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 HISTORY OF .^COTX.AIfI]). 
 
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 TALES 
 
 OF 
 
 A GRANDFATHER, 
 
 BEING 
 
 STORIES 
 
 TAKEN FROM 
 
 SCOTTISH HISTORY. 
 
 HUMBLY INSCRIBED 
 TO 
 
 HUGH LITTLEJOHN, Es^. 
 
 IN TWO VOLS. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 BY SIR WALTER SCOTT, 
 
 AUTHOR OP " WAVERLEY," &C. &C. 
 
 PUBLISHED BY J. & B. WILLIAMS. 
 1833.
 
 DEDICATION. 
 
 TO 
 
 HUGH I.ITTI.EJOHJV, ES^. 
 
 My dear Child, 
 
 I NOW address to you two volumes of 
 Scottish Stories, v/liich brings down the His- 
 tory of that Country, from the period when 
 England and Scotland became subject to the 
 same King, until that of the Union, when they 
 were finally united mto one Kingdom. That 
 you, and children of your age, may read these 
 little books with pleasure and improvement, is 
 the desire and hope of. 
 
 My dearest Child, 
 Your very affectionate Grandfather, 
 WALTER SCOTT. 
 
 AUotsford, 15iA October, 1828. 
 
 *^ -JL. -*^ v_* -iJ
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 Dedication^ 3 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 Progress of Civilization in Society, - - - 9 
 
 CHAP, H. 
 
 Infirmities and ill tempei of Elizabeth in her latter 
 years — Accession of James VI. acceptable on that 
 account to the English — Resort of Scotsmen to the 
 Court at London — Quarrels between them and the 
 English — Duelling — Duel of Stewart and Whar- 
 ton — Attempt by Sir Jolin Ayros to assassinate 
 Lord Herbert — Murder of Turner, a Fencing- 
 Master, by two Pages of Lord Sanquhar, and 
 Execution of the three Murderers — Statute against 
 Stabbing, 29 
 
 CHAP. HL 
 
 Attempt of James to reduce the Institutions of Scot- 
 land to a state of Uniformity with those of Eng- 
 land — Commissioners appointed to effect this — the 
 Project fails — Distinctions between the Forms of 
 Church Government in the two Countries — Intro- 
 duction of Episcopacy into the Scottish Church — 
 Five Articles of Perth — Dissatisfaction of the Peo- 
 ple with these Innovations, - - - - 51 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Disorderly State of the Borders — Characteristic 
 Example of Border Match-making — Deadly Feud 
 between the Maxwells and Johnstones — Battle of 
 1*
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 DryfFe Sands — James's power of enforcing the 
 Laws increased after his accession to the English 
 Throne — Measures for restraining the Border 
 Marauders — The Clan Graham removed from the 
 Debateable Land to Ulster in Ireland — Levies of 
 Soldiers to serve i)i Foreign Parts — Mutual Bonds 
 among the Chiefs for the Preservation of good 
 order — Severe Prosecution of offenders — The 
 Town of Bervi'ick-upon-Tweed an Independent 
 Jurisdiction, 06 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Wild state of the Western Lslands — Suffocation of 
 the Inhabitants of Eigg, by filling a cave, in 
 which they had concealed themselves, with 
 smoke — Story of Ailan-a-Sop — Dreadful Death 
 by Thirst — Massacre of Lovvlanders, who had 
 made a Settlement in Lewis and Harris — The 
 whole Western Isles, excepting Skye and Lev/is, 
 offered for SOOI. to the Marqiiis of Huntly, who 
 refuses to purchase them at that sum, • - 81 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 Contempt of the Highlanders for the Arts of Peace — 
 Story of Donald of the Hammer — Execution of 
 the Laird of Macintosh by order of the Marchion- 
 ess of Huntly — Massacre of the Farquharsons — 
 Race of the Trough — Execution of the Earl of 
 Orkney, 97 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 Injurious Effects to Scotland of the Removal of the 
 Court to London — Numerous Scotsmen employed 
 in Foreign Military Service — and as Travelling 
 Merchants, or Packmen, in Germany — Exertions 
 of the Presbyterian Clergy to put an end to Fa- 
 mily Feuds, and to extend Education — Establish- 
 ment, by their means, of Parochial Schools — James 
 VI.'s Visit to Scotland in 1017— his Death— his 
 Children, 115
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 CHAP. VTII. 
 Discontents excited during James's Reign — in- 
 creased under Charles — Introduction of the Eng- 
 lish Liturgy into the Scottish Church — National 
 Covenant — The Scottish Army enters England — 
 Concessions of the King to the Long Parliament, 
 upon which the Scottish Army returns home — 
 Charles visits Scotland, and gains over the Mar- 
 quis of Montrose to the Royal Cause — The Two 
 Parties of Cavaliers and Roundheads — Arrest of 
 the Five Members of the House of Commons — 
 Civil War in England, 128 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 A Scottish Army sent to assist that of the English 
 Parliament — Montrose takes advantage of their 
 Absence, and, being joined by a Body of Irishmen, 
 raises the Royal Standard in Scotland — Battle of 
 Tippermuir, and Surrender of Perth — Affair at 
 the Bridge of Dee, and Sack of Perth — Close of 
 the Campaign, ...... 158 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 Invasion of Argyle's Country by Montrose — Battles 
 of Inverlochy, Aulderne, Alford, and Kilsyth, 
 gained by Montrose, who, by the Victory at Kil- 
 Bjth, becomes Master of Scotland — He is appoint- 
 ed Captain-General and Lieutenant-Governor of 
 Scotland — marches upon the Borders — is defeated 
 by Lesley at Philiphaugh — retires to the High- 
 lands, and leaves Scotland, .... 180 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 Interference of the Presbyterian Clergy to procure 
 the Execution of the Prisoners taken at Philip- 
 haugh — Reflections on the Unhappy Effects of 
 Religious Persecution — Respective Views of the 
 Independents and Presbyterians — Cromwell's Suc- 
 cess — King Charles's Surrender to the Scottish 
 Army — Their Surrender of him to the English 
 Parliament, 201
 
 Vlll (ONTKNTS. 
 
 Page 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 The King taken Prisoner by the English Army and 
 placed in the Palace of Hampton Court — His Es- 
 cape to the Isle of Wight, and Imprisonment in 
 Carisbrook Castle — Treaty with the Scots, known 
 by the name of The Enoagement — The Engagers 
 enter England with an Army, and are Defeated — 
 High Court of Justice appointed to try the King — 
 the Trial — Execution of Charles I. - - 224 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 Montrose makes a Descent upon the Highlands, is 
 taken Prisoner, and Executed — Charles II. being 
 declared King, arrives in Scotland — Cromwell's 
 Invasion of Scotland — Battle of Dunbar — Corona- 
 tion of Charles II. — He takes the Command of 
 the Army, marches into England, is Defeated at 
 Worcester, and Escapes abroad — War in Scotland 
 under General Monk — Cromwell makes himself 
 Lord Protector of the Republics of Great Britain 
 and Ireland — Glencairn"^ Rising — Exploits of 
 Evan Dhu, of Lochiel, Chief of the Camerons, 244 
 
 CHAP. XIV. 
 Administration of Public .Tustice in Scotland, under 
 Cromwell — Heavy Taxes imposed by him — 
 Church AfFairs-^Resolutionists and Remonstra- 
 tors— Trials for Witchcraft, - - - 290 
 
 CHAP. XV. 
 
 Cromwell's System of Government — his Death — 
 Richard Cromwell's Ascension to the Protectorate, 
 and Retirement from it — Anecdotes of him — Ge- 
 neral Monk's Advance to London — Dissolution of 
 the Long Parliament — Sir John Grenville's Inter- 
 view with Monk, and Proposal for the Recall of 
 the Exiled Stewarts — The Restoration — Arrival 
 of Charles II. at Dover, - - - - 310
 
 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER, 
 
 SECOND SERIES. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Progress of Civilization in Society. 
 
 The kind reception which the former Tales, 
 written for your amusement and edification, 
 have met with, induces me, my dear little boy, 
 to make an attempt to bring down my histori- ' 
 cal narrative to a period, when the union of 
 England and Scotland became as complete, in 
 the intimacy of feelings and interests, as law 
 had declared and intended them to be, and as 
 the mutual advantage of both countries had 
 long, though in vain, required. 
 
 We left off, you may recollect, when James, 
 the sixth of that name who reigned in Scotland, 
 succeeded, by the death of Queen Elizabeth, 
 to the throne of England, and thus became 
 Sovereign of the whole Island of Britain. Ire- 
 land also belonged to his dominions, having 
 been partly subdued by the arms of the English, 
 and partly surrendered to them by the submis- 
 sion of the natives. There had been, during
 
 10 PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATION. 
 
 Elizabeth's time, many wars with the native 
 Lords and Chiefs of the country ; but the 
 EngUsh finally obtained the undisturbed and 
 undisputed possession of that rich and beautiful 
 island. 
 
 Thus the three kingdoms, formed by the Bri- 
 tannic Islands, came into the possession of one 
 Sovereign, who was thus fixed in a situation of 
 strength and security, which was at that time 
 the lot of few monarchs in Europe. 
 
 King James's power was the greater, that 
 the progress of human society had greatly aug- 
 mented the wisdom of his statesmen and coun- 
 sellors, and given strength and stability to those 
 laws which preserve the poor and helpless 
 against the encroachments of the wealthy and 
 the powerful. 
 
 But Master Littlejohn may ask me what I 
 mean by the Progress of Human Society; and 
 it is my duty to explain it as intelligibly as 
 I can. 
 
 If you consider the lower order of animals, 
 such as birds, dogs, cattle, or any class of the 
 brute creation, you will find that they are, to 
 every useful purpose, deprived of the means of 
 communicating their ideas to each other. They 
 have cries indeed, by which they express plea- 
 sure or pain — fear or hope — but they have no 
 formed speech by which, like men, they can 
 converse together. God Almighty, who called 
 all creatures into existence in such manner as 
 best pleased him, has imparted to those inferior 
 animals no power of improving their situation, 
 or of commmunicating with each other.
 
 PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATION. H 
 
 There is, no doubt, a difference in the capa- 
 city of these inferior classes of creation. But 
 though one bird may build her nest more neat- 
 ly than one of a different class, or one dog may 
 be more clever and more capable of learning 
 tricks than another, yet, as it v/ants langiiage 
 to explain to its comrades the advantages which 
 it may possess, its knowledge dies with it; thus 
 birds and dogs continue to use the same general 
 habits proper to the species, which they have 
 done since the creation of the world. In other 
 words, animals have a certain degree of sense 
 which is termed instinct, which teaches them to 
 seek their food, and provide for their safety and 
 comfort, in nearly the same manner as their 
 parents did before them since the beginning of 
 time, but does not enable them to communicate 
 to their successors any improvements, or to 
 derive any increase of knowledge. Thus you 
 may remark, that the example of the swallow, 
 the wren, and other birds, which cover their 
 nests with a roof to protect them against the 
 rain, is never imitated by other classes, who 
 .have continued to construct theirs in the same 
 exposed and imperfect manner since the begin- 
 ning of the world. 
 
 Another circumstance, which is calculated to 
 prevent the inferior animals from rising above 
 the rank which they are designed to hold, is 
 the short time during which they remain under 
 the care of their parents. A few weeks gives 
 the young nestlings of every season, strength 
 and inclination to leave the protection of the 
 parents ; the tender attachment which has sub-
 
 12 PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATION. 
 
 sisted while the young bird was unable to pro- 
 vide for itself without assistance is entirely 
 broken off, and in a week or two more they 
 probably do not know each other. 
 
 The young of the sheep, the cow, and the 
 horse, attend and feed by the mother's side for 
 a certain short period, during which they are 
 protected by her care, and supported by her 
 milk ; but they have no sooner attained the 
 strength necessary to defend themselves, and 
 the sense to provide for their wants, than they 
 separate from the mother, and all intercourse 
 between the parent and her offspring is closed 
 for ever. 
 
 Thus each separate tribe of animals retains 
 exactly the same station in the general order 
 of the universe which was occupied by its pre- 
 decessors ; and no existing generation either 
 is, or can be, either much better instructed, or 
 more ignorant, than that which preceded or 
 that which is to come after it. 
 
 It is widely different with mankind. God, as 
 we are told in Scripture, was pleased to make 
 man after his own image. By this you are not 
 to understand that the Creator of heaven and 
 earth has any visible form or shape, to which 
 the human body bears a resemblance ; but the 
 meaning is, that as the God who created the 
 world is a spirit invisible and incomprehensible, 
 so he joined to the human frame some portion 
 of an essence resembling his own, which is call- 
 ed the human soul, and which, while the body 
 lives, continues to animate and direct its mo- 
 tions, and on the dissolution of the bodily form
 
 PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATION'. 13 
 
 which it has occupied, returns to the spiritual 
 world, to be answerable for the good and evil 
 of its works upon earth. 
 
 It is therefore impossible, that man, possess- 
 ing this knowledge of right and wrong, proper 
 to a spiritual essence resembling those higher 
 orders of creation whom we call angels, and 
 having some affinity, though at an incalculable 
 distance, to the essence of the Deity himself, 
 should have been placed under the same limita- 
 tions in point of progressive improvement with 
 the inferior tribes, who are neither responsible 
 for the actions which they perform under direc- 
 tion of their instinct, nor capable, by any exer- 
 tion of their own, of altering or improving 
 their condition in the scale of creation. So far is 
 this from being the case with man, that the bodily 
 organs of the human frame bear such a corres- 
 pondence with the properties of his soul as to 
 give him the means, when they are properly 
 used, of enlarging his powers, and becoming 
 wiser and more skilful from hour to hour, as 
 long as his life permits ; and not only is this the 
 case, but tribes and nations of men, assembled 
 together for the purpose of mutual protection 
 and defence, have the same power of alteration 
 and improvement, and may, if circumstances are 
 favourable, go on by gradual steps from being 
 a wild horde of naked barbarians till they be- 
 come a powerful and civilized people. 
 
 The capacity of amending our condition by 
 increase of knowledge, which, in fact, affords 
 the means by which man rises to be the lord of 
 creation, is grounded on the human race pos- 
 
 VOL I. 2
 
 11 
 
 PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATIOX. 
 
 sessing those advantages which he alone enjoys. 
 Let us look somewhat closely mto this, my dear 
 boy, for it involves some truths equally curious 
 and important. 
 
 If man, though possessed of the same immor 
 tal essence or soul, which enables him to choose 
 and refuse, to judge and condemn, to reason 
 and conclude, were to be void of the power of 
 communicating the conclusions to which his 
 reasoning had conducted him, it is clear that 
 the progress of each individual in knoAvledge, 
 could be only in proportion to his own observa- 
 tion and his own powers of reasoning. 
 
 But the gift of speech enables any one to 
 communicate to others whatever idea of im- 
 provement occurs to him, which, instead of 
 dying in the bosom of the individual by whom 
 it was first thought of, becomes a part of the 
 stock of knowledge proper to the whole com- 
 munity, which is increased and rendered gene- 
 rally and effectually useful by the accession of 
 further information, as opportunities occur, or 
 men of reflecting and inventive minds arise in 
 the state. This use of spoken language, there- 
 fore, which so gloriously distinguishes man 
 from the beasts that perish, is the primary 
 means of introducing and increasing knowledge 
 in infant communities. 
 
 Another early cause of the improvement of 
 human society is the incapacity of children to 
 act for themselves, rendering the attention and 
 protection of parents to their ofispring neces- 
 sary for so long a period. Even where the food 
 which the earth affords without cultivation.
 
 PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATION. 15 
 
 such as fruits and herbs, is most plentifully 
 supplied, children remain too helpless for many 
 years to be capable of gathering it, and provid- 
 ing for their own support. This is still more 
 the case where food has to be procured by hunt- 
 ing, fishing, or cultivating the soil, occupations 
 requiring a degree of skill and personal strength, 
 which children cannot possess until they are 
 twelve or fourteen years old. 
 
 It follows, as a law of nature, that instead of 
 leaving their parents at an early age, like the 
 young birds or quadrupeds, the youth of the 
 human species necessarily remain under the 
 protection of their father and mother for many 
 years, during which they acquire all the know- 
 ledge the parents have to teach. It arises also 
 from this wise arrangement, that the love and 
 affection between the offspring and the parents, 
 which am^ong the brute creation is the produce 
 of mere instinct, and continues for a very short 
 time, becomes in the human raqe a deep and 
 permanent feeling, founded on the attachment 
 of the parents, the gratitude of the children, and 
 the eflect of long habit on both. 
 
 For these reasons, it usually happens, that 
 children feel no desire to desert their parents, 
 but remain inhabitants of the same huts in which 
 they were born, and take up the task of labour- 
 ing for subsistence in their turn. One or two 
 such families gradually unite together, and 
 avail themselves of each otlier's company for 
 mutual defence and assistance. This is the 
 earliest stage of human society, and some sa- 
 ILages have been found in this condition so very
 
 10 PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATION. 
 
 rude and ignorant, that they may be said to be 
 little Aviser or better than a herd of animals. 
 
 The natives of New South Wales, for exam- 
 ple, are, even at present, in the very lowest 
 scale of humanity, and ignorant of every art 
 which can add comfort or decency to human 
 life. These unfortunate savages use no clothes, 
 construct no cabins or huts, and are ignorant 
 even of the manner of chasing animals or catch- 
 ing fish, unless such of the latter as are left by 
 the tide, or which are found on the rocks ; they 
 feed upon the most disgusting substances, 
 snakes, worms, maggots, and whatever trash 
 falls in their way. They know indeed how to 
 kindle a fire — in that respect only they have 
 stepped beyond the deepest ignorance to which 
 man can be subjected — but they have not learn- 
 ed how to boil water ; and when they see Eu- 
 ropeans perform this ordinary operation, they 
 have been known to run away in great terror. 
 Voyagers tell us of other savages who do not 
 even know the use of fire, and who maintain a 
 miserable existence by subsisting on shell-fish 
 eaten raw. 
 
 And yet, my dear boy, out of this miserable 
 and degraded state, which seems worse than 
 that of the animals, man has the means and 
 power to rise into the high place for which Pro- 
 vidence hath destined him. In proportion 
 as opportunities occur, these savage tribes ac- 
 quire the arts of civilized life ; they construct 
 huts to shelter them against the weather ; they 
 invent arms for destroying the wild beasts by 
 which they are annoyed, and for kilMntr thos«»
 
 PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATION. 17 
 
 whose flesh is adapted for food ; and they plant 
 fruit-trees and sow grain as soon as they disco- 
 ver that the productions of nature most neces- 
 sary for their comfort may be increased by la- 
 bour and industry. 
 
 Thus, the progress of human society, unless it is 
 interrupted by some unfortunate circumstances, 
 continues to advance, and every new genera- 
 tion, without losing any of the advantages al- 
 ready attained, goes on to acquire others which 
 were unknown to the preceding one. 
 
 For instance, when three or four wandering 
 families of savages have settled in one place, 
 and begun to cultivate the ground, and collect 
 their huts into a hamlet or village, they usually 
 agree in choosing sorrie chief to be their judge 
 and the arbiter of their disputes in time of peace, 
 their leader and captain when they go to war 
 with other tribes. This is the foundation of a 
 monarchial government. Or, perhaps, their 
 public affairs are directed by a council or se- 
 nate, of the oldest and wisest of the tribe — this 
 is the origin of a republican state. At all events, 
 in one w^ay or other, they put themselves under 
 something resembling a regular government, 
 and obtain the protection of such laws as 
 may prevent them from quarrelling with one 
 another. 
 
 Other important alterations are introduced 
 by time. At first, no doubt, the members of 
 the community store their fruits and the pro- 
 duce of the chase in common. But shortly af- 
 ter, reason teaches them that the individual who 
 has bestowed labour and trouble upon any 
 2*
 
 l!!^ PKOCKESS OF CIVILIZATION. 
 
 thing SO as to render it productive, acquires a 
 right of property, as it is called, in the produce, 
 which his eflbrts have in a manner called into 
 existence. Thus, it is soon acknowledged, that 
 he who has planted a tree has the sole right of 
 consuming its fruit ; and that he who has sown 
 a lield of corn has the exclusive title to gather 
 in the grain. Without the labour of the planter 
 and husbandman, there would have been no ap- 
 ples or wheat, and therefore these are justly- 
 entitled to the fruit of their labour. 
 
 In like manner, the state itself is conceived 
 to acquire a right of property in the fields cul- 
 tivated by its members, and in the forests where 
 they have of old practised the rights of hunting 
 and fishing. If men of a different tribe enter 
 on the territory of a neighbouring nation, war 
 ensues between them, and peace is made by 
 agreeing on both sides to reasonable conditions. 
 Thus a young state extends its possessions; and 
 by its communications with other tribes lays 
 the foundation of public laws for the regulation 
 of their behaviour to each other in peace and 
 in war. 
 
 Other arrangements no less important are 
 produced, tending to increase the difference be- 
 tween mankind in their wild and original state, 
 and that which they assume in the progress of 
 civilization. One of the most remarkable is the 
 se[)aration of the citizens into different classes 
 of society, and the introduction of the use of 
 money. I will try to render these great changes 
 intelUgible to you. 
 
 in the earlier stages of society, every member
 
 PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATION. 19 
 
 of the community may be said to supply all his 
 wants by his own personal labour. He acquires 
 his food by the chase — he sows and reaps his 
 own grain — lie gathers his own fruit — he cuts 
 the skin which forms his dress so as to fit his 
 own person — he makes the sandals or buskins 
 which protect his feet. He is, therefore, better 
 or worse accommodated exactly in proportion 
 to the personal skill and industry which he can 
 apply to that purpose. 
 
 But it is discovered, in process of time, that 
 one man has particular dexterity in hunting, be- 
 ing, we shall suppose, young, active, and enter- 
 prising; another, older and of a more staid cha- 
 racter, has peculiar skill in tilling the ground, 
 or in managing cattle and flocks ; a third, lame 
 perhaps, or infirm, has a happy talent for cutting 
 out and stitching together garments, or for 
 shaping and sewing such shoes as are worn. It 
 becomes, therefore, for the advantage of all, 
 that the first shall attend to nothing but hunt- 
 ing, the second confine himself to the cultiva- 
 tion of the land, and the third remain at home 
 to make clothes and shoes. 
 
 But then it follows, as a necessary conse- 
 quence, that the huntsman must give to the man 
 who cultivates the land a part of his venison 
 and skins, if he desires to have grain of which 
 to make bread, or a cow to furnish his family 
 with milk ; and tliat both the hunter and the 
 agriculturist must give a share of the produce 
 of the chase, and a proportion of the grain, to 
 the third man, to obtain from him clothes and 
 shoes. Each is thus accommodated with what
 
 20 PROGRESS 01" CIVILIZATION. 
 
 he wants, a great deal better, and more easily, 
 by every one folloAving a separate occupation, 
 than they could possibly have been, had each 
 of the three been hunter, farmer, and tailor, in 
 his own person, practising tv/o of the trades 
 awkwardly and unwillingly, instead of confining 
 himself to that which he perfectly understands, 
 and pursues with success. This mode of ac- 
 commodation is called barter, and is the earliest 
 kind of traffic by which men exchange their 
 property with each other, and satisfy their 
 wants by parting with their superfluities. 
 
 But in process of time, barter is found incon- 
 venient. The husbandman, perhaps, has no 
 use for shoes when the shoemaker is in need of 
 corn, or the shoemaker may not want furs or 
 venison when the hunter desires to have shoes. 
 To remedy this, almost all nations have intro- 
 duced the use of what is called money; that is 
 to say, they have fixed on some particular sub- 
 stance capable of being divided into small por- 
 tions, which, ha^ ing itself no intrinsic value, is 
 nevertheless received as a representative of the 
 value of all commodities. Particular kinds of 
 shells are used as money in some countries ; in 
 others, leather, cloth, or iron, are employed ; 
 but gold and silver, divided into small portions, 
 are used for this important purpose almost all 
 over the world. 
 
 That you may understand the use of this 
 circulating representative of the value of com- 
 modities, and comprehend the convenience 
 which it afibrds, let us suppose that the hunter, 
 as we formerly said, wanted a pair of shoes, and
 
 PKOCKESJS OF CIVILIZATION. 21 
 
 the shoemaker had no occasion for venison, but 
 wanted some corn, while the husbandman, not 
 desiring to have shoes, was in need of some 
 other commodity. 
 
 Here are three men, each desirous of some 
 article of necessity, or convenience, which he 
 cannot obtain by barter, because the party 
 whom he has to deal with does not want the 
 commodity which he has to offer. But sup- 
 posing the use of money introduced, and its va- 
 lue acknowledged, these three persons are ac- 
 commodated by means of it in the amplest man- 
 ner possible. 
 
 The shoemaker does not want the venison 
 which the hunter offers for sale, but some other 
 man in the village is willing to purchase it for 
 five pieces of silver — the hunter sells his com- 
 modity, and goes to the shoemaker, who, though 
 he would not barter the shoes for the venison, 
 which he did not want, readily sells them for 
 the money, and, going with it to the farmer, 
 buys from him the quantity of corn he needs ; 
 while the farmer, in his turn, purchases what- 
 ever he is in want of, or if he requires nothing 
 at the time, lays the pieces of money aside, to 
 use when he has occasion. 
 
 The invention of money is followed by the 
 gradual rise of trade. There are men who 
 make it their business to buy various articles, 
 and sell them again for profit, that is, they sell 
 them somewhat dearer than they bought them. 
 This is convenient for all parties, since the ori- 
 ginal proprietors are willing to sell their commo- 
 dities to those store-keepers, or shop-keepers, at
 
 22 PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATION. *'-' 
 
 a low rate, to be saved the trouble of hawking 
 them about in search of a customer ; while the 
 public in general are equally willing to buy from 
 such intermediate dealers, because they are sure 
 to be immediately supplied with what they want. 
 
 The numerous transactions occasioned by 
 the introduction of money, together with other 
 circumstances, soon destroy the equality of 
 ranks which prevails in an early stage of so- 
 ciety. Some men become rich, and hire the 
 assistance of others to do their work ; some are 
 poor, and sink into the capacity of servants. 
 Some men are wise and skilful, and, distin- 
 guishing themselves by their exploits in battle 
 and their counsels in peace, rise to the manage- 
 ment of public affairs. Others, and much 
 greater numbers, have no more valour than to 
 follow where they are led, and no more talent 
 than to <;ct as they are commanded. These 
 last sink, as a matter of course, into obscurity, 
 while the others become generals and states- 
 men. 
 
 The attainment of learning tends also to in- 
 crease the difference of ranks. Those who 
 receive a good education by the care of their 
 parents, or possess so much strength of mind 
 and readiness of talent as to educate them- 
 selves, become separated from the more igno- 
 rant of the community, and form a distinct 
 class and condition of their own ; and hold no 
 more communication with the others than is 
 absolutely necessary. In this way the whole 
 order of society is changed, and instead of pre- 
 senting the uniform appearance of one large
 
 PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATION. 23 
 
 family, each member of which has nearly the 
 same rights, it seems to resemble a confederacy 
 or association of different ranks, classes, and 
 conditions of men, each rank filling up a cer- 
 tain department in society, and discharging a 
 class of duties totally distinct from those of the 
 others. 
 
 The steps by which a nation advances fro,m 
 the natural and simple state which we have just 
 described, into the more complicated system in 
 which ranks are distinguished from each other, 
 are called the progress of society, or of civiliza- 
 tion. It is attended, like all things human, 
 with much of evil as well as good; but it seems 
 to be a law of our moral nature, that, faster or 
 slower, such alterations must take place, in 
 consequence of the inventions and improve- 
 ments of succeeding generations of mankind. 
 
 Another alteration, .productive of conse- 
 quences not less important, arises out of the 
 gradual progress towards civilization. In the 
 early state of society, every man in the tribe 
 is a warrior, and liable to serve as such when 
 the country requires his assistance ; but in pro- 
 gress of time the pursuit of the military art is, 
 at least on all ordinary occasions, confined to 
 bands of professional soldiers, whose business 
 it is to fight the battles of the state, when re- 
 quired, in consideration of which they are paid 
 by the community, the other members of which 
 are thus left to the uninterrupted pursuit of their 
 own peaceful occupations. This alteration 
 is attended with more important consequences 
 than we can at present pause to enumerate.
 
 ^ PROGRTSS OF CIVILIZATION. 
 
 We have said that those mighty changes 
 which bring men to dwell in castles and cities 
 instead of huts and caves, and enable them to 
 cultivate the sciences and subdue the elements, 
 instead of being plunged in ignorance and su- 
 perstition, are owing primarily to the reason with 
 which God has graciously endowed the human 
 race ; and in a second degree to the power of 
 speech, by which we can communicate to each 
 other the result of our own reflections. 
 
 But it is evident that society, when its ad- 
 vance is dependent on oral tradition alone, 
 must be liable to many interruptions. The 
 imagination of the speaker, and the dulness or 
 want of comprehension of the hearer, may 
 lead to many errors ; and it is generally found 
 that knowledge makes but very slow progress 
 imtil the art of writing is discovered, by which 
 a fixed, accurate, and substantial form can be 
 given to the wisdom of past ages. When this 
 noble art is attained, there is a sure foundation 
 laid for the preservation and increase of know- 
 ledge. The record is removed from the inac- 
 curate recollection of the aged, and placed in a 
 safe, tangible, and imperishable form, which 
 may be subjected to the inspection of various 
 persons, until the sense is completely explain- 
 ed and comprehended, with the least possible 
 chance of doubt or uncertainty. 
 
 By the art of writing, a barrier is fixed against 
 those violent changes so apt to take place in the 
 early stages of society, by wliich all the fruits 
 of knowledge are frequently destroyed, as 
 those of the earth are by a hurricane. Sup-
 
 PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATIOX. 25 
 
 pose, for example, a case which frequently 
 happens in the early history of mankind, that 
 some nation which has made considerable pro- 
 gress in the arts, is invaded and subdued by 
 another which is more powerful and numerous, 
 though more ignorant than themselves. It is 
 clear that in this case, as the rude and ignorant 
 victors would set no value on the knowledge 
 of the vanquished, it would, if intrusted only 
 to the memory of the individuals of the con- 
 quered people, be gradually lost and forgotten. 
 But if their useful discoveries were recorded 
 in writing, the manuscripts in which they were 
 described, though they might be neglected for 
 a season, would, if preserved at all, probably 
 attract attention at some more fortunate period. 
 
 It was thus that, when the empire of Rome, 
 having reached the utmost period of its gran- 
 deur, was broken down and conquered by nu- 
 merous tribes of ignorant though brave barba- 
 rians, those admirable works of classical 
 learning, on which such value is justly placed 
 in the present day, were rescued from total de- 
 struction and oblivion by manuscript copies 
 preserved by chance in the old libraries of 
 churches and convents. It may indeed be 
 taken as an almost infallible maxim, that no 
 nation can make any great progress in useful 
 knowledge or civilization, until their improve- 
 ment can be rendered stable and permanent by 
 the invention of writing. 
 
 Another discovery, however, almost as im 
 portant as that of writing, was made during the 
 fifteenth century. I mean the invention of 
 
 VOL. I. 3
 
 26 PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATION. 
 
 printing. Writing with the hand must be al- 
 ways a slow, difficult, and expensive operation ; 
 and when the manuscript is finished, it is per- 
 haps laid aside among the stores of some great 
 library, where it may be neglected by students, 
 and must, at any rate, be accessible to very few 
 persons, and subject to be destroyed by nume- 
 rous accidents. But the admirable invention 
 of printing enables the artist to make a thou- 
 sand copies from the original manuscript, by 
 having them stamped upon paper, in far less 
 time and with less expense than it would cost 
 to make half a dozen such copies with a pen. 
 From the period of this glorious discovery, 
 knowledge of every kind might be said to be 
 brought out of the darkness of cloisters and 
 universities, where it was known only to a few 
 scholars, into the broad light of day, where its 
 treasures were accessible to all men. 
 
 The Bible itself, in which we find the rules 
 of eternal life, as well as a thousand lessons 
 for our conduct in this world, was, before the 
 invention of printing, totally inaccessible to all, 
 save the priests of Rosne, who found it their 
 interest to discourage the perusal of the Scrip- 
 tures by any save their own order, and thus 
 screened from discovery those alterations and 
 corruptions, which the inventions of ignorant 
 and designing men had introduced into the 
 beautiful simplicity of the gospel. But when, 
 by means of printing, the copies of the Bible 
 became so numerous, that every one, above the 
 most wretched poverty, could, at a cheap price, 
 possess himself of a copy of the blessed rule
 
 PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATION. 27 
 
 ' ■ ' ^ 
 
 of life, there was a general appeal from the 
 errors and encroachments of the Church of 
 Rome, to the Divine Word on which they pro- 
 fessed to be founded ; a treasure formerly con- 
 cealed from the public, but now placed within 
 the reach of every man, whether of the clergy 
 or laity. The consequence of these inquiries, 
 which printing alone could have rendered prac- 
 ticable, was the rise of the happy Reformation 
 of the Christian church. 
 
 The same noble art rnaue knowledge of a 
 temporal kind as accessible as that which con- 
 cerned religion. Whatever works of history, 
 science, morality, or entertainment, seemed 
 likely to instruct or amuse the reader, were 
 pi[^ted ^nd distributed among the people at 
 large by printers and booksellers, who had a 
 proiit by doing so. Thus the possibility of im 
 portant discoveries being forgotten in the 
 course* of years, or of the destruction of useful 
 arts, or elegant literature, by the loss of the re- 
 cords in which they are preserved, was in a 
 great measure removed. 
 
 In a word, the printing-press is a contri- 
 vance which enables any one individual to ad- 
 dress his whole fellovr-subjects on any topic 
 v/hicli he thinks important, and Avhich enables 
 a v/iiole nation to listen to the voice of such in- 
 dividual, however obscure, with the same ease 
 and greater certainty of understanding what he 
 says, tlian if a chief of Indians were haranguing 
 the tribe at his council-fire. Nar is the import- 
 ant difierence to be forgotten, that the orator 
 <Tin only speak to the person prt'scnt, while iiic
 
 28 PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATION. 
 
 author of a book addresses himself, not only to 
 the race now in existence, but to all succeeding 
 generations, while his work shall be held in 
 estimation. 
 
 I have thus endeavoured to trace the steps 
 by which a general civilization is found to take 
 place in nations with more or less rapidity, as 
 laws and institutions, or external circum- 
 stances, favourable or otherwise, advance or 
 retard the increase of knowledge, and by the 
 course of which man, endowed with reason, 
 and destined for immortality, gradually im- 
 proves the condition in which Providence has 
 placed him, while the inferior animals continue 
 to live by means of the same, or nearly the 
 same, instincts of self-preservation, which h^^e 
 directed their species in all its descents since 
 the creation. 
 
 I have called your attention at some length 
 to this matter, because you will now have to 
 remark, that a material change had gradually 
 and slowly taken place, both in the kingdom of 
 England, and in that of Scotland, when their 
 long quarrels were at length, in appearance, 
 ended, by the accession of James the Sixth of 
 Scotland to the English crown, which he held 
 under the title of James the First of that pow- 
 erful kingdom.
 
 29 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Infirmities and ill temper of Elizabeth in her 
 latter years — Accession of James VI. ac- 
 ceptable on that account to the English — Re- 
 sort of Scotsmen to the Court at London — 
 Quarrels between them and the English — 
 Duelling — Duel of Stewart and Wharton — 
 Attempt by Sir John Ayres to assassinate 
 Lord Herbert — Murder of Turner, a Fen- 
 cing-Master, by two Pages of Lord San- 
 quhar, and Execution of the three Murder- 
 ers — Statute against Stabbing. 
 
 The whole island of Great Britain was now 
 united under one king, though it remained in 
 effect two separate kingdoms, governed by 
 their own separate constitutions, and their own 
 distinct codes of laws, and liable again to be 
 separated, in case, by the death of King James 
 without issue, the kingdoms might have b^en 
 claimed by different heirs. For although James 
 had two sons, yet there was a possibility that 
 they might have both died before their father, 
 in which case the sceptres of England and 
 Scotland must have passed once more to diffe- 
 rent hands. The Hamilton family would, in 
 that case, have succeeded to the kingdom of 
 Scotland, and the next heir of Elizabeth to that 
 of England. Who that heir was, it might have 
 been found difficult to determine. 
 
 It might have been thought that James, the 
 3*
 
 ?:') ILL TE.-Vii'KIi Or ELIZABKTII 
 
 sovereign of a poor and barren kingdom, AvTiich 
 had for so many ages maintained an almost 
 perpetual war with England, would have met 
 with a prejudiced and unpleasant reception from 
 a nation long acpustomed to despise the Scots 
 for their poverty, and to regard them with en- 
 mity on account of their constant hostility to 
 the English blood and name. 
 
 It mighthave been supposed also, that a peo- 
 ple so proud as the English, and having so many 
 justifiable reasonsfor theirpride, would have re- 
 garded with an evil eye the transference of the 
 sceptre from the hand of the Tudors, who 
 had swayed it during five successive reigns, to 
 those of a Stewart, descended from the ancient 
 and determined enemies of the English nation. 
 But it was the wise and gracious pleasure of 
 Providence, that while so many reasons existed 
 to render the accession of James, and, in con- 
 sequence, the union of the two crowns, obnox- 
 ious to the English people, others should occur, 
 which not only balanced, but completely over- 
 powered those objections, as well in the minds 
 of men of sense and education, as in the judg- 
 ment of the populace, who are usually averse to 
 foreign rulers, for no other reason than that 
 they are such. 
 
 Queen Elizabeth, after a long and glorious 
 reign, had, in her latter days, become much 
 more cross and uncertain in her temper than 
 had been the. case in her youth, more wilful 
 also, and more inclined to exert her arbitrary 
 power on sliglit occasions. One peculiar cause 
 of offence was her obstinate refusal to gratify
 
 IN HER LATTLIR YEARS. 31 
 
 the anxiety of her people, by making any ar 
 rangement for the succession to the throne 
 after her death. On this subject, indeed, she 
 nursed so much suspicion and jealousy, as 
 gave rise to more than one extraordinary 
 scene. The following is a whimsical instance, 
 among others, of her unwillingness to hear of 
 any thing respecting old age and its conse- 
 quences. 
 
 The Bishop of St. David's, preaching in her 
 Majesty's presence, took occasion from his text, 
 which was Psal. xc. ver. 12, " So teach us to 
 number our days, that we may apply our hearts 
 unto wisdom," to allude to the Queen's ad- 
 vanced period of life, she being then sixty-three, 
 and to the consequent infirmities attending upon 
 old age : as for example, when the grinders shall 
 be few in number, and they wax dark who look 
 out at windows — when the daugl^ters of singing 
 shall be abased — and more to the like purpose. 
 
 With the tone of these admonitions the queen 
 was so ill satisfied, that she flung open the win- 
 dow of the closet in which she sate, and told 
 the preacher to keep his admonitions to himself, 
 since she plainly saw the greatest clerks (mean- 
 ing, scholars) were not the wisest men. Nor 
 did her displeasure end here. The bishop was 
 commanded to confine himself to his house for 
 a time, and the Queen, referring to the circum- 
 stance some time afterwards, told her cour- 
 tiers how much the prelate was mistaken in 
 supposing her to be as much decayed as perhaps 
 he might feel himself to be. As for her, she 
 thanked God, neither her stomach nor her
 
 32 INTRIGUES TO SECUR* 
 
 Strength, her voice for singing, or her art of 
 lingering instruments, were any whit decayed. 
 And to prove the goodness of her eyes, she 
 produced a little jewel, with an inscription in 
 very pmall letters, which she offered to Lord 
 Worcester and Sir James Crofts to read ; and 
 as they had too much tact to be sharp-sighted 
 on the occasion, she read it herself with appa- 
 rent ease, and laughed at the error of the good 
 bishop. 
 
 The faults of Elizabeth, though arising chiefly 
 from age and ill-temper, were noticed and re- 
 sented by her subjects, who began openly to 
 show themselves weary of a female reign, for- 
 getting how glorious it had been, and to de- 
 sire to have a king to rule over them. With 
 this general feeling, all eyes, even those of Eli- 
 zabeth's most confidential statesman and coun- 
 sellor Sir Robert Cecil, afterwards Earl of 
 Salisbury, were turned to the King of Scotland 
 as next heir to the crown. He was a Protestant 
 prince, which assured him the favour of the 
 Church of England, and of the numerous and 
 strong adherents to the Protestant religion. As 
 such, Cecil entered into a secret correspondence 
 with him, in which he pointed out the line of 
 conduct proper on James's part tq secure his 
 interest in England. 
 
 On the other hand, the English Catholics, on 
 whom Queen Elizabeth's government had im- 
 posed many se^^re penal laws, were equally 
 friendly to the succession of King James, since 
 from that prince, wliosc motlierhad been a strict 
 Catholic, they )niglit liopc for fsojiie favour, or,
 
 THE SUCCESSION OF JAMES. 33 
 
 at the least, some release from the various hard- 
 ships which the laws of England imposed on 
 them. The Earl of Northumberland conducted 
 a correspondence with James on the part of the 
 Catholics, in which he held high language, and 
 offered to assert the Scottish King's right of 
 succession by force of arms. 
 
 These intrigues were kept by James as secret 
 as was in his power. If Elizabeth had disco- 
 vered either the one or the other, neither the 
 services of Cecil nor the high birth and power 
 of the great Earl of Northumberland, could 
 have saved them from experiencing the extre- 
 mity of her indignation. Cecil, in particular, 
 was at one time on the point of ruin. A post 
 from Scotland delivered into his hands a private 
 packet from the Scottish king, when the secre- 
 tary was in attendance on Elizabeth. " Open 
 your despatches," said Elizabeth, " and let us 
 hear the news from Scotland." A man of less 
 presence of mind would have been ruined ; for 
 if the queen had seen the least hesitation in her 
 minister's manner, her suspicions would have 
 been instantly awakened, and detection must 
 have followed. But Cecil recollected the queen's 
 sensitive aversion to any disagreeable smell, 
 which was strengthened by the belief of the 
 time, that infectious diseases and subtle poisons 
 could be communicated by means of scent alone. 
 The artful secretary availed himself of this, and 
 while he seemed to be cutting the strings which 
 held the packet, he observed it had a singular 
 and unpleasant odour ; on which Elizabeth de- 
 sired it might be taken from her presence, and
 
 34 CHARACTER OF JAMES. 
 
 opened elsewhere with due precaution. Thus 
 Cecil got an opportunity to v/ithdraw from the 
 packet whatever could have betrayed his corres- 
 pondence* with King James. Cecil's policy and 
 inclinations were very generally followed in the 
 English court ; indeed, there appeared no heir 
 to the crown, male or female, whose right could 
 be placed in competition with that of James. 
 
 It may be added to this general inclination in 
 James's favour, that the defects of his character 
 were of a kind which did not attract much at- 
 tention while he occupied the throne of Scot- 
 land. The delicacy of his situation was then 
 so great, and he was exposed to so many dan- 
 gers from the dislike of the clergy, the feuds 
 of the nobles, and the tumultuous disposition of 
 the common people, that he dared not indulge 
 in any of those childish freaks of which he was 
 found capable when his motions were more 
 completely at his own disposal. On the con- 
 trary, he was compelled to seek out the sagest 
 counsellors, to listen to the wisest advice, and 
 to put a restraint on his own natural disposition 
 for encouraging idle favourites, parasites, and 
 flatterers, as well as to suppress his inward de- 
 sire to extend the limits of his authority farther 
 than the constitution of the country permitted. 
 At this period he governed by the advice of 
 such ministers as the Chancellor Maitland, and 
 afterwards of Home, Earl of Dunbar, men of 
 thought and action, of whose steady measures 
 and prudent laws (he king naturally obtained 
 the credit. 
 
 Neither was James Id msclf deficient in a cer^
 
 CHARACTER OF JAMES. S5 
 
 tain degree of sagacity. He possessed all thai 
 could be derived from learning alloyed by 
 pedantry, and from a natural shrewdness of 
 wit, which enabled him to play the part of a 
 man of sense, when either acting under the 
 influence of constraint and fear, or where no 
 temptation occurred to induce him to be guilty of 
 some folly. It was by these specious accom- 
 plishments that he acquired in his youth the 
 character of an able and wise monarch, although 
 when he v/as afterwards brought on a more 
 conspicuous stage, and his character better un- 
 derstood, he was found entitled to no better 
 epithet than that conferred on him by an able 
 French politician, who called him, " the wisest 
 fool in Christendom." 
 
 Such, however, as King James was, England 
 now received him with more universal accla- 
 mation than had attended any of her princes on 
 their ascent to the throne. Multitudes, of every 
 description, hastened to accompany him on his 
 journey through England to the capital city. 
 The w^ealthy placed their gold at his disposal, 
 the powerful opened their halls for the most 
 magnificent entertainments, the clergy hailed 
 him as the head of the Church, and the poor, 
 who had nothing to offer but their lives, seem- 
 ed ready to devote them to his service. Some 
 of the Scottish retinue who were acquainted 
 with James's character, saw and feared the un- 
 favourable effect w^hich such a change of cir- 
 cumstances was likely to work on him. " A 
 plague of these people !" said one of his oldest 
 domestics ; *' they will spoil a good king,"
 
 36 CHARACTER OF JAMES. 
 
 Another Scot made an equally shrewd an- 
 swer to an Englishman, who desired to know 
 from him the king's real character. " Did you 
 ever see a jackanapes?" said the Scotsman, 
 meaning a tame monkey ; " if you have, you 
 must be aware that if you hold the creature in 
 your hands you can make him bite me, and 
 if I hold him in my hands, I can make him 
 bite you." 
 
 Both these sayings were shown to be true in 
 course of time. King James, brought from po- 
 verty to wealth, became thoughtless and prodi- 
 gal, indolent, and addicted to idle pleasures. 
 From hearing the smooth flatteries of the clergy 
 of England, who recognised him as head of the 
 Church, instead of the rude attacks of the Pres 
 byterian ministers of Scotland, who had hardly 
 admitted his claim to be one of its inferior 
 members, he entertained new and more lofty 
 pretensions to divine right. Finally, brought 
 from a country where his personal liberty and 
 the freedom of his government were frequently 
 placed under restraint, and his life sometimes 
 in danger, he was overjoyed to find himself in 
 a condition where his own will was not only 
 unfettered, as far as he himself was concerned, 
 but appeared to be the model to which all loyal 
 subjects were desirous to accommodate theirs; 
 and he seemed readily enough disposed to 
 stretch to its utmost limits the power thus pre- 
 sented to him. Thus, from being a just and 
 equitable monarch, he was inspired with a love 
 of arbitrary power ; and from attending, as hcid 
 been his custom, to state business, he now 
 minded little save hunting and festivals.
 
 CIIARACTEll OF JAMES. SI' 
 
 In this manner James, though possessing a 
 large stock of pedantic msdom, came to place 
 himsielf under the management of a succession 
 of unworthy favourites, and although good- 
 natured, and naturally a lover of justice, was 
 often Iiurried into actions and measures, which, 
 if they could not be termed absolutely tyranni- 
 cal, were nevertheless illegal and unjust. It is, 
 however, of his Scottish government that we 
 are now to treat, and therefore I am to explain 
 to you, as well as I can, the consequences of the 
 union with England to the people and country 
 of Scotland. 
 
 If the English nation were delighted to re- 
 ceive King James as their sovereign, the Scot- 
 tish people were no less enchanted by the pros- 
 pect of their monarch's ascent to this wealthy 
 and pre-eminent situation. They considered 
 the promotion of their count-ryman and prince 
 as an omen of good fortune to their nation ; 
 each individual Scotsman expected to secure 
 some part of the good things with which En- 
 gland was supposed to abound, and multitudes 
 hurried to court, to put themselves in the way 
 of sharing them. 
 
 James was shocked at the greediness and 
 importunity of his hungry countrymen, and 
 scandalized besides at the poor and miserable 
 appearance which many of them made among 
 the rich Englishmen, and which brought dis- 
 credit upon the country to which he himself as 
 well as they belonged. He sent instructions to 
 the Scottish Privy Council to prevent such in- 
 truders from leaving their country, complain-'
 
 38 RESORT OF SCOTSMEN TO 
 
 ing of their manners and appearance, as calcu- 
 lated to bring disgrace upon all the natives of 
 Scotland. 
 
 A proclamation was accordingly issued at 
 Edinburgh, setting forth that great numbers of 
 men and women of base sort and condition, and 
 without any certain trade, calling, or depend- 
 ence, repaired from Scotland to court, which 
 was almost tilled with them, to the great an- 
 noyance of his Majesty, and to the heavy dis- 
 grace of the Scottish nation; for these suitors 
 being, in the judgment of all who saw them, 
 but idle rascals, and poor miserable bodies, 
 their importunity and numbers raised an opi- 
 nion that there were no persons of good rank, 
 comeliness, or credit in the country, which sent 
 forth such a flight of locusts. Further, it wag 
 complained that these unseemly supplicants 
 usually alleged that the cause of their repairing 
 to court, was to desire payment of old debts 
 due by the King, " which of all kinds of impor- 
 tunity," says the proclamation, with great sim- 
 plicity, " is the most unpleasing to his Majesty." 
 Therefore general proclamation Avas directed 
 to be made at all the market crosses in Scot- 
 land, that no Scottish person should be per- 
 mitted to travel to England without leave of the 
 Privy Council ; and that vessels transporting 
 individuals who had not obtained due license, 
 should be liable to confiscation. 
 
 But although the King did all that was in his 
 power to prevent these uncouth suitors from 
 repairing to his court, yet there were many 
 other natives of Scotland of a higher descrip-
 
 THE COURT AT LONDON. 39 
 
 tion, t?ie sons of men of rank and quality, who, 
 by birth and condition, had the right of attend- 
 ing his court, and approaching his presence, 
 whom he could not prohibit from doing so, 
 without positively disowning all former affec- 
 tions, national feeling, and sympathy or grati- 
 tude for past services. The benefits which he 
 conferred on these were ill-construed by the 
 English, who seem to have accounted every 
 thing as taken from themselves which was be- 
 stowed on a Scotsman. The King, though it 
 does not appear that he acted with any unjust 
 purpose, was hardly judged, both by his own 
 countrymen and the English. 
 
 The Scots who had been his friends in his 
 inferior situation, and, as it might be called, his 
 adversity, naturally expected a share of his 
 bounty, when he was advanced to such high 
 prosperity ; while the English, with a jealousy 
 for which much allowance is to be made, re- 
 garded these northern suitors with an evil eye. 
 In short, the Scottish courtiers thought that 
 their claims of ancient services, of allegiance 
 tried under difficult circumstances, of favour 
 due to countrymen, and perhaps, even to kin- 
 dred, which no people carry so far, entitled 
 them, to all the advantages which the King 
 might have to bestow ; while the English, on 
 the other hand, considered every thing given to 
 the Scots as conferred at their expense, and 
 used many rhymes and satirical expressions to 
 that purpose, such as occur in the old song: — 
 
 Bonny Scot, all witness can, 
 England has made thee a gentleman.
 
 40 QUARRELS r,ET V. i. JuN THE t^COTSMEN 
 
 Thy blue bonnet, when thou came hither, 
 Would scarcely keep out the wind or weather : 
 But now it is turned to a hat and a fcatiier — 
 The bonnet is blown the devil knows whither. 
 
 The sword at thy haunch was a h^ge black blade, 
 With a great bnsket-hilt, of iron made ; 
 But now a long rapier doth hang by his side, 
 And huffingly doth this bonny Scot ride. 
 
 Another rhyme, to the same purpose, described 
 a Scottish courtier thus : — 
 
 In Scotland 1*6 was born and bred, 
 And, though a beggar, must be fed. 
 
 It is said, that when the Scots complained to the 
 king of this last aspersion, James replied, 
 " Hold your peace, for I will soon make the 
 English as poor as yourselves, and so end that 
 controversy." But as it was not in tlie power 
 of wit to appease the feud betwixt the nobility 
 and gentry of two proud nations, so lately ene- 
 mies, all the eflbrts of the King were unequal 
 to prevent bloody and desperate quarrels be- 
 tween his countrymen and his new subjects, to 
 the great disquiet of the court, and the distress 
 of the good-natured monarch, who, averse to 
 war in all its shapes, and even to the sight of a 
 drawn sword, suflered grievously on such oc- 
 casions. 
 
 There was one of those incidents which as- 
 sumed a character so formidable, that it iJircat- 
 encd the destruction of all the Scots at the 
 coiu't and in the capital, and, in consc(|uence, 
 a breach between the kingdoms so lately and 
 happily allied.
 
 AT COURT AND THE ENGLISH. 41 
 
 At a public horse-race at Croydon, Philip 
 Herbert, an Englishman of high birth, though, 
 as it fortunately chanced, of no degree of corres- 
 ponding spirit, received, in a quarrel, a blow in 
 the face by a switch or a horse-whip, from one 
 Ramsay, a Scottish gentleman in attendance on 
 the court. The rashness and violence of Ram- 
 say was construed into a national point of 
 quarrel by the English present, who proposed 
 revenging themselves on the spot by a general 
 attack upon all the Scots on the race-ground. 
 One gentleman, named Pinchbeck, although ill 
 fitted for such a strife, for he had but the use of 
 two fingers upon his right hand, rode furiously 
 through the multitude, with his dagger ready 
 drawn, exhorting all the English to imitate him 
 in an immediate attack on the Scots, exclaiming, 
 " Let us breakfast with those that are here, and 
 dine with the rest in London." But as Herbert 
 did not return tlie blow, no scuffle or assault 
 actually took place ; otherwise, it is probable, 
 a dreadful scene must have ensued. James, 
 with whom Herbert was a particular favourite, 
 rewarded his moderation or timidity by raising 
 him to the rank of Knight, Baron, Viscount, 
 and Earl of Montgomery, all in one day. Ram- 
 say was banished the court for a season ; and 
 thus the immediate affront was in some degree 
 alleviated. 
 
 But the new Earl of Montgomery remained, 
 in the opinion of his countrymen, a dishonour- 
 ed man ; and it is said his mother, the sister of 
 Sir Philip Sidney, wept and tore her hair when 
 she heard of his having endured with patience 
 4*
 
 43 QUARRELS BETWEEN THE SCOTSMEN 
 
 the insult offered by Ramsay. This is the lady 
 whom, in a beautiful epitaph, Ben Jonson has 
 described as 
 
 Sidney's sister, Pembroke's mother ; 
 Death, ere thou hast slain another 
 Wise, and good, and learn'd as she, 
 Time shall throw a dart at thee. 
 
 Yet the patience of Herbert under the insult 
 was the fortunate prevention of a great national 
 misfortune, for which, if his after conduct had 
 not given tokens of an abject spirit, he might 
 have been praised as a patriot, who had prefer- 
 red the good of his country to the gratification 
 of his own immediate resentment. 
 
 Another offence given by the haughty and 
 irascible temper of a Scotsman, was also likely 
 to have produced disastrous consequences. 
 The Inns of Court are the places of resort and 
 study appointed for those young men who are 
 destined to the profession of the law in England, 
 and they are filled with students, men often of 
 high family and accomplishments, and who, 
 living together in the sort of colleges set apart 
 for their residence, have always kept up the 
 ideas of privilege and distinction, to which 
 their destination to a highly honourable profes- 
 sion, as well as their own birth and condition, 
 entitles them. 
 
 One of these gentlemen, by name Edv/ard 
 Hawley, appeared at court on a public occasion, 
 and, probably, intruded further tlian his rank 
 authorized ; so that Maxwell, a Scotsman, much 
 favoured by James, and an uslier of his cham- 
 ber, not only tlirust him back, but actually
 
 AT COURT AND THE ENGLISH. 43 
 
 pulled him out of the presence chamber by a 
 black riband which, like other gallants of the 
 time, Hawley wore at the ear. Havvley, who 
 was a man of spirit, instantly challenged Max- 
 well to fight ; and his second, who carried the 
 challenge, informed him, that if he declined 
 such meeting, Hawley would assault him 
 wherever they should meet, and either kill him 
 or be killed on the spot. James, by his royal 
 interference, was able to solder up this quar- 
 rel also. He compelled Maxwell to make an 
 apology to HaAvley ; and, for the more full ac- 
 commodation of the dispute, accepted of a splen- 
 did masque and entertainment offered on the oc- 
 casion by the students of Gray's Inn Lane, the 
 society to which the injured gentleman be- 
 longed. 
 
 We may here remark a great change in the 
 manners of the gallants of the time, which had 
 taken place in the progress of civilization, to 
 which I formerly alluded. The ancient prac- 
 tice of trial by combat, which made a principal 
 part of the feudal law, and which was resorted 
 to in so many cases, was now fallen into disuse. 
 The progress of reason, and the principles of 
 justice, concurred to prove that a combat in the 
 lists might indeed show which of two knights 
 was the best rider and the stoutest swordsman, 
 but that such an encounter could afford no evi- 
 dence which of the two was innocent or guilty ; 
 since it can only be believed in a very ignorant 
 age that Providence is to work a miracle in case 
 of every chance combat, and award success to 
 the party whose virtue best deserves it. The
 
 44 DUELLING. 
 
 trial by combat, therefore, though it was not 
 actually removed from the statute-book, was in 
 fact only once appealed to after the accession of 
 James, and even then the combat, as a mode of 
 trial unsuited to enlightened times, did not take 
 place. 
 
 For the same reason the other sovereigns of 
 Europe discountenanced these challenges and 
 combats, either for pure honour or in revenge 
 of some injury, which it used to be their custom 
 to encourage, and to sanction with their own 
 presence. These rencounters were generally 
 accounted by all sensible persons an inexcusable 
 waste of gallant men's lives for matters of mere 
 punctilio, and were strictly forbidden, under 
 the highest penalties, by the Kings both of 
 England and France, and, generally speaking, 
 through the civilized world. But the royal 
 command could not change the hearts of those 
 to whom it was addressed, nor could the penal- 
 ties annexed to the breach of the law intimidate 
 men, whom a sense of honour, though a false 
 one, had already induced to hold life cheap. 
 Men fought as many, perhaps even more, single 
 combats than formerly ; and although they took 
 place without the publicity and formal show of 
 lists, armour, horses, and the attendance of he- 
 ralds and judges of the field, yet they were not 
 less bloody than those which had been formerly 
 fought with the observance of every point ol 
 chivalry. 
 
 According to the more modern practice, 
 combatants met in some solitary place, alone, 
 or each accompanied by a friend called a s6-
 
 DUEL BETWEEN STEWART AND WHARTON. 45 
 
 cond, who were supposed to see fair play. The 
 combat was generally fought with the rapier or 
 smallsword, a peculiarly deadly weapon, and the 
 combatants, to show they wore no defensive 
 armour under their clothes, threw off their coats 
 and waistcoats, and fought in their shirts. The 
 duty of the seconds, properly interpreted, was 
 only to see fair play ; but as these hot-spirited 
 young men felt it difficult to remain cool and 
 inactive when they saw their friends engaged, 
 it was very coiniiion for them, though without 
 even the shadow of a quarrel, to fight also ; 
 and, in that case, whoever first despatched his 
 antagonist, or rendered him incapable of fur- 
 ther resistance, came without hesitation to the 
 assistance of his comrade, and thus the decisive 
 superiority was brought on by odds of num- 
 bers, which contradicts all our common ideas 
 of honour or of gallantry. 
 
 Such were the rules of the duel, as these 
 single combats were called. The fashion came 
 from France to England, and was adopted by 
 the Scots and English as the readiest way of 
 settling their national quarrels, which became 
 very numerous. 
 
 One of the most noted of these was the 
 bloody and fatal conflict between Sir James 
 Stevv'^art, son of the first Lord Blantyre, a Scot- 
 tish Knight of the Bath, and Sir George Whar- 
 ton, an Englishman, eldest son of Lord Whar- 
 ton, a Knight of the same order. These gen- 
 tlemen were friends : and, if family report 
 speaks truth. Sir James Stewart was one of 
 the most accomplished young men of his time.
 
 46 ATTEMPT TO ASSASSINATE LORD HERBERT. 
 
 A trifling dispute at play led to uncivil expres- 
 sions on the part of Wharton, to which Stewart 
 answered by a blow. A defiance was exchang- 
 ed on the spot, and they resolved to light next 
 day at an appointed place near Waltham. This 
 fatal appointment made, they carried their re- 
 sentment with a show of friendship, and drank 
 some wine together ; after finishing which, 
 Wharton observed to his opponent, " Our next 
 meeting will not part so easily." The fatal ren- 
 counter took place ; both gentlemen fought with 
 the most determined courage, and both fell 
 with many wounds, and died on the field of 
 battle. 
 
 Sometimes the rage and passion of the gal- 
 lants of the day did not take the fairest, but the 
 shortest' road to revenge ; and the courtiers of 
 James I., men of honourable birth and title, 
 were in some instances, addicted to attack an 
 enemy by surprise, without regard to the pre- 
 vious appointment of a place of meeting, or any 
 regulation as to the number of the combatants. 
 Nay, it seems as if, on occasions of special pro- 
 vocation, the English did not disdain to use the 
 swords of hired assassins in aid of their revenge, 
 and all the punctilios of equality of arms or 
 numbers were set aside as idle ceremonies. 
 
 Sir John Ayres, a man of rank and fortune, 
 entertained jealousy of Lord Herbert of Cher- 
 bury, celebrated as a soldier and })hiiosopher, 
 from having discovered that his wife, Lady 
 Ayres, wore around her neck the picture of that 
 high spirited and accomplished nobleman. In- 
 censed by the suspiciona thus excited, Sir John
 
 ATTEMPT TO ASSASSINATE LORD HERBERT. 47 
 
 A\ atched Lord Herbert, and, meeting him on his 
 return from court, attended by only two ser- 
 vants, he attacked him furiously, backed by 
 four of his followers with drawn weapons, and 
 attended by many others, who, though they did 
 not directly unsheath their swords, yet served 
 to lend countenance to the assault. Lord Her- 
 bert was thrown down under his horse ; his 
 sword, with which he endeavoured to defend 
 himself, was broken in his hand ; and the 
 weight of the horse prevented him from rising. 
 One of his lacqueys ran away on seeing his 
 master attacked by such odds ; the other stood 
 by him, and released his foot, which was en- 
 tangled in the stirrup. At this moment Sir 
 John Ayres was standing over him, and in the 
 act of attempting to plunge his sword into his 
 body ; but Lord Herbert, catching him by the 
 legs, brought him also to the ground, and al- 
 though the young lord had but a fragment of 
 his sword remaining, he struck his unmanly 
 antagonist with such force on the stomach as 
 deprived him of the power to prosecute his 
 bloody purpose ; and some of Lord Herbert's 
 friends coming up, the assassin thought it pru- 
 dent to withdraw, vomiting blood in conse- 
 quence of the blow he had received. 
 
 This scuffle lasted for some time in the 
 streets of London, without any person feeling 
 himself called upon to interfere in behalf of the 
 weaker party ; and Sir John Ayres seems to 
 have entertained no shame for the enterprise, 
 but only regret that it had not succeeded. Lord 
 Herbert sent him a challenge as soon as his
 
 *8 INSTIGATION OF LOFU) SANCiUHAR. 
 
 wounds were in the way of being cured ; and 
 the gentleman who bore it, placed the letter on 
 the point of his sword, and in that manner 
 delivered it publicly to the person whom he 
 addressed. Sir John Ayres replied, that the 
 injury he had received from Lord Herbert was 
 of such a nature, that he would not consent to 
 any terms of fair play, but would shoot him 
 from a window with a musket if he could find 
 an opportunity. Lord Herbert j^rotests, in his 
 Memoirs, that there was no cause given on his 
 part for the jealousy which drove Sir John 
 Ayres to such desperate measures of revenge. 
 
 A still more noted case of cruel vengeance, 
 and which served to embitter the general hatred 
 against the Scots, was a crime committed by 
 Lord Sanquhar, a nobleman of that country, 
 the representative of the ancient family of 
 Creichton. This young lord, in fencing with 
 a man called Turner, a teacher of the science of 
 defence, had the misfortune to be deprived of 
 an eye by the accidental thrust of a foil. The 
 mishap was, doubtless, both distressing and 
 provoking ; but there was no room to blame 
 Turner, by whom no injury had been intended, 
 and who greatly regretted the accident. 
 
 One or two years after this. Lord Sanquhar 
 being at the court of France, Henry IV. then 
 king, asked him how he had lost his eye. 
 Lord Sanquhar, not wishing to dwell on the 
 subject, answered in general terms, that it 
 was by the thrust of a sword. " Does the man 
 who did the injury still live ?" asked the king ; 
 and the unhappy question impressed it indeli-
 
 INSTIGATION OF LORD SANQUHAR. 49 
 
 bly upon the heart oi* the infatuated Lord San- 
 quhar, that his honour required the death of the 
 poor fencing-master. Accordingly, he des- 
 patched his page and another of his followers, 
 who pistolled Turner in his own school. The 
 murderers were taken, and acknowledged thej- 
 had been employed to do the deed by their lord 
 whose commands, they said, they had been 
 bred up to hold as indisputable warrants for the 
 execution of whatever he might enjoin. 
 
 All the culprits being brought to trial and 
 condemned, much interest was made for Lord 
 Sanquhar, who was a young man, it is said, of 
 eminent parts. But to have pardoned him 
 would have argued too gross a partiality in 
 James towards his countrymen and original 
 subjects. He was hanged, therefore, along 
 with his two associates ; which Lord Bacon 
 termed the most exemplary piece of justice in 
 any king's reign. 
 
 To sum up the account of these acts of vio- 
 lence, they gave occasion to a severe law, 
 called the statute of stabbing. Hitherto, in 
 the mild spirit of English jurisprudence, the 
 crime of a person slaying another without pre- 
 meditation only amounted to the lesser denomi- 
 nation of murder, which the law calls man- 
 slaughter, and which had been only punishable 
 by fine and imprisonment. But, to check the 
 use of short $words and poniards, Aveapons 
 easily concealed, and capable of being suddenly 
 produced, it was provided that if any one, 
 though without forethought or premeditation, 
 with sword or dagger, attacked and wounded 
 
 VOL. I. 5
 
 50 MURDER OF TURNER. 
 
 another whose weapon was not drawn, of 
 which wound the party should die within six 
 months after receiving it, the crime should not 
 be accounted homicide, but rise into the higher 
 class of murder, and be as such punished with 
 death accordingly
 
 [ 51 ] 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Attempt of James to reduce the Institutions of 
 Scotland to a state of Uniformity with those 
 of England — Commissioners appointed to 
 effect this — the Project fails — Distinctions 
 between the Forms of Church Government 
 in the two Countries — Introduction of Epis- 
 copacy into the Scottish Church — Fine arti- 
 cles of Perth — Dissatisfaction of the People 
 with these Innovations. 
 
 While the quarrels of the English and 
 Scottish nobility disturbed the comfort of 
 James the First's reign, it must be admitted 
 that the monarch applied himself with some 
 diligence to cement as much as possible the 
 union of the two kingdoms, and to impart to 
 each such advantages as they might be found 
 capable of borrowing from the other. 
 
 The love of power, natural to him as a 
 sovereign, combined with a sincere wish for' 
 what would be most advantageous to both 
 countries — for James, when not carried off by 
 his love of idle pleasures, and the influence of 
 unworthy favourites, possessed the power of 
 seeing, and the disposition to advance, the in- 
 terests of his subjects — alike induced him to 
 accelerate, by every means, the uniting the 
 two separate portions of Britain into one solid 
 and inseparable state, for which nature design- 
 ed the inhabitants of the same island. He was
 
 62 STATUTE or STABBING. 
 
 not negligent in adopting measures tQ attain so 
 desirable an object, though circumstances de- 
 ferred the accomplishment of his wishes till 
 the lapse of a century. To explain the nature 
 of his attempt, and the causes of its failure, we 
 must consider the respective condition of Eng- 
 land and Scotland as regarded their political 
 institutions. 
 
 The long and bloody wars between the 
 houses of York and Lancaster, who, for more 
 than thirty years, contended for the throne of 
 England, had, by slaughter in numerous bat- 
 tles, by repeated proscriptions, public execu- 
 tions, and forfeitures, reduced to a compara- 
 tively inconsiderable number, and to a much 
 greater state of disability and weakness, the 
 nobility and great gentry of the kingdom, by 
 whom the crown had been alternately bestowed 
 on one or other of the contending parties. 
 
 Henry the Seventh, a wise and subtle prince, 
 had, by his success in the decisive battle of 
 Bosworth, attained a secure seat upon the Eng- 
 lish throne. He availed himself of the weak 
 state of the peers and barons, to undermine 
 and destroy the influence which the feudal sys- 
 tem had formerly given them over their vassals; 
 and they submitted to this diminution of their 
 authority, as men who felt that the stormy in- 
 dependence possessed by their ancestors had 
 cost them very dear, and that it was better to 
 live at ease under the king, as a common head 
 of the state, than to possess the ruinous power 
 of petty sovereigns, each on liis own estate, 
 making war upon, and ruining others, and in-
 
 AT THE ACCESSION OF JAMES. 53 
 
 curring destruction themselves. They there- 
 fore relinquished, without much open discon- 
 tent, most of their oppressive rights of so- 
 vereignty over their vassals, and were satisfied 
 to be honoured and respected masters of their 
 own lands, without retaining the power of 
 princes over those who cultivated them. They 
 exacted rents from their tenants instead of ser- 
 vice in battle, and attendance in peace, and be- 
 came peaceful and wealthy, instead of being 
 great and turbulent. 
 
 As the nobles sunk in consideration, the citi- 
 zens of the towns and sea-ports, and the smaller 
 gentry and cultivators of the soil, increased in 
 importance as well as in prosperity and happi- 
 ness. These commoners felt, indeed, and 
 sometimes murmured against, the ascendence 
 acquired by the king, but were conscious at the 
 same time, that it was the crown which had re- 
 lieved them from the far more vexatious and 
 frequent exactions of their late feudal lords ; 
 and as the burden fell equally on all, they were 
 better contented to live under the sway of one 
 king, who imposed the national burdens on the 
 people at large, than under that of a number of 
 proud lords. Henry VII. availed himself of 
 these favourable dispositions, to raise large 
 taxes, which he partly hoarded up for occa- 
 sions of emergency, and partly expended on 
 levying bands of soldiers, both foreign and do- 
 mestic, by whom he carried on such wars as he 
 engaged in, without finding any necessity to 
 call out the feudal array of the kingdom. 
 
 Henry VIH. was a prince of a very different 
 5*
 
 54 STATE OF ENGLAND 
 
 temper, and yet his reign contributed greatly 
 to extend and confirm the power of the crown. 
 He expended, indeed, the treasures of his fa- 
 ther ; but he replenished them, in a great mea- 
 sure, by the spoils of the Roman Catholic 
 Church, and he confirmed the usurpation of ar- 
 biii ary authority, by the vigour with which he 
 wifclded it. The tyranny which he exercised 
 i,n his family and court, was unfelt by the citi- 
 zens and common people, with whom he con- 
 tinued to be rather popular from his splendour, 
 than dreaded from his violence. His power 
 wrested from them, in the shape of compulsory 
 loans and benevolences, large sums of money 
 which he was not entitled to by the grant of 
 parliament ; but though he could not directly 
 compel them to pay such exactions, yet he 
 could exert, as in the case of Alderman Read, 
 the power of sending the refusing party to Im 
 dergo the dangers and hardships of foreign ser- 
 vice, which most wealthy citizens thought still 
 harder than the alternative of paying a sum of 
 money. 
 
 The reign of the English Queen Mary was 
 short and inglorious, but she pursued the arbi- 
 trary steps of her father, and in no degree re- 
 laxed the power which the crown had acquired 
 since the accession of Henry VII. That ol 
 Elizabeth went considerably to increase it. The 
 success of the Avise measures which she adopted 
 for maintaining the Protestant religion, and 
 making the power of England respected by 
 foreign states, flattered the vanity, and concili- 
 ated the affections, of her subjects. The wis-
 
 AT THE ACCESSION OF JAMES. 5b 
 
 dom and economy with which she distributed 
 the treasures of the state, added to the general 
 disposition of her subjects to place them at her 
 command ; and the arbitrary authority which 
 her grandfather acquired by subtlety, which her 
 father maintained by violence, and which her 
 sister* preserved by bigotry, was readily con- 
 ceded to Elizabeth by the love and esteem of 
 her people. It was, moreover, to be consider- 
 ed, that, like the rest of the Tudor family, the 
 Queen nourished high ideas of royal preroga 
 tive ; and when thwarted in her wishes by any 
 opposition, not unfrequently called to lively re- 
 collection, both by expression and action, whose 
 daughter she was. 
 
 In a Avord, the almost absolute authority of 
 the House of Tudor may be understood from 
 the single circumstance, that although religion 
 is the point on which men do, and ought to 
 think their individual feelings and sentiments 
 particularly at liberty, yet, at the arbitrary will 
 of the sovereign, the Church of England was 
 disjoined from that of Rome by Henry the 
 Eighth, was restored to the Roman Catholic 
 faith by Queen Mary, and again declared Pro- 
 testant by Elizabeth ; and on each occasion the 
 change was effected without any commotion or 
 resistance beyond what was soon put down by 
 the power of the Crown. 
 
 Thus, on succeeding to the English throne, 
 James found himself at the head of a nobility 
 who had lost both the habit and power of re- 
 sisting the will of the sovereign, and of a weal- 
 thy body of commons, who satisiied with being
 
 5(5 STATE OF ENGLAND 
 
 liberated from the power of the aristocracy, 
 were little disposed to insist the exactions of 
 the crown. 
 
 His ancient kingdom of Scotland was in a 
 directly different situation. The feudal nobility 
 had retained their territorial jurisdictions, and 
 their signorial privileges, in as full extent as 
 their ancestors had possessed them, and there- 
 fore had the power at once and the inclination 
 to resist the arbitrary will of the sovereign, as 
 James himself had felt on more occasions than 
 one. Thus, though the body of the people had 
 not the same protection from just and equal 
 laws, as was the happy lot of the inhabitants of 
 England, and Avere less wealthy, yet the spirit 
 of the constitution possessed all the freedom 
 w^hich was inlicrent in the ancient feudal insti- 
 tutions, and it was impossible for the monarch 
 so to influence the parliament of the country, 
 as to accomplisli any considerable encroach- 
 ment on the privileges of the nation. 
 
 It was therefore obvious, that besides the 
 numerous reasons of a public nature for uniting 
 South and North Britain under a similar system 
 of government, James saw a strong personal 
 interest for reducing the turbulent nobles and 
 people of Scotland to the same submissive and , ^ 
 quiet state in which he found England, but in>>, 1^ 
 which it was not his good fortune to leave it. 
 With this view he proposed, that the Legisla- 
 ture of both nations should appoint Commis- 
 sioners, to consider the terms on M'hich it might 
 be possible to unite them under the same con- 
 stitution. With some difficulty on both sides.
 
 AT THE ACCESSION OF JAMES. 57 
 
 the Parliament of England was prevailed on to 
 name forty-four Commissioners, while the 
 Scottish Parliament apj^ointed thirty-six, to 
 consider this important subject. 
 
 The very first conference showed how im- 
 possible* it was to accomplish the desired ob- 
 ject, until time should have removed or soften- 
 ed those prejudices on both sides, which had 
 long existed during the state of separation and 
 hostility betwixt the two nations. The English 
 Commissioners demanded, as a preliminary sti- 
 pulation, that the whole system of English law 
 should be at once extended to Scotland. The 
 Scots rejected the proposal with disdain, justly 
 alleging, that nothing less than absolute con- 
 quest by force of arms could authorize the sub- 
 jection of an independent nation to the customs 
 and laws of a foreign country. The treaty, 
 therefore, was in a great degree shipwrecked 
 at the very commencement — the proposal for 
 the union was suffered to fall asleep, and the 
 King had the disadvantage of having excited 
 the suspicions and fears of the Scottish lawyers, 
 who had been threatened with the total de 
 struction of their profession. And the profes- 
 sion of the law, which must be influential in 
 every government, was particularly so in Scot 
 land, as it was chiefly practised by the sons of 
 the higher class of gentry. 
 
 Though in a great measure disappointed in 
 his measures for eflecting a general union and 
 correspondence of laws between the two na- 
 tions, James remained extremely desirous to 
 obtain at least an ecclesiastical co-nf{)rnri<v of
 
 58 INTRODUCTION OF EPISCOPACY 
 
 opinion, by bringing the form and constitution 
 of the Scottish Church as near as possible to 
 that of England. What he attempted and ac- 
 complished in this respect, forms an important 
 part of the history of his reign, and gave occa- 
 sion to some of the most remarkable and ca- 
 lamitous events in that of his successor. 
 
 I must remind you, my dear child, that the Re- 
 formation was effected by very different agency 
 in England, from what operated a similar 
 change in Scotland. The new plans of church 
 government adopted in the two nations did not 
 in the least resemble each other, although the 
 doctrines which they teach are so nearly alike, 
 that little distinction can be traced, save what 
 is of a very subtle and metaphysical character. 
 But the outward forms of the two churches are 
 totally different. 
 
 You must remember that the Reformation 
 of the church of England was originally brought 
 about by Henry VIII., whose principal object 
 was to destroy the dependence of the clergy 
 upon the Pope, and transfer to himself, whom 
 he declared Head of the Church in his own legal 
 right, all the authority and influence which had 
 formerly been enjoyed by the Papal See. When, 
 therefore, Henry had destroyed the monastic 
 establishments, and confiscated their posses- 
 sions; and had reformed such doctrines of the 
 church as he judged required amendment, it 
 became his object to preserve her general con- 
 stitution, and the gradation of inferior and su- 
 perior clergy, by whom her functions were 
 administered, because the promotion was in a
 
 INTO THE SCOTTISH CHURCH. &9 
 
 great measure distributed by the hands of the 
 king himself, to whom, therefore, the inferior 
 clere;y must naturally be attached by hope of 
 preferment, and the superior orders by grati- 
 tude and the expectation of farther advance- 
 ment. » The order of bishops, in particular, 
 raised to that rank by the crown, and enjoying 
 seats in the House of Lords, must be supposed, 
 on most occasions, willing to espouse the cause, 
 and forward the views of the King, in such de- 
 bates as might occur in that assembly. 
 
 The Reformation in Scotland had taken 
 place by a sudden popular impulse, and the 
 form of church government adopted by Knox, 
 and the other preachers under whose influence 
 it had been accomplished, v.as studiously made 
 as different as possible from the Roman hierar- 
 chy. The Presbyterian system, as I said in a 
 former chapter, was upon the model of the 
 purest republican simplicity ; the brethren who 
 served the altar claimed and allowed of no su- 
 periority of ranks, and of no influence but what 
 individuals might attach to themselves by supe- 
 rior worth or superior talent. The represen- 
 tatives Avho formed their church courts were 
 selected by plurality of votes, and no other head 
 of the church, visible or invisible, was acknow- 
 ledged, save the blessed Founder of the Chris- 
 tian Religion, in whose name the church courts 
 of Scotland were convoked and dismissed. 
 
 Over a body so constituted, the King could 
 have little influence or power ; nor did James 
 acquire any by his personal conduct. It was, 
 indeed, partly by the influence of the clergy
 
 INTRODUCTION OF EPISCOPACY 
 
 that he had been in infancy placed upon the 
 throne ; but, as their conduct in this was re- 
 garded by James, in his secret soul, as an act 
 of rebellion against his mother's authority, he 
 gave the Kirk of Scotland little thanks for 
 what they had done. It must be OAvned the 
 preachers did nothing to conciliate his favour ; 
 for, although they had no legal call to speak 
 their sentiments upon public and political af- 
 fairs, they yet entered into them without cere- 
 mony. The pulpits rang with invectives 
 against the King's ministers, and sometimes 
 against the King himself; and the more hot- 
 headed among the clergy were disposed not 
 only to thwart James's inclinations, and put the 
 worst construction upon his intentions, but 
 even publicly to insult him in their sermons^ 
 and favour the insurrections attempted by 
 Stewart Earl of Bothwell, and others, against 
 his authority. — They often entertained him with 
 violent invectives against his mother's memo- 
 ry ; and, it is said, that on one occasion, when 
 the King, losing patience, commanded one of 
 these zealots either to speak sense or come 
 down from the pulpit, the preacher replied to 
 this request, which one would have thought 
 very reasonable, " I tell thee, man, I will nei- 
 ther speak sense nor come down." 
 
 James did not see that these acts of petulance 
 and contumacy arose, in a great measure, from 
 the suspicions which the Scottish clergy justly 
 entertained, of his desiring to innovate upon 
 the Presbyterian model, and hastily concluded, 
 that their conduct, whicli war^ the result of mu-
 
 INTO THE SCOTTISH CHURCH. • Gl 
 
 tual je^rloiisies, was essential to the character of 
 lac peculiar form of church government, and 
 that the spirit of Presbytery was in itself inimi- 
 cal to a monarchial establishment. 
 
 As soon, therefore, as he obtained the high 
 increase 6f power which arose from his ac- 
 cession to the English throne, he set himself 
 gradually to new-model the Scottish Church, 
 so as to bring it nearer that of England. But 
 the suspicions of the Presbyterian clergy M^ere 
 constantly alive to their sovereign's intentions. 
 It Avas in vain he endeavoured to avail himself 
 of the institution of an order of men called Su- 
 perintendents, to whom the book of discipline, 
 drawn up by Knox himself, had assigned a sort 
 of presidency in certain cases, with power of 
 inspecting the merits of the clergy. By this 
 course James endeavoured to introduce a sort 
 of permanent presidents into the several Pres- 
 byteries. But the clergy clearly saw his ulti- 
 mate object. " Busk it up as bonnily as you 
 will, (they said,) bring it in as fairly as you can, 
 we see the horns of the mitre ;" and the horns 
 of the mitre were, to their apprehension, as 
 odious as the horns of the Pope's tiara, or 
 those of Satan himself. At last the king ven- 
 tured on a decisive stroke. He named thirteen 
 bishops, and obtained the consent of Parlia- 
 ment for restoring them to the small remains 
 of their dilapidated bishoprics. The other 
 bishoprics, seventeen in number, were con- 
 verted into temporal lordships. 
 
 It cannot be denied that the leaders of the 
 Presbyterian clergy showed the utmost skill 
 
 Vol. I. ^^ 6
 
 62 INTRODUCTION OF EPISCOPACY. 
 
 and courage in the defence of the immunities 
 of their church. They were endeared to the 
 people by the purity of their lives, by the depth 
 of learning possessed by some, and the power- 
 ful talents exhibited by others : above all, per- 
 haps, by the willingness with which they sub- 
 mitted to poverty, penalties, and banishment, 
 rather than betray the cause which they con- 
 sidered as sacred. 
 
 The King had in 1605 openly asserted his 
 right to call and to dissolve the General Assem- 
 blies of the Church. Several of the clergy, in 
 contempt of the monarch, summoned and at- 
 tended a General Assembly at Aberdeen. The 
 opportunity was taken to chastise the refractory 
 clergymen. Five of their number were punished 
 with banishment. In 1(506, the two celebrated 
 preachers named Melville were summoned be- 
 fore the Council, and upbraided by the King 
 with their resistance to his will. They defended 
 themselves with courage, and claimed the right 
 of being tried by the laws of Scotland, a free 
 kingdom, having laws and privileges of its 
 own. But the elder Melville furnished a han- 
 dle against them by his own imprudence. 
 
 In a debate before the Privy Council, con- 
 cerning a Latin copy of verses, which Andrew 
 Melville had written in derision of the cere- 
 monies of the Church of England, he gave w-ay 
 to indecent violence, seized the Archbishop of 
 Canterbury by the lawn sleeves, which he 
 shook, calling them Romish rags, and charged 
 the prelate as a breaker of the Sabbath, the 
 maintainer of an anti-christian hierarchy, the
 
 FIVE ARTICLES OF PERTH. 63 
 
 persecutor of true preachers, the enemy of re- 
 formed churches, and proclaimed himself his 
 mortal enemy to the last drop of his blood. 
 This indiscretion and violence afforded a pre- 
 text for committing the hot old Presbyterian 
 divine to the Tower; and he was afterwards 
 exiled, and died at Sedan. The younger Mel- 
 ville was confined to Berwick, several other 
 clergymen were banished from their parishes to 
 remote parts, arid the Kirk of Scotland for the 
 time was reduced to reluctant submission to 
 the King's will. Thus the order of bishops 
 was once more introduced into the Scottish 
 Church. 
 
 James's projects of innovation were not en- 
 tirely accomplished by the introduction of prela- 
 cy. The Church of England, at the reformation, 
 had retained some particular rites in observ- 
 ance, which had decency at least to recom- 
 mend them, but vrhich the headlong opposition 
 of the Presbyterians to every thing approach- 
 ing to the Popish ritual induced them to reject 
 with horror. Five of these were introduced in- 
 to Scotland, by an enactment passed by a 
 parliament held at Perth, and thence distin- 
 guished as the Five Articles of Penh. 
 
 In modern times, when the mere ceremonial 
 part of divine worship is supposed to be of lit- 
 tle consequence, compared with the temper and 
 spirit in which we approach the Deity, the 
 Five Articles of Perth seem to involve matters 
 which might be dispensed or complied with, 
 without being considered as essential to sal- 
 vation. They v/ere as follow : — I. It was or'
 
 64 FIVE ARTICLES OF PERTH. 
 
 dained that the communion should be received 
 in a kneeling posture, and not sitting, as hither- 
 to practised in the Scottish churches. II. That, 
 in extreme cases, the communion might be ad- 
 ministered in private. III. That baptism also- 
 might, when necessary, be administered in pri- 
 vate. IV. That youth, as they grew up, should 
 be confirmed, as it is termed, by the bishop ; 
 being a kind of personal avowal of the engage- 
 ments entered into by godfathers and god- 
 mothers at the time of baptism. V. That four 
 days, distinguished by events of the utmost im- 
 portance to the Christian religion, should be 
 observed as holidays. These were Christmas, 
 on which day our Saviour was born ; Good 
 Friday, when he suffered death ; Easter, when 
 he arose from the dead ; and Pentecost, when 
 the Holy Spirit descended on the Apostles. 
 
 But, notwithstanding the moderate character 
 of these innovations, tlie utmost difficulty was 
 found in persuading even those of the Scottisli 
 clergy who were most favourable to the King 
 to receive them into the church, and they only 
 did so on the assurance that they should not 
 be required to adopt any additional changes. 
 The main body of the churchmen, though ter- 
 rified into sullen acquiescence, were unani- 
 mous in opinion that the new regulations indi- 
 cated a manifest return towards Popery. The 
 common people held the same opinion ; and a 
 thunder-storm of unusual violence, which took 
 place at the time the parliament was sitting for 
 the adoption of these obnoxious articles, was 
 considered as a declaration of t])0 wrath of
 
 FIVE ARTICLES OF PERTH. 65 
 
 Heaven against those, who were again intro- 
 ducing the rites and festivals of the Roman 
 Church into the pure and reformed Kirk of 
 Scotland. In short, this attempt to infuse into 
 the Presbyterian model something of the prin- 
 ciples of a moderate prelacy, was generally un- 
 acceptable to the church and to the nation ; and 
 it will be hereafter shown, that an endeavour to 
 extend and heighten the ediiice which his 
 father had commenced, led the way to those 
 acts of violence which cost Charles I. his throne 
 and life. 
 
 6*
 
 [ 66 ] 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Disorderly State of the Borders— Characteris- 
 tic Example of Border Match-making — 
 Deadly Feud between the Maxwells a7id John- 
 stones — Battle of Dryffc Sands — Jameses 
 power of enforcing the Laws increased after 
 tiis accession to the English Throne — Mea- 
 sures for restraining the Border Marauders 
 — The Clan Graham removed from the De- 
 hateahle Land to Ulster in Ireland — Levies of 
 Soldiers to serve in Foreign Parts — Mutual 
 Bonds among the Chiefs for the Preservation 
 of good order — Severe Prosecution of of- 
 fenders — The Town of Berwick-upon-'Tweed 
 an Independent Jurisdiction. 
 
 We are next to examine the effect which 
 James's accession to the throne of England had 
 upon those hiwless parts of his kingdom, the 
 Borders and the Highlands, as well as on the 
 more civilized provinces of Scotland — of which 
 I shall take notice in their order. 
 
 The consequences of the union of the crowns 
 were more immediately felt on the Borders, 
 which, from being the extremity of both coun- 
 tries, were now converted into the centre of the 
 kingdom. But it was not easy to see, how the 
 restless and violent inhabitants, who had been 
 for so many centuries accustomed to a lawless 
 and military life, were to conduct themselves, 
 when the general peace around left them no
 
 BORDER r.IATCil-MAKlNG. 67 
 
 enemies cither to fight with or plunder. These 
 Borderers were, as I have elsewhere told you, 
 divided into families, or clans, who followed a 
 leader supposed to be descended from the ori- 
 ginal fi^ther of the tribe. They lived in a 
 great measure by the rapine, which they exer- 
 cised indiscriminately on the English, or their 
 own countrymen, the inhabitants of the more 
 inland districts, or by the protection-money 
 which they exacted for leaving them undis- 
 turbed. This kind of plundering w^as esteem 
 ed by them in the highest degree honourable 
 and praiseworthy ; and the following, as well 
 as many other curious stories, is an example of 
 this : — 
 
 A young gentleman, of a distinguished family 
 belonging to one of these Border tribes, or 
 clans, made, either from the desire of pluhder, 
 or from revenge, a raid, or incursion, upon the 
 lands of Sir Gideon Murray of Elibank, after- 
 v^'ards deputy-treasurer of Scotland, and a 
 great favourite of James VI. The Laird of 
 Elibank, having got his people under arms, en- 
 gaged the invaders, and, encountering them 
 when they were encumbered with spoil, defeated 
 them, and made the leader of the band prisoner. 
 
 He was brought to the castle of his con- 
 querer, when the lady inquired of her victori- 
 ous husband " what he intended to do with his 
 captive ?" — " Hang him, dame, as a man taken 
 redhand in the act of robbery and violence." — 
 " That is not like your wisdom. Sir Gideon," 
 answered his more considerate lady. " If you 
 put to death this young gentleman, you wiii
 
 63 DEADLV' i'liUD BETWEEN TilE 
 
 V 
 
 enter into a deadly feud with his numerous and 
 powerful clan. You must therefore do a wiser 
 thing, and, instead of hanging him, we will 
 cause him to marry our youngest daughter, 
 Meg, with the meikle mouth, without any 
 tocher," (that is, without any portion.) 
 
 The Laird joyfully consented; for this Meg 
 with the large mouth was so ugly, that there 
 was very little chance of her getting a husband 
 in any other circumstances ; and, in fact, when 
 the alternative of such a marriage, or death by 
 the gallows, was proposed to the poor prisoner, 
 he was for some time disposed to choose the 
 latter ; nor M'-as it without difficulty that he 
 could be persuaded to save his life at the ex- 
 pense of marrying Meg Murray. He did so at 
 last, however; and it said, that Meg, thus 
 forced upon him, made an excellent and affec- 
 tionate wife; but the unusual size of mouth 
 was supposed to remain discernible in their 
 descendants for several generations. I men- 
 tion this anecdote, because it occurred during 
 James the Sixth's reign, and shows, in a strik- 
 ing manner, how little the Borderers had im- 
 proved in their sense of morality, or distinc- 
 tions betAveen right and wrong. 
 
 A more important, but not more characteris- 
 tic event, which happened not long afterwards, 
 shows, in its progress, their utter lawlessness 
 and contempt of legal authority in this reign, 
 and, in its conclusion, the increased power of 
 the monarch. 
 
 There had been long and deadly feud, on the 
 West Borders, betwixt the two great families 
 
 ^4'
 
 MAXW'ELLS AND JOIINSTONES. GO 
 
 of Maxwell and Johnstone. The former house 
 was the most wealthy and powerful family in 
 Dumfries-shire and its vicinity, and had great 
 influence among the families inhabiting the 
 more le^'el part of that country. Their chief- 
 tain had the title of Lord Maxwell, and claim- 
 ed that of Earl of Morton. The Johnstones, 
 on the other hand, were neither equal to the 
 Maxwells in numbers nor in power ; but they 
 were a race of uncommon hardihood, much at- 
 tached to each other and their chieftain, and 
 residing in the strong and mountainous district 
 of Annandale, used to sally from thence as 
 from a fortress, and return to its fastnesses 
 after having accomplished their inroads. They 
 were, therefore, able to maintain their ground 
 against the Maxwells, though more numerous 
 than themselves. 
 
 So well was this known to be the case, that 
 when in 1585, the Lord Maxwell was declared 
 to be a rebel, a commission was given to the 
 Laird of Johnstone to pursue and appre- 
 hend him. In this, however, Johnstone was 
 unsuccessful. Two bands of hired soldiers, 
 whom the government had sent to his assist- 
 ance, were destroyed by the Maxwells ; and 
 Lockwood, the chief house of the Laird, was 
 taken and wantonly burnt, in order, as the 
 Maxw^ells expressed it, that Lady Johnstone 
 might have light to put on her hood. John- 
 stone himself was subsequently defeated and 
 made prisoner. Being a man of proud and 
 haughty temper, he is said to have died of grief 
 at the disgrace which he incurred; and thus
 
 70 di;ai-ly tkld iJETWEi:^ the 
 
 there commenced a long seriea of mutual in- 
 juriea between the hostile clans. 
 
 Shortly after this catastrophe, Maxwell, be- 
 ing restored to the king's favour, was once 
 more placed in the situation of Warden of the 
 West Borders, and an alliance was made be- 
 twixt him and Sir James Johnstone, in which 
 they and their two clans agreed to stand by 
 each other against .all the world. This agree- 
 ment being entered into, the clan of Johnstone 
 concluded they had little to apprehend from 
 the justice of the new Lord Warden, so long 
 as they did not plunder any. of the name of 
 Maxwell. They accordingly descended into 
 the valley of the Nith, and comitted great spoil 
 on the lands belonging to Douglass ofDrum- 
 lanrig, Creichton Lord Sanquhar, Grierson of 
 Lagg, and Kirkpatrick of Closeburn, all of 
 them independent barons of high birth and 
 great power. The injured parties pursued the 
 depredators with forces hastily assembled, but 
 Avere defeated with slaughter in their attempt 
 to recover the prey. 
 
 The Barons next carried their complaints to 
 Maxwell the Warden, who alleged his late al- 
 liance with Johnstone as a reason why he could 
 not yield them the redress which his office en- 
 titled them to expect at his hands. But when, 
 to make up for such risk as he might incur by 
 renewing his enmity with the Joimstones, the 
 Barons of Nithsdale offered to bind themselves 
 by a bond of manrent, as it was called, to be- 
 come the favourers and followers of Lord 
 Maxwell in all his quarrels, excepting against
 
 MAXWELLS AND JOHN'STONES. 71 
 
 the King, the temptation became too strong to 
 be overcome, and he resoh ed to sacrifice his 
 newly formed friendship with Johnstone to the 
 desire of extending his authority over so pow- 
 erful a confederacy. 
 
 The secret of this association did not long 
 remain concealed from Johnstone, who saw 
 that his own destruction and the ruin of his 
 clan, were the objects aimed at, and hastened to 
 apply to his neighbours in the east and south 
 for assistance. Buccleuch, the relative of 
 Johnstone, and by far his most powerful ally, 
 was then in foreign parts. But the Laird of 
 Elibank, mentioned in the last story, bore the 
 banner of Buccleuch in person, and assembled 
 a great number of the clan of Scott, whom our 
 historians term the greatest robbers and 
 fiercest fighters among the Border clans. The 
 Elliots of Liddesdale also assisted Johnstone ; 
 and his neighbours on the southern parts, the 
 Grahams of the Debateable Land, from hopes 
 of plunder and ancient enmity to the Max- 
 wells, sent also a considerable number oi 
 spears. 
 
 Thus prepared for war, Johnstone took the 
 field, wi;h activity, while Maxwell, assembling 
 hastily his own forces, and those of his new 
 followers, the Nithsdale Barons, invaded An- 
 nandale with the royal banner displayed, and a 
 force of upwards of two thousand men. John- 
 stone, unequal in numbers, stood on the defen- 
 sive, and kept possession of the woods and 
 strong ground, waiting an opportunity of fight- 
 ing to advantage ; while Maxwell, in contempt
 
 73 BATTLE OF DRYFFE SANDS. 
 
 of him, formed the siege of the castle or tower 
 of Lockerby, the fortress of a Johnstone, who 
 was then in arms with his chief. His wife, a 
 woman of a masculine disposition, the sister or 
 daughter of the Laird who had died in Max- 
 well's prison, defended his place of residence. 
 
 While Maxwell endeavoured to storm the 
 castle, and while it was bravely defended by its 
 female captain, the chief received information 
 that the Laird of Johnstone was advancing to 
 its relief. He drew off from the siege, and 
 caused it to be published through his little 
 army that he would give a " ten-pound land," 
 that is, land rated in the cess-books at that 
 yearly amount, " to any one who would bring 
 him the head or hand of the Laird of John- 
 stone." When this was reported to Johnstone, 
 he said he had no ten-pound lands to offer, but 
 that he would bestow a five-merk land upon the 
 man who should bring him the head or hand 
 of Lord Maxwell. 
 
 The conflict took place close by the river 
 Dryffe near Lochmaben, and is called the Bat- 
 tle of Dryffe Sands. It was managed by John- 
 stone with considerable military skill. He 
 showed at first only a handful of horsemen, 
 who made a hasty attack upon Maxwell's army, 
 and then retired in a manner which induced the 
 enemy to consider them as defeated, and led 
 them to pursue in disorder with loud acclama- 
 tions of victory. The Maxwells and their con- 
 federates were thus exposed to a sudden and 
 despprate charge from the main body of the 
 Johnstones and tlieir allies, who fell upon them
 
 BATTLE OF DUIFFE SANDS. 73 
 
 while their ranks were broken, and compelled 
 them to take flight. The Maxwells suffered 
 grievously in the retreat — many were over- 
 taken in the streets of Lockerby, and cut down 
 or slashed in the face by the pursuers ; a kind 
 of blo\V, which to this day is called in that 
 country a " Lockerby lick." 
 
 Maxwell himself, an elderly man and heavily 
 armed, was borne down from his horse in the 
 beginning of the conflict, and as he named his 
 name, and offered to surrender, his right hand, 
 which he stretched out for mercy, was cut from 
 his body. Thus far history ; but family tradi- 
 tion adds the following circumstance : The 
 Lady of Lockerby, who was besieged in her 
 tower as already mentioned, had witnessed 
 from the battlements the approach of the Laird 
 of Johnstone, and as soon as the enemy with- 
 drew from the blockade of the fortress, had 
 sent to the assistance of her chief the few ser- 
 vants who had assisted in the defence. After 
 this she heard the tumult of the battle, but as 
 she could not from the tower see the place 
 where it was fought, she remained in an agony 
 of suspense, until, as the noise seemed to pass 
 away in a westerly direction, she could endure 
 the uncertainty no longer, but sallied out from 
 the tower, with only one female attendant, to 
 see how the day had gone. As a measure of 
 precaution, she locked the strong oaken door 
 and the iron-grate with which a border fortress 
 was commonly secured, and knitting the large 
 keys on a thong, took them with her hanging 
 on her arm. 
 
 Vol. I. 7
 
 74 BATTLE OF DRYFFE SANDS. 
 
 When the Lady of Lockerby entered on the 
 field of battle, she found the relics of a bloody 
 fight ; the little valley was covered with slain 
 men and horses, and broken armour, besides 
 many wounded, who were incapable of further 
 efibrt for saving themselves. Amongst others 
 she saw lying beneath a thorn tree a tall, gray- 
 haired, noble-looking man, arrayed in bright 
 armour, but bareheaded, and bleeding to death 
 from the loss of his right hand. He asked her 
 for mercy and help with a faltering voice ; but 
 the idea of deadly feud, in that time and 
 country, closed all access to compassion, even 
 in a female bosom. She saw before her only 
 the enemy of her clan, and the cause of her fa- 
 ther's captivity and death ; and raising the pon- 
 ^'derous keys which she bore along with her, the 
 Lady of Lockerby is commonly reported to 
 have dashed out the brains of the vanquished 
 Lord Maxwell. 
 
 The battle of Dryffe Sands was remarkable 
 as the last great clan battle fought on the Bor- 
 ders, and it led to the renewal of the strife be- 
 twixt the Maxwells and Johnstones, with 
 every circumstance of ferocity which could add 
 horror to civil war. The last distinguished act 
 of the tragedy took place thus : — 
 
 The son of the slain Lord Maxwell invited 
 Sir James Johnstone to a friendly conference, 
 to which each chieftain engaged to bring one 
 friend only. They met at a place called Auch- 
 manhill, on the 6th August, 1008, when the 
 attendant of Lord Maxwell, after falling into 
 bitter and reproachful language with Johnstone
 
 ASSASSINATION OF SIR JAMES JOHNSTONE. 7^ 
 
 of Gunmanlie, who was in attendance on his 
 chief, at length fired his pistol. Sir James John- 
 stone turning around to see what had hap- 
 pened, Lord Maxwell treacherously shot him 
 through^ the back with a pistol charged with a 
 brace of bullets. While the gallant old knight 
 lay dying on the ground, Maxwell rode round 
 him with the view of completing his crime, but 
 Johnstone defended himself with his sword till 
 strength and life failed him. 
 
 This final catastrophe of such a succession 
 of bloody acts of revenge, took place several 
 years after the union of the crowns, and the 
 consequences, so different from those which 
 ensued upon former occasions, show how ef- 
 fectually the king's authority, and the power of 
 enforcing the course of equal justice, had in- 
 creased in consequence of that desirable event. 
 
 You may observe, from the incidents men- 
 tioned, that in 1585, when Lord Maxwell as- 
 saulted and made prisoner the Laird of John- 
 stone, then the king's warden, and acting in his 
 name, and committed him to the captivity in 
 which he died, James was totally unequal to 
 the task of vindicating his royal authority, and 
 saw himself compelled to receive Maxwell into 
 favour and trust, as if he had done nothing 
 contrary to the laws. Nor was the royal au- 
 thority more effectual in 1598, when Maxwell, 
 acting as royal warden, and having the king's 
 banner displayed, was in his turn defeated and 
 slain, in so melancholy and cruel a manner, at 
 Dryffe Sands. On the contrary. Sir James 
 Johnstone was not only pardoned, but restored
 
 70 SEVEIIITIES AGAINST THE ARMSTRONGS. 
 
 to favour and trust by the king. But tliere was 
 a conspicuous difference in the consequences 
 of the murder Avhich took place at Auchmanhill 
 in 1608. Lord Maxwell, finding no refuge in 
 the Border country, was obliged to escape to 
 France, where he resided for two or three 
 years ; but afterwards venturing to return to 
 Scotland, he was apprehended in the wilds of 
 Caithness, and brought to trial at Edinburgh. 
 James, desirous on this occasion to strike ter- 
 ror, by a salutary v/arning, into the factious 
 nobility and disorderly Borderers, caused the 
 criminal to be publicly beheaded on the 21st 
 May, 1613. 
 
 Many instances might be added to show that 
 the course of justice on the Border began, after 
 the accession of James to the English throne, to 
 flov/ with a less interrupted stream, even where 
 men of rank and power were concerned. 
 
 The inferior class of freebooters were treat- 
 ed with much less ceremony. Proclamations 
 were made, that none of the inhabitants of ei- 
 ther side of the Border (except noblemen and 
 gentlemen of unsuspected character) should re- 
 tain in their possession armour or weapons, 
 offensive or defensive, or keep any horse above 
 the value of fifty shillings. Particular clans, 
 described as broken men, were especially dis- 
 charged the use of weapons. 
 
 The celebrated clan of Armstrong had, on the 
 very night in w^hicli Queen Elizabeth's death 
 became public, concluding that a time of mis- 
 rule, by which they had hitherto made their 
 harvest, was again approaching, and desirous
 
 BANISHMENT OF THE GRAHAMS. 77 
 
 cf losing no time, made a fierce incursion into 
 England, and done much mischief. But such a 
 consequence had been foreseen and provided 
 against. A strong body of soldiers, both En- 
 glish and Scots, swept along the Border, and 
 severely*punished the marauders, blowing up 
 their fortresses with gunpowder, destroying 
 their lands, and driving away their cattle and 
 flocks. The Armstrongs appear never to have 
 recovered their consequence after this severe 
 chastisement ^J^or are there many of this cele- 
 brated clan now to be found among the land- 
 holders of Liddesdale, where they once pos- 
 sessed the whole district. 
 
 The Grahams, long the inhabitants of the 
 Debateable Land, which was claimed both by 
 England and Scotland, were still more severely 
 dealt with. They were very brave and active 
 Borderers attached to England, for which coun- 
 try, and particularly in Edward VI. 's time, they 
 had often done good service. But they were 
 also very lawless, and their incursions were as 
 much dreaded by the inhabitants of Cumber- 
 land as by those of the Scottish frontier. This, 
 indeed, was the subject of complaint on both 
 sides of the Border ; and the poor Grahams, 
 seeing no alternative, were compelled to sign a 
 petition to the King, stating themselves to be 
 unfit persons to dwell in the country which they 
 now inhabited, and praying that he would pro- 
 vide the means of transporting them elseAvhere, 
 where his paternal goodness should assign them 
 the means of life. The whole clan, a very few 
 individuals excepted, Avere thus deprived of 
 7*
 
 78 SOLDIERS TO SERVE IN FOREIGN PARTS. 
 
 their lands and residences, and transported to 
 the county of Ulster, in Ireland, where they 
 were settled on lands which had been acquired 
 from the conquered Irish. There is a list which 
 shows the rate at which the county of Cumber- 
 land was taxed for the exportation of these 
 poor fellows, as if they had been so many bul- 
 locks. 
 
 Another efficient mode of getting rid of a 
 warlike and disorderly population, who, though 
 an admirable defence of a cou^gj^y in time of 
 war, must have been great scourges in time of 
 the profound peace to which the Border dis- 
 tricts were consigned after the close of the En- 
 glish wars, was the levying a large body of sol- 
 diers to serve in foreign countries. The love 
 of military adventure had already carried one 
 legion to serve the Dutch in their defence 
 against the Spaniards, and they had done great 
 service in the Low Countries, and particularly 
 at the battle of Mechline, in 1578 ; where, im- 
 patient of the heat of the weather, to the asto- 
 nishment of both friends and enemies, the Scot- 
 tish auxiliaries flung off their upper garments, 
 and fought like furies in their shirts. The cir- 
 cumstance is pointed out in the plan of the bat- 
 tle which is to be found in Strada, with the ex- 
 planation — '^ Here the Scots fought naked." 
 
 Buccleuch levied a large additional force 
 from the Border, whose occupation in their na- 
 tive country was gone for ever. These also 
 distinguished themselves in the wars of the Low 
 Countries. It may be su})posed that very many 
 of them perished in the lield, and tlie descend-
 
 JEDPART JUSTICE. 79 
 
 ants of others still survive in the Netherlands 
 and in Germany, 
 
 In addition to the relief afforded by such an 
 outlet for the superfluous population, whose 
 numbers greatly exceeded what the land could 
 have supplied with food, and who, in fact, had 
 only lived upon plunder, bonds were entered 
 into by the men of substance and family on the 
 Borders, not only obliging themselves to abstain 
 from depredations, but to stand by each other 
 in putting down and preventing such evil doings 
 at the hand of others, and in making common 
 cause against any clan, branch, or surname, 
 who might take offence at any individual for 
 acting in prosecution of this engagement. They 
 bound themselves also not only to seize and 
 deliver to justice such thieves as should take 
 refuge in their grounds, but to dispossess from 
 their estates all persons who could be suspect- 
 ed of such offences, and to supply their place 
 with honest and peaceable subjects. I am pos- 
 sessed of such a bond, dated in the year 1612, 
 and subscribed by about twenty landholders, 
 chiefly of the name of Scott. 
 
 Finally, an unusually severe and keen prose- 
 cution of all who were convicted, accused, or 
 even suspected of offence against the peace of 
 the Border, was set on foot by George Home, 
 Earl of Dunbar, James's able but not very scfta- 
 pulous minister, and prosecuted so severely as 
 to give rise to the proverb of Jeddart (or Jed- 
 burgh) justice, by which it is said a criminal 
 was hanged first and tried afterwards ; the truth 
 of which is affirmed by historians as a well-
 
 80 JEDDART JUSTICE. 
 
 known fact occurring in numerous instances. 
 Cruel as these measures were, they tended to 
 remedy a disease which seemed ahnost despe- 
 rate. Rent, the very name of which had till 
 that period scarcely been heard on the Border, 
 began to be paid for property, and the proprie- 
 tors of land^turned their thoughts to rural in- 
 dustry, instead of the arts of predatory warfare. 
 But it was more than a century ere the country, 
 so long a harassed and disputed frontier, gain- 
 ed the undisturbed appearance of a civilized 
 land. 
 
 Before leaving the subject of the Borders, I 
 ought to explain to you, that as the possession 
 of the strong and important town of Berwick 
 had been so long and fiercely disputed be- 
 tween England and Scotland, and as the latter 
 country had never surrendered or abandoned 
 her claim to the place, though it had so long 
 remained an English possession, James, to avoid 
 giving offence to either, left the question unde- 
 cided ; and since the union of the Crowns the 
 city is never spoken of as part of England or 
 Scotland, but as the Good Town of Berwick- 
 upon-Tweed ; and when a law is made for 
 North and South Britain, without special and 
 distinct mention of this ancient town, that law 
 is of no force or avail within its precincts.
 
 [ 81 ] 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Wild state of the Western Islands — Suffocation 
 of the Inhabitants of Eigg, by filling a cave, 
 in which they had concealed themselves, with 
 smoke — Story of Allan-a-Sop — Dreadful 
 Death by Thirst — Massacre of Lowlanders, 
 who had made a Settlement in Lewis and 
 Harris — The u^hole Western Isles, excepting 
 Skye and Lewis, offered for 800Z. to the Mar- 
 quis of Huntly, who refuses to purchase them 
 at that sum. 
 
 The Highlands and Western Islands were in 
 no respect so much effected by the union of the 
 crowns as the inhabitants of the Borders. The 
 accession of James to the English throne was 
 of no great consequence to them, unless in so 
 far as it rendered the King more powerful, and 
 gave him the means of occasionally sending 
 bodies of troops into their fortresses to compel 
 them to order ; and this was a measure of unu- 
 sual rigour, which was but seldom resorted to. 
 
 The Highland tribes, therefore, remained in 
 the same state as before, using the same dress, 
 wielding the same arms, divided into the same 
 clans, each governed by its own patriarch, and 
 living in all respects as their ancestors had lived 
 for many centuries before them. Or if there 
 were some m.arks of softened manners among 
 those Gaelic tribes who resided on^the main- 
 land, the inhabitants of the Hebrides or Wes-
 
 82 SUFFOCATION HY SMOKE OF 
 
 tern Isles, adjacent to the coast of Scotland, are 
 described to us as utterly barbarous. A histo- 
 rian of the period says, that " the Highlanders 
 who dwell on the mainland, though sufficiently 
 wild, show some shade of civilization; but those 
 in the islands are without laws or morals, and 
 totally destitute of religion and humanity." 
 Some storiesof their feuds are indeed preserved, 
 which go far to support this general accusation. 
 I will tell you one or two of them. 
 
 The principal possessors of the Hebrides 
 were originally of the name of MacDonald, the 
 whole being under the government of a succes- 
 sion of chiefs, who bore the name of Donald of 
 the Isles, as we have already mentioned, and 
 were possessed of authority almost indepen- 
 dent of the Kings of Scotland. But this great 
 family becoming divided into two or three 
 branches, other chiefs settled in some of tlie 
 islands, and disputed the property of the origi- 
 nal proprietors. Thus, the MacLeods, a pow- 
 erful and numerous clan, who had extensive 
 estates on the mainland, made themselves mas- 
 ters, at a very early period, of a great part of 
 the large island of Skye, seized upon much of 
 the Long Island, as the isles of Lewis and Har- 
 ris are called, and fought fiercely with the 
 MacDonalds, and other tribes of the islands. 
 The following is an example of the mode in 
 which these feuds were conducted. 
 
 About the end of the sixteenth century, a 
 boat, manned by one or two of the MacLeods, 
 landed in Eigg, a small island, peopled by the 
 MacDonalds. They were at first hospitably
 
 THE MACDONALDS OF EIGG. 83 
 
 received ; but having been guilty of some in- 
 civility to the young women on the island, it 
 was so much resented by the inhabitants, that 
 they tied the MacLeods hand and foot, and put- 
 ting them^on board of their own boat, towed it 
 to sea and set it adrift, leaving the Avretched 
 men, bound as they were, to perish by famine, 
 or by the winds and waves, as chance should 
 determine. But fate so ordered it, that a boat 
 belonging to the Laird of MacLeod fell in with 
 that Avhich had the captives on board, and 
 brought them in safety to the Laird's castle of 
 Dunvegan in Skye, where they complained of 
 the injury which they had sustained from the 
 MacDonalds of Eigg. 
 
 MacLeod, in great rage, put to sea with his 
 galleys, manned by a large body of his people, 
 which the men of Eigg could not entertain any 
 rational hope of resisting. Learning that their 
 incensed enemy was approaching with superior 
 forces, and deep vows of revenge, the inhabi- 
 tants, who knew they had no mercy to expect 
 at MacLeod's hands, resolved, as the best chance 
 of safety in their power, to conceal themselves 
 in a large cavern on the sea shore. 
 
 This place was particularly well calculated 
 for that purpose. The entrance resembles 
 that of a fox-jearth, being an opening so small 
 that a man cannot enter save by creeping on 
 hands and knees. A rill of water falls from the 
 top of the rock, and serves, or rather served at 
 that period we speak of, wholly to conceal the 
 aperture. A stranger, even when apprised of 
 the existence of such a cave, would find the
 
 84 SUFFOCATION BY SMOKE OF 
 
 greatest difficulty in discovering the entrance. 
 Within, the cavern rises to a great height, and 
 the floor is covered with white dry sand. It is 
 extensive enough to contain a great number of 
 people. The whole inhabitants of Eigg, who, 
 with their wives and families, amounted to 
 nearly two hundred souls, took refuge within 
 its precincts. 
 
 MacLeod arrived with his armament, and 
 landed on the island, but could discover no one 
 on whom to wreak his vengeance — all was a 
 desert. The MacLeods destroyed the huts of 
 the islanders, and plundered what property they 
 could discover ; but the vengeance of the chief- 
 tain could not be satisfied with such petty inju- 
 ries. He knew that the inhabitants must either 
 have fled in their boats to one of the islands 
 possessed by the MacDonalds, or that they 
 must be concealed somewhere in Eigg. 
 
 After making a strict but unsuccessful search 
 for two days, MacLeod had appointed the third 
 to leave his anchorage, when, in the grey of 
 the morning, one of the seamen beheld from 
 the deck of his galley the figure of a man on 
 the island. This was a spy whom the Mac- 
 Donalds, impatient of their confinement in the 
 cavern, had imprudently sent out to see whe- 
 ther MacLeod had retired or not. The poor 
 fellow, when he saw himself discovered, endea- 
 voured, by doubling, after the manner of a hare 
 or fox, to obliterate the track of his footsteps, 
 and prevent its being discovered where he had 
 re-entered the cavern. But all his art was' la 
 vain ; the invaders again landed, and tracked 
 him to the entrance of the cavern.
 
 THE MACDONALDS OF EIGG. 85 
 
 MacLeod then summoned those who were 
 within it, and called upon them to deliver up, 
 the individuals who had maltreated his men, to 
 be disposed of at his pleasure. The MacDo- 
 naids, still confident in the strength of their 
 fastness, which no assailant could enter but on 
 hands and knees, refused to surrender their 
 clansmen. 
 
 MacLeod then commenced a dreadful work 
 of indiscriminate vengeance. He caused his 
 people, by means of a ditch cut above the top 
 of the rock, to turn away the stream of water 
 which fell over the entrance of the precipice. 
 This being done, the MacLeods collected all 
 the combustibles which could be found on the 
 island, particularly quantities of dry heather, 
 piled them up against the aperture, and main- 
 tained an immense fire for many hours, until 
 the smoke, penetrating into the inmost recesses 
 of the cavern, stifled to death every creature 
 within. There is no doubt of the truth of this 
 story, dreadful as it is. The cavern is often 
 visited by strangers ; and I have myself seen 
 the place where the bones of the murdered 
 MacDonalds still remain, lying as thick on the 
 floor of the cave as in the charnel-house of a 
 church. 
 
 The MacLeans, in like manner, a bold and 
 hardy race, who, originally followers of the 
 Lords of the Isles, had assumed independence, 
 seized upon great part both of the Isle of Mull 
 and the still more valuable island of Hay, and 
 made war on the MacDonalds with various suc- 
 cess. There is a story belonging to this clan, 
 
 Vol. I 8
 
 86 STonv OF a:. 
 
 which I may tell you, as giving another striking 
 picture of the manners of the Hebrideans. 
 
 The chief of the clan, MacLean of Duart in 
 the Isle of Mull, had an intrigue with a beautiful 
 young woman of his own clan, who bore a son 
 to him. In consequence of the child's being, 
 by some accident, born in a barn, he received 
 the name of Allan-a-Sop, or Allan of the Straw, 
 by which he was distinguished from others of 
 his clan. As his father and mother were not 
 married, Allan was of course a bastard, or na- 
 tural son, and had no inheritance to look for, 
 save that which he might win for himself. 
 
 But the beauty of the boy's mother having 
 captivated a man of rank in the clan, called 
 MacLean of Torloisk, he married her, and took 
 her to reside with him at his castle of Torloisk, 
 situated on the shores of the Sound, or small 
 strait of the sea, which divides the smaller 
 -island of Ulva from that of Mull. Allan-a-Sop 
 paid his mother frequent visits at her new resi- 
 dence, and she was naturally glad to see the 
 poor boy, both from aft'ection, and on account 
 of his personal strength and beauty, which dis- 
 tinguished him above other youths of his age. 
 But she was obliged to confer marks of her at- 
 tachment on him as privately as she could, for 
 Allan's visits were by no means so acceptable 
 to her hur^band as to herself. Indeed, Torloisk 
 liked so little to see the lad, that he determined 
 to put some affront on him, which should pre- 
 vent his returning to the castle for some time. 
 An opportunity for executing his purpose soon 
 occurred.
 
 STORY OF ALLAN-A-SOr. 87 
 
 The lady one morning, looking from the 
 window, saw her son coming wandering down 
 the hill, and hastened to put a girdle cake upon 
 the fire, that he might have hot bread to his 
 breakfast.. Something called her ont of the 
 apartment after making this preparation, and 
 her husband entering at the same time, saw at 
 once what she had been about, and determined 
 to give the boy such a reception as should dis- 
 gust him for the future. He snatched the cake 
 from the girdle, thrust it into his step-son's 
 hands, which he forcibly closed on the scalding 
 bread, saying, " Here, Allan — here is a cake 
 which your mother has got ready for your 
 breakfast." Allan's hands were severely burnt; 
 and, being a sharp-witted and proud boy, he 
 resented this mark of his step-father's ill will, 
 and came not again to Torloisk. 
 
 At this time the western seas were covered 
 with the vessels of pirates, who not unlike the 
 Sea-kings of Denmark at an early period, some- 
 times settled and made conquests on the islands. 
 Allan-a-Sop was young, strong, and brave to 
 desperation. He entered as a mariner on board 
 of one of these ships, and in process of time 
 obtained the command, first of one galley, then 
 of a small flotilla, with which he sailed round 
 the seas and collected considerable plunder, 
 until his name became both feared and famous. 
 At length he proposed to himself to pay a visit 
 to his mother, whom he had not seen for many 
 years ; and' setting sail for this purpose, he an- 
 chored one morning in the Sound of Ulva, and 
 in front of the house of Torloisk. His mother
 
 88 STORY OF ALLAN-A-SOP. 
 
 (vas dead, but his step-father, to whom he was 
 now an object of fear as he had been formerly 
 of aversion, hastened to the shore to receive his 
 formidable son-in-law, with great affectation of 
 kindness and interest in his prosperity ; while 
 Allan-a-Sop, who, though very rough and 
 hasty, does not appear to have been sullen or 
 vindictive, seemed to take this kind reception 
 in good part. 
 
 The crafty old man succeeded so well, as he 
 thought, in securing Allan's friendship, and 
 obliterating all recollections of the former af- 
 front put on him, that he began to think it 
 possible to employ him in executing his private 
 revenge upon MacKinnon of Ulva, with whom, 
 as was usual between such neighbours, he had 
 some feud. With this purpose, he offered what 
 he called the following good advice to his son- 
 in-law : " My dear Allan, you have now wan- 
 dered over the seas long enough ; it is time you 
 should have some footing upon land, a castle 
 to protect yourself in winter, a village and cat- 
 tle for ycMir men, and a harbour to lay up your 
 galleys. Now, here is the island of tjlva, near 
 at hand, which lies ready for your occupation, 
 and it will cost you no trouble, save that of put- 
 ting to death the present proprietor, the Laird 
 of MacKinnon, a useless old carle, who has 
 cumbered the world long enough." 
 
 Allan-a-Sop thanked his step-father for so 
 happy a suggestion, which he declared he 
 would put in execution forthwitli. According- 
 ly, setting sail the next morning, he appeared 
 before MacKinnon's house an hour before
 
 STORY OF ALLAN-A-SOP. 89 
 
 noon. The old chief of Ulva was much alarmed 
 at the menacing apparition of so many galleys, 
 and his anxiety was not lessened by the news, 
 that they were commanded by the redoubted 
 Allan-a-Sop. Having no effectual means of 
 resistance, MacKinnon, .who was a man of 
 shrcAvd sense, saw no alternative save that of 
 receiving the invaders, whatever mio-ht be their 
 purpose, with all outward demonstrations of 
 joy and satisfaction. He caused immediate 
 preparations to be made for a banquet as splen- 
 did as circumstances admitted, hastened down 
 to the shore to meet the rover, and welcomed 
 him to Ulva with such an appearance of since- 
 rity, that the pirate found it impossible to 
 pick any quarrel which might afford a pre- 
 tence for executing the violent purpose which 
 he had been led to meditate. 
 
 They feasted together the whole day; and, in 
 the evening, as Allan-a-Sop was about to retire 
 to his ships, he thanked the Laird of MacKin- 
 non for his entertainment, but remarked, with 
 a sigh, that it had cost him very dear. " How 
 can that be," said MacKinnon, " when I be- 
 stowed this entertainment upon you in free 
 goodwill?" — "It is true, my friend," replied the 
 pirate, " but then it has quite disconcerted the 
 purpose for which I came hither ; which was 
 to put you to death, my good friend, and seize 
 upon your house and island, and to settle my- 
 self in the world. This island would hav^ 
 been very convenient, but your friendly recep- 
 tion has rendered it impossible for me to exe- 
 8*
 
 90 STORY OF ALLAN-A-30P. 
 
 cute my purpose ; so that I must be a wanderer 
 on the seas for some time longer." 
 
 Whatever MacKinnon felt at hearing he had 
 been so near to destruction, he took care to 
 show no emotion save surprise, and replied to 
 his visiter, — " My dear Allan, who was it that 
 put into your mind so unkind a purpose to- 
 wards your old friend ? for I am sure it never 
 arose from your own generous nature. It must 
 have been your father-in-law, old Torloisk, who 
 made such an indifferent husband to your 
 mother, and such an unfriendly step-father to 
 you when you were a helpless boy ; but now, 
 when he sees you a bold and powerful leader, 
 he desires to make a quarrel betwixt you and 
 those who were the friends of your youth. If 
 you consider this matter rightly, Allan, you will 
 see that the estate and harbour of Torloisk lie 
 as conveniently for you as those of Ulva, and 
 that, if you are to make a settlement by force, 
 it is much better it should be at the expense 
 of the old churl, who never showed you 
 kindness or countenance, than at that of a 
 friend like me, who always loved and honour- 
 ed you." 
 
 Allan-a-Sop was struck with the justice of 
 this reasoning ; and the old offence of his scald- 
 ed fingers was suddenly recalled to his mind. 
 " It is very true what you say, MacKinnon," 
 he replied, " and, besides, I have not forgotten 
 what a hot breakfast my father-in-law treated 
 me to one morning. Farewell for the present ; 
 you shall soon hear news of me from the other 
 t>idc of the Sound." Having said thus much, the
 
 STORY OF ALLAN-A-SOP. 91 
 
 pirate got on board, and commanding his men 
 to unmoor the galleys, sailed back to Torloisk, 
 and prepared to land in arms. His father-in- 
 law hastened to meet him, in expectation to 
 hear of the death of his enemy, Mac-Kinnon. 
 But Allan greeted him in a very different man- 
 ner from what he expected. " You hoary old 
 traitor," he said, " you instigated my simple 
 good-nature to murder a better man than your- 
 self. But have you forgotten how you scorch- 
 ed my fingers twenty years ago, with a burn- 
 ing cake ? The day is come that that break- 
 fast must be paid for." So saying, he dashed 
 out his father-in-law's brains with a battle-axe, 
 took possession of his castle and property, and 
 established there a distinguished branch of the 
 clan of MacLean. 
 
 It is told of another of these western chiefs, 
 who is said, upon the whole, to have been a 
 kind and good-natured man, that he was sub- 
 jected to repeated risk and injury by the treach- 
 ery of an ungrateful nephew, who attempted to 
 surprise his castle, in order to put his uncle to 
 death, and obtain for himself the command of 
 the tribe. Being detected on the first occasion, 
 and brought before his uncle as a prisoner, the 
 chief dismissed him unharmed ; with a warn- 
 ing, however, not to repeat the offence, since, 
 if he did so, he would cause him to be put to a 
 death so fearful that all Scotland should ring 
 with it. 
 
 The wicked young man persevered, and re- 
 newed his attempts against his uncle's castle 
 and life. Falling a second time into the hands
 
 92 DREADFUL DEATH BY THIRST. 
 
 of the offended chieftain, the prisoner had rea- 
 son to term him as good as his word. He was 
 confined in the pit, or dungeon of the castle, a 
 deep vault, to which there was no access, save 
 through a hole in the roof. He was left with- 
 out food, till his appetite grew voracious ; the 
 more so, as he had reason to apprehend that it 
 was intended to starve him to death. 
 
 But the vengeance of his uncle was of a more 
 refined character. The stone which covered 
 the aperture in the roof was opened, and a 
 quantity of salted beef let down to the prisoner, 
 who devoured it eagerly. When he had glut- 
 ted himself with this food, and expected to be 
 supplied with liquor, to quench the raging thirst 
 which the diet had excited, a cup was lowered 
 down, which, Avhen he eagerly grasped it, he 
 found to be empty ! They then rolled the 
 stone on the opening in the vault, and left the 
 captive to perish by thirst, the most dreadful of 
 all deaths. 
 
 Many similar stories could be told you of the 
 wild wars of the islanders ; but these may suf- 
 fice at present to give you some idea of the 
 fierceness of their manners, the low value at 
 which they held human life, and the manner in 
 which wrongs were revenged, and property ac- 
 quired. They seem to have been accounted 
 by King James a race whom it was impossible 
 to subdue, conciliate, or improve by civiliza- 
 tion ; and the only remedy which occurred to 
 him, was to settle Lowlanders in the islands, 
 and drive away or extirpate the people by 
 whom they were inhabited. *
 
 LOWLAND SETTLERS AT STORXOWAY. 93 
 
 For this purpose, the king authorized an as- 
 sociation of many gentlemen in the county of 
 Fife, then the wealthiest and most civilized part 
 of Scotland, who undertook to make a settle- 
 ment in the isles of LeAvis and Harris. These 
 undertakers, as they were called, levied money, 
 assembled soldiers, and manned a fleet, with 
 which they landed on the Lewis, and effect- 
 ed a settlement at Stornoway in that coun- 
 try. At this time the property of the Lewis 
 was disputed between the sons of Rory 
 MacLeod, the last lord, who had two fami- 
 lies by separate wives. The undertakers find- 
 ing the natives thus quarrelling among them- 
 selves, had little difficulty in building a small 
 town and fortifying it ; and their enterprise 
 in the beginning assumed a promising ap- 
 pearance. 
 
 But the Lord of Kintail, chief of the nume- 
 rous and powerful clan of MacKenzie, was little 
 disposed to let this fair island fall into the pos- 
 session of a company of Lowland adventurers. 
 He had himself some views of obtaining it in 
 the name of Torquil Connaldagh MacLeod, 
 one of the claimants, who was closely connect- 
 ed Avith the family of MacKenzie, and disposed 
 to act as his powerful ally desired. Thus pri- 
 vately encouraged, the islanders united them- 
 selves against the undertakers; and, after a war 
 of various fortune, attacked their camp of 
 Stornoway, took it by storm, burnt the fort, 
 slew many of them, and made the rest prison- 
 ers. They were not expelled, you may be sure, 
 without bloodshed and m.assacre. Some of the
 
 94 LOWLAND SETTLERS AT STORNOWAY 
 
 old persons still alive in the Lewis, talk of a 
 very old woman, living in their youth, who 
 used to say, that she had held the light while 
 her countrymen were cutting the throats of the 
 adventurers. 
 
 A lady, the wife of one of the principal gen- 
 tlemen in the expedition, fled from the scene of 
 violence into a wild and pathless desert of rock 
 and morass, called the Forest of Fannig. In 
 this wilderness she became the mother of a 
 child. A Hebridean, who chanced to pass on 
 one of the ponies of the country, saw the 
 mother and infant in the act of perishing with 
 cold, and being struck with the misery of their 
 condition, contrived a strange manner of pre- 
 serving them. He killed his pony, and opening 
 its belly, and removing the entrails, he put the 
 new born infant and the helpless mother into 
 the inside of the carcass, to have the advantage 
 of the warmth which this strange and shocking 
 receptacle afforded. In this manner, 'with or 
 without assistance, he contrived to bear them to 
 some place of security, where the lady remained 
 till she could get back in safety to her own 
 country. She became, after this wonderful 
 escape, the wife of a person of consequence and 
 influence in Edinburgh, a Judge, I believe, of 
 the Court of Session. 
 
 One evening, while she looked from the win- 
 dow of her house in the Canongate, just as a 
 heavy storm was coming on, ahe heard a man in 
 the Highland dress say to another with whom 
 he was walking, " This would be a rough night 
 for the Forest of Fannig." The lady's atten-
 
 MASSACRED BY THE NATIVES. 95 
 
 tion was immediately attracted by the name of 
 a place which she had such awful reasons for 
 remembering, and, on looking attentively at the 
 man who spoke, she recognized her preserver. 
 She called him into the house, received him in 
 the most cordial manner, and finding that he 
 was come from the Western Islands on some 
 business of great importance to his family, she 
 interested her husband in his favour, by whose 
 influence it was speedily and successfully set- 
 tled ; and the Hebridean, loaded with kindness 
 and presents, returned to his native island, with 
 reason to congratulate himself on the hu- 
 manity which he had shown in so singular a 
 manner. 
 
 After the surprise of their fort, and the mas- 
 sacre of the defenders, the Fife gentlemen tired 
 of their undertaking ; and the Lord of Kintail 
 had the whole advantage of the dispute, for he 
 contrived to get possession of the Lev/is for 
 himself, and transmitted it to his family, with 
 whom it still remains. 
 
 It appears, however, that King James did not 
 utterly despair of improving the Hebrides, by 
 means of colonization. It was supposed that 
 the powerful Marquis of Huntly might have had 
 strength to acquire the property, and wealth 
 enough to pay the Crown something for the 
 grant. The whole archipelago was offered to 
 him, with the exception of Skye, and Lewis, at 
 the cheap price of ten thousand pounds Scots, 
 or about 800Z. ; but the Marquis would not 
 give more than half the sum demanded, for 
 what he justly considered as a permission to
 
 OG WESTERN ISLES OrFERED TO IIUNTLY. 
 
 conquer a sterile region, inhabited by a war- 
 like race. 
 
 Such was the result of the efforts to introduce 
 some civilization into these islands. In the next 
 chapter we shall show that the improvement of 
 the Highlanders on the mainland was not much 
 more satisfactory.
 
 [ 07 ] 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Contempt vf the Highlanders for the Arts of 
 Peace — Story of Donald of the Hammer — 
 Execution of the Laird of Mac Intosh by 
 order of the Marchioness of Huntly — Mas- 
 sacre of the Farquharsons — Race of the 
 Trough — Execution of the Earl of Orkney 
 
 The size and position of the Highlands of 
 Scotland rendered them much less susceptible 
 of improvement than the Border districts, which, 
 far less extensive, and less difficult of access, 
 were now placed between two civilized and 
 peaceful countries, instead of being the frontier 
 of two hostile lands. 
 
 The Highlanders, on the contrary, continued 
 the same series of wars among themselves, and 
 incursions upon their Lowland neighbours, 
 which had distinguished them ever since the 
 dawn of their history. Military adventure, in 
 one form or other, was their delight as well as 
 their employment, and all works of industry 
 were considered as unworthy the dignity of a 
 mountaineer. Even the necessary task of raising 
 a scanty crop of barley was assigned to the aged, 
 and to the women and children. The men 
 minded nothing but hunting and war. I will 
 give you an account of a Highland chieftain, in 
 character and practice not very different from 
 that of Allan-a-Sop, the Hebridean. 
 
 The Stewarts, who inhabited the district of 
 
 Vol. I. 9
 
 98 THE STORY OP 
 
 Appin in the West Highlands, were a numerous 
 and warlike clan. Appin is the title of the chief 
 of the clan. The second branch of the family 
 was that of Invernahyle. The founder, a second 
 son of the House of Appin, was called by the 
 uncommon epithet of Saoileach, or the Peace- 
 ful. One of his neighbours was the Lord of 
 Dunstaffnage, called Cailen Unine, or Green 
 Colin, from the green colour which predomina- 
 ted in his tartans. This Green Colin surprised 
 the peaceful Laird of Invernahyle, assassinated 
 him, Ixirnt his house, and destroyed his whole 
 family, excepting an infant at the breast. 
 
 This infant did not owe its safety to the 
 mercy of Green Colin, but to the actiA-ity and 
 presence of mind of his nurse. Finding she 
 could not escape the pursuit of that chief's at- 
 tendants, the faithful nurse determined to pro- 
 vide for the safety of her foster-child, whose life 
 she knew was aimed at,in the only manner which 
 remained. She therefore hid the infant in a small 
 fissure, or cave, of a rock, and as the only means 
 she had of supplying him with subsistence, 
 hung by a string round his neck a large piece 
 of lard. The poor woman had only time to get 
 a little way from the place where she had con- 
 cealed her charge, when she was made prisoner 
 by the pursuers. As she denied any know- 
 ledge where the child was, they dismissed her 
 as a person of no consequence, but not until 
 they had kept her two or three days in close 
 confinement, menacing her with death unless 
 she would discover what she had done with the 
 infant.
 
 DONALD OF THE HAMMER. 09 
 
 When she found herself at liberty and unob- 
 served, she went to the hole in which she had 
 concealed her charge, with little hope save of 
 finding such relics as wolves, wild cats, or birds 
 of prey, might have left after feasting upon its 
 flesh, but still with the pious wish to consign 
 the remains of her dault, or foster-child, to 
 some place of Christian burial. But her joy 
 and surprise were extreme to find the child still 
 alive and well, having lived during her absence 
 by sucking tlie lard, which it had reduced to a 
 very small morsel, scarce larger than a hazel 
 nut. The delighted nurse made all haste to 
 escape with her charge to the neighbouring dis- 
 trict of Moidart, of which she was a native, be- 
 ing the ^\dfe of the smith of the clan of Mac- 
 Donald, to whom that country belonged ; the 
 mother of the infant thus miraculously rescued 
 had also been a daughter of this tribe. 
 
 To ensure the safety of her foster-child, the 
 nurse persuaded her husband to bring it up as 
 their own son. The smith, you must remark, 
 of a Highland tribe, was a person of considera- 
 ble consequence. His skill in forging armour 
 and weapons was usually united with dexterity 
 in using them, and with the strength of body 
 which his profession required. If I recollect 
 right, the smith usually ranked as third officer 
 in the chief's household. The young Donald 
 Stewart, as he grew up, was distinguished for 
 great personal strength. He became skilful in 
 his foster-father's art, and so powerful, that he 
 could, it is said, wield two fore-hammers, one 
 in each hand, for hours together. From this
 
 100 THE STORY OF 
 
 circumstance, he gained the name of Donuil 
 nan Ord, that is, Donald of the Hammer, by 
 which he was all his life distinguished. 
 
 When he attained the age of twenty-one, 
 Donald's foster-father, the smith, observing 
 that his courage and enterprise equalled his 
 personal strength, thought fit to discover to 
 him the secret of his birth, the injuries which 
 he had received from Green Colin of DunstafT- 
 nage, and the pretensions which he had to the 
 property of Invernahyle, now in the possession 
 of the man who had slain his father, and usurp- 
 ed his inheritance. He concluded his discovery 
 by presenting to his beloved foster-child his 
 own six sons to be his followers and defenders 
 for life and death, and his assistants in the re- 
 covery of his patrimony. 
 
 Law of every description was unknown in 
 the Highlands. Young Donald proceeded in 
 his enterprise by hostile measures. In addition 
 to his six foster-brethren, he got some assist- 
 ance from his mother's kindred, and levied 
 among the old adherents of his father, and his 
 kinsmen of the-house of Appin, such additional 
 force, that he was able to give battle to Green 
 Colin, whom he defeated and slew, regaining at 
 the same time his father's house and estate of 
 Invernahyle. This success had its dangers ; 
 for it placed the young chief in feud with all 
 the families of the powerful clan of Campbell, 
 to which the slain Dunstaffnagc belonged by 
 alliance at least, for Green Colin and his ances- 
 tors had assumed the name, and placed them- 
 selves under the banner, of this formidable clan,
 
 DONALD OF THE HAMMER. 101 
 
 although originally they were chieftains of a 
 different and independent race. The feud be- 
 came more deadly, when, not satisfied with re- 
 venging himself on the immediate authors of 
 his early misfortune, Donald made inroads on 
 the Campbells in their own dominions ; in evi- 
 dence of which his historian quotes a verse to 
 this purpose — 
 
 Donald of the Smithy, the Son of the Hammer, 
 
 Fill'd the banks of Lochawe with mourning and clamour. 
 
 At length the powerful Earl of Argyle re- 
 sented the injuries which were offered to his 
 clansmen and kindred. The Stewarts of Appin 
 refused to support their kinsman against an 
 enemy so formidable, and insisted that he should 
 seek for peace with the Earl. So that Donald, 
 left to himself, and sensible that he was unable 
 to withstand the force which might be brought 
 against him by this mighty chief, endeavoured 
 to propitiate his favour by placing himself in 
 his hands. 
 
 He went, accordingly, with only a single at- 
 tendant, towards Inverary, the castle of the Earl 
 of Argyle, who met him at some distance in the 
 open fields. Donald of the Hammer showed 
 on this occasion that it was not fear which had 
 induced him to this step. He was a man of 
 ready wit and a poet, which was an accom- 
 plishment high in the estimation of the High- 
 landers. He opened the conference with an 
 extempore verse, which intimated a sort of de- 
 fiance, rather like the language of a man that 
 9*
 
 102 THE STORY OF 
 
 cared not what might befall him, than one who 
 craved mercy or asked forgiveness. 
 
 Son of dark Colin, thou dangerous Earl, 
 Small is the boon that I crave at thy hand; 
 
 Enough if in safety from bondage and peril, 
 Thou lett'st me return to my kindred and land. 
 
 The Earl was too generous to avail himself 
 of the advantage which Invernahyle's confi- 
 dence had afforded him, but he could not ab- 
 stain from maintaining the conversation thus 
 begun, in a gibing tone. Donuil nan Ord was 
 harsh-featured, and had a custom, allied to his 
 mode of education, and the haughtiness of his 
 character, of throwing back his head, and 
 laughing loudly with his mouth wide open. In 
 ridicule of this peculiarity, Argyle, or one of 
 his attendants, pointed out to his observation, 
 a rock in the neighbourhood, which bore a sin- 
 gular resemblance to a human face, with a large 
 mouth much thrown back, and open as if 
 laughing a horse laugh. " Do you see yonder 
 crag?" they said to Donald of the Hammer, 
 "it is called Gaire Granda, or the Ugly 
 Laugh.^' Donald felt the intended gibe, and 
 as Argyle's lady was a plain and haughty wo- 
 man, he replied, without hesitation, in a verse 
 like the following : 
 
 Ugly the sneer of yon cliiFof the hill, 
 
 Nature has stamp'd the grim laugh on the place: 
 
 Seek for a grimmer and uglier still, 
 
 You will find it at home in your countess's face. 
 
 Argyle took the raillery of Donald in good 
 part, but would not make peace with him, until
 
 DONALD OF THE HAMMER. 103 
 
 lie agreed to make two creaghs, or inroads, one 
 upon Moidart, and one upon Athole. It seems 
 probable that the purpose of Argyle was to en- 
 gage his t»roublesome neighbour in a feud with 
 other clans to whom he bore no good- will ; for 
 whether he of the Hammer fell or was success- 
 ful, the Earl, in either event, would gain a cer- 
 tain advantage. Donald accepted peace with 
 the Campbells on these terms. 
 
 On his return home, Donald communicated 
 to MacDonald of Moidart the engagement he 
 had come under; and that chieftain, his mother's 
 kinsman and ally, concerted that Invernahyle 
 and his band should plunder certain villages in 
 Moidart, the inhabitants of %vhich had oflended 
 him, and on whom he desired chastisement 
 should be inflicted. The incursion of Donald 
 the Hammerer punished them to some purpose, 
 and so far he fulfilled his engagement to Argyle, 
 without making an enemy of his own kinsman. 
 With the Athole men, as more distant and un- 
 connected with him, Donald stood on less ce- 
 remony, and made more than one successful 
 creagh upon them. His name was now esta- 
 blished as one of the most formidable marau- 
 ders known in the Highlands, and a very 
 bloody action which he sustained against the 
 family of the Grahams of Monteith, made him 
 more dreaded. 
 
 The Earls of Monteith, you must know, had 
 a castle situated upon an island in the lake, or 
 loch, as it is called, of the same name. But 
 though this residence, which occupied almost 
 the whole of the islet upon which its ruins etill
 
 104 THE STORY OF 
 
 exist, was a strong and safe place of abode, and 
 adapted accordingly to such perilous times, it 
 had this inconvenience, that the stables, co\\'- 
 houses, poultry-yard, and other domestic 
 offices, were necessarily separated from the 
 castle, and situated on. the mainland, as it would 
 have been impossible to be constantly tran- 
 sporting the animals belonging to the esta- 
 blishment to and fro from the shore to the island. 
 These offices, therefore, were constructed on 
 the banks of the lake, and in some sort de- 
 fenceless. 
 
 It happened on one occasion that there was 
 to be a great~entertainment in the castle, and a 
 number of the Grahams were assembled. The 
 occasion, it is said, was a marriage in the 
 family. To prepare for this feast, much pro- 
 vision was got ready, and in particular a great 
 deal of poultry had been collected. While the 
 feast was preparing, an unhappy chance 
 brought Donald of the Hammer to the side of 
 the lake, returning at the head of a band of 
 hun^y followers, whom he was conducting 
 .homewards to the West Highlands, after some 
 of his usual excursions into Stirlingshire. See- 
 ing so much good victuals ready, and being 
 possessed of an excellent apetite, the western 
 Highlanders neither asked questions, or waited 
 for an invitation, but devoured all the provi- 
 sions that had been prepared for the Grahams, 
 and then went on their Avay rejoicing, tlirough 
 the difficult and dangerous path which leads 
 from the banks of the lochof Monteith, through 
 the mountains, to the side of Loch Katrine.
 
 DONALD OF THE HAMMER. 105 
 
 The Grahams were filled with the highest 
 indignation. Nothing in those fierce times was 
 so contemptible as an individual who would 
 suffer himself to be plundered without exacting 
 satisfaction and revenge, and the loss of their 
 dinner probably aggravated their sense of the 
 insult. The company who were assembled at 
 the castle of Monteith, headed by the Earl him- 
 self, hastily took to their boats, and, disembark- 
 ing on the northern side of the lake, pursued 
 with all speed the marauders and their leader. 
 They came up with Donald's party in the gorge 
 of a pass, near a rock, called Craig-Vad, or the 
 Wolf's clifi'. Here the Grahams called, with 
 loud insults, on the Appin men to stand, and 
 one of them, in allusion to the execution which 
 had been done amongst the poultry, exclaimed 
 in verse — 
 
 They're brave gallants, these Appin men, 
 To twist the throat of cock and hen ! 
 
 Donald instantly replied to the reproach — 
 
 And if we be of Appin's line, 
 We'll twist a goose's neck in thine. 
 
 So saying, he shot the unlucky scoffer vriih 
 an arrow. The battle then began, and was 
 continued with much fury till night came. The 
 Earl of Monteith and many of his noble kins- 
 men fell, while Donald, favoured by darkness, 
 escaped with a single attendant. The Grahams 
 obtained from the cause of quarrel the nickname 
 of Gramoch and Garrigh, or Grahams of the 
 hens ; although they certainly lost no honour
 
 106 THE STORY OF 
 
 in the encounter, having fought like game- 
 cocks. 
 
 Donald of the Hammer was twice married. 
 His second marriage was highly displeasing to 
 his eldest son, whom he had by his first wife. 
 This young man, whose name was Duncan, 
 seems to have partaken rather of the disposition 
 of his grandfather, Alister Saoileach, or the 
 Peaceful, than of the turbulent spirit of his 
 father the Hammerer. He quitted the family 
 mansion in displeasure, and passed to a farm 
 called Inverfalla, which his father bad bestowed 
 upon his nurse in reward for her eminent ser- 
 vices. Duncan lived with this valued connex- 
 ion of the family, who was now in the extremity 
 of old age, and amused himself with attempting 
 to improve the cultivation of tlie farm ; a task 
 which not only was considered as far below the 
 dignity of a highland gentleman, but even re- 
 garded as the last degree of degradation. 
 
 The idea of his son's occupying himself witli 
 agi'i cultural operations struck so much shame 
 and anger into the heapt of Donald the Ham- 
 merer, that his resentment against him became 
 ungovernable. At length, as he walked by his 
 own side of the river, and looked towards In- 
 verfalla, he saw, to his extreme displeasure, a 
 number of men employed in digging and level- 
 ling the soil for some intended crop. Soon af- 
 ter, he had the additional mortification to see 
 his son come out and mingle with the workmen, 
 as if giving them directions ; and, finally, be- 
 held him take the spade out of an awkward fel- 
 low's hand, and dig a little himself, to show
 
 DONALD OF THE HAMMER. lO? 
 
 him how to use it. This last act of degeneracy- 
 drove the Hammerer frantic ; he seized a ciir- 
 rah, or boat covered with hides, which was 
 near, jumped into it, and pushed across the 
 stream, with the determination of destroying 
 the son, Avho had, in his opinion, brought such 
 unutterable disgrace upon his family. The 
 poor agriculturist, seeing his father approach in 
 such haste, and having a shrewd guess of the 
 nature of his paternal intentions, fled into the 
 house and hid himself. Donald followed with 
 his drawn weapon ; but, deceived by passion 
 and darkness, he plunged his sword into the 
 body of one whom he saw lying on the bed- 
 clothes. Instead of his son, for whom the blow 
 was intended, it lighted on the old foster-mo- 
 ther, to whom he owed his life in infancy and 
 education in youth, and slew her on the spot. 
 After this misfortune, Donald became deeply 
 aflfected with remorse ; and, giving up all his 
 estates to his children, he retired to the Abbey 
 of Saint Columbus, in lona, and passed the 
 remainder of his days as a monk. 
 
 It may easily be believed, that there was lit- 
 tle peace and quiet in a country abounding 
 with such men as the Hammerer, who thought 
 the practice of honest industry on the part of 
 a gentleman was an act of degeneracy, for 
 which nothing short of death was an adequate 
 punishment ; so that the disorderly state of the 
 Highlands was little short of that of the Isles. 
 Still, however, many of the principal chiefs at- 
 tended occasionally at the court of Scotland ; 
 others were frequently obliged to send their
 
 1Q8 EXECUTION OF THE 
 
 sons to be educated there, who were retained 
 as hostages for the peaceful behaviour of the 
 clan ; so that by degrees they came to improve 
 with the increasing civilization of the times. 
 
 The authority also of the great nobles, who 
 held estates in or adjacent to the Highlands, 
 was a means, though a rough one, of making 
 the district over which they exercised their pow- 
 er, submit, in a certain degree, to the occasional 
 influence of the laws. It is true, that the great 
 Earls of Huntly, Arg^yle, Sutherland, and 
 other nobles, did not enfiprce the Lowland in- 
 stitutions upon their Highland vassals out of 
 mere zeal for their civilization, but rather be- 
 cause, by taking care to secure the power of 
 the sovereign and the laws on their own side, 
 Tthey could make the infraction of them by the 
 smaller independent chiefs the pretext for 
 breaking down entire clans, and binding them 
 to their own authority. 
 
 I will give you an example of the manner in 
 which a noble lady chastised a Highland chief 
 in the reign of James the Sixth. The head of 
 the House of Gordon, then Marquis of Hunt- 
 ly, was by far the most powerful lord in the 
 northern counties, and exercised great influ- 
 ence over the Highland clans who inhabited 
 the mountains of Badenoch, which lay behind 
 his extensive domains. One of the most ancient 
 is that of Macintosh, a word which means 
 Child of the Thane, as they boast their descent 
 from Mac'Dufl", the celebrated Thane of Fife. 
 
 This haughty race having ftillcn at variance 
 with the Gordons, William Macintosh, their
 
 LAIRD OF MACINTOSH. 109 
 
 chief, carried his enmity to so great a pitch, as 
 to surprise and burn the Castle of Auchin- 
 down, belonging to the Gordon family. The 
 Marquis of Huntly vowed the severest ven- 
 geance. He moved against the Macintoshes 
 with his own chivalry ; and he let loose upon 
 the devoted tribe, all such neighbouring clans 
 as would do any thing, as the old phrase was, 
 for his love or for his fear. 
 
 Macintosh, after a short struggle, found him- 
 self unequal to sustain the conflict, and saw 
 that he must either behold his clan totally ex- 
 terminated, or contrive some mode of pacify- 
 ing Huntley's resentment. Of the last he saw 
 no chance, save by surrendering himself into 
 the power of the Marquis, and thus personally 
 atoning for the offence which he had commit- 
 ted. To perform this act of generous devo- 
 tion with as much chance of safety as possible, 
 he chose a time when the Marquis himself was 
 absent, and asking for the lady, whom he 
 judged likely to prove less inexorable than her 
 husband, he presented himself as the unhappy 
 Laird of Macintosh, who came to deliver him- 
 self up to the Gordon, to answer for his burn- 
 ing of Auchindown, and only desired that 
 Huntly would spare his clan. 
 
 The Marchioness, a stern and haughty wo- 
 man, had shared deeply in her husband's re- 
 sentment. She regarded Macintosh with a 
 stern eye, as the hawk or eagle contemplates the 
 prey within its clutch, and having spoken a word 
 aside to her attendants, replied to the suppliant 
 chief in this manner : — " Macintosh, vou have 
 
 Vol. I. 10
 
 110 RACE OF THE TROUGH. 
 
 offended the Gordon so deeply, that Huntly 
 has sworn by his father's soul, that he will 
 never pardon you, till he has brought your 
 neck to the block." — " I will stoop even to that 
 humiliation, to secure the safety of my father's 
 house," said Macintosh. And as this inter- 
 view passed in the kitchen of the Castle at 
 Bog of Gicht, he undid the collar of his doub- 
 let, and kneeling down before the huge block 
 on which, in the rude hospitality of the time, 
 the slain bullocks and sheep were broken up 
 for use, he laid his neck upon it, expecting, 
 doubtless, that the lady would be satisfied with 
 this token of unreserved submission. But the 
 inexorable Marchioness made a sign to the 
 cook, who stepped forward with his hatchet 
 raised, and struck Macintosh's head from his 
 body. 
 
 Another story, and I will change the subject. 
 It is also of the family of Gordon ; not that 
 they were by any means more hard-hearted 
 than other Scottish barons, who had feuds with 
 the Highlanders, but because it is the readiest 
 which occurs to my recollection. The Far- 
 quharsons of Dee side, a bold and warlike 
 people, inhabiting the dales of Brae-mar, had 
 taken offence at, and slain, a gentleman of con- 
 sequence, named Gordon of Brackley. The 
 Marquis of Huntly summoned his forces, to 
 take a bloody vengeance for the death of a 
 Gordon ; and that none of the guilty tribe 
 might escape, communicated with the Laird of 
 Grant, a very powerful chief, who was an ally 
 of Huntly, and a relation, I believe, to the
 
 RACE OF THE TROUGH. Ill 
 
 slain Baron of Brackley. They agreed, that, 
 on a day appointed, Grafiii with his clan in 
 arms, should occupy the upper end of the vale 
 of Dee, while the Gordons should ascend the 
 river from beneath, each party killing, burning, 
 and destroying, without mercy, whatever and 
 whomsoever they found before them. A terri- 
 ble massacre was made among the Farquhar- 
 sons, taken at unawares, and placed betwixt 
 two enemies. Almost all the men and women 
 of the race were slain, and when the day was 
 done, Huntly found himself encumbered with 
 about two hundred orphan children, whose pa- 
 rents had been killed. What became of them, 
 you shall presently hear. 
 
 About a year after this foray, the Laird of 
 Grant chanced to dine at the Marquis's castle. 
 He was, of course, received with kindness, and 
 entertained with magnificence. After dinner 
 was over, Huntly said to his guest, that he 
 would show him some rare sport. According- 
 ly, he conducted Grant to a balcony, which, as 
 was frequent in old mansions,, overlooked the 
 kitchen, perhaps to permit the lady to give an 
 occasional eye to the operations there. The 
 numerous servants of the Marquis and his vi- 
 siters had already dined, and Grant beheld all 
 the remains of the victuals flung at random 
 into a large trough, like that out of which 
 swine feed. While Graat was wondering 
 what this could mean, the master cook gave a 
 signal with his silver whistle ; on which a 
 hatch, like that of a dog-kennel, was raised, 
 and there rushed into the kitchen, some shriek-
 
 112 RACE OF THE TROUGH. 
 
 ing, some shouting, some yelling — not a pack 
 of hounds, which, in number, noise, and tu- 
 mult, they greatly resembled, but a huge mob 
 of children, half naked, and totally wild in 
 their manners, who threw themselves on the 
 contents of the trough, and fought, strug- 
 gled, and clamoured, each to get the largest 
 share. 
 
 Grant was a man of humanity, and did not 
 see in that degrading scene all the amusement 
 which his noble host had intended to afford 
 him. "In the name of Heaven," he said, "who 
 are these unfortunate creatures that are fed like 
 so many pigs?" — " They are the children of those 
 Farquharsons whom we slew last year on Dee 
 side," answered Huntly. The Laird felt more 
 shocked than it would have been prudent or 
 polite to express. " My lord," he said, " my 
 sword helped to make these poor children or- 
 phans, and it is not fair that your lordship 
 should be burdened with all the expense of 
 maintaining them. You have supported them 
 for a year and day — allow me now to take 
 them to Castle-Grant, and keep them for the 
 same time at my cost." 
 
 Huntly was tired of the joke of the pig- 
 trough, and willingly consented to have the un- 
 disciplined rabble of children taken off his 
 hands. He troubled himself no more about 
 them ; and the Laird of Grant, carrying them 
 to his castle, had them dispersed among his 
 clan, and brought up decently, giving them his 
 own name of Grant; but it is said their descend- 
 ants are still called the Race of the Trough, to
 
 EXECUTION OF THE EARL OF ORKNEY. 113 
 
 distinguish them from the families of the tribe 
 into which they were adopted. 
 
 These are instances of the severe authority- 
 exercised by the great barons over their High- 
 land neighbours and vassals. Still that autho- 
 rity produced a regard to the laws, which they 
 would not otherwise have received. These 
 mighty lords, though possessed of great power 
 in their jurisdictions, never affected entire inde- 
 pendence, as had been done by the old Lords 
 of the Isles, Ayho made peace and war with 
 England, without the consent of the King of 
 Scotland ; whereas, Argyle, Huntly, and others, 
 always used at least the pretext of the king's 
 name and authority, and were, from habit and 
 education, less apt to practise wild stretches of 
 arbitrary power than the native chiefs of the 
 Highlands. In proportion, therefore, as the 
 influence of the nobles increased, the country 
 approached more nearly to civilization. 
 
 It must not here be forgotten, that the in- 
 crease of power acquired by the sovereign, had 
 been felt severely by one of his great feudal 
 lords, for exercising violence and oppression, 
 even in the most distant extremity of the em- 
 pire. The Earl of Orkney, descended from a 
 natural son of James V., and of course a cousin- 
 german of the reigning monarch, had indulged 
 himself in extravagant excesses of arbitrary 
 authority amongst the wild recesses of the Ork- 
 ney and Zetland islands. He had also, it was 
 alleged, shown some token of a Vv ish to assume 
 sovereign power, and had caused his natural 
 son to defend the Castle of Kirkwall, by force 
 10*
 
 114 EXECUTION OF THE EARL OF ORKNEY. 
 
 of arms, against the King's troops. For these 
 offences the earl was tried and executed at 
 Edinburgh ; and his punishment struck such 
 terror among the aristocracy, as made even 
 those great lords, whose power lay in the most 
 distant and inaccessible places of Scotland, dis- 
 posed to be amenable to the royal authority. 
 
 Having thus discussed the changes effected 
 by the union of the crowns on the Borders, 
 Highlands, and Isles, it remains to notice the 
 effects produced in the Lowlands, or more civi- 
 lized parts of the kingdom. 
 
 I
 
 I n& 1 
 
 CHAP. VII 
 
 Injurious Effects to Scotland of the Removal 
 of the Court to London — Numerous Scots- 
 men employed in Foreign Military Service 
 — and as Travelling Merchants, or Pack- 
 men, in Germany — Exertions of the Preshy 
 terian Clergy to put an end to Family Feuds^ 
 and to extend Education — Establishment^ 
 by their means, of Parochial Schools — 
 
 . James Ws Visit to Scotland in 1617 — his 
 Death — his Children. 
 
 The Scottish people were soon made sensi- 
 ble, that if their courtiers and great men made 
 fortunes by King James's favour, the nation at 
 large was not enriched by the union of th« 
 crowns. Edinburgh was no longer the resi- 
 dence of a Court, whose expenditure, though 
 very moderate, was diffused among her mer- 
 chants and citizens, and v/as so far of import- 
 ance. The sons of the gentry and better class- 
 es, whose sole trade had been war and battle, 
 were deprived of employment by the general 
 peace with England, and the nation was likely 
 to feel all the distress arising from an excess of 
 population. The wars on the Continent afford- 
 ed a resource peculiarly fitted to the genius of 
 the Scots, who have always had a disposition 
 for visiting foreign parts. 
 
 The celebrated Thirty Years* War, as it was 
 ealled. was now raging in Germany, and a large
 
 116 SCOTSMEN IN FOREIGN SERVICE. 
 
 national brigade of Scots were engaged in the 
 service of Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden, 
 one of the most successful generals of the age. 
 Their total numbers may be guessed from those 
 of the superior officers, which amounted to 
 thirty-four colonels, and fifty lieutenant-colo- 
 nels. The similarity of the religion of the 
 Scots with that of the Swedes, and some 
 congenial resemblances betwixt the two na- 
 tions, as well as the high fame of Gustavus, 
 made most of the Scots prefer the service 
 of Sweden ; but there were others who went 
 into that of the Emperor of Austria, of France, 
 of the Italian States, — in short, they were dis- 
 persed as soldiers throughout all Europe. It 
 was not uncommon, when a party of Scots were 
 mounting a breach, for them to hear some of 
 the defenders call out in the Scottish language, 
 " Come on, gentlemen ; this is not like gallant- 
 ing it at the Cross of Edinburgh," and thus 
 learn that they were opposed to some of their 
 countrymen engaged on the opposite side. 
 
 The taste for foreign service was so univer- 
 sal, that young gentlemen of family, who "wish- 
 ed to see the world, used to travel on the Con- 
 tinent from place to place, and from state to 
 state, and defray their expenses by engaging 
 for a few weeks or months in military service 
 in the garrison or guards of the state in which 
 they made their temporary residence. It is 
 but doing the Scots justice to say, that while 
 thus acting as mercenary soldiers, they ac- 
 quired a high character for courage, military 
 fcikill, and a faithful adherence to their engage-
 
 SCOTSMEN IN FOREIGN SERVICE. 11? 
 
 >^ • 
 
 ments. The Scots regiments in the Swedish 
 service were the first troops Avho employed 
 platoon firing, by which they contributed 
 greatly to achieve the decisive battle of Lutzen. 
 
 Besides the many thousand Scottish emi- 
 grants Avho pursued the trade of war on the 
 Continent, there was another numerous class 
 who undertook the toilsome and precarious 
 task of travelling merchants, or to speak plain- 
 ly, of pedlers, and were employed in conducting 
 the petty inlanu commerce, which gave the in- 
 habitants of Germany, Poland, and the north- 
 ern parts of Europe in general, opportunities 
 of purchasing articles of domestic convenience. 
 
 There were at that time few towns, and in 
 these tov/ns there were few shops regularly 
 open. When an inhabitant of the country, of 
 high or low degree, had to purchase any article 
 of dress or domestic convenience which he did 
 not manufacture himself, he was obliged to at- 
 tend at the next fair, to which the travelling 
 merchants flocked, in order to expose their 
 goods to sale. Or if the buyer did not choose 
 to take that trouble, he must wait till some 
 pedler, who carried his goods on horseback, in 
 a small wain, or perhaps in a pack upon his 
 shoulders, made his wandering journey through 
 the country. 
 
 It has been made matter of ridicule against 
 the Scots, that this traffic fell into their hands, 
 as a frugal, patient, provident, and laborious 
 people, possessing some share of education, 
 which we shall presently see was now be- 
 coming general amongst them. But we cannot
 
 118 IMPERFECT ENTORCEMEAT 
 
 think that the business which required such 
 attributes to succeed in it, could be dishonoura- 
 ble to those who pursued it ; and we believe 
 that those Scots who, in honest commerce, 
 supplied foreigners with the goods they re 
 quired, were at least as well employed as those 
 who assisted them in killing each other. 
 
 While the Scots thus continued to improve 
 their condition by enterprise abroad, they gra- 
 dually sunk into peaceful habits at home. In 
 the wars of Queen Mary's time, and those of 
 King James's minority, we have the autho- 
 rity of a great lawyer, the first Earl of Had- 
 dington, generally known by the name of 
 Tom of the Cowgate, to assure us, that " the 
 whole country was so miserably distracted, not 
 only by the accustomed barbarity of the High- 
 lands and Borders, which was greatly increas- 
 ed, but by the cruel dissensions arising from 
 public factions and private feuds, that men of 
 every rank daily wore steel-jacks, knapscaps or 
 head-pieces, plate-sleeves, and pistols and po- 
 niards, being as necessary parts of their apparel 
 as their doublets and breeches." Their dispo- 
 sition was, of course, as warlike as their dress ; 
 and the same authority informs us, that what- 
 ever was the cause of their assemblies or meet- 
 ings, fights and afiVays were the necessary 
 consequence before they^ separated ; and this 
 not at parliaments, conventions, trysts, and 
 markets only, but likewise in churchyards, 
 churches, and places appointed for the exer- 
 cise of religion. 
 
 This universal state of disorder was not ow-
 
 OF TIIK LAWS. 110 
 
 ing- to any want of laws against such enormi- 
 ties ; on the contrary, the Scottish legislature 
 was more severe than that of England, ac- 
 counting a slaughter taking place on a sudden 
 quarrel, without previous malice, as murder, 
 which the law of England rated under the milder 
 denomination of manslaughter. And this seve- 
 rity was introduced into the law, expressly to 
 restrain the peculiar furious temper of the 
 Scottis-h nation. It was not, therefore, laws 
 w^hich Avere wanting to restrain violence, but 
 the regular and due execution of such as existed. 
 An ancient Scottish statesman and judge, who 
 "was also a poet, has alluded to the means used 
 to save the guilty from deserved punishment. 
 " We are allowed some skill," he says, " in 
 making good laws, but God knows how ill they 
 are kept and enforced ; since a man accused of 
 a crime will frequently appear at the bar of a 
 court to which he is summoned, with such a 
 company of armed friends at his back, as if it 
 were his purpose to defy and intimidate both 
 judge and jury." The interest of great men, 
 moreover, obtained often by bribes, interposed 
 between a criminal and justice, and saved by 
 court favour the life which was forfeited to the 
 laws. 
 
 James made great reformation in these parti- 
 culars, as soon as his power, increased by the 
 union of the two kingdoms, gave him the means 
 of doing so. The laws, as we have seen in 
 more cases than one, were enforced with 
 greater severity ; and the assistance of power- 
 ful friends, nay, the interposition of courtiers
 
 120 HEREDITARY JL'RISDICTIONS. 
 
 and favourites, was less successful in interfering 
 with the course of justice, or obtaining remis- 
 sions and pardons for condemned criminals. 
 Thus the wholesome terror of justice gradually 
 imposed a restraint on the general violence and 
 disorder which had followed the civil wars of 
 Scotland. 
 
 Still, however, as the barons held, by means 
 of their hereditary jurisdictions, the exclusive 
 right to try and to punish such crimes as were 
 committed on their own estates ; and as they 
 often did not choose to do so, either because 
 the action had been committed by the baron's 
 own direction ; or that the malefactor was a 
 strong and active partizan, of whose service 
 the lord might have need; or because the judge 
 and criminal stood in some degree of relation- 
 ship to each other ; in all such cases, the cul- 
 prit's escape from justice was a necessary 
 consequence. Nevertheless, viewing Scotland 
 generally, the progress of public justice at the 
 commencement of the seventeenth century, was 
 much purer, and less liable to interruption, than 
 in former ages, and the disorders of the country 
 were fewer in proportion. 
 
 The law and its terrors had its effect in pre- 
 venting the frequency of crime ; but it could 
 not have been in the power of mere human 
 laws, and the punishments which they enacted, 
 to eradicate from the national feelings the 
 proncnrss to violence, and the thirst of revenge, 
 which had been so long a general characteristic 
 of the Scottish people. The heathenish and 
 accursed custom of deadly feud, or the duty, as
 
 INFLUENCE OF THE REFORMERS. 121 
 
 it was thought, of exacting blood for blood, and 
 perpetuating a chance quarrel, by handing it 
 down to future generations, could only give 
 place to those pure religious doctrines which 
 teach men to practise, not the revenge, but the 
 forgiveness of injuries, as the only means of 
 acquiring the favour of Heaven. 
 
 The Presbyterian preachers, in throwing 
 away the external pomp and ceremonial of reli- 
 gious worship, had inculcated, in its place, the 
 most severe observation of morality. It was 
 objected to them, indeed, that, as in their mo 
 del of church government, the Scottish clergy 
 claimed an undue influence over state affairs, 
 so, in their professions of doctrine and prac- 
 tice, they verged towards an ascetic system, 
 in which too much weight was laid on ve- 
 nial transgressions, and the opinions of other 
 Christian churches were treated with too little 
 liberality. 
 
 But no one who considers their works, and 
 their history, can deny to those respectable 
 men, the merit of practising, in the most rigid 
 extent, the strict doctrines of morality which 
 they taught. They despised wealth, shunned 
 even harmless pleasures, and acquired the love 
 of their flocks, by attending to their temporal 
 as well as spiritual diseases. They preached 
 what they themselves seriously believed, and 
 they w'ere believed because they spoke with 
 all the earnestness of conviction. They 
 spared neither example nor precept to improve 
 the more ignorant of their hearers, and often 
 endangered their own lives in attempting to 
 
 Vol. I. n
 
 122 INFLUENCE OF THE REFOrvMEKS. 
 
 put a stop to the feuds and frays which daily 
 occurred in their bounds. 
 
 It is recorded of a worthy clergyman, whose 
 parish was peculiarly distracted by the brawls 
 of tlie quarrelsome inhabitants, that he used 
 constantly to wear a stout steel headpiece, 
 which bore an odd appearance contrasted with 
 his clerical dress. The purpose was, that 
 when he saw swords drawn in the street, 
 which was almost daily, he might run between, 
 the combatants, and thus separate them, with 
 less risk of being killed by a chance blow. So 
 that his venturous and dauntless humanity was 
 perpetually placing his life in danger. 
 
 The clergy of that day were frequently re- 
 spectable from their birth and connexions, often 
 from their learning, and at all times from their 
 character. These qualities enabled them to 
 interfere with effect, even in the feuds of the 
 barons and gentry ; and they often brought to 
 milder and more peaceful thoughts, men who 
 would not have listened to any other interces- 
 sors. There is no doubt, that these good men, 
 and the Christianity which they taught, were 
 one of the principal means of correcting the 
 furious temper and revengeful habits of the 
 Scottish nation, in whose eyes bloodshed and 
 deadly vengeance had been till then a virtue. 
 
 Besides the precepts and examples of reli- 
 gion and morality, the encouragement of gene- 
 ral information and knowledge is also an elfect- 
 ual mode of taming and subduing the wild 
 habits of a military and barbarous people. 
 For this also the Lowlands of Scotland were 
 indebted 1o tlio Presbyterian ministers.
 
 SPREAD OF EDUCATION. 123 
 
 The Catholic clergy had been especially in- 
 strumental in the foundation of three univer- 
 sities in Scotland, namely, those of Glasgow, 
 St. Andrews, and Aberdeen ; but these places 
 of education, from the very nature of their in- 
 stitutions, were only calculated for the educa- 
 tion of students desi-gned for the church, or of 
 those youths from among the higher classes of 
 the laity, whom their parents might wish to re- 
 ceive such information as might qualify them 
 for lawyers and statesmen. The more noble 
 view of the Reformed Church, was to extend 
 the blessings of knowledge to the lower, as 
 well as the higher, classes of society. 
 
 The preachers of the reformation had ap- 
 pealed to the Scriptures as the rule of their 
 doctrine, and it was their honourable and libe- 
 ral desire, that the poorest, as well as the rich- 
 est man, should have an opportunity of judg- 
 ing, by his own perusal of the sacred volume, 
 whether they had interpreted the text truly and 
 faithfully. The invention of printing had 
 made the Scriptures accessible to every one, 
 and the clergy desired that the meanest peasant 
 should have the skill necessary to peruse them. 
 John Knox, and other leaders of the Congre- 
 gation, had, from the very era of the Reforma- 
 tion, pressed the duty of reserving from the 
 confiscated revenues of the Romish Church the 
 means of providing for the clergy with decen- 
 cy, and of establishing colleges and schools for 
 the education of youth ; but their wishes were 
 for a long time disappointed by the avarice of 
 the nobility and gentry, who were determijied
 
 124 PAROCHIAL SCHOOLS. 
 
 . ■ ■ » 
 
 to retain for their own use the spoils of the 
 Catholic Church, and by the stormy complex- 
 ion of the times, in which little was regarded 
 save what belonged to politics and war. 
 
 At length the legislature, chiefly by the influ- 
 ence of the clergy, was induced to authorize 
 the noble enactment, which appoints a school 
 to be kept in every parish of Scotland, at a low 
 rate of endowment indeed, but such as enables 
 every poor man within the parish to procure 
 for his children the knowledge of reading and 
 writing ; and aflfords an opportunity for those 
 who show a decided taste for learning, to ob- 
 tain such progress in classical knowledge, as 
 may fit them for college studies. There can 
 be no doubt, that the opportunity afforded, of 
 procuring instruction thus easily, tended, in 
 the course of a generation, greatly to civilize 
 and humanize the character of the Scottish na- 
 tion ; and it is equally certain, that this gene- 
 ral access to useful knowledge, has not only 
 given rise to the success of many men of 
 genius, who otherwise would never have as- 
 pired above the humble rank in which they 
 were born, but has raised the common people 
 of Scotland in general, in knowledge, sagacity, 
 and intelligence many degrees above those of 
 most other countries. 
 
 The Highlands and islands did not share the 
 influence of religion and education, which so 
 essentially benefited their Lowland country- 
 men, owing to their speaking a language differ- 
 ent from tlic rest of Scotland, as well as to the 
 diflficulty, or rather at that time the impossibil-
 
 JAMES S VISIT TO SCOTLAND. 125 
 
 ity, of establishing churches or schools in such 
 a remote country, and amongst natives of sucli 
 wild manners. 
 
 To the reign of James VI. it is only neces- 
 sary to add, that in 1617 he revisited his an- 
 cient kingdom of Scotland, from the same in- 
 stinct, as his Majesty was pleased to express it, 
 which induces salmon, after they have visited 
 the sea, to return to the river in which they 
 have been bred. 
 
 He was received with every appearance of 
 affection by his Scottish subjects ; and the only 
 subject of suspicion, doubt, or quarrel, be- 
 twixt the King and them, arose from the par- 
 tiality he evinced to the form and ritual of the 
 Church of England. The true Presbyterians 
 groaned heavily at seeing choristers and sing- 
 ing boys arrayed in white surplices, and at 
 hearing them chant the service of the Church 
 of England ; and they were in despair when 
 they saw his Majesty's private chapel adorned 
 with pictures representing scriptural subjects. 
 All this, and every thing like an established 
 and prescribed form in prayer, in garb or de- 
 coration, was, in their idea, a greater or less 
 approximation to the practices of the Church 
 of Rome. 
 
 This was, indeed, mere prejudice, but it was 
 a prejudice of little consequence in itself, and 
 James ought to have rather respected than 
 combated feelings connected with much that 
 was both moral and religious, and honoured 
 the right which his Scottish subjects might 
 justly claim to worship God after their own 
 11*
 
 126 DEATH Oi JAMEri VI. 
 
 manner, and not according to the rules and 
 ceremonies of a foreign country. His obsti- 
 nacy on this point was, however, satisfied with 
 carrying through the Articles of Perth, al- 
 ready mentioned, which were finally admitted 
 in the year after his visit to Scotland. He left 
 to his successor the task of accomplishing a 
 complete conformity, in ritual and doctrine, 
 between the churches of South and North 
 Britain — and very dear the attempt cost him. 
 
 In the year 1625, James died. He was the 
 least dignified and accomplished of all his fa- 
 mily ; but, at the same time, the most fortu- 
 nate. Robert II., the first of the Stewart fami- 
 ly, died, it is true, in peajce ; but Robert III. 
 had sunk under the family losses which he had 
 sustained ; James I. was murdered ; James II. 
 killed by the bursting of a cannon ; James III. 
 (whom James VI. chiefly resembled) was pri- 
 vately slain after the battle of Sauchie-Burn ; 
 James IV. fell at Flodden ; James V. died of a 
 broken heart ; Henry Darnley, the father of 
 James VI. was treacherously murdered ; and 
 his mother. Queen Mary, was tyrannically be- 
 headed. He himself alone, without courage, 
 without sound sagacity, without that feeling of 
 dignity which should restrain a prince from 
 foolish indulgences, became King of the great 
 nation which had for ages threatened to subdue 
 that of which he was born monarch ; and the 
 good fortune of the Stewart family, which 
 seems lo have existed in his person alone, de- 
 rlined and totally decayed in those of his suc- 
 ressors
 
 CHARLES I. SUCCEEDS JAMES VI. 127 
 
 James had lost his eldest son Henry, a youth 
 of extraordinary promise. His second, Charles 
 I., succeeded him in the throne. He left also 
 one daughter, Elizabeth, married to Frederick, 
 the Elector Palatine of the German empire. He 
 was an unfortunate prince, and with a view of 
 obtaining the kingdom of Bohemia, engaged in 
 a ruinous war with the Emperor, by which he 
 lost his hereditary dominions. But the Elec- 
 tor's evil fortune was redeemed in the person 
 of his descendants, from whom sprung the royal 
 family which now possess the British throne, in 
 right of the Princess Elizabeth.
 
 [ 138 ] 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 Discontents excited during Jameses reign — in- 
 creased under Charles — Introduction of the 
 English Liturgy into the Scottish Church — 
 National Covenant — The Scottish Army en- 
 ters England — Concessions of the King to 
 the Long Parliament, upon which the Scot- 
 tish Army returns home — Charles visits 
 Scotland, and gains over the Marquis of 
 Montrose to the Royal Cause — The two Par- 
 ties of Cavaliers and Roundheads — Arrest 
 of five Members of the House of Commons — 
 Civil War in England. 
 
 Charles I., who succeeded his father James, 
 was a Prince whose personal qualities were ex- 
 cellent. It was said of him justly, that, consi- 
 dered as a private gentleman, there was not a 
 more honourable, virtuous, and religious man, 
 in his dominions. He was a kind father, mas- 
 ter, and even too aflectionate husband, permit- 
 ting the Queen Henrietta Maria, the beautiful 
 daughter of Henry IV. of France, to influence 
 his government too much. Charles had also 
 the dignity which his father totally wanted; 
 and there is no just occasion to question thai 
 so good a man as we have described him, had 
 the intention to rule his people justly and mer- 
 cifully, in place of enforcing the ancient feudal 
 thraldom. But on the other hand, he enter- 
 tained extravagant ideas of the regal power,
 
 DISCONTENTS DURING JAMEs's REIGN. ] 29 
 
 feelings which, being peculiarly unsuitable to 
 the times in which he lived, uccasioned his 
 own total ruin, and, for a time, that of his 
 posterity. 
 
 The English people had been now, for a cen- 
 tury and more, relieved from the severe yoke 
 of the nobles, and had forgotten how it had 
 pressed upon their forefathers. What had 
 galled them in the late reign, were the exactions 
 of King James, who, to indulge his prodigal 
 liberality to worthless favourites, had extorted 
 from Parliament large supplies, and having mis- 
 applied these, had endeavoured to obtain others 
 by granting to indiWduals, for sums of money, 
 exclusive rights to sell certain commodities, 
 which the monopolists immediately raised to a 
 high rate, and made a large fortune, while the 
 king got little by the bribe which he had re- 
 ceived, and the subjects suffered extremely by 
 the price of articles, necessaries perhaps of life, 
 being unduly raised. 
 
 Yet James, finding that a spirit of opposition 
 had arisen within the House of Commons, and 
 that grants of money were obtained with diffi- 
 culty, would not refrain from such indirect 
 practices to obtain money from the people 
 without the consent of their representatives in 
 Parliament. It was his object also to support 
 the royal power in the full authority, which, by 
 gradual encroachments, it attained during the 
 reign of the Tudors ; and he was disposed to 
 talk high of his prerogative, for which he stated 
 himself to be accountable to God alone; where- 
 as it was the just principle of the House of
 
 130 THE STAR-CHAMBER. 
 
 Commons, that the power of the king, like 
 every other power in the constitution, was 
 limited by the laws, and was legally to be re- 
 sisted when it trespassed beyond them. 
 
 Such were the disputes which James held 
 with his subjects. His timidity prevented him 
 from pushing his claims to extremity, and al- 
 though courtly divines and ambitious lawyers 
 were ready to have proved, as they pretended, 
 his absolute and indefeasible right to obedi- 
 ence, even in unconstitutional commands, he 
 shrunk from the contest, and left to his son 
 much discontent which his conduct had ex- 
 cited, but which did not immediately break into 
 a flame. 
 
 Charles held the same opinions of his own 
 rights as a monarch, which had been infused 
 into him by his father's instructions, and he 
 was obstinate and persevering where James 
 had been timid and flexible. Arbitrary courts 
 of justice, particularly one termed the Star- 
 chamber, aflbrded the King the means of 
 punishing those who opposed themselves to 
 the royal will : but the violence of authority 
 only increased the sense of the evil, and a 
 general discontent against the King's person 
 and prerogative began to prevail throughout 
 England. 
 
 These menacing appearances were much in- 
 creased by religious motives. The church of 
 England had been since the Reformation gra- 
 dually dividing into two parties, one of which, 
 warmly apj)rovcd of by King James, and yet 
 more keenly patronised by Charles, was pecu-
 
 TIIK PURITANS. 131 
 
 liarly attached to the rites and ceremonies of 
 the church, the strict observance of particular 
 forms, and the use of certain pontifical dresses 
 when divine service was performed. A numer- 
 ous party called the Puritans, although they 
 complied with the model of the Church of En- 
 gland, considered these peculiar rites and for- 
 malities, on which the High Churchmen, as the 
 opposite party began to be called, laid such 
 stress, as remains of Popery, and things there- 
 fore to be abolished. 
 
 The Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr. Laud, a 
 man of talents and learning, was devotedly at- 
 tached to the High Church interest, and coun- 
 tenanced by Charles, he resolved to use all the 
 poAvers, both of the civil and spiritual courts, to 
 subdue the refractory spirit of the Puritans, and 
 enforce their compliance with the ceremonies 
 which he thought so essential to the well-being 
 of the church. If men had been left to enter- 
 tain calm and quiet thoughts on these points, 
 they would in time have discovered that, having 
 chosen what was esteemed the most suitable 
 rules for the national church, it would have 
 been more wise and prudent to leave the con- 
 sciences of the hearers to determine whether 
 they would conform to them, or assemble for 
 worship elsewhere. 
 
 But prosecutions, fines, pillories, and impri- 
 sonments, employed to restrain religious opi- 
 nions, only make them burn the more fiercely ; 
 and those who submitted to such sufferings 
 with patience rather than renounce the doc- 
 trines they had espoused, were counted as mar-
 
 132 riTirr:''. 
 
 tyrs, and followed accordingly. These dissen- 
 sions in church and state continued to agi- 
 tate England from year to year ; but it was 
 the disturbances of Scotland which brought 
 them to a crisis. 
 
 The King had kept firmly in view his father's 
 favourite project of bringing the Church of 
 Scotland, in point of church government and 
 church ceremonies, to the same model with 
 that of England. But to settle a national church, 
 with a gradation of dignified clergy, required 
 large funds, which Scotland could not afford for 
 such a purpose. In this dilemma, the King and 
 his counsellors resolved, by one sweeping act 
 of revocation, to resume to the Crown all the 
 tithes and benefices which had been conferred 
 upon laymen at the Reformation, and thus ob- 
 tain the funds necessary to endow the projected 
 bishoprics. 
 
 I must try to explain to you what tithes are: 
 By the law delivered to the Jews, the tithes, 
 that is, the tenth part of the yearly produce of 
 the land ; whether in animals born on the soil, 
 or in corn, fruit, and vegetable productions, 
 were destined to the support of the priests. 
 The same rule was adopted by the Christian 
 Church, and the tithes were levied from the 
 farmer or possessor of the land, for the main- 
 tenance of the ecclesiastical establishments. 
 
 When the reformation took place, the great 
 nobles and gentry of Scotland got grants of 
 these tithes from the crown, engaging to take 
 upon themselves the support of the clergy, 
 whom they paid at as low a rate as possible.
 
 TITIIE8. 133 
 
 Those nobles and gentry who heJd such gifts, 
 were called Titulars of dthes, answering to the 
 English phrase of Impropriators. They used 
 the privileges which tliey had acquired M-ith 
 great rigour. They would not suffer the farmer 
 to lead a sheaf of corn from the fif^ld until the 
 tithe had been selected and removed, and in this 
 wa^f exercised their right with far more severity 
 than had been done by the Roman Catholic 
 clergy, v/ho usually accepted a certain reason^ 
 able sum of money, and thus left the proprietot 
 of the crop to manage it as he would, instead of 
 actually taking the tithes in kind. But the titu- 
 lars, as they used their privilege with rigour 
 and to the utmost, were equally tenacious in 
 retaining it. 
 
 When assembled in Parliament, or as it was 
 termed, the Convention of Estates, the lords 
 who w^ere possessed of grants of tithes deter- 
 mined that, rather than yield to the revocation 
 proposed by the Earl of Nithisdale, who was 
 the royal commissioner, they would massacre 
 him and his adherents in the face of the assem- 
 bly. This purpose was so decidedly entertain- 
 ed, that Lord Belhaven, an old blind man, 
 placed himself close to the Earl of Dumfries, a 
 supporter of the intended revocation, and keep- 
 ing hold of, his neighbour with one hand, for 
 which he apologized, as being necessary to en- 
 able him to support himself, he held in the other 
 the hilt of a dagger concealed in his bosom, 
 that as soon as the general signal should be 
 given, he might play his part in the tragedy by 
 plunging it into Lord Dumfries's heart. Nithis- 
 VoL. 1 12
 
 134 TITHES. 
 
 dale, learning something of this desperate reso- 
 lution, gave the revocation up for the time, and 
 returned to court. 
 
 The King, however, was at length able, by 
 the assistance of a convention of the clergy 
 summoned together by the bishops, and by the 
 general clamour of the land-owners, who com- 
 plained of the rigorous exactions of the titulars, 
 to obtain a partial surrender of the tithes 
 into the power of the crown. The power of 
 levying them in kind was suppressed ; the land- 
 holder was invested with a right to have the 
 tithe upon paying a modified sum, and to pur- 
 chase the entire right from the titular (if he had 
 the means to do so) at a rate of purchase re- 
 stricted to seven years' rent. 
 
 These alterations were attended with the 
 greatest advantages to the country in process 
 of time, but they were very offensive to the 
 Scottish nobility. 
 
 Charles also made an attempt to reverse some 
 of the attainders which had taken place in his 
 father's time, particularly that of Stewart, Earl 
 of Bothwell. Much of this turbulent nobleman's 
 forfeited property had fallen to the lot of the 
 Lords of Buccleuch and Cessford, who were 
 compelled to surrender a part of their spoils. 
 These proceedings, as well as the revocation of 
 the grants of tithes, highly irritated the Scottish 
 nobility, and some wild proposals were held 
 among tliem for dethroning Charles, and pla- 
 cing the Marquis of Hamilton on the throne. 
 
 The only remarkable consequence of this 
 intrigue, was a trial in the long forgotten Court
 
 COURT OF CHIVALIIY. 135 
 
 V. 
 
 of Chivalry, the last, it may be supposed, that 
 will ever take place. Donald Lord Reay affirm- 
 ed, that Mr. David Ramsay had used certain 
 treasonable expressions in his, the said Donald's, 
 hearing. Both were summoned to appear be- 
 fore the High Constable of England. They 
 appeared accordingly, in great pomp, attended 
 by their friends. 
 
 " Lord Reay," says an eye-witness, " was 
 clothed in black velvet, embroidered with silver, 
 carried his sword in a silver embroidered belt, 
 and wore around his neck his badge as a Baronet 
 of Nova Scotia. He was a tall, black, swarthy 
 man, of a portly and stout demeanour." The 
 defemler was next ushered in, a fair man, and 
 having a head of ruddy hair so bushy and long, 
 that he was usually termed Ramsay Redhead. 
 He was dressed in scarlet, so richly embroidered 
 with gold, that the cloth could scarcely be dis- 
 cerned, but he was totally unarmed. 
 
 While they fixed their eyes on each other 
 sternly, the charge was read, stating that Ram- 
 say, the defendant, had urged him. Lord Reay, 
 to engage in a conspiracy for dethroning the 
 King, and placing the Marquis of Hamilton 
 upon the throne. He added, that if Ramsay 
 should deny this, he Avould prove him a villain and 
 traitor by dint of sword. Ramsay, for answer, 
 called Reay " a liar and a barbarous villain, and 
 protested he should die for it." They exchanged 
 gloves. After many delays, the Court named a 
 day of combat, assigning as the weapons to be 
 used, a spear, a long sword, and a short sword 
 or a dagger. The most minute circumstances
 
 136 INTRODUCTION OF THE LITDROY 
 
 were arranged, and provision was even mado 
 at what time the parties might have the assist- 
 ance of armourers and tailors, Avith hammers, 
 nails, files, scissors, bodkins, needles, and 
 thread. But now, when you are perhaps ex- 
 pecting, with curiosity, a tale of a bloody fight, 
 I have to acquaint you that the King forbade 
 the combat, and the affair was put to sleep. 
 Times were greatly changed since the days 
 when almost every species of accusation might 
 be tried by duel. 
 
 Charles visited his native country in 1633, 
 for the purpose of being crowned. He was 
 received by the people at first with great appa- 
 rent affection, but discontent arose on its being 
 observed, that he omitted no opportunity of 
 pressing upon the bishops, who had hitherto 
 only worn plain black gowns, the use of the 
 more splendid vestments of the English Church. 
 This alteration of habit grievously oflended the 
 Presbyterians, who saw in it a farther approxi- 
 mation to the Romish ritual; while tlie nobility, 
 remembering that they had been partly de- 
 prived of their tithes, and that their possession 
 of the church lands was in danger, saw with 
 great pleasure the obnoxious prelates, for 
 whose sake the revocation had been made, in 
 cur the odium of the people at large. 
 
 It was left for Archbishop Laud to bring alt 
 this slumbering discontent into action, by an 
 attempt to introduce into the divine service of 
 the Church of Scotland a Form of Common 
 Prayer and Liturgy similar to that used in 
 Eng^land This, however reasonable an insti*
 
 INTO THE SCOTTISH CHURCH. 137 
 
 tution in itself, was at variance with the charac- 
 ter of Presbyterian worship, in which the cler- 
 gyman always addressed the Deity in extem- 
 poraneous prayer, and in no prescribed, or re- 
 gular form of words. 
 
 King James himself, when courting the fa- 
 vour of the Presbyterian party, had called the 
 English service an ill-mumbled mass ; forget- 
 ting that the objection to that ceremony applies, 
 not to the prayers, which must be excellent, 
 since they are chiefly extracted from Scrip- 
 ture, but to the worship of the Eucharist, which 
 Protestants think idolatrous, and to the service, 
 as being couched in a foreign language. Neither 
 of these objections applies to the English form 
 of prayer ; but the expression of the King was 
 not forgotten. 
 
 Upon the whole, this new and most obnox- 
 ious change in the form of public worship, 
 throughout Scotland, where the nobility were 
 known to be in a state of great discontent, was 
 very ill-timed. Right or wrong, the people in 
 genea-al were prejudiced against the innova- 
 tion, and yet it was to be attempted, without 
 any other authority than that of the King and 
 the Bishops ; while both the Parliament, and a 
 General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, 
 had a right to be consulted in a matter so im- 
 portant. 
 
 The rash and fatal experiment was made, 23d 
 July, 1637, in the High Church of St. Giles, 
 Edinburgh, where the dean of the city prepared 
 to read the new service before a numerous con- 
 course of persons, none of whom seem to have 
 12*
 
 138 OPPOSITION TO THE LITURGY. 
 
 been favourably disposed to its reception. As 
 the reader of the prayers announced the Col- 
 lect for the day, an old woman, named Jenny 
 Geddes, who kept a green-stall in the High 
 Street, bawled out — " The deil colick in the 
 wame of thee, thou false thief! dost thou say 
 the mass at my lug ?" With that she flung at 
 the dean's head the stool upon which she had 
 ^been sitting, and a wild tumult instantly com- 
 menced. The women of lower condition flew 
 at the dean, tore the surplice from his shoul- 
 ders, and drove him out of the church. The 
 Bishop of Edinburgh mounted the pulpit, but 
 was also assailed with missiles, and the win- 
 dows were broken with stones flung by a disor- 
 derly multitude from without. This was not 
 all : the prelates were assaulted in the street, 
 and misused by the mob. The life of the Bishop 
 of Argyle was with difficulty saved by Lord 
 Roxburgh, who carried him home in his car- 
 riage, surrounded by his retinue with drawn 
 swords. 
 
 This tumult, which has noAV something ludi- 
 crous in its details, was the signal for a general 
 resistance to the reception of the Service-book 
 throughout the whole country. The Privy 
 Council of Scotland were lukewarm, or rather 
 cold, in the cause. They wrote to Charles a 
 detailed account of the tumults, and did not 
 conceal, that the opposition to the measure was 
 spreading far and wide. 
 
 Charles was inflexible, and showed his dis- 
 pleasure even in trifles. It was the ancient cus- 
 tom, that a fool, or jester, was maintained at
 
 OPPOSITION TO THE LITURGY. 139 
 
 court, privileged to break his satirical jests at 
 random. The post was then held by one 
 Archie Armstrong, who, as he saw the Arch- 
 bishop oiX^anterbury posting to f.oiirt, in conse- 
 quence of the mortifying tidings from Scotland, 
 could not help whispering the sly question, 
 *' Who's fool now, my lord ?" For this jest, 
 poor Archie, having been first severely whip- 
 ped, was disgraced and dismissed from court, 
 where no fool has again been admitted, at least 
 in an avowed and official capacity. 
 
 But Archie was a more accessible object of 
 punishment than the malcontents in Scotland. 
 It was in vain that Charles sent down repeated 
 and severe messages, blaming the Privy Coun- 
 cil, the Magistrates, and all who did not punish 
 the rioters, and enforce the reading of the Ser- 
 vice-book. The resistance to the measure, 
 which was at first tumultuous, and ihe work of 
 the low^est order, had now assumed quality and 
 consistence. More than thirty peers, and a very 
 great proportion of the gentry of Scotland, to- 
 gether with the greater part of the royal burghs, 
 had, before the month of Decem.ber, agreed not 
 merely to oppose the Service-book, but to act 
 together in resistance to the further intrusions 
 of Prelacy. They were kept in union and 
 directed by representatives appointed from 
 among themselves, and forming separate Com- 
 mittees, or, as they were termed. Tables or 
 Boards of managr-ment. 
 
 Under the auspices of these Tables, or Com- 
 mittees, a species of engagement, or declara- 
 tion, was drawn up, the principal object of
 
 liO NATIONAL COVENANT. 
 
 which was, the eradication of Prelacy in all its 
 modifications, and the establishment of Presby- 
 tery on its purest and most simple basis. This 
 engagement was called the National Covenant, 
 as resembling those covenants which, in the 
 Old Testament, God is said to have made with 
 the people of Israel. The terms of this memo- 
 rable league professed the Reformed faith, and 
 abjured the rites and doctrines of the Romish 
 Church, with which were classed the newly im- 
 posed Liturgy and Canons. This Covenant, 
 which had for its object to annul all of Prela- 
 tic innovation that James's policy, and his son's 
 violeiice, had been able to introduce into the 
 Presbyterian Church, v/as sworn to by hun- 
 dreds, thousands, and hundreds of thousands, 
 of every age and description, vowing, with up- 
 lifted hands and weeping eyes, that, with the 
 Divine assistance, they would dedicate life and 
 fortune to maintain the object of their solemn 
 engagement. 
 
 Undoubtedly, many persons wlio thus sub- 
 scribed tlie National Covenant, did not serious- 
 ly feel any apprehension that Prelacy would in- 
 troduce Popery, or that the Book of Common 
 Prayer was in itself a grievance which the 
 country of Scotland did well or wisely to op- 
 pose; but they were convinced, that in thus 
 forcing a matter of conscience upon a whole 
 nation, the King disregarded the rights and liber- 
 ties of his subjects, and foresaw, that if not now 
 withstood, he was most likely to make Iiimself 
 absolute master of their rights and privileges in 
 pecular as well as religious affairs, lliey tliere-
 
 COVENANTERS TAKE UP ARMS. 141 
 
 fore joined in such measures as procured a ge- 
 neral resistance to the arbitrary power so rash- 
 ly assumed by King Charles. 
 
 Meantime, while the King negotiated and 
 procrastinated, Scotland, though still declaring 
 attachment to his person, was nearly in a state 
 of general resistance. 
 
 The Covenanters, as they began to be called, 
 held a General Assembly of the Church, at 
 which the Marquis of Hamilton attended as 
 Lord Commissioner for the King. This im- 
 portant meeting was held at Glasgow. There 
 all measures pointed at by the Covenant were 
 carried fully into effect. Episcopacy was abo- 
 lished, the existing bishops were deprived of 
 their power, and eight of them excommunicated 
 for divers alleged irregularities. 
 
 The Covenanters took arms to support these 
 bold m.easures. They recalled to Scotland the 
 numerous officers who had been trained in the 
 wars of Germany, and committed the command 
 of the whole to Alexander Lesley, a veteran 
 general of skill and experience, who had pos- 
 sessed the friendship of Gustavus Adolphus. 
 They soon made great progress ; for the castles 
 of Edinburgh, Dalkeith, and other national for- 
 tresses, were treacherously surrendered, or 
 daringly surprised, by the Covenanters. 
 
 King Charles, meantime, was preparing for 
 the invasion of Scotland with a powerful army 
 by land and sea. The fleet was commanded by 
 the Marquis of Hamilton, who, unwilling to 
 commence a civil war, or, as some supposed, 
 not being on this occasion peculiarly zealoua
 
 142 SKIRMISH AT DUNSE LAW. 
 
 in the King's service, made no attempt to pro- 
 secute the enterprise. The fleet lay idle in the 
 frith of Forth, while Charles in person, at the 
 head of an army of twenty-three thousand men, 
 gallantly equipped by the English nobility, 
 seemed as much determined on the subjugation 
 of his ancient kingdom of Scotland, as ever any 
 of the Edwards or Henries of England had 
 been. But the Scottish Covenanters showed 
 the same determined spirit of resistance, which, 
 displayed by their ancestors, had frustrated so 
 many invasions. 
 
 A great degree of military discipline had 
 been introduced into their new levies, consider- 
 ing how short time they had been on foot. 
 They lay encamped on Dunse law, a gently 
 sloping hill, very favourable for a military dis- 
 play. Their camp was defended by forty field- 
 pieces, and their army consisted of twenty-four 
 or twenty-five thousand men. The highest 
 Scottish nobles, as Argyle, Rothes, Cassilis, 
 Eglinton, Dalhousie, Lindsay, Loudon, Bal- 
 carras, and others, acted as colonels ; their 
 captains were gentlemen of high rank and for- 
 tune ; and the inferior commissions were chief- 
 ly filled with veteran ofiicers who had served 
 abroad. The utmost order was observed in 
 their camp, while the presence of numerous 
 clergymen kept up the general enthusiasm, 
 and seemed to give a religious character to the 
 war. 
 
 In this crisis, when a decisive battle was to 
 have been expected, only one very slight action 
 took place, when a few English cavalry, re
 
 TREATY WITH THE COVENANTERS. 143 
 
 treating hastily, and in disorder, from a still 
 smaller number of Scots, seemed to show that 
 the invaders had not their heart in the combat. 
 The King was surrounded by many counsel- 
 lors, who had no interest to encourage the war; 
 and the whole body of English Puritans consi- 
 dered the resistance of Scotland as the triumph 
 of the good cause over Popery and Prelacy. 
 Charles's own courage seems to have failed 
 him, at the idea of encountering a force so well 
 provided, and so willing, as that of the Cove- 
 nanters, with a dispirited army acting under 
 divided councils. A treaty was entered into, 
 though of an insecure character. The King 
 granted a declaration, in which, without con- 
 firming the acts of the Assembly of Glasgow, 
 which he would not acknowledge as a lawful 
 one, he agreed that all matters concerning the 
 regulation of church government should be left 
 to a new Convocation of the Church. 
 
 Such an agreement could not be lasting. The 
 Covenanting Lords did, indeed, disband their 
 forces, and restore to the King's troops the 
 strong places which they had occupied ; but 
 they held themselves ready to take arms, and 
 seize upon them again at the slightest, notice ; 
 neither was the King able to introduce any 
 considerable degree of disunion into so formi- 
 dable a league. 
 
 The General Assembly of the Church con- 
 vened according to the treaty, failed not to con- 
 firm all that had been done by their predeces- 
 sors at Glasgow ; the National Covenant was 
 renewed, and the whole conclusions of the
 
 144 HENEWAL OP HOSTILITIES. 
 
 r- TI B 
 
 body were in /avour of pure and unmingled 
 Presbytery. The Scottish Parliament, on their 
 part, demanded several privileges, necessary, 
 it was said, to freedom of debate, and required 
 that the Estates of the Kingdom should be 
 convened at least once every three years. On 
 receiving these demands, Charles thought he 
 beheld a formed scheme for undermining his 
 royal authority, and prepared to renew the 
 war. 
 
 His determination involved, however, some 
 more important consequences than even the 
 war with Scotland. His private economy had 
 enabled the King to support, from the crown 
 lands and other funds, independent of parlia- 
 mentary grants, the ordinary expenses of the 
 state, and he had been able even to sustain 
 the charges of the first army raised to invade 
 Scotland, without having recourse to the House 
 of Commons. But his treasures were now 
 exhausted, and it became indispensable to con- 
 voke a parliament, and obtain from it a grant 
 of money to support the war. The Parliament 
 met, but were too much occupied by their own 
 grievances, to take an immediate interest in the 
 Scottish war. They refused the supplies de- 
 manded. The Kipg was obhged to dissolve 
 them, and have recourse to the aid of Ireland, 
 to the Convocation of the Church, to compul- 
 sory loans, and other indirect methods of rais- 
 ing money, so that his resources were exhausted 
 by the effort. 
 
 On hearing that the King was again collect- 
 ing hi« army, and had placed himself ni its
 
 RENEWAL OF HOSTILITIES. 145 
 
 head, the Parliament of Scotland resolved on 
 again assembling theirs. It was done with 
 such facility, and so speedily, that it was plain 
 they had been, during the short suspension of 
 arms, occupied in preparing for a new rupture. 
 They did not now wait till the King should 
 invade Scotland, but boldly crossed the Tweed, 
 entered England, and, advancing to the banks 
 of the Tyne, found Lord Conway posted at 
 Newburn, with six thousand men, having batte- 
 ries of cannon in his front, and prepared to dis- 
 pute the passage of the river. On 28th August, 
 1640, the battle of Newburn was fought. The 
 Scots entered the ford, girdle deep, and after 
 silencing the artillery by their superior fire, 
 made their way across the river, and the Eng- 
 lish fled with a speed and disorder unworthy of 
 their national reputation. 
 
 The King, surprised at this defeat, and justly 
 distrusting the faith of many who were in his 
 army and near his person, retreated with all his 
 forces into Yorkshire ; and again, with more 
 serious intentions of abiding by it, commenced 
 a negotiation with his insurgent subjects. At 
 the same time, to appease the growing discon- 
 tent of the English nation, he resolved again to 
 call a Parliament. There were, no doubt, in 
 the royal camp, many persons to whom the 
 presence of a Scottish army was acceptable, as 
 serving to overawe the more violent royalists ; 
 and the Scots were easily induced to pro- 
 tract their stay, when it was proposed to them 
 to receive pay and provisions at the expense of 
 England. 
 
 Vol. I. 13
 
 146 THE LONG PARLIAMENT. 
 
 The meeting of that celebrated body, called, 
 in English history, the Long Parliament, took 
 place on 3d November, 1640. The majority 
 of the members were disaffected with the King's 
 government, on account of his severity in mat- 
 ters of religion, and his tendency to despotism 
 in state affairs. These malcontents formed a 
 strong party, determined to diminish the royal 
 authority, and reduce, if they did not destroy, 
 the hierarchy of the church. The negotiations 
 for peace being transferred from Rippon to 
 London, the presence of the Scottish commis- 
 sioners was highly acceptable to those states- 
 men who opposed the King, and the preaching 
 of the clergymen by whom they were accompa- 
 nied, appeared equally instructive to the citi- 
 'zens of London and their wives. 
 
 In this favourable situation, and completely 
 successful over the royal will, (for Charles I. 
 could not propose to contend at once with the 
 English Parliament and with the Scottish ar- 
 my,) the peremptory demands of the Scots 
 were neither light, nor easily gratilied. They 
 required that the King should confirm every 
 act of the Scottish Convention of Estates with 
 whom he had been at war, recall all the procla- 
 mations which he had sent out against them, 
 place the fortresses of Scotland in the hands of 
 such officers as the Convention should approve 
 of, pay all the expenses of the war, and, last and 
 bitterest, they stipulated, that those of the king's 
 counsellors who had advised the late hostilities, 
 should be punished as incendiaries. While the 
 Scots were discussing these severe conditions
 
 CONCESSIONS OF CHARLES. 147 
 
 they remained in their quarters much at their 
 own ease, overawing by their presence the 
 King, and those who might be disposed to join 
 him, and affording to the opposition party in 
 the EngUsh Parliament an opportunity of ob- 
 taining redress for the grievances of which they, 
 in their turn, complained. 
 
 The King, thus circumstanced, was com- 
 pelled to give way. The oppressive courts in 
 which arbitrary proceedings had taken place, 
 were abolished ; every species of contrivance 
 by which the King had endeavoured to levy 
 money without consent of Parliament, a sub- 
 ject on which the people of England were 
 justly jealous, was declared unlawful ; and it 
 was provided, that Parliaments should be sum- 
 moned every three years. 
 
 Thus the power of the King was reduced 
 within the boundaries of the constitution : but 
 the Parliament were not satisfied with this ge- 
 neral redress of grievances, though including 
 all that had hitherto been openly complained 
 of. A strong party among the members was 
 determined to be satisfied with nothing short 
 of the abolition of Episcopacy in England as 
 well as in Scotland ; and many, who did not 
 aim at that favourite point, entertained fears, 
 that if the King v*^ere left in possession of such 
 powers as the constitution allowed him, he 
 would find means of re-establishing and perpe- 
 tuating the grievances which, for the time, he 
 had consented to abolish. 
 
 Gratified with a donation of three hundred 
 thousand pounds, given under the delicate
 
 148 CHARLEs'd SECOND VISIT 
 
 name of brotherly assistance, the Scottish army 
 at length retired homeward, and left the King 
 and Parliament of England* to settle their own 
 affairs. The troops were scarcely retm-ned to 
 Scotland and disbanded, when Charles pro- 
 posed to himself a visit to his native kingdom. 
 
 There can be little doubt that the purpose of 
 this royal progress was to inquire closely into 
 the causes which had enabled the Scottish na- 
 tion, usually divided into factions and quarrels, 
 to act with such unanimity, and to try whether 
 it might not be possible for the King to attach 
 to his royal interest and person some of the 
 principal leaders, and thus form a party who 
 might not only prevent his English dominions 
 from being again invaded by an army from 
 Scotland, but might be disposed to serve him, 
 in case he should come to an open rupture with 
 his English Parliament. For this purpose he 
 dispensed dignities and gifts in Scotland with an 
 unsparing hand ; made General Lesley Earl of 
 Leven, raised the Lords Loudon and Lyndsay 
 to the same rank, and received into his adminis- 
 tration several nobles who had been active in 
 the late invasion of England. On most of these 
 persons, the king's benefits produced little ef- 
 fect. They considered him only as giving 
 what, if he had dared, he would have withheld. 
 But Charles made a convert to his interests of 
 one nobleman, whose character and actions 
 have rendered him a memorable person in 
 Scottish history. 
 
 This was .Tames Graham, Earl of Montrose ; 
 a man of high genius, glowing with the ambi-
 
 TO SCOTLAND. 149 
 
 tion which prompts great actions, and conscious 
 of courage and talents which enabled him to 
 aspire to much by small and inadequate means. 
 He was a poet and scholar, deeply skilled in the 
 art of war, and possessed of a strength of con- 
 stitution and activity of mind, by which he 
 could sustain every hardship, and find a remedy 
 in every reverse of fortune. It was remarked 
 of him by Cardinal du Retz, an unquestionable 
 iudge, that he resembled more nearly than any 
 man of his age those great heroes, whose 
 names and history are handed down to us by 
 the Greek and Roman historians. As a quali- 
 fication to this high praise, it must be added, 
 that Montrose's courage sometimes approached 
 to rashness, and that some of his actions arose 
 more from the dictates of private revenge, than 
 became his nobler qualities. 
 
 The young Earl had attended the court of 
 Charles when he came home from his travels, 
 but not meeting with the attention or distinc- 
 tion which he was conscious of deserving, he 
 withdrew into Scotland, and took a zealous 
 share in forming and forwarding the National 
 Covenant. A man of such talent could not 
 fail to be employed and distinguished. Mon- 
 trose was sent by the confederated Lords of 
 the Covenant to chastise the prelatic town of 
 Aberdeen, and to disperse the Gordons, who 
 were taking arms for the King under the Mar- 
 quis of Huntly, and succeeded in both com- 
 missions. 
 
 At the battle of Newburn, he was the first 
 man who forded the Tyne. He passed alone 
 13*
 
 IBO IMPRISONMENT OF MONTROSE. 
 
 under the fire of the English, to ascertain the 
 depth of the water, and returned to lead over 
 the regiment which he commanded. Notwith- 
 standing these services to the cause of the 
 Covenant, Montrose had the mortification to 
 see the Earl of Argyle, (the ancient feudal ene- 
 my of his house,) was preferred to him by the 
 heads of the party, and chiefly by the clergy. 
 There was something in the fiery ambition, 
 and unyielding purpose of Montrose, which 
 startled inferior minds; while Argyle, dark, 
 close, and crafty, — a man well qualified to af- 
 fect a complete devotion to the ends of others, 
 when he was, in fact, bent on forwarding his 
 own, — stooped lower to court popularity, and 
 was more successful in gaining it. 
 
 The King had long observed that Montrose 
 was dissatisfied with the party to which he had 
 hitherto adhered, and found no difficulty in en- 
 gaging his services for the future in the royal 
 cause. The noble convert set so actively 
 about inducing others to follow his example, 
 that even during the course of the treaty at 
 Rippon, he had procured the subscription of 
 nineteen noblemen to a bond, engaging them- 
 selves to unite in support of Charles. This 
 act of defection being discovered by the Cove- 
 nanters, Montrose was imprisoned ; and the 
 King, on coming to Scotland, had the mortifi- 
 cation to find himself deprived of the assist- 
 ance of this invaluable adherent. 
 
 Montrose contrived, however, to communi- 
 cate with the King from his prison in the Cas- 
 tle of Edinburgh, and disclosed so many cir-
 
 THE INCIDENT. 161 
 
 cumstances respecting the purposes of the 
 Marquis of Hamilton and the Earl of Argyle, 
 that Charles had resolved to arrest them both 
 at one moment, and had assembled soldiers for 
 that purpose. They escaped, however, and re- 
 tired to their houses, where they could not 
 have been seized, but by open violence, and at 
 the risk of a civil war. These noblemen were 
 recalled to Court ; and to show that the King's 
 confidence in them was unchanged, Argyle 
 was raised to the rank of Marquis. This ob- 
 scure affair was called the Incident; it was 
 never well explained ; it excited much suspi- 
 cion of the Ring's purposes both in England 
 and Scotland, and aggravated the disinclina- 
 tion of the English Parliament to leave his 
 royal power on the present unreduced footing. 
 There can be little doubt that Montrose's 
 disclosures to the King concerned the private 
 correspondence which passed between the 
 Scottish Covenanters and the opposition party 
 in the Parliament of England, and which 
 Charles might hope to convert into an accusa- 
 tion of high treason against both. But as he 
 did not feel that he possessed a party in Scot- 
 land strong enough to contend with the great 
 majority of the nobles of that country, he 
 judged it best to pass over all further notice of 
 the Incident for the time, and to leave^Scotland 
 at least under the outward appearance of mu- 
 tual concord. He was formally congratulated 
 on departing a contented King from a con- 
 tented people — a state of things which did not 
 last long.
 
 152 Charles's return to England. 
 
 It was, indeed, impossible that Scotland 
 should remain long tranquil, while England, 
 with whom she was now so closely connected, 
 was in such dreadful disorder. The King had 
 no sooner returned from Scotland, than the 
 quarrel betwixt him and his Parliament was 
 renewed with more violence than ever. If 
 either party could have reposed confidence in 
 the other's sincerity, the concessions made by 
 the King were such as ought to have gratified 
 the Parliament. But the strongest suspicions 
 were entertained by the prevailing party, that 
 the King considered the grants which he had 
 made, as having been extorted from him by vi- 
 olence, and that he retained the steady purpose 
 of reassumingthe obnoxious and arbitrary pow- 
 er of which he had been deprived for a season, 
 but which he still considered as part of his 
 royal right. They therefore resolved not to 
 quit the ascendancy which they had attained, 
 until they had deprived the King of a large 
 portion of his remaining power, although be- 
 stowed on him by the constitution, that they 
 might thus prevent his employing it for the re- 
 covery of those arbitrary privileges which had 
 been usurped by the throne during the reign of 
 the Tudors. 
 
 While the Parliamentary leaders argued thus, 
 the King, on his side, complained that no con- 
 cession, however large, was able to satisfy the 
 demands of his discontented subjects. " He 
 had already," he urged, " resigned all the 
 points which had been disputed between them," 
 and his partisans were alarmed with the idea
 
 RENEWED DEMANDS OF PARLIAMENT. 153 
 
 that it was the purpose of Parliament alto- 
 gether to abrogate the royal authority, and, 
 probably, to depose the reigning King. 
 
 On the return of Charles to London, the Par- 
 liament greeted him with a remonstrance, in 
 which he was upbraided with all the real and 
 supposed errors of his reign. At the same time, 
 a general disposition to tumult showed itself 
 throughout the City. Great mobs of appren- 
 tices and citizens, not always of the lowest 
 rank, came in tv.mult to Winchester, under the 
 pretence of petitioning the Houses of Parlia- 
 ment ; and as they passed Whitehall, they in- 
 sulted, with loud shouts, the guards and ser- 
 vants of the King. The parties soon came to 
 blows, and blood w^as spilt between them. 
 
 Party names, too, were assumed, to distin- 
 guish the friends of the King from those who 
 favoured the Parliament. The former were 
 chielEly gay young men, w^ho, according to the 
 fashion of the times, wore showy dresses, and 
 cultivated the growth of long hair, which, ar- 
 ranged in ringlets, fell over their shoulders. 
 They were called Cavaliers. In distinction, 
 those who adhered to the Parliament, assumed 
 in their garb and deportment, a seriousness and 
 gravity W'hich rejected all ornament ; they wore 
 their hair, in particular, cropped short around 
 the head, and thence gained the name of Round- 
 heads. 
 
 But it was the difference in their ideas of re- 
 ligion, or rather of church government, whicli 
 chiefly widened the division betwixt the two 
 parties. The King had been bred up lo consi-
 
 154 FIVE me:,ibers arrested. 
 
 ■ '■"-■ 
 der the preservation of the Church of England 
 and her hierarchy, as a sacred point of duty. 
 The Presbyterian system, on the contrary, was 
 espoused by a large proportion of the Parlia- 
 ment ; and they were, for the time, seconded by 
 the other numerous classes of Dissenters, all of 
 whom desired to see the destruction of the 
 Church of England, however unwilling they 
 might be that a Presbyterian Church govern- 
 ment should be set up in its stead. The enemies 
 of the Church of England greatly predominat- 
 ing within the Houses of Parliament, the lords 
 spiritual, or bishops, were finally expelled 
 from their seats in the House of Lords, and 
 their removal was celebrated as a triumph by 
 the London citizens. 
 
 While matters were in this state, the King 
 committed a great imprudence. Having con- 
 ceived that he had acquired from Montrose's 
 discovery, or otherwise, certain information 
 that five of the leading members of the House 
 of Commons had been guilty of communicating 
 with the Scots when in arms, which might 
 authorize a charge of high treason, he formed 
 the highly rash and culpable intention of going 
 to the House of Commons in person, with an 
 armed train of attendants, and causing the 
 accused members to be arrested. By tliis 
 ill-advised measure, Charles doubtless expected 
 to strike terror into the opposite party ; but it 
 proved altogether ineffectual. 
 
 The five members had received private in- 
 formation of the blow to be aimed at them, and 
 had fled into the city, where they found num-
 
 CIVIL WATl IN" KN'CLAND. 155 
 
 bers willing to conceal and defend them. The 
 King-, by his visit to the House of Commons, 
 only showed that he could stoop to act almost 
 in tlie capacity of a common constable, or 
 catchpoll ; and that he disregarded the respect 
 due to the representatives of the British people, 
 in meditating such an arrest in the presence of 
 that body. 
 
 After this step on the part of the King, every 
 chance of reconciliation seemed at an end. The 
 Commons rejected all amicable proposals, un- 
 less the King would surrender to them the com- 
 mand of the militia ; and that would have been 
 equivalent to laying his crown at their feet. 
 The King refused to surrender the command of 
 the militia, even for an instant ; and both par- 
 ties prepared to take up arms. Charles left 
 London, where the power of the Parliament 
 was predominant, assembled what friends he 
 could gather at Nottingham, and- hoisted the 
 royal standard there, as the signal of civil war, 
 on the 25th August, 1642. 
 
 The hostilities which ensued, over almost all 
 England, were of a singular character. Long 
 accustomed to peace, the English had but little 
 knowledge of the art of war. The friends of 
 the contending parties assembled their follow- 
 ers, and marched against each other, without 
 much idea of taking strong positions, or avail- 
 ing themselves of able mancEuvres, but with the 
 simple and downright purpose of meeting, 
 fighting with, and defeating those who were in 
 arms on the other side. 
 
 These battles were contested with great man-
 
 156 CIVIL WAR IN ENGLAND. 
 
 — -a 
 
 hood and gallantry, but with little military skill 
 or discipline. It was no uncommon thing, for 
 one wing or division of the contending armies, 
 when they found themselves victorious over 
 the body opposed to them, to amuse them- 
 selves with chasing the vanquished party for 
 leagues off the field of battle, where the victory 
 was in the mean while lost for want of their sup- 
 port. This repeatedly happened through the 
 precipitation of the King's cavalry, a fine body 
 of men, consisting of the flower of the English 
 nobility and gentry ; but as ungovernable as 
 they were brave, and usually commanded by 
 Prince Rupert, the King's nephew, a young 
 man of fiery courage, not gifted with prudence 
 corresponding to his bravery and activity. 
 
 In these unhappy civil contentions, the an- 
 cient nobility and gentry of England were chief- 
 ly disposed to the service of the King ; and the 
 farmers and cultivators of the soil followed 
 them as the natural leaders. The cause of the 
 Parliament was supported by London, with all 
 its wealth and its numbers, and by the other 
 large towns, sea-ports, and manufacturing dis- 
 tricts, throughout the country. At the com- 
 mencement of the war, the Parliament, being 
 in possession of most of the fortified places in 
 England, with the magazines of arms and am- 
 munition which they contained, having also 
 numbers of men prepared to obey their sum- 
 mons, and with pbwer to raise large sums of 
 money to pay them, seemed to possess great 
 advantages over the party of Charles. But the 
 gallantry of the King's followers was able to
 
 NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE SCOTS. 157 
 
 restore the balance, and proposals were made 
 for peace on equal terms, which, had all parties 
 been as sincere in seeking it, as the good and 
 wise of each side certainly were, might then 
 have been satisfactorily concluded. 
 
 A treaty was set on foot at Oxford in the 
 winter and spring of 1643, and the Scottish 
 Parliament sent to England a committee of the 
 persons employed as conservators of the peace 
 between the kingdoms, to negotiate, if pos- 
 sible, a pacification between the King and 
 his Parliament, honourable for the crown, satis- 
 factory for the liberty of the subject, and se- 
 cure for both. But the King listened to the 
 warmer and more passionate counsellors, who 
 pointed out to him that the Scots would, to 
 a certainty, do their utmost to root out Pre- 
 lacy in a system of accommodation which 
 they might assist in framing ; and that hav- 
 ing, in fact, been the first who had set the 
 example of a successful resistance to the 
 Crown, they could not now be expected to act 
 sincerely in any negotiation in which its inte- 
 rests were concerned. The result was, that 
 the Scottish Commissioners, finding themselves 
 treated with coldness by the King, and with 
 menace and scorn by the more vehement of his 
 followers, left Oxford, still more displeased 
 with the Royal cause than when they had come 
 thither. 
 
 Vol. I. 14
 
 [ 158 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 A Scottish Army sent to assist that of the 
 English Parliament — Montrose takes ad- 
 vantage of their Absence, and, being joined 
 by a body of Irishmen, raises the Royal Stan- 
 dard in Scotland — Battle of Tippermuir, 
 and Surrender of Perth— Affair at the Bridge 
 of Dee, and Sack of Perth — Close of the 
 
 . Campaign. 
 
 In 1643, when the advance of spring permit- 
 ted the resumption of hostilities, it was found 
 that the state of the King's party was decidedly 
 superior to that of the Parliament, and it was 
 believed that the event of the war would be 
 decided in the Royal favour, could the co-ope- 
 ration of the Scots be obtained. The King 
 privately made great offers to the Scottish na- 
 tion, to induce them to declare in his favour, or 
 at least remain neuter in the struggle. He 
 called upon them to remember that he had gra- 
 tified all their wishes, without exception, and 
 reminded them that the late peace between 
 England and Scotland provided, that neither 
 country should declare war against the other 
 without due provocation, and the consent of 
 Parliament. But the Scottisli Convention of 
 Estates were sensible, that if they should assist 
 the King to conquer the English Parliament, 
 for imitating their example of insurrection, it 
 would be naturally followed by their undergoing
 
 THE SCOTS ARMY ASSIST THE ENGLISH. l.^'> 
 
 punishment themselves for the example which 
 they had set. They feared for the Presbyte- 
 rian system, — some of them, no doubt, feared 
 for themselves, — and all turned a deaf ear to 
 the King's proposals. 
 
 On the other hand a deputation from Par- 
 liament pressed upon the Scottish Convention 
 another clause in the treaty of peace made in 
 1641, namely, that the Parliament of either 
 country should send aid to each other to repel 
 invasion or suppress internal disturbances. In 
 compliance with these articles, the English 
 Commissioners desired the assistance of a body 
 of Scottish auxiliaries. The country beingatthis 
 time filled with disbanded officers and soldiers 
 who were eager for employment, the oppor- 
 tunity and the invitation were extremely tempt- 
 ing to them, for they remembered the free- 
 quarters and good pay which they had enjoyed 
 while in England. Nevertheless, the leading 
 members of the Convention of Estates were 
 aware, that to embrace the party of the Parlia- 
 ment of England, and despatch to their assist- 
 ance a large body of auxiliary forces, selected, 
 as they must be, from their best levies, would 
 necessarily expose their authority in Scotland 
 to considerable danger ; for the King's friends 
 who had joined in the bond with Montrose, 
 were menof povrer and influence, and having the 
 will, only M'aited for the opportunity, to act in 
 his behalf; and might raise, perhaps a formi- 
 dable insurrection in Scotland itself, when re- 
 lieved from the superiority of force which at 
 present was so great on the side of the Conven-
 
 100 NEGOTIATION OF THE ENGLISH 
 
 fion. But the English Commissioners held out 
 a bait which the Convention found it impossible 
 to resist. 
 
 From the success which the ruling party had 
 experienced in establishing the Church of Scot- 
 land on a Presbyterian model, and from the 
 great influence which the clergy of that per- 
 suasion had acquired in the councils of the na- 
 tion by the late course of events, they were in- 
 duced to form the ambitious desire of totally 
 destroying the hierarchy of the Church of En- 
 gland, and of introducing into that kingdom a 
 form of church government on the Presbyte- 
 rian model. To accomplish this favourite ob- 
 ject, the leading Presbyterians in Scotland were 
 willing to run every risk, and to make every 
 exertion. 
 
 The Commissioners of England were most 
 ready to join with this idea of destroying Pre- 
 lacy ; but they knew that the English Parlia- 
 ment party were greatly divided among them- 
 selves on the subject of substituting the Pres- 
 byterian system in its place. The whole body 
 of Sectarians, or independents, were totally 
 opposed to the introduction of any national 
 church government whatever, and were averse 
 to that of Presbytery in particular, the Scottish 
 clergy having, in their opinion, shown them- 
 selves disposed to be as absolute as tlie bishops 
 I Kid been while in power. But, with a crafty 
 policy, the Commissioners conducted tJie nego- 
 tiation ill such a manner as to give the Scottish 
 Convention reason to believe, that they Avould 
 accomplish their favourite desire of seeing the
 
 PARLIAMENT WITH THE SCOTS. 101 
 
 system which they so much admired acknow- 
 ledged and adopted in England, while, in fact, 
 they bound their constituents, the English Par- 
 liament, to nothing specific on the subject. 
 
 The Commissioners proposed to join with 
 the Scottish nation in a new edition of the 
 Covenant, which had before proved such a 
 happy bond of union among the Scots them- 
 selves. In this new bond of religious associa- 
 tion, which was called the Solemn League and 
 Covenant, it was provided, that the church go- 
 vernment of Scotland should be supported and 
 maintained on its present footing ; but with 
 regard to England, the agreement was express- 
 ed with studied ambiguity — the religious system 
 of England, it was provided, should be reformed 
 " according to the word of God, and the exam- 
 ple of the best reformed churches." 
 
 The Scots, usually more cautious in their 
 transactions, never allowed themselves to doubt 
 for a moment, that the rule and example to be 
 adopted under this clause must necessarily be 
 that of Presbytery, and under this conviction, 
 both the nobles and the clergy hastened with 
 raptures, and even with tears of joy, to sub- 
 scribe the proposed League. But several of 
 the English Commissioners enjoyed in secret 
 the reserved power of interpreting the clause 
 otherwise, and of explaining the phrase in a 
 sense applicable to their own ideas of eman- 
 cipation from church government of every 
 kind. 
 
 The Solemn League and Covenant was sworn 
 to in Scotland with general acclamation, and 
 14*
 
 102 SCOTTISH ARBIY ENTERS EXGLAND. 
 
 was received and adopted by theEiigiisliPariia- 
 ment with the same applause, all discussion of 
 the dubious article being cautiously avoided. 
 The Scots proceeded, with eager haste, to 
 send to the assistance of the Parliament of 
 England a well-disciplined army of upwards of 
 twenty thousand men, under the command of 
 Alexander Lesley, Earl of Leven. An officer 
 of character, named Baillie, was Leven's Lieu- 
 tenant, and David Lesley, a man of greater 
 military talents than either, was his Major- 
 General. Their presence contributed greatly 
 to a decisive victory which the Parliament 
 forces gained at Marston Moor ; and indeed, 
 as was to be expected from their numbers and 
 discipline, quickly served to give that party the 
 preponderance in the field. 
 
 But v/hile the Scottish auxiliaries were ac- 
 tively serving the common cause of the Parlia- 
 ment in England, the courageous and romantic 
 enterprise of the Earl of Montrose broke out in 
 a train of success, which threatened to throw 
 Scotland itself into the hands of the King and 
 his friends. This nobleman's bold genius, 
 when the royalist party in Scotland seemed 
 totally crushed and dispersed, devised the means 
 of assembling them together, and of menacing 
 the Convention of Estates with the destruction 
 of their power at home, even at the moment 
 when they hoped to establish the Presbyterian 
 Church in both kingdoms, by the success of the 
 .'•rniy whicli they had despatched into England. 
 
 After obtaining his liberation from imprison- 
 ment, Montrose had repaired to England, and 
 
 I
 
 STATE OF PARTIES IX SCOTLAND. 103 
 
 suggested to the King a plan of operations to 
 be executed by a body of Irish, to be despatched 
 by the Earl of Antrim from the county of 
 Ulster, and landed in the West Highlands. 
 With these he proposed to unite a force col- 
 lected from the Highland clans, who were dis- 
 inclined to the Presbyterian government, great 
 enemies to the Earl of Argyle, and attached to 
 the Royal cause, because they regarded the 
 King as a chieftain whose clan was in rebellion 
 against him, and who, therefore, deserved the 
 support of every faithful mountaineer. The 
 promise of pay, to which they had never been 
 accustomed, and the certainty of booty, would, 
 as Montrose judiciously calculated, readily 
 bring many chieftains and clans to the Royal 
 standard. 
 
 The powerful family of the Gordons, in Aber- 
 deenshire, who, besides enjoying almost prince- 
 ly authority over the numerous gentlemen of 
 their family, had extensive influence among the 
 mountain tribes in their neighbourhood, or, in 
 the Scottish phrase, could command a great 
 Highland following, might also be reckoned 
 upon with certainty ; as they had been repeat- 
 edly in arms for the King, had not been put 
 down without a stout resistance, and were still 
 warmly disposed towards the Royal cause. 
 
 The support of many of the nobility and 
 gentry in the north, might also be regarded as 
 probable, should Montrose be able to collect a 
 considerable force. The Episcopal establish- 
 ment, so odious to the lords and barons of the 
 -nuthcrn and western parts of Scotland, vras
 
 104 STATE OF PARTIES IN SCOTLAND. 
 
 popular in the north. The northern barons 
 were displeased with the extreme strictness of 
 the Presbyterian clergy, and dissatisfied with 
 the power they had often assumed of interfering 
 with the domestic arrangements of families, 
 under pretext of maintaining moral discipline. 
 
 Finally, there were in all parts of Scotland 
 active and daring men disappointed of obtaining 
 employment or preferment under the existing 
 government, and therefore willing to join in 
 any enterprise, however desperate, w^hich pro- 
 mised a change. 
 
 All this was known to the Convention of 
 Estates ; but they had not fully estimated the 
 magnitude of the danger. Montrose's personal 
 talents were, to a certain extent, admitted; but 
 ordinary men were incapable of estimating such 
 a character as his ; and he was generally es- 
 teemed a vain, though able young man, whose 
 remarkable ambition was capable of urging him 
 into undertakings which were impracticable. 
 The great power of the Earl of Argyle was re- 
 lied upon as a sufficient safeguard against any 
 attempt on the West Highlands ; and his nume- 
 rous, brave, and powerful clan, had long kept 
 all the tribes of that country in a species of 
 awe, if not subjection. 
 
 But the character of the Highlanders was 
 estimated according to a sort of calculation, 
 which time had rendered very erroneous. In 
 the former days of Scotland, when the Low- 
 lands were inhabited by men as brave, and much 
 better armed and disciplined than the moun- 
 taineers, the latter had indeed often shown
 
 STATE OF PARTIES IN SCOTLAND. 1G5 
 
 themselves alert as light troops, unwearied in 
 predatory excursions ; but had been generally, 
 from their tumultuary charge, liable to defeat, 
 either from a steady body of spearmen, who re- 
 ceived their onset with lowered lances, or from 
 an attack of the feudal chivalry of the Low- 
 lands, completely armed and well mounted. 
 At Harlaw, Corrichie, Glenlivat, and on many 
 other occasions, tlie irregular forces of the 
 Highlands had been defeated by an inferior 
 number of their Lowland opponents. 
 
 These recollections might lead the governors 
 jf Scotland, during the civil war, to hold a 
 Highland army in low estimation. ^ But it was 
 without considering that half a century of unin- 
 terrupted peace had rendered the Lowlanders 
 much more unwarlike, while the Highlander, 
 who always went armed, was familiar with the 
 use of weapons which he constantly wore, and 
 far superior in that particular, as well as in the 
 alacrity and love of fight, to the Lowland pea- 
 sant, called from the peaceful occupations of 
 the farm, and only prepared, by a fev/ days' 
 drilling, to encounter the unwonted dangers of 
 a field of battle. The burghers, who made a 
 forrnidable part of the array of the Scottish- 
 army in former times, were now still more un- 
 warlike than the peasant, being not only Mdth- 
 out skill in arms and Aimiliarity with danger, 
 but also the personal habits o^ exercise V\'hich 
 the rustic mijxht have preserved. This great 
 and essential difierence between the Highlander 
 and Lowlander of modern days, could scarcely 
 be estimated in tlic middle of the seventeenth
 
 106 MONTROSE PROCEEDS TO THE 
 
 century, the causes by which it was brought 
 about being recent, and attracting Uttle attention. 
 
 Montrose's first plan was to collect a body 
 of Royalist horse on the frontiers of England, 
 to burst at once into the centre of Scotland at 
 their head, and force his way to Stirling, where 
 a body of cavaliers had promised to assemble 
 and join him. The expedition was discon- 
 certed by a sort of mutiny among the English 
 horse who had joined him ; in consequence of 
 which, Montrose disbanded his handful of fol- 
 lowers, and exhorted them to make their way 
 to the King, or to join the nearest body of men 
 in arms for the Royal cause, while he himself 
 adopted a new and more desperate plan. He 
 took with him only two friends, and disguised 
 himself as the groom of one of them, whom he 
 followed, ill mounted and worse dressed, and 
 leading a spare horse. They called them- 
 selves gentlemen belonging to Leven's army ; 
 for, of course, if Montrose had been discovered 
 by the Covenanting party, a rigorous captivity 
 was the least he might expect. 
 
 At one time he seemed on the point of being 
 detected ; a straggling soldier passed his two 
 companions, and coming up to the Earl of 
 Montrose, saluted him respectfully by his name 
 and title. Montrose tried to persuade him that 
 he was mistaken; but tlie man persisted, though 
 with tlie utmost respect and liumility of deport- 
 ment. " Do I not know my noble Lord of 
 Montrose ?" he said ; " But go your way, and 
 (t(k1 be with you." The circumstance alarmed 
 Montrose and his companions; but the poor
 
 NORTH IN DISGUISE. 167 
 
 fellow was faithful, and never betrayed his old 
 leader. 
 
 In this disguise he reached the verge of the 
 Highlands, and lay concealed in the house of 
 his relation, Graham of Inchbraco, and after- 
 wards, for still greater safety, in an obscure hut 
 on the Highland frontier, while he despatched 
 spies in every direction, to bring him intelli- 
 gence of the state of the Royalist party. Bad 
 news came from all quarters. The Marquis 
 of Huntly had taken arms hastily and impru- 
 dently, and had been defeated and compelled 
 to fly ; while Gordon of Haddow, one of the 
 most active and gallant of the name, became 
 prisoner to the Covenanters, and, to strike ter- 
 ror into the rest of the clan, was publicly exe- 
 cuted by order of the Scottish Parliament. 
 
 Montrose's spirit was not to be broken even 
 by this disappointment ; and, while anxiously 
 waiting further intelligence, an indistinct ru- 
 mour reached him that a body of soldiers from 
 Ireland had landed in the West Highlands, and 
 were wandering in the mountains, followed and 
 watched by Argyle with a strong party of his 
 clan. Shortly after, he learned, by a messen- 
 ger despatched on purpose, that this was the 
 body of auxiliaries sent to him from Ulster by 
 the Earl of Antrim. Their commander was 
 Alaster of MacDonald, a Scoto-Irishman, I be- 
 lieve, of the Antrim family. He was called Col 
 Kittoch, or Colkitto, from his being left-hand- 
 ed ; a very brave and daring man, but vain and 
 opinionative, and not understanding any thing 
 of regular warfare.
 
 108 BODY OF ITilc] 
 
 Montrose sent orders to him to march with 
 all speed into the district of Athole, and des- 
 patched emissaries to raise the gentlemen of 
 tliat country in arms, as they were generally 
 well affected to the King's cause. He himself 
 set out to join this little band, attired in an 
 ordinary Highland garb, and accompanied only 
 by Inchbraco as his guide. The Irish were 
 surprised and disappointed to see their expected 
 General appear so poorly dressed and attended; 
 nor had Montrose greater reason to congratu- 
 late himself on the appearance of his army. 
 The force which was assembled did not exceed 
 fifteen hundred Irish, instead of the thousands 
 promised, and these were but indifferently 
 armed and appointed, while only a few High- 
 landers from Badenoch were yet come to the 
 appointed rendezvous. 
 
 These active mountain warriors, however, 
 had, a day or two before, been at blows with 
 the Covenanters. Macpherson of Cluny, chief 
 of his name, had sent out a party of men to look 
 out for Montrose, who was looked for every 
 minute. They beheld the approach of a de- 
 tached body of horse, which they concluded 
 was the escort of their expected General. But 
 when they approached nearer, the MacPher- 
 sons found it to be several troops of the Cove- 
 nanters' cavalry, commanded by Colonel Her- 
 ries, and quartered in Glencairn, for the sake 
 of bridling the Highlanders. 
 
 Wliile tin; troops were coming on in formi- 
 dable superiority of numbers, MacPherson of 
 Invereshie, who was drawing up his Highland-
 
 ASSISTANCE OF MONTROSE. 1(59 
 
 crs for action, observed one of them in the act 
 of stooping; and as he lifted his stick to strike 
 him for such conduct in the face of the enemy, 
 the Highlander arose, and showed him the 
 countenance of MacPherson of Dalifour, one 
 of the boldest men of the clan. Highly sur- 
 prised, Invereshie demanded how he, of all 
 men, could think of stooping before an enemy. 
 " I was only fastening a spur on the heel of 
 my brogue," said Dalifour, with perfect com- 
 posure. "A spur! and for what purpose, at 
 such a time and place as this ?" asked Invere- 
 shie. " I intend to have a good horse before 
 the day is over," answered the clansman, with 
 the same coolness. Dalifour kept his 'vvord ; 
 for the Lowland horse being v/orsted in the 
 first onset, he got possession of a charger, on 
 which he followed the pursuit, and brought in 
 two prisoners. 
 
 The report of this skirmish gave a good 
 specimen to Montrose of the mettle of the 
 mountaineers, while the subsequent appear- 
 ance of the Athole men, eight hundred strong, 
 and the enthusiastic shouts with which they 
 received their General, soon gave confidence 
 to the light-hearted Irishmen. He instantly 
 commenced his march upon Strathern, and 
 crossed the Tay. He had scarce done so, 
 when he discovered on the hill of Buchanty a 
 body of about four hundred men, who, he had 
 the satisfaction to learn by his scouts, were 
 commanded by two of his own particular 
 friends, Lord Kilpont and Sir John Drum- 
 mond. They had taken arms, on hearing that 
 
 Vol. I. 15
 
 1*70 BATTLE OF TIPPERMUIR. 
 
 a body of Irish were traversing the country ; 
 and learning that they were there under Mont- 
 rose's command, for the King's service, they 
 immediately placed themselves and their fol- 
 lowers under his orders. 
 
 Montrose received these succours in good 
 time, for while Argyle pursued him with a 
 large body of his adherents, who had followed 
 the track of the Irish, Lord Elcho, the Earl of 
 Tullibardin, and Lord Drummond, had collect- 
 ed an army of Lowlanders to protect the city 
 of Perth, and to fight Montrose, in case he 
 should descend from the hills. Montrose was 
 aware, that siich an enterprise as he had un- 
 dertaken, could only be supported by an excess 
 of activity and decision. He therefore advanced 
 upon the Lowland forces of Elcho, whom he 
 found, on 1st September, 1644, drawn up in 
 good order in a large plain called Tippermuir, 
 within three miles of Perth. They were nearly 
 double Montrose's army in number, and much 
 encouraged by numerous ministers, who ex- 
 horted them to fight valiantly, and promised 
 them certain victory. They had cannon also, 
 and cavalry, whereas Montrose had no artillery, 
 and only three horses in his army. 
 
 After a skirmish with the Covenanters' ca- 
 valry, in which they were beaten off, Montrose 
 charged with the Highlanders, under a heavy 
 fire from his Irish musketeers. They burst 
 into the ranks of the enemy with irresistible 
 fury, and compelled them to fly. Once broken, 
 the superiority of numbers became useless, as 
 the means of supporting a main body by re-
 
 SURRENDEIi OF PERTH. 171 
 
 serves was not then known or practised. The 
 Covenanters fled in the utmost terror and con- 
 fusion, but the light-footed Highlanders did 
 great execution in the pursuit. Many honest 
 burghers, distressed by the extraordinary speed 
 which they were compelled to exert, broke 
 their wind, and died in consequence. Mon- 
 trose sustained little or no loss. 
 
 The town of Perth surrendered, and for this 
 act a long string of reasons were given, which 
 are rather a:r.iT:ir!gly stated in a letter from the 
 ministers of that town; but we have only space 
 to mention a few of them. First, it is alleged, 
 that out of Elcho's defeated army, only about 
 twelve of the Fifeshire men off'ered themselves 
 to the magistrates in defence of the town, and 
 most of them were pot-valiant from liquor. 
 Secondly, the citizens had concealed them- 
 selves in cellars and vaults, where they lay 
 panting in vain endeavours to recover the 
 breath which they had wasted in their retreat, 
 scarcely finding words enough to tell the Pro- 
 vost, " that their hearts were away, and that 
 they would fight no more though they should 
 be killed." Thirdly, the letter states, that if 
 the citizens had had the inclination to stand 
 out, they had no means, most of them having 
 flung away their weapons in their flight. 
 Fourthly, the enemy were, it is said, drawn up 
 like so many hellhounds before the gates of the 
 town, their hands deeply dyed in the blood 
 recently shed, and demanding, with hideous 
 cries, to be led to further slaughter. 
 
 'I'he magistrates perhaps deserve no blame,
 
 172 SURRENDER OF PERTH. 
 
 if they capitulated in such circumstances, to 
 avoid the horrors of a storm. But their con- 
 duct shows, at the same time, how much tlic 
 people of the Lowlands had degenerated in 
 point of military courage. 
 
 Perth consequently opened its gates to the 
 victor. But Argyle, whose northern army had 
 been augmented by a considerable body of ca- 
 valry, was now approaching with a force, 
 against which Montrose could not pretend to 
 defend an open town. He abandoned Perth, 
 therefore, and marched into Angus-shire, hoping 
 he might find adherents in that county. Ac- 
 cordingly, he was there joined by the old 
 Earl of Airlie and two of his sons, who never 
 forsook him in success or disaster. 
 
 This accession of strength was counterba- 
 lanced by a shocking event. There was a High- 
 land gentleman in Montrose's camp, named 
 James Stewart of Ardvoirlich, whose birtli 
 had been attended with some peculiar circum- 
 stances, which, though they lead me from my 
 present subject, I cannot refrain from noticing. 
 
 While his mother was pregnant, there came 
 to the house of Ardvoirlich a band of outlaws, 
 called Children of the Mist, MacGregors, some 
 say, others call them MacDonalds of Ardna- 
 murchan. They demanded food, and the lady 
 caused bread and cheese to be placed on the 
 table, and went into the kitchen to order a 
 better meal to be made ready, such being the 
 unvarying process of Highland hospitality, 
 Wlien the poor lady returned, she saw upon the 
 U\h](\ with its moulh stutVed full of food, the
 
 MURDER OF LORD KILPOXT. 173 
 
 bloody head of her brother, Drummond of 
 Drummondernoch, whom the outlaws had met 
 and murdered in the wood. The poor woman 
 shrieked, ran wildly into the forest, where, 
 notwithstanding strict search, she could not be 
 found for many weeks. At length she was 
 secured, but in a state of insanity, which doubt- 
 less was partly communicated to the infant of 
 whom she was shortly after delivered. The lad, 
 however, grew up. He was an uncertain and 
 dangerous character, but distinguished for his 
 muscular strength, which was so great, that he 
 could, in grasping the hand of another person, 
 force the blood from under the nails. 
 
 This man was much favoured by the Lord 
 Kilpont, M'hose accession to the King's party 
 we lately mentioned; indeed, he was admitted 
 to share that young nobleman's tent and bed. 
 It appears that Ardvoirlich had disapproved of 
 the step which his friend had taken in joining 
 Montrose, and that he had solicited the young 
 lord to join him in deserting from the Royal 
 army, and, it is even said, in murdering the 
 General. Lord Kilpont rejected these 'pro- 
 posals with disdain, w^hen, either offended at 
 his expressions, or fearful of his exposing his 
 treacherous purpose, Ardvoirlich stabbed Kil- 
 pont mortally with his dagger. He then kill- 
 ed the sentinel, and escaped to the camp of 
 Argyle, where he received preferment. Mon- 
 trose was awakened by the tumult which this 
 melancholy event excited in the camp, and 
 rushing into the crowd of soldiers, had the 
 mortification to see the bleeding corpse of his 
 15*
 
 174 MARCH ON ABERDEEN. 
 
 noble friend, thus basely and treacherously 
 murdered. The death of this young nobleman 
 was a great loss to the Royal cause. 
 
 Montrose, so much inferior in numbers to 
 his enemies, could not well form any fixed 
 plan of operations. He resolved to make up 
 for this, by moving with the most extraordina- 
 ry celerity from one part of the country to 
 another, so as to strike severe blows where 
 they were least expected, and take the chance 
 of awakening the drooping spirit of the Roy- 
 alists. He therefore marched suddenly to 
 Aberdeen, to endeavour to arouse the Gor- 
 dons to arms, and defeat any body of Cove- 
 nanters which might overawe the King's 
 friends in that country. 
 
 His army was now, however, greatly re- 
 duced in numbers ; for the Highlanders, who 
 had no idea of serving for a whole campaign, 
 had gone home to their own districts, to lodge 
 their booty in safety, and get in their harvest. 
 It was, on all occasions, the greatest inconveni- 
 ence attending a Highland army, that after a 
 battle, whether they won the day or lost it, 
 they were certain to leave their standard in 
 great numbers, and held it their undoubted 
 right to do so ; insomuch, that a victory thin- 
 ned their ranks as much as a defeat is apt to 
 do those of other armies. It is true, that they 
 could be gathered again with equal celerity ; 
 but this humour, of deserting at their pleasure, 
 was a principal reason why the brilliant victo- 
 ries of Montrose were productive of few de- 
 cided results.
 
 DEFEAT OF LORD LEWIS GORDON. 175 
 
 On reaching Aberdeen, Montrose hastened 
 to take possession of the Bridge of Dee, the 
 principal approach to that town, and having 
 made good this important point, he found him- 
 self in front of an army commanded by Lord 
 Burleigh. He had the mortification also to 
 find, that part of a large body of horse in the 
 Covenanting army were Gordons, who had 
 been compelled to take arms in that cause by 
 Lord Lewis Gordon, the second son of the 
 Marquis of Huntly, a wild and wilful young 
 man, whose politics differed from those of his 
 father and family. 
 
 Finding himself greatly inferior in horse, of 
 which he had not fifty, Montrose intermingled 
 with his cavalry some of his musketeers, who, 
 for breath and speed, could keep up with the 
 movements of such horse as he possessed. 
 The Gordons, not perhaps very favourable to 
 the side on which they ranked, made an ineffect- 
 ual attack upon the horse of Moijtrose, which 
 was repelled. When the mingled musketeers 
 and cavalry advanced on them, Lord Lewis's 
 men fled, in spite of his own personal exer- 
 tions ; and Montrose, we are informed, found 
 it possible to move his handful of cavalry to 
 the other wing of his army, and to encounter 
 and defeat the horse of the Covenanters on 
 both flanks successively with the same wearied 
 party of riders. The terror struck into his 
 opponents by the novelty of mixing mus- 
 keteers with cavalry, contributed not a little 
 to this extraordinary success. 
 
 While this vras passing, ihe iv.o l>;)<Ii(';- of in-
 
 17G SACK OF ABERDEEN. 
 
 fantry cannonaded each other, for Montrose 
 had the guns which he took at Tippermuir. 
 The Covenanters had the superiority in this 
 part of the action, but it did not daunt the Roy- 
 alists. The gayety of an Irishman, whose leg 
 was shot off, gave spirit to all around him. — 
 " Go on," he cried, " this bodes me promotion; 
 for now the General will make me a trooper.'* 
 Montrose left the courage of his men no time 
 to subside — he led them daringly up to the ene- 
 my's teeth, and succeeded in a desperate charge, 
 routing the Covenanters, and pursuing them 
 into the town and through the streets. Storm- 
 ed as it was by such a tumultuary army, Aber- 
 deen and its inhabitants suffered greatly. Many 
 were killed in the streets ; and the cruelty of 
 the Irish in particular was so great, that they 
 compelled the wretched citizens to strip them- 
 selves of their clothes before they killed them, 
 to prevent their being spoiled with blood ! 
 
 Montrose necessarily gave way to acts of 
 pillage and cruelty, which he could not prevent, 
 because he was unprovided with money to pay 
 his half-barbarous soldiery. Yet the town of 
 Aberdeen had two reasons for expecting better 
 treatment : — First, that it had always inclined 
 to the King's party ; and, secondly, that Mon- 
 trose himself had, when acting for the Cove- 
 nanters, been the agent in oppressing for its 
 loyalty the very city which his troops were now 
 plundering on the opposite score. 
 
 Argyle always continued following Montrose 
 with a superior army, but, it would appear, not 
 with a very anxious desire to ovcrtakr him.
 
 MONTROSE IN IMMINENT DANGER. 177 
 
 With a degree of activity that seemed incredi- 
 ble, Montrose marched up the Spey, hoping 
 still to raise the Gordons. But these gentlemen 
 too strongly resented his former conduct to- 
 wards them, as General for the Covenant, be- 
 sides being sore with recollections of their re- 
 cent check at the Bridge of Dee, and would not 
 join him. On the other hand, the men of Mur- 
 ray, who were very zealous against Montrose, 
 appeared on the northern bank of the Spey to 
 oppose his passage. 
 
 Thus hemmed in on all sides, and headed 
 back like an animal of chase from the course 
 he intended to pursue, Montrose and his little 
 army showed an extremity of courage. They 
 hid their cannon in a bog, destroyed what 
 they had of heavy baggage, entered Badenoch, 
 where the Clan Chattan had shown themselves 
 uniformly friendly, and descended from thence 
 upon Athole, and so on to Angus-shire. After 
 several long and rapid marches, Montrose re- 
 turned again into Strathbogie, recrossing the 
 great chain of the Grampians, and, clinging still 
 to the hope of being able to raise the gentlemen 
 of the name of Gordon, again repaired to Aber- 
 deenshire. 
 
 Here this bold leader narrowly escaped a 
 great danger. His army was considerably dis- 
 persed, and he himself lying at the Castle of 
 Fyvie, when he found himself at once threaten- 
 ed, and nearly surrounded, by Argyle and Lo- 
 thian, at the head of very superior forces. A 
 part of the enemy had already occupied the ap- 
 proach to his position by means of ditches and
 
 178 SKIRMISH AT FYVIE. 
 
 enclosures, through which they had insinuated 
 themselves, and his own men were beginning 
 to look out of countenance, when Montrose, 
 disguising his apprehensions, called to a gay 
 and gallant young Irish officer, as if he had 
 been imposing a trifling piece of duty, — " What 
 are you doing, O'Kean ? Can you not chase 
 these troublesome rascals out of the ditches and 
 enclosures ?" O'Kean obeyed the command in 
 the spirit in which it was given ; and, driving 
 the enemy before him, got possession of some 
 of their gunpowder, which was much needed in 
 Montrose's army. The remark of the Irishman 
 on this occasion, who heavily complained of 
 the neglect of the enemy in omitting to leave a 
 supply of ball corresponding to the powder, 
 showed the confidence with which Montrose 
 had been able to inspire his men. 
 
 The Earl of Lothian, on the other side, came 
 with four troops of horse upon Montrose's 
 handful of cavalry, amounting scarcely to fifty 
 men. But Montrose had, as at the bridge of 
 Dee, sustained his troopers by mingling them 
 with musketry. So that Lothian's men, re- 
 ceiving an unexpected and galling fire, wheeled 
 about, and could not again be brought to ad- 
 vance. Many hours were spent in skirmishing, 
 with advantage on Montrose's part, and loss on 
 that of Argyle, until at length the former 
 thought it most advisable to retreat from Fyvic 
 to Strathbogie. 
 
 On the road he was deserted by many Low- 
 land gentlemen who had joined him, and who 
 saw his victories were followed with no better
 
 CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN'. 179 
 
 results than toilsome marches among wilds, 
 where it was nearly impossible to provide sub- 
 sistence for man or horse, and which the ap- 
 proach of winter was about to render still more 
 desolate. They left his army, therefore, pro- 
 mising to return in summer ; and of all his 
 Lowland adherents, the old Earl of Airlie and 
 his sons alone remained. They had paid dearly 
 for their attachment to the Royal cause, Argyle 
 having plundered their estates, and burnt their 
 principal mansion, the " Bonnie house of Air- 
 lie," situated on the river Isla, the memory of 
 which conflagration is still preserved in Scot- 
 tish song. 
 
 But the same circumstances which wearied 
 out the patience of Montrose's Lowland follow- 
 ers, rendered it impossible for Argyle to keep 
 the field ; and he sent his army into winter 
 quarters, in full confidence that his enemy was 
 cooped up for the season in the narrow and 
 unprovided country of Athole, and its neigh- 
 bourhood, where he might be suffered to exist 
 with little inconvenience to the rest of Scot- 
 land, till spring should enable the Covenanters 
 to attack him with a superior force. In the 
 meantime, the Marquis of Argyle returned to 
 his own domains.
 
 [ 180 ] 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 Invasion of Ar gyle's Country by Montrose — 
 Battles of Inverlochy, Aulderne, Alford, 
 and Kilsyth, gained by Montrose, who, by 
 the Victory at Kilsyth, becomes Master of 
 Scotland — He is appointed Captain-Gene- 
 ral and Lieutenant-Governor of Scotland 
 — marches upon the Borders — is defeated by 
 Lesley at Philiphaugh — retires to the High- 
 lands, and leaves Scotland. 
 
 It was about the middle of December that 
 Argyle was residing at his castle of Inverary, 
 in the most perfect confidence that the enemy 
 could not approach him, since he used to say he 
 would not for a hundred thousand crowns that 
 any one knew the passes from the eastward 
 into the shire of Argyle. While the powerful 
 Marquis was enjoying this fancied security of 
 his feudal dominions he was astounded v/ilh 
 the intelligence that Montrose, with an army of 
 Highlanders, wading through drifts of snow, 
 scaling precipices, and traversing the mountain 
 paths, known to none save the solitary shep- 
 herd or huntsman, had forced an entry into his 
 country, which he was laying waste with all 
 the vindictive severity of deadly feud. There 
 was neither time nor presence of mind for de- 
 fence. The able-bodied men were slaughtered, 
 the cattle driven off, the houses burnt ; and 
 the invaders had divided tlicmselves into
 
 BATTLE OF IXVERLPCHY. 181 
 
 three bands, to make the devastation more 
 complete. 
 
 Alarmed by this fierce and unexpected in- 
 vasion, Argyle embarked on board a fishing 
 boat, and left his country to its fate. Montrose 
 continued the work of revenge for nearly a 
 month, and then concluding he had destroyed 
 the influence which Argyle, by the extent of his 
 power, and the supposed strength of his coun- 
 try, had possessed over the minds of the 
 Highlanders, he withdrew towards Inverness, 
 with the purpose of organizing a general 
 gathering of the clans. But he had scarce 
 made this movement, when he learned that his 
 rival, Argyle, had returned into the Western 
 Highlands with some Lowland forces ; that he 
 had called around him his numerous clan, 
 burning to revenge the wrongs which they had 
 sustained, and was lying ^Mth a strong force 
 near the old Castle of Inverlochy, situated at 
 the western extremity of the chain of lakes 
 through which the Caledonian canal is now 
 conducted. 
 
 The news at once altered Montrose's plans. 
 
 He returned upon Argyle by a succession of 
 the most difficult mountain-passes covered with 
 snow ; and the vanguard of the Campbells saw 
 themselves suddenly engaged with that of their 
 implacable enemy. Both parties lay all night 
 on their arms, but by break of day, Argyle 
 betook himself to his galley, and, rowing oflT 
 shore, remained a spectator of the combat, 
 when, by all the rules of duty and gratitude, 
 he ought to have been at the head of his de- 
 
 Vol. I. 16
 
 182 THE GORDONS JOIN MONTROSE. 
 
 - ■ ■ - ■ .. ^ 
 
 voted followers. His unfortunate clansmen 
 supported the honour of the name with the 
 greatest courage, and many of the most distin- 
 guished fell on the field of battle. Montrose 
 gained a complete victory, which greatly ex- 
 tended his influence over the Highlands, and 
 in proportion diminished that of his discomfit- 
 ed rival. 
 
 Having collected what force he could, Mon- 
 trose now marched triumphantly to the north- 
 east ; and in the present successful posture of 
 his affairs, engaged at length the Gordons to 
 join him with a good body of cavalry, com- 
 manded by their young chief, Lord Gordon. 
 The Convention of Estates were now most se- 
 riously alarmed. 
 
 While Montrose had roamed through the 
 Highlands, retreating before a superior enemy, 
 and apparently on the point of being every 
 moment overwhelmed, his progress was re- 
 garded as a distant danger. But he was now 
 threatening the low country, and the ruling 
 party were not so confident of their strength 
 there as to set so bold an adventurer at defi- 
 ance. They called from the army in England 
 General Baillie, an ofllicer of skill and charac- 
 ter, and Sir John Urry, or, as the English call- 
 ed him, Hurry, also a brave and good partizan, 
 but a mere soldier of fortune, who had changed 
 sides more than once during the civil war. 
 
 These generals commanded a body of vete- 
 ran troops, with which they manoeuvred to 
 exclude Montrose from the southern districts, 
 and prevent his crossing the Tay or Forth.
 
 STORMING OF DUNDEE. 183 
 
 At the same time, the mandate of the Marquis 
 of Huntly, or the intrigues of Lord Lewis Gor- 
 don, again recalled most of the Gordons from 
 Montrose's standard, and his cavalry was re- 
 duced to one hundred and fifty. He was com- 
 pelled again to retire to the mountains, but, de- 
 sirous to dignify his retreat by some distin- 
 guished action, he resolved to punish the town 
 of Dundee for their steady adherence to the 
 cause of the Covenant. Accordingly, suddenly 
 appearing before it with a chosen body selected 
 for the service, he stormed the place on three 
 points at once. 
 
 The Highlanders and Irish, with incredible 
 fury, broke open the gates, and forced an en- 
 trance. % They were dispersing in quest of 
 liquor and plunder, when at the very moment 
 that Montrose threatened to set the town on 
 fire, he received intelligence that Baillie and 
 Urry, with four thousand men, were within a 
 mile of the place. The moment required all the 
 activity of Montrose ; but he was able to with- 
 draw the men from their revelling and plunder- 
 ing, to get his army into order, and to eflfect a 
 retreat to the mountains, which he safely ac- 
 complished in the face of his numerous ene- 
 mies, and with a degree of skill which estab- 
 lished his military character as firmly as any 
 of his victories. 
 
 In this difficult manoeuvre, Montrose was 
 well seconded by the hardihood and resolution 
 of his men, who are said to have marched 
 about sixty miles, and to have passed three 
 days and two nights in manoeuvring and fight-
 
 184 DEFECTION OF THE GORDONS. 
 
 ing, without either food or refreshment. In this 
 manner that leader repeatedly baffled the nu- 
 merous forces and able generals who were em 
 ployed against him. The great check upon his 
 enterprise was the restlessness of the High- 
 landers, and the caprice of the gentlemen who 
 formed his cavalry, who all went and came at 
 their own pleasure. 
 
 I have told you that the Gordons had been 
 withdrawn from Montrose's standard, contrary 
 to their own inclinations, by the command of 
 Huntly, or the address of Lord Lewis Gordon. 
 By employing his followers in enterprises in 
 which the plunder was certain and the danger 
 small, this young nobleman collected under his 
 standard all those who were reluctant to share 
 the toilsome marches and bloody fights to 
 which they were led under that of Montrose. 
 Hence a rhyme, not yet forgotten in Aberdeen- 
 shire, 
 
 If you with Lord Lewis go, 
 
 You'll get reif and prey enough ; 
 
 If you with Montrose go, 
 You'll get grief and wae enough. 
 
 But the Lord Gordon, Lewis's elder brother, 
 continuing attached in the warmest manner to 
 Montrose, was despatched by him to bring 
 back the gentlemen of his warlike family, and 
 his influence soon assembled considerable 
 forces. General Baillic, learning this, detached 
 Urry, his colleague, with a force which he 
 thought sufficient to. destroy Lord Gordon, 
 while he himself proposed to engage tlic atten- 
 tion of Montrose till thai point was gained.
 
 POPULARITY OF DUNDEE. 186 
 
 therefore, at his own castle of Dudhope, near 
 Dundee, where he had an opportunity of corres- 
 ponding with the Highland chiefs, and with the 
 northern gentlemen, who were generally dis- 
 posed to Episcopacy, and favourable to the 
 cause of King James. 
 
 Of the same name with the great Marquis of 
 Montrose, boasting the same devoted loyalty, 
 and a character as enterprising, with judgment 
 superior to that of his illustrious prototype, 
 Dundee is said to have replied to those who, 
 on the day of his memorable retreat, asked him 
 whither he went, — " That he was going 
 wherever the spirit of Montrose should con- 
 duct him." His whole mind was now bent 
 upon realizing this chivalrous boast. His 
 habits were naturally prudent and economical ; 
 but while others kept their wealth as far as 
 possible out of the reach of the revolutionary 
 storm, Dundee liberally expended, for the cause 
 of his old master, the treasures which he had 
 amassed in his service. 
 
 His arguments, his largesses, the high influ- 
 ence of his character among the Highland 
 chiefs, whose admiration of Ian Dhu Cean, or 
 Black John the Warrior, w^as no way diminish- 
 ed by the merciless exploits which had pro- 
 cured him in the Low country the name of the 
 Bloody Claverse, united with their own pre- 
 dilection in favour of James, and their habitual 
 love of war, to dispose them to a general insur- 
 rection. Some of the clans, however, had, as 
 usual, existing feuds amongst themselves, 
 which Dundee was obliged to assist in com 
 6*
 
 180 BATTLE OF AULDERNE. 
 
 whatever ; but a few resolute men posted in 
 front of the village, and his cannon placed in 
 the same line, made it appear as if the houses 
 covered a body of infantry. 
 
 Urry, deceived by these dispositions, attacked 
 with a preponderating force the position of 
 MacDonald. Colkitto beat them back with the 
 Irish musketeers, and the bows and arrows of 
 the Highlanders, who still used these ancient 
 missile weapons. But when the enemy, renew- 
 ing their attack, taunted MacDonald with cow- 
 ardice for remaining under shelter of the sheep- 
 folds, that leader, whose bravery greatly excell- 
 ed his discretion, sallied forth from his fastness, 
 contrary to Montrose's positive command, to 
 show he was not averse to fight on equal 
 ground. The superiority of numbers, and par- 
 ticularly of cavalry, which was instantly op- 
 posed to him, soon threw his men into great 
 disorder, and they could with difficulty be ral- 
 lied by the desperate exertions of Colkitto, 
 who strove to make amends for his error, by 
 displaying the utmost personal valour. 
 
 A trusty officer was despatched to Montrose 
 to let him know the state of affiiirs. The mes- 
 senger found him on the point of joining battle, 
 and whispered in his ear that Colkitto was de- 
 feated. This only determined Montrose to 
 pursue with the greater audacity tlie plan of 
 battle which he had adopted. *' What are we 
 doing ?" he called out to Lord Gordon; " Mac- 
 Donald has been victorious on the left, and it 
 we do not make haste, he will carry off all the 
 iionours of the day." Lord (iordon instantly
 
 BATTLE OF AULDERNE. 187 
 
 charged with the gentlemen of his name, and 
 beat the Covenanters horse off the field ; but 
 the foot, though deserted by the horse, stood 
 firm for some time, for they were veteran 
 troops. At length they were routed on every 
 point, and compelled to fly with great loss. 
 
 Montrose failed not instantly to lead suc- 
 cours to the relief of his left wing, which was 
 in great peril. Colkitto had got his men again 
 secured in the enclosures, he himself defended 
 the entrance sword in hand, and with a 
 target on his left arm. The pikemen pressed 
 him so hard as to fix their spears by two or 
 three at a time in his target, while he repeatedly 
 freed himself of them by cutting the heads from 
 the shafts, by the unerring sweep of his broad- 
 sword. 
 
 While Colkitto and his followers were thus 
 hard pressed, Montrose and his victorious 
 troops appeared, and the face of affairs was 
 suddenly changed. Urry's horse fled, but the 
 foot, which were the strength of his army, 
 fought bravely, and fell in the ranks which they 
 occupied. Two thousand men, about a third of 
 Urry's army, were slain in the battle of 
 Aulderne ; and, completely disabled by the 
 overthrow, that commander was compelled 
 once more to unite his scattered forces with 
 those of Baillie. 
 
 After some marching and counter-marching, 
 the armies again found themselves in the neigh- 
 bourhood of each other, near to the village of 
 Alford. 
 
 Montrose occupied a strong position on a
 
 189 BATTLE OF ALFORD. 
 
 > . 
 
 hill, and it was said that the cautious Baillie 
 would have avoided the encounter, had it not 
 been that, having crossed the river Don, in the 
 belief that Montrose was in full retreat, he only 
 discovered his purpose of giving battle when it 
 was too late to decline it. The number of in- 
 fantry was about two thousand in each army. 
 But Baillie had more than double his opponent's 
 number of cavalry. Montrose's, indeed, were 
 gentlemen, and therefore in the day of battle 
 were more to be relied on than mere hire- 
 lings. 
 
 The Gordons dispersed the Covenanting 
 horse on the first shock ; and the musketeers, 
 throwing down their muskets, and mingling in 
 the tumult with their swords drawn, prevented 
 the cavalry from rallying. But as Lord Gordon 
 threw himself for the second time, into the heat 
 of the fight, he fell from his horse, mortally 
 wounded by a shot from one of the fugitives. 
 This accident, which gave the greatest distress 
 to Montrose, suspended the exertions of the 
 cavalry, who, chiefly friends, kinsmen, and 
 vassals of the deceased, flocked around him 
 to lament the general loss. But the veterans of 
 Montrose, charging in columns of six and ten 
 men deep, along a line of three men only, broke 
 that of the Covenanters on various points, and 
 utterly destroyed the remnant of Baillie's army 
 though they defended themselves bravely. 
 
 These repeated victories gave such lustre to 
 Montrose's arms, that he was now joined by the 
 Highland clans in great numbers, and by many 
 of the Lowland anti-covenanters, who had be-
 
 PLAGUE IN EDINBURGH. 189 
 
 fore held back, from doubt of his success in so 
 unequal a contest. 
 
 On the other hand, the Convention of Es- 
 tates, supported by the counsels of Argyle,who 
 was bold in council though timid in battle, per- 
 severed in raising new troops, notwithstanding 
 their repeated misfortunes and defeats. It 
 seemed, indeed, as if Heaven had at this disas- 
 trous period an especial controversy with the 
 kingdom of Scotland. To the efforts necessary 
 to keep up and supply their auxiliary army in 
 England, were added the desolation occasioned 
 by a destructive civil war, maintained in the 
 north with equal fury and success, and con- 
 ducted on both sides with deplorable devasta- 
 tion. 
 
 To- these evils, as if not sufficient to exhaust 
 the resources of a poor country, were now 
 added those of a wide-wasting plague, or pesti- 
 lence, which raged through all the kingdom, 
 but especially in Edinburgh, the metropolis. 
 The Convention of Estates were driven from 
 the capital by this dreadful infliction, and re- 
 treated to Perth, where they assembled a large 
 force under General Baillie, while they or- 
 dered a levy of ten thousand men throughout 
 the kingdom. While Lanark, Cassilis, Eglin- 
 ton, and other lords of the western shires, went 
 to their respective counties to expedite the 
 measure, Montrose, with his usual activity, de- 
 scended from the mountains at the head of an 
 army augmented in numbers, and flushed with 
 success. 
 
 He first approached the shores of the Forth,
 
 190 DESTRUCTION OF CASTLE-CAMPBELL. 
 
 by occupying the shire of Kinross. And here 
 I cannot help mentioning the destruction of a 
 noble castle belonging to the House of Argyle. 
 Its majestic ruins are situated on an eminence 
 occupying a narrow glen of the Ochil chain of 
 hills. In former days, it was called, from the 
 character of its situation perhaps, the Castle of 
 Gloom ; and the names of the parish, and the 
 stream by which its banks are washed, had also 
 an ominous sound. 
 
 The Castle of Gloom was situated on the 
 brook of Grief or Gryfe, and in the parish of 
 Dollar or Dolour. In the sixteenth century, the 
 Earl of Argyle, the owner of this noble fortress, 
 obtained an act of parliament, for changing 
 its name to Castle Campbell. The feudal 
 hatred of Montrose, and of the clans composing 
 the strength of his army, the vindictive resent- 
 ment also of the Ogilvies, for the destruction of 
 " the Bonnie House of Airlie," and that of the 
 Stirlingshire cavaliers for that of Menstrie, 
 doomed this magnificent pile to flames and 
 ruin. The destruction of many a meaner habi- 
 tation by the same unscrupulous spirit of ven- 
 geance has been long forgotten, but the majes- 
 tic remains of Castle Campbell still excite a 
 sigh in those that view them, over the miseries 
 of civil war. 
 
 After similar acts of ravage not to be justified, 
 though not unprovoked, Montrose marched 
 westward along the northern margin of the 
 Forth, insulting Perth, where the army of the 
 Covenanters remained in their entrenchments, 
 and even menacing the Castle of Stirling,
 
 BATTLE OF KILSYTH. 191 
 
 wliich, well garrisoned and strongly situated, 
 defied his means of attack. About six miles 
 above Stirling, he crossed the Forth, by the 
 deep and precarious ford which the river pre- 
 sents before its junction with the Teith. Hav- 
 ing attained the southern bank, he directed his 
 course westward, with the purpose of di?pers- 
 ing the levies which the western lords were 
 collecting, and doubtless with the view of plun- 
 dering the country, which had attached itself 
 chiefly to the Covenant. Montrose had, how- 
 ever, scarcely reached Kilsyth, when he re- 
 ceived the news that Baillie's army, departing 
 from Perth, had also crossed the Forth, at the 
 Bridge of Stirling, and was close at hand. 
 
 With his usual alacrity, Montrose prepared 
 for battle, which Baillie, had he been left to his 
 own judgment, would have avoided ; for that 
 skilful though unfortunate General knew by 
 experience the talents of Montrose, and that 
 the character of his troops was admirably 
 qualified for a day of combat ; while he also 
 considered that an army so composed might be 
 tired out by cautious operations, and expected 
 that the Highlanders and Lowland Cavaliers 
 would alike desert their leader in the course of 
 a protracted and indecisive warfare. 
 
 But Baillie w^as no longer the sole com- 
 mander of the Covenanting army. A Com- 
 mittee of the Estates, consisting of Argyle, 
 Lanark, and Crawford-Lindsay, had been 
 nominated to attend his army, and control his 
 motions ; and these, especially the Earl of 
 Lindsay, insisted that the veteran General
 
 192 Montrose's PLAN 
 
 should risk the last regular army which the 
 Covenanters possessed in Scotland, in the perils 
 of a decisive battle. They marched against 
 Montrose, accordingly, at break of day on the 
 15th August, 1645. 
 
 When Montrose beheld them advance, he 
 exclaimed that it was what he had most earn- 
 estly desired. He caused his men to strip to 
 their shirts, in token of their resolution to 
 fight to the death. Meantime the Covenanters 
 approached. Their vanguard attacked an ad- 
 vanced post of Montrose which occupied a 
 strong position among cottages and enclosures. 
 They were beaten off with loss. A thousand 
 Highlanders, with their natural impetuosity, 
 rushed, without orders, to pursue the fugitives, 
 and to assault the troops who were advancing 
 to support them. Two regiments of horse, 
 against whom this mountain torrent directed 
 its fury, became disordered and fell back. 
 
 Montrose saw the decisive moment, and or- 
 dered his whole army to attack the enemy, who 
 had not yet got into line, their rearguard and 
 centre coming up too slowly to the support of 
 their vanguard. The hideous shout with which 
 the Highlanders charged, their wild appear- 
 ance, and the extraordinary speed with which 
 they advanced, nearly naked, broadsword in 
 hand, struck a panic into their opponents, who 
 dispersed without any spirited effort to get into 
 line of battle, or maintain their ground. The 
 Covenanters were beaten off the field, and pur- 
 sued with indiscriminate slaughter for more 
 than ten miles. Four or five thousand men
 
 TO marc;- IXiO ENGLAXD. 193 
 
 Were slain iiiihe lield and in the flight; and 
 the force of the Convention was for the time 
 entirely broken. 
 
 Montrose was now master, for the moment, 
 of the kingdom of Scotland. Edinburgh sur- 
 rendered ; Glasgow paid a heavy contribution; 
 the noblemen and other individuals of distinc- 
 tion who had been imprisoned as royalists in 
 Edinburgh, and elsewhere throughout the 
 kingdom, were set at liberty ; and so many 
 persons of quality now declared for Montrose, 
 either from attachment to the royal cause, 
 which they had hitherto concealed, or from the 
 probability of its being ultimately successful, 
 that he felt himself in force sufficient to call a 
 Parliament at Glasgow in the King's name. 
 
 Still, however, the success of this heroic 
 leader had only given him possession of the 
 open country ; all the strong fortresses were 
 still in possession of the Covenanters ; and it 
 would have required a length of time, and the 
 services of an army regularly disciplined and 
 supplied with heavy artillery, to have reduced 
 the Castles of Edinburgh, Stirling, Dumbarton, 
 and other places of great strength. But if 
 Montrose had had the forces necessary for such 
 a work, he had neither leisure nor inclination 
 to undertake it. From the beginning of his 
 extraordinary, and hitherto successful career, 
 he had secretly entertained the dazzling hope 
 of leading a victorious army into England, and 
 replacing King Charles in possession of his 
 disputed authority. It was a daring scheme ; 
 yet if the King's affairs in England had re- 
 
 VoL. I 17
 
 I;)! MONTR0M-: AT' 
 
 niained in any tolerable condition, especially if 
 there h;id been any considerable army of Roy- 
 alists in the north of England to join or co- 
 operate with Montrose, there is no calculating 
 what the talents and genius of such an enter- 
 prising general might have ultimately done in 
 support of the Royal cause. 
 
 But King Charles, as I shall presently tell 
 you more particularly, had suffered so many 
 and such fatal losses, that it may be justly 
 doubted whether the assistance of Montrose, 
 unless at the head of much larger forces than 
 he could be expected to gather, would have af- 
 forded any material assistance against the nu- 
 merous and well-disciplined army of the Par- 
 liament. The result of a contest which was 
 never tried can only be guessed at. Mon- 
 trose's own hopes and confidence were as lofty 
 as his ambition ; and he did not permit him- 
 self to doubt the predictions of those who as- 
 sured him, that he was doomed to support the 
 tottering throne, and reinstate in safety the 
 falling monarch. 
 
 Impressed with such proud convictions, he 
 wrote to the King, urging him to advance to 
 the northern border, and form a junction with 
 his victorious army ; and concluding his re- 
 quest with the words which Joab, the lieute- 
 nant of King David, is recorded in Scripture to 
 have used to the King of Israel,—" I have 
 fought against Rabbah, and have taken the city 
 of waters. Now therefore gather the rest of 
 the people together, and encamp against the 
 city, and take it ; lest I take the city, and it be 
 called after my name."
 
 CAPTAIN-GENERAL. 195 
 
 While Montrose was thus urging King 
 Charles, by the brilliant prospects which he 
 held out, to throw himself on his protection, 
 his own army mouldered away and dispersed, 
 even in a greater degree than had been the case 
 after his less distinguished success. The 
 Highland clans went home to get in their har- 
 vest, and place their spoil in safety. It was 
 needless and useless to refuse them leave, for 
 they were determined to take it. The north- 
 country gentlemen also, wearied of the toils of 
 the campaign, left him in numbers ; so that 
 when Montrose received, by the hands of Sir 
 Robert Spottiswood, the King's commission 
 under the Great Seal, naming him Captain- 
 General and Lieutenant-Governor of Scotland, 
 he commanded a force scarcely more effective 
 than when he was wandering through Athole 
 and Badenoch. The King's orders, however, 
 and his own indomitable spirit of enterprise, 
 determined his march towards the Borders. 
 
 About fifty years before, these districts 
 would have supplied him, even upon the light- 
 ing of their beacons, with ten thousand caval- 
 ry, as fond of fighting and plunder as any 
 Highlander in his army. But that period, as I 
 have told you, had passed away. The inhabi- 
 tants of the Borderland had become peaceful, 
 and the chiefs and lords, whose influence might 
 still have called them out to arms, were hostile 
 to the Crown, or, at best, lukewarm in its 
 cause. The Earl of Buccleuch, and his friends 
 of the name of Scott, who had never forgot- 
 ten the oflfence given by the revocation of
 
 19(5 BATTLE OF PHILIPHAUGH. 
 
 James's donations to their chief, were violent 
 Covenanters, and had sent a strong clan-regi- 
 ment with the Earl of Leven and the Scottish 
 auxiliaries. Traquair, Roxbiirghe, and Hume, 
 all entertained, or aflected, regard to the King, 
 but made no effectual effort in raising men. 
 The once formidable name of Douglas, and 
 the exertions of the Earl of Annandale, could 
 only assemble some few troops of horse, whom 
 the historian, Bishop Guthrie, describes as 
 truthless trained bands. Montrose expected to 
 meet a body of more regular cavalry, who 
 were to be despatched from England ; but the 
 King's continued misfortunes prevented him 
 from making such a diversion. 
 
 Meanwhile the Scottish army in England re- 
 ceived an account of the despair to which the 
 battle of Kilsyth had reduced the Convention 
 of Estates, and learned that several of its 
 most distinguished members were already ex- 
 iles, having fled to Berwick and other strong 
 places on the Border, which were garrisoned 
 by the Parliamentary forces. The importance 
 of the crisis was felt, and David Lesley was 
 despatched, at the head of five or six thousand 
 men, chiefly cavalry, and the flower of the 
 Scottish auxiliary army, with the charge of 
 checking the triumphs of Montrose. 
 
 Lesley crossed the Border at Berwick, and 
 proceeded on his march, as if it had been his 
 view to get between Montrose and the High- 
 lands, and to prevent his again receiving as- 
 sistance from his faitliful mountaineers. But 
 that sagacious general's intentions were of a
 
 BATTLE OF PHILIPHAUGH. 1P7 
 
 more decisive character ; for learning that 
 Montrose, with his little army, lay quartered in 
 profound security near Selkirk, he suddenly 
 altered his march, left the Edinburgh road 
 when he came to Edgebucklingbrae, crossed 
 the country to Middleton, and then turning 
 southward, descended the vale of the Gala to 
 Melrose, in which place, and the adjacent ham- 
 lets, he quartered his army for the night. 
 
 Montrose's infantry, meanwhile, lay encamp- 
 ed on an elevated place, called Philiphaugh, on 
 the left bank of the Ettrick, while his cavalry, 
 with their distinguished general in person, 
 were quartered in the town of Selkirk ; a con- 
 siderable stream being thus interposed betwixt 
 the two parts of his army, which should have 
 been so stationed as to be ready to support 
 each other on a sudden alarm. But Montrose 
 had no information of the vicinity of Lesley, 
 though the Covenanters had passed the night 
 within five miles of his camp. This indicates 
 that he must have been very ill served by his 
 own patrols, and that his cause must have been 
 unpopular in that part of the country, since a 
 single horseman, at the expense of half an 
 hour's gallop, might have put him fully on his 
 guard. 
 
 On the morning of the 13th September, 1645, 
 Lesley, under cover of a thick mist, approach- 
 ed Montrose's camp, and had the merit, by his 
 dexterity and vigilance, of surprising him Avhom 
 his enemies had never before found unpre- 
 pared. The Covenanting general divided his 
 troops into two divisions, and attacked both 
 17*
 
 198 MONTROSE DEFEATED. 
 
 flanks of Uie enemy at the same time. Those 
 on the left made but a tmiiultiiary and imper- 
 fect resistance ; the right wing, supported by a 
 vrood, fought in a manner worthy of their ge- 
 neral's fame. Montrose himself, roused by the 
 firing and noise of the action, hastily assembled 
 his cavalry, crossed the Ettrick, and made a 
 desperate attempt to recover the victory, omit- 
 ting nothing which courage or skill could 
 achieve, to rally his followers. But when at 
 length left with only thirty horse, he was com- 
 pelled to fly, and, retreating up the Yarrow, 
 crossed into the vale of Tweed, and reached 
 Peebles, where some of his followers joined 
 him. 
 
 The defeated army suffered severely. The 
 prisoners taken by the Covenanters were mas- 
 sacred without mercy, and in cold blood. They 
 were shot in the court-yard of Newark Castle, 
 upon Yarrow, and their bodies hastily interred 
 at a place, called, from that circumstance, Slain- 
 men's-lec. The ground being, about twenty 
 years since, opened for the foundation of a 
 school-house, the bones and skulls, which were 
 dug up in great quantity, plainly showed the 
 truth of the country tradition. Many cavaliers, 
 both officers and others, men of birth and cha- 
 racter, the companions of Montrose's many tri- 
 umphs, fell into the hands of the victors, and 
 were, as we shall afterwards see, put to an ig- 
 nominious death. The prisoners, both of high 
 and low degree, would have been more numer- 
 ous, but for the neighbourhood of the Hare- 
 head-wood, into which the fugitives escaped
 
 MONTROSE LEAVES SCOTLAND. 199 
 
 Such were the immediate consequences of this 
 battle ; concerning which, the country people 
 often quote the following lines : — 
 
 At Philiphaugh the fray begu'd ; 
 
 At Harehead-wood it ended. 
 The Scots out owre the Grahams they rode, 
 
 Sae merrily they bended. 
 
 Montrose, after this disastrous action, re- 
 treated again into the Highlands, where he 
 once more assembled an army of mountaineers. 
 But his motions ceased to be of the consequence 
 which they had acquired, before he had expe- 
 rienced defeat. General Middleton, a man of 
 military talents, but a soldier of fortune, was 
 despatched against him by the Convention of 
 Estates, who were eager to recover the same 
 power in the Highlands, in which David Les- 
 ley's victory had repossessed them throughout 
 the Lowlands. 
 
 While thus engaged in an obscure mountain 
 warfare, the King, in total despair of Mon- 
 trose's safety, sent orders to him to dissolve 
 his army, and to provide for his personal secu- 
 rity, by leaving the kingdom. He would -not 
 obey the first order, concluding it had been ex- 
 torted from the monarch. To a second, and 
 more peremptory injunction, he yielded obedi- 
 ence, and, disbanding his army, embarked in a 
 brig bound for Bergen, in Norway, with a few 
 adherents, who were too obnoxious to the Co- 
 venanters to permit of their remaining in Scot- 
 land. Lest their little vessel should be search- 
 ed by an English ship of war, Montrose wore
 
 200 MONTROSE LEAVES SCOTLAND. 
 
 the disguise of a domestic, and passed for the 
 servant of his chaplain and biographer, Dr. 
 George Wishart. You may remember that he 
 wore a similar disguise on entering Scotland, 
 in order to commence his undertaking. 
 
 This, and the preceding chapter, give an ac- 
 count of the brief, but brilliant period of Mon- 
 trose's success. A future one will contain the 
 melancholy conclusion of his exertions, and of 
 his life. 
 
 I 

 
 [ 201 ] 
 
 CHAP. XL 
 
 Interference of the Presbyterian Clergy to pro- 
 cure the execution of the Prisoners taken at 
 Philiphaugh — Reflections on the unhappy 
 effects of Religious Persecution — Respective 
 views of the Independents and Presbyteri- 
 ans — CromwelVs success — King Charleses 
 surrender to the Scottish Army — Their sur- 
 render of him to the English Parliament. 
 
 I MUST now tell you the fate of the unfortu- 
 nate cavaliers who had been made prisoners at 
 Philiphaugh. The barbarous treatment of the 
 common men you are already acquainted with. 
 
 Argyle, the leader of the Convention of Es- 
 tates, had to resent the devastation of his coun- 
 try, and the destruction of his castles ; and his 
 desire of vengeance was so common to the age, 
 that it would have been accounted neglect of 
 his duty to his slain kinsmen and plundered 
 clan, if he had let slip the favourable opportu- 
 nity of exacting blood for blood. Other noble- 
 men of the Convention had similar motives ; 
 and, besides, they had all been heartily alarm- 
 ed at Montrose's success ; and nothing makes 
 men more pitiless tha.n the recollection of re- 
 cent fears. 
 
 It ought partly to have assuaged these vin- 
 dictive feelings, that Montrose's ravages^ al- 
 though they were sufficiently Wasting, were less 
 encouraged by the officers, than arising from
 
 302 EXECUTION OF PRISONERS 
 
 the uncontrollable license of an unpaid soldiery. 
 The prisoners had always been treated with 
 honour and humanity, and frequently dismissed 
 on parole. So that, if the fate of Montrose's 
 companions had depended on the Convention 
 alone, it is possible, that almost all might have 
 been set at liberty upon moderate conditions. 
 But unfortunately, the Presbyterian clergy 
 thought proper to interfere strenuously be- 
 tween the prisoners, and the mercy which they 
 might otherwise have experienced. 
 
 And here it must be owned, that the Presby- 
 terian ministers of that period were in some 
 respects a different kind of men from their pre- 
 decessors, in the reign of James VI. Malice 
 cannot, indeed, accuse them of abusing the 
 power which they had acquired since their suc- 
 cess in 1640, for the purpose of increasing ei- 
 ther their own individual revenues, or those of 
 the church ; nor had the system of strict mora- 
 lity, by which they were distinguished, been in 
 any degree slackened. They remained in tri- 
 umph, as they had been in suffering, honourably 
 poor, and rigidly moral. 
 
 But yet, though inaccessible to the tempta- 
 tions of avarice or worldly pleasure, the Pres- 
 byterian clergy of this period cannot be said to 
 have been superior to ambition and the desire 
 of power ; and as they were naturally apt to 
 think that the advancement of religion was best 
 secured by the influence of the church, they 
 were disposed to extend that influence by the 
 strictest exertion of domestic discipline. 
 
 Inquiry into the conduct of individual? wan 
 
 i
 
 TAKEN AT PHILIPHAUGH. 203 
 
 carried on by the Church-courts with indecent 
 eagerness ; and faults or follies, much fitter for 
 private censure and admonition, were brought 
 forward in the face of the public congre- 
 gation. The hearers were charged every Sab- 
 bath-day, that each individual should com- 
 municate to the Kirk-Session (a court com- 
 posed of the clergyman and certain selected 
 laymen of the parish) whatever matter of scan- 
 dal or offence against religion and morality 
 should come to their ears ; and thus an inquisi- 
 torial power was exercised by one half of the 
 parish over the other. This was well meant, 
 but had ill consequences. Every idle story 
 being made the subject of anxious investiga- 
 tion, the private happiness of families was dis- 
 turbed, and discord and suspicion were sown 
 where mutual confidence is most necessary. 
 
 This love of exercising authority in families, 
 was naturally connected with a desire to main 
 tain the high influence in the state, which the 
 Presbyterian church had acquired since the 
 downfall of prelacy. The clergy had become 
 used to consider their peculiar form of church 
 government, which unquestionably has many 
 excellencies, as something almost as essential as 
 religion itself; and it was but one step farther, 
 to censure any who manifested a design to de- 
 stroy the system, or limit the power, of the 
 Presbyterian discipline, as an enemy to religion 
 of every kind, nay, even to the Deity himself. 
 Such opinions were particularly strong amongst 
 those of the clergy who attended the armies in 
 the field, seconded them by encouragement
 
 204 i<:xEciTTi()N or prison krs 
 
 tVom the pulpits, or aided them by actually as- 
 suming arms themselves. 
 
 The ardom* of such men grew naturally more 
 enthusiastic in proportion to the opposition 
 they met with, and the dangers they encoun- 
 tered. The sights and sentiments which 
 attend civil conflict, are of a kind to reconcile 
 the human heart, however generous and hu- 
 mane by nature, to severe language and 
 cruel actions. Accordingly, we cannot be 
 surprised to find that some of the clergy forgot 
 that a malignant^ so they called a Royalist, 
 was still a countryman and fellow Christian, 
 born under the same government, and hoping 
 to be saved by the power of the same creed, 
 with themselves ; or that they directed against 
 such persons those texts of Scripture, in 
 which the Jews were, by especial commission, 
 commanded to extirpate the heathen inhabi 
 tants of the Promised Land. 
 
 One of these preachers enlarged on such a 
 topic after Lesley's victory, and chose his text 
 from the 15th chapter of 1st Samuel, where 
 the prophet rebukes Saul for sparing the 
 King of the Amalekites, and for having saved 
 &ome part of the flocks and herds of that peo- 
 ple, which Heaven had devoted to utte]> de- 
 struction, — "What meaneth this bleating of 
 sheep in mine ears ?" In his sermon, he said 
 that Heaven demanded the blood of the prison- 
 ers taken at Philiphaugh, as devoted by the Di- 
 vine command to destruction ; nor could the 
 sins of the people be otherwise atoned for, or 
 the wrath of Heaven averted from the land. It
 
 tap: EN AT PHILIPHArOH. 305 
 
 is probable, that the preacher was himself sati.-?- 
 , lied with the doctrine which he promulg-ated ; 
 for it is wonderful how people's judgment is 
 blinded by their passions, and how apt we are 
 to find plausible, and even satisfactory rea- 
 sons, for doing what our interest, or that of the 
 party we have embraced, strongly recommends. 
 
 The Parliament, consisting entirely of Cove- 
 nanters, instigated by the importunity of the 
 clergy, condemned eight of the most distin- 
 guished cavaliers to execution. Four were ap- 
 pointed to suffer at St. Andrews, that their 
 blood might be an atonement, as the phrase 
 went, for the number of men (said to exceed 
 five thousand) whom the county of Fife had 
 lost during Montrose's wars. Lord Ogilvy was 
 the first of these ; but that young nobleman 
 escaped from prison and death in his sister's 
 clothes. Colonel Nathaniel Gordon, one of the 
 bravest men and best soldiers in Europe, and 
 six other cavaliers of the first distinction, were 
 actually executed. 
 
 We may particularly distinguish the fate of 
 Sir Robert Spottiswood, who, when the wars 
 broke out, was Lord President of the Court of 
 Session, and acciounted a judge of great talent 
 and learning. He had never borne arms ; but 
 the crime of having brought to Montrose his 
 commission as Captain-General of Scotland, 
 was thought quite worthy of death, without any 
 further act of treason against the Estates. 
 When on the scaffold, he vindicated his con- 
 duct with the dignity of a judge, and the talents 
 of a lawyer. He was silenced by the Provost 
 
 Vol. L 18
 
 206 EXECUTION OF PRISONERS 
 
 of St. Andrews, who had formerly been a ser- 
 vant of his father's when Prelate of that city. 
 The victim submitted to this indignity with 
 calmness, and betook himself to his private de- 
 votions. He was even in this task interrupted 
 by the Presbyterian minister in attendance, 
 who demanded of him whether he desired the 
 benefit of his prayers, and those of the assem- 
 bled people. Sir Robert replied, that he ear- 
 nestly demanded the prayers of the people, but 
 rejected those of the speaker ; for that, in his 
 opinion, God had expressed his displeasure 
 against Scotland, by sending a lying spirit into 
 the mouth of the prophets, — a far greater curse, 
 he said, than those of sword, fire, and pesti- 
 lence. An old servant of his family took care 
 of his body, and buried him privately ; and it 
 is said that this faithful domestic, passing 
 through the market-place a day or two after- 
 wards, and seeing the scaffold on which his' 
 master had suflfered still unremoved, and 
 stained with his blood, was so greatly affected, 
 that he sunk down in a swoon, and died as they 
 were lifting him over his own threshold. 
 
 Such are the terrible scenes which civil dis- 
 cord gives occasion to ; and, my dear child, you 
 will judge very wrong if you suppose them pe- 
 culiar to one side or the other of the contending 
 parties in the present case. You will learn 
 hereafter, that the same disposition to abuse 
 power, which is common, I fear, to all who 
 possess it in an unlimited degree, was exer- 
 cised by the Episcopalian party over the Pres- 
 byterians, when their hour of authority revived.
 
 TAKEN AT PHILIPHAUGH. 207 
 
 We must now turn our thoughts to England, 
 the very stage on which the most important 
 scenes were acting, to which those in Scot- 
 land can only be termed very subordinate. 
 And here I may remark, that, greatly to the ho- 
 nour of the English nation, owing, perhaps, to 
 the natural generosity and good humour of the 
 people, or to the superior influence of civiliza- 
 tion, their civil war, though contested with the 
 utmost fury in the open field, was not marked 
 by any thing approaching to the violent 
 atrocities of the Irish, or the fierce and ruth- 
 less devastation exercised by the Scottish com- 
 batants. 
 
 The days of deadly feud had been long past, 
 if the English ever knew that infernal custom, 
 and the spirit of malice and hatred which it 
 fostered had no existence in that country. The 
 English parties contended manfully in battle, but 
 unless in the storming of towns, when all evil 
 passions are afloat, they seem seldom to have 
 been guilty of cruelty or wasteful ravage. 
 They combated like men who have quarrelled 
 on some special point, but, having had no ill-will 
 against each other before, are resolved to fight 
 it out fairly, without bearing malice. On the 
 contrary, the cause of Prelacy or Presbytery, 
 King or Parliament, was often what was least 
 in the thoughts of the Scottish barons, who 
 made such phrases indeed the pretext for the 
 war, but in fact looked forward to indulging, at 
 the expense of some rival family, the treasured 
 vengeance of a hundred years. 
 
 But though the English spirit did not intro-
 
 208 RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION. 
 
 (luce into their civil war the savage aspect of 
 the Scottish feuds, they were not free from the 
 religious dissensions, which formed another 
 curse of the age. I have already said, that the 
 party which opposed itself to the King and the 
 Church of England, was, with the followers of 
 the Parliament, and the Parliament itself, di- 
 vided into two factions, that of the Presbyteri- 
 ans, and that of the Independents. I have slso 
 generally mentioned the points on which these 
 two parties differed. I must now notice them 
 more particularly. 
 
 The Presbyterian establishment, as I have 
 often stated, differs from that of the Church of 
 England, in the same manner as a republic, all 
 the members of which are on a footing of 
 equality, differs from a monarchical constitu- 
 tion. In the Kirk of Scotland, all the ministers 
 are on an equality ; in the Church of England, 
 there is a gradation of ranks, ascending from 
 the lowest order of clergymen to the rank of 
 bishop. But each system is alike founded upon 
 the institution of a body of men, qualified by 
 studies of a peculiar nature to become preach- 
 ers of the gospel, and obliged to show they 
 are so qualified, by undergoing trials and 
 examinations of their learning and capacity, 
 before they can take holy orders, that is to say, 
 become clergymen. 
 
 It is also the rule alike of Episcopalians and 
 Presbyterians, that the National Church, as 
 existing in its courts and judicatories, has 
 power to censure, suspend from their func- 
 tions, and depose from their clerical character
 
 RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION. 209 
 
 and clerical charge, such of its members as, 
 either by immoral and wicked conduct, or by 
 preaching and teaching doctrines inconsistent 
 with the public creed, shall render themselves 
 unfit to execute the trust reposed in them. And 
 further, both these national churches maintain, 
 that such courts and judicatories have power 
 over their hearers, and those who live in com- 
 munion with them, to rebuke transgressors of 
 every kind, and to admonish them to repent- 
 ance ; and if such admonitions are neglected, to 
 expel them from the congregation by the sen- 
 tence of excommunication. 
 
 Thus far most Christian churches agree; and 
 thus far the claims and rights of a national 
 church are highly favourable to the existence 
 of a regular government ; since reason, as well 
 as the general usage of the religious world, 
 sanctions the establishment of the clergy as a 
 body of men separated from the general class 
 of society, that they may set an example of 
 regularity of life by the purity of their morals. 
 Thus set apart from the rest of the community, 
 they are supported at the expense of the state, 
 in order that the reverence due to them may 
 not be lessened by their being compelled, for 
 the sake of subsistence, to mingle in the ordi- 
 nary business of life, and share the cares and 
 solicitudes incidental to those who must labour 
 for their daily bread. 
 
 How far the civil magistrate can be wisely 
 
 intrusted with the power of enforcing spiritual 
 
 censures, or seconding the efforts of the church 
 
 to obtain general conformity, bv inflicting the 
 
 18»
 
 210 RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION. 
 
 penalties of fines, imprisonment, bodily punish- 
 ment, and death itself, upon those who differ 
 in doctrinal points from the established reli- 
 gion, is a very different question. 
 
 It is no doubt true, that wild sects have 
 sometimes started up, whose doctrines have 
 involved direct danger to the state. But such 
 offenders ought to be punished, not as offenders 
 against the church, but as transgressors against 
 the laws of the kingdom. While their opinions 
 remain merely speculative, they may deserve 
 expulsion from the national church, with which 
 indeed they could consistently desire no com- 
 munion. But while they do not carry these 
 opinions into execution, by any treasonable 
 act, it does not appear the province of the 
 civil magistrate to punish them for opinions 
 only. And if the zeal of such sectaries should 
 drive them into action, they deserve punish- 
 ment, not for holding unchristian doctrines, but 
 for transgressing the civil laws of the realm. 
 
 This distinction was little understood in the 
 days we write of, and neither the English nor 
 the Scottish church can be vindicated from the 
 charge of attempting to force men's con- 
 sciences, by criminal persecutions for acts of 
 non-conformity, though not accompanied by 
 any civil trespass. % 
 
 Experience and increasing knowledge have 
 taught the present generation, that such se- 
 verities have always increased the evil they 
 were intended to cure ; and that mild admoni- 
 tion, patient instruction, and a good example, 
 may gain many a convert to the established
 
 RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION 211 
 
 churches, whom persecution and violence 
 would have only confirmed in his peculiar opi- 
 nions. You have read the fable of the travel- 
 ler, who wrapped his cloak the faster about 
 him when the storm blew loud, but threw it 
 aside in the serene beams of the sunshine. It 
 applies to the subject I have been speaking of, 
 as much as to the advantages of gentleness and 
 mild persuasion in social life. 
 
 I return to the distinction between the Inde- 
 pendents and Presbyterians during the civil 
 wars of the reign of Charles I. The latter, as 
 you already know, stood strongly out for a 
 national church and an established clergy, with 
 full power to bind and loose, and maintained 
 by the support of the civil government. This 
 had been fully established in Scotland, and it 
 was the ardent wish of its professors that the 
 English should adopt the same system. Indeed, 
 it was in the hope of attaining this grand object 
 that the consent of the Scottish Convention of 
 Estates was given, to sending the auxiliary 
 army to England ; and they thought the ac- 
 ceptance of the Presbyterian discipline in that 
 country was secured by the terms of the So- 
 lemn League and Covenant. But the Inde- 
 pendents had, from the beginning, entertained 
 the secret resolution of opposing the establish- 
 ment of a national church of any kind in England. 
 
 The opinions of these sectaries stood thus on 
 matters of church government. Everyone, they 
 said, had a right to read the Scriptures, and 
 draw such conclusions respecting the doctrines 
 which are there inculcated, as his own private
 
 21Q DISTINCTIONS BETWEEN 
 
 judgment should hold most conformable to 
 them. They went farther, and said, that every 
 man who felt himself called upon to communi- 
 cate to others the conclusions which he had de- 
 rived from reading the Bible, and meditating on 
 its contents, had a right, and a call from Heaven, 
 to preach and teach the peculiar belief which 
 he had thus adopted. It was no matter what 
 was the individual's condition in life, or what 
 had been the course of his education ; he was 
 equally entitled, in their opinion, to act as a 
 minister, as if he had studied for twenty years, 
 and taken orders from a bishop, or from a pres- 
 bytery. If he could prevail on six persons to 
 admit his doctrine, these six persons made a 
 Christian congregation ; and, as far as religious 
 instruction was concerned, he became their 
 spiritual head and teacher. Be his hearers 
 many or few, they were thenceforward his 
 sheep, and he their spiritual shepherd. 
 
 But to all the rest of the world, except his 
 own congregation, the Independents held, that 
 every preacher remained an ordinary layman, 
 having no claim on the state for revenue or sub- 
 sistence. If he could persuade his congrega- 
 tion to contribute to his support, he was the 
 more fortunate. If not, he lived by his ordinary 
 calling, of a baker, a tailor, or a shoemaker, 
 and consoled himself that he resembled St. 
 Paul, who wrought with his hands for his 
 livelihood. 
 
 Of the congregations or sects thus formed, 
 there were in England hundreds, perhaps tbou- 
 etinds^ most of them disagreeing from each
 
 INDEPENDENTS AND PRESBYTERIANS. 213 
 
 Other in doctrine, and only united by the com- 
 mon opinion, that each private Christian had a 
 right to teach or to listen to whatever doctrines 
 he thought fit ; that there ought to exist no 
 church courts of any kind ; that the character 
 of a preacher was only to be recognised by those 
 who chose to be taught ; and that, in any more 
 extensive point of view, there ought not to ex- 
 ist any body of priests or clergymen by pro- 
 fession, any church government, or church ju- 
 dicatories, or any other mode of enforcing re- 
 ligious doctrine, save by teaching it from thfe 
 pulpit, and admonishing the sinner, or, if neces- 
 sary, expeUing him from the congregation 
 This last, indeed, could be no great infliction 
 where there were so many churches ready to 
 receive him, or where, if he pleased, he might 
 set up a church for himself. 
 
 The Sectaries, as the Independents were 
 termed, entertained, as may be supposed, very 
 wild doctrines. Men of an enthusiastic spirit, 
 and sometimes a crazed imagination, as opinion- 
 ative as they were ignorant, and many of them 
 as ignorant as the lowest vulgar, broached an 
 endless variety of heresies, some of them scan- 
 dalous, some even blasphemous ; others, ex- 
 cept on account of the serious subject they re- 
 ferred to, extremely ludicrous. 
 
 But the preachers and hearers of these 
 strange doctrines were not confined to the vul- 
 gar and ignorant. Too much learning made 
 gome men mad. Sir Henry Vane, one of the 
 subtlest politicians in England, and Milton one 
 of the greatest poets ever born, caught the
 
 214 CROMWELL. 
 
 spirit of the times, and became Independents. 
 But above all, Oliver Cromwell, destined to rise 
 to the supreme power in England, was of that 
 form of religion. 
 
 This remarkable person was of honourable 
 descent, but, inheriting a small fortune, had 
 practised at one time the occupation of a brew- 
 er. After a course of gaiety and profligacy 
 during early youth, he caught a strong taint of 
 the enthusiasm of the times, and distinguished 
 himself by his aversion to Prelacy, and his zea- 
 lous opposition to the arbitrary measures of 
 the King. He became a member of Parliament, 
 but as he spoke indifferently, made no figure in 
 that body. — 
 
 When, however, the Parliament raised their 
 army, the military talents of Cromwell made 
 him early distinguished. It was remarked 
 that he was uniformly successful in every con- 
 test in which he was personally engaged, and 
 that he was the first officer who could train and 
 bring to the field a body of cavalry capable of 
 meeting the shock of the Cavaliers, notwith- 
 standing their high birth, lofty courage, and 
 chivalrous bravery. 
 
 His regiment of Ironsides, as they were call- 
 ed, from the cuirasses which the men wore, 
 w ere carefully exercised, and accustomed to 
 strict military discipline, while their courage 
 was exalted by the enthusiasm which their 
 commander contrived to inspire. He preached 
 to them himself, prayed for them and with 
 them, and attended with an air of edification to 
 any who chose to preach or pray in return.
 
 INDEPENDENTS. 21& 
 
 The attention of these military fanatics was so 
 fixed upon the mysteries of the next world, that 
 death w^as no terror to them ; and the fiery va- 
 lour of the Cavaliers was encountered and re- 
 pelled, by men who fought for their own ideas 
 of religion as determinedly as their enemies did 
 for honour and loyalty. The spirit of the In- 
 dependent sectaries spread generally through 
 the army, and the Parliament possessed no 
 troops so excellent as those who followed these 
 doctrines. 
 
 The great difference betwixt the Presbyterians 
 and Independents consisted, as I have told you, 
 in the desire of the former to establish their 
 form of religion and church government as na- 
 tional, and compel a general acquiescence in 
 their articles of faith. For this, a convention 
 of the most learned and able divines was assem- 
 bled at Westminister, who settled the religious 
 creed of the intended church according to 
 the utmost rigour of the Presbyterian creed. 
 This assumption of exclusive power over the 
 conscience alarmed the Independents, and 
 in the dispute which ensued, the consciousness 
 of their own interest with the army gave them 
 new courage and new pretensions. 
 
 At first the Independent sectaries had been 
 contented to let the Presbyterians of England, a 
 numerous and wealthy body, take the lead in 
 public measures. But as their own numbers 
 increased, and their leaders became formidable 
 from their interest with the army, they resisted 
 the intention which the Presbyterians showed 
 
 of establishing their own faith in England as
 
 216 SELF-DENYING ORDINANCE. 
 
 well as Scotland. Sir Henry Vane persuaded 
 them to temporize a little longer, since to resist 
 Presbytery was to disgust the Scottish auxilia- 
 ries, enamoured as they were of their national 
 system. " We cannot yet dispense with the 
 Scots," he said ; " the sons of Zeruiah are still 
 too many for us." 
 
 But the progress of the war gradually dimi- 
 nished the strength of the Presbyterian party, 
 and increased that of the Independents. The 
 Earls of Essex and Manchester, generals cho- 
 sen from the former party, had sustained many 
 looses, which were referred to incapacity ; and 
 they were accused of having let slip advantages, 
 from which it was supposed they had no wish 
 to drive the King to extremity. People began 
 to murmur against the various high offices in 
 the army and state being occupied by members 
 of Parliament, chiefly Presbyterians ; and the 
 protracted length of the civil hostilities was 
 imputed to the desire of such persons to hold 
 in their possession the authority which the war 
 gave them. 
 
 The Parliament felt that their popularity 
 was in danger of being lost, and looked about 
 for means of recovering it. While their minds 
 were thus troubled, Cromwell suggested a very 
 artful proposal. To recover the confidence of 
 the nation, the Members of Parliament, he said, 
 ought to resign all situations of trust or power 
 which they possessed, and confine themselves 
 exclusively to the discharge of their legislative 
 duty. The Parliament fell into the snare. They 
 enacted what was called the Self-denying Ordi
 
 SELF-DENYING ORDINANCE. 217 
 
 nance ; by which, in order to show their disin- 
 terested patriotism, the members laid down all 
 their offices, civil and military, and rendered 
 themselves incapable of resuming them. This 
 act of self-deprivation proved in the event a 
 death-blow to the power of the Presbyterians ; 
 the places which were thus simply resigned, 
 being instantly filled up by the ablest men in 
 the Independent party. 
 
 Two members of Parliament, however, were 
 allowed to retain command. The one was Sir 
 Thomas Fairfax, a Presbyterian, whose mili- 
 tary talents had been highly distinguished 
 during the war, but who was much under the 
 influence of Oliver Cromwell. The other was 
 Cromwell himself, who had the title of Lieute- 
 nant-General only, but in fact enjoyed, through 
 his influence over the soldiers, all the advan- 
 tages of supreme command. 
 
 The success of Cromwell in this grand mea- 
 sure led to remodelling the army after his own 
 plan, in which he took care their numbers 
 should be recruited, their discipline improved, 
 and, above all, their ranks filled up with Inde- 
 pendents. The influence of these changes was 
 soon felt in the progress of the war. The troops 
 of the King sustained various checks, and at 
 length a total defeat in the battle of Naseby, 
 from the effect of which the affairs of Charles 
 could never recover. 
 
 Loss after loss succeeded ; the strong places 
 which the Royalists possessed were taken one 
 after another ; the King's cause was totally 
 ruined. The successes of Montrose had excited 
 
 Vol. I. 19
 
 218 SURRENDER OF KING CHARLES 
 
 a gleam of hope, which disappeared after his 
 defeat at Philiphaugh. Finally, King Charles 
 was shut up in the city of Oxford, which ha'd 
 adhered to his cause with the most devoted loy- 
 alty ; the last army which lie had in the field 
 was destroyed ; and he had no alternative save 
 to remain in Oxford till he should be taken pri- 
 soner, to surrender himself to his enemies, or 
 to escape abroad. 
 
 In circumstances so desperate, it was difficult 
 to make a choice. A frank surrender to the 
 Parliament, or an escape abroad, would have 
 perhaps been the most advisable conduct. But 
 the Parliament and their own independent 
 army were now on the brink of quarrelling. 
 The establishment of the Presbyterian Church 
 was resolved upon, though only for a time and 
 in a limited form, and both parties were alike 
 dissatisfied ; the zealous Presbyterians, be- 
 cause it gave the Church courts too little pow- 
 er ; the Independents, because it invested them 
 with any control whatever over persons of a 
 different communion. Amidst the disputes of 
 his opponents, the King hoped to find his way 
 back to the throne. 
 
 For this purpose, and to place himself in a 
 situation, as he hoped, from whence to negotiate 
 with safety, Charles determined to surrender 
 himself to that Scottish army which had been 
 sent into England, under the Earl of Leven, as 
 auxiliaries of the English Parliament. The King 
 concluded that he might expect personal protec- 
 tion, if not assistance, from an army composed 
 of his own countrymen. Besides, the Scottish
 
 TO THE SCOTTISH AR.MV. 219 
 
 army had lately been on indifferent terms with 
 the English. The Independent troops, who 
 now equalled or even excelled them in discip- 
 line, and were actuated by an enthusiasm which 
 the Scots did not possess, looked with an evil eye 
 on an army composed of foreigners and Pres- 
 byterians. The English in general, as soon as 
 their assistance was no longer necessary, began 
 to regard their Scottish brethren as an incum- 
 brance ; and the Parliament, while they sup- 
 plied the independent forces liberally with 
 money and provisions, neglected the Scots in 
 both these essentials, whose honour and inte- 
 rest were affected in proportion. A perfect 
 acquaintance with the discontent of the Scot- 
 tish army, induced Charles to throw himself 
 upon their protection in his misfortunes. 
 
 He left Oxford in disguise, on 27th April, 
 having only two attendants. Nine days after 
 his departure, he surprised the old Earl of 
 Leven and the Scottish camp, who were then 
 forming the siege of Newark, by delivering 
 himself into their hands. The Scots received 
 the unfortunate monarch with great outward 
 respect, but guarded his person with vigilance. 
 They immediately broke up the siege, and 
 marched with great speed to the north, carrying 
 the person of the King along with them, and 
 observing the strictest discipline on their re- 
 treat. When their army arrived at Newcastle, 
 a strong town Avhich they themselves had taken, 
 and where they had a garrison, they halted to 
 await the progress of negotiations at this sin- 
 gular crisis.
 
 220 UNSUCCESSFUL NEGOTIATIONS FOR 
 
 Upon surrendering himself to the Scottish 
 army, King Charles had despatched a message 
 to the Parliament, expressing his having done 
 so, desiring that they would send him such arti- 
 cles of pacification as they should agree upon, 
 and offering to surrender Oxford, Newark, and 
 whatever other garrisons or strong places he 
 might still possess, and order the troops he had 
 on foot to lay down their arms. The places 
 were surrendered accordingly, honourable 
 terms being allowed ; and the army of Mon- 
 trose in the Highlands, and such other forces 
 as the Royalists still maintained throughout 
 England, were disbanded, as I have already 
 told you, by the King's command. 
 
 The Parliament showed great moderation, 
 and the civil war seemed to be ended. The 
 articles of pacification which they offered were 
 not more rigorous than the desperate condition 
 of the King must have taught him to expect. 
 But questions of religion interfered to prevent 
 the conclusion of the treaty. 
 
 In proportion as the great majority of the 
 Parliament were attached to the Presbyterian 
 forms, Charles was devoted to the system of 
 Episcopacy. He deemed himself bound by his 
 coronation oath to support the Church of En- 
 gland, and he would not purchase his own resto- 
 ration to the throne by consenting to its being 
 set aside. Here, therefore, the negotiation be- 
 twixt the King and his Parliament was broken 
 off; but another was opened between the En- 
 glish Parliament and the Scottish army, con 
 cerning the disposal of the King's person.
 
 A SETTLEMENT OF AFFAIRS. 221 
 
 If Charles could have brought his miifid to 
 consent to the acceptance ofthe Solemn League 
 and Covenant, it is probable that he would have 
 gained all Scotland to his side. This, however, 
 would have been granting to the Scots what he 
 had refused to the Parliament ; for the support 
 of Presbytery was the essential object of the 
 Scottish invasion. On the other hand, it could 
 hardly be expected that the Scottish Conven- 
 tion of Estates should resign the very point on 
 which they had begun and continued the war. 
 The Church of Scotland sent forth a solemn 
 warning, that all engagement with the King 
 was unlawful. The question, therefore, was, 
 what should be done with the person of 
 Charles. 
 
 The generous course would have been, to 
 have suffered the King to leave the Scottish 
 army as freely as he came there. In that case 
 he might have embarked at Tynemouth, and 
 found refuge in foreign countries. And even 
 if the Scots had determined that the exigencies 
 of the times, and the necessity of preserving 
 the peace betwixt England and Scotland, to- 
 gether with their engagements with the Parlia- 
 ment of England, demanded that they should 
 surrender the person of their King to that body, 
 the honour of Scotland was intimately concern- 
 ed in so conducting the transaction, that there 
 should be no room for alleging that any selfish 
 advantage was stipulated by the Scots as a con- 
 sequence of giving him up. I am almost 
 ashamed to write, that this honourable consi- 
 deration had no weight. 
 19 *
 
 222 CHARLES DELIVERED TO THE ENGLISH. 
 
 The Scottish army had a long arrear of pay 
 due to them from the Enghsh Parliament, 
 which the latter had refused, or at least delay- 
 ed, to make forthcoming. A treaty for the 
 settlement of these arrears had been set on 
 foot ; and it had been agreed that the Scottish 
 forces should retreat into their own country, 
 upon payment of two hundred thousand pounds, 
 which was one half of the debt finally admit- 
 ted. Now, it is true that these two treaties, 
 concerning the delivery of the King's person 
 to England, and the payment by Parliament 
 of their pecuniary arrears to Scotland, were 
 kept separate, for the sake of decency ; but 
 it is certain, that they not only coincided in 
 point of time, but bore upon and influenced 
 each other. 
 
 No man of candour will pretend to believe 
 that the Parliament of England would ever 
 have paid this considerable sum, unless to faci- 
 litate their obtaining possession of the King's 
 person ; and this sordid and base transaction, 
 though the work exclusively of a mercenary 
 army, stamped the whole nation of Scotland 
 with infamy. In foreign countries they were 
 upbraided with the shame of having made their 
 unfortunate and confiding Sovereign a hostage, 
 whose liberty or surrender was to depend on 
 their obtaining payment of a paltry sum of ar- 
 rears ; and the English nation reproached 
 them with their greed and treachery, in the 
 popular rhyme, — 
 
 Traitor Scot 
 
 Sold hiB King for a groat.
 
 CHARLES DELIVERED TO THE ENGLISH. 223 
 
 The Scottish army surrendered the person 
 of Charles to the Commissioners for the En- 
 gUsh Parliament, on receiving security for their 
 arrears of pay, and immediately evacuated 
 Newcastle, and marched for their own country. 
 I am sorry to conclude the chapter with this 
 mercenary and dishonourable transaction ; but 
 the limits of the work require me to bring it 
 thus to a close.
 
 [ 324 ] 
 
 CHAP, xa 
 
 The King taken Prisoner by the EnglishArmy 
 and placed in the Palace of Hampton Court 
 — His escape to the Isle of Wighty and im- 
 prisonment in Carisbrook Castle — Treaty 
 with the Scots, known by the name of The 
 Engagement — The Engagers enter En- 
 gland with an Army, and are defeated — 
 High Court of Justice appointed to try the 
 King — the Trial — Execution of Charles L 
 
 Our last chapter concluded with the disho- 
 nourable transaction by which the Scottish army- 
 surrendered Charles I. into the hands of the 
 Parliament of England, on receiving security 
 for a sum of arrears due to them by that 
 body. 
 
 The Commissioners of Parliament, thus pos- 
 sessed of the King's person, conducted him as 
 a state prisoner to Holdenby House, in North- 
 umberland, which had been assigned as his 
 temporary residence ; but from which a power 
 different from theirs was soon about to with- 
 draw him. 
 
 The Independents, as I have said, highly re- 
 sented as a tyranny the establishment of Pres- 
 bytery, however temporary, or however miti- 
 gated, in the form of a national church ; and 
 were no less displeased, tliat the army, whose 
 ranks were chiefly filled with these military 
 saints, as they called themselves, was, iu the 
 
 :JkM^
 
 POWER OF THE ENGLISH ARIVIY. 225 
 
 event of peace, which seemed close at hand, 
 threatened either to be sent to Ireland, or dis- 
 banded. The discontent among the English 
 soldiery became general ; they saw that the use 
 made of the victories, which their valour had 
 chiefly contributed to gain, would be to reduce 
 and disarm them, and send out of the kingdom 
 such as might be suffered to retain their arms 
 and military character. And besides the loss 
 of pay, profession, and importance, the secta- 
 ries had every reason to apprehend the imposi- 
 tion of the Presbyterian yoke, as they termed 
 the discipline of that church. 
 
 These mutinous dispositions were secretly 
 encouraged by Cromwell, Ireton, and Fleet- 
 wood, officers of high rank and influence, to| 
 whom the Parliament had intrusted the charge 
 of pacifying them. At length the army assumed 
 the appearance of a separate body in the state, 
 whose affairs were managed by a council of su- 
 perior officers, with assistance from a commit- 
 tee of persons, called Agitators, being two pri- 
 vates chosen from each company. These bold 
 and unscrupulous men determined to get pos- 
 session of the person of the King, and to with- 
 draw him from the power of the Parliament. 
 
 In pursuance of this resolution, Joice, ori- 
 ginally a tailor, now a cornet, and a furious ad 
 vocate for the cause of the army, on the 4th 
 June, 1647, appeared suddenly at midnight be- 
 fore Holdenby House. The troops employed 
 by the Commissioners to guard the King's per- 
 .son, being infected, it may be supposed, with 
 the general feeling of the army, offered no re-
 
 226 THE KING TAKEN PRISONER BY THE ARMY 
 
 sistance. Joice, with little ceremony, intruded 
 himself, armed with his pistols, into the King's 
 sleeping apartment, and informed his Majesty 
 that he must please to attend him. " Where is 
 your commission?" said the unfortunate King. 
 " Yonder it is," answered the rude soldier, 
 pointing to his troop of horse, which, by the 
 early dawning, was seen drawn up in the court 
 yard of the palace. — "It is written in legible 
 characters," replied Charles ; and without fur- 
 ther remonstrance, he prepared to attend the 
 escort. 
 
 The King w^as conducted to Newmarket, and 
 from thence to the palace of Hampton Court ; 
 and though in the hands of a body which had 
 no lawful authority or responsible character, 
 he was at first treated with more respect, and 
 even kindness, than he had experienced either 
 from the Scottish army, or from the English 
 Commissioners. The officers distrusted, per- 
 haps, the security of their own power, for they 
 offered a pacification on easy terms. They 
 asked an equal national representation, freely 
 chosen : stipulated that the two Houses of Par- 
 liament should enjoy the command of the mi- 
 litia for fourteen years ; and even agreed that 
 the order of Bishops should be re-established, 
 but without any temporal power or coercive 
 jurisdiction. 
 
 So far the terms were more moderate than, 
 from sucli men and in such a moment, the 
 King could have expected. But on one point 
 the council of officers were rigidly determined ; 
 they insisted, that seven of the adherents of
 
 AND PLACED IN HAMPTON COTTRT. 227 
 
 Charles, chosen from those who had, with wis- 
 dom or with valour, best supported the sinking 
 cause of royalty, should be declared incapable 
 of pardon. Charles was equally resolute in 
 resisting- this point ; his conscience had suffer- 
 ed too deeply upon the occasion of Strafford's 
 execution, to which he had yielded in the be- 
 ginning of these troubles, to permit him ever 
 to be tempted again to abandon a friend. 
 
 In the meantime the Parliament were pre- 
 paring to exert their authority in opposing and 
 checking the unconstitutional power assumed 
 by the army ; and the city of London, chiefly 
 composed of Presbyterians, showed a general 
 disposition to stand by the Houses of Legisla- 
 ture. But when that formidable army drew 
 near to London, both Parliament and citizens 
 became intimidated ; and the former expelled 
 from their seats the leading Presbyterian mem- 
 bers, and sufl^ered the independents to dictate 
 to the dispirited remainder what measures they 
 judged necessary. 
 
 Prudence would, at this moment, have 
 strongly recommended to Charles an agree- 
 ment with the army. But the Presbyterians 
 of England had not resigned hopes ; and the 
 whole kingdom of Scotland, incensed at the 
 triumph of the Sectaries, and the contumely 
 oflfered to the Solemn League and Covenant, 
 which had been stigmatized, in the House of 
 Commons, as an Almanack out of date, their 
 Commissioners made, in private, liberal offers 
 to restore the King by force of arras. In listen- 
 ing to these proposals, Charles flattered him-
 
 228 DISPOSITION OF THE DIFFERENT 
 
 self that he should be able to hold the balance 
 betwixt the Presbyterians and Independents ; 
 but he mistook the spirit of the latter party, 
 from whom this private negotiation did not 
 long remain a secret, and who were highly in- 
 censed by the discovery. 
 
 The Presbyterians had undertaken the war 
 with professions of profound respect towards 
 the King's person and dignity. They had al- 
 ways protested that they made war against the 
 evil counsellors of the King, but not against 
 his person ; and their ordinances, while they 
 were directed against the Malignants, as they 
 termed the Royalists, ran in the King's own 
 name, as well as in that of the two Houses of 
 Parliament, by whose sole authority they were 
 sent forth. The Independents, on the contra- 
 ry, boldly declared themselves at war with the 
 Man Charles, as the abuser of the regal pow- 
 er, and the oppressor of the saints. Cromwell 
 himself avouched such doctrines in open Par- 
 liament. He said it was childish to talk of 
 there being no war with the King's person, 
 when Charles appeared in armour, and at the 
 head of his troops in open battle ; and that he 
 himself was so far from feeling any scruple on 
 the subject, that he would fire his pistol at the 
 King as readily as at any of his adherents, 
 should he meet him in the fight. 
 
 After the discovery of the King's treaty with 
 the Scottish Commissioners, Cromwell admit- 
 ting Charles's powers of understanding and 
 reasoning, denounced him as a man of the 
 deepest dissimulation, who had broken faith,
 
 PARTIES TOWARDS THE KING. 229 
 
 by professing an entire reliance on the wisdom 
 of the Parliament, while, by a separate negoti- 
 ation with the Scottish Commissioners, he was 
 endeavouring to rekindle the flames of civil 
 war between the sister kingdoms. He re- 
 quired, and by the now irresistible interest of 
 the Independents he obtained, a declaration 
 from the House, that the Parliament would re- 
 ceive no further applications from Charles, and 
 make no addresses to him in future. 
 
 The unfortunate King, ^vhiic in the power 
 of this uncompromising faction, by whom his 
 authority seemed to be suspended, if not abo- 
 lished, ought to have been aware, that if he 
 w^as to succeed in any accommodation with 
 them at all, it could only be by accepting, 
 without delay or hesitation, such terms as they 
 were disposed to allow him. If he could have 
 succeeded in gratifying their principal ofllicers 
 by promises of wealth, rank, and distinction, 
 which were liberally tendered to them, it was 
 probable that their influence might have in- 
 duced their followers to acquiesce in his resto- 
 ration, especially if it afibrded the means of 
 disconcerting the plans of the Presbyterians. 
 But Charles ought, at the same time, to have 
 reflected, that any appearance of procrastina- 
 tion on his part, must give rise to suspicions 
 of his sincerity ; and that the Independents, 
 having once adopted an idea that he was tri- 
 fling with, or deceiving them, had none of that 
 sanctimonious respect for his title, or person, 
 that could prevent his experiencing the utmost 
 rigour. 
 
 Vol. I. 20
 
 230 CHARLES !b IMP'UieONMENT IN 
 
 The Independents and their military coun- 
 cil, accordingly, distrusting- the sincerity of 
 Charles, and feeling every day the increase of 
 their power, began to think of establishing it 
 on an entirely ditlerent basis from that of mo- 
 narchy. They withdrew from the King the 
 solemn marks of respect with which he had 
 been hitherto indulged, treated him with ne- 
 glect and incivility, confined his person more 
 closely, and permitted none to have access to 
 him, but such as had their confidence. 
 
 Alarmed at these ominous severities, Charles 
 now resolved to escape by flight, and left 
 Hampton Court accordingly. Unhappily, ei- 
 ther misled by his attendant or by his own 
 indiscretion, he took refuge in the Isle of 
 Wight, where the governor of Carisbrook 
 Castle was the friend of Cromwell, and a fierce 
 Independent. Here the unfortunate monarch 
 only fell into a captivity more solitary, more 
 severe, and more comfortless, than any which 
 he had yet experienced. He himself j)ointed out 
 to Sir Philip Warwick an old greyheaded do- 
 mestic who brought in wood to the lire, and 
 observed, that the conversation of that menial 
 was the best that he had been suffered to 
 enjoy for months. There is even reason to 
 think his life was aimed at, and that he was 
 encouraged to make an effort to escape from a 
 window in the castle, while a person was placed 
 in readiness to shoot him as he was engaged in 
 the attempt. 
 
 The council of war renounced all further 
 communication with Charles ; the Parliament,
 
 CARISEROOK CASTLE. 231 
 
 now under the Independent influence, sent 
 down Commissioners to treat, but with preli- 
 minary conditions harder than any yet ofiered 
 to him. Two resources remained to him — the 
 services of the disbanded loyaUsts, whom his 
 faithful adherents might again summon to 
 arms — but they were dispersed, disarmed, and 
 heart-broken ; or the assistance of the Scots — 
 but they were distant and disunited. Yet 
 Charles resolved to try his fortunes on this 
 perilous cast, rather than treat with the Par- 
 liament, influenced as it was by the army. 
 
 The presence of two Scottish Commission- 
 ers, who had accompanied those of the Parlia- 
 ment to Carisbrook, enabled Charles to execute 
 a secret treaty with them, by which he agreed 
 to confirm the Solemn League and Covenant, 
 establish Presbytery, at least for a season, and 
 concur in the extirpation of the Sectaries. 
 These articles, if they had been granted while 
 Charles was at Newcastle, would have been 
 sufficient to have prevented the surrender of his 
 person by the Scottish army ; but it was the 
 King's unfortunate lot,- on this, as on all former 
 occasions, to delay his concessions until they 
 came too late. 
 
 When this treaty (v/hicli was called the En- 
 gagement, because the Commissioners engaged 
 to restore the King by force of arm.s) was 
 presented to the Scottish Parliament, it was 
 approved by the more moderate part of the 
 Presbyterians, wlio were led by the Duke of 
 Hamilton, together with his brother the Earl 
 of Lanark, the Lord Chancellor Loudon, and
 
 232 THE ENGAGEMENT. 
 
 the Earl of Lauderdale ; this last being destined 
 to make a remarkable figure in the next reign. 
 But the majority of the Presbyterian clergy, 
 headed by the more zealous among their hear- 
 ers, declared that the concessions of the King 
 were totally insufficient to engage Scotland in 
 a new war, as affording no adequate cause for 
 a quarrel with England. This party was headed 
 by the Marquis of Argyle. 
 
 I may here mention respecting this noble- 
 man, that after Montrose's army was disbanded, 
 he had taken severe vengeance on the MacDo- 
 nalds, and other clans who had assisted in the 
 desolation of Argyleshire. Having the aid 
 of David Lesley, with a body of regular troops, 
 he reduced successively some forts into which 
 Alaster Macdonald (Colkitto) had thrown gar- 
 risons, and uniformly put the prisoners to the 
 sword. The MacDougals were almost exter- 
 minated in one indiscriminate slaughter, and 
 the Lamonts were put to death in another act 
 of massacre. Sir James Turner, an officer 
 who served under Lesley, lays the blame of 
 these inhumanities on a hard-hearted clergy- 
 man called Neaves. David Lesley was dis- 
 gusted at it, and when, after some such sangui- 
 nary execution, he saw his chaplain with his 
 shoes stained with blood, he asked him re- 
 proachfully, " Have you enough of it now, 
 Master .fohn?" 
 
 These atrocities, by whomsoever committed, 
 must have been perpetrated in revenge of the 
 sufferings of Argyle and his clan ; and to these 
 must be added the death of old Colkitto, who,
 
 CRUELTIES OF ARGYLE. 233 
 
 taken in one of these Highland forts, was tried 
 by a jury convened by authority of George 
 Campbell, the Sheriff Substitute of Argyle, 
 from whose sentence we are told very few- 
 escaped, and was executed of course. 
 
 All these grounds of offence having been 
 given to the Royalists, in a corner of the coun- 
 try where revenge was considered as a duty 
 and a virtue, it is not extraordinary that Argyle 
 should have objected most earnestly to the 
 Engagement, which was an enterprise in which 
 the King's interest was to be defended, with 
 more slender precautions against the Malig- 
 nants, than seemed consistent with the safety 
 of those who had been most violent against 
 them. Many of the best officers of the late 
 army declined to serve with the new levies, 
 until the Church should approve the cause of 
 quarrel. The Parliament, however, moved 
 by compassion for their native monarch, and 
 willing to obliterate the disgrace which at- 
 tached to the surrender of the King at New- 
 castle, appointed an army to be levied. The 
 kingdom was thus thrown into the utmost 
 confusion between the various factions of the 
 Engagers and their opponents. The civil ma- 
 gistrates, obeying the commands of the Parlia- 
 ment, ordered the subjects to assume arms 
 under pain of temporal punighrnent ; while the 
 clergy, from the pulpit, denounced tiie ven- 
 geance of Heaven against those who obeyed 
 
 he summons. 
 The Engagers prevailed so far as to raise a 
 
 «miultiiarv and ill-disciplined armv of about 
 20*
 
 234 THE ENGAGERS ENTER ENGLAND, 
 
 fifteen thousand men, which was commanded 
 by the Duke of Hamilton. This ill-fated no- 
 bleman deserved the praise of being a moderate 
 man during all the previous struggles ; and, 
 though loving his King, had always endea- 
 voured to reconcile his administration with the 
 rights, and even the prejudices, of his country- 
 men. But he had little decision of character, 
 and less military skill. While the Scots were 
 preparing their succours slowly, and with hesi- 
 tation, the English cavaliers, impatient at the 
 danger and captivity of the King, took arms. 
 But their insurrections were so ill connected 
 with each other, that they were crushed suc- 
 cessively, save in two cases, where the insur- 
 gents made themselves masters of Colchester 
 and Pembroke, in which towns they were in- 
 stantly besieged. 
 
 Hamilton ought to have advanced with all 
 speed to raise the siege of these places ; but 
 instead of this, he loitered away more than 
 forty days in Lancashire, until Cromwell came 
 upon him near Warrington, where head and 
 heart seem alike to have failed him. Without 
 even an attempt at resistance, he abandoned 
 his enterprise, and made a disorderly retreat, 
 leaving his artillery and baggage. Baillie, with 
 the infantry, being deserted by his General, 
 surrendered to the enemy at Uttoxeter; and 
 Hamilton himself, with the cavalry, took the 
 same deplorable course. None escaped save 
 a resolute body of men under the Earl of Ca- 
 lender, who broke through the enemy, and 
 forced their way back to their own country.
 
 AND ARE DEFEATED. 235 
 
 The news of this disaster flew to Scotland. 
 The refractory clergy took the merit of having 
 prophesied the downfall of the Engagers, and 
 stirred up the more zealous Presbyterians to 
 take possession of the government. Argyle 
 drew to arms in the Highlands, whilst the 
 western peasantry assembling, and headed by 
 their divines, repaired to Edinburgh. This in- 
 surrection was called the Whigamores' Raid, 
 from the word, whig, whig, that is, get on, get 
 on, which is used by the western peasants in 
 driving their horses, — a name destined to 
 become the distinction of a powerful party in 
 British history. 
 
 The Earl of Lanark was at the head of some 
 troops on the side of the Engagement, but, 
 afraid of provoking the English, in whose hands 
 his brother Hamilton was a prisoner, he made 
 no material opposition. Argyle became once 
 more the head of the government. It was 
 owing to this revolution that Cromwell ad- 
 vanced to the Borders, and, instead of finding 
 any enemies to fight with, was received by the 
 victorious Whigamores as a friend and brother. 
 Their horror at an army of Sectaries had been 
 entirely overpowered by their far more violent 
 repugnance to unite with Cavaliers and Malig- 
 nants. Cromwell, on that occasion, held much 
 intimate correspondence with Argyle ; which 
 made it generally believed that the Marquis 
 acquiesced in the violent measures which were 
 to be adopted by the successful General against 
 the captive King, whose fate was now decided 
 upon.
 
 236 THE king's death resolved on. 
 
 During these military* transactions, Charles 
 had been engaged in a new treaty with the Par- 
 liament, which was conducted at Newport. It 
 was set on foot in consequence of Cromwell's 
 absence with his army, which restored the Par- 
 liament to some freedom of debate, and the 
 Presbyterian members to a portion of their 
 influence. If any thing could have saved that 
 unfortunate Prince, it might have been by ac- 
 complisliing an agreement with the House of 
 Commons, while Hamilton's army was yet 
 entire, and before the insurrections of the 
 Royalists had been entirely suppressed. But 
 he delayed closing the treaty until the army 
 returned, flushed with victory over the English 
 Cavaliers and Scottish Engagers, and de- 
 nouncing vengeance on the head of the King, 
 whom they accused of being the sole author of 
 the civil war, and liable to punishment as such. 
 This became the language of the whole party. 
 The pulpits rung with the exhortations of the 
 military preachers, demanding that the King 
 should be given over, as a public enemy, to a 
 public trial. 
 
 It was in vain that Charles had at length, 
 with lingering reluctance, yielded every re- 
 quest which the Parliament could demand of 
 him. It was equally in vain that the Parlia- 
 ment had publicly declared that the concessions 
 made by the King were sufficient to form the 
 basis of a satisfactory peace. The army, stirred 
 up by their ambitious officers and fanatic 
 preachers, were resolved that Charles should 
 be put to an open and ignominious death ; and
 
 THE HIGH COURT OF JUSTICE. 237 
 
 a sufficient force of soldiery was stationed in 
 and around London to make resistance impossi- 
 ble, either on the part of the Presbyterians or 
 the Royalists. 
 
 In order to secure a majority in the House 
 of Commons, Colonel Pride, a man who had 
 been a brewer, drew up his regiment at the 
 doors of the House of Parliament, and in the 
 streets adjacent, and secured the persons of 
 upwards of one hundred and fifty members, 
 who, being supposed favourable to reconcilia- 
 tion with the King, were arrested and thrown 
 into prison. This act of violence was called 
 Pride's Purge. At the same time, the House 
 of Lords was shut up. The remainder of the 
 House of Commons, who alone were peiTnitted 
 to sit and vote, were all of the Independent 
 party, and ready to do whatever should be 
 required by the soldiers. 
 
 This remnant of a Parliament, under the 
 influence of the swords of their own soldiers, 
 proceeded to nominate what was called a High 
 Court of Justice for the trial of King Charles, 
 charged with treason, as they termed it, against 
 the people of England. The Court consisted 
 of one hundred and thirty persons, chosen from 
 the army, the Parliament, and from such of the 
 citizens of London as were affected to the pro- 
 posed change of government. Many of the 
 judges so nominated refused, notwithstanding, 
 to act upon such a commission. Meantime, 
 the great body of the English people beheld 
 these strange preparations with grief and ter- 
 ror. The Scots, broken by the defeat of Hamil-
 
 238 CHARACTER OF THE 
 
 ■' J rm 
 
 ton and the success of the Whigamores' Raid) 
 had no means of giving assistance. 
 
 Those who drove this procedure forward 
 were of different classes, urged by different 
 motives. 
 
 The higher officers of the army, Cromwell, 
 Ireton, and others, seeing they could not rise 
 by means of a treaty with Charles, had resolved 
 to dethrone and put him to death, in order to 
 establish a military government in their own 
 persons. These men had a distinct aim, and they 
 in some degree attained it. There were others 
 among the Independent party, who thought 
 they had offended the King so far beyond for- 
 giveness, that his deposition and death were 
 necessary for their own safety. But there 
 were also among the Independent members of 
 Parliament men of a nobler character. 
 
 There were statesmen who had bewildered 
 themselves with meditating upon theoretical 
 schemes, till they had fancied the possibility 
 of erecting a system of republican government 
 on the foundation of the ancient monarchy of 
 England. Such men, imposed on by a splendid 
 dream of unattainable freedom, imagined that 
 the violence put upon the Parliament by the 
 soldiery, and the death of the King, when it 
 should take place, were but necessary steps to 
 the establishment of this visionary fabric, like 
 the pulling down of an old edifice to make room 
 for a new building. 
 
 After this fimciful class of politicians, came 
 enthusiasts of another and coarser description, 
 influenced by the wild harangues of their
 
 ENGLIr^II REVOLUTIONISTS. 239 
 
 crack-brained preachers, who saw in Charles 
 not only the head of the enemies with whom 
 they had been contending for four years with 
 various fortune, but also a wicked King of 
 Amalekites, delivered up to them to be hewn 
 in pieces in the name of Heaven. Such were 
 the various motives which urged the actors in 
 this extraordinary scene. 
 
 The pretext by which they coloured these 
 proceedings was, that the King had levied war 
 against his people, to extend over them an un- 
 lawful authority. If this had been true in point 
 of fact, it was no ground of charge in point of 
 law ; for the constitution of England declares 
 that the King can do no wrong, that it<, cannot 
 be made responsible for any wrong which he 
 does. The vengeance of the laws, Avhen such 
 wrong is committed, is most justly directed 
 against those wicked ministers by whom the 
 culpable measure is contrived, and the agents 
 by w^hom it is executed. The constitution of 
 England wisely rests on the principle, that if 
 the counsellors and instruments of a prince's 
 pleasure are kept under wholesome terror of 
 the laws, there is no risk of the monarch, in his 
 own unassisted person, transgressing the limits 
 of his authority. 
 
 But in fact the King had not taken arms 
 against the Parliament to gain any neio and ex- 
 traordinary extent of power. It is no doubt 
 true, that the Parliament, when summoned to- 
 gether, had many just grievances to complain of; 
 but these were not, in general, innovations of 
 Charles, but such exertions of po^ver as had
 
 240 THE king's ARRAIGNMEiCT. 
 
 been customary in the four last reigns, when 
 the crown of England had been freed from the 
 restraint of the Barons, without being suffi- 
 ciently subjected to the control of the House of 
 Commons, representing the people at large. 
 They were, however, very bad precedents ; 
 and, since the King had shown a desire to fol- 
 low them, the Parliament were most justly 
 called upon to resist the repetition of old en- 
 croachments upon their liberty. 
 
 But before the war broke out, the King had 
 relinquished in favour of the Commons all they 
 had demanded. The ultimate cause of quarrel 
 was, which party should have the command of 
 the militia or public force of the kingdom. 
 This Avas.a constitutional part of the King's 
 prerogative ; for the executive power cannot 
 be sai4 to exist unless united with the power of 
 the sword. Violence on each side heightened 
 the general want of confidence. The Parlia- 
 ment, as has been before stated, garrisoned, 
 and held out the town of Hull ngainst Charles ; 
 and the King infringed the privileges of the 
 Commons, by coming with an armed train to 
 arrest five of their members during the sitting 
 of Parliament. So that the war must be justly 
 imputed to a train of long-protracted quarrels, 
 in which neither party could be termed wholly 
 right, and still less entirely wrong, but which 
 created so much jealousy on both sides as could 
 scarcely terminate otherwise than in civil 
 war. 
 
 The High Court of Justice, nevertheless, 
 was opened, and the King was brought to the
 
 TRIAL OF CHARLES I. 241 
 
 bar on 19th January, 1649. The soldiers, who 
 crowded tlie avenues, were taught to cry out for 
 justice upon the royal prisoner. When a by- 
 stander, aftected by the contrast betwixt the 
 King's present and former condition, could not 
 refrain from saying aloud, " God save your 
 Majesty," he was struck and beaten by the 
 guards around him — " A rude chastisement," 
 said the King, " for so slight an offence." 
 Charles behaved throughout the wliole of the 
 trying scene with the utmost dignity. He bore, 
 without complaining, the reproaches of mur- 
 derer and tyrant, which were showered on him 
 by the riotous soldiery ; and when a ruffian 
 spit in his face, the captive monarch wiped it 
 off with his handkerchief, and only said, "Poor 
 creatures ! for half a crown they would do the 
 same to their father." 
 
 When the deed of accusation, stated to he 
 in the name of the people of England, was read, 
 a voice from one of the galleries exclaimed, 
 "Not the tenth part of them?" Again, as the 
 names of the judges were called over, when 
 that of General Fairfax occurred, the same 
 voice replied, " He has more sense than to be 
 here." Upon the officer who commanded the 
 guard ordering the musketeers to fire into the 
 gallery from which the interruption came, the 
 speaker was discovered to be Lady Fairfax, 
 wife of Sir Thomas, the General of the forces, 
 and a daughter of the noble house Vere, who in 
 this manner declared her resentment at the ex- 
 traordinary scene. 
 
 The King, when placed at the bar, looked 
 Vol. I. 21
 
 242 EXECUTION OF CHARLES I. 
 
 around on the awful preparations for trial, on 
 the bench, crowded with avowed enemies, and 
 displaying what was still more painful, the 
 faces of one or two ungrateful friends, without 
 losing his steady composure. When the public 
 accuser began to speak, he touched him with 
 his staff, and sternly admonished him to for- 
 bear. He afterwards displayed both talent and 
 boldness in his own defence. He disowned 
 the authority of the novel and incompetent 
 court before which he was placed ; reminded 
 those who sat as his judges, that he was their 
 lawful King, answerable indeed to God for the 
 use of his power, but declared by the constitu- 
 tion incapable of doing wrong. Even if the 
 authority of the people were sufficient to place 
 him before the bar, he denied that it had been 
 obtained. The act of violence, he justly stated, 
 was the deed of a few daring men, who had 
 violated, by military force, the freedom of the 
 House of Commons, and altogether destroyed 
 the House of Peers. He declared that he 
 spoke not for himself, but for the sake of the 
 laws and liberties of England. 
 
 Though repeatedly interrupted by Bradshaw, 
 a lawyer, president of the pretended High 
 Court of Justice, Charles pronounced his de- 
 fence in a manly, yet temperate manner. Being 
 then three times called on to answer to the 
 charge, he as often declined the jurisdiction of 
 the Court. Sentence of death was then pro- 
 nounced, to be executed in front of the royal 
 palace, lately his own. 
 
 On the 30th January, 1649 Charles I. was
 
 EXECUTION Oi CHARLES I. 243 
 
 brought forth through one of the windows in 
 front of the Banqueting House at Whitehall, 
 upon a large scaffold hung witli black, and 
 closely surrounded with guards. Two exe- 
 cutioners in masks attended, (one wearing a 
 long grey beard,) beside a block and cushion. 
 Juxon, a bishop of the Church of England, 
 assisted the King's devotions. As Charles laid 
 his head on the block, he addressed to the 
 bishop, emphatically, the word, remember, and 
 then gave the ^i^^al for the fatal stroke. The 
 one executioner struck the head from the 
 shoulders at a single blow; the other held it 
 up, and proclaimed it the head of a traitor. 
 The soldiers shouted in triumph, but the mul- 
 titude generally burst out into tears and lament- 
 ations. 
 
 This tragic spectacle was far from accom- 
 plishing the purpose intended by those who 
 had designed it. On the contrary, the King's 
 serene and religious behaviour at his trial and 
 execution excited the sympathy and sorrow of 
 many who had been his enemies when in power; 
 the injustice and brutality which he bore with 
 so much dignity, overpowered the remembrance 
 of the errors of which he had been guilty ; and 
 the almost universal sense of the iniquity of 
 his sentence, was a principal cause of the 
 subsequent restoration of his family to the 
 throne.
 
 [ 244 ] 
 
 CHAP. XITI. 
 
 J\Iontrose makes a Descent upon the Highlands, 
 is taken Prisoner j and Executed — Charles 
 II. being declared King^ arrives in Scotland 
 — CromweWs Invasion of Scotland — Battle 
 of Dunbar — Coronation of Charles II. — He 
 takes the Command of the Army, marches 
 into E7igland, is defeated at Worcester, and 
 escapes abroad — War in Scotland under 
 General JMonk — Cromwell makes himself 
 Lord Protector of the Republics of Great 
 Britain and Ireland — Glencairn^s Rising — 
 Exploits of Evan Dhu, of Lochiel, Chi^ of 
 the Camerons. 
 
 The death of Charles I. was nowhere more 
 deeply resented than in his native country of 
 Scotland ; and their national pride was the more 
 hurt,, that they could not but be conscious that 
 the surrender of his person by the Scottish army 
 at Newcastle, was the event which contributed 
 immediately to place him in the hands of his 
 enemies. 
 
 The government, since the Whigamores' 
 Raid, had continued in the hands of Argyle and 
 the more rigid Presbyterians ; but even they, 
 no friends to the House of Stewart, were bound 
 by the Covenant which was their rule in all 
 things, to acknowledge the hereditary descent 
 of their ancient Kings, and call to the throne 
 Charles, the eldest son of the deceased mo-
 
 Montrose's descent. 245 
 
 narch, providing he would consent to unite with 
 his subjects in taking the Solemn League and 
 Covenant, for the support of Presbytery, and 
 the putting down of all other forms of religion. 
 
 The Scottish Parliament met, and resolved 
 accordingly to proclaim Charles II. their law- 
 ful sovereign ; but, at the same time, not to 
 admit him to the actual power as such, until he 
 should give security for the religion, unity, and 
 peace of the kingdoms. Commissioners were 
 sent to wait upon Charles, who had retreated 
 to the continent, in order to offer him the 
 throne of Scotland on these terms. 
 
 The young Prince had already around him 
 counsellors of a different character. The cele- 
 brated Marquis of Montrose, and other Scottish 
 nobles, few in number, but animated by their 
 leader's courage and zeal, advised him to reject 
 the proposal of the Presbyterians to recall him 
 to the royal dignity on such conditions, and 
 offered their swords and lives to place him on 
 the throne by force of arms. 
 
 It appears that Charles II., who never had 
 any deep sense of integrity, was willing to treat 
 with each of these parties at one and the same 
 time, and that he granted a commission to the 
 Marquis to attempt a descent on Scotland, tak- 
 ing the chance of what might be accomplished 
 by his far-famed fortune and dauntless enter- 
 prise, while he kept a negotiation afloat with 
 the Presbyterian commissioners, in case of 
 Montrose's failure. 
 
 That intrepid but rash enthusiast embarked 
 at Hamburgh with some arms and treasure,
 
 246 MONTROSE TAKEN PRISONER, 
 
 supplied by the northern courts of Europe. His 
 fame drew around him a few of the emigrant 
 Royalists, chiefly Scottish, and he recruited 
 about six hundred German mercenaries. His 
 first descent was on the Orkney Islands, where 
 he forced to arms a few hundred unwarlike 
 fishermen. He next disembarked on the main- 
 land ; but the natives fled from him, remember- 
 ing the former excesses of his army. Strachan, 
 an ofiicer under Lesley, came upon the Mar- 
 quis by surprise, near a pass called Inverchar- 
 ron, on the confines of Ross-shire. The Ork- 
 ney men made but little resistance ; the Ger- 
 mans retired to a wood, and there surrendered; 
 the few Scottish companions of Montrose 
 fought bravely, but in vain. Many gallant 
 cavaliers were made prisoners. 
 
 Montrose, when the day was irretrievably 
 lost, threw off his cloak bearing the star, and 
 afterwards changed clothes with an ordinary 
 Highland kern, that he might endeavour to ef- 
 fect his escape. Exhausted with fatigue and 
 hunger, he was at length taken by a Ross-shire 
 chief, Mac-Leod of Assint, who happened to 
 be out with a party of his men in arms. The 
 Marquis discovered himself to this man, think- 
 ing himself secure of favour, since Assint had 
 been once his own follower. But tempted by 
 a reward of four hundred bolls of meal, this 
 wretched laird delivered his old commander 
 to the unfriendly hands of David Lesley. 
 
 The Covenanters, when he who had so often 
 made them tremble, was at length delivered 
 into their hands, celebrated their victory with
 
 AND PLACED IN CONFINEMENT. 347 
 
 all the exultation of mean, timid, and sullen 
 spirits, suddenly released from apprehension ot* 
 imminent danger. Montrose was dragged in a 
 sort of triumph from town to town, in the mean 
 garb in which he had disguised himself for 
 flight. To the honour of the town of Dundee, 
 which, you will recollect, had been partly 
 plundered, and partly burnt by his forces, 
 during his eventful progress in 1645, the citi- 
 zens of that town were the first who supplied 
 their fallen foe with clothes befitting his rank, 
 with money, and with necessaries. The Mar- 
 quis himself must have felt this as a severe re- 
 buke for the wasteful mode in which he had 
 carried on his warfare ; and it was a still more 
 piercing reproach to the unworthy victors, 
 who now triumphed over an heroic enemy in 
 the same manner as they would have done over 
 a detected felon. 
 
 While Montrose was confined in the house 
 of the Laird of Grange, he had almost made 
 his escape through the bold stratagem of the 
 Laird's wife, a descendant of the house of So- 
 merville. This lady's address had drenched 
 the guards with liquor ; and the Marquis, dis- 
 guised in a female dress, with which she had 
 furnished him, had already passed the sleeping 
 sentinels, Avhen he was challeng,ed and stopped 
 by a half-drunken soldier, who had been ram- 
 bling about without any duty or purpose. The 
 alarm being given, he was again secured, and 
 the lady's plot was of no avail. She escaped 
 punishment only by her husband's connexion 
 with the ruling party.
 
 248 ]>fONTROSE's SENTENCE. 
 
 Before Montrose reached Edinburgh, he had 
 been condemned by the Parliament to tlie 
 death of a traitor. The sentence was pro- 
 nounced, without further trial, upon an act of 
 attainder passed whilst he Avas plundering Ar- 
 gyle in the winter of 1644; and it was studious- 
 ly aggravated by every species of infamy. 
 
 The Marquis was, according to the special 
 order of Parliament, met at the gates by the 
 magistrates, attended by the common hangman, 
 who was clad for the time in his own livery. 
 He was appointed, as the most infamous mode 
 of execution, to be hanged on a gibbet thirty 
 feet high, his head to be planted on the tol- 
 booth, or prison of Edinburgh, his body to be 
 quartered, and his limbs to be placed over the 
 gates of the principal towns of Scotland. Ac- 
 cording to the sentence, he was conducted to 
 jail on a cart, bound and bareheaded, the horse 
 led by the executioner, wearing his bonnet, and 
 the noble prisoner exposed to the scorn of the 
 people, who were expected to hoot at him and 
 revile him. But the rabble, who came out with 
 the rudest purposes, relented when they saw 
 the dignity of his bearing ; and silence, accom- 
 panied by the sighs and tears of the crowd, at- 
 tended the progress, which his enemies had de- 
 signed should excite other emotions. The only 
 observation he made was, that " the ceremonial 
 of his entrance had been somewhat fatiguing 
 and tedious." 
 
 He appeared before the Parliament, to hear 
 the terms of his sentence, with the same manly 
 indifference. He gazed around on his asseni-
 
 Montrose's sentence. 249 
 
 bled enemies with as miicli composure as the 
 most unconcerned spectator ; heard Loudon, 
 the Chancellor, upbraid him, in a long and vio- 
 lent declamation, with the breach of both the 
 first and second Covenant ; Avith his cruel wars 
 at the head of the savage Irish and Highland- 
 men ; and with the murders, treasons, and con- 
 flagrations, which they had occasioned. 
 
 When the Chancellor had finished, Montrose 
 with difliiculty got permission to reply. He told 
 the Parliament, with his usual boldness, that if 
 he appeared before them uncovered, and ad- 
 dressed them with respect, it was only because 
 the King had acknowledged their assembly, by 
 entering into a treaty with them. He admitted 
 he had taken the first, or National Covenant, 
 and had acted upon it so long as it was confined 
 to its proper purposes, but had dissented from 
 and opposed those who had used it as a covert 
 for assailing the royal authority. " The second, 
 or Solemn League and Covenant," he said, 
 *' he had never taken, and was in no respect 
 bound by it. He had made war by the King's 
 express commission ; and although it was im- 
 possible, in the course of hostilities, absolutely 
 to prevent acts of military violence, he had al- 
 ways disowned and punished such irregulari- 
 ties. He had never," he said, " spilt the blood 
 of a prisoner, even in retaliation of the cold- 
 blooded murder of his officers and friends — 
 nay, he had spared the lives of thousands in the 
 very shock of battle. His last undertaking," 
 he continued, " was carried on at the express 
 command of Charles IL, whom they had pro-
 
 250 EXECUTION OF MONTROSE. 
 
 claimed their sovereign, and with whom they 
 were treating as such. Therefore, he desired 
 to be used by them as a man and a Christian, to 
 whom many of them had been indebted for life 
 and property, when the fate of war had placed 
 both in his power. He required them, in con- 
 clusion, to proceed with him according to the 
 laws of nature and nations, but especially ac- 
 cording to those of Scotland, as they themselves 
 would expect to be judged when they stood at 
 the bar of Almighty God." 
 
 The sentence already mentioned was then 
 read to the undaunted prisoner, on which he 
 observed, he v/as more honoured in having his 
 head set on the prison, for the cause in which 
 he died, than he would have been in having his 
 picture in the King's bed-chamber. As to the 
 distribution of his limbs, he said he wished he 
 had flesh enough to send some to each city of 
 Europe, in memory of the cause in which he 
 died. He spent the night in reducing these 
 ideas into poetry. 
 
 Early on the morning of the next day he was 
 awakened by the drums and trumpets calling 
 out the guards, by order of Parliament, to at- 
 tend on his execution. "Alas!" he said, "I 
 have given these good folks much trouble while 
 alive, and do I continue to be a terror to them 
 on the day I am to die ?" 
 
 The clergy importuned him, urging repent- 
 ance of his sins, and offering, on his expressing 
 such compunction, to relieve him from the sen- 
 tence of excommunication, under which he la- 
 boured. He calmly replied, that though the
 
 EXECUTION OF MONTROSE. 251 
 
 excommunication had been rashly pronounced, 
 yet it gave him pain, and he desired to be freed 
 from it, if a relaxation could be obtained, by 
 expressing- penitence for his offences as a man ; 
 but that he had committed none in his duty to 
 his prince and country, and had none to ac- 
 knowledge or repent of. 
 
 Johnstone of Wariston, an eminent Cove- 
 nanter, intruded himself on the noble prisoner, 
 while he was combing the long curled hair, 
 which he wore as a cavalier. Wariston, a 
 gloomy fanatic, hinted as if it were but an idle 
 employment at so solemn a time. " I will ar- 
 range my head as I please to-day, while it is 
 still my own," answered Montrose ; " to-mor- 
 row it will be yours, and you may deal with it 
 as you list." 
 
 The Marquis walked on foot from the prison 
 to the Grassmarket, the common place of exe- 
 cution for the basest felons, where a gibbet of 
 extraordinary height, with a scaffold covered 
 with black cloth, were erected. Here he was 
 again pressed by the Presbyterian clergy to 
 own his guilt. Their cruel and illiberal offi- 
 ciousness, could not disturb the serenity of his 
 temper. 
 
 To exaggerate the infamy of his punishment, 
 or rather to show the mean spite of his ene- 
 mies, a book, containing the printed history of 
 his exploits, was hung around his neck by the 
 hangman. This insult, likewise, he treated 
 with contempt, saying he accounted such a re- 
 cord of his services to his prince as a symbol 
 equally honourable with the badge of the Gar-
 
 252 EXECUTION OF MONTROSE. 
 
 ter, which the King had bestowed on him. In 
 all other particulars, Montrose bore himself 
 with the same calm dignity, and finally submit- 
 ted to execution with such resolved courage, 
 that many, even of his bitterest enemies, wept 
 on the occasion. He suffered on the 21st 
 May, 1650. 
 
 Argyle, the mortal foe of Montrose, exulted 
 in private over the death of his enemy, but ab- 
 stained from appearing in Parliament when he 
 was condemned, and from witnessing his exe- 
 cution. He is even said to have shed tears 
 when he heard the scene rehearsed. His son, 
 Lord Lorn, was less scrupulous ; he looked on 
 his feudal enemy's last moments, and even 
 watched the blows of the executioner's axe, 
 while he dissevered the head from the body. 
 His cruelty was requited in the subsequent 
 reign ; and indeed Heaven soon after made 
 manifest the folly, as well as guilt, which de- 
 stroyed this celebrated commander, at a time 
 when approaching war might have rendered his 
 talents invaluable to his country. 
 
 Other noble Scottish blood was spilt at the 
 same time, both at home and in England. The 
 Marquis of Huntly, who had always acted for 
 the King, though he had injured his affairs by 
 his hesitation to co-operate with Montrose, 
 was beheaded at Edinburgh ; and Urry, who 
 had been sometimes the enemy, sometimes the 
 follower of Montrose, was executed with others 
 of the Marquis's principal followers. 
 
 The unfortunate Duke of Hamilton, a man 
 of a gentle but indecisive character, was taken,
 
 EXECUTION OF OTHER ROYALISTS. 253 
 
 as I have told you, in his attempt to invade 
 England and deliver the King, whom he 
 seems to have served with fidelity, though he 
 fell under his suspicion, and even suffered a 
 long imprisonment by the royal order. While 
 he was confined at Windsor, Charles, previous 
 to his trial, was brought there by the soldiers. 
 The dethroned King was permitted a momen- 
 tary interview with the subject, who had lost 
 fortune and liberty in his cause. Hamilton 
 burst into tears, and flung himself at the King*9 
 feet, exclaiming, " My dear master !" — " I 
 have been a dear master to you indeed," said 
 Charles, kindly raising him. 
 
 After the execution of the King, Hamilton, 
 with the Earl of Holland, Lord Capel, and 
 others, who had promoted the rising of the 
 royalists on different points, were condemned 
 to be beheaded. A stout old cavalier. Sir 
 John Owen, was one of the number. When the 
 sentence was pronounced, he exclaimed it was 
 a great honour to a poor W^elsh knight to be 
 beheaded with so many nobles, adding, with an 
 oath, " I thought they would have hanged 
 me." This gallant old man's life was spared, 
 when his companions in misfortune were 
 executed. 
 
 While these bloody scenes were proceeding, 
 the Commissioners of the Scottish Parliament 
 continued to carry on the treaty with King 
 Charles. He had nearly broken it off, when 
 Montrose's execution was reported to him ; but 
 a sense of his own duplicity in maintaining a 
 treaty with the Parliament, while he gave Moii- 
 
 VoL. I. 23
 
 254 STATE OF PARTIES IN SCOTLAND. 
 
 trose a commission to invade and make war on 
 them, smothered his complaints on the subject. 
 At length Charles, seeing no other resource, 
 agreed to accept the crown of Scotland on the 
 terms offered, which were those of the most 
 absolute compliance with the will of the Scot- 
 tish Parliament in civil affairs, and with the 
 pleasure of the General Assembly of the Kirk 
 in ecclesiastical concerns. Above all, the 
 young King promised to take upon him the 
 obligations of the Solemn League and Cove- 
 nant, and to further them by every means in 
 his power. On these conditions the treaty 
 was concluded ; Charles sailed from Holland, 
 and arriving on the coast of Scotland, landed 
 near the "mouth of the river Spey, and advanced 
 to Stirling. 
 
 Scotland was at this time divided into three 
 parties, highly unfriendly to each other. There 
 were first, the rigid Presbyterians, of whom 
 Argyle was the leader. This was the faction 
 which had since the Whigamores' Raid been in 
 possession of the supreme power of govern- 
 ment, and with their leaders the King had 
 made his treaty in Holland. Secondly, the 
 moderate Presbyterians, called the Engagers, 
 who had joined with Hamilton in his incursion 
 into England. These were headed by the Earl 
 of Lanark, who succeeded to the dukedom of 
 Hamilton on the execution of his brother ; by 
 Lauderdale, a man of very considerable ta- 
 lents ; Dunfermline, and others. Thirdly, 
 there were the absolute Loyalists, friends and 
 foliowers of ;>Jontrose ; such as the Marquis of
 
 RECEPTION OF CHARLES II. 255 
 
 Himtly, Lord Ogilvy, a few other nobles and 
 gentlemen, and perhaps some Highland chiefs, 
 too ignorant and too distant to have any influ- 
 ence in state affairs. 
 
 As all these three parties acknowledged, with 
 more or less warmth, the sovereignty of King 
 Charles, it might have seemed no very difficult 
 matter to have united them in the same patri- 
 otic purpose of maintaining the national inde- 
 pendence of the kingdom. But successful re- 
 sistance to the English was a task to which the 
 ruling party thought themselves perfectly com- 
 petent ; they entertained the most presumptu- 
 ous confidence in tlieir own strength, and their 
 clergy assured them, that so far from the aid 
 of either Engagers or Malignants being profit- 
 able to them in the common defence, the pre- 
 sence of any such profane assistants would 
 draw doAvn the curse of Heaven on the cause, 
 which, trusted to the hands of true Covenanters 
 only, could not fail to prosper. 
 
 Argyle, therefore, and his friends, received 
 the young King with all the outward gestures 
 of profound respect. But they took care to give 
 him his will in no one particular. They exclu- 
 ded from attendance on his person all his Eng- 
 lish adherents, suspicious of their attachment 
 to Prelacy and malignant opinions. The minis- 
 ters beset him with exhortations and sermons 
 of immoderate length, introduced on all occa- 
 sions, and exhausting the patience of a young 
 prince, whose strong sense of the ridiculous, 
 and impatience of serious subjects, led him to 
 receive with heartfelt contempt and disgust the
 
 256 PRESBYTERIAN CLERGY. 
 
 homely eloquence of the long-winded orators. 
 The preachers also gave him offence hy choos- 
 ing frequently for their themes the sins of his 
 father, the idolatry of his mother, who was 
 a Catholic, and his own ill-disguised dispo- 
 sition to malignity. They numbered up the 
 judgments which, they affirmed, these sins had 
 brought on his father's house, and they prayed 
 that they might not be followed by similar 
 punishments upon Charles himself. These ill- 
 timed and ill-judged admonitions were so often 
 repeated, as to impress on the young King's 
 mind a sensation of dislike and disgust, with 
 which he remembered the Presbyterian preach- 
 ers as long as he lived. 
 
 Sometimes their fanaticism and want of 
 judgment led to ridiculous scenes. It is said, 
 that upon one occasion a devout lady, who 
 lived opposite to the royal lodgings, saw from 
 her window the young King engaged in a game 
 at cards, or some other frivolous amusement, 
 which the rigour of the Covenanters denounced 
 as sinful. The lady communicated this import- 
 ant discovery to her minister, and it reached 
 the ears of the Commission of the Kirk, who 
 named a venerable member of their body to re- 
 buke the monarch personally for this act of 
 backsliding. The clergyman to whom this 
 delicate commission was intrusted, was a 
 shrewd old man, who saw no great wisdom in 
 the proceeding of liis brethren, but executed 
 their commands with courtly dexterity, and 
 summed up his ghostly admonition with a re- 
 quest, that when his Majesty indulged in simi-
 
 Cromwell's invasion of Ireland. 257 
 
 lar recreations, he would be pleased to take the 
 precaution of shutting the windows. The King 
 laughed, and was glad to escape so well from 
 the apprehended lecture. But events were 
 fast approaching which had no jesting aspect. 
 
 England, to which you must now turn your 
 attention, had totally changed its outward con- 
 stitution since the death of the king. Crom- 
 well, who, using the victorious army as his 
 tools, w^as already in the real possession of the 
 supreme power, had still more tasks than one 
 to accomplish, before he dared venture to as- 
 sume the external appearance of it. He suf- 
 fered, therefore, the diminished and mutilated 
 House of Commons to exist for a season, du- 
 ring which the philosophical Republicans of 
 the party passed resolutions that monarchy 
 should never be again established in England ; 
 that the power of the Executive Government 
 should be lodged in a Council of State ; and 
 that the House of Lords should be abolished. 
 
 Meantime, Cromwell led in person a part of 
 his victorious army to Ireland, which had been 
 the scene of more frightful disorders than Eng- 
 land, or even Scotland. These had begun by 
 the Catholic inhabitants rising upon the Pro- 
 testants, and murdering many thousands of 
 them in what was termed the Irish Massacre. 
 This had been followed by a general war be- 
 tween the religions ; but at length the address 
 of the Duke of Ormond, as devoted a loyalist 
 as Montrose, contrived to engage a large por- 
 tion of the Catholics on the side of Charles ; 
 and Ireland became the place of refuge to all 
 22*
 
 258 Cromwell's INVASION 
 
 the Cavaliers, or remains of the royal party, 
 who began to assume a formidable appearance 
 in that island. 
 
 The arrival of Cromwell suddenly changed 
 this gleam of fortune into cloud and storm. 
 Wherever this fated General appeared he was 
 victorious, and in Ireland, in order perhaps to 
 strike terror into a fierce people, for Oliver 
 Cromwell was not blood-thirsty by disposition, 
 he made dreadful execution among the van- 
 quished, particularly at the storming of the 
 town of Drogheda, where his victorious troops 
 spared neither sex nor age. He now returned 
 to England, with even greater terror attached 
 to his name than before. 
 
 The new Commonwealth of England had no 
 purpose that the son of the King whom they 
 had put to death, should be sufibred to estab- 
 lish himself quietly in the sister kingdom of 
 Scotland, and enjoy the power when opportu- 
 nity offered of again calling to arms his nume- 
 rous adherents in England, and disturbing or 
 perhaps destroying their new-modelled repub- 
 lic. They were resolved to prevent this dan- 
 ger by making war on Scotland, whilst still 
 weakened by her domestic dissensions ; and 
 compelling her to adopt the constitution of a re- 
 public, to become confederated with their own. 
 This proposal was of course haughtily rejected 
 by the Scots, as it implied a renunciation at 
 once of King and Kirk, and a total alteration 
 of the Scottish constitution in civil and ecclesi- 
 astical government. The ruling parties of both 
 nations, therefore, prepared for the contest.
 
 OF SCOTLAND. 259 
 
 The rigid Presbyterians in Scotland showed 
 now a double anxiety to exclude from their 
 army all, however otherwise well qualified to 
 assist in such a crisis, whom they regarded as 
 suspicious in point of doctrine, whether as ab- 
 solute Malignants, or as approaching nearer to 
 their own doctrines, by professing a moderate 
 and tolerant attachment to Presbytery. 
 
 Yet even without the assistance of these ex- 
 cluded parties, the Convention of Estates as- 
 sembled a line army, full of men enthusiastic 
 in the cause in which they were about to fight ; 
 and feeling all the impulse which could be 
 given by the rude eloquence of their favourite 
 ministers. Unfortunately the preachers were 
 not disposed to limit themselves to the task of 
 animating the courage of the soldiers ; but 
 were so presumptuous as to interfere with, and 
 control the plans of the General, and move- 
 ments of the army. 
 
 The army of England, consisting almost en- 
 tirely of Independents, amongst whom any 
 man who chose might exert the office of a cler- 
 gyman, had a resemblance to the Presbyterian 
 troops of Scotland, for both armies professed 
 to appeal to Heaven for the justice of their 
 cause ; and both resounded with psalms, pray- 
 ers, exhortations, and religious exercises, to 
 confirm the faith, and animate the zeal of the 
 soldiers. 
 
 Both used the same language in their pro- 
 clamations against each other, and it was such 
 as implied a war rather on account of religion 
 than of temporal interests. The Scottish pro
 
 It&O Cromwell's invasion 
 
 clamations declared the army commanded by 
 Cromwell to be an union of the most perverse 
 heretical sectaries, of every different persua- 
 sion, agreeing in nothing, saving their desire 
 to effect the ruin of the unity and discipline of 
 the Christian Church, and the destruction of 
 the Covenant, to which most of their leaders 
 had sworn fidelity. The army of Cromwell 
 replied to them in the same style. They de- 
 clared that they valued the Christian Churches 
 ten thousand times more than their own lives. 
 They protested that they were not only a rod 
 of iron to dash asunder the common enemies, 
 but a hedge (though unworthy) about the di- 
 vine vineyard. As for the Covenant, they 
 protested that, would it not seem to make it an 
 object of idolatry, they would be content, if 
 called upon to encounter the Scots in this quar- 
 rel, to place the Covenant on the point of their 
 pikes, and let God himself judge whether they 
 or their of)ponents had best observed the ob- 
 ligations of that national engagement. 
 
 Although the contending nations thus nearly 
 resembled each other in their ideas and lan- 
 guage, there was betwixt the Scottish and Eng- 
 lish soldiers one difference, and it proved a 
 material one. In the English army the offi- 
 cers insisted upon being preachers, and though 
 their doctrine was wild enough, their igno- 
 rance of theology had no effect on military 
 events. But with the Scots, the Presbyterian 
 clergy were unhappily seized Mdth the opposite 
 rage of acting as officers and generals, and 
 their skill in their own profession of divinity
 
 OF SCOTLAND. 261 
 
 could not redeem the errors which they com* 
 mitted in the art of war. 
 
 Fairfax having declined the command of the 
 English army, his conscience (for he was a 
 Presbyterian) not permitting him to engage in 
 the war, Cromwell accepted with joy the su- 
 preme military authority, and prepared for the 
 invasion of Scotland. 
 
 The wars between the sister kingdoms seem- 
 ed now about to be rekindled, after the interval 
 of two ihixdt. Cx a century ; and notwithstand- 
 ing the greatly superior power of England, 
 there was no room for absolute confidence in 
 her ultimate success. The Scots, though di- 
 vided into parties, so far as church government 
 was concerned, were unanimous in acknow- 
 ledging the right of King Charles, whereas the 
 English were far from making common cause 
 against his claims. On the contrary, if the 
 stern army of Sectaries, now about to take the 
 field, should sustain any great disaster, the Ca- 
 valiers of England, with great part of the 
 Presbyterians in that country, were alike 
 disposed to put the King once more at the 
 head of the government ; so that the fate not 
 of Scotland alone, but of England also, was 
 committed to the event of the present war. 
 
 Neither were the armies and generals op- 
 posed to each other unworthy of the struggle. 
 If the army of Cromwell consisted of veteran 
 soldiers, inured to constant victory, that of 
 Scotland was fresh, numerous, and masters of 
 their own strong country, which was the des- 
 tined scene of action. If Cromwell had defeated
 
 262 Cromwell's invasion 
 
 the most celebrated generals of the Cavaliers, 
 David Lesley, the effective commander-in-chief 
 in Scotland, had been victor over Montrose, 
 more renowned perhaps than any of them. If 
 Cromwell was a general of the most decisive 
 character, celebrated for the battles which he 
 liad won, Lesley was, by early education, a 
 trained soldier, more skilful than his antagonist 
 in taking positions, defending passes, and all 
 the previous arrangements of a campaign. 
 With these advantages on the different sides, 
 the eventual struggle commenced. 
 
 Early in the summer of 1650, Cromwell in- 
 vaded Scotland at the head of his veteran and 
 well-disciplined troops. But, on marching 
 through Berwickshire and East-Lothian, he 
 found that the country was abandoned by the 
 population, and stripped of every thing which 
 could supply the hostile army. Nothing was 
 to be seen save old spectre-looking women, 
 clothed in white flannel, who told the English 
 officers that all tlie men had taken arms, under 
 command of the Barons. 
 
 Subsisting chiefly on the provisions .supplied 
 by a fleet, which, sailing along the coast, 
 accompanied his movements, the English Ge- 
 neral approached the capital, where Lesley had 
 settled Iiis head-quarters. The right wing of 
 the Scottish army rested upon the high grounds 
 at the rise of Arthur's Seat, and the left wing 
 was posted at Lcith, while the high bank, for- 
 merly called Lcith Walk, made a part of his 
 lines, which, defend(;d by a numerous artillery, 
 completely protected the metropolis. Crom-
 
 OF SCOTLAND. 263 
 
 well skirmished with the Scottish advanced 
 posts near to Restalrig, but his cuirassiers were 
 so warmly encountered, that they gained no 
 advantage, and their General was obliged to 
 withdraw to Musselburgh. His next effort 
 was made from the westward. 
 
 The English army made a circuit to Collin- 
 ton, Redhall, and other places near to the east- 
 ern extremity of the Pentland Hills, from which 
 Cromwell hoped to advance on Edinburgh. But 
 Lesley was immediately on his guard. He left 
 his position betwixt Edinburgh and Leith, and 
 took one which covered the city to the west- 
 ward, and was protected by the Water of Leith, 
 and the several cuts, drains, and mill-leads, at 
 Saughton, Coltbridge, and the houses and vil- 
 lages in that quarter. Here Cromwell again 
 found the S(!ots in order of battle, and again was 
 obliged to withdraw after a distant cannonade. 
 
 The necessity of returning to the neighbour- 
 hood of his fleet, obliged Cromv/ell to march 
 back to his encampment at Musselburgh. Nor 
 was he permitted to remain there in quiet. At 
 the dead of night, a strong body of cavalry, 
 called the regiment of the Kirk, well armed at 
 all points, broke into the English lines, with 
 loud cries of, " God and the Kirk ! all is ours." 
 It was with some difiiculty that Cromwell ral- 
 lied his soldiers upon this sudden alarm, in 
 which he sustained considerable loss, though 
 the assailants were finally compelled to retreat. 
 
 The situation of the English army now be- 
 came critical ; — their provisions were like to 
 be exhausted, the communication with the fleet
 
 264 Cromwell's invasion of Scotland. 
 
 grew daily more precarious, while Lesley, with 
 the same prudence which had hitherto guided 
 his defence, baffled all the schemes of the Eng- 
 lish leader, without exposing his army to the 
 risk of a general action, until Cromwell, fairly 
 outgeneralled by the address of his enemy, was 
 compelled to retire towards England. 
 
 Lesley, on his part, left his lines without 
 delay, for the purpose of intercepting the re- 
 treat of the English. Moving by a shorter line, 
 he took possession with his army of the skirts 
 of Lammermoor, a ridge of hills terminating on 
 the sea near the town of Dunbar, abounding 
 with difficult passes, all of which he occupied 
 strongly. Here he proposed to await the at- 
 tack of the English, with every chance, nay, 
 almost with the certainty, of gaining a great 
 and decisive victory. 
 
 Cromwell was reduced to much perplexity. 
 To force his way, ifc was necessary to attack a 
 tremendous pass called Cockburn's path, where, 
 according to Cromwell's own description, one 
 man might do more to defend, than ten to make 
 way. And if he engaged in this desperate en- 
 terprise, he was liable to be attacked by the nu- 
 merous forces of Lesley in flank and rear. He 
 saw all the danger, and entertained thoughts of 
 embarking his foot on board of his ships, and 
 cutting his own way as he best could, at the 
 head of his cavalry. 
 
 At this moment, the interference of the Pres- 
 byterian preachers, and the influence which 
 they possessed over the Scottish army and 
 General, ruined this fair promise of successw
 
 CATTLE OF DUNBAR. 265 
 
 In spite of all the prudent remonstrances of 
 Lesley, they insisted that the Scottish army 
 should be led from their strong position, to 
 attack the English upon equal ground. This, 
 in the language of Scripture, they called going 
 doAvn against the Philistines at Gilgal. 
 
 Cromwell had slept at the Duke of Rox- 
 burghe's house, called Broxmouth, and his 
 army were stationed in the park there, when 
 he received news that the Scots were leaving 
 their fastnesses, and about to hazard battle. 
 He exclaimed, " that God had delivered them 
 into his hands ;" and calling for his horse, 
 placed himself at the head of his troops. 
 Coming to the head of a regiment of Lanca- 
 shire men, he found one of their oihcers, while 
 they Avere in the act of marching to battle, in 
 a lit of sudden enthusiasm holding forth or 
 preaching to his men. Cromwell also listened, 
 and seemed affected by his discourse. At this 
 moment the sun showed his broad orb on the 
 level surface of the sea, which is close to the 
 scene of action. " Let the Lord arise," he 
 said, " and let his enemies be scattered ;" and 
 presently after, looking upon the field where 
 the battle had noAv commenced, he added, " I 
 profess they flee." 
 
 Cromwell's hopes did not deceive him. The 
 hasty Scottish levies, thus presumptuously op- 
 posed to the veteran soldiers of Cromwell, 
 proved unequal to standing the shock. Two 
 regiments fought bravely, and were almost all 
 cut off; but the greater part of Lesley's army 
 fell into confusion without much resistance. 
 
 Vol. I. 23
 
 266 Cromwell's invasion 
 
 Great slaughter ensued, and many prisoners 
 were made, v/hom the cruelty of the English 
 government destined to a fate liitherto un- 
 know^n in Christian warfare. They transport- 
 ed to the English settlements in America those 
 unfortunate captives, subjects of an indepen- 
 dent kingdom, who bore arms by order of their 
 iDwn lawful government, and there sold them 
 for slaves. 
 
 The decisive defeat at Dunbar opened the 
 whole of the south of Scotland to Cromwell. 
 The Independents found a fev/ friends and bro- 
 ther sectaries among the gentry, who had been 
 hitherto deterred, by the fear of the Presbyte- 
 rians, from making their opinions public. Al- 
 most all the strong places on the south side of 
 the Forth were won by the arms of the English, 
 or yielded by the timidity of their defenders- 
 Edinburgh Castle was surrendered, not without 
 suspicion of gross treachery ; and Tantallon, 
 Hume, Roslin, and Borthwick, with other fort- 
 resses, fell into their hands. 
 
 Internal dissension added to the calamitous 
 state of Scotland. The Committee of Estates, 
 with the King, and the remainder of Lesley's 
 army, retreated to Stirling, where they still 
 hoped to make a stand, by defending the passes 
 of the Forth. A Parliament, held at Perth, 
 were in this extremity disposed to relax in the 
 extreme rigour of their exclusive doctrines, 
 and to admit into the army, which they labour- 
 ed to reinforce, such of the moderate Presby- 
 terians, or Engagers, and even of the Royalists
 
 OF SCOTLAND. 267 
 
 and Malignants, as inclined to make a formal 
 confession of their former errors. 
 
 The Royalists readily enough complied with 
 this requisition ; but as their pretended repent- 
 ance was generally regarded as a mere farce, 
 submitted to that they might obtain leave to 
 bear arms for the King, the stricter Presbyteri- 
 ans regarded this compromise with Malignants 
 as a sinful seeking for help from Egypt. The 
 Presbyterians of the western countries, in parti- 
 cular, carried this oj^inion so far, as to think 
 this period of national distress an auspicious 
 time for disclaiming the King's interest and ti- 
 tle. Refusing to allow that the victory of Dun- 
 bar was owing to the military skill of Cromwell, 
 and the disciplined valour of his troops, they 
 set it down as a chastisement justly inflicted on 
 the Scottish nation for espousing the Royal 
 cause. Under this separate banner there as- 
 sembled an army of about four thousand men, 
 commanded by Kerr and Strachan. They were 
 resolved, at the same time, to oppose the En- 
 glish invasion, and to fight w'ith the King's 
 forces, and thus embroil the kingdom in a 
 threefold war. The leaders of this third party, 
 who were called Remonstrators, made a smart 
 attack on a large body of English troops, sta- 
 tioned in Hamilton, under General Lambert, 
 and were at first successful; but falling into 
 disorder, owing to their very success, they were 
 ultimately defeated. Kerr, one of their leaders, 
 was wounded, and made prisoner; and Stra- 
 chan soon afterwards revolted and joined the 
 English army.
 
 268 Cromwell's invasion 
 
 Cromwell, in the meanwhile, made the fair- 
 est promises to ail who would listen to him, and 
 laboured, not altogether in vain, to impress the 
 Presbyterian party with a belief, that they had 
 better join with the Independents, although 
 disallowing of church government, and thus 
 obtain peace and a close alliance with England, 
 than adhere to the cause of the King, who, with 
 his father's house, had, he said, been so long 
 the troublers of Israel. And here I may in- 
 terrupt the course of public events, to tell you 
 an anecdote not generally known, but curious 
 as illustrating the character of Cromwell. 
 
 Shortly after the battle of Dunbar, Cromwell 
 visited Glasgow ; and upon Sunday attended 
 the Presbyterian service in the principal church 
 of that city. The preacher, a rigid Presbyte- 
 rian, was nothing intimidated by the presence 
 of the English General ; but entering freely 
 upon state affairs, which were then a common 
 topic in the pulpit, he preached boldly on the 
 errors and heresies of the independent secta- 
 ries, insisted on the duty of resisting their doc- 
 trines, and even spoke with little respect of the 
 person of Cromwell himself. 
 
 An officer who sat behind Cromwell, whis- 
 pered something in his ear more than once, and 
 the General as often seemed to impose silence 
 upon him. The curiosity of the congregation 
 was strongly excited. At length the service 
 was ended, and Cromwell was in the act of 
 leaving the church, when he cast his eyes on 
 one Wilson, a mechanic, who had long resided 
 at Glasgow, and called on him by name. The
 
 OF SCOTLAND. 269 
 
 man no sooner saw the General take notice of 
 him than he ran away. Cromwell directed that 
 he should be followed, and brought before him, 
 but without injury. At the same time he sent 
 a civil message to the clergyman who had 
 preached, desiring to see him at his quarters. 
 These things augmented the curiosity of the 
 town's people ; and when they saw Wilson led 
 as prisoner to the General's apartments, many 
 remained about the door, watching the result. 
 Wilson soon returned, and joyfully showed his 
 acquaintances some money which the English 
 General had given him to drink his health. 
 
 His business with Cromwell was easily ex- 
 plained. This man had been son of a footman 
 who had attended James VI. to England. By 
 some accident Yfilson had served his appren- 
 ticeship to a shoemaker in the same town where 
 Cromwell's father lived, had often played with 
 Master Oliver while they were both children, 
 and had obliged him by making balls and other 
 playthings for him. When Vt^IIsou saw that his 
 old companion recognised him, he ran away, 
 because, recollecting his father had been a ser- 
 vant of the royal family, he thought the Gene- 
 ral, who was known to have brought the late 
 King to the block, might nourish ill-will against 
 all who were connected with him. But Crom- 
 well had received him kindly, spoken of their 
 childish acquaintance, and gave him some mo- 
 ney. 
 
 The familiarity with which he seemed to 
 treat him, encouraged Wilson to ask his former 
 friend what it was that passed betwixt the offi- 
 23^
 
 270 CORONATION OF CHARLES II. 
 
 cer and him, when the preacher was thundering 
 from the pulpit against the sectaries and their 
 General. " He called the minister an insolent 
 rascal," said Cromwell, not unwilling, perhaps, 
 that his forbearance should be made public, 
 " and asked my leave to pull him out of the 
 pulpit by the ears ; and I commanded him to 
 sit still, telling him the minister was one fool, 
 and he another." This anecdote serves to show 
 Cromwell's recollection of persons and faces. 
 He next gave audience to the preacher, and 
 used arguments with him which did not reach 
 the public ; but were so convincing, that he 
 pronounced a second discourse in the evening, 
 in a tone much mitigated towards Independency 
 and its professors. 
 
 While the south of Scotland was overawed, 
 and the Western Remonstrators were dispersed 
 by Cromwell, the Scottish Parliament, though 
 retired beyond the Forth, still maintained a 
 show of decided opposition. They resolved 
 upon the coronation of Charles, a ceremony 
 hitherto deferred, but which they determined 
 now to perform, as a solemn pledge of their 
 resolution to support the constitution and reli- 
 gion of Scotland to the last. 
 
 But the melancholy solemnity had been 
 nearly prevented by the absence of the princi- 
 pal personage. Charles, disgusted with the in- 
 vectives of the Presbyterian clergy, and perhaps 
 remembering the fate of his father at Newcas- 
 tle, formed a hasty purpose of flying from the 
 Presbyterian camp. He had not been suffi- 
 rientiy aware of the weakness of the Royalists,
 
 MANffiUVRING OF THE ARMIES. 271 
 
 who recommended this wild step, and he actu- 
 ally went off to the hills. But he found only a 
 few Highlanders at Clova, without the appear- 
 ance of an army, which he had promised him- 
 self, and was easily induced to return to the 
 camp with a party who had been despatched in 
 pursuit of him. 
 
 This excursion, which was called the Start, 
 did not greatly tend to increase confidence be- 
 twixt the young King and his Presbyterian 
 counsellors. The ceremony of the coronation 
 was performed with such solemnities as the 
 time admitted, but mingled with circumstances 
 which must have been highly disgusting to 
 Charles. The confirmation of the Covenant 
 was introduced as an essential part of the so- 
 lemnity ; and the coronation was preceded by a 
 national fast and humiliation, expressly held on 
 account of the sins of the Royal Family. A 
 suspected hand, that of the Marquis of Argyle, 
 placed an insecure crown on the head of the 
 son, whose father he had been one of the prin- 
 cipal instruments in dethroning. 
 
 These were bad omens. But, on the other 
 hand, the King enjoyed more liberty than be- 
 fore ; most of the Engagers had resumed their 
 seats in Parliament ; and many Royalist officers 
 were received into tlie army. 
 
 Determined at this time not to be tempted to 
 a disadvantageous battle, the King, who assu- 
 med the command of the army in person, took 
 up a line in front of Stirling, having in his 
 front the river of Carron. Cromwell approach- 
 ed, but could neither with prudence attack the
 
 272 MANCEUVRINO OF THE ARMIES. 
 
 Scots in their lines, nor find means of inducing 
 them to hazard a battle, unless upon great ad- 
 vantage. After the armies had confronted each 
 other for more than a month, Cromwell des- 
 patched Colonel Overton into Fife, to turn the 
 left flank of the Scottish army, and intercept 
 their supplies. He was encountered near the 
 town of Inverkeithing by the Scots, command- 
 ed by Holborn and Brown. The first of these 
 officers behaved basely, and perhaps treache- 
 rously. Brown fought well and bravely, but 
 finally sustaining a total defeat, was made pri- 
 soner, and afterwards died of grief. 
 
 The situation of the main Scottish army, 
 under Charles in person, became hazardous af- 
 ter this defeat, for their position w^s rendered 
 precarious, by the footing which t e English 
 obtained in the counties of Fife an.. Kinross, 
 which enabled them to intercept the King's 
 supplies and communications from the north. 
 
 In this distressed situation Charles adopted a 
 bold and decisive measure. He resolved to 
 transfer the war from Scotland to England, and, 
 suddenly raising his camp, he moved to the 
 south-westward by rapid marches, hoping to 
 rouse his friends in England to arms, before 
 Cromwell could overtake him. But the Cava- 
 liers of England were now broken and dis- 
 pirited, and were, besides, altogether unpre- 
 pared for this hasty invasion, which seemed 
 rather the effect of despair than the result of 
 dcli1)erate and settled resolution. The Presby- 
 terians, though rather inclined to the Royal 
 cause, were still less disposed to hazard a June-
 
 WAR IN SCOTLAND. 
 
 tian with him, until terms of mutual accommo- 
 dation could be settled. They were divided 
 and uncertain, while the republicans were re- 
 solved and active. 
 
 The English militia assembled under Lam- 
 bert to oppose Charles in front, and Cromwell 
 followed close in his rear, to take every advan- 
 tage that could offer. The Scots reached with- 
 out much opposition the City of Worcester, 
 where, 3d September, 1651, the militia, com- 
 manded by Lambert, and the regular forces un- 
 der Cromwell, attacked the Royalists with dou 
 ble the number of their forces. Clarendon and 
 other English authors represent the Scottish 
 army as making little resistance. Cromwell, 
 on the contrary, talks of the battle of Worces- 
 ter, in his peculiar phraseology, as "a stiff busi- 
 ness — a very glorious mercy — as stiff a contest 
 as he had ever beheld." But, well or ill dispu- 
 ted, the day was totally lost. Three thousand 
 men were slain in the field, ten thousand were 
 taken, and such of them as survived their 
 wounds, and the horrors of overcrowded jails, 
 were shipped off as slaves for the plantations. 
 
 Charles escaped from the field, and concealed 
 himself in obscure retreats, under various dis- 
 guises. At one time he was obliged to hide 
 himself in the boughs of a spreading oak tree ; 
 hence called the Royal Oak. At another time 
 he rode before a lady, Mrs. Lane, in the quality 
 of a groom ; and in this disguise passed 
 through a part of the Parliament forces. After 
 infinite fatigue, many romantic adventures, and 
 the most imminent risk of discoverv, he at
 
 274 WAR IN SCOTLAND. 
 
 length escaped by sea, and for eight years con- 
 tinued to wander from one foreign court to 
 another, a poor, neglected, and insulted adven- 
 turer, claimant of thrones which he seemed 
 destined never to possess. 
 
 The defeat at Worcester, was a death-blow to 
 the resistance of the King's party in Scotland. 
 The Parliament, driven from Stirling to the 
 Highlands, endeavoured in vain to assemble 
 new forces. The English troops, after Crom- 
 well's departure, were placed under the com- 
 mand of General Monk, who now began to 
 make a remarkable figure in those times. He 
 was a gentleman of good birth, had been in 
 arms for the King's service, but being made 
 prisoner, had finally embraced the party of the 
 Parliament, and fought for them in Ireland. 
 He was accounted a brave and skilful comman- 
 der, totally free from the spirit of fanaticism so 
 general in the army of Cromwell, and a man of 
 deep sagacity, and a cold reserved temper. 
 Under Monk's conduct, seconded by that of 
 Overton, Alured, and other parliamentary offi- 
 cers, the cities, castles, and fortresses of Scot- 
 land were reduced one after another. The par- 
 tial resistance of the wealthy seaport of Durtdee, 
 in particular, was punished with the extremi- 
 ties of fire and sword, so that other towns be- 
 came terrified, and surrendered without oppo- 
 sition. 
 
 The castle of Dunottar, in Kincardineshire, 
 the hereditary fortress of the Earls Marischal, 
 made an honourable defence under .Jolm Ogil- 
 vy of Barras. It is situated upon a rock, al-
 
 PRESERVATION OF THE SCOTTISH REGALIA. 275 
 
 most separated from the land by a deep ravine 
 on the one side, and overhanging the ocean on 
 the other. In this strong fortress the Honours 
 of Scotland, as they were called, had been de- 
 posited after the battle of Dunbar. These were 
 the crown, sceptre, and sword of state, the 
 symbols of Scottish sovereignty, which were 
 regarded by the nation with peculiar venera- 
 tion. The terror was great lest pledges, with 
 which the national honour was so intimately 
 connected, should fall into the hands of foreign 
 schismatics and republicans. On the other 
 hand, the English, ardently desirous to possess 
 themselves of these trophies, (the rather that 
 they had formed a disproportioned idea of their 
 intrinsic value,) besieged the castle closely, and 
 blockaded it by sea and land. 
 
 As their provisions began to fail, the Gover- 
 nor foresaw that farther defence must speedily 
 become impossible ; and, with the assistance 
 of Mr. Granger, minister of KinnefF, he formed 
 a stratagem for securing the ancient and vene- 
 rable regalia from the dishonour which threat- 
 ened them. The first preparation was to 
 spread a report, that these national treasures 
 had been carried abroad by Sir John Keith, a 
 younger son of the Earl Marischal, ancestor of 
 the family of Kintore. 
 
 Mrs. Granger, the ministers wife, was the 
 principal agent in the subsequent part of the 
 scheme. Having obtained of the English gene- 
 ral the permission to bring out of the castle 
 some hards (or bundles) oflint, which she said 
 was her property, she had the courage and ad-
 
 276 PRESERVATION OF THE fSCOTTISH REGALIA. 
 
 dress to conceal the regalia witliin the hards of 
 lint, and carried them boldly through the 
 English camp, at the risk of much ill usage, 
 had she been discovered in an attempt to de- 
 prive the greedy soldiery of their prey. She 
 played her part so boldly, that she imposed on 
 the general himself, who courteously saluted 
 her, and helped her to mount on horseback as 
 she left the encampment, little guessing with 
 what a valuable part of his expected booty she 
 was loaded at the moment. Arriving with her 
 precious charge at KinnefF, the minister buried 
 the relics of royalty under the pulpit of his 
 church, and visited them from time to time, in 
 order to wrap them in fresh packages, and pre- 
 serve them from injury. 
 
 Suspicion attached to the Governor of Du' 
 nottar ; and when the castle was finally surren- 
 dered, for want of provisions, he was rigorous- 
 ly dealt with, imprisoned, and even tortured, 
 to make him discover where the regalia were 
 concealed. His lady, who had been active in 
 the stratagem, was subjected to similar severi- 
 ties, as vvcrc also the minister of Kinneff and 
 his courageous spouse. All, hoAvever, per- 
 sisted in keeping the secret. Rewards were 
 distribulcd, after the Restoration, to those who 
 had been concerned in saving the Honours, but 
 they do not appear to have been very accu- 
 rately accommodated to the merits of the par- 
 ties. " Sir John Keith, whose name had only 
 been used in the transaction as a blind, was 
 created Earl of Kintore, and Ogilvy was made 
 a baronet : but the courageous minister, with
 
 RESISTANCE TO TIIK ENGLISH. 2T7 
 
 his heroic wife, were only rewarded with a pen- 
 sion in money. 
 
 The towns and castles of Scotland being thus 
 reduced, the national resistance of the natiA'es 
 was confined to a petty warfare, which small 
 bands carried on, who lurked among the moun- 
 tains and morasses, and took every advantage 
 which these aflforded to annoy the English 
 troops, and cut ofi' small parties, or straggling 
 soldiers. These were called Moss-troopers, 
 from a word formerly appropriated to the free- 
 booters of the Border. 
 
 But the English, who observed a most rigid 
 discipline, Avere not much in danger of suffer- 
 ing from such desultory efforts ; and as they 
 seldom spared the prisoners taken in the skir- 
 mishes, the Scots found themselves obliged to 
 submit, for the first time, to an invader more 
 fortunate than all the preceding sovereigns of 
 England. Their resistance ceased, but their 
 hatred watched for a safer opportunity of 
 vengeance. 
 
 The Highlanders, however, being strong in 
 the character of the country and its inhabitants, 
 continued refractory to the English authority, 
 and if the soldiery ventured to go through the 
 country alone, or in small parties, they were 
 sure to be surprised and slain, without its being 
 possible to discover the actors. The English 
 officers endeavoured to obtain from the neigh- 
 bouring chiefs, who pretended complete igno- 
 rance of these transactions, such redress as 
 the case admitted of, but iheir endeavours were 
 in general ingeniously eluded. 
 
 Vol. I. 24"
 
 278 THE PROTECTORATE. 
 
 For example, an English garrison had lost 
 cattle, horses, and even men, by the incm-sion 
 of a Highland clan who had their residence in 
 the neighbouring mountains, so that the in- 
 censed governor demanded peremptorily, that 
 the actors of these depredations should be de- 
 livered up to him to suffer punishment. The 
 Chief was in no condition to resist, but was not 
 the less unwilling to deliver up the men actu- 
 ally concerned in the creagh, who were proba- 
 bly the boldest, or, as it was then termed, the 
 prettiest, men of his name. To get easily out 
 of the dilemma, he is said to have picked up 
 two or three old creatures, past all exertion, 
 whom he sent down to the English command- 
 ant, as if they had been the caterans or plun- 
 derers whom he wanted. The English officer 
 caused them instantly to be hanged in terrO' 
 rem, which was done accordingly, no protesta- 
 tions which they might have made of their inno- 
 cence being understood or attended to. It is to 
 be hoped that other refractory chiefs found more 
 justifiable means of preserving their authority. 
 
 In the mean time, Oliver Cromwell accom- 
 plished an extraordinary revolution in Eng- 
 land, which I can here but barely touch upon. 
 He and his Council of Officers, who had so 
 often offered violence to the Parliament, by ex- 
 cluding from the sittings such members as 
 were obnoxious to them, now resolved alto- 
 gether to destroy the very remnant of its ex-' 
 istence. For tliis purpose, Cromwell came to 
 tlie House while it was sitting, told them, in a 
 violent manner, that they were no longer a Par-
 
 THE PROTECTORATE. 279 
 
 liament, and upbraiding several individuals 
 with injurious names, he called in a body of 
 soldiers, and commanded one of them to "take 
 away that bauble," meaning the silver mace, 
 which is an emblem of the authority of the 
 House. Then turning the members forcibly 
 out of the hall, he locked the doors, and thus 
 dissolved that memorable body, which had 
 made war against the Piling, defeated, de- 
 throned, and beheaded him, yet sunk at once 
 under the autlxorily of one of their own mem- 
 bers, and an officer of their own naming, who 
 had, in the beginning of these struggles, been 
 regarded as a man of very mean consideration. 
 Oliver Cromwell now seized the supreme power 
 into his hands, with the title of Protector of 
 the Republics of Great Britain and Ireland, 
 under which he governed these islands till 
 his death, with' authority more ample than 
 was ever possessed by any of their lawful 
 monarchs. 
 
 The confusion which the usurpation of 
 Cromwell was expected to have occasioned in 
 England, determined the Royalists to attempt 
 a general rising, in which it was expected that 
 great part of the Highland chieftains would join. 
 The successes of Montrose were remembered, 
 although it seems to have been forgotten that 
 it was more his own genius, than his means, 
 that enabled him to attain them. 
 
 The Earl of Glencairn v/as placed by the 
 King's commission at the head of the insurrec- 
 tion ; he Vv'as joined by the Earl of Athole, by 
 tlic son of the Iieroic 3iontro3c, bv Lord Lorn,
 
 280 glencairn's rising. 
 
 the son of the Marquis of Argyle, and other 
 nobles. A romantic young English cavalier, 
 named Wogan, joined this insurgent army at 
 the head of a body of eighty horse, whom he 
 brought by a toilsome and dangerous march 
 through England and the Low Countries of 
 Scotland. This gallant troop was frequently 
 engaged with the Republican forces, and parti- 
 cularly with a horse regiment, called " the 
 Brazen Wall," from their never having been 
 broken. Wogan defeated, however, a party of 
 these invincibles, but received several wounds, 
 which, though not of themselves mortal, be- 
 came so for want of good surgeons ; and thus, 
 in an obscure skirmish, ended the singular ca- 
 reer of an enthusiastic Royalist. 
 
 The army under Glencairn increased to five 
 thousand men, numbers much greater than 
 Montrose usually commanded. Their com- 
 mander, however, though a brave and accom- 
 plished nobleman, seems to have been deficient 
 in military skill, or, at any rate, in the art of 
 securing the good-will and obedience of the 
 various chiefs and nobles who acted under him. 
 It was in vain that Charles, to reconcile their 
 feuds, sent over, as their commander-in-chief. 
 General Middleton, who, after having fought 
 against Montrose in the cause of the Covenant, 
 had at length become an entire Royalist, and was 
 trusted as such. But his military talents were 
 not adequate to surmount the objections which 
 were made to his obscure origin, and the ditfi- 
 culties annexed to his situation. 
 
 General Middleton had but an indifferent
 
 glencairn's rising. 281 
 
 welcome to the Highland army, by the follow- 
 ing scene which took place at an entertainment 
 given by him on taking the command. Glen- 
 cairn had spoken something in praise of the 
 men he had assembled for the King's service, 
 especially the Highlanders. In reply, up start- 
 ed Sir George Munro, who, having been trained 
 in the wars of Germany, despised all irregular 
 troops, and flatly swore that the men of whom 
 the Earl thus boasted, were a pack of thieves 
 and robbers, whose place he hoped to supply 
 with very different soldiers. Glengary, a High- 
 land chief, who was present, arose to resent 
 this insolent language ; but Glencairn, prevent- 
 ing him, replied to Munro, " You are a base 
 liar ! — these men are neither thieves nor rob- 
 bers, but gallant gentlemen, and brave sol- 
 diers." 
 
 In spite of Middleton's attempts to preserve 
 peace, this altercation led to a duel. They 
 fought on horseback, first with pistols, and 
 then with broadswords. Sir George Munro, 
 having received a wound on the bridle-hand, 
 called to the Earl that he was unable to com- 
 mand his horse, and therefore desired to conti- 
 nue the contest on foot. " You base churl," 
 answered Glencairn, ^* I will match you on foot 
 or on horseback." Both dismounted, and en- 
 countered fiercely on foot, with their broad- 
 swords, when Munro received a wound across 
 his forehead, from which the blood flowed so 
 fast into his eyes, that he could not see to con- 
 tinue the combat. Glencairn was about to 
 thrust his enemy through the bodv, when the 
 24*
 
 283 EXPLOITS OF EVAN DHU, 
 
 Earl's servant struck up the point of his mas- 
 ter's sword, saying, " You have enough of him, 
 my lord — you have gained the day." Glen- 
 cairn, still in great anger, struck the intrusive 
 peace-maker over the shoulders, but returned 
 to his quarters, where he was shortly after laid 
 under arrest, by order of the General. 
 
 Ere this quarrel was composed, one Captain 
 Livingstone, a friend of Munro, debated the 
 justice of the question so keenly with a gentle- 
 man, named Lindsay, that they must needs 
 light a duel also, in which Lindsay killed Li- 
 vingstone on the spot. General Middleton, in 
 spite of Glencairn's intercessions, ordered 
 Lindsay to be executed by martial law, on 
 which Glencairn left the army with his own 
 immediate followers, and soon after returning 
 to the Lowlands, made peace with the English. 
 His example was followed by most of the Low- 
 land nobles, who grew impatient of long 
 marches, Highland quarters, and obscure skir- 
 mishes, which were followed by no important 
 result., 
 
 Middleton still endeavoured to keep the war 
 alive, although Cromwell had sent additional 
 forces into the Highlands. At length he sus- 
 tained a defeat at Loch-Gary, 26th July, 1654, 
 after which his army dispersed, and he himself 
 retired abroad. The English forces then 
 marched through the Highlands, and compelled 
 the principal clans to submit to the authority 
 of the Protector. And here I may give you 
 an account of one individual chieftain, of great 
 celebrity at that time, since you will learn bet-
 
 CHIEF OF THE CAMERONS. HS'S 
 
 ter the character of that primitive race of men 
 from personal anecdotes, than from details of 
 obscm-e and petty contests, fought at places 
 with unpronounceable names. 
 
 Evan Cameron of Lochiel, chief of the nu- 
 merous and powerful clan of Cameron, was 
 born in 1629. He was called MacConnuill 
 Dhu, (the son of Black Donald,) from the pa- 
 tronymic that marked his descent, and Evan 
 Dhu, or Black Evan, a personal epithet derived 
 from his own complexion. Young Lochiel was 
 bred up under the directions of the Marquis of 
 Argyle, and was in attendance on that noble- 
 man, who regarded him as a hostage for the 
 peaceable behaviour of his clan. It is said^ 
 that in the civil war the young chief was con- 
 verted to the side of the King by the exhorta- 
 tions of Sir Robert Spottiswood, then in prison 
 at St. Andrews, and shortly afterwards exe- 
 cuted, as we have elsewhere noticed, for his 
 adherence to Montrose. 
 
 Evan Dhu, having embraced these principles, 
 was one of the first to join in the insurrection 
 of 1652, of which I have just given a short 
 account. During the best part of two years 
 he was always with his clan, in the very front 
 of battle, and behaved gallantly in the various 
 skirmishes which took place. He was com- 
 pelled, however, on one occasion, to withdraw 
 from the main body, from learning that the 
 English were approaching Lochaber, with the 
 purpose of laying waste the country of Lochiel. 
 He hastened thither to protect his own pos- 
 sessions, and those of his clan.
 
 284 EXPLOITS OF EVAN DHU, 
 
 On returning to his estates, Locliiel had the 
 mortification to find that the English had es- 
 tablished a garrison at Inverlochy, with the 
 purpose of reducing to submission the Royalist 
 clans in the neighbourhood, particularly his 
 own, and the MacDonalds of Glengary and 
 Keppoch. He resolved to keep a strict watch 
 on their proceedings, and, dismissing the rest 
 of his followers, whom he had not means of 
 maintaining without attracting attention to his 
 motions, he lay in the woods with about fifty 
 chosen men, within a few miles of Inverlochy. 
 
 It was the constant policy of Cromwell and 
 his officers, both in Ireland and Scotland, to cut 
 down and destroy the forests in which the 
 insurgent natives found places of defence and 
 concealment. In conformity with this general 
 rule, the commandant of Inverlochy embarked 
 three hundred men in two light-armed vessels, 
 with directions to disembark at a place called 
 Achdalew, for the purpose of destroying Lo- 
 chiel's cattle and felling his woods. 
 
 Lochiel, who watched their motions closely, 
 saw the English soldiers come ashore, one half 
 having hatchets and other tools as a working 
 party, the otlijer half under arms, to protect 
 their operations. Though the difference of 
 numbers was so great, the chieftain vowed that 
 he would make the red soldier (so the English 
 were called from their uniform) pay dear for 
 every bullock or tree which he should destroy 
 on the black soldier's property, (alluding to 
 the dark colour of the tartan, and perhaps to 
 his own complexion.) He then demanded of
 
 CHIEF OF THE CAMERON'S. 285 
 
 some of his followers, who had served under 
 Montrose, whether they had ever seen the 
 Great Marquis encounter with such unequal 
 numbers. They answered, they could recollect 
 no instance of such temerity. " We will fight, 
 nevertheless," said Evan Dhu, " and if each of 
 us kill a man, which is no mighty matter, I will 
 answer for the event. 
 
 That his family might not be. destroyed in 
 so doubtful an enterprise, he ordered his 
 brother Allan to be bound to a tree, meaning 
 to prevent his interference in the conflict. 
 But Allan prevailed on a little boy, who was 
 left to attend him, to unloose the cords, and 
 was soon as deep in the fight as Evan himself. 
 
 The Camerons, concealed by the trees, ad- 
 vanced so close on the enemy as to pour on 
 them an unexpected and destructive shower of 
 shot and arrows, which slew thirty men ; and 
 ere they could recover themselves from their 
 surprise, the Highlanders were in the midst of 
 them, laying about them with incredible fury 
 with their ponderous swords and axes. After 
 a gallant resistance, the mass of the English 
 began to retire towards their vessels, when 
 Evan Dhu commanded a piper and a small 
 party to go betwixt the enemy and their barks, 
 and there sound his pibroch and war-cry, till 
 their clamour made it seem there was another 
 body of Highlanders in ambush to cut off their 
 retreat. The English, driven to fury and 
 despair b^^ this new alarm, turned back, like 
 brave men, upon the first assailants, and, if the 
 working party had possessed military weapons,
 
 286 EXPLOITS OF EVAN DHU, 
 
 Lochiel might have had little reason to con- 
 gratulate himself on the result of this audacious 
 stratagem. 
 
 He himself had a personal rencontre, strongly- 
 characteristic of the ferocity of the times. The 
 chief was singled out by an English officer of 
 great personal strength, and, as they were sepa- 
 rated from the general strife, they fought in 
 single combat for some time. Lochiel was 
 dexterous enough to disarm the Englishman ; 
 but his gigantic adversary suddenly closed on 
 him, and in the struggle which ensued both 
 fell to the ground, the officer uppermost. He 
 was in the act of grasping at his sword, which 
 lay near the place where they lay in deadly 
 struggle, and was naturally extending his neck 
 in the same direction, when the Highland chief, 
 making a desperate effijrt, grasped his enemy 
 by the collar, and snatching with his teeth at 
 the bare and out-stretched throat, he seized it 
 as a wild-cat might have done, and kept his 
 hold so fast as to tear out the windpipe. The 
 officer died in this singular manner. Lochiel 
 was eo far from disowning, or being ashamed 
 of this extraordinary mode of defence, that he 
 was afterwards heard to say, it was the sweetest 
 morsel he had ever tasted. 
 
 When Lochiel, thus extricated from the 
 most imminent danger, was able to rejoin his 
 men, he found they had not only pursued the 
 English to the beach, but even into the sea, 
 cutting and stabbing wliomsocver they could 
 overtake. He himself advanced till he was 
 chin-deep, and observing a man on board one
 
 CHIEF OF THE CAMERONS. 287 
 
 of the armed vessels take aim at him with a 
 musket, he dived his head under the water, 
 escaping so narrowly that the bullet grazed his 
 head. Another marksman was foiled by the 
 affection of the chief's foster-brother, who 
 threw himself betwixt the Englishman and the 
 object of his aim, and was killed by the ball de- 
 signed for his lord. 
 
 Having cut off a second party, who ventured 
 to sally from the fort, and thus, as he thought, 
 sufficiently chastised the garrison of Inver- 
 lochy, Lochiel again joined Middleton, but was 
 soon recalled to Lochaber by new acts of de- 
 vastation. Leaving most of his men with the 
 Royalist General, Evan Dhu returned with 
 such speed and secrecy,that he again surprised a 
 strong party when in the act of felling his woods, 
 and assaulting them suddenly, killed on the spot 
 a hundred men, and all the officers, driving 
 the rest up to the very walls of the garrison. 
 
 IVIiddleton's army being disbanded, it was 
 long fere Lochiel could bring himself to accept 
 of peace from the hands of the English. He 
 continued to harass them by attacks on de- 
 tached parties who straggled from the fort, — 
 on the officers who went out into the woods in 
 hunting-parties, — on the engineer officers, who 
 were sent to survey the Highlands, of whom he 
 made a large party prisoners, and confined 
 them in a desolate island, on a small lake, 
 called Loch Ortuigg. 
 
 By such exploits he rendered himself so 
 troublesome, that the English v/ere desirous to 
 have peace with him on any moderate terms.
 
 288 EXPLOITS OF EVAN DHU, 
 
 Their overtures were at first rejbcted, Evan 
 Dhu returning for answer, that he would not 
 abjure the King's authority, even though the al- 
 ternative was to be his living in the condition 
 of an exile and outlaw. But when it was hint- 
 ed to him that this would not be required, but 
 that he ^vas only desired to live in peace under 
 the existing government, he made his submis- 
 sion to the existing powers with much solemnity. 
 
 Lochiel came down at the head of his whole 
 clan in arms, to the garrison of Inverlochy. 
 The English forces being drawn up in a line 
 opposite to them, the Camerons laid down 
 their arms in the name of King Charles, and 
 took them up again in that of the States, 
 without any mention of Cromwell. In conse- 
 quence of this honourable treaty, the last 
 Scotsman who maintained the cause of Charles 
 Stewart submitted to the authority of the re- 
 public. 
 
 It is related of this remarkable chieftain, 
 that he slew with his own hand the last wolf 
 that was ever seen in the Highlands of Scot- 
 land. Another anecdote is recorded of him 
 by tradition. Being benighted, on some party 
 for the battle or the chase, Evan Dhu laid him- 
 self down with his followers to sleep in the 
 snow. As he composed himself to rest, he ob- 
 served that one of his sons, or nephews, had 
 rolled together a great snow-ball, on which he 
 deposited his head. Indignant at what he con- 
 sidered as a mark of elleminacy, he started up 
 and kicked the snow-ball from under the sleep- 
 er's head, exclaiming, — " Are you become so
 
 CHIEr OF THE CAMERON'S. 299 
 
 luxurious that you cannot sleep without a 
 pillow ?" 
 
 After the accession of James II., Lochiel 
 came to court to obtain pardon for one of his 
 clan, who fired by mistake on a body of Athole 
 men, and killed several. He was received 
 with the most honourable distinction, and his 
 request granted. The King desiring to make 
 him a knight, asked of the chieftain for his 
 own sword, in order to render the ceremony 
 still more peculiar. Lochiel had ridden up 
 from Scotland, being then the only mode of 
 travelling, and a constant rain had so rusted 
 his trusty broadsword, that at the moment no 
 man could have unsheathed it. Lochiel, af- 
 fronted at the idea which the courtiers might 
 conceive from his not being able to draw his 
 own sword, burst into tears. 
 
 " Do not regard it, my faithful friend," said 
 King James, with ready courtesy — " your 
 sword would have left the scabbard of itself, 
 had the Royal cause required it." 
 
 "With that he bestowed the intended honour 
 with his own sword, which he presented to the 
 new knight as soon as the ceremony was per- 
 formed. 
 
 Sir Evan Dhu supported, for the last time, 
 the cause of the Stewart family in the battle of 
 Killiecrankie. After that civil strife was end- 
 ed, he grew old in peace, and survived until 
 1719, aged about ninety, and so much deprived 
 of his strength and faculties, that this once 
 formidable warrior was fed like an infant, and 
 like an infant rocked in a cradle. 
 
 Vol. I 26
 
 [ 290 ] 
 
 CHAP. XIV. 
 
 Administration of Public Justice in Scotland, 
 under Cromwell — Heavy Taxes imposed by 
 him — Church affairs — Resolutionists and 
 Remonstrators — Tria Is for Witchcraft. 
 
 We will now take a general glance of Scot- 
 land, reduced as the country was to temporary 
 submission under Cromwell, whose power 
 there and elsewhere was founded upon military 
 usurpation only. He built strong citadels at 
 Leith, Air, Inverness, and Glasgow. Eighteen 
 garrisons were maintained through the king- 
 dom at large, and a standing army of ten thou- 
 sand men kept the natives in subjection. — 
 Monk, so often mentioned, commanded this 
 army, and was, besides, member of a Council 
 of State, to whom the executive government 
 was committed. Lord Broghill was President 
 of this body, and out of nine members, two 
 only, Swinton and Lockhart, were natives of 
 Scotland. 
 
 To regulate the administration of public jus- 
 tice, four English, and three Scottish judges, 
 were appointed to hear causes, and to make 
 circuits for that purpose. The English judges, 
 it may be supposed, were indifferent lawyers ; 
 but they distributed justice with an impartiali- 
 ty, to which the Scottish nation had been en- 
 tirely a stranger, and which ceased to be expe- 
 rienced when the native judges were again re- 
 •tored after the Restoration. The peculiar
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF JU3TICB. 291 
 
 rectitude of the men employed by Cromwell 
 being pointed out to a learned judge, in the 
 beginning of the next century, his lordship 
 composedly answered, " Devil thank them for 
 their impartiality ! a pack of kinless loons — 
 for my part, I can never see a cousin or friend 
 in the wrong." 
 
 This shameful partiality in the Scottish 
 courts of justice revived, as just noticed, with 
 the Restoration, when the judges were to be 
 gained, not only by the solicitation of private 
 friends, and by the influence of kinsfolks, but 
 by the interference of persons in power, and 
 the application of downright bribery. 
 
 In point of taxation, Oliver Cromwell's 
 Scottish government was intolerably oppres- 
 sive, since he appears to have screwed out of 
 that miserable country an assessment of 10,O0OZ. 
 per month, which, even when gradually dimin- 
 ished to 72,000 pounds yearly, was paid with 
 the utmost difficulty. Some alleviation was in- 
 deed introduced by the circulation of the mo- 
 ney with which England paid her soldiers and 
 civil establishment, which Avas at one time cal- 
 culated at half a million yearly, and was never 
 beneath the moiety of that sum. 
 
 With regard to the church, Cromwell pru- 
 dently foresaw, that the consequence of the 
 preachers would gradually diminish if they 
 were permitted to abuse each other, but pre- 
 vented from stirring up their congregations to 
 arras. They continued to be rent asunder by 
 the recent discord which had followed upon 
 the King's death. The majority were Reso-
 
 293 CHURCH AFFAIRS. 
 
 lutionists, who owned the King's title, and 
 would not be prohibited from praying for him 
 at any risk. The Remonstrants, who had 
 never been able to see any sufficient reason for 
 embracing the cause, or acknowledging the 
 title, of Charles the Second, yielded obedience 
 to the English government, and disowned all 
 notice of the King in their public devotions. 
 The Independents treated both with contempt- 
 uous indifference, and only imposed on them 
 the necessity of observing toleration towards 
 each other. 
 
 But though divided into different classes, 
 Presbyterianism continued on the whole pre- 
 dominant. The temper of the Scottish nation 
 seemed altogether indisposed to receive any of 
 the various sects which had proved so prolific 
 in England. The quiet and harmless Quakers 
 were the only sectaries who gained some prose- 
 lytes of distinction. Independents of other 
 deneminations made small progress, owing to 
 the vigilance with which the Presbyterian cler- 
 gy maintained the unity of the Church. 
 
 Even Cromwell was compelled to show de- 
 ference to the prevailing opinions. He named 
 a commission of about thirty ministers from the 
 class of Remonstrators, and declared that with- 
 out certificates from three or four of these se- 
 lect persons, no minister, though he might be 
 called to a church, should enjoy a stipend. This 
 put the keys of the Church (so far as emolu- 
 ment was concerned) entirely into the hand« 
 of the Presbyterians; and it may be presumed, 
 fiiat such of the Commissioners as acted (for
 
 STATE OF THE COUNTRY. 293 
 
 many declined the office, thinking the duties of 
 the Ecclesiastical Commission too much resem- 
 bled Episcopacy) took care to admit no minis- 
 ter whose opinions did not coincide with their 
 own. The sectaries who were concerned in 
 civil affairs, were also thwarted and contemned; 
 and on the whole, in spite of the victories of 
 the Independents in the field, their doctrines 
 made little progress in Scotland. 
 
 During the four years w^hich ensued betwixt 
 the final cessation of the Civil War, by the 
 dispersion of the royalist army, and the Res- 
 toration of Monarchy, there occurred no pub- 
 lic event worthy of notice. The spirit of the 
 country was depressed and broken. The nobles, 
 who hitherto had yielded but imperfect obedi- 
 ence to their native monarchs, were now com- 
 pelled to crouch under the rod of an English 
 usurper. Most of them retired to their coun- 
 try seats, or castles, and lived in obscurity, en- 
 joying such limited dominion over their vassals 
 as the neighbourhood of the English garrisons 
 permitted them to retain. These, of course, 
 prevented all calling of the people to arms, 
 and exercise of the privilege, on the part 
 of the barons, of making open war on each 
 other. 
 
 Thus far the subjection of the country was 
 of advantage to the tenantry and lower class- 
 es, who enjoyed more peace and tranquil- 
 lity than had been their lot during the civil 
 wars. But the weight of oppressive taxes, col- 
 lected by means of a foreign soldiery, and the 
 general sense of degradation, arising from their 
 25*
 
 2^4 TRIALS FOR WITCHCRAFT. 
 
 subjugation to a foreign power, counterba- 
 lanced for the time the diminution of feudal op- 
 pression. 
 
 In the absence of other matter, I may here 
 mention a subject which is interesting, as pecu- 
 liarly characteristic of the manners of Scotland. 
 I mean the frequent recurrence of prosecutions 
 for witchcraft, which distinguishes this period. 
 
 Scripture refers more than once to the exist- 
 ence of witches ; and though divines have 
 doubted concerning their nature and character, 
 yet most European nations have retained in 
 their statutes, laws founded upon the text of 
 Exodus, "Thou shalt not suffer a witch to live." 
 The Reformers, although rejecting the miracles 
 of the Catholic Church, retained with tenacity 
 the belief of the existence of such sorceresses, 
 and zealously enforced the penalties against 
 all unfortunate creatures w^hom they believed to 
 fall under the description of witches, wdzards, 
 or the like. The increase of general informa- 
 tion and common sense, has, at a later period, 
 occasioned the annulling of those cruel law^s in 
 most countries of Europe. 
 
 It has been judiciously thought, that, since 
 the Almighty has ceased to manifest his own 
 power by direct and miraculous suspension of 
 the ordinary laws of nature, it is inconsistent 
 to suppose that evil spirits shoidd be left at 
 liberty to form a league with wretched mortals, 
 and impart to them supernatural powers of in- 
 juring or tormenting others. And the truth of 
 this reasoning has been proved by the general 
 foct, that where the laws ap^ainst witchcraft 
 
 v*^.
 
 TRIALS FOR Vv ITCIICRAFT. 296 
 
 have been abolished, witches are rarely heard 
 of, or thought of, even amongst the lowest 
 vulgar. 
 
 But in the seventeenth century, the belief in 
 this imaginary crime was general, and the pro- 
 secutions, especially in Scotland, were very 
 frequent. James VI., who often turned the 
 learning he had acquired to a very idle use, 
 was at the trouble to write a treatise against 
 witchcraft, as he composed another against 
 smoking tobacco ; and the Presbyterian clergy, 
 however little apt to coincide with that Mo- 
 narch's sentiments, gave full acceptation to his 
 opinion on the first point of doctrine, and very 
 many persons were put to death as guilty of 
 this imaginary crime. 
 
 I must, however, observe, that some of those 
 executed for witchcraft well deserved their 
 fate. Impostors of both sexes were found, 
 who deluded credulous persons, by pretending 
 an intercourse with supernatural powers, and 
 furnished those who consulted them with po- 
 tions, for the purpose of revenging themselves 
 on their enemies, which were in fact poisonous 
 compounds, sure to prove fatal to those who 
 partook of them. 
 
 Among many other instances, I may mention 
 that of a lady of high rank, the second wife of a 
 northern earl, who, being desirous of destroy- 
 ing her husband's eldest son by the former 
 marriage, in order that her own son might suc- 
 ceed to the father's title and estates, procured 
 drugs to effect her purpose from a Highland 
 woman, who pretended to be a witch or sov-
 
 296 TRIALS FOR WITCHCRAFT. 
 
 ceress. The fatal ingredients were mixed with 
 ale, and set aside by the wicked countess, to be 
 given to her victim on the first fitting opportu- 
 nity. But Heaven disappointed her purpose, 
 and, at the same time, inflicted on her a dread- 
 ful punishment. Her own son, for whose ad- 
 vantage she meditated this horrible crime, re- 
 turning fatigued and thirsty from hunting, 
 lighted by chance on this fatal cup of liquor, 
 drank it without hesitation, and died in con- 
 sequence. 
 
 The wretched mixer of the poison was tried 
 and executed ; but, although no one could be 
 sorry that the agent in such a deed was brought 
 to punishment, it is clear she deserved death, 
 not as a witch, but as one who was an accom- 
 plice in murder by poison. 
 
 But most of the poor creatures who suffered 
 death for witchcraft were aged persons, women 
 in general, living alone, in a poor and misera- 
 ble condition, and disposed, from the peevish- 
 ness of age and infirmity, to rail against or de- 
 sire evil, in their froward humour, to neigh- 
 bours by whom they were abused or slighted. 
 When such had unwittingly given vent to im- 
 potent anger in bad wishes or imprecations, if 
 a child fell sick, a horse became lame, a bul- 
 lock died, or any other misfortune chanced in 
 the family against which the ill-will had been 
 expressed, it subjected the bitterer instantly to 
 the charge of witchcraft, and was received by 
 judges and jury as a strong proof of guilt. If, 
 in addition to this, the miserable creature had, 
 hy the oddity of hrr manners, the crossness of
 
 TRIALS FOR WITCHCRAFT. 
 
 her temper, the habit of speaking to herself, or 
 any other signs of the dotage which attends 
 comfortless old age and poverty, attracted the 
 suspicions of her credulous neighbours, she 
 Avas then said to have been held and reputed a 
 witch, and was rarely permitted to escape the 
 stake. 
 
 It was equally fatal for an aged person of 
 the lower ranks, if, as was frequently the case, 
 she conceived herself to possess any peculiar 
 receipt or ch?.riTi for curing diseases, either by 
 the application of medicines, of w'hich she had 
 acquired the secret, or by repeating words, or 
 using spells and charms, which the superstition 
 of the time supposed to have the power of re- 
 lieving maladies that were beyond the skill of 
 medical practitioners. 
 
 Such a person was held a white wdtch ; one, 
 that is, who employed her skill for the benefit, 
 not th^ harm, of her fellow-creatures. But 
 still she was a sorceress, and, as such, was lia- 
 ble to be brought to the stake. Such a doc- 
 tress w^as equally exposed to such a charge, 
 whether her patient died or recovered ; and 
 she was, according to circumstances, condemn- 
 ed for using sorcery to cure or to kill. Her alle- 
 gation that she had received the secret from 
 family tradition, or from any other source, was 
 not admitted as a defence ; and she was doomed 
 to death with as little hesitation for having at- 
 tempted to cure by mysterious and unlawful 
 means, as if she had been charged, as in the 
 instance already given, with having assisted to 
 f ommit murder.
 
 298 TRIALS FOR WITCHCRAFT. 
 
 The following example of such a case is 
 worthy of notice. It rests on tradition, but is 
 very likely to be true. An eminent English 
 judge was travelling the circuit, when an old 
 woman was brought before him for using a 
 spell to cure dimness of sight by hanging a 
 clew of yarn round the neck of the patient. 
 Marvellous things were told by the witnesses, 
 ofthe cures which this spell had performed on 
 patients, far beyond the reach of ordinary medi- 
 cine. The poor woman made no other defence 
 than by protesting, that if there was any witch- 
 craft in the ball of yarn, she knew nothing of 
 it. It had been given her, she said, thirty years 
 before, by a young Oxford student, for the cure 
 of one of her own family, who having used it 
 with advantage, she had seen no harm in lend- 
 ing it for the relief of others who laboured 
 under similar infirmity, or in accepting a small 
 gratuity for doing so. 
 
 Her defence was little attended to by the 
 jury; but the judge was much agitated. He 
 asked the woman where she resided when she 
 obtained possession of this valuable relic. She 
 gave the name of a village, in which she had 
 In former times kept a petty alehouse. He 
 then looked at the clew very earnestly, and at 
 length addressed the jury. " Gentlemen," he 
 said, "we are on the point of committing a 
 great injustice to this poor old woman ; and, to 
 j)revent it, I must puldicly confess a piece of 
 early folly, which does me no honour. At the 
 lime this poor creature speaks of, I was at col- 
 h^ge, leading an idle and careless life, which, 
 
 .1
 
 TRIALS FOR WITCHCRAFT. 299 
 
 had I not been given ^race to correct it, must 
 have made it highly improbable that ever I 
 should have attained my present situation. I 
 chanced to remain for a day and night in this 
 woman's alehouse, without having money to 
 discharge my reckoning. Not knowing what 
 to do, and seeing her much occupied with a 
 child who had weak eyes, I liad the meanness 
 to pretend that I could write out a spell that 
 would mend her daughter's sight, if she would 
 accept it instead of her bill. The ignorant 
 woman readily agreed ; and I scrawled some 
 figures on a piece of parchment, and added two 
 lines of nonsensical doggrel, in ridicule of her 
 credulity, and caused her to make it up in that 
 clew which has so nearly cost her her life. To 
 prove the truth of it, let the yarn be unwound, 
 and you may judge of the efficacy of the spell." 
 The clew was unwound accordingly ; and this 
 pithy couplet was found on the enclosed bit of 
 parchment — 
 
 " The Devil scratch out both thine eyes, 
 And spit into the holes likewise." 
 
 It was evident that those who were cured by 
 such a spell, must have been indebted to nature, 
 with some assistance, perhaps, from imagina- 
 tion. But the users of such charms w^ere not 
 always so lucky as to light upon the person 
 who drew them up ; and many unfortunate 
 creatures were executed, as the poor ale-wife 
 would have been, had she not lighted upon 
 her former customer in the character of her 
 judge. 
 
 Another old woman is said to have cured
 
 300 TRIALS FOR WrnnCR AFT. 
 
 many cattle of the murrain, by a repetition of 
 a certain verse. The fee which she required, 
 was a loaf of bread and a silver penny ; and 
 when she was commanded to reveal the magi- 
 cal verses which wrought such wonders, they 
 were found to be the following jest on the cre- 
 dulity of her customers :— 
 
 " My loaf in my lap, and my penny in my purse, 
 Thou art never the better, and I never the worse." 
 
 It was not medicine only which witchery was 
 supposed to mingle with ; but any remarkable 
 degree of dexterity in an art or craft, whether 
 attained by skill or industry, subjected those 
 who possessed it to similar suspicion. Thus it 
 was a dangerous thing to possess more thriving 
 cows than those of the neighbourhood, though 
 their superiority was attained merely by paying 
 greater attention to feeding and cleaning the 
 animals. 
 
 It was often an article of suspicion, that a 
 woman had spun considerably more thread 
 than her less industrious neighbours chose to 
 think could be accomplished by ordinary indus- 
 try ; and, to crown these absurdities, a yeoman 
 of the town of Mailing, in Kent, was accused 
 before a Justice of Peace as a sorcerer, because 
 he used more frequently than his companions 
 to hit the mark which he aimed at. This dex- 
 terity, and some idle story of the archer's 
 amusing himself with letting a fly hum and 
 ])uzz around. him, convinced the judge, that the 
 poor man's skill in liis art was owing to the 
 assistance of some imp of 8atan. So ho pun- 
 »:-jlied the marksman severely, to the great en-
 
 TRIALS FOR WITCHCRAFT. 301 
 
 couragement of archery, and as a wise exam- 
 ple to all Justices of the Peace. 
 
 Other charges, the most ridiculous and im- 
 probable, were brought against those suspected 
 of witchcraft. They were supposed to have 
 power, by going through some absurd and im- 
 pious ceremony, to summon to their presence 
 the Author of Evil, who appeared in some 
 mean or absurd shape, and, in return for their 
 renouncing their redemption, gave them the 
 power of avenging themselves on their ene- 
 mies ; which privilege, with that of injuring 
 and teazing their fellow creatures, was almost 
 all they gained from their new master. Some- 
 times, indeed, they obtained from him the 
 powe of flying through the air on broom-sticks, 
 when the Foul Fiend gave public parties ; and 
 the accounts given of the ceremonies practised 
 on such occasions are equally disgusting and 
 vulgar, totally foreign to any idea we can have 
 of a spiritual nature, and only fit to be invented 
 and believed by the most ignorant and brutal 
 of the human species. 
 
 Another of these absurdities was, the belief 
 that the evil spirits would attend if they were 
 invoked with certain profane ceremonies, such 
 as reading the Lord's Prayer backwards, or 
 the like ; and would then tell the future for- 
 tunes of those w^ho had raised them, as it w^as 
 called, or inform them what was become of 
 articles which had been lost or stolen. Staries 
 are told of such exploits by grave authors, 
 which are to the full as ridiculous, and more 
 BO, than any thing that is to be found in fairy 
 
 Vol. I. 26
 
 302 TRIALS FOR Wl TCIICRAFT. 
 
 tales, invented for the amusement of children. 
 And for all this incredible nonsense, mifortu- 
 nate creatures were imprisoned, tortured, and 
 finally burnt alive,by the sentence of their judges. 
 
 It is strange to find, that the persons accused 
 of this imaginary crime in most cases paved 
 the way for their own condemnation, by con- 
 fessing and admitting the truth of all the mon- 
 strous absurdities which were charged against 
 them by their accusers. This may surprise 
 you ; but yet it can be accounted for. 
 
 Many of these poor creatures were crazy, 
 and infirm in mind as well as body ; and, hear- 
 ing themselves charged with this monstrous 
 enormity by those whom they accounted wise 
 and learned, became half persuaded of their 
 own guilt, and assented to all the nonsensical 
 questions which were put to them. But this 
 was not all. Very many made these confessions 
 under the influence of torture, which was ap- 
 plied to them with cruel severity. 
 
 It is true, the ordinary courts of justice in 
 Scotland had not the power of examining cri- 
 minals under torture, which was reserved for 
 the Privy Council. But this was a slight pro- 
 tection ; for witches were seldom tried before 
 the ordinary Criminal Courts, because the law- 
 yers, though they could not deny the existence 
 of a crime for which the law had laid down a 
 punishment, yet showed a degree of incredibi- 
 lity respecting witchcraft, which was supposed 
 frequently to lead to the escape of "^ those ac- 
 cused of this unpopular crime, when in the 
 management of professional persons.
 
 TRIALS FOR WITCHCRAFT. o03 
 
 ^^To avoid the ordinary jurisdiction of the 
 Justiciary, and other regular criminal jurisdic- 
 tions, the trial of witchcraft in the provinces 
 "was usually brought before commissioners ap- 
 pointed by the Privy Council. These commis- 
 sioners were commonly country-gentlemen and 
 clergymen, who, from ignorance on the one 
 side, misdirected learning on the other, and 
 bigotry on both, were as eager in the prosecu- 
 tion as the vulgar could desire. By their com- 
 mission they had the power of torture, and 
 employed it unscrupulously, usually calling in 
 to their assistance a witch-finder ; a fellow, 
 that is, who made money by pretending to 
 have a peculiar art and excellence in discover- 
 ing these offenders, and who sometimes under- 
 took to rid a parish or township of witches at 
 so much a-head, as if they had been foxes, wild 
 cats, or other vermin. 
 
 These detestable imposters directed the pro- 
 cess of the torture, which frequently consisted 
 in keeping the aged and weary beings from 
 sleeping, and walking them forcibly up and 
 down their prison, whenever they began to 
 close their eyes, and in running needles into 
 their flesh, under pretence of discovering a 
 mark, which the witch-fxuders affirmed the devil 
 had impressed on their skin, in token that they 
 were his property and subjects. It is no won- 
 der that wretched creatures, driven mad by 
 want of sleep and pain, confessed any thing 
 whatsoever to obtain a moment's relief, though 
 they were afterwards to die for it. 
 
 But, besides the craziness of such victims,
 
 304 TRIALS FOR WITCHCRAFT. 
 
 and the torture to which they were subjected^ 
 shame and weariness of life were often a cause 
 of their pleading guilty to accusations in them- 
 selves absurd and impossible. You must con- 
 sider, that the persons accused of witchcraft 
 were almost always held guilty by the public 
 and by their neighbours, and that if the court 
 scrupled to condemn them, it was a common 
 thing for the mob to take the execution into 
 their own hands, and duck the unhappy 
 wretches to death, or otherwise destroy them. 
 
 The fear of such a fate might determine many 
 of the accused, even though they were in their 
 sound mind, and unconstrained by bodily tor- 
 ture, to plead guilty at once, and rather lose 
 their wretched life by the sentence of the law, 
 than expose themselves to the fury of the mul- 
 titude. A singular story is told to this effect. 
 
 An old woman and her daughter were tried 
 as witches, at Haddington. The principal 
 evidence of the crime was, that though mise- 
 rably poor, the two had contrived to look 
 " fresh and fair," during the progress of a ter- 
 rible famine, which reduced even the better 
 classes to straits, and brought all indigent peo- 
 ple to the point of starving, and all the while 
 these two women, without either begging or 
 complaining, lived on in their usual way, and 
 never seemed to suffer by the general calamity. 
 The jury were perfectly satisfied that this could 
 not take place by any natural means ; and, as 
 the accused persons, on undergoing the disci- 
 pline of one Kincaid, a witch-fmdcr, readily 
 admitted all that was asked about their inter-
 
 TRIALS FOR WITCHCRAFT. 305 
 
 course with the devil, the jury, on their 
 confession, brought them in guilty without 
 hesitation. 
 
 The King's Advocate for the time (I believe 
 Sir George Mackenzie is named) was sceptical 
 on the subject of witchcraft. He visited the 
 women in private, and urged them to tell the 
 real truth. They continued at first to maintain 
 the story they had given in their confession. 
 But the Advocate, perceiving them to be wo- 
 men of more sense than ordinary, urged upon 
 them the crime of being accessory to their own 
 death, by persisting in accusing themselves of 
 impossibilities, and promised them life and 
 protection, providing they would unfold the 
 true secret which they used for their subsist- 
 ence. 
 
 The poor women looked wistfully on each 
 other, like people that are in perplexity. At 
 length, the mother said, " You are very good, 
 my lord, and I dare say your power is very 
 great, but you cannot be of use to my daughter 
 and me. If you were to set us at liberty from 
 the bar, you could not free us from the suspi- 
 cion of being witches. As soon as we return 
 to our hut, we will be welcomed by the vio- 
 lence and abuse of all our neighbours, who, if 
 they'do not beat our brains out, or drown us on 
 the spot, will retain a hatred and ill-will, which 
 will show itself on every occasion, and make 
 our life so miserable, that Ave have made up our 
 minds to prefer death at once." 
 
 " Do not be afraid of your neighbours," said 
 the Advocate. " If von will trust vour secret 
 26 *
 
 306 TRIALS FOR WITCHCRAFT. 
 
 with me, I will take care of you for the rest of 
 your lives, and send you to an estate of mine 
 in the north, where nobody can know any 
 thing of your history, and where indeed, the 
 people's ideas are such, that, if they thought 
 you witches, they would rather regard you 
 with fear than hatred." 
 
 The women, moved by his promises, told 
 him, that, if he would cause to be removed an 
 old empty trunk which stood in the corner of 
 their hut, and dig the earth where he saw it 
 had been stirred, he would find the secret by 
 means of which they had been supported through 
 the famine ; protesting to Heaven, at the same 
 time, that they were totally innocent of any un- 
 lawful arts such as had been imputed to them. 
 Sir George Mackenzie hastened to examine the 
 spot, and found concealed in the earth two fir- 
 kins of salted Snails, one of them nearly empty. 
 On this strange food the poor women had been 
 nourished during the famine. The Advocate 
 was as good as his word ; and the story shows 
 how little weight is to be laid on the frequent 
 confessions of the party in cases of witchcraft. 
 
 As this story is only traditional, I will men- 
 tion two others of the same kind, to which I 
 can give a precise date. ^ 
 
 The first of these instances regards a woman 
 of rank, much superior to those who were usu- 
 ally accused of this imaginary crime. She was 
 sister of Sir John Henderson, of Fordel, and 
 wife to the Laird of Pittardo, in Fife. Not- 
 withstanding her honourable birth, this unfor- 
 tunate matron was, in the year 1649, imprison- 
 
 I
 
 TRIALS FOR WITCHCRAFT. 307 
 
 ed in the common jail of Edinburgh, from the 
 month of July till the middk of the month of 
 December, when she was found dead, with 
 every symptom of poison. Undoubtedly the 
 iniamy of the charge, and the sense that it must 
 destroy her character and disgrace her family, 
 was the cause which instigated her to commit 
 suicide. 
 
 The same sentiment which drove this poor 
 lady to her death, was expressed by a female, 
 young and handsome, executed at Paisley, in 
 1697, in the following short answer to some 
 of her triends, who were blaming her for not 
 being sufficiently active in defending herself 
 upon her trial. " They have taken away my 
 character," she said, " and my life is not worth 
 saving." 
 
 It Mas remarkable that the number of sup- 
 posed witches seemed to increase in proportion 
 to the increase of punishment. On the 22d of 
 May, 1650, the Scottish Parliament named a 
 committee for inquiry into the depositions of 
 no less than fifty-four watches, with power to 
 grant such commissions as we have already de- 
 scribed, to proceed with their trial, condemna- 
 tion, and execution. Supposing these dreaded 
 sorceresses to exist in such numbers, and to 
 possess the powers of injury imputed to them, 
 it was to be expected, as Reginald Scot ex- 
 presses himself, that " there would neither be 
 butter in the churn, nor cow in the close, nor 
 corn in the field, nor fair weather without, or 
 health within doors." Indeed, the extent to 
 which people indulged their horrors and sus-
 
 308 TRIALS FOFv -vVITCHCRAFT. 
 
 picions, was in itself the proof of their being 
 fanciful. If, in a small province, or even a petty 
 town, there had existed scores of people pos- 
 sessed of supernatural pov/er, the result would 
 be, that the laws of nature would have been lia- 
 ble to constant interruption. 
 
 The English judges appointed for Scotland 
 in Cromwell's time, saw the cruelty and ab- 
 surdity of witch-trials, and endeavoured to put 
 a stop to them ; but the thanks which they re- 
 ceived were only reflections on their principles 
 of toleration, the benefit of which, in the opi- 
 nion of the Scots, was extended by this lenity, 
 not only to heretics of every denomination, but 
 even to those who worshipped the devil. Some 
 went still further, and accused the Sectaries of 
 admitting intercourse with evil spirits into their 
 devotions. This was particularly reported and 
 believed of the Quakers, the most simple and 
 moral of all dissenters from the church. 
 
 Wiser and better views on the subject began 
 to prevail in the end of the seventeenth centu- 
 ry, and capital prosecutions for this imaginary 
 crime were seen to decrease. The last instance 
 of execution for witchcraft, took place in the 
 remote province of Sutherland, in 1727, under 
 the direction of an ignorant provincial judge, 
 who was censured for the proceeding. The 
 victim was an old woman in her last dotage, 
 so silly that she was delighted to warm her 
 wrinkled hands at the fire which was to con- 
 sume her ; and while they were preparing for 
 her execution, often said, so good a blaze, and 
 80 many neighbours gathered round it, made 
 
 I
 
 TRIALS FOR WITCHCRAFT. 309 
 
 the most cheerful sight she had seen for many- 
 years ! 
 
 The laws against witchcraft, both in England 
 and Scotland, were abolished ; and persons who 
 pretend to fortune-telling, the use of spells, or 
 similar mysterious feats of skill, are now pu- 
 nished as common knaves and impostors. Since 
 this has been the case, no one has ever heard 
 of witches or witchcraft, even among the most 
 ignorant of the vulgar ; so that the crime must 
 have been entirely imaginary, since it ceased to 
 exist so soon as men ceased to hunt it out for 
 punishment.
 
 [ 310 ] 
 
 CHAP, XV. 
 
 CromwelVs System of Government — his Death 
 — Richard CromwelVs Accession to the PrO' 
 tectorate^ and retirement from it — Anecdotes 
 of him — General Menkes advance to London 
 — Dissolution of the Long Parliament — Sir 
 John Grenville's Interview with Monk, and 
 Proposal for the Recall of the Exiled SteW' 
 arts — Tlie Restoration— ^Arrival of Charles 
 II. at Dover. 
 
 Oliver Cromwell, who, in the extraordina- 
 ry manner I have told you, raised himself to 
 the supreme sovereignty of England, Scotland, 
 and Ireland, v/as a man of great talents, and, as 
 has been already said, not naturally of a severe 
 or revengeful disposition. He made the coun- 
 try formidable to foreign powers, and perhaps 
 no government was ever more respected abroad 
 than that of the Lord Protector. 
 
 At home he had a very difficult task to per- 
 form, in order to maintain his usurped authori- 
 ty. He was obliged repeatedly, as has been 
 successfully done in other countries by usurp- 
 ers of his own class, to convoke some species 
 of senate or parliament, consisting of his own 
 creatures, Avho might divide with him the pow- 
 er, in outward appearance, and save him the 
 odium of governing by his sole authority. But 
 such was the spirit of the English nation, that 
 whenever Cromwell convoked a Parliament,
 
 SPIES EMPLOYED BY CROMWELL. 311 
 
 though in a great measure consisting of his 
 own partizans, and though the rest were studi- 
 ously chosen as mean and ignorant persons, 
 the instant that they met they began to inquire 
 into the ground of the Protector's authority, 
 and propose measures which interfered with 
 his assumption of supreme power. 
 
 In addition to this, the various factions into 
 which the country was divided, all agreed in 
 hating the usurped power of the Protector, 
 and were all engaged in conspiracies against 
 him, which were conceived and carried on not 
 only by Cavaliers and Presbyterians, but by 
 Republicans, and even by soldiers among his 
 own ranks. Thus hard pressed on every side, 
 he displayed the utmost sagacity in his mode 
 of defending himself. On two or three occa- 
 sions, indeed, he held what he called High 
 Courts of Justice, by whose doom both Cava- 
 liers and Presbyterians suifered capital punish- 
 ment, for plots against his government. But 
 it was with reluctance Cromwell resorted to 
 such severe measures. His general policy 
 was to balance parties against each other, and 
 make each of them desirous of the subsistence 
 of his authority, rather than run the risk of 
 seeing it changed for some other than their 
 own. At great expense and by constant assi- 
 duity, he maintained spies in the councils of 
 every faction of the state, and often the least 
 suspected, and apparently most vehement, 
 among the hostile parties, were, in private, the 
 mercenary tools of Cromwell. 
 
 In the wandering court of Charles II. in par-
 
 312 UICIIARI) CROMWELL. 
 
 " - - , m 
 
 ticular, one of the most noted cavaliers was 
 Sir Richard Willis, who had fought bravely, 
 and suffered much, in the cause both of the 
 late King and of his son. There was no man 
 among the Royalists who attended on Charles's 
 person so much trusted and honoured as this 
 gentleman, who, nevertheless, enjoyed a large 
 pension from Cromwell, and betrayed to him 
 whatever schemes were proposed for the res- 
 toration of the exiled monarch. By this and 
 similar intercourse, the Protector had the 
 means of preventing the numerous conspira- 
 cies against him from coming to a head, and 
 also of opposing the machinations of one dis- 
 contented party, by means of the others. 
 
 It is believed, however, that with all his art,- 
 the Protector would not have been able ta 
 maintain his power for many years. A peo-- 
 pie long accustomed to a free government, 
 were generally incensed at being subjected to 
 the unlimited authority of one man, and the 
 discontent became universal. It seemed that, 
 towards the conclusion of his life, Cromwell 
 was nearly at the end of his expedients ; and 
 it is certain, that his own conduct then display- 
 ed an apprehension of danger which he had 
 never before exhibited. He became morose 
 and melancholy, always wore secret armour 
 under his ordinary dress, and shifted his bed- 
 chamber repeatedly, to prevent assassination. 
 His health broke down under these gloomy ap- 
 prehensions; and on the 3d of September, 1658, 
 he died, at the age of sixty. His deatli was ac- 
 companied by a general and fearful tempest ;
 
 RICHARD CROMWELL. 313 
 
 and by another circumstance equally striking 
 in those superstitious times, namely, that he 
 died on the day and month in which he had 
 gained his decisive victories at Dunbar and 
 Worcester. 
 
 The sceptre, which Oliver had held with so 
 firm a grasp, was transferred to that of his son, 
 Richard Cromwell ; while the funeral of the 
 deceased Protector w^as solemnized at an ex- 
 pense superior far to what England had bestow- 
 ed on the obsequies of any of her kings. But 
 this apparent transmission of Oliver's authori- 
 ty to his son was only nominal. A Parliament, 
 which Richard assembled that they might vote 
 him supplies, commenced an inquiry into the 
 nature of the new Lord Protector's title ; and 
 a council of officers whom he convoked, be- 
 came refractory, and assumed an authority 
 which he dared not dispute with them. These 
 military despots compelled Richard to dissolve 
 the Parliament, and subsequently obliged him 
 to resign the office of Protector. He descend- 
 ed quietly into humble life, burdened not only 
 by many personal debts, but also by the de- 
 mands of those -who had supplied the exorbi- 
 tant expenses of his father's funeral, which the 
 State unworthily and meanly suffered to de- 
 scend upon him. 
 
 Richard Cromwell, removed from the dan- 
 gers and the guilt of power, lived a long and 
 peaceable life, and died in 1712, at the age of 
 eighty-six. Two anecdotes respecting him are 
 worth mentioning. When he was obliged to 
 retire abroad on account of his debts, Richard 
 
 Vol. I. 27
 
 314 ANECDOTES OF 
 
 Cromwell was led, from curiosity, to visit Pe- 
 zenas, a fine place in Langiiedoc. 
 
 The Prince of Conti, a French prince of the 
 blood royal, hearing an English traveller was 
 in the palace, had the curiosity to receive him, 
 that he might learn the latest news from Eng- 
 land, which at this time astonished Europe by 
 its frequent changes of government. The 
 French prince spoke of Oliver Cromwell as a 
 wicked man, and a lawless usurper of the go- 
 vernment ; but then he acknowledged his deep 
 sagacity,high talents, and courage in danger, and 
 admired the art and force with which he had sub- 
 jected three kingdoms to his own individual au- 
 thority. " He knew how to command," conti- 
 nued the prince, " and deserved to be obeyed. 
 But what has become of the poor poltroon, 
 Richard — the coward, the dastard, who gave up, 
 without a blow or struggle, all that his father 
 had gained ? Have you any idea how the man 
 could be such a fool, and mean-spirited caitiff?" 
 
 Poor Richard, glad to remain unknown 
 where he was so little esteemed, only replied, 
 "that the abdicated Protector had been de- 
 ceived by those in whom he most trusted, and 
 to whom his father had shown most kindness." 
 He then took leave of the prince, who did not 
 learn till two days afterwards, that he had ad- 
 dressed so unpleasing a discourse to the person 
 whom it principally regarded. 
 
 The other anecdote is of a later date, being 
 subsequent to 1705. Some lawsuit of import- 
 ance required that Richard Cromwell should 
 appear in the King's Bench Court. The judge
 
 RICHARD CROMWELL. 315 
 
 who presided showed a generous deference to 
 fallen greatness, and to the mutability of human 
 affairs. He received with respect the man who 
 had been once Sovereign of England, caused 
 a chair to be placed for him within the bar, and 
 requested him to be covered. When the coun- 
 sel on the opposite side began his speech, as if 
 about to allude to Richard's descent from the 
 obnoxious Oliver, the judge checked him with 
 generous independence. " I will hear nothing 
 on that topic, sir," he said ; " speak to the 
 merits of the cause before us." 
 
 After his appearance in court, Richard Crom- 
 well's curiosity carried him to the House of 
 Peers, where he stood below the bar, looking 
 around him, and making observations on the al- 
 terations which he saw. A person who heard 
 a decent looking old man speaking in this way, 
 said to him, civilly, " It is probably a long 
 while, sir, since you have been in this house ?" — 
 *' Not since I sat in that chair," answered the 
 old gentleman, pointing to the throne, on which 
 he had been, indeed, seated as sovereign, when, 
 more than fifty years before, he received the 
 addresses of both Houses of Parliament, on his 
 succeeding to his father in the supreme power. 
 
 To return to public affairs in London, where 
 changes succeeded with as little permanence, as 
 the reflection of faces presented to a mirror, 
 the attempt of the officers of the army to es- 
 tablish a purely military government, was com- 
 batted by the return to Parliament of those re- 
 publican members vrhom Oliver Cromwell had 
 expelled, and whom the common people, by a
 
 310 GENERAL 
 
 vulgar but expressive nickname, now called tlie 
 Rump Parliament. This assembly, so called 
 because it was the sitting part of that wiiich 
 commenced the civil war, were again subjected 
 to military violence, and dissolved by General 
 Lambert, a person who unquestionably design- 
 ed in his own person to act the part of Oli- 
 ver Cromwell, though without either the talents 
 or high reputation of the original performer. 
 But a general change had taken place in the 
 sentiments of the nation. 
 
 The public had been to a certain degree pa- 
 tient under the government of Oliver, to whom 
 it was impossible to deny all the praise which 
 belongs to firmness and energy ; but they saw 
 with disgust these feeble usurpers bustle 
 amongst themselves, and push each other from 
 the rudder of the state, without consulting the 
 people at large. Remembering the quiet and 
 peaceful condition of the kingdom before the 
 civil wars, when its kings succeeded by a here- 
 ditary right to a limited power, and when the 
 popular and monarchical branches of the consti- 
 tution so justly balanced each other, that the 
 whole British nation looked back to the period 
 as one of liberty, peace, and lawful order ; and 
 comparing this happy state with the recent 
 manner in which every successive faction 
 seized upon power when they could snatch it, 
 and again yielded it up to the grasp of another 
 and stronger party, all men were tilled with 
 dissatisfaction. 
 
 U])on the whole, (he tlioughts of all the judi- 
 cious part of the nation were turned towards the
 
 MARCH OF GENEUAL MONK. 317 
 
 exiled Prince, and there was a general desire to 
 call him back to the exercise of the govern- 
 ment, which was only suppressed by the strong 
 hand of the armed fanatics. It was absolutely 
 necessary that some military force should be on 
 foot, in order to cope with these Avarlike Saints, 
 as they called themselves, before the general in- 
 clination of the kingdom could have room or 
 freedom to express itself. 
 
 As it was the disturbances in Scotland which 
 first shook the throne of Charles the First, so 
 it was from the same country that the move 
 ment took place which eventually replaced on 
 the throne his son and heir. We have already 
 noticed, that the kingdom of Scotland had been 
 finally subdued by the efforts of General Monk, 
 who afterwards governed it during the protec- 
 torate of Cromwell, and in obedience to his au- 
 thority. 
 
 Monk was a man of a grave, reserved, and 
 sagacious character, who had gained general 
 esteem by the manner in which he managed 
 Scottish affairs. He had taken care to model 
 the veteran troops in that kingdom, so as to 
 subject them to his own separate control, and 
 to detach from their command such officers as 
 were either violent enthusiasts, or peculiarly 
 attached to Lambert and his council of officers. 
 Thus having under his immediate command a 
 moveable force of -between seven and eight 
 thousand men, besides those necessary to garri- 
 son Scotland, Monk eagerly watched the con- 
 test of the factions in London, in order to per- 
 ceive and seize on the ilt opportunity for action. 
 27*
 
 318 MARCH OF GENERAL MONK. 
 
 This seemed to arrive, when the army under 
 Lambert again thrust the Rump Parliament out 
 of doors, and commenced a new military go- 
 vernment, by means of a committee of officers, 
 called the Council of Safety. Monk then threw 
 aside the mask of indifference which he had 
 long worn, assembled his forces on the borders, 
 and declared for the freedom of Parliament, 
 and against the military faction by which they 
 had been suppressed. The persuasion was uni- 
 versal throughout Britain, that Monk, by these 
 general expressions, meant something more ef- 
 fectual than merely restoring the authority of 
 the Rump, which had fallen into the common 
 contempt of all men, by the repeated acts of 
 violence to which they had tamely submitted. 
 
 But General Monk, allowing all parties to 
 suppose what they thought most probable, 
 proceeded to make his preparations for march- 
 ing with the greatest deliberation, without 
 suffering even a whisper to escape concern- 
 ing the ultimate objects of the expedition. He 
 assembled the Scottish Convention of Estates, 
 and asked and received from them a supply of 
 six month's pay, for the maintenance of his 
 troops. Their confidence in his intentions was 
 such, that they offered him the support of a 
 Scottisli army of twenty-four thousand men ; 
 but Monk declined assistance which would have 
 been unpopular in England. He then proceed- 
 ed in his plan of ncw-modclling his army, 
 with more boldness than before, dismissing 
 many of the Independent officers, and supply- 
 ing their places M'ith Presbyterians, and even 
 with secret Royalists. 
 
 1
 
 UPON THE BORDERS, 319 
 
 The news of these proceedings spread 
 through England, and were generally received 
 with joy. Universal resistance was made to the 
 payment of taxes ; for the Rump Parliament 
 had, on the eve of its expulsion by Lambert, 
 declared it high treason to levy money without 
 consent of Parliament, and the provinces, where 
 Lambert and his military council had no power 
 of enforcing their illegal exactions, refused to 
 obey them. The Council of Safety wanted 
 money therefore, and were in extreme per- 
 plexity. 
 
 Lambert himself, a brave man and a good offi- 
 cer, saw the necessity of acting with prompti- 
 tude, and placing himself at the head of a con- 
 siderable force of veteran soldiers, marched to- 
 wards Scotland. His numbers were enhanced 
 by the report of the various spies and agents 
 whom he sent into Monk's army under the guise 
 of envoys. " What will you do ?" said one of 
 these persons, addressing a party of Monk's 
 soldiers ; " Lambert is coming down against 
 you with such numerous forces, that your army 
 will not be a breakfast for him." " The north 
 must have given Lambert a good appetite,'* 
 answered one of the veterans, " if he be wil- 
 ling to chew bullets, and feed upon pikes and 
 musket barrels." 
 
 In this tone of defiance the two armies 
 moved against each other. Lambert took up his 
 head quarters at Newcastle. Monk, on the 
 other hand, placed his at Coldstream, on the 
 Tweed, a place which commanded the second 
 be»t passage over that river» Berwick being al-
 
 320 MONK AND LAMBERT. 
 
 ready in his hands. Coldstream, now a thriv- 
 ing town, was then so miserable, that Monk 
 could get no supper, even for his own table, 
 but was fain to have recourse to chewing tobacco 
 to appease his hunger. Next day provisions 
 were sent from Berwick ; and the camp at 
 Coldstream is still kept in memory in the En- 
 glish army, by the first regiment of Guards, 
 which was one of those that composed Monk's 
 vanguard, being called to this day the Cold- 
 stream regiment. 
 
 The rival generals at first engaged in a trea- 
 ty, which Monk, perceiving Lambert's forces 
 to be more numerous than his own, for some 
 time encouraged, aware that want of pay, and 
 of the luxuries to which they were accustomed 
 in London, would soon induce his rival's troops 
 to desert him. 
 
 Disaftection and weariness accordingly began 
 to diminish Lambert's forces, when at length 
 they heard news from the capital by which they 
 were totally dispirited. During Lambert's ab- 
 sence, the presidency in the Military Commit- 
 tee, and the command of such of the army as 
 remained to overawe London, devolved on Ge- 
 neral Fleetwood, a weak man, who really was 
 overcome by the feelings of fanaticism, which 
 others only aftected. Incapable of any exer- 
 tion, this person sufl^ered the troops to be se- 
 duced from his interest to that of the Rump 
 Parliament, which thus came again, and for the 
 last time, into power. 
 
 With these tidings came to Newcastle others 
 of a nature scarce less alarming. The celc
 
 PROCEEDINGS OF MONK. 821 
 
 brated General Fairfax had taken arms in York- 
 shire, and was at the head of considerable 
 forces, both Cavaliers and Presbyterians, who 
 declared for calling a free Parliament, that the 
 national will might be consulted in the most 
 constitutional manner, for once more regaining 
 the blessing of a settled government. The sol- 
 diers of Lambert, disconcerted by these events, 
 and receiving no pay, began to break up ; and 
 when Lambert himself attempted to lead them 
 back to London, they left him in such numbers, 
 that his army seemed actually to dissolve away, 
 and leave the road to the capital open to Monk 
 and the Scottish forces. 
 
 That General moved on accordingly, without 
 opposition, carefully concealing his own inten- 
 tions, receiving favourably all the numerous 
 applications which were made to him for call- 
 ing a new and free Parliament, in order to re- 
 generate the national constitution, but returning 
 no reply which could give the slightest intima- 
 tion of his ultimate purpose. 
 
 Monk observed this mystery, in order, per- 
 haps, that he might reserve to himself the 
 power of being guided by circumstances — at 
 all events, knowing well, that if he were to de- 
 clare in favour of any one party or set of prin- 
 ciples, Simon g the various factious opinions 
 which divided the state, tlie others would at 
 once unite against him, which they would bo 
 loath to attempt, while each as yet entertained 
 hopes that he might turn to their side. 
 
 With the eyes of all the nation fixed upon 
 him and his forces, Monk advanced to Barnet,
 
 322 PROCEEDINGS OF MONK 
 
 within ten miles of London, and from thence 
 caused the Parliament to understand that they 
 would do well to send from the city the re- 
 mains of the army of Fleetwood, in case of dis- 
 cord between his troops and those which at 
 present occupied the capital. The Rump Par- 
 liament had no alternatire but to take the hint, 
 unless they had resolved to try the fate of bat- 
 tle at the head of those insubordinate troops, 
 who had more than once changed sides between 
 Lambert and Fleetwood on one side, and them- 
 selves on the other, against the steady veterans 
 of the Scottish wars. 
 
 The late army of Fleetwood, excepting two 
 regiments commanded by men whom Monk 
 could perfectly trust, were ordered to leave the 
 city, and the Scottish general entered at the 
 head of his troops, who, rough from a toilsome 
 march, and bearing other marks of severe ser- 
 vice, made a far more hardy and serviceable, 
 though a less showy appearance, than those 
 who had so long bridled the people of London. 
 
 General Monk, and the remnant of the Par- 
 liament, met with external civility, but with 
 great distrust on both sides. They propounded 
 to him the oath of abjuration, as it was called, 
 by which he was to renounce and abjure all al- 
 legiance to the House of Stewart, and all at- 
 tempts to restore Charles II. But the General 
 declined taking the oath ; too many oaths, he 
 said, had been already imposed on the public, 
 unless they had been better kept. This cir- 
 cumstance seemed to throw light on Monk's in- 
 tentions, and the citizens of London, now as
 
 ON REACHING LONDON. 323 
 
 anxious for the King's Restoration as ever they 
 had been for the expulsion of his father, passed 
 a vote in Common Council, by which they de- 
 clared they would pay no taxes or contributions 
 to this shadow of a Parliament, until the vacant 
 seats in it should be filled up to the full extent 
 of a genuine House of Commons. 
 
 The Rump Parliament had now, they con- 
 ceived, an opportunity of ascertaining Monk's 
 real purpose, and forcing him to a decisive 
 measure. They laid their express commands 
 on him to march into the city, seize upon the 
 gates, break down the portcullises, destroy the 
 ports, chains, and other means of defending the 
 streets, and take from the contumacious citizens 
 all means of protecting in future the entrance 
 into the capital. 
 
 Monk, to the astonishment of most of his 
 own officers, obeyed the commands thus im- 
 posed on him. He was probably desirous of 
 ascertaining whether the disposition of his 
 troops would induce them to consider the task 
 as a harsh and unworthy one. Accordingly, he 
 no sooner heard his soldiers exclaiming at the 
 disgrace of becoming the tools of the vengeance 
 of the Rump members against the City of Lon- 
 don, than he seemed to adopt their feelings and 
 passions as his own, and like them complained, 
 and complained aloud, of having been employ- 
 ed in an unjust and unpopular task, for the ex- 
 press purpose of rendering him odious to the 
 citizens. 
 
 At this crisis, the rashness of the ruling junto, 
 for it would be absurd to term them a Par
 
 324 PROCEEDINGS OF MONK 
 
 t ' ' ' ' "•'"" 
 
 liament, gave the General, whom it was their 
 business to propitiate, if possible, a new subject 
 of complaint. They encouraged a body of the 
 most fanatical sectaries, headed by a ridiculous 
 personage called Praise-God Barebones, to 
 present a violent petition to the House, de- 
 manding that no one should be admitted to any 
 office of public trust, or so much as to teach a 
 school, without his having taken the abjuration 
 oath; and proposing, that any motion made in 
 Parliament for the Restoration of the King 
 should be visited with the pains of high treason. 
 
 The tenor of this petition, and the honour 
 and favour which it received when presented, 
 gave Monk the further cause of complaint 
 against the Rump, or Remnant of the Parlia- 
 ment, which perhaps he had been seeking for. 
 '^ He refused to return to Whitehall, where he 
 had formerly lodged, and took up his abode in 
 the City, where he found it easy to excuse his 
 late violence upon their defences, and to atone 
 for it by declaring himself their protector and 
 ally. 
 
 From his quarters in the heart of London, 
 the General wrote to the Parliament an angry 
 expostulation, charging them with a design to 
 arm the more violent fanatics, and call in the 
 assistance of Fleetwood and Lambert against 
 the Scottish army ; and recommending to 
 them, in a tone of authority, forthwith to dis- 
 solve themselves, and call a new Parliament, 
 which should be open to all parties. The Par- 
 liament, greatly alarmed at this intimation, sent 
 two of their members to communicate with the
 
 ON REACIIi.NG LONDON. 325 
 
 General; but they could only extract from him, 
 that if writs went instantly forth for the new 
 elections, it would be -^ry well, otherwise, he 
 and they were likely to disagree. 
 
 The assurance that General Monk had openly 
 quarrelled with the present rulers, and was dis- 
 posed to insist for a free and full Parliament, 
 was made public by the printing and dispersing 
 of the General's letter, and the tidings filled the 
 City with most extravagant rejoicings. The 
 rabble rung all the bells, lighted immense bon- 
 fires in every street, and danced around them, 
 while they drank healths to the General, the 
 secluded members-, and even to the King. But 
 the principal part of their amusement was 
 roasting rumps of poultry, or fragments of 
 butcher-meat cut into that form, in ridicule of 
 their late rulers, whose power they foresaw 
 would cease, whenever a full Parliament should 
 be convened. The revelry lasted the Vv'hole 
 night, which was that of 11th February, 1660. 
 
 Monk, supported at once by military strength 
 and the consciousness of general popularity, 
 did not wait until the new Parliament should 
 be assembled, or the present dissolved, to take 
 measures for destroying the influence of the 
 junto now sitting at Westminster. He com- 
 pelled them to open their doors to, and admit 
 to their deliberations and votes, all the secluded 
 members of their body, who had been expelled 
 from their seats by military violence, since it 
 was first practised on the occasion called Colo- 
 nel Pride's Purge. 
 
 These members, returning to ParUament 
 
 Vol. I. 28
 
 326 DISSOLUTION or the 
 
 accordingly, made by their numbers such a 
 predominant majority in the House, that the 
 fifty or sixty persons, Vho had lately been at 
 the head of the Government, were instantly 
 reduced to the insignificance, as a party, from 
 which they had only emerged by dint of the 
 force which had been exercised to exclude the 
 large body who were now restored to their seats. 
 
 The first acts of the House thus renovated 
 were to disband the refractory part of the army, 
 to dispossess the disaffected officers, of whom 
 there were very many, and to reduce the coun- 
 try to a state of tranquillity ; after which they 
 dissolved themselves, having first issued writs to 
 summon a new Parliament, to meet on the 25th 
 of April. Thus then finally ended the Long 
 Parliament, as it is called, which had sat for 
 nearly twenty years ; the most eventful period, 
 perhaps, in British history. 
 
 While this important revolution had been on 
 the eve of taking place, Charles the Second's 
 aflfairs seemed to be at a lower ebb than they 
 had almost ever been before, A general insur- 
 rection of the Cavaliers had been defeated by 
 Lambert a few months before, andthe severe 
 measures which followed had, for the time, to- 
 tally suppressed the spirit, and almost crushed 
 the party of the Royalists. It was in vain that 
 Charles had made advances to Monk while in 
 Scotland, both through the General's own bro- 
 ther, and by means of Sir John Grenville, one 
 of his nearest and most valued relatives and 
 friends. If Monk's mind was then made up 
 concerning the part which he designed to per-
 
 LONG PARLIAMENT. 
 
 327 
 
 form, he, at least, was determined to keep his 
 purpose secret in his own bosom, and declined, 
 therefore, though civilly, to hear any proposi- 
 tion on the part of the banished family. 
 
 The accounts which the little exiled court 
 received concerning Monk*s advance into Eng- 
 land were equally disconsolate. All intercourse 
 with the Cavaliers had been carefully avoided 
 by the cloudy and mysterious soldier, in whose 
 hands Fortune seemed to place the fate of the 
 British kingdoms. The general belief was, that 
 Monk would renew, in his own person, the 
 attempt in which Cromwell had succeeded and 
 Lambert had failed, and again place a military 
 commander at the head of the Government 
 and it seemed confirmed by his harsh treatment 
 of the City. 
 
 While Charles and his attendants were m 
 this state of despondence, they were suddenly 
 astonished by the arrival from England of a 
 partizan, named Baillie, an Irish Royalist, who 
 had travelled with extreme rapidity to bring the 
 exiled Prince the news of Monk's decided 
 breach with the remnant of the Long Parlia- 
 ment, and the temper which had been displayed 
 by the City of London when it became public 
 They listened to the messenger as they would 
 have done to one speaking in a dream. 
 
 Overwearied and fatigued by the journey, 
 and strongly excited by the importance of the 
 intelligence which he brought them, the officer 
 seemed rather like one under the influence of 
 temporary derangement or intoxication, than 
 the deliberate bearer of great tidings. Hi*
 
 328 THE RESTORATION. 
 
 character was, however, known as a gentleman 
 of fideUty and firmness, and they heard with 
 wonder that London was blazing with bonfires, 
 that the universal wish of the people of all sorts, 
 boldly and freely expressed, demanded the 
 restoration of the 'King to his authority, and 
 that Monk had insisted upon the summoning 
 of a free Parliament, which the junto had no 
 longer the power of oj^posing. He produced 
 also a copy of Monk's letter to the Parliament, 
 to show that the General had completely 
 broken with that body. 
 
 Other messengers soon confirmed the joyful 
 tidings, and Sir John Grenville was despatched 
 to London in all haste, with full powers to offer 
 the General every thing which could gratify 
 ambition or love of wealth, on condition of his 
 proving the friend of Charles at this crisis. 
 
 This faithful and active Royalist reached the 
 metropolis, and cautiously refusing to open his 
 commission to any one, obtained a private 
 interview with ithc mysterious and reserved 
 General. He boldly communicated his creden- 
 tials, and remained unappalled, when Monk, 
 stepping back in surprise, asked him, with 
 some emotion, how he dared become the bearer 
 of such proposals, Sir John replied boldly, that 
 all danger Vv-^hich miglit be incurred in obedi- 
 ence to his Sovereign's command had become 
 familiar to him from frequent practice, and that 
 the King, from the course which Monk had 
 hitherto pursued, entertained the most confi- 
 dent hoj)es of his loyal service. 
 
 On this General Monk cither laid aside the
 
 THE RLSTOIiATION. 329 
 
 mask which he had always worn, or formed a 
 determination upon what had hitherto been un- 
 decided in his own mind. He accepted of the 
 high oflers tendered to him by the young- 
 Prince ; and, from that moment, if not earher, 
 made the interest of Charles tlie principal ob- 
 ject of his thoughts. It has been indeed stated, 
 that he had expressed his ultimate purpose of 
 serving Charles, before leaving Scotland ; but 
 whatever may have been his secret intentions, 
 it seems improbable that he made any one his 
 confidant. 
 
 At the meeting of the new Parliament, the 
 House of Peers, which regained under this 
 new aspect of things the privileges which 
 Cromwell had suspended, again assumed their 
 rank as a branch of the legislature. As the 
 Royalists and Presbyterians concurred in the 
 same purpose of restoring the King, and pos- 
 sessed the most triumphant majority, if not the 
 whole votes, in the new House of Commons, 
 the Parliament had only to be informed that 
 Grenville awaited without, bearing letters from 
 King Charles, v/hen he was welcomed into the 
 House with shouts and rejoicings ; and the 
 British constitution, by King, Lords, and Com- 
 mons, after having been suspended for twenty 
 years, was restored at once and by acclamation. 
 
 Charles Stewart, instead of being a banished 
 pretender, whose name it was dangerous to 
 pronounce, and whose cause it was death to 
 espouse, became at once a lawful, beloved, al- 
 most adored prince, whose absence vras mourn- 
 ed by the people, as they might have bemoan- 
 28*
 
 330 THE RESTORATION. 
 
 e J thctt of the sun itself ; and numbers of the 
 great or ambitious hurried to Holland, where 
 Charles now was, some to plead former ser- 
 vices, some to excuse ancient delinquencies, 
 some to allege the merit of having staked their 
 lives in the King's cause, others to enrich the 
 Monarch, by sharing with him the spoils which 
 they had gained by fighting against him. 
 
 It has been said by historians, that this pre- 
 cipitate and general haste in restoring Charles 
 to the throne, witlrout any conditions for the 
 future, was throwing away all the advantage 
 which the nation might have derived from the 
 Civil Wars, and tliat it would have been much 
 better to have readmitted the King upon a so- 
 lemn treaty, which should have adjusted the 
 prerogative of the Crown, and the rights of the 
 subject, and settled for ever those great nation- 
 al questions whicli had been disputed between 
 Charles the first and his Parliament. 
 
 This sounds all well in theory ; but in practice 
 there are many things, and perhaps the Resto- 
 ration is one of them, which may be executed 
 easily and safely, if the work is commenced 
 and carried through in the enthusiasm of a fa- 
 vourable moment, but are likely enough to 
 miscarry, if jirotracted beyond that happy con- 
 juncture. 
 
 The ardour in favour of monarchy, with 
 which the mass of the English nation was at 
 this time agitated, might probably have abated 
 during such a lengthened treaty, providing for 
 all tlie (Irlicate qncslions resjirrting the settle- 
 ment of the Church and Slate, and involving 
 
 ^
 
 THE RESTORATION. 331 
 
 necessarily a renewal of all the discussions 
 whiich had occasioned the Civil War. And 
 supposing that the old discord was not re- 
 kindled by raking among its ashes, still it should 
 be remembered that great part of Cromwell's 
 army were not yet dissolved, and that even 
 Monk's troops were not altogether to be con- 
 fided in. So that the least appearance of dis- 
 union, such as the discussions of the proposed 
 treaty were certain to give rise to, might have 
 afforded these warlike enthusiasts a pretext for 
 again assembling together, and reinstating the 
 military despotism, which they were pleased to 
 term the Reign of the Saints. 
 
 A circumstance occurred which showed how 
 very pressing this danger was, and how little 
 wisdom there would have been in postponing 
 the restoration of a legal government to the 
 event of a treaty. Lambert, who had been lodg- 
 ed in the Tower as a dangerous person, made 
 his escape from that state prison, fled to Daven- 
 try, and began to assemble forces. 
 
 The activity of Colonel Ingoldsby, who had 
 been, like Lambert, himself an officer under 
 Cromwell, but was now firmly attached to 
 Monk, stifled a spark which might have raised 
 a mighty conflagration. He succeeded in gain- 
 ing over and dispersing the troops who had as- 
 sembled under Lambert, and making his former 
 commander prisoner with his own hand, brought 
 him back in safety to his old quarters in the 
 Tower of London. But as the roads were filled 
 with soldiers of the old CromwelUan army, has- 
 tening to join Lambert, it was clear that only
 
 332 THE RESTORATION. 
 
 the immediate suppression of his force, and the 
 capture of his person, prevented the renew^al 
 of general hostilities. 
 
 In so delicate a state of affairs, it was of im- 
 portance that the Restoration, being the mea- 
 sure to which all wise men looked as the only- 
 radical cure for the distresses and disorders of 
 the kingdom, should be executed hastily, leav- 
 ing it in future to the mutual prudence of the 
 King and his subjects to avoid the renewal of 
 those points of quarrel which had given rise to 
 the Civil War of 1641 ; since which time, both 
 Royalists and Parliamentarians had suffered 
 such extreme misery as was likely to make 
 them very cautious how the one made unjust 
 attempts to extend the power of the Crown, or 
 the other to resist it while within its constitu- 
 tional limits. 
 
 The King landed at Dover on 29th May, 
 1660, and wa,s received by General Monk, now 
 gratified and honoured with the dukedom of 
 Albemarle, the Order of the Garter, and the 
 command of the army. With the King came 
 his two brothers, James Duke of York, of Avhom 
 we shall have much to say, and the Duke of 
 Gloucester, who died early. They were re- 
 ceived with such extravagant shouts of wel- 
 come, that the King said to tliose around him, 
 " It must surely have been our own fault, that 
 we have been so long absent from a country 
 where every one seems so glad to see us." 
 
 END OF VOL. I.
 
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