tax paid ? To whom was the 
 country parcelled out when first conquered ? 
 For how long a time ? To whom did the grant 
 then revert ? Was this a constant source of 
 patronage and power to the crown? 
 
 Page 359. 
 
 Were the Indians compelled to work? 
 Were they paid? In what different occupa- 
 tions were they required to work? What 
 were the mitas ? What portion of the people 
 of a district might be called out at once in 
 Peru? In New Spain, how many could be 
 called out in a district ? How long was each 
 mita kept in a mine in Peru ? At what wages ? 
 How were the Indians in the principa. 
 towns governed ? How in their own villages T 
 Was the office of cazique hereditary ?- What 
 was the duty of the officer called protector of 
 the Indians ? 
 
 Page 360. 
 
 How was the tribute raised from the Indians 
 applied ? Have the laws enacted by the coun- 
 cil of the Indies proved effectual remedies of 
 the evils they were intended to prevent? 
 Why have they not ? What wrongs did the 
 Indians suffer in defiance of these laws? 
 Where did these wrongs most abound ? For 
 what did Ferdinand solicit Alexander VI. ? 
 On what condition did he obtain it ? What 
 did Julius II. confer on the kings of Spain ? 
 
 Page 361. 
 
 What was the consequence of these grants? 
 In what did all authority in Spanish America 
 centre ? What council must approve of all 
 papal bulls relating to Spanish America ? 
 What was the effect of this limitation of the 
 papal power in Spanish America? Were there 
 archbishops, bishops, &c. in Spanish Ameri- 
 ca? How were the inferior clergy divided ? 
 What were the curas? The doctrineros? 
 The missionerot? Are the revenues of the 
 church large? How is the wealth of the 
 church displayed? Have the effects of the 
 monasteries been favourable to the count rv ' 
 
QUESTIONS. 
 
 566 
 
 Page 362. 
 
 Are the ecclesiastics of Spanish America 
 distinguished for their literary attainments ! 
 Whom did the popes permit to assume paro- 
 chial charges in America? Did this increase 
 the number of missionaries? What honours 
 did many of them gain ? 
 
 Page 363. 
 
 What useful history was written by the Je- 
 suit Acosta ? Were many of the missionaries 
 from the European convents to America of a 
 bad character? What prince opposed the 
 regulars ? Did he succeed ? What edict did 
 Ferdinand VI. issue ? 
 
 Page 364. 
 
 Have the priests been successful in convert- 
 ing the Indians ? What imprudent course did 
 the first missionaries take? How many Mexi- 
 cans did one clergyman baptize in a day ? 
 How many Mexicans were baptized in a few 
 years .'-What was the effect of this mea- 
 sure? What is the greatest obstacle to the 
 progress of Christianity among the Indians? 
 
 Page 365. 
 
 What did the early missionaries say con- 
 cerning: the Indians? What did the i-ouncil of 
 Lima decree ? Why had the inquisition no 
 jurisdiction over the Indians? Were the 
 Spanish colonies too large for Spain to people ? 
 
 Page 366. 
 
 What was the chief object of the Spanish 
 colonists? Why did they abandon many of 
 their islands? To what countries did they 
 crowd ? When were the mines of Potosi dis- 
 covered ? In what other provinces were rich 
 mines discovered ? What amount of gold and 
 silver was annually brought to Spam from her 
 colonies ? Were the mines worked at the ex- 
 pense of the crown ? Who was entitled to 
 own a mine ? On what condition ? 
 
 Page 307. 
 
 Who were the searchers ? How did they 
 proceed? What was the effect of the rage for 
 mining on commerce and agriculture? What 
 ought to have been the policy of the Spanish 
 government 1 
 
 Page 368. 
 
 Are the countries colonized by Spain in 
 America rich in other productions besides gold 
 and silver ? Where is cochineal produced ? 
 What is it ? Where is the Jesuits' bark found? 
 Indigo ? Cacao ? The best tobacco? Su 
 gar ? Hides ? 
 
 Under what sovereigns was Spain an indus- 
 trious country? What manufactures did the 
 Spaniards engage in? What market had they 
 for them ? How many merchant-ships had 
 Spain at the beginning of the sixteenth cen- 
 tury? Was the sudden increase of wealth 
 unfavourable to the Spanish character ? What 
 was its effect on Philip II. ? What nations 
 did he annoy with hostile operations ? 
 
 Page 370. 
 
 What was the effect of his wars ? In what 
 manner "flid Philip III. weaken his empire? 
 Describe the state of Spain in the 17th cen 
 tury. What occasioned a still further drain 
 of population from Spain ? Could Spain sup- 
 ply her colonies with articles of necessary 
 consumption ? From what countries were 
 they smuggled ? Where did the wealth of the 
 New World then go ? 
 
 Page 371. 
 
 To what expedient was Philip III. driven ? 
 Has the possession of her colonies proved a 
 source of wealth to Spain in the same pro- 
 portion as the colonies of other countries ? 
 Was Spain anxious to monopolize the trade 
 of her colonies .'How have the Dutch, Eng- 
 ish, French, and Danes monopolized th 
 rade of their East Indian colonies? What 
 prevented Spain from adopting this policy ? 
 
 Page 372. 
 
 What regulation was adopted ? What was 
 the consequence? What were the fleets to 
 America called? Whence did they sail at 
 first ? Whence after 1720? What countries 
 did the galeons supply ? Where did they 
 touch ? Who went to Santa Martha to trade 
 with them? Of what kingdoms was Porto 
 Bello the mart ? Describe the fairs of Porto 
 Bello. To what port did the flota go? What 
 province did it supply ? Where did the fleets 
 rendezvous ? Whence did they proceed from 
 Havana ? Where is Santa Martha ? Cart ha- 
 geua? Vera Cruz? Havana? Was the 
 whole commerce of Spain with her colonies 
 confined to these two fleets? What was the 
 effect of this absurd arrangement? What 
 profits did the monopolists of Seville arid Ca- 
 diz charge on their goods ? 
 
 Page 373. 
 
 Is it always the interest of a monopolist to 
 check commerce ? Why ? What was the 
 amount of tonnage of the two fleets ? What 
 violent punishments for smuggling were pro- 
 posed ? Was any remedy applied to the evils 
 under which the commerce of Spain la- 
 boured? 
 
 Page 374. 
 
 What roused the energies of Spain ? What 
 nations engaged in the war, and sent armies, 
 fleets, and treasure to Spain ? What was the 
 consequence ? Who gained quiet possession 
 of the throne of Spain ? What privilege did 
 Philip V. grant to the Frencn merchants? 
 How did they use it ? To what provinces 
 were they limited ? Did their commodities 
 find their way to all the other provinces? 
 What would have been the consequence if 
 this had continued ? Was it prohibited, and 
 the French merchants again excluded from all 
 Spanish America? What grants did Philip 
 V. make to Great Britain ? 
 
 Page 375. 
 
 Where were British factories established ? 
 What did their agents learn ? How did the 
 English merchants profit by this? How did 
 they abuse the grant concerning the ship of 
 500 tons ? By whom was nearly all the com 
 merce of South America engrossed ? How 
 did this affect the galeons ? How did Spain 
 attempt to check this illicit commerce .'--What 
 led to a war with England ? What was the 
 consequence? What did the smuggling of 
 the English teach the Spaniards ? 
 
 Page 376. 
 
 What inconveniences attended the use of the 
 galeons andftota for supplying the Spanish col- 
 onies ? How did Spain remedy these inconve- 
 niences? What was theeffect of this arrange- 
 ment? When were the galeons laid aside? 
 How was the commerce with Peru ^ud Chili 
 then carried on ? What course did the single 
 ships take ? Was this favourable to Peru and 
 Chili? What ports declined in consequence 
 of it ? To what port did all the register ships 
 return ? How is chocolate made? 
 
565 
 
 QUESTIONS. 
 
 Page 377. 
 
 Is it an article of much commercial import- 
 ance ? Where is the cacao raised? What 
 nation engrossed much of the trade in it ? 
 Did they supply Spain with it? How did 
 Philip V. remedy rhis ? Who have profited by 
 this institution .'Where were the register 
 ships of this company obliged to deliver their 
 home cargo ? 
 
 Page 378. 
 
 Who exposed the defects of the Spanish co- 
 lonial sysiem ? What was toe effect of their 
 writings .'How did Charles III. open a regu- 
 lar communication between Spain and the 
 colonies? What places did the packet-boats 
 visit? What cargo were they allowed to 
 carry ? What did Charles III. do in 17G5 ] 
 
 Page 379. 
 
 What were the effects of this measure ? 
 How much did it increase the trade of Cuba ? 
 Did its benefits extend to Spain ? What 
 was its effect on the sugar trade ? What regu- 
 lation existed with respect to the intercourse 
 of the colonies with each other ? Was this 
 good policy ? 
 
 Page 380. 
 
 What were its effects? How was this 
 grievance redressed ? By whom ? What re- 
 forms did Don Joseph Gal vez effect? What 
 inconvenience;? resulted from the great extent 
 of the three Spanish viceroyalties ? Where did 
 Galvez establish a fourth ? What did it in- 
 clude ? What two advantages resulted from 
 this! 
 
 Page 381. 
 
 Who was the fourth viceroy ? What part 
 ef the former territories of Peru were under 
 his jurisdiction? What change was made in 
 New Spain? Who was intrusted with the 
 new government? What was the object of 
 the Bourbons in Spain ? How did they attempt 
 to effect this ? 
 
 Page 382. 
 
 Did the Spanish people learn the defects of 
 their own commercial policy ? What did their 
 writers notice ? What has been the effect of 
 the rigid commercial regulations of Spain ? 
 What conduct of the revenue officers is no- 
 ticad ? To what extent was the king de- 
 frauded ? 
 
 Page 383. 
 
 Where is Manilla ? Which way from Aca- 
 pulco ? What ocean lies between them ? 
 When did Philip II. establish a coiony at Ma- 
 nilla ? With whom did this colony commence 
 an intercourse ? With what country did this 
 colony afterward open a trade? To what 
 port? To what port was it afterward re- 
 moved ? What amount of money did the ships 
 take out to Manilla ? What did they take back 
 to Acapulco ? How was Peru allowed to par- 
 ticipate in the traffic? Were the Peruvians 
 afterward excluded from it .'Describe the 
 effects of this trade. 
 
 Page 384. 
 
 Is this trade inconsistent with the usuil 
 policy "<" ?pain? What was the first kind of 
 taxes paid by the Spanish colonies to the gov- 
 ernnunt of Spain? What was meant by 
 right of signiory? What by duty of vassal- 
 age? What does the second branch of taxes 
 comprehend ? The third ? What was meant 
 by bull ofcruzado ? 
 
 Page 385. 
 
 What was the amount of annual revenue 
 of Spain raised in America? What domestic 
 sources of revenue on exports, <fcc. are to be 
 added to this ? Was the government of the 
 Spanish colonies expensive? How did the 
 viceroys augment it? What was the salary 
 of the viceroy of Peru ? 
 
 Page 386. 
 
 Of Mexico 1 To what were they raised ? 
 How did the viceroys add to their income ? 
 What amount did a viceroy sometimes receive 
 in presents on name-day? What officer ad- 
 ministered his government without corruption ? 
 What is observed of him ? 
 
 BOOK IX. 
 
 Page 389. 
 
 Whose dominions in America were next in 
 extent to those of Spain ?- What was the effect 
 of Columbus's discoveries on the English ? 
 Under what king was a voyage to America 
 first proposed? Were the English qualified to 
 undertake it? Why not? What was then 
 their commercial character ? 
 
 Page 390. 
 
 When did the English first trade with Spain 
 and Portugal ? When did they enter the Medi- 
 terranean ? To whom did Henry VII. com- 
 mit the command of their first voyage of dis- 
 covery? With what powers? When? 
 When did Cabot embark ? With how many- 
 ships and barks ? What country did they ex- 
 pect to reach ? What island was their first 
 discovery ? What did they bring away * 
 What part of the coast did he pass ? Did he 
 return without landing on the continent? 
 What advantages did England gain by this 
 voyage ? 
 
 Page 391. 
 
 What circumstances prevented Henry VII. 
 from prosecuting his scheme ? What service 
 did Cabot enter? What laws unfriendly to 
 commerce existed in England ? What pre- 
 vented Henry VIII. from prosecuting discove- 
 nes in America ? 
 
 Page 392. 
 
 What prevented Mary ? How long was the 
 scheme neglected ? Who now employed Ca- 
 bot? What places did he visit? With what 
 places in the east was a trade opened by Eng- 
 lish merchants ? What was the favourite 
 project of the nation? What attempts were 
 made iii it? With what success? What 
 fishery became an object of attention in the 
 reign of Edward VI. ? What did Cabot pro- 
 pose? 
 
 Page 393. 
 
 What company was formed ? For what 
 purpose ? Who was made governor of it ? 
 What did he fit out? Who took the command 
 of the fleet? What befell Willoughby? 
 Who escaped the storm, and arrived at Arch- 
 angel ? Where is Archangel ? How does one 
 sail from England thither? Relate Chance- 
 our's adventures in Russia. What did he 
 receive from the czar? Who was queen when 
 he returned to England ? To whom did she 
 write? What did she empower Chancelour 
 to do? To whom did she grant the exclusive 
 right of trade? Whither did they push their 
 discoveries ? 
 
 Page 394. 
 By what other channel did they attempt to 
 
QUESTIONS. 
 
 667 
 
 open a communication with the east? How 
 far did their factors go? Where is Choras- 
 san ? What part of Africa did the English 
 visit? What did they trade in ? With what 
 countries did the English open a trade in the 
 reigns cf Henry VIII , Edward VI., and Mary? 
 Who succeeded Mary ? Did she encourage 
 commerce ? The navy ? 
 
 Page 395. 
 
 With what sovereign did she cultivate com- 
 mercial relations? What company did she 
 encourage? What empire did their agents 
 visit?- What did they effect /What scheme 
 did the earl of Warwick set on toot? Who 
 took command of the expedition ? What coast 
 did he explore? What did Sir Francis Drake 
 undertake "What coast did he explore? 
 What did he expect to find there? Was he 
 the first Englishman who sailed round the 
 world ? 
 
 Page 396. 
 
 Had the English hitherto attempted to settle 
 a colony? What circumstances directed their 
 attention to the formation of colonies? Who 
 was conductor of the first English colony to 
 America? Under whose auspices? What 
 were the terms of his charter? 
 
 Page 397. 
 
 Who joined Gilbert ''What was the fate 
 of his expeditions? Of himself? What island 
 did he take possession of? For whom ? Did 
 this failure discourage Raleigh? When did 
 he procure a patent ? Whom did he s^n.l out ? 
 What course did they take ? In what part 
 of the country did they make researches ? 
 
 Page 398. 
 
 What island did they take ? Where is it ? 
 With whom did they trade? What accounts 
 did they give on their return? What did Eliz- 
 abeth call the country I Whom did Raleigh 
 next send out? Wilh how many ships? 
 Whither did he go .'Where did he make ex- 
 cursions? Where did he establish a colony? 
 Was it a suitable place 1 How many men 
 were there in the colony ? Under whose com- 
 mand? Who was Hariot? What did he 
 effect ? What was the object of the colonists ? 
 How did the Indians deceive them ? How 
 were they punished ? What did the colony 
 now suffer ? 
 
 Page 399. 
 
 Who relieved them, and took them home to 
 England ? What sort of account did Hariot 
 give of the country? What fashion did Lans 
 and his people learn of the Indians ? Who 
 adopted it in England ? What has been the 
 consequence ? What happened a few days , 
 after Drake's departure? Who came with 
 three ships, and left another colony at Roan- 
 oke ' What was its fate? 
 Page 400. 
 
 What person did Raleigh send out next 
 year? With how many ships? For what 
 purpose did White return ? What prevented 
 his success? What was the fate of the colo- 
 ny? What diverted Raleigh's attention from 
 Virginia? To whom did he assign the coun- 
 try and his patent? Did they settle the coun- 
 try ? When did Queen Elizabeth Jie ? Were 
 there any English colonies in America then ? 
 How long was this after Cabot's discovery of 
 North America? Was Elizabeth favourable 
 to colonization ? Why not ? 
 
 Page 401. 
 Who succeeded her? What was now the 
 
 state of things .'Who was Gosnold ? What 
 places did he discover and name ? How long 
 was his voyage ? What were its effects ? 
 Where is Elizabeth Island .'Nan tucket ?- 
 Martha's Vineyard? Cape Cod f 
 
 Page 402. 
 
 Who sent out a small vessel ? For what 
 purpose? What account did their messen- 
 gers bring hack ? Who was Richard Hak- 
 iuyt ? What did he publish ? W hat were the 
 effects of his efforts? How did James I. di 
 vide the country ? For what reason? What 
 grant did he make to Gates, Summers, and 
 HakluyU To whom did he give the south 
 colony? 
 
 Page 403. 
 
 What sort of government did he establish 
 for the colony ? What p\ivilege,s with respect 
 to duties and trade did he grant the colonists? 
 What articles of this charter were incon- 
 sistent with freedom ? What articles were 
 contrary to the usual colonial policy of all 
 nations ? Which were the two original parent 
 colonies of North America ? 
 
 Page 404. 
 
 Who sailed for Virginia, December 19th? 
 With how many vessels and men ? What 
 persons of distinction were with him ? What 
 land did he first discover? What bay did he 
 enter ! What river ? How far ? What town 
 did the colonists found ? What is said of it? 
 What troubles ensued ? 
 
 Page 405. 
 
 \Vhat act of injustice was done ? Who an 
 noyed the colony? What other circumstance 
 distressed them ? Who was chosen their 
 leader? What mea.sures did he take? What 
 was their effect ? What befell him? Whither 
 was he carried ? What was his sentence ? 
 By whom was it pronounced ? 
 
 Page 406. 
 
 Who saved his life? How? What did she 
 afterward do ?^ How many colonists did Smith 
 find on his return to Jamestown ? What un- 
 lucky incident now happened .' What was its 
 effect? What remedy did Smith propose? 
 How was it executed ? What discoveries did 
 he make ? How far did he sail in his boat ? 
 
 Page 407. 
 
 What is said of his account and map of the 
 country ? On what did the colony depend for 
 subsistence? What changes did King James 
 make in the government of the colony ? What 
 was the consequence? Who was made gov- 
 ernor of Virginia ! What was his character? 
 Who was sent out from England? With 
 what offices ? What befell them ? Who ar- 
 rived at Jamestown ? 
 
 Page 408. 
 
 What was now the state of affairs in the 
 colony ? What had disabled Smith .' Whither 
 did he go T What ensued ? What did the 
 colony suffer from the Indians? To what ex- 
 tremities were they reduced by famine ? What 
 loss of lives ensued ? What were the circum- 
 stances of Gales and Summers's shipwreck on 
 Bermudas .'How did they proceed ? Where 
 did they land May 23d ? What did they there 
 find? 
 
 Page 409. 
 
 For what place did they set sail? What 
 prevented their voyage to Newfoundland? 
 Did they return with Lord Delaware ? How 
 
568 
 
 QUESTIONS, 
 
 did Lord Delaware proceed on his arrival at j nists ? What did the king require to 1 3 sr- 
 
 Jamestown 1 What were the effects of his 
 administration ? What caused his return to 
 England ? Who succeeded him ? Who su- 
 perseded Mr. Percy ? What sort of law did 
 he introduce ? 
 
 Page 410. 
 
 How did he exercise his power ?-*-What new 
 privileges were granted in the new charter of 
 1612? What territories were added to Vir- 
 ginia? How was the expense defrayed? 
 Was the lottery afterward abolished ? By 
 whose interference ? What was the effect of 
 martial law in Dale's hands ? With whom did 
 he make a treaty 1 To whom was Pocahuntas 
 married ? Whither did they go ? 
 
 Page 411. 
 
 Where did she die? Who are descended 
 from her? --Was Rolfe's example generally 
 followed ?--What had been the state of landed 
 property in Virginia ? What was the effect of 
 this i_How did Dale remedy it -What en- 
 sued? What did the Virginians now begin to 
 cultivate 1 Was it profitable ? To what ex- 
 tent was it cultivated ? 
 
 Page 412. 
 
 What evil effect resulted from this ? What 
 was now the state of the colony ? What cir- 
 cumstance attached the colonists more firmly to 
 the country ? What incident furnished them 
 with a new kind of workmen? Who called 
 the first general assembly that ever was held 
 in Virginia? When? How many corpora- 
 tions were represented in it? What powers 
 did tney assume ? What made it acceptable 
 to the people ? What was issued by the com- 
 pany, July 24th? Where was the supreme 
 legislative power in Virginia vested ? 
 
 Page 413. 
 
 rendered 1 
 
 Page 417. 
 
 Did the company submit to these orders? 
 What was doiie in general court, October 
 20th? What did James than direct? Whom 
 did he send to Virginia ? For what purpose ? 
 How was the lawsuit decided ? What does 
 Stith say concerning this measure ? 
 
 Page 418. 
 
 How much had been expended on the Vir- 
 ginia colony? What were the annual receipts 
 from it ? How many of the colonists sur- 
 vived ? Who resolved to encourage the colo- 
 ny ? To whom did James commit the govern- 
 ment of the colony ? What prevented his 
 making a new set of regulations? Who suc- 
 ceeded James I.? What did he declare? 
 Whom did he appoint governor? What did he 
 intend ? How was Virginia governed during 
 most of Charles's reign ? What proclamation 
 was issued? What was the effect of this? 
 
 Page 41 9. 
 
 How was the value of land diminished . 
 Who succeeded Yardely ? What was his 
 character ? How did he behave ? How was 
 he treated ? How were the deputies of the 
 colonies treated by Charles ? Whom did he 
 appoint to succeed Harvey? What was Berke- 
 ley's character? How long was he governor? 
 What were the effects of his administra- 
 tion ? For what was the colony indebted to 
 the king ? What directions did he give Berke- 
 ley? 
 
 Page 420. 
 
 What reasons are assigned for Charles's 
 liberal treatment of the Virginia colony ? For 
 what was he solicitous ? What instructions 
 did he give Berkeley lor this purpose ? To 
 
 How were questions determined? By whom 1 what number did the colonists increase- 
 could laws be negatived 'By whom were What instances of attachment to the king were 
 
 negatv 
 
 they ratified ? How were the members of the 
 colony afler this time considered? What was 
 the effect of this change ? With whom was a 
 trade in tobacco opened ? To what did this 
 lead? What did the parent state require? 
 What did the colony claim ? To what rivers 
 did the settlements extend? What conspiracy 
 was now formed ? 
 
 Page 414. 
 
 Who was the Indian leader? What was 
 his character ? What tribes united? What 
 day was fixed for the massacre ? How did the 
 Indians proceed? How many English were 
 cut off in one hour ? What saved Jamestown 
 and the adjacent settlements ? Where did the 
 colonists assemble ? What now occupied their 
 thoughts? 
 
 Page 415. 
 
 How did they execute their purposes? 
 What was the effect of this war on the In- 
 dians? On the colony? What disturbed the 
 general courts of the company ? What were 
 discussed in the general courts? How did 
 James I. regard these proceedings ? What did 
 his ministers attempt ? Did they succeed ? 
 
 Page 416. 
 
 What did James now design? What pre- 
 texts had he for dissolving the company? 
 What sort of commission did he issue ? What 
 did he order? What sort of report did the 
 commissioners make to the king? What in- 
 tention did he signify, 8th October? What 
 was declared, to quiet the minds of the colo- 
 
 given by the Virginia colonists ? What ordi- 
 nance did the parliament issue ? What mea- 
 sure was taken to enforce obedience ? 
 
 Page 421. 
 
 What colonies did they compel to submit ? 
 Whither did the squadron then go ? Who 
 opposed them ? What terms were gained in 
 consequence of his resistance? How did 
 Berkeley then behave ? What two laws did 
 the parliament make? What did they pro- 
 hibit in England ? How long did the colony 
 remain quiet under Cromwell's governors ? 
 What persons came out from England? What 
 was the consequence ? What was done afler 
 Governor Matthews's decease ? What boast 
 did the Virginians make ? How was the news 
 of the restoration of Charles II. received in 
 Virginia ? 
 
 Page 422. 
 
 How did Charles II. treat the Virginians ? 
 What did the act of navigation provide? 
 What did a subsequent law provide ? What 
 tax was laid ? 
 
 Page 423. 
 
 How were these statutes regarded in Eng- 
 land? How in Virginia ?-^Did the colonists 
 remonstrate against them? Were they suc- 
 cessful? What measures were taken to en- 
 force obedience? Did the Virginians elude 
 the laws ? With whom did they trade? What 
 design did some old soldiers of Cromwell 
 form? Who disconcerted their project? 
 What was the cause of the reduction in the 
 
QUESTIONS. 
 
 of tobacco ?~What was its effect? 
 Who annoyed the remote settlements ? What 
 act of Charles caused discontent? What was 
 the effect of all these grievances on the colo- 
 nists * 
 
 Page 424. 
 
 Who was Nathaniel Bacon ? What was his 
 character ? How did he behave? To what 
 office was he chosen? Who refused him a 
 commission ? What proclamation did Berke- 
 ley issue ? To what place did Bacon march? 
 What did he demand ? Was it granted ? 
 What did the council prevail on Berkeley to 
 do ? How did they proceed when Bacon had 
 retired ? Whither did Bacon march on hear- 
 ing of the proceedings of the council ? Whi- 
 ther did Berkeley flee ? Whither the council ? 
 Who now had supreme power ? 
 
 Page 425. 
 
 How did he endeavour to confirm it ? How 
 did Berkeley proceed ? What town was burnt 
 in the contest ? To whom had Berkeley ap- 
 plied for aid 1 What aid did Charles send ? 
 What did Bacon and his party resolve to do ? 
 What event now happened ? What was 
 the consequence? What is this insurrection 
 called? How long did it last? Whom did 
 Berkeley call together? How did they pro- 
 ceed! 
 
 Page 426. 
 
 Who succeeded Berkeley ? To what time is 
 the history brought down ? With whom was 
 peace concluded ? In what spirit was the 
 government administered ? What oppressive 
 law was enacted? Did the colony still in- 
 crease ? What diffused wealth among the 
 colonists ? What was the number of the colo- 
 nists at the period when the Revolution in 
 England took place in 1688? 
 
 BOOK X. 
 
 In what ports of England did James I. estab- 
 lish two trading companies ? For what pur- 
 pose? Which was the more flourishing? 
 What gentlemen belonged to the Plymouth 
 company ? Where was a settlement made in 
 1607? 
 
 Page 427. 
 
 Was it continued? Who went out on a 
 trading voyage ? How did he employ a part 
 of his time? To whom did he communicate 
 his discoveries? What did Prince Charles 
 call the country? What cause now began to 
 operate in favour of emigration ? What was 
 the consequence of the Reformation ? Of what 
 was Calvin an advocate ? What did he ex- 
 hibit ? Where was it copied ? 
 
 Page 428. 
 
 What prevented the English from adopting 
 it ? Did the English articles of religion con- 
 form to Calvin's doctrines ? In what respects 
 did the English church differ from Calvin? 
 Was the church and the state policy connected 
 ni England? What rites of the Catholic 
 church did the English church retain ? How 
 did Queen Mary treat her Protestant subjects ? 
 What was the effect of her persecution ? 
 Where did those who fled from it take refuge ? 
 When did they return ? With what feel- 
 ings ? To what mode of worship were they 
 attached? What did they endeavour to re- 
 form ? Who were disposed to co-operate with 
 them ? Who opposed them ? Why ? 
 
 Page 429. 
 
 What act of parliament was passed ? Did 
 VOL. I. 72 
 
 the advocates of a further reformation relin* 
 quish their design ? What did they do ? 
 What name did they acquire ? Did they ac- 
 quire influence among the people ? What do 
 you understand by conformists and noncon- 
 formists ? Was toleration understood at this 
 period of history ? 
 
 Page 430. 
 
 How were the puritan clergy treated by the 
 queen ? What new court was established? 
 Who attempted to check the arbitrary proceed* 
 ings of the queen ? Did she silence them?-* 
 To what oppressive act did she compel them 
 to assent? What was its effect on the puri* 
 tans ? How did they retaliate the wrongs they 
 suffered from the queen? Did the people 
 follow them ? To what form of church gov- 
 ernment did the more learned and sober puri- 
 tans incline? Who was Robert Brown? 
 What did he teach ? 
 
 Page 431. 
 
 What sort of government does the historian 
 call that of Brown ? What were his follow- 
 ers called ? How were they treated ? How 
 did he end his career ? Did his sect become 
 extinct? Whither did a body of them fly? 
 Who was their pastor? What directed their 
 attention towards America as an asylum ? 
 For what did they apply to the king ? 
 
 Page 432. 
 
 From whom did the Brownists obtain a 
 grant of land ? How many of them sailed 
 from England ? When ? Where did they de- 
 sign to land? II ow did their captain deceive 
 them? What land did they first make? 
 When ? What did they suffer on the voyage? 
 Where did they settle? At what season ? 
 How many died before spring ? Who attacked 
 them ? Were they repulsed ? What consola- 
 tion had they ? What church government had 
 they ? What system of civil government ? 
 On what did they attempt to found their sys- 
 tem of civil government chiefly? 
 
 Page 433. 
 
 In what did they imitate the primitive Chris- 
 tians ? What was the effect of this ? Was it 
 relinquished ? To what number did they in- 
 crease in ten years ? What did they obtain in 
 1030 ? How must this colony be considered?' 
 To what was it afterward united ? To whom 
 did James I. grant a new charter in 1620 ?-* 
 With what powers ? What was this society 
 called? Was it successful in colonization ?-*- 
 What was the situation of the puritans in Eng- 
 land 1 Whither did they wish to emigrate ? 
 Who formed an association of puritanical gen- 
 tlemen ? 
 
 Page 434, 
 
 What did they purchase ? When ? Where 
 did they seek and find new copartners ? Did 
 these new proprietors consider the grant which 
 had been obtained from the council of Ply- 
 mouth a sufficient basis for the government of 
 a colony ? To whom did they apply for full 
 powers of government? Did they succeed ? 
 To what was this charter similar? Who 
 named the first governor? Who had the right 
 of electing his successors ? Who had the ex- 
 ecutive power? Who the legislative? What 
 exemption did they obtain? What was the 
 object of the charter ? Did Charles see the 
 real motives of the puritans ? 
 
 Page 435. 
 
 What did he expressly provide for? How 
 many ships and men were sent out to New- 
 England ?-Who accompanied them as spiritual 
 
570 QUESTIONS. 
 
 teachers? What did they find on their arri- 
 val? Who was Endicott? Where were he 
 and his followers settled ? What form of 
 policy did the new colony adopt ? What did 
 they elect ? Who seceded from them ? 
 
 Page 436. 
 
 What inconsistency were the puritans now 
 guilty of? What did Endicott do? What 
 part of the colonists died in the winter ? Who 
 were now compelled by Laud's persecutions to 
 migrate to New-England ? On what did these 
 new emigrants insist? Did they gain their 
 point ? Does the historian think that the com- 
 pany had any right to transfer the government 
 of the colony from England to America? 
 
 Page 437. 
 
 What does he suppose to have been the 
 king's motive for permitting this transfer ? 
 Who were appointed governor arid deputy- 
 governor ? How many ships and people sailed 
 from England for New-England? In what 
 places did they settle ? What disposition ap- 
 peared in their first general court ? What 
 rights did they take from the freemen? In 
 whom were they vested ? When did the free- 
 men resume their rights ? What singular law 
 
 Page 438. 
 
 What were its effects? What destroyed 
 many of the Indians ? How was this event 
 regarded by the colonists ? What innovation 
 was introduced in consequence of the great 
 spread and increase of the colony? What 
 were the pretexts for it ? How must the colony 
 henceforward be considered ? 
 
 Who was Williams? What did he raise a 
 controversy about ':' How was he punished ? 
 Who now emigrated to New-England? 
 What was Vane's character? To what office 
 was he elected ? To what did he direct his 
 attention ? For what purpose were religious 
 meetings held ? Who was Mrs. Hutchinson ? 
 What did she establish ? 
 
 Page 440. 
 
 What did she teach ? Who embraced her 
 opinions? What was the consequence? 
 How was Mrs. Hutchinson treated ? Whither 
 did Vane go ? What was the effect of these 
 dissensions ? Where did Williams settle? 
 What island did his followers buy of the In- 
 dians? What did Williams teach? What 
 was a fundamental maxim of his community? 
 What was the form of government ? 
 
 Page 441. 
 
 What caused Mr. Hooker to emigrate from 
 Massachusetts ? How many persons went 
 with him? When? What towns did they 
 found? On which side of Connecticut river 
 are Hartford and Weathersfield ? On which 
 side is Springfield ? In what state are Hart- 
 ford and Weathersfield ? In what state is 
 Springfield ? Where had the Dutch formed a 
 settlement? Where had Lord Say and Sele 
 and Lord Brook formed a settlement ? Where 
 is Saybrook ? Did the emigrants from Massa- 
 chusetts get rid of all these competitors ? Did 
 they become independent of Massachusetts and 
 gain a royal charter ? What provinces are 
 
 next considered ? What two gentlemen wer* 
 the first settlers of these provinces ? 
 
 Page 442. 
 
 Who was Mr. Wheelwright? Where did 
 he found a town? What was it called? 
 What colony claimed jurisdiction over them ? 
 What new danger attended the colonists ? 
 How did the people of Massachusetts acquire 
 their lands ? What warlike tribes surrounded 
 the settlers of Providence and Connecticut ? 
 What did the Pequods ask of the Narragan- 
 Mtal 
 
 Page 443. 
 
 What prevented their uniting against the 
 common enemy ? What did the Narragansets 
 do? How did the Pequods proceed ? Where 
 were they repulsed ? What colony first mus- 
 tered troops? What hindered the advance of 
 the Massachusetts people ? What troops ad- 
 vanced to attack the Indians ? Where were 
 the Indians posted? What prevented their 
 being completely surprised and massacred? 
 What gave the English a great advantage ? 
 Describe the action. What was its result ? 
 What was done after the arrival of the troops 
 from Massachusetts? In how long a time 
 were the Pequods extirpated ? What was the 
 character of the English officers in this first 
 New-England war ? 
 
 Page 444. 
 
 What was the true character of the war ? 
 What was its effect on the other tribes? 
 What was the effect of the persecution in Eng- 
 land ? What was done to prevent emigration ? 
 What individuals were prevented from em- 
 barking for New-England? What remark is 
 made on this important event ? How many 
 persons embarked in 1638 ? How did Charles 
 resent this contempt of his proclamation ? 
 What prevented Charles from punishing the 
 colonists ? What happened on the meeting of 
 the Long Parliament 1 
 
 Page 445. 
 
 How many persons had gone from England 
 to New-England between 1620 and 1640? 
 How much money had been expended on the 
 colony ? What beginnings of commerce ap 
 peared about the latter part of this period ? 
 Who distinguished the colony with peculiar 
 marks of favour ? What vote did the house 
 of commpns pass ? What was its effect ? 
 What return did the colonists make for these 
 favours ? What step did the colonies take to- 
 wards independence? 
 
 Page 446. 
 
 What stipulations did the contract contain? 
 Was this measure censured in England ? 
 Why not ? What act of intolerance and op- 
 pression was perpetrated by the general court 
 of Massachusetts? What otheract of usurpa- 
 tion did they commit ? Did the English gov- 
 ernment censure these proceedings? Why 
 not ? Did Oliver Cromwell favour the colo- 
 nies of New-England ? 
 
 Page 447. 
 
 What striking proof of his attachment did 
 he give? What reasons did he offer in sup- 
 port of his scheme ? Why did the colonists 
 decline to comply with his wishes ? 
 
VOYAGES, TRAVELS, &c. 
 
 A NARRATIVE OF FOUR VOYAGES, TO THE SOUTH 
 
 SEA, NORTH AND SOUTH PACIFIC OCEAN, CHINESE SEA, 
 ETHIOPIC AND SOUTHERN ATLANTIC OCEAN, INDIAN OCEAN, 
 AND ANTARCTIC OCEAN. From the year 1822 to 1831. Comprising 
 Critical Surveys of Coasts and Islands, with Sailing Directions. And an ac- 
 count of some new and valuable discoveries, including the Massacre Islands, 
 where thirteen of the Author's Crew were massacred and eaten by Cannibals. 
 To which is prefixed, a Brief Sketch of the Authors early Life. By Capt. 
 BENJAMIN MORRELL, Jun. 8vo. With a Portrait. 
 
 " We are bold in saying that everybody will want to read this book, and our com- 
 rnnriity will not be slow in ranking the author as the American Cook or Parry." 
 N. Y. Weekly Messenger. 
 
 " IX does not often fall to our lot to be able to commend a book of this kind with as 
 much confidence as we can Morrell's ' Four Voyages.' ... It may go in company 
 with Stuart's Voyages, and Tyerrnan and Bennett's Journal." Christian Advocate 
 and Journal. 
 
 " This work is among the first, if not the first, of the respectable contributions 
 of American navigators to the general stock of knowledge relative to the condition 
 of man. Its author has traversed almost every sea, and visited every important place, 
 in the southern hemisphere ; and, with an eye ever watchful for interesting facts, 
 and a happy talent in recording them, he has succeeded in producing a most in- 
 structive volume. . . . We have no doubt that it will find its way into every library in 
 our country, and secure a perusal from many a ' fireside traveller 1 who desires an 
 acquaintance with the world without venturing the perils of the deep." The 
 Presbyterian. 
 
 NARRATIVE OF A VOYAGE TO THE ETHIOPIC AND 
 
 SOUTH ATLANTIC OCEAN, INDIAN OCEAN, CHINESE SEA, 
 NORTH AND SOUTH PACIFIC OCEAN, in the Years 1829, 1830, and 
 1831. By ABBY JANE MORRELL, who accompanied her Husband, Capt. Benja- 
 min Morrell, Jun., of the Schooner Antarctic. 12mo. Portrait. 
 
 The scenes and adventures of which Mrs. Morrell was a witness were highly in- 
 teresting in their nature, and it is believed that an account of them, divested of 
 nautical technicalities and descriptions purely maritime, will be read with pleasure, 
 especially by readers of her own sex and country. 
 
 THE TRAVELS AND RESEARCHES OF ALEXANDER 
 
 VON HTJMBOLDT ; being a condensed Narrative of his Journeys in the 
 Equinoctial Regions of America, and in Asiatic Russia : together with Analyses 
 of his more important Investigations. By W. MACGILLIVRAY, A.M. ISrno. 
 With Engravings. 
 
 The celebrity enjoyed by Baron Humboldt, earned by a life of laborious investigation 
 and perilous enterprise, and by the most extensive contributions to science, renders 
 his name familiar to every person whose attention has been drawn to statistics or 
 natural philosophy ; and his works are ranked among the very first for the splendid 
 pictures of scenery which they contain, the diversified information which they afford 
 respecting objects of universal interest, and the graceful attractions with which he 
 has invested the majesty of science. The present volume contains an abridged ac- 
 count of all the travels and researches of this eminent observer of nature, in which 
 nothing is omitted that can be either interesting or useful to the general reader, while 
 the several narratives are sufficiently condensed to bring them within the compass jf 
 a convenient volume. 
 
 NARRATIVE OF DISCOVERY AND ADVENTURE IN 
 
 AFRICA, from the earliest Period to the Present Time. By HUGH MURRAY, 
 Esq. 18mo. With Engravings. 
 
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 History of the 
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