Zbc foreion Biblical Xibrav^* 
 
 Edited hy Rev. W. ROBERTSON NIQOLL, M.A. 
 In crown Svo, price 7s. 6d., cJotli. 
 
 STILL HOURS. 
 
 By RICHARD ROTHE. 
 
 Translated by Jane T. Stoddart. With an Introductory Essay by tlio Rev. 
 John Macpherson, M.A. 
 
 From a Review hy Rev. Marcus Dods, D.D, 
 
 " ' Richard Rothe ' is the name which might be expected to head the poll if the 
 votes of the reading public vrere taken on the question : From what German theo- 
 logian Lave you received the keenest mental stimulus, and who has enabled you to 
 distinguish most clearly between religious forms of theological dogmas and the 
 realities which underlie them ? The slight sketch of this more than theologian 
 prefixed by Mr. Macpherson to the volume before us is well arranged, lucid, inter- 
 esting, sympathetic, and adequate as an introduction to the book. Mr. Macpherson 
 says very truly, ' In no one work of Rothe do the characteristics set forth in the 
 preceding sketch find so complete an illustration. We see him here as the theologian 
 of wide culture and broad sympathies, the thinker of philosophic grasp and scientific 
 accuracy, the daring speculator and unwearied investigator; while at the same time 
 we recognise in him the man of warm and deep personal piety, of pure and simple 
 heart, in whom no trace of self-consciousness is found, and no taint of personal 
 ambition.' It is a book of the first order, fuU of Rothe himself, and of which one 
 wearies as little as of the face of a friend. It forces its way into our regard, and becomes 
 our constant companion, refusing to bo put on the shelf. It has something for every 
 mood. It wins us with a ceaseless attraction to open it, and it never disappoints." 
 
 CIIUBOH TIMES. 
 " Thei-e is a rich mine of intellectual and religious suggestion in his remarks, and 
 the themes discussed are so varied that all classes of readers may find something to 
 interest and instruct them." 
 
 SCOTSMAN. 
 " Mr. Macpherson's brief but well-written and appreciative sketch will be read with 
 interest ; and many, we are sure, will be grateful for the opportunity afforded by 
 this volume of making themselves acquainted with a thinker so subtle, bold, and 
 original, so deeply pious, truth-loving, and tolerant as Richard Rothe." 
 
 FREEMAN. 
 " It is one of the books which at once compel and inspire thought, and which in a 
 few words seem to unveil the heart of the most intricate and abstruse subject. 
 Rotho was a liberal evangelic theologian, — a man of finely disciplined character and 
 ripe scholarship. His 'Still Hours' may claim a place by the side of Coleridge's 
 ' Aids to Reflection,' to which it is equal in learning and philosophical grasp, and 
 superior in regard to its originality and force." 
 
 CHRISTIAN LEADER. 
 " Rothe is just the teacher to lay hold of the hearts of our young men, uniting 
 as he does the scientific theologian and the bold thinker, the thoroughly equipped 
 scholar and the devout disciple, the Christian and the philosopher." 
 
 ACADEMY. 
 " The book may be heartily recommended to those vinable to read the original. 
 The uncommon combination in Rothe's character of intellectual honesty and vigour 
 with deep and genuine piety, must make him interesting to all readers while students 
 of German thought will find one of the most important phases mirrored in ' Still 
 Hours.' " 
 
 LONDON: IIODDER AND STOUGHTON, 27, PATERNOSTER ROW.
 
 Zbe jforeign Biblical Xibrar^» 
 
 Crown Svo, cloth, irrice 7s. M. 
 
 SELECTED SERMONS OF SCHLEIER- 
 MACHER. 
 
 WITH A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. 
 Translated by Mary F. Wilson. 
 
 SCOTSMAN. 
 "The selection bas Ijeen made with excellent judgment, the sermons here pre- 
 sented being individually notable, and the whole giving an adequate view of Schleier- 
 macher's style and method." 
 
 MANCHESTER EXAMINER. 
 " English students of theology will be grateful to the editor and translator for 
 these specimens of the pulpit utterances of one of the most learned, most enhghtened, 
 and most devout of the religious teachers of modern Germany. The twenty- seven 
 sermons chosen include fine examples of Schleiermacher's power in several directions, 
 showing how he handled knotty points of doctrine, how he expounded difficult pas- 
 sages of Sci-ipture, how he applied Christian principles to daily life, and how he 
 combined piety with patriotism." 
 
 In Three Volumes. Price' 7s. Gd. each. 
 
 CHURCH HISTORY. 
 
 By PROFESSOR KURTZ. 
 
 Authorized Translation from the latest Revised Edition htj the 
 Rev. JOHN MACPHERSON, M.A. 
 
 NOTICES OF THE PRESS. 
 
 SPECTATOR. 
 " Kurtz's Manual of Church History, which Mr. Macpherson has translated with 
 admirable care and skill, is the one book of the kind adapted for present use. It is 
 not meant for the general reader who needs to bo interested, but for the student, 
 who desires information, and is glad to have it in the most compressed form, and he 
 who goes to it with this aim will not be disappointed. He will find the chief events 
 of each age, its chief writers, the list of their works, tlio changes iu doctrine and 
 discipline, the developments of ritual, noted in brief and clear language, and arranged 
 in the form easiest to understand and remember." 
 
 SCOTSMAN. 
 " The complete work of Professor Kurtz is now translated, and it really shows it- 
 self so improved in form, so much fuller in substance, in fact so much changed in 
 mind, body, and state, that it may claim to be a new history altogether. No one 
 who has tried to peruse the original compilation will deny that this is an unspeak- 
 able advantage in a once unreadable manual ; and, indeed, a ' manual,' by its very 
 name, signifies a work that is meant to hold in the hand and not to enter the head. 
 The author has carried on his histoi'y into the most recent days. Nothing has 
 escaped his all-seeing eye and his all-recording pen — neither the Theosophism of 
 Madame Blavatsky, nor tlie microscopic heresies of Mr. David Macrae in the United 
 Presbyterian Church, neither the doings of the Berlin Treaty or of Dr. Robertson 
 Smith. The annals of the last fifty years on the Continent are given with consider- 
 able fulness, and ecclesiastical events in Germany are given with an especial amount 
 of detail." 
 
 LONDON : HODDER AND STOUGHTON, 27, PATERNOSTER ROW.
 
 THE 
 
 FOREIGN BIBLICAL LIBRARY. 
 
 EDITED EY THE 
 
 REV. W. ROBERTSON NICOLE, M.A., LL.D. 
 
 Eiiito} pf the " Expositor." 
 
 KURTZ'S CHURCH HISTORY. 
 
 HODDER AND STOUGHTON, 
 27, PATERNOSTER ROW. 
 
 MDCCCVCI.
 
 Ubc fovciQW JBiblical Xit»i-ai\\ 
 
 Edited by the Rev. W. Robertson Nicoll, M.A., LL.D. 
 
 12 Volumes. Large croiun Zz'o. Price ys. 6d. each.- 
 
 I. Still Hours. ^ 
 
 By Richard Rotiie. Translated by Jane T. Stoddart. With an 
 Introductory Essay by the Rev. John Mactherson, M.A. 
 
 II. Biblical Commentary on the Book of Psalms. 
 
 By Professor Franz Dei.itzsch, of Leipzig. From the latest edition 
 specially revised by the Author. Translated by the Rev. David 
 Eaton, M.A. In three Volumes. 
 
 III. A Manual of Introduction to the New Testament. 
 
 By Bernhard Weiss. Translated by Miss Davidson. In 2 I'o/s. 
 
 IV. Church History. 
 
 By Professor Kurtz. Authorized Translation, from the latest Revised 
 Edition, by the Rev. J. Maci'Herson, 1\I.A. In 3 roh. 
 
 V. Selected Sermons of Schleiermacher. 
 
 'J'ranslated by Mary F. Wilson. 
 
 VI. A Commentary on the Book of Isaiah. 
 
 By Professor Franz Delitzsch. Translated by the Rev. James 
 Denney, B.D. In 2 Vols. 
 
 LONDON : HODDER AND STOUGHTON, 27, PATERNOSTER ROW.
 
 CHURCH HISTORY 
 
 PROFESSOR KURTZ. 
 
 AUTHORIZED TRANSLATION FROM LATEST REVISED 
 EDITION BY THE 
 
 REV. JOHN MACPHERSON, ALA. 
 
 IN THREE VOLUMES. VOL. L 
 
 SECOND EDITION. 
 
 HODDER AND STOUGHTON, 
 27, PATERNOSTER ROW. 
 
 MDCCCXCI. 
 
 T6380
 
 Butler & Tanner, 
 
 The Selwood Pkinting Works, 
 
 Frome, and London.
 
 V. i 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 The English reader is here presented with a translation of 
 the ninth edition of a work which first appeared in 1849, 
 and has obtained a naost distinguished place, it might be 
 said almost a monopoly, as a text-book of Chtirch History 
 in the German Universities. Since 1850, when the second 
 edition was issiied, an English translation of which has been 
 widely nsed in Britain and America, Dr. Knrtz has given 
 great attention to the improvement of his book. The in- 
 crease of size has not been caused by wordy amplification, 
 but by an urgent necessity felt by the author as he used 
 the vast materials that recent years have spread out before 
 the historical student. In 1870 Dr. Kurtz retired from his 
 professorship, and has conscientiously devoted himself to 
 bring up each successive edition of his text-book to the 
 point reached by the very latest scholarship of his own and 
 other lands. In his Preface to the ninth edition of 1885 
 he claims to have made very special improvements on the 
 presentation of the history of the first three centuries, 
 where ample use is made of the brilliant researches of 
 Harnack and other distinguished scholars of the day. 
 
 In the exercise of that discretion which has been allowed 
 him, the translator has ventured apon an innova^'on which 
 he trusts will be generally recognised as a very important 
 improvement. The German edition has frequently pages 
 devoted ta the literature of the larger divisions, and a con-
 
 Vlll PEEFACE. 
 
 sidorable space is tlius occupied at the beginning of most of 
 tlie ordinary sections, as well as at the close of many of the 
 sub-sections. The books named in these lists are almost 
 exclusively German works and articles that have appeared 
 in German periodicals. Experience has shown that the 
 reproduction of such lists in an English edition is utterly 
 useless to the ordinary student and extremely repulsive to 
 the reader, as it seriously interferes with the continuity of 
 the text. The translator has therefore ventured wholly to 
 cancel these lists, substituting carefully selected standard 
 English works known to himself from which detailed in- 
 formation on the subjects treated of in the several para- 
 graphs may be obtained. These he has named in footnotes 
 at the places where such references seemed to be necessary 
 and most likely to be useful. Those students who know 
 German so thoroughly as to be able to refer to books and 
 articles by German specialists will find no difficulty in using 
 the German edition of Kurtz, in which copious lists of such 
 literature are given. 
 
 The first English volume is a reproduction without re- 
 trenchment of the original ; but in the second volume an 
 endeavour has been made to render the text-book more con- 
 venient and seiwiceable to British and American students 
 by slightly abridging some of those paragraphs which give 
 minute details of the Reformation work in various German 
 provinces. But even there care has been taken not to omit 
 any fact of interest or importance. No pains have been 
 spared to give the English edition a form that may entitle 
 it to occupy that froait rank among students' text-books of 
 Church Histoiy which the original ixndoubtedly holds in 
 Germany. 
 
 JOHN MACPHERSON. 
 
 FiNDiioRX, J"»///, 1888.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 INTRODUCTrOX TO THE HISTORY OF THE 
 CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 
 
 § 1. Idea and Task of Chuech Histoky .... 
 § 2. DiSTniBUTioN OF CnuRcn History according to its Con 
 
 TENTS 
 
 (1) The Various Branches inckided in a complete Course 
 
 of Church History 
 
 (2) The Separate Branches of Cliurch History . 
 
 § 3. Distribution of Church History according to Periods 
 
 § 4. Sources and Auxiliaries of Church History . 
 
 § 5. History of General Church History . . . 
 
 PAGE 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 G 
 
 9 
 
 11 
 
 HISTORY OF THE PREPARATION FOR 
 CHRISTIANITY. 
 
 Tlie Pre-Christian World preparing the way of the Christian Church. 
 
 § G. The Standpoint of Universal History . ... 22 
 
 § 7. Heathenish 23 
 
 (1) The Eeligious Character of Heathenism ... 23 
 
 (2) The Moral Character of Heathenism .... 24 
 
 (3) The Intellectual Culture in Heathenism ... 25 
 
 (4) The HeUenic Philosophy 2G 
 
 I (5) The Heathen State 27 
 
 J 2t 8. Judaism 28 
 
 / (1) Judaism under special Training of God through the 
 
 ,' Law and Prophecy 29 
 
 ( (2) Judaism after the Cessation of Prophecy ... SO 
 
 I^* 1 (3) The Synagogues 31 
 
 (4) Pharisees, Sadducees and Essenes 31 
 
 9. Samaeitanism 33
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 § 10. Inteucouese between Judaism and Heathenism 
 
 (1) Influence of Heathenism upon Judaism 
 
 (2) Influence of Judaism upon Heathenism 
 
 § 11. The Fulness of Time 
 
 PAGE 
 
 34 
 31 
 35 
 
 36 
 
 HISTOEY OF THE BEGINNINGS. 
 
 The rounding of the Church by Christ and His Apcstlcs. 
 § 12. Cuaracter of the History of the Beginnings . . 37 
 
 I. THE LIFE OF JESUS. 
 § 13. Jesus Christ the Saviour of the World 
 
 (1) Year of Birth and Year of Death of Jesus 
 
 (2) Earliest Non-Eiblical Witnesses to Christ 
 
 II. THE APOSTOLIC AGE. 
 a.d. 30-70, 
 
 § 14. The Ministry of the Apostles before Paul 
 Beginning and Close of Apostolic Age . 
 
 § 15. The Ministry of the Afostle Paul 
 
 Details of Paul's Life .... 
 
 § 16. The other Apostles after the Appearance 
 Apostle Paul 
 
 (1) The Koman Episcopate of Peter . 
 
 (2) The Apostle John .... 
 
 (3) James the Brother of the Lord 
 
 (4) The Later Legends of the Apostles 
 
 § 17. Constitution, Worship and Discipline 
 
 (1) The Charismata of the Apostolic Age 
 
 (2) The Constitution of the Mother Church at Jerusalem 
 
 (3) The Constitution of the Pauline Churches 
 
 (4) The Church in the Pauline Epistles 
 
 (5) Congregational and Spiritual Ofiices 
 
 (6) The Question about the Original Position of 
 
 copate and Presbyterate . 
 
 (7) Christian Worship .... 
 
 (8) Christian Life and Ecclesiastical Discipline 
 
 § 18. Opposition to Christian Doctrine in the Apostolic 
 
 (1) Jewish Christianity and the Council of the Apostlr 
 
 (2) The Apostolic Basis of Doctrine .... 
 
 (3) False Teachers 
 
 the Epis; 
 
 39 
 39 
 
 40 
 41 
 
 42 
 43 
 
 45 
 45 
 46 
 48 
 49 
 
 50 
 51 
 
 in>
 
 CONTENTS. XI 
 
 FIRST DIVISION. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHURCH 
 
 DURING THE GR^CO-ROMAN AND GRiECO- 
 
 BYZANTINE PERIODS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 § 19. Content, Distribution and Boundaeies of those Periods 67 
 
 FIRST SECTION. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE GR^CO-ROMAN CHURCH DURING 
 THE SECOND AND THIRD CENTURIES, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 § 20. Content, Distribution and Boundaries of this Period . 70 
 
 (1) The Post-Apostolic Age 71 
 
 (2) Age of the Old Catholic Church 72 
 
 (3) Transition from one to the other 73 
 
 I. THE BELATIONSHIP OF EXTEA CHRISTIAN PAGANISM 
 
 AND JUDAISM TO THE CHURCH. 
 
 § 21. The Spread of Christianity 74 
 
 § 22. Persecutions op the Christians in the Roman Empire . 75 
 
 (1) Claudius, Nero and Domitian 70 
 
 (2) Trajan and Hadrian 78 
 
 (3) Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius .... 79 
 • (4) Septimius Severus and Maximinus Thrax ... 80 
 
 (5) Decius, Gallus and Valerianus 82 
 
 (6) Diocletian and Galerius 83 
 
 (7) Maximinus Daza, Maxentius and Licinius ... 85 
 § 23. Controversial Writings of Paganism .... 86 
 
 (1) Lucian's Satire De Morte Percgrini .... 87 
 
 (2) Asinarii, term of reproach 88 
 
 (3) Polemic properly so-called 88 
 
 § 24. Attempted Reconstruction of Paganism . . . . 90 
 
 (1) ApoUonius of Tyana 90 
 
 (2) Neoplatonism 91 
 
 § 25. Jewish and Samaritan Reaction 93 
 
 (1) Disciples of John 94 
 
 (2) Samaritan Heresiarchs 95 
 
 II. DANGER TO THE CHURCH FROM PAGAN AND JEWISH 
 
 ELEMENTS WITHIN ITS OWN PALE. 
 
 § 26. Gnosticism in General 98 
 
 (1) Gnosticism 99
 
 xu 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 (2) Problems of Gnostic Speculation 
 
 (3) Distribution of Gnostic Systems 
 
 (4) Sources of Information . 
 
 § 27. The Gentile-Cheistian Gnosticism 
 
 (1) Cerintlius .... 
 
 (2) Basilides .... 
 
 (3) Irenteus' Sketch of Basilideanism 
 
 (4) Valentinus .... 
 
 (5) Divisions of Valentinian School 
 
 (6) The Ophites and Belated Sects 
 
 (7) The Ophites according to L'en£eu3 
 
 (8) Antinomian and Libertine Sects 
 
 (9) Saturninus .... 
 
 (10) Tatian and the Encratites 
 
 (11) Marcion and the Marcionites 
 (°12) Marcion's Disciples 
 (13) Hermogenes .... 
 
 § 28. Ebionism and Ebionitic Gnosticism 
 
 (1) Nazareans and Ebionites 
 
 (2) The Elkesaites 
 
 (3) Pseudo-Clementine Writings . 
 
 (4) Pseudo-Clementine Doctrinal System 
 
 § 29. Manich^ism .... 
 
 (1) The Founder .... 
 
 (2) The System .... 
 
 (3) Constitution, Worship and Missionarizing 
 
 PAGE 
 100 
 
 101 
 101 
 
 102 
 104 
 104 
 106 
 107 
 110 
 111 
 113 
 114 
 115 
 116 
 116 
 119 
 119 
 
 120 
 120 
 121 
 123 
 124 
 
 126 
 126 
 128 
 130 
 
 THE DOCTEINAL DEVELOPMENT AND APOLOGETICAL 
 r ACTIVITY OF THE CHURCH. 
 
 132 
 133 
 133 
 135 
 137 
 139 
 140 
 141 
 144 
 145 
 147 
 
 149 
 149 
 
 30./Theological Literature oi? the Post-Apostolic Age 
 
 (1) Bfiginnings of Patristic Literature . 
 
 (2) Theology of the Post-Apostolic Age 
 
 (3) The so-called Apostolic Fathers — Clement . 
 
 (4) Barnabas, Hermas .... 
 
 (5) Ignatius 
 
 (6) Polycarp, Papias, Ep. to Diognetua 
 
 (7) Teaching of Twelve Apostles 
 
 (8) Early Christian Apologists 
 
 (9) Extant Writings of Apologists — Justin Martyr 
 (10) Tatian 
 
 § 81. Theological Literature of Old Catholic Age 
 (1) Theological Schools and Tendencies
 
 CONTENTS. Xlll 
 
 1. CHUECH FATHERS WRITING IN GREEK. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 (2) Asiatic School: Ireuteus 150 
 
 (3) Hippolytus 151 
 
 (4) Alexaudriau School : Pauta3uus, Cleineut . . . 153 
 
 (5) Origen .154 
 
 (6) Dionysius, Gregory Thaumaturgus .... 15G 
 
 (7) Greek-speaking Teachers in other Quarters : Hegesip- 
 
 pus, Caius 157 
 
 (8) Africanus 158 
 
 (9) Methodius, Lucian 159 
 
 2. CHURCH FATHERS WRITING IN LATIN. 
 
 (10) Tertullian 160 
 
 (11) Cyprian 162 
 
 (12) Various Writers in Latin : Minucius Felix, Comrao- 
 
 dianus, Novatian, Arnobius, Victorinus, Lactantius . 163 
 
 § 32. Apocryphal and Pseudepigraphical Literature . . 165 
 
 (1) Professedly Heathen Prophecies : Sibylline Writings . 166 
 
 (2) Old Testament Pseudepigraphs 166 
 
 (3) Pseudepigraphs of Christian Origin .... 167 
 
 (4) New Testament Apocrypha and Pseudepigraphs . . 168 
 
 (5) Apocryphal Histories and Legends of Apostles . . 169 
 
 (6) Apocryphal Accounts of Biblical Apostles . . . 174 
 
 (7) Apostolic Epistles, etc 173 
 
 (8) Acts of Martyrs 174 
 
 § 33. Doctrinal Controversies of Old Catholic Age . . 174 
 
 (1) Trinitarian Questions 175 
 
 (2) TheAlogians 176 
 
 (3) Theodotians and Artcmonites 176 
 
 (4) Praxeas and Tertullian 178 
 
 (5) The NoiJtians and Hippolytus 179 
 
 (6) Beryllus and Origen 180 
 
 (7) Sabellius, Dionysius of Alex, and Dionysius of Rome . 180 
 
 (8) Paul of Samosata 181 
 
 (9) Chihasm 182 
 
 IV. CONSTITUTION, WORSHIP, LIFE AND DISCIPLINE. 
 
 § 84. Toe Inner Organization of the Church . . . 184 
 
 (1) Continuation of Charismatic Gifts into Post-Apostolic 
 
 Times 185 
 
 (2) Development of Episcopal Hierarchy .... 188 
 
 (3) Regular Ecclesiastical Offices of Old Catholic Age . . 190
 
 XIV 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 (4) Clergy aucl Laity .... 
 
 (5) The Synods 
 
 (6) Personal and Epistolary Intercourse 
 
 (7) Unity and Catholicity of the Church 
 
 (8) The Eoman Primacy 
 
 § 35. The Administration of Baptism 
 
 (1) Preparation for Eeceiving Baptism 
 
 (2) The Baptismal Formula 
 
 (3) The Administration of Baptism 
 
 (4) The Doctrine of Baptism 
 
 (5) Heretics' Baptism .... 
 
 § 36. 
 
 Public Woeship and its Vabious Parts 
 
 (1) The Agape 
 
 (2) Missa Catechumenorum 
 
 (3) Missa Fidelium .... 
 
 (4) Discipliua Arcani .... 
 
 (5) Doctrine of Lord's Supper 
 
 (6) The Sacrificial Theory . 
 
 (7) The Use of Scripture . 
 
 (8) Formation of New Testament Canon 
 
 (9) The Doctrine of Inspiration . 
 
 (10) Hymnology . . . . ' . 
 
 § 37. Feasts and Festival Seasons . 
 
 (1) The Festivals of the Christian Year 
 
 (2) The Paschal Controversies 
 
 (3) Ecclesiastical Institution of Fasting 
 
 § 38. The Church Buildings and the Catacoji 
 
 (1) The Catacombs .... 
 
 (2) The Antiquities of the Catacombs . 
 
 (3) Pictorial Art and the Catacombs . 
 
 (4) Symbolical and Allegorical Figures 
 
 § 3y. Life, Manners and Discipline . 
 
 (1) Christian Life and Manners . 
 
 (2) The Penetential Discipline . 
 
 (3) Asceticism 
 
 (4) Paul of Thebes .... 
 
 (5) Beginning of Veneration of Martyrs 
 
 (6) Superstition 
 
 § 40. The Montanist Eeformation 
 
 (1) Montauism in Asia Minor 
 
 (2) Montanisra at Rome
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 XV 
 
 (3) Montanism in Proconsular Africa 
 
 (4) The Fundamental Principle of Montanism . 
 
 (5) The Attitude of Montanism toward the Church 
 
 § 41. Schismatic Divisions in the Churcu 
 
 (1) Schism of Hippolytus at Eome 
 
 (2) Schism of Felicissimus at Carthage 
 
 (3) Schism of Novatian at Kome . 
 
 (4) Schism of Meletius in Egypt . 
 
 PAGE 
 
 228 
 229 
 230 
 
 232 
 232 
 233 
 233 
 234 
 
 SECOND SECTION. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE GR^CO-ROMAN CHURCH DURING 
 
 THE FOURTH, FIFTH, SIXTH AND SEVENTH 
 
 CENTURIES, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 I. CHURCH AND STATE. 
 
 § 42. The Overthrow of Paganism in the Roman Empire 
 
 (1) Romish Legend of the Baptism of Constantino 
 
 (2) Constantine the Great and his Sons 
 
 (3) Julian the Apostate 
 
 (4) The Later Emperors 
 
 (5) Heathen Polemics and Apologetics 
 
 (6) The Hvpsistarians 
 
 § 43. The Christian Empire and the Ecclesiastical Law 
 
 (1) The Imperial Jus Circa Sacra 
 
 (2) (Ecumenical Synods 
 
 (3) Canonical Ordinances . 
 
 (4) Pseudepigraphic Church Ordinances 
 
 (5) Pseudo-Apostolic Church Ordinances 
 
 235 
 236 
 237 
 237 
 239 
 240 
 242 
 
 242 
 243 
 244 
 244 
 245 
 247 
 
 ir. MONASTICISM, CLERICALISM AND HIERARCHISM. 
 
 § 44. Monasticism 248 
 
 (1) Biography of St. Anthony 219 
 
 (2) Origin of Christian Monasticism 251 
 
 (3) Oriental Monasticism . . . . . . .251 
 
 (4) Western Monasticism 253 
 
 (5) Institution of Nunneries 254 
 
 (6) Monastic Asceticism 254 
 
 (7) Anti-Ecclesiastical and Heretical Monasticism . . 254 
 
 § 45. The Clergy 250 
 
 (1) Training of the Clergy 257 
 
 (2) Injunction of Celibacy 258
 
 XVI 
 
 CONTENTS, 
 
 (3) Later Ecclesiastical Offices .... 
 
 (4) Churcli Property 
 
 4Gfl. The Patriarchal Constitution and the Pbimacy 
 
 (1) The Patriarchal Constitution 
 
 (2) Eivalry between Piome and Byzantium 
 
 4G&. History of the Eoman Chair and its Claiiis to 
 Primacy . ... 
 
 (3) From Melchiacles to Julius I. . 
 
 (4) From Liberius to Auastasius . 
 
 (5) From Innocent I. to Zosimus 
 (G) From Boniface I. to Sixtus III. 
 
 (7) From Leo the Great to Simplicius 
 
 (8) From Felix III. to Boniface II. 
 
 (9) From John II. to Pelagius II. 
 
 (10) From Gregory I. to Boniface V. . 
 
 (11) FromHonorius I. to Gregory III. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 259 
 260 
 
 2G0 
 261 
 262 
 
 2G4 
 264 
 2G5 
 267 
 268 
 269 
 270 
 272 
 273 
 274 
 
 III. THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE AND LITEEATUEE. 
 
 47. Theological Schools and their most Celebrated Eepee- 
 
 sentatives 276 
 
 (1) Theological Schools and their Tendencies . . . 277 
 
 1. The most important Teachers of the Eastern Churcli. 
 
 (2) The most Celebrated Eepresentative of the Old Alexan- 
 
 drian School — Eusebius 279 
 
 (3) Church Fathers of the New Alexandrian School — Atha- 
 
 nasius 281 
 
 (4) The Three Great Cappadocians 281 
 
 (5) Apollinaris 284 
 
 (G) Macarius Magnes, Cyril and Isidore .... 285 
 
 (7) Mystics and Philosophers : — Macarius, Synesius and 
 
 Nemesius 28G 
 
 (8) The Antiocheans — Eusebius of Emesa, Diodorus, Chry- 
 
 sostom 287 
 
 (9) Theodore of Mopsuestia, Polychronius, Theodoret . 288 
 
 (10) Other Greek Teachers of the 4th and 5th Centuries — 
 
 Cyril of Jerusalem, Epiphanius, Palladius and Nilus 289 
 
 (11) Greek Fathers of the 6th and 7th Centuries — Philo- 
 
 ponus, Dionysius the Arcopagite .... 291 
 
 (12) LeontiusByzantinus, Maximus Confessor, Climacus, etc. 298 
 
 (13) Syrian Church Fathers — Jacob of Nisibis, Aphraates, 
 
 Ephraim, etc 294
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 XVll 
 
 2. Tlie most important Teachers of the Western Church. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 (14) During Ariau Controversy — Firnaicus Maternus, Luci- 
 
 fer, Hilary, Martin of Tours, etc 295 
 
 (15) Ambrose, Ambrosiaster 297 
 
 (16) During Origenistic Controversy — Jerome . . . 299 
 
 (17) Eufinus, Suli^icius Severus, etc 300 
 
 (18) Augustine 301 
 
 (19) Augustine's Works , 303 
 
 (20) Augustine's Disciples and Friends .... 305 
 
 (21) Pelagians and Semi-Pelagians 305 
 
 (22) Most Important Church Teachers among the Popes . 307 
 
 (23) Conservators of Patristic Culture^BoiJthius and Cas- 
 
 siodorus 309 
 
 § 48. Beanchks of Theological Science and Christian Poetry 310 
 
 (1) Exegetical Theology *. . 310 
 
 (2) Historical Theology 311 
 
 (3) Systematic Theology 312 
 
 (4) Practical Theology 312 
 
 (5) Christian Poetry 313 
 
 (6) Christian Latin Poetry 313 
 
 (7) Poetry of Syrian Church 314 
 
 (8) Legendary History of Cyprian 314 
 
 IV. DOCTBINAL CONTKOVEESIES AND HEEESIES 
 
 § 49. The Development of DociraNE Generally 
 
 § 50. The Teinitarlvn Controversy, a.d. 318-381 
 
 (1) Preliminary Victory of the Homoousia, a.d. 318-325 
 
 (2) Victory of Eusebianism, a.d. 328-356 . 
 
 (3) Victory of Homoiousianism, A.D. 357-361 
 
 (4) Final Victory of the Nicene Creed, a.d. 3G1-381 . 
 
 (5) The Pneumatomachiaus, a.d. 302-381 . 
 
 (6) Literature of the Controversy .... 
 
 (7) Post-Nicene Development of the Dogma 
 
 (8) Schisms Connected -with the Ariau Controversy — Mele 
 
 tian, Luciferian 
 
 § 51. The Origenist Controversies, a.d. 394-438 
 
 (1) Monks of the Scetic and Nitrian Deserts 
 
 (2) Controversy in Palestine ..... 
 
 (3) Controversy in Alexandria and Constantinople 
 
 § 52. The Christological Controversy .... 
 (1) The Apollinarian Controversy (a.d. 362-381) 
 
 316 
 
 317 
 318 
 319 
 321 
 322 
 323 
 324 
 324 
 
 325 
 
 32G 
 326 
 326 
 327 
 
 329 
 330
 
 xvin 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 (2) Christology of the Opposing Schools 
 
 (3) Nestorian Controversy (a.d. 428-41'!) 
 
 (4) Monophysite Controversy — Eutychianisni (a.d. 444 
 
 (5) Imperial Attempts at Union (a.d. 4.51-519) 
 
 (6) Justinian's Decrees (a.d. 527-553) 
 
 (7) The Monophysite Churches . 
 
 (8) The Monothehte Controversy (a.d. 633-680) 
 
 (9) The Case of Honorius .... 
 
 § 53. The Soteeiological Conteoveksies, a.d. 412-52 
 
 (1) Preliminary History .... 
 
 (2) The Doctrine of Augustine . 
 
 (3) Pelagius and his Doctrine 
 
 (4) The Pelagian Controversy (a.d. 411-431) 
 
 (5) The Semi-Pelagian Controversy (a.d. 427-529) 
 
 § 54. PkE^U-PEAEANCE AND EeMODELLING OP KaELIEE HeEE 
 
 Sects . 
 
 (1) Mauichffiism 
 
 (2) Priscillianism (a.d. 383-563) . 
 
 -4.51) 
 
 V. WOESHIP, LIFE, DISCIPLINE AND MOEALS. 
 
 § 55. WoEsnip IN Geneeal 
 
 § 56. Festivals and Seasons foe Public Wonsnii 
 
 (1) The Weekly Cycle . 
 
 (2) Hours and Quarterly Fasts 
 
 (3) The Eeckoning of Easter 
 
 (4) The Easter Festivals . 
 
 (5) The Christmas Festivals 
 
 (6) The Church Year . 
 
 (7) The Church Fasts 
 
 § 57. WoEsnip OF Saints, Eelics and biAOEs 
 
 (1) Worship of Martyrs and Saints 
 
 (2) Worship of Mary and Anna . 
 
 (3) Worship of Angels 
 
 (4) Worship of Images 
 
 (5) Worship of Eelics . 
 
 (6) Making of Pilgrimages . 
 
 § 58. The Dispensation of the Saceaments 
 
 (1) Administration of Baptism . 
 
 (2) Doctrine of the Supper . 
 
 (3) Sacrifice of the Mass 
 
 (4) Administration of the Lord's Supper
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 XIX 
 
 § 59. 
 
 CO, 
 
 § 61, 
 
 § 62. 
 
 63. 
 
 Public WoRsnip in Woed and Stmboi, 
 
 (1) The Holy Scriptures 
 
 (2) The Creeds of the Church . 
 
 (3) Bible Reading in Church and Preaching 
 
 (4) Hymnology ..... 
 
 (5) Psalmody and Hymn Music . 
 
 (6) Liturgy 
 
 (7) Liturgical Vestments 
 
 (8) Symbolical Acts in Worship . 
 
 (9) Processions 
 
 Places of Public Worship, Buildings and Woek; 
 Abt .... 
 
 (1) The Basilica . 
 
 (2) Secular Basilicas . 
 
 (3) The Cupola Stylo . 
 
 (4) Accessory and Special Building 
 
 (5) Church Furniture . 
 
 (6) Graphic and Plastic Arts 
 
 Life, Discipline and Morals 
 
 (1) Church Discipline 
 
 (2) Christian Marriage 
 
 (3) Sickness, Death and Burial 
 
 (4) Purgatory and Masses for Souls 
 
 Heretical Eefoemees 
 
 (1) Audians and Apostolics 
 
 (2) Protests against Superstition and External Observance 
 
 (3) Protests against the Over-estimation of Doctrine . 
 
 Schisms 
 
 (1) The Donatist Schism 
 
 (2) The Concilium Quinisextum 
 
 PAGE 
 
 370 
 370 
 372 
 374 
 375 
 375 
 376 
 378 
 379 
 379 
 
 380 
 380 
 382 
 383 
 383 
 384 
 385 
 
 386 
 387 
 389 
 390 
 390 
 
 391 
 391 
 
 392 
 393 
 
 393 
 394 
 396 
 
 VI. THE CHUECH OUTSIDE OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 
 
 § 64. MissioNART Operations in the East .... 397 
 
 (1) The Ethiopic-Ahyssinian Church . . . .397 
 
 (2) The Persian Church 397 
 
 (3) The Armenian Church 398 
 
 (4) The Iberians 399 
 
 § 65. The Counter-Mission op the Mohamiiedans . . . 400 
 
 (1) The Fundamental Principle of Islam .... 401 
 
 (2) The Providential Place of Islam 401
 
 XX CONTENTS. 
 
 THIRD SECTION. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE GR^CO-BYZANTINE CHURCH IN 
 THE EIGHTH TO THE FIFTEENTH CENTURIES (A.D. 
 
 692-1453). 
 
 I. DEVELOPMENTS OF THE GEEEK CHURCH IN 
 COMBINATION WITH THE WESTERN. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 § 66. IcosocLASM OF THE Byzantine Chubch .... 403 
 
 404 
 404 
 405 
 405 
 
 (1) Leo III., the Isauriaii . 
 
 (2) Coustantine V., CoproDymus 
 
 (3) Leo IV., Chazarus 
 
 (4) Leo v., the Armenian . 
 
 § 67. Division between Greek akd Latin Church and Attempts 
 
 AT Union 406 
 
 (1) Foimdatiou of the Schism 407 
 
 (2) Leo VI., the Philosopher 408 
 
 (3) Completion of the Schism 409 
 
 (4) Attempts at Reunion 409 
 
 (5) Audronicus III., Palteologus and Barlaam . . . 410 
 
 (6) The Council of Florence 410 
 
 (7) Decay of Byzantine Empire 412 
 
 II. DEVELOPMENTS IN THE EASTERN CHURCH WITHOUT 
 THE CO-OPERATION OF THE WESTERN. 
 
 § 68. Theologicaij Science and Literature .... 412 
 
 (1) Revival of Classical Studies 413 
 
 (2) Aristotle and Plato 414 
 
 (3) Scholasticism and Mysticism 414 
 
 (4) Branches of Theological Science 415 
 
 (5) Damascenus, Photius, etc 415 
 
 (6) Barlaam and Josaphat 417 
 
 § 09. Doctrinal Controversies in the 12Tn-14TH Centuries . 418 
 
 (1) Dogmatic Questions 418 
 
 (2) The Hesychast Controversy 418 
 
 § 70. Constitution, Worship and Life 419 
 
 (1) The Arsenian Schism 420 
 
 (2) Public Worship 420 
 
 (3) Monasticism 421 
 
 (4) Endeavours at Reformation 422
 
 CONTENTS. Xxi 
 
 PAGK 
 
 § 71. DuALiSTic Heeetics 422 
 
 (1) The Paulicians 423 
 
 (2) The Children of the Sua 424 
 
 (3) The Euchites 424 
 
 (4) TheBogomili 425 
 
 § 72. Nestorian and Monophysite Churches of the East . 427 
 
 (1) The Persian Nestorians and Chaldean Christians . . 427 
 
 (2) The Armenians 428 
 
 (3) The Maronites 429 
 
 (4) The Legend of Prester John 429 
 
 § 73. The Slavonic Churches adhering to the Orthodox 
 
 Greek Confession 430 
 
 (1) Slavs in the Greek Provinces 431 
 
 (2) The Chazari 431 
 
 (3) The Bulgarians 431 
 
 (4) The Eussian Church 432 
 
 (5) Kussian Sects 434 
 
 SECOND DIVISION. 
 
 THE HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE GERMAN- 
 ROMAN CHURCH DURING THE MIDDLE AGES. 
 
 § 74. Character and Divisions of this Period .... 436 
 
 (1) The Character of Mediajval History .... 437 
 
 (2) Periods in the Church History of the German-Pioman 
 
 Middle Ages 438 
 
 FIEST SECTION. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN-ROMAN CHURCH TO 
 A.D. 911. 
 
 I. THE FOUNDING, SPEEAD AND LIMITATION OF THE 
 GEEMAN CHUECH. 
 
 § 75. Christianity and the Germans 
 
 (1) Predisposition of the Germans for Christianity 
 
 (2) Unopposed Adoption of Christianity 
 
 (3) Mode of Conversion in the Church of these times 
 
 § 76. The Victory of Catholicism over Arunism 
 (1) The Goths in Lands of the Danube 
 
 440 
 441 
 
 442 
 442 
 
 443 
 
 444
 
 XX 11 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 (2) The Visigoths in Gaul and Spain 
 
 (3) Vaudals in Africa 
 
 (4) Suevi . 
 
 (5) Burgundians . 
 
 (6) Kugiaus . 
 
 (7) Ostrogoths . 
 
 (8) Longobards in Italy 
 
 (9) Franks in Gaul 
 
 77. ViCTOET OF TUE EoMISH OVER THE BRITISH CnURCH 
 
 (1) Conversion of the Irish 
 
 (2j Mission to Scotland 
 
 (3) Peculiarities of the Celtic Church . 
 
 (4) Eomish Mission to the Anglo-Saxons . 
 (o) Celtic Missions among the Anglo-Saxons 
 
 (6) The Celtic Element driven out of the Anglo 
 
 Church 
 
 (7) Spread and Overthrow of the British Church 
 
 (8) Overthrow of the Old British System in the Iro-Scottish 
 
 Church 
 
 § 78, The Conversion and Eomanizing of Germ^vny 
 
 (1) South-Western Germany 
 
 (2) South-Eastern Germany 
 
 (3) North-Western Germany 
 (I) The Missionary Work of Boniface . 
 
 (5) The Organization Effected by Boniface 
 
 (6) Heresies Confronted by Boniface . 
 
 (7) The End of Boniface ... 
 
 (8) An Estimate of Boniface 
 
 (9) The Conversion of the Saxons 
 
 § 79. The Slavs in German Countries 
 
 (1) The Carantanians and Avars. 
 
 (2) The Moravian Church . 
 
 (3) The Beginnings of Christianity in Bohemia 
 
 80. The Scandinavian Nations 
 
 (1) Ansgar . . . . 
 
 (2) Eimbert 
 
 81. Christianity and Islam 
 
 (1) Islam in Spain 
 
 (2) Islam in Sicily
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 XXUl 
 
 II. THE HIEEAECHY, THE CLERGY AND THE MONKS. 
 
 tlieii' 
 
 freueral 
 
 § 82. The Papacy and the Cakolingians 
 
 (1) The Perioii of the Founding of the States of the Church 
 
 (2) Stephen III 
 
 (3) Charlemagne and Leo III. 
 
 (4) Louis the Pious and the Popes of his Time 
 
 (5) The Sons of Louis the Pious and the Popes of 
 
 Days 
 
 (6) The Legend of the Female Pope Joanna 
 
 (7) Nicholas I. and Hadrian II. . 
 
 (8) John VIII. and his Successors 
 
 (9) The Papacy and the Nationalities 
 
 § 83. The Eank of Meteopolitan 
 
 (1) The Positions of Metropolitans in 
 
 (2) Hincmar of Eheims 
 
 (3) Metropolitans in other Lauds 
 § 81. The Clergy in General 
 
 (1) The Superior Clergy 
 
 (2) The Inferior Clergy 
 
 (3) Compulsory Celibacy 
 
 (4) The Canonical Life 
 
 § 85. MONASTICISM .... 
 
 (1) Benedict of Nursia 
 
 (2) Benedict of Aniane 
 (3] Nunneries .... 
 
 (4) The Greater Monasteries 
 
 (5) Monastic Practices spreading among the Clc 
 
 (6) The Stylites 
 
 § 86, The Property of Church and Monasteries 
 
 (1) Eeveuues of Churches and Monasteries 
 
 (2) The Benefice System .... 
 
 § 87. Ecclesiastical Legislation 
 
 (1) Older Collections of Ecclesiastical Law . 
 
 (2) Collection of Decretals of the Pseudo-Isidore 
 
 (3) Details of the History of the Forgery 
 
 (4) Edict and Donation of Constantine 
 
 gy 
 
 483 
 484 
 485 
 487 
 488 
 
 490 
 490 
 492 
 494 
 495 
 
 496 
 497 
 497 
 498 
 
 499 
 501 
 502 
 502 
 502 
 
 503 
 505 
 
 505 
 506 
 506 
 50G 
 507 
 
 507 
 508 
 509 
 510 
 511 
 511 
 512 
 514 
 
 III. THE CHUECH AND THE PEOPLE. 
 
 Public Worship and Art 516 
 
 (1) Liturgy and Preaching 517
 
 XXIV 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 (2) Church Music .... 
 
 (3) Sacrifice of the Mass 
 
 (4) Worship of Saints .... 
 
 (5) Times and Places for Public Worship 
 
 (6) Architecture 
 
 89. National Customs, Social Life and Church Discipline 
 
 (1) Superstition .... 
 
 (2) Popular Education 
 
 (3) Christian Popular Poetry 
 
 (4) Social Condition . 
 
 (5) Practice of Public Law . 
 
 (6) Church Discipline and Penitential Exercises 
 
 IV. THEOLOGY AND ITS BATTLES. 
 
 90. Scholarship and Theological Science 
 
 (1) Piulers of the Carolingian Line .... 
 
 (2) The Most Distinguished Theologians of the Pre-Carolin 
 
 gian Age ........ 
 
 (3) The Most Distinguished Theologians of the Ago of 
 
 Charlemagne 
 
 (4) The Most Distinguished Theologians of the Ago o 
 
 Louis the Pious 
 
 (5-7) The Most Distinguished Tlieologians of the Ago o 
 Charles the Bald 
 
 (8) Monastic and Cathedral Schools . . 
 
 (9) Various Branches of Theological Science 
 (10) Anglo-Saxon Culture under Alfred the Great 
 
 91. DocTniNAL Controversies . 
 
 (1) The Adoptionist Controversy 
 
 (2) Controversy about the Procession 
 
 (3) The Eucharistic Controversy . 
 
 (4) Controversy about the Virgin 
 
 (5) Controversy on Predestination 
 (G) The Trinitarian Controversy . 
 
 92. Endeavours after Reformation 
 
 (1) The Carolingian Opposition to Image Worship 
 
 (2) Agobard of Lyons and Claudius of Turin 
 
 of the Holy Spirit
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 § 1, Idea and Task of Church History. 
 
 The Christian Church is to be clefiued as the one, many- 
 branched communion, consisting of all those who confess 
 that Jesus of Nazareth is the Christ who in the fulness 
 of time appeared as the Saviour of the world. It is the 
 Church's special task to render the saving work of Christ 
 increasingly fruitful for all nations and individuals, under 
 all the varying conditions of life and stages of culture. 
 It is the task of Church History to describe the course 
 of development through which the Church as a whole, 
 as well as its special departments and various institutions, 
 has passed, from the time of its foundation down to our 
 own day ; to show what have been the Church's advances 
 and retrogressions, how it has been furthered and hindered ; 
 and to tell the story of its deterioration and renewal. 
 
 § 2. Distribution of Church History accordixg to 
 Contents. 
 
 The treatment of Church History, on account of its mani- 
 fold ramifications, demands a distribution of its material, 
 on the one hand, according to definite periods, during which 
 the end hitherto aimed at in the whole course of develop- 
 ment has been practically attained, so that either entirely 
 new phenomena gain prominence, or else the old go forth in 
 an altogether different direction ; on the other hand, accord-
 
 2 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ing to the various phases of endeavour and development, 
 which in respect of time are evolved alongside of one 
 another. When this last-mentioned method of division is 
 adopted, we may still choose between two different modes 
 of treatment. First, we may deal with national churches, 
 in so far as these are independent and have pursued some 
 special direction ; or with particular churches, which have 
 originated from the splitting up of the church universal 
 over some important difference in doctrine, worship, and 
 constitution. Secondly, we may group our material accord- 
 ing to the various departments of historical activity, which 
 are essential to the intellectual and spiritual life of all 
 national churches and denominations, and are thus com- 
 mon to all, although in different churches in characteristic 
 ways and varj^ing degrees. It follows however from the 
 very idea of history, especially from that of the universal 
 history of the church, that the distribution according to 
 periods must be the leading feature of the entire exposition. 
 At the same time, whatever may now and again, in accord- 
 ance with the other principles of arrangement, be brought 
 into prominence will be influenced materially by the course 
 of the history and formally by the facility afforded for re- 
 view by the mode of treatment pursued. 
 
 1. Tli9 Various Branches Included in n, Complete Course of Clmrcli 
 History. — The Christian Church has undertaken the task of absorbing 
 all peoples and tongues. Hence it is possessed of an eager desire to 
 enlarge its borders by the conversion of all non-Christian races. The 
 description of what helps or hinders this endeavour, the history of the 
 spread and limitation of Christianity, is therefore an essential constituent . 
 of church history. Since, further, the church, in order to secure its 
 continued existence and well-being, must strive after a legally determined 
 position outwardly, as well as a firm, harmonious articulation, combina- 
 tion and order inwardly, it evidently also belongs to our science to give 
 the history of the ecclesiastical constitution, both of the place which the 
 church has in the state, and the relation it bears to the state ; and also 
 of its own internal arrangements by superordination, subordination, and 
 co-ordination, and by church discipliue and legislation. Not less essential,
 
 § 2. DISTEIBUTION OF CONTENTS. 3 
 
 naj-, eveu more important for the successful development of the church, 
 is the construction and establishment of saving truth. In Holy Scripture 
 the church indeed has possession of the fountain and standard, as well 
 as the all-sufficient power and fulness, of all saving knowledge. But the 
 words of Scripture are spirit and life, living seeds of knowledge, which, 
 under the care of the same Spirit who sows them, may and shall he 
 developed so as to yield a harvest which becomes ever more and more 
 abundant ; and therefore the fulness of the truth which dwells in them 
 comes to be known more simply, clearly, fully, and becomes always more 
 fruitful for all stages and form;* of culture, for faith, for science, and 
 for life. Hence church history is required to describe the construction 
 of the doctrine and science of the church, to follow its course and the 
 deviations from it into heresy, whenever these appear. The church is, 
 further, in need of a form of public worship as a necessary expression of 
 the feelings and emotions of believers toward their Lord and God, as a 
 means of edification and instruction. The history of the worshij) of the 
 church is therefore also an essential constituent of church history. It 
 is also the duty of the church to introduce into the practical life and 
 customs of the people that new spiritual energy of which she is 
 possessor. And thus the history of the Christian life among the people 
 comes to be included in church history as a further constituent of the 
 science. Further, there is also included here, in consequence of the 
 nature and aim of Christianity as a leaven (Matt. xiii. 33), an account of 
 the effects produced upon it by the development of art (of which various 
 branches, architecture, sculpture, painting, music, have a direct connexion 
 with Christian worship), and likewise ujoon national literature, philosojDhy, 
 and secular science generally ; and also, conversely, an estimate of the 
 influence of these forms of secular culture upon the condition of the 
 church and religion must hot be omitted. The order of succession in 
 the historical treatment of these phases under vv-hich the life of the 
 church is manifested, is not to be rigidly determined in the same way for 
 all ages after an abstract logical scheme. For each period that order of 
 succession should be adopted which will most suitably give prominence to 
 those matters which have come to the front, and so call for early and 
 detailed treatment in the history of that age. 
 
 2. The Separate Eranclies of Church History. — The constituent parts 
 of church history that have been already enumerated are of such im- 
 portance that they might also be treated as independent sciences, and 
 indeed for the mast part they have often been so treated. In this way, 
 not only is a more exact treatment of details rendered possible, but also, 
 what is more important, the particular science so limited can be con- 
 strued in a natural manner according to principles furnished by itself. 
 The history of the spread and limitation of Christianity then assumes 
 a separate form as the History of Missions. The separate history of the
 
 4 INTr.ODUCTION. 
 
 ecclesiastical constitution, worshii^, and customs is known by the name 
 of Christian Archaaology, ^Yhich is indeed, in resiJect of title and contents, 
 an undefined conglomeration of heterogeneous elements restricted in a 
 purely arbitrary way to the early ages. The treatment of this depart- 
 ment therefore requires that we should undertake the scientific task 
 of distinguishing these heterogeneous elements, and arranging them 
 apart for separate consideration; thus following the course of their 
 develoi^ment down to the present day, as the history of the constitution, 
 of the worship, and of the culture of the church. The history of the 
 development of doctrine falls into four divisions, a. The History of 
 Doctrines in the form of a regular historical sketch of the doctrinal 
 development of the church, b. Symbolics, which gives a systematic 
 representation of the relatively final and concluded doctrine of the 
 church as determined in the public ecclesiastical confessions or symbols 
 for the church universal and for particular sects : these again being 
 compared together in Comparative Symbolics, c. Patristics, which deals 
 with the subjective development of doctrine as carried out by tbe most 
 distinguished teachers of the church, who are usually designated church 
 Fathers, and confined to the first six or eight centuries, d. And, finally, 
 the History of Theology in general, or the History of the particular 
 Theological Sciences, which treats of the scientific conception and treat- 
 ment of theology and its separate branches according to its historical 
 develoi^ment ; while the History of Theological Literature, which when 
 restricted to the age of the Fathers is called Patrology, has to describe 
 and estimate the whole literary activity of the church according to the 
 persons, motives, and tendencies that are present in it. As the con- 
 clusion and result of church history at particular periods, we ha^^e the 
 science of Ecclesiastical Statistics, which describes the condition of the 
 church in respect of all its interests as it stands at some particular 
 moment, "like a slice cut cross-wise out of its history." The most 
 important works in these departments are the following : 
 
 a. History of Missions — Brown, " Hist, of Propag. of Cbrist. among 
 Heathen since Eeformation." 3rd Ed. 3 vols. Edin., 1854. War- 
 neck, " Outlines of Hist, of Prot. Miss," Edin., 1884. Smith, 
 " Short Hist, of Christ. Miss." Edin., 1884. 
 
 h. History of the Papacy. — Eanke, " History of Papacy in 16th and 17th 
 Cent." 2 vols. Lond., 1855. Platina (Lib. of Vatican), " Lives of 
 Popes" (1481). Trans, by Eycaut. Lond., 1G85. Bower, " Hist, of 
 Popes." 7 vols. Lond., 1750. Bryce, " Holy Eom. Empire." Lond., 
 1860. Creighton, " Hist, of Papacy during the Eeformation." Vols. 
 I.-IV., from A.D. 1378-1518. Lond.,1882-188C. Janiis, " Pope and 
 the Council." Loud., 1869. Pennington, " Epochs of the Papacy," 
 Lond., 1882.
 
 § 2. DISTRIBUTION OF CONTEInTS. 5 
 
 c. History of Monasticism. — Hospinianus, " De Monacliis," etc. Ti^jur., 
 
 1G09. MaiUand, " The Dark Ages." Lond., ISii. 
 
 d. History of Councils. — Ilefele, " Hist, of Councils." Vols. I.-III., to a.d. 
 
 451. Eclin., 1871-1883. (Original German work brought down to the 
 Council of Trent exclusive.) 
 
 c. Churcli Law. — Haddan and Stubbs, " Councils and Eccl. Documents 
 illust. Eccl. Hist, of Gr. Brit, and Ireland." 3 vols. Lond., 1S69 
 ff. rhillimore, " Eccl. Law." Lond., 1873. 
 
 /. Arcliseology. — By Cath. Didron, "Christ. Iconography; or, Hist, of 
 Christ. Art in M. A." Lond., 1886. By Pro t. Bingbatu, " Antiq. 
 of Christ. Church." 9 vols. Lond., 1815. " Dictionary of Christ. 
 Antiquities." Ed. by Smith & Cheetham. 2 vols. Lond., 1875 ff. 
 
 g. History of Doctrines. — Neander, " Hist, of Christ. Doct." 2 vols. 
 Loud. Hagenbach, " Hist, of Christ. Doctrines." 3 vols. Edin , 
 1880 f. Shedd, " Hist, of Christ. Doc." 2 vols. Edin., 1809. 
 
 7^. Symbolics and Polemics. — Winer, " Confessions of Christendom." 
 Edin., 1873. Schaff, " Creeds of Christendom." 3 vols. Edin., 
 1877 ff. Mohler, " Symbolism : an Expos, of the Doct. Differences 
 between Catholics and Protestants." 2 vols. Lond., 1813. 
 
 i. Patrology and History of Theolog. Literature. — Dupin, " New History 
 of Ecclesiastical Writers.'** Loud., 1696. Cave, " Script. Eccl. Hist. 
 Lit." 2 vols. Lond., 1668. Fabricii, " Biblioth. Graeca," 14 vols., 
 Hamb.,1705; " Biblioth. Media et infinas Latiu." 6 vols. Hamb., 
 1734. Teuffel, " Hist of Rom. Lit." 2 vols. Lond., 1873. 
 
 /.-. History of the Theological Sciences. — Buddoaus, "Isagoge Hist. 
 Theol. ad Theol. Univ." Lps., 1727. Eabiger, " Encyclopaedia 
 of Theology." 2 vols. Edin., 1881. Dorner, "Hist, of Prot. 
 Theol." 2 vols. Edin., 1871. 
 
 History of Exegesis. — Davidson, " Sacred Hermeueutics ; including 
 
 Hist, of Biblical Interpretation from earliest Fathers to Pieforma- 
 
 tion." Edin., 1843. Farrar, " Hist, of Interpretation." Lond., 1886. 
 
 History of Morals. — Wuttke's " Christian Ethics." Vol. I. " Hist. 
 
 of Ethics." Edin., 1873. 
 
 I. Biographies. — "Acta Sanctorum." 63 vols., fol. Ant., 1643 ff. 
 Mabillou, "Acta Ss. ord. S. Bened." 9 vols., fol. Par., 1666 ff. 
 Flaccius, " Catalog. Testium Veritatis." 1555. Piper, "Lives of 
 Leaders of Church LTniversal." 2 vols. Edin. Smith and Wace, 
 " Diet, of Chr. Biog.," etc. 4 vols. Loud., 1877 ff.
 
 G INTRODUCTION. 
 
 § 3. Distribution of Church History according to 
 Periods. 
 
 In the liistory of the world's culture three historical 
 stages of universal development succeed each other : the 
 Oriental, the Franco-German, and the Teutono-Romanic. 
 The kingdom of God had to enter each of these and have 
 in each a distinctive character, so that as comprehensive 
 a development as possible might he secured. The history 
 of the preparation for Christianity in the history of the 
 Israelitish theocracy moves along the lines of Oriental 
 culture. The history of the heginnings of Christianity 
 embraces the history of the founding of the church by 
 Christ and His Apostles. These two together constitute 
 Biblical history, which, as an independent branch of study 
 receiving separate treatment, need be here treated merely 
 in a brief, introductory manner.* This holds true also of 
 the history of pagan culture alongside of and subsequent 
 to the founding of the church. Chrirch history, strictly 
 so-called, the development of the already foiinded church, 
 begins therefore, according to our conception, with the 
 Post-Apostolic Age, and from that point pursues its course 
 in three principal divisions. The ancient church com- 
 pletes its task by thoroughly assimilating the elements 
 contributed bj^ the GrrEeco-Uoman forms of civilization. In 
 the Teutono-Romanic Church of the middle ages the ap- 
 propriation and amalgamation of ancient classical modes 
 of thought with modern tendencies awakened by its im- 
 mediate surroundings were carried out and completed. 
 On the other hand, the development of church history 
 since the Reformation has its impulse given it b};- that 
 Teutono-Christian cultiire which had maturity and an in- 
 dependent form secured to it by the Reformation. This 
 distribution in accordance with the various forms of civiliza- 
 tion seems to us so essential, that vv^e propose to borroAV
 
 § 3. DISTRIBUTION IXTO PERIODS. 7 
 
 from it our principle for tlio arrangement of our cliurch 
 history. 
 
 The chronological distribution of the material may be 
 represented in the following outline : 
 
 I. History of the Preparation for Christianity : Prepara- 
 tioa for Redemption during the Hebraic-Oriental 
 stage of civilization, and the construction alongside 
 of it in the universalism of classical culture of forms 
 that prepared the way for the coming salvation. 
 II. History of the Beginnings of Christianity : a sketch of 
 the redemption by Christ and the founding of the 
 Church through the preaching of it by the Apostles. 
 III. History of the Development of Christianity, on the 
 basis of the sketch of the redemption given in the 
 history of the Beginnings : 
 
 A. In the Grfeco-Roman and Graeco-Byzantine Period, 
 under Ancient Classical Forms of Civilization. 
 
 First Section, A.D. 70 to A.D. 323, — down to the 
 final victory of Christianity over the Grseco- 
 Eoman paganism ; the Post-Apostolic and Old 
 Catholic Ages. 
 
 Second Section, from A.D. 323 to A.D. G92, — down 
 to the final close of oecumenical development of 
 doctrine in A.D. 680, and the appearance of what 
 proved a lasting estrangement between the 
 Eastern and the Western Churches in A.D. G92, 
 which was soon followed by the alliance of the 
 Papacy with the Prankish instead of the B}-zan- 
 tine eriipire ; the (Ecumenico-Catholic Church, or 
 the Church of the Roman-Byzantine Empire. 
 
 Third Section, from A.D. 692 to A.D. 1453, — down 
 to the overthrow of Constantinople. Languishing 
 and decay of tlie old church life in the Byzantine 
 Empire ; complete breach and futile attempts at
 
 8 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 union betAveen East and West. The Cliurcli of 
 the Bj^zantine Empire. 
 C. In the Mediaeval Period, under Teutono- Romanic 
 Forms of Civilization. 
 
 First Section, 4-9th cent. — from the first begin- 
 nings of Teutonic cliurch life down to the end of 
 the Carlovingian Age, a.d. 911. The Teutonic Age. 
 
 Second Section, 10-13th cent. — down to Boniface 
 VIII., A.D. 1294; rise of medieeval institutions — 
 the Papacy, Monasticism, Scholasticism ; CTermany 
 in the foreground of the ecclesiastico-political 
 movement. 
 
 Third Section, the 14-15th cent. — down to the 
 Reformation in a.d. 1517 ; deterioration and col- 
 lapse of mediaeval institutions ; France in the 
 foreground of the ecclesiastico-political movement. 
 C. In the Modern Period, under the European Forms of 
 Civilization. 
 
 First Section, the IGth cent. Age of Evangelical- 
 Protestant Reformation and Ptoman Catholic 
 Counter-Reformation. 
 
 Second Section, the 17th cent. Age of Orthodoxy 
 on the Protestant side and continued endeavours 
 after restoration on the side of Catholicism. 
 
 Third Section, the 18th cent. Age of advancing 
 Illuminism in both churches, — Deism, Naturalism, 
 Rationalism. 
 
 Fourth *S'ec^ion, the 19th cent. Ageofre-awahcncd 
 Christian and Ecclesiastical life. Unionism, Con- 
 fessionalism, and Liberalism in conflict with one 
 another on the Protestant side ; the revival of 
 Ultramontanism in conflict with the civil power 
 on the Catholic side. In opposition to both 
 churches, widespread pantheistic, materialistic, 
 and communistic tendencies.
 
 § -1. SOURCES. 9 
 
 § 4. Sources and Auxiliaries of Church History.^ 
 
 The sources of Church history are partly original, in the 
 shape of inscriptions and early documents ; partly derivative, 
 in the shape of traditions and researches in regard to 
 primitive documents that have meanwhile been lost. Of 
 greater importance to church history than the so-called 
 dumb sources, e.g. church buildings, furniture, pictures, are 
 the inscriptions coming down from the earliest times ; but 
 of the very highest importance are the extant official docu- 
 ments, e.fj. acts and decisions of Church Councils, decrees 
 and edicts of the Popes, — decretals, bulls, briefs, — the 
 pastoral letters of bishops, civil enactments and decrees 
 regarding ecclesiastical matters, the rules of Spiritual 
 Orders, monastic rules, liturgies, confessional writings, the 
 epistles of influential ecclesiastical and civil officers, reports 
 by eye witnesses, sermons and doctrinal treatises by Church 
 teachers, etc. In regard to matters not determined bj^ any 
 extant original documents, earlier or later fixed traditions 
 and historical researches must take the place of those lost 
 documents. — Sciences Auxiliary to Church History are such 
 as are indispensable for the critical estimating and sifting, as 
 well as for the comprehensive understanding of the sources 
 of church histor3\ To this class the following branches 
 belong : Diplomatics^ which teaches how to estimate the 
 genuineness, completeness, and credibility of the documents 
 in question; Philology, which enables us to understand the 
 languages of the sources ; Geographij and Chronology, which 
 make us acquainted with the scenes and periods where 
 and when the incidents related in the original documents 
 were enacted. Among auxiliary sciences in the wider 
 sense, the history of the State, of Lazv, of Culture, of Litera- 
 
 * Dowling, " Introduction to Study of Eccl. Hist. ; its Progress tand 
 Sources." Lond., 1838. Sraedt, "lutrod. generalis ad Hist. Eccl. 
 critice tractaudam." Gandavi, 1876.
 
 W INTEODUCTION. 
 
 Inrc, of Philosophy, and of Universal Religion, may also be 
 included as indispensable owing to their intianate connec- 
 tion with ecclesiastical development. 
 
 1. Literature of the Sources. — a. Inscriptions: clc Eossi, " Infciii^tt. clir. 
 nrbis Kom." Vols. I. II. Rome, 1857. — h. Collections of Covincils : 
 Haiduin, "Cone, coll." (to a.d. 1715). 12 vols. Par., 1715. Mansi, 
 "Cone, nova et ampl. coll." 31 vols. Flor., 1759.— c. Papal Acts; 
 Jaffe, " Eegesta pont. Eom." (to a.d. 1198). 2 ed. Brl., 1881. Pottliast, 
 "Ecgesta pont. Eom." (a.d. 1138-1304). 2 Vols. Brl., 1873. The 
 Pajml Decretals in "Corp. jur. Canonici," ed., Friedberg. Lips., 1879. 
 " Bullarum, diploni. et privil. SS. rom. pont." Taurenensis editio. 21 
 vols. 1857 ff. Nussi, " Conventiones de reb. eccl. inter s. sedeni et civ. 
 pot. inita3." Mogunt. , 1870. — d. Monastic Rules : Holstenii, " Cod. regnl. 
 mon. et. can." G vols. 1759. — c. Litixrgies : Daniel, "Cod. liturg. eccl. 
 univ." 4 vols. Leipz., 1847 ff. Hammond, "Ancient Liturgies." 
 Oxf., 1878.—/. Symljolics : Kimmel, "LI. Symb. eccl. Orient," Jena., 
 1843. Dauz., "LI. Symb. eccl. Eom. Cath." Weimar, 1835. Hase, 
 "LI. Symb. eccl. evang." Ed. iii. Leipz., 1840. Niemeyer, "Coll. 
 Conf. eccl. Eef." Leipz., 1840. Scliaff, " Creeds of Christendom." 3 
 vols. Lond., 1882, — [). Martyrologies : Euinart, "Acta prim. Mart." 
 3 vols. 1802, Assemanni, "Acta SS. Mart, orient, et occid." 2 vols. 
 Eome, 1748. — /(, Greek and Latin Churcli Fathers and Teachers : Migne, 
 " PatrologiiB currus completus." Ser. I., Eccl. GraiC. 162 vols. Par., 
 1857 ff. ; Ser. II., Eccl. Lat. 221 vols. Par., 1844 ff. Horo}', 
 "Media asvi biblioth. patrist." (from a.d. 1216 to 1564). Paris, 1879. 
 " Corpus Scriptorum eccl, lat." Vindob., 1866 ff. Grabe, " Spicilegium 
 SS. Pp. et Hffirett." Ssec. I.-IIL 3 vols. 0.xford, 1698. Eouth, 
 " Eeliquia3 sac." 4 vols. Oxford, 1814 ff, " Ante-Nicene Christian 
 Library ; a collection of all the works of the Fathers of the Christian 
 Church prior to the Council of NiciBa." 24 vols. Edin., 1867 ff. — 
 i. Ancient Writers of the East : Assemanus, " Biblioth. orient." 4 vols, 
 Eome, 1719. — fc. Byzantine Writers: Niebuhr, "Corp. ser. hist. Byz." 
 48 vols. Bonn., 1828 ff. Sathas, " Biblioth. Gra?c. Med. fevi." Vols, 
 I.-VI. Athens, 1872 ff. 
 
 2, Literature of the Auxiliary Sciences. — a. Diplomatics: Mabillon, " De 
 re diplomatic." Ed. ii. Pai'., 1709. — h. Philology: du Fresne (du Gauge), 
 " Glossarium ad scriptt. med. et infim. Latin." 6 vols. Par., 1733. 
 New ed., Henschel and Favre, in course of publication. Du Fresne, 
 " Glossarium, ad scriptt. med, et infim. Gra}c." 2 vols. Leydcn, 1688. 
 Suiceri, " Thesaurus ecclesiast. e patribus gra^cis." Ed. ii. 2 vols. 
 Amst., 1728. — c. Geography and Statistics : Mich, le Quien, " Oriens 
 chrislianus in quatuor patriarchatus digestus." 3 vols. Par., 1704.
 
 § 5. HISTOEY OF CIIUECH HISTORY. 11 
 
 — d. Chronology: Nicolas, " The Clirouology of History." 2 ed. LonJ., 
 18o8. " L'art do verifier les dates, by d'Antiue," etc. Ed. by Courcellcs. 
 19 vols. Par., 1821-1824. 
 
 § 5. History of General Church History. 
 
 The earliest writer of clnircli liistory properly so called 
 is Eusebiiis, Bishop of Ctesarea, f d-iO. Duriiig the fifth 
 century certain members of the Clreek Church continned 
 his work. The Western Church did not so soon engage 
 upon undertakings of that sort, and was contented with 
 translations and reproductions of the materials that had 
 come down from the Creeks instead of entering upon 
 original investigations. During the middle ages, in con- 
 sequence of the close connection subsisting between Church 
 and State, the Greek Scriptores liistoria;. Byzanthice, as well 
 as the Latin national histories, biographies, annals, and 
 chronicles, are of the very utmost importance as sources of 
 information regarding the church history of their times. It 
 was the Reformation, however, that first awakened and 
 ins])ired the spirit of true critical research and scientific 
 treatment of church history, for the appeal of the Reformers 
 to the pure practices and institiitions of the eai'ly days of 
 the church demanded an authoritative historical exposition 
 of the founding of the church, and this obliged the Catholic 
 church to engage upon the studies necessary for this end. 
 The Lutheran as well as the Catholic Church, however, 
 down to the middle of the 17th century, were satisfied with 
 the voluminous productions of the two great pioneers in 
 Church history, Flacius and Baronius. Afterwards, hov,'- 
 ever, emulation in the study of church history was excited, 
 which was undoubtedly, during the 17th century, most 
 successfully prosecuted in the Catholic Church. In con- 
 sequence of the greater freedom which prevailed in the 
 Galilean Church, these studies flourished conspicuously in 
 France, and were pursued with exceptional success by the
 
 12 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Oratorians and tlie Order of St. Maur. The Reformed 
 theologians, especially in Prance and the Netherlands, did 
 not remain far behind them in the contest. Throughout 
 the 18th century, again, the performances of the Lutheran 
 Church came to the front, while a laudable rivalry leads the 
 Reformed to emulate their excellencies. In the case of the 
 Catholics, on the other hand, that zeal and capacity which, 
 during the 17th century, had won new laurels in the field 
 of honour, were now sadly crippled. But as rationalism 
 spread in the domain of doctrine, pragmatism SjDread in 
 the domain of church history, which set for itself as the 
 highest ideal of historical writing the art of deducing 
 everything in history, even what is highest and most pro- 
 found in it, from the co-operation of fortune and passion, 
 arbitrariness and calculation. It was only in the 19th 
 century, when a return was made to the careful investiga- 
 tion of original authorities, and it came to be regarded as 
 the task of the historian, to give a conception and exposition 
 of the science as objective as possible, that this erroneous 
 tendency was arrested. 
 
 1. Down to the Eeformation. — The church history of Eusebius, which 
 reaches down to a.d. 321, xvas to some extent continued by his Vita 
 Constantini, down to a.d. 337 (§47. 2). The church history of Pliilos- 
 torgius, which reaches from a.d. 818-423, coming down to us only in 
 fragments quoted by Photius, was an Arian party production of some 
 importance. Duiiug the 5th century, however, the church history of 
 Eusebius was continued down to a.d. 439 by the Catliolic Socrates, an 
 advocate at Constantinople, written in a simple and impartial style, yet 
 not altogether uncritical, and with a certain measure of liberality ; and 
 down to a.d. 423, by Sozomen, also an advocate at Constantinople, who in 
 largo measure plagiarizes from Socrates, and is, in what is his own, 
 uncritical, credulous, o.ud fond of retailing anecdotes ; and down to a.d. 
 428 by Theodoret, Bishop of Cyrus in Syria, who produces much useful 
 material in the shape of original authorities, confining himself, however, 
 like both of his predecessors, almost exclusively to the affairs of the 
 Eastern Church. In the 6th century, Tlieodorus, reader at Constan- 
 tinople, made a collection of extracts from these works, continuing the 
 history down to his oi,\-u time in a.d, 527. Of this we have only frag-
 
 § 5. HISTORY OF CHUECH IIISTOEY. 13 
 
 ments preserved by Nicephorus Callisti. The continuation by Evagriua 
 of Antiocb, reaching from a.d. 431-59i, is characterized by carefulness, 
 learning, and impartiality, along with zealous orthodoxy, and an un- 
 critical belief in the marvellous. Collected editions of all these works have 
 been published by Valesins (Par., 1059), and Eeading (Cantab., 1720), in 
 each case in 3 vols, folio. — In the Latin Church Eufinus of Aquileia 
 translated the work of Eusebius and enlarged it before the continuations 
 of the three Greek historians had appeared, carrying it down to his own 
 time in a.d. 395 in an utterly uncritical fashion. Sulpicius Severus, a 
 presbyter of Gaul, wrote about the same time his Historia Sacra, in two 
 books, from the creation of the world down to a.d. 400. In the 6th 
 century, Cassiodorus fused together into one treatise in 12 books, by 
 means of extracts, the works of the three Greek continuators of Eusebius, 
 under the title Hist, ecclesiastka tripartita, which, combined with the 
 history of Eufinus, remained down to the Eeformatiou in common use as 
 a text-book. A church history written in the Gth century in Syriac, by 
 the monophysite bishop, John of Epliesus, morbidly fond of the mira- 
 culous, first became known to us in an abridged form of the third part 
 embracing the history of his own time. (Ed. Cureton, Oxf., 1853. 
 Transl. into Engl, by Payne Smith, Oxford, 1859). — Belonging to the Latin 
 church of the middle ages, Haymo of Halberstadt deserves to be named 
 as a writer of universal history, about a.d. 850, leaning mainly upon 
 Eufinus and Cassiodorus. The same too may be said about the work 
 entitled, Libri XIII. historice ecclesiasticce written by the Abbot Odericus 
 Vitalis in Normandy, about a.d. 1150, which forms upon the whole the 
 most creditable production of the middle ages. In the 2i books of 
 the Church history of the Dominican and Papal librarian, Tolomeo of 
 Lucca, composed about a.d. 1315, church history is conceived of as 
 if it were simply a historical commentary on the ecclesiastical laws 
 and canons then in force, as an attempt, that is, to incorporate in the 
 history all the fictions and falsifications, which Pseudo-Isidore in the 9th 
 century (§ 87, 2-4), Gratian in the 12th century, and Eaimundus de 
 Penneforti in the 13th century (§ 99, 5), had wrought into the Canon 
 law. Toward the end of the 15th century, under the influence of 
 humanism there was an awakening here and there to a sense of the 
 need of a critical procedure in the domain of church history, which had 
 been altogether wanting throughout the middle ages. In the Greek 
 Church again, during the 14th century, Nicephoius Callisti of Constan- 
 tinople, wrote a treatise on church history, reaching down to a.d, 610, 
 devoid of taste and without any indication of critical power. 
 
 2. The 16th aud 17th Centuries.— About the middle of the IGth century 
 the Lutheran Church produced a voluminous work in church history, 
 the so-called Magdeburg Centuries, composed by a committee of Lutheran 
 theologians, at the head of which was Matthias Flacius, of Illyiia in
 
 14 INTriODUCTION. 
 
 Magdeburg. This work consisted of 13 folio vols., each of which em- 
 braced a century. {Eccles. Hist., integram cccl. ideam complectens, con- 
 gesta per aliquot sttuiiosos et x^ios vires in urhe Magdh. Bas., 1559-1574.) 
 They rest throughout on careful studies of original authorities, produce 
 ]nany documents that were previously unknown, and, Avith an unspar- 
 ingly bitter polemic against the Eoniish doctrinal degeneration, address 
 themselves with special diligence to the historical development of 
 dogma. In answer to them the Romish Oratorian, Caesar Baronius, pro- 
 duced his Annales ecdesiastici, in 12 vols, folio, reaching down to a.d. 
 ll'JS (Rome, 1588-1G07). This work moves entirely along Roman Ca- 
 tholic lines and is quite prejudiced and partial, and seeks in a thoroughly 
 uncritical way, by every species of ingenuity, to justify Romish positions ; 
 yet, as communicating many hitherto unknown, and to others inacces- 
 sible documents, it must be regarded as an important production. It 
 secured for its author the cardinal's hat, and had wellnigh raised him 
 to the chair of St. Peter. In the interests of a scholarly and truth-loving 
 research, it was keenly criticised by the Franciscan Anthony Fagl(Critica 
 liist-cltronol. i vols. Autw., 1705), carried down in the 17th century from 
 A.D. 1198-1505, in 9 vols, by Oderic. Eaynaldi, in the 18th century from 
 A.D. 1506-1571, in 3 vols, by de Laderchi, and in the 19tli century down 
 to A.D. 1585 in 3 vols, by August Theiner. A new edition was published 
 by Mansi (43 vols. 1738 £f.), with Raynaldi's continuation and Pagi's 
 criticism. — During the 17th century the French Catholic scholars bore 
 the palm as writers of Church history. The course was opened in general 
 church history by the Dominican Natalis Alexander, a learned man, but 
 writing a stiff scholastic style [Selecta hist. eccl. capita et diss. hist, chron. 
 ct dogvi. 24 vols. Par., 1076 S.). This first edition, on account of its 
 Gallicanism was forbidden at Rome ; a later one by Roncaglia of Lucca, 
 with corrective notes, was allowed to pass. Sebast. le Nain de Tillernout, 
 with the conscientiousness of his Jansenist faith, gave an account of early 
 church history in a cleverly grouped series of carefully selected authori- 
 ties {Memoires pour servir a Vliist, eccl. des six premiers Steele s, justifies 
 par les citations des auteurs originaiix. 16 vols. Par., 1693 ff.). Bossuet 
 wrote, for the instruction of the Dauphin, what Hase has styled " an 
 ecclesiastical history of the world with eloquent dialectic and with an 
 insight into the ways of providence, as if the wise Bisho]D of Moanx had 
 been in the secrets not only of the king's but also of God's councils " 
 [Discours sur Vliist. universelle dcpuis le commencement da monde jiisqu'a 
 Vempirc de Charles M. Par., 1G81). Claude Fleury, aiming at edification, 
 proceeds in flowing and diffuse periods [Ilistoire ecclst. 29 vols. Par., 
 1691 ff.). — The history of the French Church (a.d. 1580) ascribed, jiro- 
 biibly erroneously, to Theodore Beza, the successor of Calvin, marks the 
 beginning of the writing of ecclesiastical history in the Reformed Church. 
 During the 17th century it secured an eminence in the department of
 
 § 5. HISTORY OF CHUECH HISTOEY. 15 
 
 cliurcU history, especially ou account of learned sjiecial researches 
 (§ 160, 7), but also to some extent in the domain of general church 
 history. J. H. Hottinger overloaded his Hist, eccht. N. T. (9 vols. Fig., 
 1651 ff.) by dragging in the history of Judaism, and Paganism, and even 
 of Mohammedanism, with much irrelevant matter of that sort. Superior 
 to it were the works of Friedr. Spanheim (Summa liisi. eccl. Leyd., 1689) 
 Jas. Basnage {Hist, de Vegl. 2 vols. Eotd., 1699). Most imiDortant of 
 all -were the keen criticism of the Annals of Barouius by Isaac Casaubon 
 [Exercitt. Baroniance. Loud., 1614), and by Sam. Basnage [Exercitt. hist. 
 cj-jf., Traj., 1692 ; &n([ Annales polit. ecclst. 3 vols. Eotd., 1706). 
 
 3. The 18th Century.— After the publication of the Magdeburg Opua 
 palmare the study of church history fell into the background in the 
 Lutheran Church. It was George Calixtus (f a.d. 1658) and the syn- 
 cretist controversies which he occasioned that again awakened an interest 
 iu such pursuits. Gottfr. Arnold's colossal party-spirited treatise entitled 
 " Unparteiische Kirchen- und Ketzerhistorie " ("2 vols. fol. Frkf., 1699), 
 •which scarcely recognised Christianity except in heresies and fanatical 
 sects, gave a powerful impulse to the spirit of investigation and to the 
 generous treatment of opponents. This bore fruit iu the irenical and 
 conciliatory attempts of "Weismann of Tubingen (Tntrod. in viemorahilia 
 ecclst. 2 vols. Tiib., 1718). The shining star, however, in the firma- 
 ment of church history during the 18th century was J. lor. v. Mosheim 
 in Helmstedt and Gottingen, distinguished alike for thorough investiga- 
 tion, with a divinatpry power of insight, and by a brilliant execution and 
 an artistic facility iu the use of a noble Latin style {Institutioniun Just, 
 ecclst. Lihri IV. Helmst., 1755 ; transl. into English by Murdock, ed. 
 by Eeid. 11th ed. Lond., 1880). J. A. Cramer, iu Kiel, translated Bos- 
 suet's Einl. in die Gescli. d. Welt u. d. Belig., with a continuation which 
 gave a specially careful treatment of the theology of the middle ages 
 (7 vols. Leipz., 1757 ff.). J. Sal. Semler, in Halle, shook, with a morbidly 
 sceptical criticism, many traditional views iu Church history that had 
 previously been regarded as unassailable {Hist. eccl. selccta capita. 3 vols. 
 Halle, 1767 ff. ; Vcrsuch e. frtichtb. Aitsztips d. K. Gesch. 3 vols. Halle, 
 1773 ff.). Ou the other hand, Joli. Matt. Schrockh of "Wittenberg pro- 
 duced a gigantic work on church history, which is characterized by 
 patient research, and gives, in so far as the means within his reach 
 allowed, a far-sighted, tempei-ate, aud correct statement of facts {Chiistl. 
 K.G. 45 vols. Leipz., 1772 if., the last two vols, by Tzschirner). The 
 Wiirtemburg minister of state. Baron von Spittler, sketched a Grundriss 
 der K. Gescli., in short aud smartly expressed utterances, which in many 
 cases were no better than caricatures (5th ed. by Planck, Gott., 1812). 
 In his footsteps Henke of Helmstedt, followed, who, while making full 
 acknowledgment of the moral blessing- which had been brought by true 
 Christianity to mankind, nevertheless described iha^^ Alhj. Gescli. der
 
 IG INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Kiiche " as if it were a bedlam gallery of religiouf? and moral aberrations 
 and strange developments (6 vols. Brsweig. , 1788 ff. ; 5th ed. revised 
 and continued by Vater in 9 vols.). — In the Eeformed Church, Herm. 
 Venema, of Franeker, the Mosheim of this church, distinguished himself 
 by the thorough documentary basis which he gave to his exposition, 
 written in a conciliatory spirit {Iiistitutt. lilst. eccl. V. et N. T. 7 vols. 
 Leyd.,1777 ff.). In the Catholic Church, Eoyko of Prague, favoured by 
 the reforming tendencies of the Emperor Joseph II., was able with 
 impunity to give expression to his anti-hierarchical views in an almost 
 cynically outspoken statement [Einl. in d. chr. Bel. u. K. G. Prague, 
 1788). 
 
 4. The 19th Century. In his Ilandb. d. chr. K. G., publ. in 1801 (in 
 2nd ed. coutin. by Kettberg, 7 vols. Giessen, 1834), Chr. Schmidt of 
 Giessen expressly maintained that the supreme and indeed the only con- 
 ditions of a correct treatment of history consisted in the direct study of 
 the original documents, and a truly objective exhibition of the results 
 derived therefrom. By objectivity, however, he understood indifference 
 and coolness of the subject in reference to the object, which must in- 
 evitably render the representation hard, colourless, and lifeless. Giese- 
 ler of Gottingen, 11854, commended this mode of treatment by his ex- 
 cellent execution, and in his Lelirhuch (5 vols. Bonn, 1824-1857; Engl, 
 trausl. "Compendium of Church History," 5vols. Ediub., 1846-185G), a 
 master-piece of the first rank, which supports, explains and amplifies 
 the author's own admirably compressed exposition by skilfully chosen 
 extracts from the documents, together with original and thoughtful 
 criticism under the text. A temperate, objective, and documentary 
 treatment oi church history is also given in the Handbuch of Engelhardt 
 of Erlaugen (5 vols. Erlang., 1832 ff.). Among the so-called Compendia 
 the most popular was the Universalgescliichte d. K. by Staudlin, of Got- 
 tingen (Hann. , 1807 : 5th ed. by Holzhausen, 1833). It was superseded 
 by the Lelirhuch of Hase, of Jena (Leipz., 1834 ; 10th ed., 1877 ; Engl, 
 transl. from 7th Germ, ed.. New York, 1855), which is a generally preg- 
 nant and artistically tasteful exposition with often excellent and striking 
 features, subtle perception, and with ample references to documentary 
 sources. The Yorlesungen of ScWeiermacher, f 1834, published after his 
 death by Bonell (Brl., 1840), assume acquaintance with the usual ma- 
 terials, and present in a fragmentary manner the general outlines of 
 the church's course of development. Niedner's Lelirhuch (2nd ed. Brl., 
 18GG), is distinguished by a philosophical spirit, independent treatment, 
 impartial judgment, and wealth of contents with omission of customary 
 matter, but marred by the scholastic stiffness and awkwardness of its style. 
 Gfiorer's (f 1801) Kirchengescliichte (7 vols, reaching down to a.d. 1000, 
 Stutfg., 1840) treats early Christianity as purely a product of the culture 
 of the age, and knows of no moving principles in the historical develop-
 
 § 5. HISTOIiY OF CHURCH HISTORY. 17 
 
 rueiit of the Christian church but clerical selfseeldng, political interests, 
 machinations and intrigues. Nevertheless the book, especially in the 
 l^ortion treating of the middle ages, affords a fresh and lively account of 
 researches among original documents and of new results, although even 
 here the author does not altogether restrain his undue fondness for over 
 subtle combinations. After his entrance into the Catholic Church his 
 labours in the domain of church history were limited to a voluminous 
 history of Gregory VII., which may be regarded as a continuation of his 
 church history, the earlier work having only reached down to that point. 
 Baur of Tiibingen began the publication of monographical treatises on 
 particular periods, reaching down to the Reformation (3 vols. 2nd ed. 
 Tub., 1860 £f.), a continuation to the end of the 18th cent, (published by 
 his son F. Baur, 18G3), and also a further volume treating of the 19th cent, 
 (publ. by his son-in-law Zeller, 2nd ed., 1877). These works of this 
 unwearied investigator show thorough mastery of the immense mass of 
 material, with subtle criticism and in many cases the first establishment 
 of new views. Eohringer's massive production {Die Kirclie Christi unci 
 Hire Zcugen, oder Kirclieiigcschiclite in BioyrajiJticn. 24 vols. Zur., 1842; 
 2nd eel. Zur., 1873), upon the basis of an independent study of the 
 several ages down to the Reformation, characterizes by means of detailed 
 portraiture the personalities prominent dming these periods. In the 
 second edition, thoroughly recast with the assistance of his two sons, 
 there is evidence of a more strictly critical research and a judicial frame 
 of mind, so that the predominantly panegyrical character of the first 
 edition is considerably modified. Rothe's lectures, edited after his death, 
 with additions from his literary remains, by Weingarten (2 vols. Hdlb., 
 1875) are quite fragmentary because the usual historical matter was 
 often supplied from Gieseler, Neander, or Hase. The work is of great 
 value in the departments of the Constitution and the Life of the Church, 
 but in other respects docs not at all satisfy the expectations which one 
 might entertain respecting productions bearing such an honoured name ; 
 thoroughly solid and scholarly, however, are the unfortunately only 
 sparse and short notes of the learned editor. 
 
 5. Almost contemporaneously with Gieseler, Aug. Neander of Berlin, 
 1 1850, began the publication of his Allg. Gesch. d. chr. Kirche (in xi. 
 divisions down to a.d. 141G (Earn., 1824-1852. Engl. Transl. 9 vols. 
 Edin., 1847-1855), by which ground was broken in another direction. 
 Powerfully influenced by the religious movement, which since the wars 
 of independence had inspired the noblest spirits of Germany, and sym- 
 pathizing with Scblciermacher's theology of feeling, he vindicated the 
 rights of subjective piety in the scientific treatment of church history, 
 and sought to make it fruitful for edification as a commentary of vast 
 proportions on the parable of the leaven. With special delight he traces 
 the developments of the inner life, shows what is Ciu-istiaa in even mis- 
 
 C
 
 18 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 conceived and ecclesiastically condemned manifestations, and feels for 
 the most part repelled from objective ecclesiasticism, as from an ossifica- 
 tion of the Christian life and the crystallization of dogma. In the same 
 way he undervalues the significance of the political co-efficients, and has 
 little ai^preciation of esthetic and artistic influences. The exposition 
 goes out too often into wearisome details and grows somewhat mono- 
 tonous, but is on every side lighted rip by first hand acquaintance with 
 the original sources. His scholar, Hagentacli of Basel, f 1874, put 
 together in a collected form his lectures delivered before a cultured 
 public upon several periods of church history, so as to furnish a treatise 
 dealing with the whole field (7 vols. Leipz., 1868). These lectures arc 
 distinguished by an exposition luminous, interesting, sometimes rather 
 broad, but always inspired by a warm Christian spirit and by circum- 
 spect judgment, inclining towards a mild confessional latitudiuarianism. 
 What, even on the confessional and ecclesiastical side, had been to some 
 extent passed over by Neander, in consequence of his tendency to that 
 inwardness that characterizes subjective and pectoral piety, has been 
 enlarged upon by Guericke of Halle, f 1878, another of Neander's 
 scholars, in his Handhuch (2 vols. Leipz. 1833; 9th ed , 3 vols. 
 1866 ; Eng. transl. " Manual of Ch. Hist." Edinb., 1857), by the contri- 
 bution of his own enthusiastic estimate of the Lutheran Church in a 
 strong but clumsy statement; beyond this, however, the one-sidedness 
 of Neander's standpoint is not overcome, and although, alongside of 
 Neander's exposition, the materials and estimates of other standj^oints 
 are diligently used, and often the very words incorporated, the general 
 result is not modified in any essential respect. Written with equal 
 vigour, and bearing the impress of a freer ecclesiastical spirit, the 
 Ilandbucli of Bruno Lindner (3 vols. Leipzig, 1848 ff.) pursues with 
 special dihgence the course of the historical development of doctrine, 
 and also emphasizes the influence of political factors. This same end 
 is attempted in detailed treatment with ample production of authorita- 
 tive documents in the Handhuch of the author of the present treatise 
 (vol. I. in three divisions, in a 2nd ed. ; vol. II. 1, down to the end of 
 the Carloviugian Era. Mitau, 1858 ff.). Milman (1791-1868) an Enghsh 
 church historian of the first rank (" Plist. of Chr. to Abolit. of Pag. in 
 Eom. Emp." 3 vols. London, 1840 ; " History of Latin Christianity to 
 the Pontificate of Nicholas V." 3 vols. London, 1854), shows himself, 
 especially in the latter .work, learned, liberal and eloquent, eminently 
 successful in sketching character and presenting vivid pictures of the 
 general culture and social conditions of the several periods with which 
 he deals. The Vorlcsiingen of R. Hasse, published after his death by 
 Kiihler (2nd ed. Leipz., 1872), form an unassuming treatise, which 
 scarcely present any trace of the influence of Hegel's teaching upon 
 their author. Eoliner of Gicssen writes an Ordmnig vnd Uehcrtticht dcr
 
 § 5. HISTORY OF CHURCH HISTORY. 19 
 
 Materuni cler cJir. Kircheiuje^chicJite, Giess., 18Gi, a diligent, well- 
 aiTauged, and well packed, but somewhat dry aud formless work. H. 
 Schmid of Erlaugeu has enlarged his compendious Lehrhuch ('2ud ed. 
 185G), into a Handbuch of two bulky volumes (Erlang., 1880); and 
 0. Zockler of Greifswald has contributed to the Ilaiidbuch d. theolog. 
 IVissenschaften (Erlang., 1884 ; 2nd ed. 1885) edited by him an ex- 
 cellent chronological summary of church history. Ebrard's Handbuch 
 {i vols. Erlang., 1805 ff.) endeavours to give adequate exi^ression to this 
 genuine spirit of the Reformed conception of historical writing by bring- 
 ing church history and the history of doctrines into organic connection. 
 The attempt is there made, however, as Hase has expressed it, with a 
 paradoxical rather than an orthodox tendency. The spirit and mind of 
 the Reformed Church are presented to us in a more temperate, mild and 
 impartial form, inspired by the pectoralism of Xcander, in the Hand- 
 buch of J. J. Herzog of Erlangen, t 1882 (3 vols. Erlang., 1876), 
 which assumes the name of Abriss or Compendium. This work set for 
 itself the somewhat too ambitious aim of supplying the place of the 
 productions of Gicseler and Neander, — which, as too diffuse, have unfor- 
 tunately repelled many readers — by a new treatise which should set forth 
 the important advances in the treatment of church history since their 
 time, and give a more concise sketch of universal chnrch history. The 
 Histoire du Christianisme of Prof. Chastel of Geneva, (5 vols. Par., 
 1881 S.) in its eaiiier volumes occupies the standpoint of Neander, and 
 we often miss the careful estimation of the more important results of 
 later research. In regard to modern church history, notwithstanding 
 every effort after objectivity and impartiality, theological sympathies are 
 quite apparent. On the other hand, in the comprehensive History of the 
 CJiristian Church by Philip Schaff (in 8 vols. Edinb., 1885, reaching 
 down to Gregoi-y VIII., a.d. 107o), the rich results of research subse- 
 quent to the time of Neander are fully and circumsiDectly wrought up 
 in harmony with the general principles of Neander's view of history. 
 Herzog's Realencyelopadic filr protest. Theol. it. Kirche, especially in its 
 2nd ed. by Herzog and Plitt, and after the death of both, by Hauck (18 
 vols. Leipz., 1877 ff.), has won peculiar distinction in the department of 
 church history from the contributions of new and powerful writers. 
 Lichteuborger, formerly Prof, of Theol. in Strassburg, now in Paris, in 
 his Enojclopedie dcs sciences relig. has produced a French work worthy 
 of a place alongside that of Herzog. The Dictionary of Christian 
 Biography, Literature, Sects, and Doctrines during the first eight cen- 
 turies, edited with admirable circumspection and care by Dr. Wm. 
 Smith aud Prof. Wace, combines with a completeness and richness of 
 contents never reached before, a thoroughgoing examination of the 
 original sources. (1 vols. Lond., 1877 ff.) Weingarten's Chronological
 
 20 INTBODUCTION. 
 
 Tables for Church History (Zeittafeln z. E.G. 2nd ed. Brl., 1874) are 
 most useful to students as the latest and best helps of that kiod. 
 
 6. In the Catholic Church of Germany too a great activity has been 
 displayed in the realm of church history. First of all in general Church 
 history we have the dfffuse work of the convert von Stolberg [Geseh. d. 
 Bel. Jesu, 15 vols., down to a.d. 480. Hamb., 1806 ff., continued by 
 von Kerz, vols. 16-45, and by Brischar, vols. 46-52. Mainz, 1825-1859), 
 spreading out into hortatory and uncritical details. The elegant work 
 of Katerkamp {E.G., 5 vols., down to 115o. Miinst., 1819 ff.) followed 
 it, inspired by a like mild sj^irit, but conceived in a more strictly 
 scientific way. Liberal, so far as that could be without breaking with 
 the hierarchy, is the Handbuch dcr K.G. (3 vols. Bonn, 1826 ff. ; 
 6th ed. by Ennen, 2 vols. 1862), by I. Ign. Ritter. The ample and 
 detailed Gesch. d. Clir. Eel. u. d. E. (8 vols., down to 1073, Ravensb., 
 1824 If.) of Loclierer reminds one of Schrockh's work in other respects 
 than that of its voluminousness. A decidedly ultramontane conception 
 of church history, with frequent flashes of sharp wit, first appears in 
 Hortig's Handbuch (2 vols. Landsh., 1826). Dollinger in 1828 publ. 
 as a 3rd vol. of this work a Handbuch d. Nciwrn E.G., whicb, with a 
 similar tendency, assumed a more earnest tone. This theologian after- 
 wards undertook a thoroughly new and independent work of a wider 
 range, which still remains incomplete (Gcsch. d. clir. E., I. 1, 2, partially 
 down to A.D. 630. Landsh., 1833-1835). This work with ostensible 
 liberality exposed the notorious fables of Romish historical literature ; 
 but, on the other hand, with brilliant ingenuity, endeavoured care- 
 fully to preserve intact everything which on ultramontane principles 
 and views might seem capable of even partial justification. His Lehr- 
 luch (I. II. 1. Rgsb., 1836 ff.), reaching down only to the Reformation, 
 treats the matter in a similar way, and confines itself to a simple state- 
 ment of acknowledged facts. In the meantime J. A. Mohler, by his 
 earlier monographical works, and still more decidedly by his far- 
 reaching influence as a Professor at Tiibingen, gave rise to an expect- 
 ation of the opening up of a new epoch in the treatment of Catholic 
 church history. He represented himself as in spiritual sympathy 
 with the forms and means of Protestant science, although in decided 
 opposition and conflict with its contents, maintaining his faithful 
 adhesion to all elements essential to Roman Catholicism. This master, 
 however, was prevented by his early death, t 1838, from issuing his 
 complete history. This was done almost thirty years after his death 
 by Gams, who published the work from his posthumous papers {E.G., 
 3 vols. Egsb., 1867 ff.)> ^'ith much ultramontane amendment. It shows 
 all the defects of such patchwork, with here and there, but relatively, 
 very few fruitful oases. Traces of his influence still appear in the spirit 
 which pervades the Lehrbilcher proceeding from his school, by Alzog
 
 § 5. HISTORY OF CHURCH HISTORY. 21 
 
 (t 1878) auil Kraus. The TJnivcrsalgescliichte cl. K., \>y J. Alzog (Mainz, 
 1841 ; 9th ed. 2 vols. 1872 ; transl. into Engl. 3 vols. Loud., 1877), 
 was, in its earlier editions, closely associated with the lectures of his 
 teacher, not ashamed even to draw from Hase's fresh-sparkling fountains 
 something at times for his own yet rather parched meadows, but in his 
 later editions he became ever more independent, more thorough in his 
 investigation, more fresh and lively in his exposition, making at the same 
 time a praiseworthy endeavour at moderation and impartiality of judg- 
 ment, although his adhesion to the Catholic standpoint grows more and 
 more strict till it reaches its culmination in the acceptance of the dogma 
 of Papal Infallibility. The 10th ed. of his work appeared in 1882 under 
 the supervision of Kraus, who contributed much to its correction and 
 completion. The Lehrhucli of F. Xav. Kraus of Freiburg (2ud ed. 
 Trier, 1882) is without doubt among all the Roman Catholic handbooks 
 of the present the most solid from a scientific point of view, and while 
 diplomatically reserved and carefully balanced in its expression of 
 opinions, one of the most liberal, and it is distinguished by a clever 
 as well as instructive mode of treatment. On the other hand, the 
 Wurzburgian theologian, J. HergenrotHer (since 1879 Cardinal and 
 Keeper of the Papal Archives at Rome), who represents the normal 
 attitude of implicit trust in the Vatican, has published a Handhucli 
 (2 vols, in 4 parts. Freib., 1876 ff. ; 2nd ed., 1879, with a supplement : 
 Sources, Literat., and Foundations). In this work he draws upon the 
 rich stores of his acknowledged scholarship, which, however, often 
 strangely forsakes him in treating of the history of Protestant theology. 
 It is a skilful aud instructive exposition, and may very fitly be repre- 
 sented as " a history of the church, yea, of the whole world, viewed 
 through correctly set Romish spectacles." Far beneath him in scientific 
 importance, but in obstinate ultramontanism far above him, stands 
 the Lehrhuch of H. Bruck (2nd ed. Mainz, 1877). A far more solid 
 production is presented in the Dissertatt. selectee in Jtist. ecclst. of Prof. 
 B. Juugmann of Louvaiu, which treat in chronological succession of 
 parties aud controversies prominent in church history, especially of the 
 historical development of doctrine, in a thorough manner and with 
 reference to original documents, not without a prepossession in favour 
 of Vaticanism (vols, i.-iii.. Ratisb., 1880-1883, reaching down to the 
 end of the 0th cent.). The Kirchenlexikon of Wetzer and Wette (12 
 vols. Freib., 1817 ff.) gained a prominent place on account of the 
 articles on church history contributed by the most eminent Catholic 
 scholars, conceived for the most part in the scientific spirit of Miihler. 
 The very copious and of its kind admirably executed 2nd ed. by Kaulen 
 (Freib., 1880 ff.), under the auspices of Card. Hergenrother, is conceived 
 in a far more decidedly Papistic-Vatican spirit, which often does not 
 shrink from maintaining aud vindicating even the most glaring pro-
 
 22 PREPAEATION FOR CHMSTIANITY. 
 
 ductions of mediasval superstition, illusion and credulitj', as grounded 
 in indubitable historical facts. Much more important is the historical 
 research in the Hist. Jalirhuch der Gurres-Gesellschaft, edited from 1880 
 by G. Hiiffer, and from 1883 by B. Gramich, which presents itself as 
 " a means of reconciliation for those historians with whom Christ is 
 the middle point of history and the Catholic Church the God-ordained 
 institution for the education of the human race." — In the French Church 
 the following are the most important productions : the HUt. de Vctjl. 
 of Beranlt-Bercastel {2i vols. Par., 1778 if.), which have had many 
 French continuators and also a German translator (24: vols. Vienna, 
 1784 ff.) ; the Hist, ecclst. depuis la creation, etc., of Baron Heurion, 
 ed. by Migne (25 vols. Par., 1852 ff.) ; and the very diffuse compilation, 
 wholly devoted to the glorification of the Papacy and its institutions, 
 Hist, nniverselle de I'cgl. Cath. of the Louvaiu French Abbe Eohrbacher 
 (29 vols. Par., 1842 ff. ; of which an English transl. is in course of publi- 
 cation). Finally, the scientifically careful exposition of the Old Catholic 
 J. Rieks, Gescli. d. chr. K. u. d. Papsttlnnns, Lahr., 1882, though in some 
 respects onesided, may be mentioned as deserving of notice for its general 
 impartiality and love of the truth. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE PREPARATION FOR 
 CHRISTIANITY, 
 
 Tlie pre-Christian "World preparing the way of the 
 Christian Church. 
 
 § G. The Standpoint of Universal History. 
 
 The middle point of the epochs and developments of the 
 human race is the incarnation of God in Christ. AVith it 
 begins, upon it rests, the fulness of the time (Gal. iv. 4), 
 and toward it the whole pre-Christian histoiy is directed 
 as anticipator}^ or progressive. This preparation has its 
 beginning in the very cradle of humanity, and is soon 
 parted in the two directions of Heathenism and Judaism. 
 In the former case we have the development of merely 
 human powers and capacities ; in the latter case this de- 
 velopment is carried on by continuous divine revelation. 
 Both courses of development, distinguished not only by the
 
 § 7. HEATHENISM. 23 
 
 means, but also Ly the task undertaken and the end aimed 
 at, run alongside of one another, until in the fulness of the 
 time they are united in Christianity and contribute thereto 
 the fruits and results of what was essential and character- 
 istic, in their several separate developments. 
 
 § 7. Heathenism. 
 
 The primitive race of man, surrounded by rich and 
 luxuriant forms of nature, put this abundance of primeval 
 power in the place of the personal and supramundane God, 
 Surrounded by such an inexhaustible fulness of life and 
 pleasures, man came to look upon nature as more worthy of 
 sacrifice and reverence than a personal Clod removed far off 
 into supramundane heights. Thus arose heathenism as to its 
 general features : a self-absorption into the depths of the life 
 of nature, a deification of nature, a worshipping of nature 
 (Rom. i. 21 ff.), therefore, the religion of nature, in accord- 
 ance with which, too, its moral character is determined. 
 Most conspicuously by means of its intellectual culture has 
 heathenism given preliminary aid to the church for the 
 performing of her intellectual task. And even the pagan 
 empire, with its striving after universal dominion, as well 
 as the active commercial intercourse in the old heathen 
 world, contributed in preparing the way of the church. 
 
 1. The Religions Character of Heitheuism.— The hidden powers of the 
 life of nature and the soul, not intellectually apprehended in the form of 
 abstract kuo\Yledge, but laid hold of in immediate practice, and developed 
 in speculation and mysticism, in natural magic and soothsaying, and 
 applied to all the relations of human life, seemed revelations of the 
 eternal spirit of nature, and, mostly by means of the intervention 
 of prominent personalities and under the influence of various geo- 
 graphical and ethnographical peculiarities, produced manifold systems 
 of the religion of nature. Common to all, and deeply rooted in the 
 nature of heathenism, is the distinction between the esoteric religion 
 of the priests, and the exoteric religion of the people. The former is 
 essentially a speculative ideal pantheism ; the latter is for the most part
 
 24 PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY. 
 
 a mythical and ceremonial polytheism. The religious development of 
 heathenism has nevertheless been by no means stripped of all elements 
 of truth. Apart from casual remnants of the primitive divine revela- 
 tion, which, variously contorted on their transmission through heathen 
 channels, may lie at the foundation or be inwrought into its religious 
 systems, the hothouse-like development of the religion of nature has 
 anticipated many a religions truth which, in the way of divine revela- 
 tion, could only slowly and at a late period come to maturity, but has 
 perverted and distorted it to such a degree that it was little better than 
 a caricature. To this class belong, for example, the pantheistic theories 
 of the Trinity and the Incarnation, the dualistic acknowledgment of 
 the reality of evil, etc. To this also especially belongs the offering 
 of human victims which has been practised in all religions of nature 
 without exception, — a terrible and to some extent prophetic cry of agony 
 from God-forsaken men, which is first toned down on Golgotha into 
 hymns of joy and thanksgiving. Witness is given to the power and 
 energy, with which the religions of nature in the time of their bloom 
 took 23ossession of and ruled over tlie minds and emotions of men, by 
 the otherwise unexampled sacrifices and self-inflictions, such as heca- 
 tombs, offerings of children, mutilation, prostitution, etc., to which its 
 votaries submitted, and not less the almost irresistible charm which it 
 exercised again and again upon the people of Israel during the whole 
 course of their earlier history. It also follows from this that the religion 
 of heathenism does not consist in naked lies and pure illusions. There 
 are elements of truth in the lies, which gave this power to the religion 
 of nature. There are anticipations of redemption, though these were 
 demoniacally perverted, which imparted to it this charm. There are 
 mysterious phenomena of natural magic and soothsaying which seemed 
 establish their divine character. But the worship of nature had the 
 fate of all unnatural, precocious development. The truth was soon 
 swallowed up by the lies, the power of development and life, of which 
 more than could possibly be given was demanded, was soon consumed 
 and used up. The blossoms fell before the fruit had set. Mysteries 
 and oracles, magic and soothsaying, became empty forms, or organs of 
 intentional fraud aud common roguery. And so it came to pass that 
 one harauspex could not look upon another without laughing. Un- 
 belief mocked everything, superstition assumed its most absurd and 
 utterly senseless forms, and religions of an irrational mongrel type 
 sought in vain to quicken again a nerveless and soulless heathenism. 
 
 2. The Moral Character of Heathenism. — Religious character and moral 
 character go always hand in hand. Thus, too, the moral life among 
 heathen peoples was earnest, powerful, and true, or lax, defective, and 
 perverse, in the same proportion as was the religious life of that same 
 period. The moral faults of heathenism flow from its religious faults.
 
 § 7. HEATHENISM. 25 
 
 It was a religion of tlie present, to whose goils therefore wei'e also 
 unhesitatingly ascribed all the imperfections of the present. In this 
 way religion lost all its power for raising men out of the mire and dust 
 surrounding them. The partly immoral myths sanctioned or excused 
 by the example of the gods the grossest immoralities. As the type and 
 pattern of reproductive power in the deified life of nature, the gratifica- 
 tion of lust was often made the central and main point in divine service. 
 The idea of pure humanity was wholly wanting in heathenism. It could 
 only reach the conception of nationality, and its virtues were only the 
 virtues of citizens. In the East despotism crushed, and in the West 
 fierce national antipathies stifled the acknowledgment of, universal 
 human rights and the common rank of men, so that the foreigner and 
 the slave were not admitted to have any claims. As the worth of man 
 was measured only by his political position, the significance of woman 
 was wholly overlooked and repudiated. Her position was at most only 
 that of the maid of the man, and was degraded to the lowest depths 
 in the East by reason of the prevalent polygamy. Notwithstanding all 
 these great and far-reaching moral faults, heathenism, in the days of 
 its bloom and power, at least in those departments of the moral life, such 
 as politics and municipal matters, in which pantheism and polytheism 
 did not exert their relaxing influence, had still preserved much high 
 moral earnestness and an astonishing energy. But when the religion 
 of their fathers, reduced to emptiness and powerlessness, ceased to be 
 the soul and bearer of those departments of life, all moral power was 
 also withdrawn from them. The moral deterioration reached its culmi- 
 nating point in the dissolute age of the Koman Emperors. In this 
 indescribable state of moral degeneration, the church found heathenism, 
 when it began its spiritual regeneration of the world. 
 
 3. The Intellectual Culture in Heathenism. — The intellectual culture 
 of heathenism has won in regard to the church a twofold significance. 
 On the one hand it affords a pattern, and on the other it presents 
 a warning beacon. Pagan science and art, in so far as they possess 
 a generally culturing influence and present to the Christian church 
 a special tj'pe for imitation, are but the ultimate results of the in- 
 tellectual activity which manifested itself among the Greeks and 
 Romans in philosophy, poetry and historical writing, which have in 
 two directions, as to form and as to contents, become the model for 
 the Christian church, preparing and breaking up its way. On the 
 one side they produced forms for the exercise of the intellectual life, 
 which by their exactness and clearness, by their variety and many- 
 sidedness, afforded to the new intellectual contents of Christianity a 
 means for its formal exjDOsition and expression. But, on the other 
 side, they also produced, from profound consideration of and research 
 into nature and spirit, history and life, ideas and reflections which
 
 2G PEEPAEATION FOE CIIEISTIANITY. 
 
 variously formed an anticipation of the ideas of redemption and prepared 
 the soil for their reception. The influence, however, on the other 
 hand, which oriental forms of culture had upon the development and 
 construction of the history of redemption, had already exhausted itself 
 upon Judaism. What the symbolism of orientalism had contributed 
 to Judaism, namely the form in which the divine contents communi- 
 cated by Old Testament prophesy should be presented and unfolded, 
 the dialectic of classical heathenism was to Christianity, in which the 
 symbolic covering of Judaism was to be torn off and the thought of 
 divine redemption to be manifested and to be laid hold of in its purely 
 intellectual form. The influence of heathenism upon the advancing 
 church in the other direction as affording a picture of what was to be 
 avoided, was represented not less by Eastern culture than by the classical 
 culture of the Greeks and Eomans. Here it was exclusively the con- 
 tents, and indeed the ungodly anti-christiau contents, the specifically 
 heathen substance of the pagan philosophy, theosophy, and mysterio- 
 sophy, which by means of tolerated forms of culture sought to penetrate 
 and completely paganize Christianity. To heathenism, highly cultured 
 but pluming itself in the arrogance of its sublime wisdom, Christianity, 
 by whose suggestive profundity it had been at first attracted, appeared 
 altogether too simple, unphilosophical, unspeculative, to satisfy the 
 supposed requirements of the culture of the age. There was needed, 
 it was thought, fructification and enriching by the collective wisdom 
 of the East and the West before religion could in truth present itself as 
 absolute and perfect. 
 
 4. The Hellenic Philosophy. — What is true of Greek-Eoman culture 
 generally on its material and formal sides, that it powerfully influenced 
 Christianity now budding into flower, is preeminently true of the Greek 
 Philosophy. Eegarded as a prefiguration of Christianity, Greek philo- 
 sophy presents a negative side in so far as it led to the dissolution of 
 heathenism, and a positive side in so far as it, by furnishing form and 
 contents, contributed to the construction of Christianity. From its very 
 origin Hellenic philosoi^hy contributed to the negative process by under- 
 mining the people's faith in heathenism, preparing for the overthrow of 
 idolatry, and leading heathenism to take a despondent view of its own 
 future. It is with Socrates, who died in e.g. 399, that the positive pre- 
 figuring of Christianity on the part of Greek philosophy comes first 
 decidedly into view. His humble confession of ignorance, his founding 
 of the claim to wisdom on the YvQOi o-eavTuu, the tracing of his deepest 
 thoughts and yearnings back to divine suggestions (his Aai/j-Sviov) , his 
 grave resignation to circumstances, and his joyful hope in a more blessed 
 future, may certainly be regarded as faint anticipations and prophetic 
 adumbrations of the phenomena of Christian faith and life. Plato, who 
 cUed D,c. 318, with independent speculative and poetic power, wrought
 
 § 7. HEATHENISM. 27 
 
 tlio Ecaltered Iduts of his teacher's wisdom into an organically arti- 
 culated theory of the universe, which in its anticipatory profundity 
 approached more nearly to the Christian theory of the universe than 
 any other outside the range of revelation. His philosophy leads men 
 to an appreciation of his God-related nature, takes him past the visible 
 and sensible to the eternal prototypes of all beauty, truth and goodness, 
 from which he has fallen away, and awakens in him a profound long- 
 ing after his lost possessions. In regard to matter Aristotle, who died 
 B.C. 322, does not stand so closely related to Christianity as Plato, but 
 in regard to form, he has much more decidedly influenced the logical 
 thinking and systematizing of later Christian sciences. In these two, 
 however, are reached the highest elevation of the philosophical thinking 
 of the Greeks, viewed in itself as well as in its positive and constructive 
 influence upon the church. As philosophy down to that time, con- 
 sciously or unconsciously, had wrought for the dissolution of the religion 
 of the people, it now proceeded to work its own overthrow, and brought 
 into ever deeper, fuller and clearer consciousness the despairing 
 estimate of the world regarding itself. This is shown most significantly 
 in the three schools of philosophy which were most widely spread at 
 the entrance of the church into the Grasco-Eomau world. Epicureanism, 
 Stoicism, and Scepticism. Epicurus, who died B.C. 271, in his philosophy 
 seeks the highest good in pleasure, recognises in the world only a play 
 of fortune, regards the soul as mortal, and supposes that the gods in 
 their blissful retirement no longer take any thought about the world. 
 Stoicism, founded by Zeuo, who died in B.C. 2G0, over against the 
 Epicurean deism set up a hylozoistic pantheism, made the develojiment 
 of the world dependent upon the unalterable necessity of fate, which 
 brings about a universal conflagration, out of w'hich again a new world 
 springs to follow a similar course. To look on pleasure with contempt, 
 to scorn pain, and in ease of necessity to end a fruitless life by suicide — 
 these constitute the core of all wisdom. When he has reached such a 
 height in the mastery of self and of the world the wise man is his own 
 god, finding in himself all that he needs. Finally, in conflict with 
 Stoicism arose the Scepticism of the New Academy, at the head of which 
 were Arcesilaus who died e.g. 240 and Carneades who died e.g. 128. 
 This school renoiTuced all knowledge of truth as something really un- 
 attainable, and in the moderation (eVox??) of every opinion placed the 
 sum of theoretic wisdom, while it regarded the sum of all practical 
 wisdom to consist in the evidence of every passionate or exciting effort. 
 
 5. The Heathen State. — In the grand endeavour of heathenism to re- 
 deem itself by its own resources and according to its own pleasure, the 
 attempt was finally made by the concentration of all forces into one 
 colossal might. To gather into one point all the mental and bodily 
 powers cf the whole human race, and through them also all powers of
 
 28 TEEPAEATION FOB CHRISTIANITY. 
 
 nature and the jDroducts of all zones and lands, and to put tliem under 
 cue will, and then in this will to recognise the personal and visible repre- 
 sentation of the godhead — to this was heathenism driven by an inner 
 necessity. Hence arose a struggle, and in consequence of the pertinacity 
 with which it was carried on, one kingdom after another was overthrown, 
 until the climax was reached in the Eoman empire. Yet even this 
 empire was broken and dissolved when opposed bj' the spiritual power 
 of the kingdom of God. Like all the endeavours of heathenism, this 
 struggle for absolute sovereignty had a twofold aspect ; there are thereby 
 made prominent men's own ways and God's ways, the undivine aims of 
 men, and the blessed results which God's government of the world could 
 secure for them. We have here to do first of all simply with the Eoman 
 universal empire, but the powers that rose in succession after it are only 
 rejuvenations and powerful continuations of the endeavour of the earlier 
 power, and so that is true of every state which is true of the Eoman. 
 Its significance as a preparer of the way for the church is just tbis, 
 that in consequence of the articulation of the world into one great state 
 organisation, the various stages and elements of culture found among 
 the several civilized races hitherto isolated, contributed now to one 
 universal civilization, and a rapid circulation of tlie new life-blood 
 driven by the church through the veins of the nations was made 
 possible and easy. "With special power and universal success had the 
 exploits of Alexander the Great in this direction made a beginning, 
 which reached perfection under the Eoman empire. The ever advancing 
 prevalence of one language, the Greek, which at the time of the begin- 
 ning of the church was spoken and understood in all quarters of the 
 Eoman empire, which seemed, like a temporary suspension of the doom 
 of the confusion of languages which accompanied the rise of heathenism 
 (Gen. xi.), to celebrate its return to the divine favour, belongs also pre- 
 eminently to those preparatory influences. And as the heathen state 
 sought after the concentration of all might, Industry and Trade, moved 
 by the same principle, sought after the concentration of wealth and 
 profit. But as worldly enterprise for its own ends made paths for 
 universal commerce over wastes and seas, and visited for purposes of 
 trade the remotest countries and climes, it served unwittingly and unin- 
 tentionally the higher purposes of divine grace by opening a way for the 
 spread of the message of the gospel. 
 
 § 8. Judaism. 
 
 In a land wlilcli, like tl:e jieople tliemselves, combined 
 tlie cliaracter of insular exclusiveness with, that of a central 
 position in the ancient world, Israel, on account of the part
 
 § 8. JUDAISM. 29 
 
 wiiicli it was called to play in universal history, liad to be 
 tlie receiver and commimicator of God's revelations of His 
 salvation, liad to live quiet and apart, taking little to do 
 with the world's business; having, on the other hand, the 
 assurance from God's promise that disasters threatened by 
 heathenish love of conquest and oppression would be 
 averted. This position and this task were, indeed, only too 
 often forgotten. Only too often did the Israelites mix 
 themselves up in worldly affairs, with which they had no 
 concern. Only too often by their departure from their God 
 did they make themselves like the heathen nations in 
 religion, worship, and conversation, so that for correction 
 and punishment they had often to be put under a heavy 
 yoke. Yet the remnant of the holy seed (Isa. iv. 3 ; vi. 13) 
 which was never wholly wanting even in times of general 
 apostasy, as well as the long-suifering and faithfulness of 
 their God, ensured the complete realisation of Israel's 
 vocation, even though the unspiritual mass of the people 
 finally rejected the offered redemjition. 
 
 1. Judaism under special Traiuiug of God through the Law and Prophecy. 
 — Abraliam was cliosen as a single iudiviilual (Isa. li. 2), and, as the 
 creator of something new, God called forth from au unfruitful womb 
 the seed of promise. As saviour and redeemer from existing misery 
 He delivered the people of promise from the oppression of Egyptian 
 slavery. In the Holy Land the family must work out its own develop- 
 ment, but in order that the family might be able unrestrainedly to ex- 
 pand into a great nation, it was necessary that it should first go down into 
 Egypt. Moses led the people thus disciplined out of the foreign land, 
 and gave them a theocratic constitution, law, and worship as means for 
 the accomplishment of their calling, as a model and a schoolmaster 
 leading on to future perfection (Gal. iii. 24; Heb. x. 1). The going out 
 of Egypt was the birth of the nation, the giving of the law at Sinai was 
 its consecration as a holy nation. Joshua set forth 'the last condition 
 for an independent people, the possession of a country commensurate 
 with the task of the nation, a land of their own that would awaken 
 patriotic feelings. Now the theocracy under the form of a purely popular 
 institution under the fostering care of the priesthood could and should 
 have borne fruit, but the period of the Judges proves that those two factors
 
 30 PKEPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY. 
 
 of clevelopniGiit were not sufficient, and so now two new ngcucics mal<o 
 their appearance ; the Prophetic order as a distinct and regular office, 
 constituted for the purpose of being a mouth to God and a conscieuce 
 to the state, and the Kingly order for the protecting of the theocracy 
 against hurt from without and for the establishment of peace within her 
 borders. By David's successes the theocracy attained unto a high degree of 
 political significance, and by Solomon's building of the temple the typical 
 form of worship reached the highest point of its development. In spite, 
 however, of prophecy and royalty, the people, ever withdrawing them- 
 selves more and more from their true vocation, were not able outwardly 
 and inwardly to maintain the high level. The division of the kingdom, 
 internal feuds and conflicts, their untheocratic entanglement in the 
 affairs of the world, the growmg tendency to fall away from the worship 
 of Jehovah and to engage in the worship of high places, and calves, and 
 nature, called down incessantly the divine judgments, in consequence of 
 which they fell a prey to the heathen. Yet this discipline was not in 
 vain. CjTus decreed their return and their independent organization, 
 and even prophecy was granted for a time to the restored community for 
 its establishment and consolidation. Under these political developments 
 has prophecy, in addition to its immediate concern with its own times in 
 respect of teaching, discipline, and exhortation, given to the promise of 
 future salvation its fullest expression, bringing a bright ray of comfort 
 and hope to light up the darkness of a gloomy present. The fading 
 memories of the hapi^y times of the brilliant victories of David and the 
 glorious peaceful reign of Solomon formed the bases of the delineations 
 of the future Messianic kingdom, while the disasters, the suffering and 
 the humiliation of the people during the period of their decay gave an 
 impulse to Messianic longings for a Messiah suffering for the sins of the 
 people and taking on Himself all their misery. And now, after it had 
 effected its main purpose, prophecy was silenced, to be reawakened only 
 in a complete and final form when the fulness of time had come. 
 
 2. Judaism after the Cessation of Prophecy. — The time had now come 
 when the chosen people, emancipated from the immediate discipline of 
 divine revelation, but furnished with the results and experiences of a 
 rich course of instruction, and accompanied by the law as a schoolmaster 
 and by the light of the prophetic word, should themselves work out the 
 purpose of their calling. The war of extermination which Antiochus 
 Epiphanes in his heathen fanaticism waged against Judaism, was happily 
 and victoriously repelled, and once more the nation won its political 
 independence under the Maccabees. At last, however, owing to the in- 
 creasing corruption of the ruling Maecabean family, they were ensnared 
 by the craft of the Roman empire. The Syrian religious persecution 
 and the subsequent oppression of the Romans roused the national spirit 
 and the attachment to the religion of their fathers to the most extreme
 
 § B. JUDAISM. 31 
 
 exclusiveuess, fanatical hatreil, aud proud scoru of everything foreign, 
 and converted the Messianic hope into a mere pohtical and frantically 
 carnal expectation. True piety more and more disappeared in a punc- 
 tilious legalism aud cerem'onialism, in a conceited self-righteousness aud 
 boastful contidence in their own good works. Priests and scribes were 
 eagerly bent on fostering this tendency and increasing the unsuscepti- 
 bility of the masses for the spirituality of the rederaiJtion that was dr-aw- 
 iug nigh, by multiplying and exaggerating external rules aud by perverse 
 interpretation of scripture. But in spite of all these perverting aud far- 
 reaching tendencies, there was yet in quiet obscurity a sacred plantation 
 of the true Israel (John i. 47 ; Luke i. 6 ; ii. 25, 38, etc.), as a garden of 
 God for the first reception of salvation in Christ. 
 
 3. The Synagogues. — The institution of the Synagogues was of the 
 greatest importance for the spread and development of post-exilian 
 Judaism. They had their origin in the consciousness that, besides the 
 continuance of the symbolical worship of the temple, a ministry of the 
 word for edification by means of the revelation of God in the law and 
 the prophets was, after the withdrawal of prophecy, all the more a press- 
 ing need and duty. But they also afforded a nursery for the endeavour 
 to widen and contract the law of Moses by Eabbinical rules, for the 
 tendency to external legalism and hypocrisy, for the national arrogance 
 and the carnal Messianic expectations, which from them passed over into 
 the life of the people. On the other hand, the synagogues, especially 
 outside of Palestine, among the dispersion, won a far-reaching signifi- 
 cance for the church by reason of their missionary tendency. For here 
 where every Sabbath the holy scripture of the Old Testament was read 
 in the Greek translation of the Septuagint and expounded, a convenient 
 opportunity was given to heathens longing for salvation to gain acquaint- 
 ance with the revelations and promises of God in the Old Covenant, and 
 here there was already a place for the first ministers of the gosi^cl, from 
 which they could deliver their message to an assembled multitude of 
 people from among tho Jews and Gentiles. (Schiirer, "Hist, of the 
 Jewish People in the Time of Jesus Chi-ist," Div. ii. vol. 2. "The 
 School and Synagogue," pp. 44-89. Edin., 188.5.) 
 
 4. Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes. — The strict, traditionally legalistic, 
 carnally i)articularistic tendency of Post-Exilian Judaism had its repre- 
 sentatives aud supporters in the sect of the Pharisees ('D''p'-1"ID^ dtpupca-- 
 l-uvot), so called because their main endeavour was to maintain the 
 strictest separation from everything heathenish, foreign, and ceremonially 
 unclean. By their ostentatious display of zeal for the law, their con- 
 tempt for everything not Jewish, their democratic principles and their 
 arrogant patriotism, they won most completely the favour of the people ; 
 they shared the evil fortunes of the Maccabean princes, and became the 
 bitterest enemies ci the Herodians, and entertained a burning fanatical
 
 32 PEEPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY. 
 
 hatred to the Eomans. They held sway in the synagogues to such an 
 extent that the names Scribes and Pharisees were regarded as ahnost 
 synonymous, and even in the Sanhedrim they secured many seats. In 
 the times of Jesus the schools of Hillel and Shammai contended with one 
 another, the former pleading for somewhat lax views, especially in refer- 
 ence to divorce and the obligation of oaths, while the latter insisted upon 
 the most rigorous interpretation of the law. Both, however, were agreed 
 in the recognition of oral tradition, the irapaOoaeis tQv Traripwv, as a 
 binding authority and an essential supplement to the law of Moses. In 
 direct opposition to them stand the Sadducees, out of sympathy with the 
 aspirations of the peojile, and abandoning wholly the sacred traditions, 
 and joining themselves in league with the Herodians and Romans. The 
 name originally designated them as descendants of the old temple aris- 
 tocracy represented by the family of the high priest Zadok, and, in con- 
 sequence of the similarity in sound between D''p'nV and D\'p''lV, gave 
 expression to their claim to be regarded as essentially and truly righteous 
 because of their outward adherence to the Mosaic law. Proceeding on 
 the principle that virtue as a free act of man has in it its own worth and 
 reward, just as vice has in it its own punishment, they rejected the doc- 
 trine of a future judgment, denied the doctrine of a resurrection, the 
 existence of angels and spirits, and the doctrine of the divine foreknow- 
 ledge.' The Esseues, not mentioned in the Bible, but named by Philo, 
 Josephus, and the elder Pliny, form a third sect. Their name was 
 probably derived from Npn pious. The original germ of their society 
 is found in distinct colonies on the banks of the Dead Sea, which kept 
 apart from the other Jews, and recognised even among themselves four 
 different grades of initiation, each order being strictly separated from the 
 others. A member was received only after a three years' novitiate, and 
 undertook to keep secret the mysteries of the order. Community of 
 goods in the several communities and clans, meals in common accom- 
 panied by religious ceremonies, frequent prayers in the early morning 
 with the face directed to the rising sun, oft repeated washings and 
 cleansings, diligent application to agriculture and other peaceful occupa- 
 tions, abstaining from the use of flesh and wine, from trade and every 
 warUke pursuit, from slavery and taking of oaths, perhaps also absti- 
 nence from marriage in the higher orders, were the main conditions of 
 membership in their association. The Sabbath was observed with great 
 strictness, but sacrifices of blood were abolished, and all anointing with 
 oil was regarded as polluting. They still, however, maintained connec- 
 tion with Judaism by sending gifts to the temple. So far the order may 
 
 1 See Sermon on The Pharisees in Mozley's " Univ. Sermons," Lond., 
 1876; also Schiirer, Div. II. vol, ii. pp. 1-13, "I'harisees and Saddu- 
 cees."
 
 § 9. SAMARITANISM. 33 
 
 fairly be regardeel, as it is by Eitscbl, as a spiritualizing exaggeration of 
 the Mosaic idea of the priestly character that had independently grown up 
 oa Jewish soil, and indeed especially as an attempt to realize the calling 
 set forth in Exod. xix. 5, 6, and repudiated in Exod. xx. 19, 20, unto all 
 Israelites to be a spiritual priesthood. But when, on the other hand, 
 the Essenes, according to Josephus, considered the body as a i^rison in 
 which the soul falling from its ethereal existence is to be confined until 
 freed from its fetters by death it returns again to heaven, this can 
 scarcely be explained as originating from any other than a heathen source, 
 especially from the widely spread influences of Neo-Pythagoreanism (§ 24). 
 Lucius (1881) derives the name and seeks their origin from the Asidseans, 
 Chasidim, or Pious, in 1 Mace, ii. 42 ; vii. 13 ; and 2 Mace. xiv. 6. Very 
 striking too is Hilgenfeld's carefully weighed and ably sustained theory 
 {Ketzergesch. ,'p'p. 87-1-19), that their descent is to be traced from the Keuite 
 Eechabites (.Jer. xxxv. ; Judg. i. 16), and their name from the city Gerasa, 
 west of the Dead Sea, called in Josephus also Essa, w-here the Eechabites, 
 abandoning their tent life, formed a settlement. In the time of Jose- 
 phus the Essenes numbered about four thousand. In consequence of the 
 Jewish war, which brought distress upon them, as well as upon the 
 Christians, they were led into friendly relations with Christianity; but 
 even when adopting the Christian doctrines, they still carried with them 
 many of their earlier tenets (§ 28, 2, 3).^ 
 
 § 9. Samaritanism. 
 
 The Samaritans, who came into existence at the time of 
 the overthrow of the kingdom of Israel, from the blending 
 of Israeli tish and heathenish elements, desired fellowship 
 with the Jewish colony that returned from the Babylonish 
 captivity, but were repelled on account of their manifold 
 compromises wdth pagan practice. And although an ex- 
 pelled Jew named Manasseh purified their religion as far as 
 possible of heathenish elements, and gave them a temple 
 and oi'der of worship on Mount Gerizim, this only increased 
 the hatred of the Jews against them. Holding fast to the 
 Judaism taught them by Manasseh, the Samaritans never 
 adopted the refinements and perversions of later Judaism. 
 
 1 See Lightfoot, Ep. to the Col., 5th ed., Lond., 1880, Diss, on "Es- 
 senes, their Name, Origin, and Eelation to Christianity," pi^. 349-419 ; 
 also Scliiirer, Div. II. vol. ii. pp. 188-218, " The Essenes." 
 
 D
 
 34 PEEPAKATION FOE CHRISTIANITY. 
 
 Their Messianic expectations remained purer, their particu- 
 larism less severe. While thus rendered capable of forming 
 a more impartial estimate of Christianity, they were also 
 inclined upon the whole, becaiTse of the hatred and contempt 
 which they had to endiire from Pharisaic Judaism, to look 
 with favour iipon Christianity despised and persecuted as 
 they themselves had been (John iv. 41 ; Acts viii. 5 ff.). 
 On the other hand, the syncretic-heathen element, Avhich 
 still flourished in Samaritanism, showed its opposition to 
 Christianity by positive reactionary attempts (§ 25, 2)} 
 
 § 10. Intercourse between Judaism and Heathenism. 
 
 Alexander the Great's concpiest of the world brought into 
 connection with one another the most diverse elements of 
 culture in antiquity. Least of all could Judaism outside of 
 Palestine, the diaspora^ living amid the influences of heathen 
 or Hellenic culture and ways of viewing things, withdraw 
 itself from the syncretic current of the age. The Jews of 
 Eastern Asia maintained a closer connection and sj^iritual 
 affinity with the exclusive Palestinian Rabbinism, and the 
 heathen element, which here penetrated into their religious 
 conceptions, became, chiefly through the Talmud, the com- 
 mon property of post-Christian Judaism. But heathenism 
 also, contemptible as Judaism appeared to it, was susceptible 
 to Jewish influences, impressed by the deeper religious con- 
 tents of Judaism, and thougli only sporadic, instances of 
 such influence were by no means rare. 
 
 1, Influence of Heathenism upon Judaism. — This reached its greatest 
 strength in Egypt, the special centre and source of the syncretic ten- 
 dencies of the age. Forming for itself by means of the adoption of Greek 
 culture and especially of the Platonic philosophy a more universal basis 
 of culture, Jewish Hellenism flourished iu Alexandria. After Aristobulus, 
 
 1 Nutt, Sketch of Sainaritan History, Dogma, and Literature. Lond., 
 1S74.
 
 § 10. INTERCOURSE OP HEATHENISM AND JUDAISM. 35 
 
 who wrote 'E^-ijy-i'iaeLs rrji Mwi'ffe'ws, about B.C. 170, now only found in a 
 fragment of doubtful authority, and the author of the Book of Wisdom, 
 the chief representative of this tendency was the Alexandrian Jew Pliilo, 
 a contemporary of Christ. His Platonism enriched by elements drawn 
 from Old Testament revelation and from the doctrines of the Essenes 
 has on many points carried its speculation to the very borders of Chris- 
 tianity, and has formed a scaffolding for the Christian philosophy of the 
 Church Fathers. He taught that all nations have received a share of 
 divine truth, but that the actual founder and father of all true philosophy 
 was Moses, whose legislation and teaching formed the source of informa- 
 tion for even the Greek Philosophy and Mysteriosophy. But it is only 
 by means of allegorical interpretation that such depths can be discovered. 
 God is TO 6v, matter to ixij 6v. An intermediate world, corresponding to 
 the Platonic world of ideas, is the K6<xfxos uotjtSs, consisting of innumerable 
 spirits and powers, angels and souls of men, but bound together into a 
 unity in and issuing from the Word of God, who as the \6yos evoiaderos 
 was embraced in God from eternity, coming forth from God as the Xoyoi 
 TTpo'popLKos for the creation of the world (thought and word). The visible 
 world, on account of the physical impotence of matter, is an imperfect 
 representation of the koct/xos votjtos, etc. On the ground of the writing 
 De vita conteniplativa attributed to Philo, the Tlierapeutje, or worship- 
 pers of God, mentioned therein, had been regarded as a contemplative 
 ascetic sect related to the Essenes, affected by an Alexandrian philoso- 
 phical spirit, living a sort of monastic life in the neighbourhood of 
 Alexandria, until Lucius (Strassb., 1879) withdrew them from the domain 
 of history to that of Utopian romance conceived in support of a special 
 theory. This scholar has proved that the writiug referred to cannot 
 possibly be assigned to Philo, but must have been composed about the end 
 of the third century in the interest of Christian monasticism, for which it 
 presented an idealizing apology. This, however, has been contested by 
 Weingarten, in Herzog, x. 7G1, on good grounds, and the origin of the 
 book has been assigned to a period soon after Philo, when Hellenistic 
 Judaism was subjected to a great variety of religious and philosophical 
 influences.^ 
 
 2. Influence of Judaism upon Heathenism. — The heathen state showed 
 itself generally tolerant toward Judaism. Alexander the Great and his 
 successors, the Ptolemies, to some extent also the Seleucidae, allowed the 
 Jews the free exercise of their religion and various privileges, while the 
 Komaus allowed Judaism to rank as a reliyio licita. Nevertheless the 
 Jews were universally despised and hated. Tacitus calls them despeetis- 
 sima pars scrvientium, teteriima gens ; and even the better class of 
 writers, sirch as Manetho, Justin, Tacitus, gave currency to the most 
 
 1 On Philo, see Schiirer, Div. II. vol. iii. pp. 321-381.
 
 36 PEEPAKATION FOR CHRISTIANITY. 
 
 absurd stories and malicious calumuies against them. In opposition to 
 these the Jewish historian Flavius Josephus took pains to overcome the 
 prejudices of Greeks and Romans against his nation, by pirescnting to 
 them its history and institutions in the most favourable light. But on 
 the other side, the Greek translation of the Old Testament, called the 
 Septuagint, as well as the multitude of Jewish synagogues, which during 
 the Roman period were scattered over the whole world, afforded to every 
 heathen interested therein the opportunity of discovering by jaersonal 
 examination and inquiry the characteristic principles of Judaism. When, 
 therefore, we consider the utterly corrupt condition of heathenism, we 
 cannot wonder that Judaism, in spite of all the contempt that was thrown 
 upon it, would attract, by reason of its hoary antiquity and the sublime 
 simplicity of its creed, the significance of its worship, and its Messianic 
 promises, many of the better aspiring heathens, who were no longer satis- 
 fied with their sorely degraded forms of religion. And though indeed 
 only a few enrolled themselves as "Proselytes of Righteousness,'^ entering 
 the Jewish community by submitting to the rite of circumcision, the 
 number of the "Proselytes of the Gate " who without observing the whole 
 of the ceremonial law undertook to abandon their idols and to worship 
 Jehovah, in all ranks of society, mostly women, was very considerable, 
 and it was just among them that Christianity found the most hearty 
 and friendly acceptance. 
 
 § 11. The Fulness of Time. 
 
 The fulness of the olden time had come when the dawn of 
 a new era bnrst forth over the mountains of Judea. All 
 that Judaism and heathenism had been able to do in pre- 
 paring the way for this new era had now been done. Hea- 
 thenism was itself conscious of its impotence and unfitness 
 for satisfying the religious needs of the human spirit, and 
 wherever it had not fallen into dreary unbelief or wild 
 superstition, it struggled aiid agonized, aspiring after some- 
 thing better. In this way negatively a path was prepared 
 for the church. In science and art, as well as in general 
 intellectual culture, heathenism had produced something 
 great and imperishable ; and ineffectual as these in them- 
 selves had proved to restore again to man the peace which 
 he had lost and now sought after, they might become effec- 
 tually helpful for such pur])oses when made subservient to
 
 § 12. CHARACTER OF HISTORY OF THE EEGIXNINGS. 37 
 
 tlie true salvation. And so far heatlienism was a positive 
 helper to the church. The impression that a crisis in the 
 world's history was near at hand was universal among Jews 
 and Gentiles. The profound realization of the need was a 
 presage of the time of fulfilment. All true Israelites waited 
 for the promised Messiah, and even in heathenism the an- 
 cient hope of the return of the Golden Age was again brought 
 to the front, and had, from the sacred scriptures and syna- 
 gogues of the Jews, obtained a new holding ground and a 
 definite direction. The heathen state, too, made its own 
 contribution toward preparing the way of the church. One 
 sceptre and one language united the Avliole world, a univer- 
 sal peace prevailed, and the most widely extended commer- 
 cial intercourse gave opportunity for the easy and rapid 
 spread of saving truth. 
 
 THE HISTORY OF THE BEaiNNINGS. 
 The Founding of the Church by Christ and His Apostles. 
 
 § 12. Character of the History of the Beginnixgs. 
 
 The propriety in a treatise on general church history of 
 separating the Times of Jesus and the Times of the Apostles, 
 closely connected therewith, from the History of the De- 
 velopment of the Church, and giving to them a distinct 
 place under the title of the History of the Beginnings, rests 
 on the fact that in those times we have the germs and 
 principles of all that follows. The unique capacity of the 
 Apostles, resulting from special enlightenment and endow- 
 ment, makes that which they have done of vital importance 
 for all subsequent development. In our estimation of each 
 later form of the church's existence we must go back to 
 the doctrine and practice of Christ and His Apostles as 
 the standard, not as to a finally completed form that has 
 exhausted all possibilities of development, and made all 
 
 6S90 
 
 y^ r^ "^ i\ (\ 
 
 ii
 
 38 THE HISTORY OF THE BEGINNINGS. 
 
 fuitlier advance and growth impossible or useless, but rather 
 as to the authentic ^resh germs and beginnings of the 
 church, so that not only what in later development is found 
 to have existed in the same form in the beginning is recog- 
 nised as genuinely Christian, bu.t also that which is seen 
 to be a development and growth of that primitive form. 
 
 I. THE LIFE OE JESUS. 
 
 § 13. Jesus Christ, the Saviour of the World. 
 
 " But when the fulness of the time was come, God sent 
 forth His Son, made of a woman, made under the law, to 
 redeem them that were under the law, that we might re- 
 ceive the adoption of sons " (G-al. iv. 4, 5). In accordance 
 with prophetic announcements, He was born in Bethlehem 
 as the Son of David, and, after John the Baptist, the last of 
 the prophets of the Old Covenant, had prepared His Vv^ay by 
 the preaching of repentance and the baptism of repentance, 
 He began in the thirtieth year of His age His fulfilment by 
 life and teaching of the law and the prophets. With twelve 
 chosen disciples He travelled up and down through the land 
 of the Jews, preaching the kingdom of Clod, helping and 
 healing, and by miracles and signs confirming His divine 
 mission and doctrine. The Pharisees contradicted and per- 
 secuted Him, the Sadducees disregarded Him, and the people 
 vacillated between acclamations and execrations. After 
 three years' activity, amid the hosannas of the multitude, 
 He made His royal entry into the city of His kingly an- 
 cestors. But the same crowd, disappointed in their poli- 
 tical and carnal Messianic expectations, a few days later 
 raised the cry : Crucify Him, crucify Him ! Thus then 
 He suffered according to the gracious good pleasure of the 
 Father the death of the cross for the sins of the Avorld. The 
 Prince of life, however, could not be holden of death. He
 
 § 13. JESUS CHRIST THE SAVIOUE OF THE WOELD. 39 
 
 burst the gates of Hades, as well as the barriers of the 
 grave, and rose agaiu the third day. For forty days He 
 lingered here below, promised His disciples the gift of His 
 Holy Spirit, and commissioned them to preach the gospel 
 to all nations. Then upon His asc ension He assumed the 
 divine form of which He had emptied Himself during His 
 incarnation, and sits now at the right hand of power as the 
 Head of His church and the Lord of all that is named in 
 heaven and on earth, until visibly and in glory, according 
 to the promise, He returns again at the restitution of all 
 things. 
 
 1. lu regard to the year of the birtli and the year of the death of the 
 r.edeemer no absohitely certain result can now be attained. The usual 
 Christian chronology constructed by Dionysius Exiguus in the sixth cen- 
 tury, first employed by the Venerable Bede, and brought into official use 
 by Charlemagne, assumes the year Toi a.u.c. as the date of Christ's 
 birth, which is evidently wrong, since, in a.d. 750 or 751, Herod the 
 Great was already dead. Zumpt takes the seventh, others the third, 
 fourth, or fifth year before our era. The length of Christ's public 
 ministry was fixed by many Church Fathers, in accordance with Isaiah 
 Ixi. 1, 2, and Luke iv. 19, at one year, and it was consequently assumed 
 that Christ was crucified when thirty years of age (Luke iii. 21). The 
 synoptists indeed speak only of one passover, the last, during Christ's 
 ministry ; but John (ii. 13 ; vi. 4 ; xii. 1) speaks of three, and also besides 
 (v. 1) of a iopTT] rCiv 'lovdaiuv. 
 
 2. Among the non-biblical witnesses to Christ the earliest is probably 
 a Syrian Epistle of Mara to his son Serapion, \\ritten, according to 
 Cureton (" Spicileg. Si/riacum," Loud., 1855), about a.d. 73. The father, 
 highly cultured in Greek wisdom but dissatisfied with it, writes from 
 exile words of comfort and exhortation to his son, in which he places 
 Christ alongside of Socrates and Pythagoras, and honours him as the 
 wise ICing, by whose death the Jews had brought upon themselves the 
 swift overthrow of their kingdom, who would, however, although slain, 
 live for ever in the new land which He has given. To this period also 
 belongs the vritness of the Jewish historian Josephus, which in its pro- 
 bably genuine portions praises Jesus as a worker of miracles and teacher 
 of wisdom, and testifies to His death on the cross under Pilate, as well 
 as the founding of the church in His name. Distinctly and wholly 
 spurious is the Correspoudeacs of Christ with Abgar, Prince of Edessa, 
 who entreats Christ to come to Edessa to heal him and is comforted of
 
 40 THE HISTORY OF THE BEGINNINGS. 
 
 the Lord by the sending of one of His disciples after His ascension. This 
 document was first communicated by Eusebius [Hist. EccL, i. 13) from 
 the Archives of Edessa in a literal translation from the Syriac, and is 
 also to be found in the Syrian book Doctriiia Addai (§ 32, 6). Of a 
 similar kind are the apocryphal Acta Pilati, as well the heathen form 
 which has perished (§ 22, 7), as the Christian form which is still extant 
 (§ 32, 4), An Epistle of Leutulus, pretending to be from a Eoman resi- 
 dent in Palestine on terms of intimacy with Pilate, containing a descrip- 
 tion of the appearance of Christ, is quoted, and even then as a forgery, 
 by Laurentius Valla in his writing on the Donation of Constantine. Since 
 in many particulars it agrees with the description of the person of Christ 
 given in the Church History by Nicephorus Callisti (§ 5, 1), in accordance 
 with the type then prevailing among Byzantine painters, it may fairly 
 be regarded as an apocryphal Latin retouching of that description ori- 
 ginating in the fifteenth century. At Edessa a picture of Christ was 
 known to exist in the fourth century (according to the Doctr. Addad), 
 which must have been brought thither by the messengers of Abgar, who 
 had picked it up in Jerusalem. During the fourth century mention is 
 made of a statue of Christ, first of all by Eusebius, who himself had 
 seen it. This was said to have been set up in Paneas by the woman 
 cured of the issue of blood (Matt. ix. 20). It represents a woman en- 
 treating help, kneeling before the lofty figure of a man who stretches 
 out his hand to her, while at his feet a healing herb springs up. In all 
 probability, however, it was simply a votive figure dedicated to the god 
 of healing, iEsculapius. The legend that has been current since the 
 fifth century of the sweat-marked handkerchief of Veronica — this name 
 being derived either from vera icon, the true likeness, or from Bernice or 
 Beronice, the name given in apocryi^hal legends to the woman with the 
 issue of blood, — on which the face of the Redeemer which had been wiped 
 by it was imprinted, probably arose through the transferring to other 
 incidents the legendary story of Edessa. On the occurrence of similar 
 transferences see § 57, 5. 
 
 II. THE APOSTOLIC AGE. 
 
 A.D. 30-70. 
 
 § 14. The Ministry of the Apostles before Paul. 
 
 After tlie Apostolate liad been ngaiu by means of the lot 
 raised to the significant number of twelve, amid miraculous 
 manifestations, the Holy Spirit was poured out on the wait- 
 ing disciples as they were assembled together on the day
 
 § 14. MINISTRY OF ArOSTLES BEFORE TAULi. 41 
 
 of Pentecost, ten days after the Ascension of the Lord. It 
 was the birthday of the chnrch, and its first members were 
 won by the preaching of Peter to the wondering multitude. 
 By means of the ministry of the Apostles, who at first 
 restricted themselves to Jerusalem, the church grcAv daily. 
 A keen persecution, however, on the part of the Jews, begin- 
 ning with the execution of the deacon Stephen, scattered 
 them apart, so that the knowledge of the gospel was carried 
 throughout all Palestine, and down into Phoenicia and 
 Syria. Philip preached with peculiarly happy results in 
 Samaria. Peter soon began a course of visitation through 
 the land of Jews, and at Ci,esarea received into the church 
 by baptism the first Gentile famil}^, that of Cornelius, having 
 been prepared for this beforehand by a vision. At the 
 same time there arose independently at Antioch in Syria 
 a Christian congregation, composed of Jews and Gentiles, 
 through the great eagerness of the Gentiles for salvation. 
 The Levite Bai'nabas, a man of strong faith, was sent down 
 from Jerusalem, took upon himself the care of this church, 
 and strengthened his OAvn minis tery by securing Paul, the 
 converted Pharisee, as his colleague. This great man, some 
 years before, by the appearing of Christ to him on the wa}'- 
 to DamasciTS, had been changed from a fanatical persecutor 
 into a zealous friend and promoter of the interests of the 
 church. Thus it came about that the Apostolic mission 
 broke up into two different sections, one of Avliich was 
 purely Jewish and had for its centre and starting point the 
 mother church at Jerusalem, while the other, issuing from 
 Antioch, addressed itself to a mixed audience, and pre- 
 eminently to the Gentiles. 
 
 It is difficult to determine with elironological exactness eitlicr the 
 tcginnhig (§ 13, 1) or the close of the Apostolic Age. Still we cannot be far 
 wrong in taking a.d. 30 as the beginning and A.r>. 70 as the close of that 
 period. The last jDerfectly certain and uncontested date of the Apostolic 
 Age is the martyrdom of the Apostle Paul in a.d. G1, or perhaps a d. C7,
 
 42 THE HISTOEY OF THE BEGINNINGS. 
 
 see § 15, 1. We have it ou good evidence tliat James the elder died 
 about AD. 44, aud James the Just about a.d. 63 (§ 16, 3), that Peter suf- 
 fered martyrdom contemporaneously with Paul (§ 16, 1), that about the 
 same time or not long after the most of the other Aiwstles had been in 
 all probability already taken home, at least in regard to their life and 
 work after the days of Paul, we have not the slightest information that 
 can lay any claim to be regarded as historical. The Apostle John forms 
 the only exception to this statement. According to important witnesses 
 from the middle and end of the second century (§ 16, 2), he entered upon 
 his special field of labour in Asia Minor after the death of Paul, and 
 continued to live and labour there, with the temporary interruption of 
 an exile in Patmos, down to the time of Trajan, a.d. 98-117. But the 
 insufficient data which we possess regarding the nature, character, ex- 
 tent, success, and consequences of his Apostolic activity there are partly, 
 if not in themselves altogether incredible, interesting only as anecdotes, 
 and partly wholly fabulous, and therefore little fitted to justify us, simply 
 on their account, in assigning the end of the first or the beginning of 
 the second century as the close of the Apostolic Age. We are thus 
 brought back again to the year of Paul's death as indicating approxi- 
 mately the close of that period. But seeing that the precise year of this 
 occurrence is matter of discussion, the adoption of the round number 70 
 may be recommended, all the more as with this year, in which the last 
 remnant of Jewish national independence was lost, the opposition between 
 Jewish and Gentile Christianity, which had prevailed throughout the 
 Apostolic Age, makes its appearance under a new phase (§ 28). 
 
 § 15. The Ministry of the Apostle Paul. 
 
 Set apart to the work by the church by prayer and 
 laying on of hands, Paiil and Barnabas started from Antioch 
 on their first missionary journey to Asia Minor, A.D. 48-50, 
 Notwithstanding much opposition and actual persecution on 
 the part of the enraged Jews, he founded mixed churches, 
 composed principally of Glentile Christians, comprising con- 
 gregations at Antioch in Pisidia, Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe. 
 When Paul undertook his second missionary journey, a.d. 
 52-55, Barnabas separated himself from him because of his 
 refusal to accept the company of his nephew John Mark, 
 who had deserted them dui-ing their first journey, and along 
 with Mark embarked upon an independent mission, begin- 
 ning Vv'ith his native country Cyprus; of the success of this
 
 § 15. MINISTEY OF APOSTLE PAUL. 43 
 
 mission notliing is known. Paul, on tho other liancl, accom- 
 panied by Silas and Lnke, -witli whom at a later period 
 Timothy also was associated, passed through Asia Minor, 
 and would thereafter have returned to Antioch had not a 
 vision by night at Troas led him to take ship for Europe. 
 There he founded churches at Philippi, Thessalonica, Berea, 
 Athens, and Corinth, and then returned through Asia JMiuor 
 to Syria. Without any lengthened interval he entered upon 
 his third missionary journey, A.d, 55-58, accompanied by 
 Luke, Titus, and Timothy. The centre of his ministerial 
 activity during this period was Ephesus, where he founded 
 a church with a large membership. His success was extra- 
 ordinary, so that the very existence of heathenism in Asia 
 Minor was seriously imperilled. Driven away by the up- 
 rising of a heathen mob, he travelled through Macedonia, 
 pressed on to Illyricum, visited the churches of Greece, 
 and then went to Jerusalem for the performance of a vow. 
 Here his life, threatened by the excited Jews, was saved by 
 his being put in prison by the Eoman captain, and then 
 sent down to Csesarea, a.d. 58. An appeal to Cfesar, to 
 which as a Roman citizen he was entitled, resulted in his 
 being sent to Rome, where he, beginning with the spring 
 of A.D. 61, lived and preached for several years, enduring a 
 mild form of imprisonment. The further course of his life 
 and ministry remains singularly uncertain. Of the later 
 labours and fortunes of Paul's fellow-vs'orlvers we know 
 absolutely nothing. 
 
 It may be accepted as a ■well autlieuticated and incontestable fact 
 that Paul suffered martyrdom at Eome under Nero. This is established 
 by the testimony of Clement of Eome — naprvprjaas iTrl twv ■!]yov/.i.efu'> 
 ovTus dirrjWdyr] tov kot/xov, — and is further explained and confirmed by 
 Dionysius of Corinth, quoted in Eusebius, and by Irenjeus, Tertullian, 
 Caius of Eome (§ 10, 1). On the other hand it is disputed whether it 
 may have happened during the imprisonment spoken about in the Acts 
 of the Apostles, oi' during a subsequent imprisonment. According ta
 
 4i THE IIISTOEY OF THE BEGINNINGS. 
 
 the tradition of the church given currency to by Eusebius (Hist. EccL, 
 ii. 22), which even in our own time has been maintained by many 
 capable scholars, Paul was released from his first Eoman imiDrisonmeut 
 shortly before the outburst of Nero's persecution of the Christians in 
 A.D. 64 (§ 22, 1), and made a fourth missionary journey which was 
 brought to a close by his being a second time arrested and subsequently 
 beheaded at Eome in a.d. 67. The proofs, however, that are offered 
 in supjjort of this assertion are of a very doubtful character. Paul 
 certainly in a.d. 58 had the intention (Rom. xv. 24, 28) after a short 
 visit to Eome to proceed to Spain ; and when from his prison in Eome 
 he wrote to Philemon (v. 22) and to the Philippians (i. 25 ; ii. 24), he 
 believed that his cherished hope of yet regaining his liberty would be 
 realised ; but there is no further mention of a journey into Spain, for 
 ajiparently other altogether different plans of travel are in his mind. 
 And indeed circumstances may easily be conceived as arising to blast 
 such hopes and produce in him that spirit of hopeless resignation, which 
 he gives expression to in 2 Tim. iv. 6 ff. But the words of Clement of 
 Eome, chap. 5 : SiKaioavvi^v oiSd^as oKov rbv Klfffxov /cat eVt to rep/xa tt}? 
 oiVews eXdiiv, etc., are too indefinite and rhetorical to be taken as a 
 certain testimony on behalf of a Spanish missionary journey. The 
 incomplete reference in the Muratorian Fragment (§ 36, 8) to a profectio 
 Paidi ah Urbe ad Spaniam proficlscentis may be thought to afford more 
 direct testimony, but probably it is nothing more than a reminiscence 
 of Eom. XV. 24, 28. Much more important, nay almost conclusive, in 
 the opposite direction, is the entire absence, not only from all the 
 patristic, but also from all the apocryphal, literature of the second and 
 third ceuturies, of any allusion to a fourth missionary journey or a 
 second imprisonment of the Apostle. The assertion of Eusebius intro- 
 duced by a vague X070S ^'x" can scarcely be regarded as outweighing 
 this objection. Consequently the majority of modern investigators have 
 decided in favour of the theory of one imprisonment. But then the 
 important question arises as to whether the Epistles to Timothy and 
 Titus, claiming to be Pauline, with the journeys referred to or pre- 
 supposed in them, and the residences of the Apostle and his two 
 assistants, can find a place in the framework of the narrative in the 
 Acts of the Apostles, and if so, what that place may be. In answering 
 this question those investigators take diverse views. Of those who 
 cannot surrender their conviction that the Pastoral Epistles are genuine, 
 some assign them to the Apostle's residence of almost three years in 
 Ephesus, others to the imprisonment in C;esarea which lasted two 
 years and a half, and others to the Eoman imprisonment of almost three 
 years. Others again, looking upon such expedients as inadmissible, 
 deny the authenticity of the Pastoral Epistles, those having appeared to 
 them worthy of suspicion on other grounds.
 
 § IG. OTIIEK APOSTLES ALONGSIDE OF PAUL. 45 
 
 § IG. The Other Apostles after the Appearance of 
 THE Apostle Paul. 
 
 Only in reference to tlie most distinguished of the 
 Apostles have any trustworthy accounts reached ns. James 
 the brother of John, at an early period, in a.d. 44, suffered 
 a martjn-'s death at Jerusalem. Peter was obliged by this 
 \)ersecution to quit Jerusalem for a time. Inclination and 
 his special calling marked him out as the Apostle of the 
 Jews (Gal. ii. 7-9). His ministry outside of Palestine was 
 exercised, according to 1 Pet. i. 1, in the countries round 
 about the Black Sea, and, according to chap. v. 13, extended 
 to Babylon. The legend that, contemporaneously with the 
 beheading of Paul, he suffered death by crucifixion under 
 Nero at Eome (John xxi. 18, 19), is doubtful ; and it is also 
 questionable whether he ever went to Eome, while the 
 story of his having down to the time of his death been 
 Bishop of Rome for twenty-five years is wholly fabulous. 
 John, according to the tradition of the church, took up 
 Asia Minor as his special field of labour after it had been 
 deprived of its first Apostle by the martyr death of Paul, 
 fixing his residence at Ephesus. At the head of the 
 mother church of Jerusalem stood James the Just, the 
 brother of the Lord. He seems never to have left Jeru- 
 salem, and was stoned by the Jews between A.D. G3-G9. 
 Regarding the rest of the Apostles and their fellow-workers 
 we have only legendary traditions of an extremely un- 
 trustworthy description, and even these have come down 
 to us in very imperfect and corrupt forms. 
 
 1. The Roman Episcopate of Peter.— The tradition that Peter, after 
 having for some years held the otSce of bishop at Autioch, became first 
 Bishop of Eome, holdiug the office for t\yenty-five years (a.d. 42-67), 
 and suffered martyrdom at the same time with Paul, had its origin in 
 the series of heretical apocryi^hal writings, out of wliich sprang, both the 
 romance of the Clementine HomiUes and Eecognitions (§ 28, 3), and
 
 46 THE HISTOEY OF THE BEGINNINGS. 
 
 the Ebionite Acts of Peter ; but it attained its complete form only at the 
 end of the fourth century, after it had been transplanted into the soil of 
 the church tradition through the Acta Petri et Pauli (§ 32, 6). What 
 chiefly secured currency and development to this tradition was the 
 endeavour, ever growing in strength in Eome, to vindicate on behalf 
 of the Eoman Episcopate as the legitimate successor and heir to all the 
 prerogatives alleged to have been conferred on Peter in Matt. xvi. 18, 
 a title to primacy over all the churches (§ 34, 8 ; 46, 3 ff.). But that 
 Peter had not really been in Eome as a preacher of the gospel previoirs 
 to the year a.d. 61, when Paul came to Eome as a prisoner, is evident 
 from the absence of any reference to the fact in the Epistle to the 
 Eomans, written in a.d. 58, as well as in the concluding chapter of the 
 Acts of the Apostles. According to the Acts, Peter in a.d. 41 lay in 
 prison at Jerusalem, and according to Gal. ii., he was still there in 
 A.D. 51. Besides, according to the unanimous verdict of tradition, as 
 expressed by Irenajus, Eusebius, Eufinus, and the Apostolic Constitu- 
 tions, not Peter, but Linus, was the first Bishop of Eome, and it is only 
 in regard to the order of his successors, Anacletus and Clement, that 
 any real uncertainty or discrepancy occurs. This, indeed, by no means 
 prevents us from admitting an appearance of Peter at Eome resulting 
 in his martyrdom. But the testimonies in favour thereof are not of 
 such a kind as to render its historical reality unquestionable. That 
 Babylon is mentioned in 1 Pet. v. 23 as the place where this Epistle 
 was composed, can scarcely be used as a serious argument, since the 
 supposition that Babylon is a symbolical designation of Eome as the 
 centre of anti-christian heathenism, though quite conceivable and 
 widely current in the early church, is not by any means demonstrable. 
 Toward the end of the first century, Clement of Eome relates the 
 martyrdom of Peter as well as of Paul, but he does not even say that 
 it took place at Eome. On the other hand, clear and unmistakable 
 statements are found in Dionysius of Corinth, about a.d. 170, then in 
 Caius of Eome, in Irenfeus and Tertullian, to the effect that Peter and 
 Paul exercised their ministry together and suffered martyrdom together 
 at Eome. These statements, however, are interwoven with obviously 
 false and fabulous dates to such a degree that their credibility is 
 rendered extremely doubtful. Nevertheless they prove this much, that 
 already about the end of the second century, the story of the two 
 Apostles suffering martyrdom together at Eome was believed, and that 
 some, of whom Caius tells us, professed to know their graves and to 
 have their bones in their possession. 
 
 2. The Apostle John.— Soon after the death of Paul, the Apostle John 
 settled in Ephesus, and there, with the temporary break caused by his 
 exile to Patmos (Eev. i. 9), he continued to preside over the church of 
 Asia Minor down to his death in the time of Trajan (a.d. 98-117).
 
 § IG. OTHER APOSTLES ALONGSIDE OF PAUL. 47 
 
 This rests upon the church tradition ^vhich, according to Polycrates of 
 Ephesus (Eus., Hist. Eccl., v. 2-1) and Irenrcus, a scliolar of Polycarp's 
 (Sus., iv. 1-1), was first set forth during the Easter controversies (§ 37, 
 2) in the middle of the second century hy Polycarp of Smyrna, and has 
 been accepted as unquestionable thi-ough all ages down to our own. 
 According to Irenreus (Eus., iii, 18), his exile occurred imder Domitian ; 
 the Syrian translation of the Apocalypse, which was made in the sixth 
 century, assigned it to the time of Nero. But seeing that, except in 
 Eev. i. 11, neither in the New Testament scriptures, nor in the extant 
 writings and fragments of the Church Fathers of the second century 
 before Irena^us, is a residence of the Apostle John at Ephesus asserted 
 or assumed, whereas Papias (§ 30, 6), according to Georgius Hamartolus, 
 a chronicler of the 0th cent., who had read the now lost work of 
 Papias, expressly declares that the Apostle John was slain "by Jews " 
 (comp. Matt. xx. 23), which points to Palestine rather than to Asia 
 Minor, modern critics have denied the credibility of that ecclesiastical 
 tradition, and have attributed its origin to a confusion between the 
 Apostle John and a certain John the Presbyter, with whom we first 
 meet in the Papias-Fragment quoted in Eusebius as fia97]Tr)s toD Kvpiov. 
 Others again, while regarding the residence of the Apostle at Ephesus 
 as well established, have sought, on account of differences in style 
 standpoint and general mode of thought in the Johaunine Apocalypse 
 on the one hand, and the Johannine Gospel and Epistles on' the other 
 hand, to assign them to two distinct /j.a6r]Tal toO Kvplov of the same 
 name, and by assigning the Apocalypse to the Presbyter and the Gospel 
 and Epistles to the Apostle, they would in this way account for the 
 residence at Ephesus. This is the course generally taken by the 
 Mediation theologians of Schleiermacher's school. The advanced liberal 
 critics of the school of Baur assign the Apocalypse to the Apostle and 
 the Gospel and Epistles to the Presbyter, or else instead of the Apostle 
 assume a third John otherwise unknown. Conservative orthodox 
 theology again maintains the unity of authorship of all the Johannean 
 writings, explains the diversity of character discernible in the different 
 works by a change on the part of the Apostle from the early Judao- 
 Christian standpoint (Gal. ii. 9), which is still maintained in the 
 Apocalypse, to the ideal uuiversalistic standpoint assumed in the Gospel 
 .and the Epistles, and is inclined to identify the Presbyter of Papias with 
 the Apostle. Even in Tertullian we meet with the tradition that under 
 Nero the Apostle had been thrown into a vat of boiling oil, and in 
 Augustine we are told how he emptied a poisoned cup without suffering 
 harm. It is a charming story at least that Clement of Alexandria tells 
 of the faithful pastoral care which the aged Apostle took in a youth 
 who had fallen so far as to become a bandit chief. Of such a kind, too, 
 is the story told of the Apostle by Jerome,, how in the extreme weakness
 
 43 THE HISTOEY OF THE BEGINNINGS. 
 
 of old age he Lad to be carried into the assemblies of the congregation, 
 and with feeble accents could only whisper, Little children, love one 
 another. According to Irenasus, when by accident he met with the 
 heretic Cerinthus (§ 27, 1) in the bath, he immediately rushed out to 
 avoid any contact with him. 
 
 3. James, the brother of the Lord. — The name of James was borne by 
 two of the twelve disciples of Jesus : James, the son of Zcbedee and 
 brother of John, who was put to death by the command of Herod 
 Agrippa I. (Acts xii. 2) about a.d. 44, and James, son of Alphffius, abont 
 whom we have no further information. A third James, designated in 
 Gal. i. 19 the brother of the Lord, who according to Hegesippus (Euseb., 
 Hist. EccL, ii. 23) on account of his scrupulous fulfilment of the law 
 received the title of the Just, is met with in Acts xii. 17 ; xv. 13 ; xxi. 
 18, and is recognised by Paul (Gal. i. 19; ii. 9-12) as the President 
 of the church in Jerusalem. According to Hegesippus (§ 31-7), he 
 was from his childhood a Nazirite, and shortly before the destruction 
 of Jerusalem, the Jews at the Passover having desired of him a testimony 
 against Christ, and he having instead given a powerful testimony on 
 His behalf, he was hurled down from a pinnacle of the temple, stoned, 
 and at last, while praying for his enemies, slain by the blows of a 
 fuller's club. According to Josephus, however, Ananus, the high priest, 
 after the recall of the Proconsul Festus and before the arrival of his 
 successor Albinus, along with other men hostile to James, hastily con- 
 demned him and had him stoned, about a.d, 63. In regard to the 
 person of this last-named James three different theories have been 
 proposed. — a. In the ancient church, the brothers of Jesus, of whom 
 besides James other three, Joses, Simon, and Judas, are named, were 
 regarded undoubtedly as step-brothers of Jesus, sons of Joseph and 
 Mary (Matt. i. 25), and even Tertulliau argues from the existence of 
 brothers of the Redeemer according to the flesh against the Docetism 
 of the Gnostics. — I. Soon, however, it came to be felt that the idea that 
 Joseph had conjugal intercourse with Mary after the birth of Jesus was 
 in conflict with the ascetic tendency now rising into favour, and so to 
 help themselves out of this embarrassment, it was assumed that the 
 brothers of Jesus were sons of Josej^h by a former wife. — c. The want 
 of biblical foundation for this view was the occasion of its being 
 abandoned in favour of a theory, first hinted at by Jerome, according 
 to which the expression brothers of Jesus is to be taken in a wider 
 sense as meaning cousins, and in this way James the brother of the 
 Lord was identified with James the son of Alijlijeus, one of the twelve 
 disciples, and the four or five Jameses named in the New Testament 
 were reduced to two, James the son of Zebedee and James son of 
 Alphteus. It was specially urged from John xix. 25 that James the 
 son of Alphreus was the sister's son of Jesus' mother. This was done
 
 § IG. OTHER APOSTLES ALONGSIDE OF PAUL. 49 
 
 by a purely arbitrary ideutification of the name Clopas or Clooplias 
 with the Alpha2us of the Synoptists, the rendering of the words J^lapia 
 Tov KXuwd by the wife of Clopas, and also the assumiJtion, which is 
 scarcely conceivable, that the sister of the mother of Jesus was also 
 called Mary. We should therefore in this passage regard the sister of 
 the mother of Jesus and Mary wife of Clopas as two distinct persons. 
 In that case the wife of Alpha;us may have been called Mary and have 
 had two sons who, like two of the four brothers of Jesus, were named 
 James and Joses (Matt, xxvii. 56 ; Mark xv. 40 ; Luke xxiv. 10) ; but 
 even then, in the James here mentioned, we should meet with another 
 James otherwise tinknown, different from the James son of Alphaeus 
 in the list of the Apostles, whose name occurs in Luke xv. 16 and 
 Acts i. 13 in the phrase Judas of James, where the genitive undoubtedly 
 means brother of James son of Alphaeus. And though in Gal. i. 19, 
 James the brother of the Lord seems to be called an Apostle, when this 
 is compared with Acts xiv. 14, it affords no proof that he belonged to 
 the number of the twelve. But the fact that the brothers of Jesus are 
 all and always expressly distinguished from His twelve Apostles, and 
 form a group outwardly and inwardly apart from them (Matt, xii, 46 ; 
 Mark iii. 31 ; Luke viii. 19; John ii. 12), tells decidedly against that 
 idea. lu John vii. 3, 5, they are, at a time when James son of Alph^^'us 
 and Judas brother of James were already in the Apostolate, described 
 as unbelieving, and only subse(iuently to the departure of the Lord, who 
 after His resurrection appeared to James (1 Cor. xv. 7), do we meet them, 
 though even then distinguished from the twelve, standing in the closest 
 fellowship with the Christian believing community (Acts i. 14; 1 Cor. ix. 
 5). Besides, in accordance with Matt, xxviii. 19, none of the twelve could 
 assume the permanent presidency of the mother church, and Hegesippus 
 not oul}' knows of ttoWoI 'laKu^oi, and so surely of more than tsvo, 
 but makes James enter upon his office in Jerusalem first /j.(Ta twc 
 dTrocToXioy. 
 
 4. The Later Legends of the Apostles. — The tradition that after the 
 Lord's ascension His disciples, their number having been again made up 
 to twelve (Acts i. 13), in fulfilment of their Lord's command (Matt, xxviii. 
 18), had a special region for missionary labour assigned by lot to each, 
 and also the other tradition, according to which, before their final 
 departure from Jerusalem, after a stay there for seven or twelve years, 
 they drew up hy common agreement rules for worship, discipline and 
 constitution suited to the requirements of universal Christendom, took 
 shai^e about the middle of the second century, and gave occasion to 
 the origin of many apocryphal histories of the Apostles (§ 32, 5, G), 
 as well as apocryphal books of church order (§ 43, 4, 5). Whether any 
 portion at all, and if so, how much, of the various contradictory state- 
 ments of the apocryphal histories and legends of the Apostles about 
 
 E
 
 50 THE HISTOEY OF THE BEGINNINGS. 
 
 their mission fields and several fortunes can be regarded as genuine 
 tradition descending from the Apostolic Age, must be left undecided. 
 In any case, the legendary drapery and embellishment of casual genuine 
 reminiscences are in the highest degree fantastic and fabulous. Ancient 
 at least, according to Eusebius, are the traditions of Thomas having 
 preached in Parthia, Andrew in Scythia, and Bartholomew in India ; 
 while in later tiaditions Thomas figures as the Apostle of India (§ 32, 5). 
 The statement by Eusebius, supported from many ancient authorities, 
 that the Apostle Philip exercised his ministry from Hierapolis in Phrygia 
 to Asia Minor, originated perhaps from the confounding of the Apostle 
 with the Evangelist of the same name (Acts xxi. 8, 9). A history of 
 the Apostle Barnabas, attributed to John Mark, but in reality dating 
 only from the fifth century, attaching itself to Acts xv. 39, tells how 
 he conducted his mission and suffered martyrdom in his native country 
 of Cyprus ; while another set of legends, probably belonging to the same 
 period, makes him the founder of the church of Milan. John Mark, 
 sister's son of Barnabas, who appears in Col. iv. 10; 2 Tim. iv. 11 ; 
 and Philem. 24, as the fellow-labourer of the Apostle Paul, in 1 Pet. v. 
 13 as companion of Peter at Babj'lon, and, according to Papias, wrote 
 his gospel at Bome as the amanuensis of Peter, is honoured, according 
 to another very widely received tradition, quoted by Eusebius from a 
 Chronicle belonging to the end of the second century, from which also 
 Julius Africanus drew information, as the founder and first bishop of 
 the church of Alexandria, etc., etc. 
 
 § 17. Constitution, Worship, and Discipline.^ 
 
 Bound under Christ its one head into an articalatecl 
 whole, the chnrch ought by the co-operation of all its 
 members conditioned and determined by position, talent, 
 and calling, to build itself up and grow (1 Cor. xii. 12 ff. ; 
 Eph. i. 22 f.). Development will thus be secured to natural 
 talent and the spiritual calling through the bestowment 
 of special gifts of grace or charismata. The first form of 
 
 1 J. Bannerman, " The Church of Christ." 2 vols. Edin., 1868. 
 Jacob, "Ecclesiastical Polity of the New Testament." Lond., 1871. 
 Hatch, " The Organization of the Early Chr. Churches." Lond., 1831. 
 2nd ed., 1883. D. D. Bannerman, " The Doctrine of the Church." 
 Edin., 1887. Hodge, " The Church and its Polity." Edin., 1879. 
 Binnie, "The Church." Edin., 1882. Pressense, "Life and Pract. of 
 Early Church." Lond., 1879. Lightfoot, " Comm. on Philip." "Essay 
 on Christian Ministry." Cth ed. Lond., 1881, pp. I8I-2G9.
 
 § 17. CONSTITUTION, WORSHIP, AND DISCIPLINE. 51 
 
 Christian church fellowship, in the Jewish as -well as the 
 Gentile Christian churches, was of a thoroughly free cha- 
 racter ; modelled upon, and attached to, forms of organiza- 
 tion already existing and legitimized, or, at least, tolerated 
 by the state, but all the while inspired and leavened by 
 a free Christian spirit. Compelled by the necessity which 
 is felt in all social federations for the recognised ranking 
 of superiority, inferiority, and equality, in which his own 
 proj^er sphere and task would be assigned to each member, 
 and encroachment and disorderliness prevented, a collegial 
 church council was soon formed by a free compact, the 
 members of which, all possessed of equal rights, were called 
 Trp€<T/3vTepoL in consideration of their persional character, and 
 iiTLa-Ko-oL in consideration of their official duties. Upon 
 them devolved especially attention and care in regard to 
 all outward things that might affect the common interests 
 of the church, management of the property which had to 
 be realised and spent on the religious services, and of the 
 means required for the support of the poor, as well as the 
 administration of justice and of discipline. But alongside 
 of these were other more independent offices, the holders 
 of which did not go forth like the members of the eldership 
 tis the choice of the churches, but rather had the spiritual 
 edification of the church assigned them as their life work 
 by a special divine call and a charismatic endowment of 
 the gift of teaching. To this class belong, besides Apostles 
 und helpers of the Apostles, Prophets, Pastors, and Teachers. 
 
 1. The Charismata of the Apostolic Age are presented to us in 1 Cor. 
 xii. 4 £f. as signs {(pavepica-eLs, v. 7) of the presence of the Spirit of God 
 working in the church, which, attaching themselves to natural endow- 
 ment and implying a free personal surrender to their influence, and 
 manifesting themselves in various degrees of intensity from the natural 
 to the supernatural, qualified certain members of the church with the 
 powers necessary and desirable for the upbuilding and extension of the 
 Christian community. In verses 8-11, the Charismata are arranged 
 in three classes by means of the twice-repeated irepu. 1. Gifts of
 
 52 THE HISTORY OF THE BEGINNINGS. 
 
 Teaeliing, embracing the Xo7os ao(plas and tbe \6yo$ yviiacus. 2. Com- 
 pleteness of Faith, or TrtVrjs with the possession of supernatural powers 
 for healing the sick, working miracles, and prophesying, and alongside 
 of the latter, for sifting and proving it, Sid/c/sitris Trvev/j.a.Tuii'. 3. Ecstatic 
 speaking with tongues, 7ej'77 yXuaaQv, yXihaaaii XaXelv, alongside of 
 which is ijlaced the interpretation of tongues necessary for the under- 
 standing thereof ep/j-eveia yXuiarauii^. In addition to these three are 
 mentioned, in verse 28, dvTcXiqxf/ei.s, care of the poor, the sick and 
 strangers, and Kv^epv-rjcreLs, church government. The essential distinc- 
 tion between speaking with tongues and prophesying consists, according 
 to 1 Cor. xiv. 1-18, in this, that whereas the latter is represented as 
 an inspiration by the Spirit of God, acting upon the consciousness, the 
 vovs of the projihet, and therefore requiring no further explanation to 
 render it applicable for the edification of the congregation, the former 
 is represented as an ecstatic utterance, wholly uncontrolled by the vovs 
 of the human instrument, yet employing the human organs of speech, 
 yXwjcrai, which leaves the assembled congregation out of view and 
 addresses itself directly to God, so that in ver. 13-15 it is called a 
 TrpoirevxeffOat, being made intelligible to the audience only by means of 
 the charismatic interpretation of men immediately acted upon for the 
 purpose by the Spirit of God. In Eom. xii. G- 8, although there the 
 charisms are enumerated in even greater details, so as to include even 
 the showing of mercy with cheerfulness, the y\uaaais \a\eiu is wanting. 
 It would thus seem that this sort of spiritual display, if not exclusively 
 (Acts ii. 4 ; X. 4G ; xix. 6 ; Mark xvi. 17), yet with peculiar fondness, 
 which was by no means commended by the Apostle, was fostered in 
 the church of Corinth. The thoroughly unique speaking with tongues 
 which took place on the first Pentecost (Acts ii. G, 11) is certainly not 
 to be understood as implying that the Apostles had been either 
 temporarily or permanently qualified to speak in the several languages 
 and dialects of those present from all the countries of the dispersion. 
 It probably means simply that the power was conferred upon the 
 speakers of speaking with tongues and that at the same time an 
 analogous endowment of the interpretation of tongues was conferred 
 upon those who heard (Comp., Acts ii. 12, 15, with 1 Cor. xiv. 22 f.). 
 
 2. The Constitution of the Mother Church at Jerusalem. — The notion 
 which gained currency through Vitringa's learned work " De synagoga 
 vetere," publ. 1696, that the constitution of the Apostolic chui'ch was 
 moulded upon the pattern of the synagogues, is now no longer seriously 
 entertained. Not only in regard to the Pauline churches wholly or 
 chiefly composed of Gentile Christians, but also in regard to the Pales- 
 tinian churches of j^urely Jewish Christians, no evidence in support of 
 such a theory can be found. There is no sort of analogy between any 
 office bearers in the church and the dpxK^wdyuyoi who were essentially
 
 § 17. CONSTITUTION, WOllSniP, AND DISCIPLINE. .53 
 
 characteristic of all tlie synagogues both in Palestine and among the 
 dispersion (Mark v. 22; Luke viii. 41,49; Acts xiii. 15; xviii. 8, 17), 
 nor do we find anything to correspond to the inr-qpeTai or inferior officers 
 of the synagogue (Luke iv. 20). On the other hand, the office bearers of 
 the Christian churches, who, consisting, according to ActsTi., of deacons, 
 and also afterwards, according to Acts xi. 30, of irpeajSvTepoi, or elders of 
 the church at Jerusalem, occupied a jilace alongside of the Apostles in* 
 the government of the church, are without any analogy in the syna- 
 gogues. The Jewish wpeffjivTepoi rod Xaou mentioned in Matt. xxi. 23 ; 
 xxvi. 3 ; Acts iv. 5; xxii. 5, etc. did not exercise a ministry of teaching 
 and edification in the numerous synagogues of Jerusalem, but a legis- 
 latory, judicial and civil authority over the whole Jewish commonwealth 
 as members of the Sanhedrim, of chief priest, scribes and elders. Be- 
 tween even these, however, and the elders of the Christian church a far- 
 reaching difference exists. The Jewish elders are indeed representatives 
 of the people, and have as such a seat and vote in the supreme council, 
 but no voice is allowed to the people themselves. In the council of the 
 Christian church, on the other hand, with reference to all important 
 questions, the membership of all believers is called together for consul- 
 tation and deliverance (Acts vi. 2-G ; xv. 4, 22). A complaint on the 
 part of the Hellenistic members of the church that their poor were being 
 neglected led to the election of seven men who should care for the poor, 
 not by the Apostles, but by the church. This is commonly but erro- 
 neously regarded as the first institution of the deaconship. To those 
 then chosen, for whom the Acts (xxi. 8) has no other designation than 
 that of " the seven," the diaKoveiv rpaire^ais is certainly assigned : but 
 they were not and were not called Deacons in the official sense any more 
 than the Apostles, who still continued, according to v. 4, to exercise the 
 dLaicovia tov \6yov. When the bitter persecution that followed the stoning 
 of Stephen had scattered the church abroad over the neighbouring coun- 
 tries, they also departed at the same time from Jerusalem (Acts viii. 1), 
 and Philip, who was now the most notable of their number, officiated 
 henceforth only as an evangelist, that is, as an itinerant preacher of the 
 gospel, in the region about his own house in Csesarea (Acts viii. 5 ; xxi. 
 8 ; comp. Eph. iv. 11 ; 2 Tim. iv. 5). Upon the reorganization of the 
 church at Jerusalem, the Apostles beginning more clearly to ai^preciato 
 their own special calling (Matt, xxviii. 19), gave themselves more and 
 more to the preaching of the gospel even outside of Jerusalem, and thus 
 the need became urgent of an authoritative court for the conducting of 
 the affairs of the church even during their absence. In these circum- 
 stances it would seem, according to Acts xi. 30, that those who minis- 
 tered to the poor, chosen probably from among the most honourable of 
 the first behevers (Acts ii. 41), passed over into a telf-constituted college 
 of presbyters. At the head of this college or board stood James, the
 
 54 THE HISTOEY OF THE BEGINNINGS. 
 
 brother of the Lord (Gal. i. 19 ; ii. 9 ; Acts xii. 17 ; xv. 13 ; xxi. 15), and 
 after bis death, according to Hegesippus, a near relation of the Lord, 
 Simeon, son of Clopas, as a descendant of David, was unanimously 
 chosen as his successor. The episcopal title, however, just like that 
 of Deacon, is first met with in the New Testament in the region of the 
 Pauline missions, and in the terminology of the Palestinian churches 
 "wo only hear of presbyters as officers of the church (Acts xv. 4, 6, 22 ; 
 xxi. 18 ; James v. 14). In 1 Peter v. 2, however, although €Tri<TKoiros 
 does not yet appear as an oflicial title, the official duty of the einaKOTrelv 
 is assigned to presbyters (see No. G). It is Hegesi23pus, about a.d. 180, 
 who first gives the title Bishop of Jerusalem to James, after the Clemen- 
 tines (§ 28, 3) had already ten years previously designated him eiridKoiroi:' 
 iiricTKOTTOs. 
 
 3. The Constitution of the Pauline Churches, Founding upon the works 
 of Mommsen and Foucart, first of all Heinrici and soon afterwards the 
 English theologian Hatch' has wrought out the theory that the constitu- 
 tion of the churches that were wholly or mainly composed of Gentile 
 Christians was modelled on those convenient, open or elastic rules of 
 associations under which the various Hellenistic guilds prospered so well 
 {Olaffoi, ipavoi), — associations for the naturalization and fostering of 
 foreign, often oriental, modes of worship. In the same way, too, the 
 Christian church at Kome, for social and sacred purposes, made use of the 
 forms of association employed in the Collegia or Sodalicia, which were 
 found there in large numbers, especially of the funeral societies in which 
 bothof those purposeswere combined {collegia funeraticm). In both these 
 cases, then, the church, by attaching itself to modes of association already 
 existing, acknowledged by the state, or to'erated as harmless, assumed a 
 form of existence which protected it from the suspicion of the government, 
 and at the same time afforded it space and time for independent construc- 
 tion in accordance with its own special character and spirit. As in those 
 Hellenic associations all ranks, even those which in civil society were 
 separated from one another by impassable barriers, found admission, and 
 then, in the framing of statutes, the reception of fellow members, the 
 exercise of discii^line, possessed equal rights ; as, further, the full know- 
 ledge of their mysteries and sharing in their exercise were open only to 
 the initiated (/nefivijixivoL), yet in the exercise of exoteric worsliij) the 
 doors were hospitably flung open even to the diJ.vrjTOL ; as upon certain 
 days those belonging to the narrow circle joining together in par- 
 taking of a common feast ; so too all this is found in the Corin- 
 thian church, naturally inspired by a Christian spirit and enriched 
 
 * Mommsen, " De collegiis et sodaliciis Rom." Kiel, 1843. Foucart, 
 "Les associat. relig. chez les Grecs." Paris, 1873. Hatch, " Organiza- 
 tion of Early Chr. Churches," pp. 26-39.
 
 § 17. CONSTITUTION, WORSHIP, AND DISCIPLINE. 55 
 
 with Clii'istiau contents. The churcli also has its relij^ions common 
 feast in its Agape, its mystery in the Eucharist, its initiation in 
 baptism, by the administration of which the divine service is divided 
 into two parts, one esoteric, to be engaged in only by the baptized, 
 the other exoteric, a service that is open to those who are not Christ- 
 ians. All ranks (Gal. iii. 28) have the same claim to admission to 
 baptism, all the baptized have equal rights in the congregation (see No. 
 7). It is evident, however, that the connection between the Christian 
 churches and those heathen associations is not so to be conceived as if, 
 bccaiise in the one case distinctions of rank were abolished, so also they 
 were in the other ; or that, because in the one case religious festivals 
 were observed, this gave the first hint as to the observance of the 
 Christian Agape ; or that, because and in the manner in which there a 
 mysterious service was celebrated from which all outside were strictly 
 excluded, so also here was introduced an exclusive eucharistic service. 
 These observances are rather to be regarded as having grown up inde- 
 pendently out of the inmost being of Christianity ; but the church having 
 found certain institutions existing inspired by a wholly different spirit, 
 yet outwardly analogous and sanctioned by the state, it appropriated, as 
 far as practicable, their forms of social organization, in order to secure for 
 itself the advantages of civil protection. That even on the part of the 
 pagans, down into the last half of the second century, the Christian 
 congregational fellowship was regarded as a special kind of the mystery- 
 communities, is shown by Lucian's satire, De morte Peregrlni (g 23, 1), 
 where the description of Christian communities, in which its hero for a 
 time played a part, is full of technical terms Avhich were current in those 
 associations. " It is also," says Weingarten, " expressly acknowledged 
 in Tertulliau's Apologeticus, c. 38, 39, written about A.p. 198, that even 
 down to the close of the second century, the Christian church was organ- 
 ized in accordance with the rules of the Collegia faneraticia, so that it 
 might claim from the state the privileges of the Factiones licitce. The 
 arrangements for burial and the Christian institutions connected there- 
 with are shown to have been carefully subsumed under forms that were 
 admitted to be legal." 
 
 4. Confining ourselves meantime to the oldest and indisputably au- 
 thentic epistles of the Apostle, we find that the autonomy of the church 
 in respect of organization, government, discipline, and internal adminis- 
 tration is made prominent as the very basis of the constitution. He 
 never interferes in those matters, enjoining and prescribing by his own 
 authority, but always, whether personally or in spirit, only as associated 
 with their assemblies (1 Cor. v. 3), deliberating and deciding in common 
 with them. Thus his Apostolic importance shows itself not in his 
 assuming the attitude of a lord (2 Cor. i. 24), bi;t that of a father (1 Cor. 
 iv. 14 f.), who seeks to lead his children on to form for themselves inde-
 
 5G THE IIISTOEY OF THE 25EGINNINGS. 
 
 pendeut aiicl niauly jmlgments (1 Cor. x. 15 ; xi. 13). Regular and fixed 
 church officers do not seem to have existed in Coriutli down to the time 
 when tlie first Epistle was written, about a.d. 57. A diversity of func- 
 tions (oLdipeaeis otaKopiwy, 1 Cor. xii. 4) is here, indeed, already found, 
 but not yet definitely attached to distinct and regular offices (1 Cor. vi. 
 1-6). It is ahvays yet a voluntary undertaking of such ministries on the 
 one hand, and the recognition of peculiar piety and faithfulness, leading 
 to willing submission on the other hand, out of which the idea of office 
 took its rise, and from which it obtained its special character. This is 
 especially true of a peculiar kind of ministry (Rom. xvi. 1, 2) which must 
 soon have been developed as something indispensable to the Christian 
 churches throughout the Hellenic and Roman regions. We mean the 
 part played by the patron, which was so deeply grounded in the social 
 life of classical antiquity. Freedmen, foreigners, proletarii, could not 
 in themselves hold property and had no claim on the protection of the 
 laws, but had to be associated as CUentes with a Patronus or Patrona 
 {■n-po<XT6.T7]s and irpoaraTLs) who in difficult circumstances would afford 
 them counsel, protection, sujiport, and defence. As in the Greek and 
 Roman associations for worship this relationship had long before taken 
 root, and was one of the things that contributed most materially to 
 their prosperity, so also in the Christian churches the need for recognising 
 and giving effect to it became all the more urgent in proportion as the 
 number of members increasing for whom such support was necessary 
 (1 Cor. i. 2G-29). Phoebe is warmly recommended in Rom. xvi. 1, 2, as 
 such a Christian Trpccrrdris, at Cenchrea, the port of Corinth, among 
 whose numerous clients the Apostle himself is mentioned. Many in- 
 scriptions in the Roman catacombs testify to the deep impress which 
 this social scheme made upon the organization, especially of the Roman 
 church, down to the end of the first century, and to the help which it 
 gave in rendering that church permanent. All the more are we justified 
 in connecting therewith the Trpolcrrd/.tcj'os eV (nrovhj (Rom. xii. 8), and in 
 giving this passage in connection with the preceding and succeeding 
 context the meaning : whoever represents any one as patron let him do 
 it with diligence. — The gradual development of stated or independent 
 congregational offices, after privileges and duties wore distinguislied from 
 one another, was thus brought about partly by the natural course of 
 events, and i^artly by the endeavour to make the church organization 
 correspond with the Greek and Roman religious associations counten- 
 anced by the state by the employment in it of the same or similar forms 
 and names. In the older communities, especially those in capital cities, 
 like Thestalonica, Corinth, Rome, etc., the heads of the families of the 
 fii'st believers attained an authoritative position altogether unique, as at 
 Corinth those of the household of Stephanas, who, according to 1 Cor. 
 xvi. 15, as the aTrapxv '''V^ '.Vxai'as et's SiaKoi'lav toIs ayios ^ra^ar ia.vTovs.
 
 § 17. CONSTITUTION, WOrtSHIP, AND DISCIPLINE. 57 
 
 Sucli houour, too, was given to the most serviceable of the chosen patrons 
 and others, who evidently possessed the gifts of Kvftepvi^a-eis and duTiXri^pen, 
 and those who first in an informal way had discharged official duties had 
 amends made them even after death by a formal election. On the other 
 hand, the churches that sprang up at a later period were probably pro- 
 vided immediately with such offices under the direction and with the 
 consent of the Apostle or his apostolic assistants (1 Tim. v. 9 ; Tit. i. 5). 
 5. Congregational and Spiritual Offices.— While then, down to a.d. 57 
 no ecclesiastical offices properly so called as yet existed at Corinth, and 
 no injunctions are given by the Apostle for their definite introduction, it 
 is told us in Acts xiv. 23 that, so eaidy as a.d. .50, when Paul was re- 
 turning from his first missionary journey he ordained with prayer and 
 fasting elders or presbyters in those churches of Asia Minor previously 
 founded by him. Now it is indeed quite conceivable that in these cases 
 he adhered more closely to the already existing presbyterial constitution 
 of the mother church at Jerusalem (Acts xi. 30), than he did subsequently 
 in founding and giving a constitution to the churches of the European 
 cities where perhaps the circumstances and requirements were entirely 
 different. But be this as it may, it is quite certain that the Apostle on 
 his departure from lately formed churches took care to leave them in an 
 organized condition, and the author of the Acts has given expression to 
 the fact proleptically in terms with which he was himself conversant 
 and which were current in his time. — Among the Pauline epistles which 
 are scarcely, if at all, objected to by modern criticism the first to give 
 certain information regarding distinct and independent congregational 
 offices, together with the names that had been then assigned to these 
 offices, is the Epistle to the Philippians, written during the Koman im- 
 prisonment of the Apostle. In chap. i. 1, he sends his apostolic greeting 
 and blessing Trdcri to?s dyioLs toTs ovcriv tv <Pi\iTnrois ciiv eTriaKowoLs Kal 5ia- 
 Kovois.^ The Episcopate and the Diaconate make their appearance here 
 as the two categories of congregational offices, of both of which there are 
 several representatives in each congregation. It is in the so-called Pas- 
 toral Epistles that for the first time we find applied in the Gentile Chris- 
 tian communities the title of Presbyter which had been the usual designa- 
 tion of the president in the mother church at Jerusalem. This title, just 
 as in Acts xx. 17, 28, is undoubted'y regarded as identical with that of 
 bishop (eiria-Koiros) and is used as an alternative (Tit. i. 5, 7 ; 1 Tim.iii. 1 ; 
 iv. 14 ; V. 17, 19). From the practical identity of the qualifications of 
 bishops (1 Tim. iii. 1) or of deacons {v. 12 f.), it follows that their callings 
 were essentially the same ; and from the etymological signification of 
 
 ' Lightfoot, " Epistle to Phil." Cth ed. Lond., 1831, p. 95, Detached 
 notes on the synonyms " bishop " and " presbyter." " Diss, on Christian 
 Ministry," pp. 187-200.
 
 58 THE HISTORY OF THE BEGINNINGS. 
 
 tlieir names, it would seem that there was assigned to the bishops the 
 duty of governing, administrating and suijcrintendiug, to the deacons 
 that of serving, assisting and carrying out details as subordinate auxil- 
 iaries. It is shown by Rom. xvi. 1, that even so early as a.d. 58, the 
 need of a female order of helpers had been felt and was supplied. 
 When this order had at a later period assumed the rank of a regular 
 office, it became the rule that only widows above sixty years of age 
 should be chosen (1 Tim. v, 9). — We are introduced to an altogether 
 different order of ecclesiastical authorities in Eph. iv. 11, where we have 
 named in the first rank Apostles, in the second Prophets, in the third 
 EvaHgelists, and in the fourth Pastors and Teachers. What is here meant 
 by Apostles and Prophets is quite evident (§ 31, 1). From 2 Tim. iv. 5 
 and Acts xxi. 8 (viii. 5), it follows that Evangelists are itinerant jn-eachers 
 of the gospel and assistants of the Apostles. It is more difTicult to de- 
 termine exactly the functions of Pastors and Teachers and their relation 
 to the regular congregational offices. Their introduction in Eph. iv. 11, 
 as together constituting a fourth class, as well as the absence of the term 
 Pastor in the parallel passage, 1 Cor. xii. 28, 29, presupposes such a 
 close connection of the two orders, the one having the care of souls, 
 the other the duties of preaching and catechizing, that we unhesitatingly 
 assume that both were, if not always, at least generally, united in the 
 same person. They have been usually identified with the bishops or 
 presbyters. In Acts xx. 17, 28, and in 1 Pet. v. 2-4, presbyters are ex- 
 pressly called pastors. The order of the 'qyovjxevoL in Heb. xiii. 7, o'ltiues 
 i\d\^^aal' vfj.lv tov Xoyov tou 0eou, has also been regarded as identical with 
 that of bishops. In regard to the lastnamed order a confusion already 
 appears in Acts xv., where men, who in v. 22 are expressly distinguished 
 from the elders (presbyters) and in v. 32 are ranked as prophets, are yet 
 called T^youf.uvoi. We should also be led to conclude from 1 Cor. xii. 28, 
 that those who had the qualifications of dvTi\i)\l/eis and Kv^epv-fjaeis, func- 
 tions certainly belonging to bishops or presbyters as administrative and 
 diocesan officers, are yet personally distinguished from Apostles, Prophets, 
 and Teachers. Now it is explicitly enjoined in Tit. i. 9 that in the choice 
 of bishops special care should be taken to see that they have capacity 
 for teaching. In 1 Tim. v. 17 double honour is demanded for the KaXd's 
 TTpoeaTwres irpea^vrepoi, if they also labour eV \6y(A} /cat dLdacrKoXla. This 
 passage, however, shows teaching did not always and in all circum- 
 stances, or even ex 2)rofL'sso belong to the special functions of the presi- 
 dent of the congregation ; that it was rather in special circumstances, 
 where perhaps these gifts were not at all or not in sufficient abundance 
 elsewhere to be found, that these duties of teaching were undertaken in 
 addition to their own proper official work of presidency {wpoicrTdvai). The 
 dividing line between the two orders, bishops and deacons on the one 
 hand, and pastors and teachers on the other, consists in the fundament-
 
 § 17. CONSTITUTION, WOESIIir, AND DISCIPLINE. 59 
 
 ally cTill'ercnt nature of their calling. The former were congregational 
 offices, the latter, like those of Apostles and Pro23hets, were spiritual 
 offices. The former were chosen by the congregation, the latter had, like 
 the Apostles and Prophets, a divine call, though according to James iii. 1 
 not without the consenting will of the individual, and the charismatic 
 capacity for teaching, although not in the same absolute measure. The 
 former were attached to a particular congregation, the latter were, like the 
 Apostles and Prophets, first of all itinerant teachers and had, like them, 
 the task of building up the churches (Eiih. iv. 12, e;s olKooo,uriv rod aufxaTos 
 Tov Xpiarov). But, while the Apostles and Prophets laid the foundation 
 of this building on Christ, the chief cornerstone, preachers and teachers 
 had to continue building on the foundation thus laid (Eph. ii. 20). A 
 place and importance are undoubtedly secured for these three spiritual 
 offices, in so far as continued itinerant offices, by the example of the Lord 
 in His preliminary sending forth of the twelve in Matt, x., and of the 
 seventy disciples in Luke x. — Continuation, §34, 1. 
 
 6. The question about the original position of the Episcopate and Presby- 
 terate, as well as their relation to one another, has received three different 
 answers. According to the Roman Catholic theory, which is also that of 
 the Anglican Episcopal Church, the clerical, hierarchical arrangement of 
 the third century, which gave to each of the larger communities a bishop 
 as its president with a number of presbyters and deacons subject to him, 
 existed as a divine institution from the beginning. It is unequivocally 
 testified by the New Testament, and, as appears from the First Epistle of 
 Clement of Home (ch. 42, 44, 57), the fact had never been disputed down 
 to the close of the first century, that bishops and presbyters are identical. 
 The force of this objection, however, is sought to be obviated by the sub- 
 terfuge that while all bishops were indeed presbyters, all presbyters were 
 not bishops. The ineptitude of such an evasion is apparent. In Phil. 
 i. 1 the Apostle, referring to this one particular church greeted not one 
 but several bishops. According to Acts xx. 17, 28, all the presbyters of 
 the one Ephesian community are made bishops by the Holy Ghost. Also, 
 Tit. i. 5, 7 unconditionally excludes such a distinction ; and according to 
 1 Pet. V. 2, all such presbyters should be einaKowovvTes. — In opposition to 
 this theory, which received the sanction of the Council of Trent, the Old 
 Protestant tiieologians maintained the original identity of the two names 
 and offices. In support of this they could refer not only to the New 
 Testament, but also to Clement of Eome and the Teaching of the Twelve 
 Apostles (§ 34, 1), where, just as in Phil. 1. 1, only bishops and deacons 
 are named as congregational officers, and as appointed by the free choice 
 of the congregation. They can also point to the consensus of the most re- 
 spected church fathers and church teachers of later times. Chrysostom 
 (Horn. ix. in Ep. ad Tim) says : ot ivpea-livTepoi to iraXaiov eKoKodi'TO iirLcrKOTvoi 
 Ka! Oidvoj'Oi XpiffTou, i;al ol tiriiXKOTvoi irpealiuTepoi. Jerome [ad Tit, i. 5) says :
 
 60 THE HISTORY OF THE BEGINNINGS. 
 
 Idevi est jyirshijtcr qui et ejJiscopiis et anteqinxm diaholl instinctu sliidia in 
 relujione fiercnt . . . communi prcshijtcrorum concilio guhernantur 
 ecclesice. Augustiue, and other church fathers of the fourth and fifth 
 centuries, as well as Urban II. m a.d. 1091, Petrus Lombardus and the 
 Decree of Gratian, may all be referred to as sui^porting the same view. 
 After such an identification of the person and office, the existence of the 
 two names must be explained from their meaning as words, by assum- 
 ing that the title iiriaKoiros, which arose among the Gentile-Christian 
 churches, pointed more to the duty officially required, while the title 
 Trpeaj3vTepos, which arose among the Jewish-Christian churches, pointed 
 more to the honourable character of the person (1 Tim. v. 17, 19). The 
 subsequent development of a monarchical episcopacy is quite conceivable 
 as having taken place in the natural course of events (§ 31, 2). — A third 
 theory is that proposed by Hatch, of Oxford, in a.d. 1881, warmly approved 
 of and vigorously carried out by Harnack. According to this theory the 
 two names in question answer to a twofold distinction that appears in 
 the church courts : on the college of presbyters was devolved the govern- 
 ment of the community, with administration of lawand discipline; on the 
 bishops and their assistants the superintendence and management of the 
 community in the widest sense of the word, including its worship, and first 
 of all and chiefly the brotherly care of the poor, the sick and strangers, 
 together with the collecting, keeping, and dispensing of money needful 
 for those ends. In the course of time the two organizations were com- 
 bined into one, since the bishops, on account of their eminently important 
 place and work, obtained in the presbytery not only a simple seat and 
 vote, but by-aud-by the presidency and the casting vote. In establishing 
 this theory it is pointed out that in the government and management of 
 federations of that time for social and religious purposes in country dis- 
 tricts or in cities, in imitation of which the organization of the Christian 
 communities was formed, this twofold distribution is also found, and that 
 especially the administrators of the finances in these societies had not 
 only the title of iwia-KOTroi, but had also the president's seat in their 
 assemblies {yepovjia, ftovX-^), which, however, is not altogether conclusive, 
 since it is demonstrable that this title was also borne by judicial and 
 political officials. It is also pointed out on the other hand that, in 
 accordance with the modified view presented in the Pastoral Epistles, the 
 Acts, and the Epistle of Clement of Rome, the consciousness of the 
 original diversity of calling of the two offices were maintained through- 
 out the whole of the second century, inasmuch as often a theoretical 
 distinction between bishops and presbyters in the way specified was 
 asserted. Now, in the first place, it can scarcely be matter of dispute 
 as to whether the administration of property, Avith the care of the poor 
 {dvTL\i^\j/£is) as the principal task, could actually have wou a place so 
 superior in respectability, influence and significance to that of congrcga-
 
 § 17. CONSTITUTION, WORSHIP, AND DISCIPLINE. Gl 
 
 tional government (^-i',3epci;(reis), or whether the .authority which embraced 
 the functions of a judicial bench, a court of discipline, and a court of 
 equity did not rather come to preponderate over that which was occu]3ied 
 in the administration of property and tlie care of the poor. But above all 
 we shall have to examine the New Testament writings, as the relatively 
 oldest witnesses to the matter of fact as well as to the usage of the 
 language, and see what they have to say on the subject. This must be 
 done even by those who would have the conii^ositiou of the Pastoral 
 Epistles and the Acts removed out of the Apostolic Age. In these writ- 
 ings, however, there is nowhere a firm and sure foundation afforded to 
 that theory. It has, indeed, been supposed that in Phil. i. 1 mention is 
 made only of bishops and deacons because by them the present from 
 the Philippians had been brought to the Apostle. But seeing that, in 
 the case of there actually existing in Philippi at this time besides the 
 bishops a college of presbyters, the omission of these from the greeting 
 in this epistle, the chief purpose of which was to impart apostolic com- 
 fort and encouragement, and which only refers gratefully at the close, 
 ch. iv. 10, to the contribution sent, would have been damaging to them, 
 we must assume that the bishops with their assistants the deacons were 
 the only office-bearers then existing in that community. Thus this 
 passage tells as much against as in favour of the limiting of the episcopal 
 office to economical administration. Often as mention is made in the 
 New Testament of an ewiaKoirdv and a SiaKove'^v in and over the com- 
 munity, this never stands in specific and exclusive relation to adminis- 
 tration of property and care of the poor. It is indeed assumed in Acts 
 xi. 30 that care of the poor is a duty of the i^resbyter ; so also the charis- 
 matic earing for the sick is required of presbyters in James v. 14 ; and 
 in 1 Pet. V. 2 presbyters are described as iiriaKOTrovvres ; in 1 Pet. ii. 25 
 Christ is spoken of as iirlaKoiros tQv xj/vx^iv ; in Acts i. 20 the apostolic 
 office is called eiriffKoivr), while in Acts i. 2.5 and often, especially in the 
 Pauline epistles, it is designated a 5iaKovla.'^ — Conthiuation, § 3-1, 2. 
 
 7. Christian Worsliip. — Even in Jerusalem, where the temple ordinances 
 were still observed, the religious needs of the Christian community de- 
 manded that separate services of a distinctly Christian character should 
 be organized. But just as the Jewish services of that day consisted of two 
 parts— the ministry of the word for purposes of instruction and edification 
 in the synagogues, and the symbolic service of a typical and sacramental 
 character in the temple, — the Christian service was in like manner from 
 the first divided into a homileticaldidactic part, and a eucharistic-sacra- 
 mental part. — The Homiletical and Didactic part, on accouLt of the presence 
 of those who were not Christians, must have had, just like the synagogue 
 
 1 Blondel, " Apologia pro seutettla Ilieron. de ex^iscop. et picibyt." 
 Amst., 1G16.
 
 62 THE HISTOEY OF THE BEGINNINGS. 
 
 service, alongside of its priuciijal aim to instruct and edify the congrega- 
 tion, a definite and deliberately planned missionary tendency. The 
 church in Jerusalem at the first held these morning services in one of the 
 halls of the temple, where the people were wont to assemble for prayer 
 (Acts ii. 46 ; iii. 1, 11) ; but at a later period they were held in private 
 houses. In the Gentile churches they seem from the first to have been 
 held in private houses or in halls rented for the purpose. The service 
 consisted in reading of portions of the Old Testament, and at a later 
 period, portions of the Apostolic Epistles and Gospels, and in connection 
 therewith, doctrinal and hortatory discourses, with prayer and singiug 
 of psalms. It is more than probable that the liberty of teaching, v/hich 
 had prevailed in the synagogues (Luke ii. 46; iv. 16; Acts xiii. 15), 
 was also permitted in the similar assemblies of Jewish Christians (Acts 
 viii. 4 ; xi. 19 ; James iii. 1) ; and it may be concluded from 1 Cor. xiv. 34 
 that this also was the practice in Gentile-Christian congregations. The 
 apparent contradiction of women as such being forbidden to speak, while 
 in 1 Cor. xi. 5 it seems to be allowed, can only be explained by supposing 
 that in the passage referred to the woman spoken of as praying or pro- 
 phesying is praying in an ecstasy, that is, speaking with tongues (1 Cor. 
 xiv. 13-15), or uttering prophetic announcements, like the daughters of 
 Philip (Acts xxi. 9), and that the permission applies only to such cases, 
 the exceptional nature of which, as well as their temporary character, 
 as charismatic and miraculous gifts, would prevent their being used as 
 precedents for women engaging ia regular public discourse (1 Thess. v. 
 19). In 1 Cor. xiv. 24 the IdiQTai (synonymous with the afj-v-qroi in the 
 statutes of Hellenic religious associations) are mentioned as admitted 
 along with the airiarot to the didactic services, and, according to i\ 16, 
 they had a place assigned to them separate from the congregation proper. 
 We are thus led to see in them the uninitiated or not yet baptized be- 
 lievers, that is, the catechumcns.-~Th.e Sacramental part of the service, the 
 separation of which from the didactic part was rendered necessary on 
 account alike of its nature and purpose, and is therefore found existing 
 in the Pauline churches as well as in the church of Jerusalem, was 
 scrupulously restricted in its observance, in Jewish and Gentile churches 
 alike, to those who were in the full communion of the Christian church 
 (Acts ii. 46 ; 1 Cor. xi. 20-23). The celebration of the Lord's Supper 
 (de'itn'ov KvpiaKdv, 1 Cor. xi. 21), after the pattern of the meal of institu- 
 tion, consisting of a meal partaken of in common, accompanied with 
 prayer and the singing of a hymn, which at a later period was named 
 the 'AyaTTij, as the expression of brotherly love (Jude v. 12), was the 
 centre and end of these eveninrj services. The elements in the Lord's 
 Supper were consecrated to their sacramental purpose by a prayer of 
 praise and thanksgiving (evxapiarla, 1 Cor. xi. 24 ; or evXoyia, 1 Cor. x. 
 16), together with a recital of the words of institution which contained
 
 § 17. CONSTITUTION, WOESHIP, AND DISCIPLINE. G3 
 
 a proclamation cf the death of Christ (1 Cor. xi. 20). This in-ayer 
 was followed by the kiss of brotherhood.^ In the service of song they 
 used to all appearance besides the psalms some Christian hymns and 
 doxologies (Eph. v. 19 ; Col. iii. 16),- — The homiletieal as well as the 
 eucharistic services were at first held daily ; at a later period at least 
 every Sunday.^ For very soon, alongside of the Sabbath, and among 
 Gentile Christians, instead of it, the first day of the week as the day of 
 Christ's resurrection began to be observed as a festival.* But there is 
 as yet no trace of the observance of other festivals. It cannot be exactly 
 proved that infant baptism was an Apostolic practice, but it is not im- 
 probable that it was so.^ Baj^tism was administered by complete immer- 
 sion (Acts viii. 38) in the name of Christ or of the Trinity (Matt, xxviii. 
 19). The charism of healing the sick was exercised by prayer and 
 anointing with oil (Jas. v. 14). On the other hand, confession of sin 
 even apart from the public service was recommended (Jas. v. IG). Cha- 
 rismatic communication of the Spirit and admission to office in the 
 church'' was accomplished by prayer and laying on of hands. ^ 
 
 8. Christian Life aud Ecclesiastical Disciphne. — In accordance with the 
 commandment of the Lord (John xiii. 34), brotherly love in opposition to 
 the selfishness of the natural life, was the principle of the Christian life. 
 The power of youthful love, fostered by the prevalent expectation of the 
 speedy return of the Lord, endeavoured at first to find for itself a fitting 
 exjn-ession in the mother church of Jerusalem by the voluntary determin- 
 ation to have their goods in common, — an endeavour which without 
 prejudice of its spiritual importance soon proved to be impracticable. 
 On the other hand the well-to-do Gentile churches proved their brotherly 
 love by collections for those originally poor, aud especially for the church 
 at Jerusalem which had suffered the si^ecial misfortune of famine. The 
 three inveterate moral plagues of the ancient world, contempt of foreign 
 nationalities, degradation of woman, and slavery, were overcome, accord- 
 ing to Gal. iii. 28, by gradual elevation of inward feeling without any 
 
 ' The (t>'i.\riij.a. ayiov of Eom. xvi. 16 ; 1 Cor. xvi. 20. 
 
 - Of these we probably find fragments in Eph. ii. 14 ; 1 Tim. iii. IG; 
 2 Tim. ii. 11-13 ; and perhaps also in 1 Tim, iii. 1, IG ; Jas. i. 17 ; Eev. 
 i. 4 ; iv. 11 ; v. 9 ; xi. 15 ; xv. 3 ; xxi. 1 ; xxii. 10. 
 
 ■* Acts ii. 4, 6 ; xx. 7. 
 
 ■* John XX. 26 ; Acts xx. 7 ; 1 Cor. xvi. 2 ; Eev. i, 10. 
 
 5 Acts ii. 39 ; xvi. 33 ; 1 Cor. vii. 14. 
 
 '' Acts viii. 17 ; vi. 6 ; xiii. 3 ; 1 Tim. iv. 14. 
 
 7 On the subject of this section consult : Pressense, " Early Tears 
 of Christianity." Vol. . "Apostolic Age."' Lond., 1879, pp. 3G1-3S1. 
 Lechler, " Apostolic and Post Apostohc Times." 2 vols. Edin., 1S8G. 
 Vol. i. pp. 37-67, 130-144.
 
 G4 THE HISTOEY OF THE BEGINNINGS. 
 
 violent struggle against existing la\YS and customs, and the consciousness 
 of common membership in the one head in heaven hallowed all the rela- 
 tioushiiis of the earthly life. Even in apostolic times the bright mirror 
 of Christian purity was no doubt dimmed by spots of rust. Hypocrisy 
 (Acts V.) and variance (Acts vi.) in single cases appeared very early in 
 the mother church ; but the former was punished by a fearfully severe 
 judgment, the latter was overcome by love and sweet reasonableness. In 
 the rich Gentile churches, such as those of Corinth and Thessalonica, 
 a worldly spirit in the form of voluptuousness, selfishness, pride, etc., 
 made its appearance, but was here also rooted out by apostolic exhorta- 
 tion and discipline. If any one caused public scandal by serious depar- 
 ture from true doctrine or Christian conduct, and in spite of pastoral 
 counsel persisted in his error, he was by the judgment of the church cast 
 out, but the penitent was received again after his sincerity bad been 
 proved (1 Cor. v. 1 ; 2 Cor. ii. o). 
 
 § 18. Heresies in the Apostolic Age.^ 
 
 When Christianity began its career of worhl conquest in 
 the preaching of the Apostle Paul, the representatives of the 
 intellectual culture of the ancient world assumed toward it 
 an attitude, either of iitter indifference, or of keen hostility, 
 or of readiness to accept Christian elements, while retaining 
 along with these many of their old notions. From this 
 mixing of heterogeneous elements a fermentation arose 
 v.'hich was the fruitful mother of numerous heresies. 
 
 1. Jev/isli Christianity and the Council of Apostles. — The Lord had com- 
 manded the disciples to preach the gospel to all nations (Matt, xxviii. 
 19), and so they could not doubt that the whole heathen world was called 
 to receive the church's heritage ; but feeling themselves bound ty utter- 
 ances of the Old Testament regarding the eternal validity of the law of 
 Moses, and having not yet penetrated the full significance of the saying 
 of Christ (Mark v. 17), they thought that incorporation into Judaism by 
 circumcision was still an indispensable condition of reception into the 
 kingdom of Christ. The Hellenist Stephen represented a more liberal 
 tendency (Acts vi. 14); and Philip, also a Hellenist, preached at least 
 occasionally to the Samaritans, and the Apostles recognised his work by 
 
 ' Eurton, " Heresies of the Aposlolic Age." Oxford, 1820.
 
 § 18. HERESIES IN THE ArOSTOLIC AGE. 65 
 
 sending down Peter and John (Acts viii. II). Ou tbe other hand, it 
 needed an immediate divine rerelation to convince Peter that a Gentile 
 thirsting for salvation was just as such fit for the kingdom of God (Acts 
 X.). And even this revelation remained without any decisive influence 
 on actual missionary enterprise. They were Hellenistic -Jews who finally 
 took the bold step of devoting themselves without reserve to the conversion 
 of the Gentiles at Antioch (Acts xi. 19). To foster the movement there 
 the Apostles sent Barnabas, who entered into it with his whole soul, and 
 in Paul associated with himself a yet more capable worker. After the 
 notable success of their first missionary journey had vindicated their 
 claim and calling as Apostles of the Gentiles, the arrival of Jewish zealots 
 in the Antiochean church occasioned the sending of Paul and Barnabas 
 to Jerusalem, about a.d. 51, in order finally to settle this important 
 dispute. At a Council of the Apostles convened there Peter and James 
 the Just delivered the decision that Gentile converts should only be 
 required to observe certain legal restrictions, and these, as it would seem 
 from the conditions laid down (Acts xv. 20), of a similar kind to those 
 imposed upon proselytes of the gate. An arrangement come to at this 
 time between the two Antiochean Apostles and Peter, James, and John, 
 led to the recognition of the former as Apostles of the Gentiles and the 
 latter as Apostles of the Jews (Gal.ii. l-IO). Nevertheless during a visit 
 to Antioch Peter laid himself open to censure for i^ractical inconsistency 
 and weak connivance with the fanaticism of certain Jewish Christians, 
 and had to have the truth respecting it very pointedly told him by Paul 
 (Gal. ii. 11-14). The destruction of the temple and the consequent ces- 
 sation of the entire Jewish worship led to the gradual disappearance of 
 non-sectarian Jewish Christianity and its amalgamation with Gentile 
 Christianity. The remnant of Jewish Christianity which still in the 
 altered condition of things continued to cling to its iDrinciples and jDrac- 
 tice assumed ever more and more the character of a sect, and drifted 
 into open heresy. (Comp. § 28). 
 
 2. The Apostolic Basis of Doctrine. — The need of fixing the apostolically 
 accredited accoimts of the life of theEedeemer by written documents, led 
 to the origin of the Gospels. The continued connection of the missionary 
 Apostles with the churches founded by them, or even their authority of 
 general superintendence, called forth the apostolic doctrinal epistles. A 
 beginning of the collection and general circulation of the New Testament 
 Avritings was made at an early date by the communication of these being 
 made by one church to another (Col. iv. IG). There was as yet no con- 
 fession of faith as a standard of orthodoxy, but the way was prepared 
 by adopting Matt, xxviii. 19 as a confession by candidates for bapti.-m. 
 Paul set up justification through faith alone (Gal. i. 8, 9), and John, the 
 incarnation of God in Christ (1 John iv. 3), as indispensable elements in 
 a Christian confession. 
 
 F
 
 GG THK niSTOIlY OF THE BEGINNING o. 
 
 3. False Teacliers. — The first euemy from withiu it.:; own borJcrs vrliicli 
 Christianity had to confront was the ordinary Pharisaic Judaism with 
 its stereotyped traditional doctrine, its lifeless work-righteousness, its 
 unreasonable national prejudices, and its perversely carnal Messianic 
 expectations. Its shibboleth was the obligation of the Gentiles to 
 observe the Mosaic ceremonial law, the Sabbath, rules about meats, 
 circumcision, as an indispensable condition of salvation. This tendency 
 had its origin in the mother church of Jerusalem, but was there at a 
 very early date condemned by the Apostolic Council. This party never- 
 theless pursued at all points tlie Apostle Paul with bitter enmity and 
 vile calumnies. Traces of a manifestation of a Sadducean or sceptical 
 spirit may perhaps already be found in the denial of the resurrection 
 which in 1 Cor. xv. Paul opposes. On the other hand, at a very early 
 period Greek philosoj^hy got mixed up with Christianity. Apollos, 
 a philosophically cultured Jew of Alexandria, had at first conceived of 
 Christianity from the speculative side, and had in this form preached it 
 with eloquence and success atCorinth. Paul did not contest the admis- 
 sibility of this mode of treatment. He left it to the verdict of history 
 (1 Cor. iii. 11-lJ:), and warned against an over-estimation of human 
 wisdom (1 Cor. ii. 1-10). Among many of the seekers after wisdom 
 in Corinth, little as this was intended by Apollos, the simple positive 
 preaching of Paul lost on this accoinit the favour that it had enjoyed 
 before. In this may be found perhaps the first beginnings of that four- 
 fold party faction which arose in the Corinthian church (1 Cor. i.). The 
 Judaists appealed to the authority of the AjDostle Peter {ol rod Ki^cpa); the 
 Gentile Christians were divided into the parties of Apollos and of Paul, or 
 by the assumption of the proud name ol rod Xpurrou, sought to free them- 
 selves from the recognition of any Apostolic authority. Paul successfully 
 opposes these divisions in his Epistle to the Corinthians. Apprehension 
 of a threatened growth of gnostic teachers is first expressed in the 
 Apostle Paul's farewell addresses to the elders of Asia Minor (Acts xx. 29) ; 
 and in the Epistle to the Colossians, as well as in the Pastoral Epistles, 
 this \l/evdiovv/j.os yvSxjL^ is expressly opi^osed as manifesting itself in the 
 adoption of oriental theosophy, magic, and theurgy, iir an arbitrary 
 asceticism that forbade marriage and restricted the use of food, in ima- 
 ginary secret knowledge of the nature and order of the heavenly powcri 
 and Si^irits, and idealistic volatilizing of concrete Christian doctrines, 
 such as that of the resurrection (2 Tim. ii. 18). In the First Epistle of 
 John, again, that special form of Gnosis is pointed out which denied 
 the incarnation of God in Christ by means of docetic conceptions ; and 
 in the Second Epistle of Peter, as well as in the Epistle of Jude, we have 
 attention called to actinomian excrescences, unbridled immorality and 
 wanton lust in the development of magical and theurgical views. It 
 sliould not, however, be left unmentioned, that modern criticism has on
 
 § 19. TERIODS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHURCH. 67 
 
 luaay grounds contested the authenticity of the New Testament ^Yl■iti^gs 
 just named, and has assigned the first appearance of heretical gnosis to 
 the beginning of the second century. The Nicolaitans of the Apocalypse 
 (iii. 5, 14, 15, 20) appear to have been an antinomian sect of Gentile 
 Chi'istian origin, spread more or less through the churches of Asia Minor, 
 perhaps without any gnostic background, which in direct and intentional 
 opposition to the decision of the Apostolic Council (Acts xv. 29) took 
 part in heathen sacrificial feasts (comp. ICor. x.), and justified or at 
 least apologized for fleshly impurity. 
 
 FIRST DIVISION. 
 
 History of the Development of the Church during the Graeco- 
 Roman and Grseco-Byzantine Periods. 
 
 § 19. Content, Distribution and Boundaries of those 
 Periods. 
 
 At the very beginning of the Apostolic Age the univer- 
 salistic spirit of Christianity had already broken through 
 the particularistic limitations of Judaism. When once the 
 substantial truth of divine salvation had cast off the 
 Judaistic husk in which the kernel had ripened, those 
 elements of culture which had come to maturity in the 
 Roman-Greek world were appropriated as means for giving 
 to Christian ideas a fuller and clearer expression. The 
 task now to be undertaken was the development of Christ- 
 ianity on the lines of Grseco-Roman culture, or the expan- 
 sion of the church's apostolicity into catholicity. The 
 ancient church of the Roman and Byzantine world fulfilled 
 this task, but in doing so the sound evangelical catliolic 
 development encountered at every point elements of a false, 
 because an unevangelical, Catholicism. The centre, then, of 
 all the movements of Church History is to be found in the 
 Teutono-Roman-Slavic empire. The Roman church pre- 
 served and increased her importance by attaching herself 
 to this new empire, and undertaking its spiritual formation 
 and education. The Byzantine church, on the other hand,
 
 68 PEEIODS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHURCH. 
 
 falling into a state of inward stagnation, and pressed from 
 without by tlie forces of Islam, passes into decay as a 
 national cliurch. 
 
 The history of this first stage of the development of the 
 chnrch falls into three periods. The first period reaches 
 down to Constantino the Great, who, in a.d. 323, secured to 
 Christianity and the church a final victory over Paganism. 
 The second period brings us down to the close of the 
 universal catholic or oecumenical elaboration of doctrine 
 attained by the church under its old classical form of 
 culture, that is, down to the close of the Monothelite con- 
 troversy (§ 52, 8), by the Sixth (Ecumenical Council at 
 Constantinople in A.D. G80. But inasmuch as the Concilium 
 quini-sexhim in A.D. 692 undertook simply the completion 
 of the work of the two previous oecumenical synods with 
 reference to church constitution and worship, and as here 
 the first grounds were laid for the great partition of the 
 church into Eastern and Western (§ 63, 2), we prefer to 
 make A.D. 692 the closing limit of the second period. The 
 conclusion of the third period is found in the overthrow of 
 Constantinople by the Turks in A.D. 1453. The first two 
 periods are most evidently distinguished from one another 
 in respect of the outward condition of the church. Before 
 the times of Constantine, it lives and develops its strength 
 amid the oppression and persecution of the pagan state ; 
 under Constantine the state itself becomes Christian and 
 the church enjoys all the advantages, all the care and 
 furtherance, that earthly protection can afford. Along with 
 all this worldly splendour, however, a worldly disposition 
 makes its way into the church, and in exchange for its pro- 
 tection of the church the state assumes an autocratic lord- 
 ship over it. Even in the inner, and pre-eminently doctrinal, 
 development of the church the two periods of this age are 
 essentially distinguished from one another. While it was
 
 § 19. PERIODS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHURCH. G9 
 
 tlie cliurch's endeavour to adopt only the forms of culture 
 of ancient paganism, while rejecting its godless substance, 
 it too often happened that pagan ideas got mixed iip with 
 Christianity, and it was threatened with a similar danger 
 from the side of Judaism. It was therefore the special 
 task of the church during the first period to resist the 
 encroachment of anti-Christian Jewish and Pagan elements. 
 In the first period the perfecting of its own genuinely 
 Christian doctrinal content was still a purely subjective 
 matter, resting only on the personal authority of the 
 particular church teachers. In the second period, on the 
 other hand, the church universal, as represented by cecu- 
 menical synods with full power, proceeds to the laying- 
 down and establishing of an objective-ecclesiastical, oecu- 
 menical-catholic system of doctrine, constituting an all- 
 sided development of the truth in opposition to the one- 
 sided development of subjective heretical teaching. In 
 doing so, however, the culture of the old Crrseco-Roman 
 world exhausted its powers. The measure of development 
 which these were capable of affording the church was now 
 completed, and its future must be looked for among the 
 new nationalities of Teutonic, Romanic, and Slavic origin. 
 While the Byzantine empire, and with it the glory of the 
 ancient church of the East was pressed and threatened by 
 Islam, a new empire arose in the West in youthful vigour 
 and became the organ of a new phase of development in the 
 history of the church ; and while the church in the AVest 
 struggled after a new and higher point in her development, 
 the Eastern church sank ever deeper down under outward 
 oppression and inward weakness. The partition of the 
 church into an Eastern and a Western division, which 
 became imminent at the close of the second period, and was 
 actually carried out during the third period, cut off the 
 church of the East from the influence of those new vital
 
 70 THE GR^CO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 forces, political as well as ecclesiastical, and which it might 
 otherwise, perhaps, have shared Avith the West. By the 
 overthrow of the East-Roman empire the last support of its 
 splendour and even of its vital activity was taken awa3\ 
 Here too ends the history of the church on the lines of 
 purely antique classical forms of culture. The remnants of 
 the church of the East were no longer capable of any 
 living historical development under the oppression of the 
 Tiirkish rule. 
 
 FIRST SECTION. 
 
 History of the Grseco-Roman Church during the Second and 
 Third Centuries (A.D. 70-323). i 
 
 § 20. Content, Distribution and Boundaries of this 
 Period. ^ 
 
 As the history of the beginings of the church has been 
 treated by us under two divisions, so also the first period 
 of the history of its development may be similarly divided 
 into the Post-Apostolic Age, which reaches down to the 
 middle of the second century, and the Age of the Old 
 Catholic Church, which ends with the establishment of the 
 church under and by Constantine, and at that point passes 
 over into the Age of the oecumenical Catholic or Byzantine- 
 Roman Imperial Church. — As the Post-Apostolic Age was 
 occupied with an endeavour to ajopropriate and possess in a 
 
 ' As authorities for this period consult : Moshemii, " Commentarii de 
 reb. Christianor. ante Constant." Helmst., 1753. Baur, "First Three 
 Centuries of the Christian Church. Lond., 1877. Milman, " Hist, of 
 Chr. to Abol. of Pag. in Rom. Emp." 3 vols. Loud., 1810. Pressense, 
 " Early Years of Christianity." 4 vols. Lond., 1879. 
 
 2 Consult: Killen, " The Ancient Church." Edin., 1859. "The Old 
 Catholic Church." Edin., 1871. Lechler, " Apost. and Post-Apost. 
 Times." 2 vols, Edin., 1886. Vol. ii. pp. 260-879. Robertson, " Ilig!;, 
 of Chr, Gluirch," Vol, I [\,v, 64.-590), Lo»d,, 1858,
 
 § 20, CONTENT AND DISTEIBUTION OF THIS PERIOD. 71 
 
 fuller and more vigorous manner the saving truths trans- 
 mitted by the Apostles, and presents as the result of its 
 struggles, errors, and victories, the Old Catholic Church as a 
 unity, firmly bound from within, strictly free of all compul- 
 sion from without, so on the basis thus gained, the Old 
 Catholic Church goes forward to new conflicts, failures, and 
 successes, by means of which the foundations are laid for 
 the future perfecting of it through its establishment by the 
 state into the (Ecumenical Catholic Imperial Church.'^ 
 
 1. The Post Apcstolic Age.— Tha peril to wliicli the cliurch was e^cposed 
 from the iMttoductioii of Judaistic and Pagan elements with her new 
 converts was much more serious not only than the Jewish spirit of 
 persecution, crushed as it was into impotence through the overthrow of 
 Jewish national independence, but also than the persecution of anti- 
 Christian paganism which at this time was only engaged upon sporadi- 
 cally. All the more threatening was this peril from the peculiar position 
 of the chiirch during this age. Since the removal of the personal guid- 
 ance of the Apostles that control was wanting which only at a subse- 
 quent period was won again by the establishment of a New Testament 
 canon and the laying down of a normative rule of faith, as well as by 
 the formation of a hierarchial-episcopal constitution. In all the con- 
 flicts, then, that occupied this age, the first and main point was to 
 guard the integrity and purity of traditional Apostolic Christianity 
 against the an ti- Christian Jewish and Pagan ideas which new convert ? 
 eudeavoiu'ed to import into it from their earlier religious life. Those 
 Judaistic ideas thus imported gave rise to Ebionism ; those Pagan ideas 
 gave rise to Gnosticism (§§ 2G-28). And just as the Pauline Gentile 
 Christianity, in so far as it was embraced under this period (§ 30, 2), 
 
 1 Although the Post- Apostolic and Old Catliolic Ages are sharp!}- enough 
 distinguished from one another in point of time and of contents along 
 many lines of historical development, and are rightly partitioned off from 
 each other, so that they might seem to require treatment as independent 
 periods ; yet, on the one hand, passing over from the one to the other is so 
 frequent and is for the most part of so liquid and iucontrollable a nature, 
 while on the other Land, the opposition of and the distinction between 
 these two periods and the oecumenical Catholic Imperial Church that 
 succeeds are so thoroagh-going, that we i^refer to embrace the two under 
 one period and to point out the boundary lines between the two wherever 
 these are clearly discernible.
 
 72 THE GEiECO-EOMAN CIIUECII, A. P. 70-3'J3. 
 
 secured the victory over tbc moderate aud non-heretical Jewish Christ- 
 ianity, this latter became more and more assimihxted to the former, aud 
 gradually passed over into it (§ 28, 1). Add to tliis the need, ever more 
 pressingly felt, of a sifting of the not yet uniformly recognised early 
 Christian literature that had passed into ecclesiastical use (§ 3G, 7, 8) by 
 means of the establishment of a New Testament canon ; that is, the need 
 of a collection of writings admitted to be of Apostolic origin to occupy 
 henceforth the first rank as a standard aud foundation for the purposes 
 of teaching aud worship, and to form a bulwark against the flood of 
 heretical and non-heretical Pseudepigraphs that menaced the purity of 
 doctrine (§ 32). Further, the no less pressing need for the construction 
 of a universally valid rule of faith (§ 35, 2), as an intellectual bond of 
 union and mark of recognition for all churches and believers scattered 
 over the earth's surface. Then again, in the victory that was being 
 secured by Episcopacy over Presbyterianism, and in the introduction of a 
 Synodal constitution for counsel and resolution, the first stage in the 
 formation of a hierarchical organization was reached (§ 34). Finally, 
 the last dissolving action of this age was the suppression of the fanatical 
 prophetic and fanatical rigorist spirit, which, reaching its climax in 
 Montanism, directed itself mainly against the tendency already appear- 
 ing on many sides to tone down the unflinching severity of ecclesiastical 
 discipline, to make modifications in constitution, life and conversation 
 in accordance with the social customs of the world, and to settle down 
 through disregard of the speedy return of the Lord, so confidently 
 expected by the early Christians, into an easy satisfaction in the enjoy- 
 ment of earthly possessions (§ 40, 5). 
 
 2. The Age of the Old Catholic Charch. — The designation of the uni- 
 versal Christian church as Catholic dates from the time of Irenreus, 
 that is, from the beginning of this second part of our first period. This 
 name characterizes the church as the one universally (kuO' b\ov) spread 
 and recognised from the time of the Apostles, and so stigmatizes every 
 opposition to the one church that alone stands on the sure foundation 
 of holy scripture and pure a2:>ostolic tradition, as belonging to the mani- 
 fold particularistic heretical and schismatical sects. The church of this 
 particular age, however, has been designated the Old Catholic Church as 
 distinguished from the acumenical Catholic church of the followiu;^ 
 period, as well as from the Eoman Catholic and Greek Catholic churches, 
 into which afterwards the cecumenieal Catholic church was divided. 
 
 At the beginning of this age, the heretical as well as the nonheretioal 
 Ebionism may be regarded as virtually suppressed, although some 
 scanty remnants of it might yet be found. The most brilliant period of 
 Gnosticism, too, when the most serious danger from Paganism within 
 the Christian pale in the form of Hellenic aud Syro-Chaldaic Theosophy 
 aud Mysteriosophy threatened the church, was already past. But in
 
 § 20. CONTENT AND DISTRIBUTTON OF THIS PERIOD. 73 
 
 Manicliajisra (§ 2U) there appeared, during,' the .second half of the third 
 century, a new peril of a no less threatening kind, inspired by Parseeism 
 and Buddhism, which, however, the church on the ground of the solid 
 foundations already laid was able to resist with powerful weapons. On 
 the other hand the Pagan element within the church asserted itself 
 more and more decidedly (§ 39, 6) by means of the intrusion of magico- 
 theurgical superstition into the catholic doctrine of the efficacy of the 
 church sacraments and sacramental acts (§ 58). But now also, with 
 Marcus Aurelius, Paganism outside of Christianity as embodied in the 
 Roman state, begins the war of extermination against the church that 
 was ever more and more extending her boundaries. Such manifestation 
 of hostility, however, was not able to subdue the church, but rather led, 
 under and through Constantiue the Great, to the Christianizing of the 
 state and the establishment of the church. During the same time the 
 episcopal and synodal-hierarchical organization of the church was more 
 fully developed by the introduction of an order of Metropolitans, and 
 then in the following period it reached its climax iu the oligarchical 
 Pentarchy of Patriarchs (§ 4G, 1), and in the institution of cecumcnical 
 Synods (§ 43, 2). By the condemnation and expulsion of Moutanism, 
 in which the inner development of the Post-Apostolic Age reached its 
 special and distinctive conclusion, the endeavour to naturalize Christ- 
 ianity among the social customs of the worldly life was certainly legiti- 
 mized by the church, and could now be unrestrictedly carried out in a 
 wider and more comprehensive way. In the Trinitarian controversies, 
 too, in which several prominent theologians engaged, the first step was 
 taken in that oecumenical-ecclesiastical elaboration of doctrine which 
 occupied and dominated the whole of the following period (§§ 49-52). 
 
 3. The Point of Transition from the One Age to the Other may unhesi- 
 tatingly be set down at a.d. 170. The following are the most important 
 data in regard thereto. The death about a.d. 165 of Justin Martyr, 
 who marks the highest point reached in the Post-Apostolic Age, and 
 forms also the transition to the Old Catholic Age ; and Irenajus, flourish- 
 ing somewhere about a.d. 170, who was the real inaugurator of this 
 latter age. Besides these we come upon the beginnings of the Trinitarian 
 controversies about the year 170. Finally, the rejection of Montauism 
 from the universal Catholic church was effected about the year 170 by 
 means of the Synodal institution called into existence for that very 
 purpose.
 
 74 THE GB^CO-ROMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 I. THE RELATIONSHIP OF EXTRA-CHRISTIAN 
 PAGANISM AND JUDAISM TO THE CHURCH.^ 
 
 § 21. The Spread of Christianity. 
 
 Amid all tlie persecutions which the 0111X1x11 during this 
 period had to suffer it spread with rapid strides through- 
 out the whole Roman empire, and even far beyond its 
 limits. Edessa, the capital of the kingdom of Osrhoene in 
 Mesopotamia, had, as early as A.D. 170, a Christian prince, 
 named Abgar Bar Maanu, whose coins were the first to bear 
 the sign of the cross. We find Christianity gaining a 
 footing contemporaneously in Persia, Media, Bactria, and 
 Parthia. In the third century we find traces of its pre- 
 sence in Armenia. Paul himself made his way into Arabia 
 (Gal. i. 17). In the third century Origen received an invi- 
 tation from a T^yov/xevos rrj<i 'Apa^ta?, who wished to receive 
 information about Christianity. At another time he ac- 
 cepted a call from that country in order to settle an ecclesi- 
 astical disiDute (§ 33, 6). From Alexandria,^ where Mark 
 had exercised his ministry, the Christian faith spread out 
 into other portions of Africa, into Cj^rene and among the 
 Coptic races, neighbouring upon the Egyptians properly 
 so-called. The church of proconsular Africa, with Carthage 
 for its capital, stood in close connection with Rome, 
 ]^Iauretania and Numidia had, even in the third century, so 
 many churches, that Cyprian could bring together at Car- 
 thage a Synod of eighty-seven bishops. In Gaul there were 
 several flourishing churches composed of colonies and 
 teachers from Asia Minor, such as the churches of Lyons, 
 Vienne, etc. At a later period seven missionary teachers 
 of the Christian faith came out of Italy into Gaul, among 
 whom was Dionysius, known as St. Denis, the founder of 
 
 I Inge, " So.ciet;yr in Rome luicler tbe Cigars," Lond,, 1887.
 
 § 22. PERSECUTIONS UNDER THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 75 
 
 the cliurcli at Paris. Tlie Roman colonies in tlie provinces 
 of the Rhine and the Danube had several flourishing con- 
 gregations as early as the third century. 
 
 The emptiness and corruption of paganism was the nega- 
 tive, the divine power of the gospel was the positive, means 
 of this wonderful extension. This divine power was mani- 
 fested in the zeal and self-denial of Christian teachers and 
 missionaries (§ 34, 1), in the life and walk of Christians, in 
 the brotherly love which they showed, in the steadfastness 
 and confidence of their faith, and above all in the joyfulness 
 with which they met the cruellest of deaths by martyrdom. 
 The blood of the martyrs was the seed of the church, and 
 it was not an unheard-of circumstance that the executioners 
 of those Christian witnesses became their successors in the 
 noble army of confessors. 
 
 § 22. Persecutions of the Christians in the 
 Roman Empire .^ 
 
 The Law of the Twelve Tables had already forbidden the 
 exercise of foreign modes of worship w^ithin the Roman 
 empire {Religlones peregrince, Collegia illicitci), for religion 
 was exclusively an affair of the state and entered most 
 intimately into all civil and municipal relations, and on this 
 account whatever endangered the national religion was re- 
 garded as necessarily imperilling the state itself. Political 
 considerations, however, led to the granting to conquered 
 nations the free use of their own forms of worship. This 
 concession did not materially help Christianity after it 
 had ceased, in the time of Nero, to be regularly confounded 
 by the Roman authorities with Judaism, as had been the 
 case in the time of Claudius, and Judaism, after the de- 
 struction of Jerusalem, had been sharply distinguished from 
 
 1 Uhlhorn, "Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism." Steere, 
 " Accoimt of the Persecutions of the Church uwder the l^oman Emperors,"
 
 76 THE GR^CO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 it. It publicly proclaimed its intention to completel}^ dis- 
 lodge all other religions, and the rapidity with which it 
 spread showed how energetically its intentions were carried 
 out. The close fellowship and brotherliness that prevailed 
 among Christians, as well as their exclusive, and during 
 times of persecution even seci'et assemblies, aroused the 
 suspicion that they had political tendencies. Their with- 
 drawal from civil and military services on account of the 
 pagan ceremonies connected with them, especially their 
 refusal to burn incense before the statues of the emperor, 
 also the steadfastness of their faith, which was proof 
 against all violence and persuasion alike, their retiredness 
 from the world, etc., were regarded as evidence of their 
 indifference or hostility to the general well-being of the 
 state, as invincible stiff-neckedness, as contumacj', sedition, 
 and high treason. The heathen populace saw in the 
 Christians the sacrilegious enemies and despisers of their 
 gods; and the Christian religion, which was without 
 temples, altars and sacrifices, seemed to them pure Atheism. 
 The most horrible calumnies, that in their- assemblies 
 (Agapa^) the vilest immoralities were practised (Concuiitns 
 CEdipodei), children slain and human flesh eaten {EpuJce 
 Thyestece, comp. § 3G, 5), were readily believed. All public 
 misfortunes were thus attributed to the wrath of the gods 
 against the Christians, who ti'eated them with contempt. 
 Non pjluit Bens, due ad Christianos! The heathen priests 
 also, the temple servants and the image makers were always 
 ready in their own common interests to stir up the suspicions 
 of the people. Under such circumstances it is not to be 
 wondered at that the fire of persecution on the part of the 
 heathen people and the heathen state continued to rage 
 for centuries. 
 
 1. Claudius, Nero and Domitian, — Regarding the Emperor Tiberins (v.d 
 14-.S7), we meet iu Tertullian with tlie undoubtedly baseless tradition,
 
 § 22. TEESECUTIONS UNDER THE EOMAN EMPIRE. 77 
 
 tliat, impressed by the story told hira by Pilate, lie proposed to the 
 Senate to introduce Christ among the gods, and on the rejection of 
 this proposal, threatened the accusers of the Christians with punishment. 
 The statement in Acts xviii. 2, that the Emperor Claudius (a.d. 41-54) 
 expelled from Rome all Jews and with them many Christians also, is 
 illustrated in a very circumstantial manner by Suetonius : Claudius 
 Judccos impulsore Chresto assidue tumultuavtes Roma cxpulit. The 
 tumults, therefore, between the Jews and the Christians, occurring about 
 the year 51 or 52, gave occasion to this decree. The first persecution 
 of the Christians proceeding from a Roman ruler which was directed 
 against the Christians as such, was carried out by the Emperor Nero 
 (a.d. 54-C8) in the year 64, in consequence of a nine days' conflagration 
 in Rome, the origin of which was commonly ascribed by the people to 
 the Emperor himself. Kero, however, laid the blame upon the hated 
 Christians, and perpetrated upon them the most ingeniously devised 
 cruelties. Sewn up in skins of wild animals they were cast out to be 
 devoured of dogs ; others were crucified, or wrapt in tow and besmeared 
 with pitch, they were fixed upon sharp spikes in the imperial gardens 
 where the people gathered to behold gorgeous spectacles, and set on fire 
 to lighten up the night (Tac, Ann., xv. 44). After the death of Nero 
 the legend spread among the Christians, that he was not dead but had 
 withdrawn beyond the Euphrates, soon to return as Antichrist. Nero's 
 persecution seems to have been limited to Rome, and to have ended 
 with his death.— It was under Domitian (a.d. 81-9C) that individual 
 Christians were for the first time subjected to confiscation of goods and 
 banishment for godlessness or the refusal to conform to the national 
 religion. Probably also, the execution of his own cousin, the Consul 
 Flavius Clemens, on account of his dde6Tr]s and his i^oKtWeiv ei's rd twv 
 'lovSaiuv t6r] (Dio Cass., Ixvii. 14), as well as the banishment of Clemens' 
 wife, Flavia Domitilla (a.d. 93), was really on account of their attach- 
 ment to the Christian faith (§ 30,3). The latter at least is proved by 
 two inscriptions in the catacombs to have been undoubtedly a Christian. 
 Domitian insisted upon having information as to the political signifi- 
 cance of the kingdom of Christ, and brought from Palestine to Rome 
 two relatives of Jesus, grandsons of Jude, the brother of the Lord, but 
 their hands horny with labour satisfied him that his susj^icious had 
 been unfounded. The philanlhroiiic Emperor Nerva (a.d. 06-98) recalled 
 the exiles and did not listen to those who clamoured bitterly against 
 the Christians, but Christianity continued after as well as before a 
 Eeligo ilUcita, or rather was now reckoned such, after it had been more 
 distinctly separated from Judaism.' 
 
 1 Renau, " Antichrist." Lond., 1874. Merivale, " Hist, of Rom. Emp." 
 Yo!s. V. vi. Lond , 1856, 1S58. Fan-ar's "Early Days of Christianity."
 
 78 THE GRiECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 2. Trajau and Hadrian. — With Trajan (a.d. 98-117), whom historians 
 rightly .describe as a just, earnest, aud mild ruler, the persecutions of the 
 Cliristians enter upon a new stage. He renewed the old strict prohibi- 
 tion of secret societies, lictcerce, which could easily be made to apply to 
 the Christians. In consequence of this law the younger Pliny, as 
 Governor of Bithynia, punished with death those who were accused as 
 Christians, if they would not abjure Christianity. But his doubts being 
 awakened by the great number of every rank and age and of both sexes 
 against whom accusations were brought, and in consequence of a careful 
 examination, which showed the Christians to be morally pure and 
 politically iindeserving of suspicion and to be guilty only of stubborn 
 attachment to their superstition, he asked definite instructions from the 
 Emperor. Trajan approved of what he had done and what he proposed ; 
 the Christians were not to be sought after and anonymous accusations 
 were not to be regarded, but those formally complained of and convicted, 
 if they stubbornly refused to sacrifice to the gods and burn incense before 
 the statiies of the Emperor were to be punished with death (a.d. 112). 
 This imperial rescript continued for a long time the legal standard for 
 judicial procedure with reference to the Christians. The persecution 
 under Trajau extended even to Syria and Palestine. In Jerusalem the 
 aged bishop Simeon, the successor of James, accused as a Christian 
 aud a descendant of David, after being cruelly scourged, died a martyr's 
 death on the cross in a.d. 107. The martyrdom, too, of the Antiochcan 
 bishop, Ignatius, in all probability took place during the reign of Trajan 
 ^§ 30, 5). An edict of toleration supposed to have been issued at a later 
 period by Trajan, a copy of which exists in Syriac and Armenian, is 
 now proved to be apocryphal. — During the reign of Hadrian (a.d. 
 117-108), the people began to carry out in a tumultuous way the execu- 
 tion of the Christians on the occasion of the heathen festivals. On the 
 representation of the proconsul of Asia, Serenius Granianus, Hadrian 
 issued a rescript addi-essed to his successor, Minucius Fundanus, against 
 such acts of violence, but executions still continued carried out 
 according to the forms of law. The genuineness of the rescript, how- 
 ever, as given at the close of the first Apology of Justin Martyr, has 
 been recently disputed by many. In Rome itself, between a.d. 135 and 
 A.D. 137, bishop Telesphorus, with many other Christians, fell as victims 
 of the persecution. The tradition of the fourth century, that Hadrian 
 wished to build a temple to Christ, is utterly without historical founda- 
 tion. His unfavourable disposition toward the Christians clearly appears 
 from this, that he caused a temple of Venus to be built upon the spot 
 
 Lond., 1884. Bk. I. pp. 1-44. Mommseu, " Hist, of Rome." G vols. 
 Lund., 1875 If.
 
 § 22. PEESECUTIONS UNDER THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 79 
 
 where Clnist was cnicilietl, and a statue of Jupiter to be erected on the 
 rock of the sepulchre, in order to poUute those places which Christians 
 held most sacred. 
 
 3. Autoniuus Pius and Marcus Aureliirs. — Under Antoninus Pins (a.d. 
 138-lGl), the tumultuous charges of the people against the Christians, 
 on account of visitations of pestilence in many places, were renewed, 
 but the mildly disposed emperor sought to protect them as much as 
 possible from violence. The rescript, however, Ad Commune Asia, 
 which bears his name is very probably of Christian authorship. — The 
 persecutions again took a new turn under Marcus Aurelius (a.d. lGl-180) 
 who was, both as a man and a ruler, one of the noblest figures of an- 
 tiquity. In the pride of his stoical wisdom, however, despising utterly 
 the enthusiasm of the Christians, he not only allowed free scope to the 
 popular hatred, but also introduced the system of espionage, giving 
 to informers the confiscated property of the Christians, and even per- 
 mitting the use of torture, in order to compel them to recant, and thus 
 gave occasion to unexampled triumphs of Christian heroism. At Rome, 
 the noble Apologist Justin Martyr, denounced by his opponent the i^hilo- 
 sopher Crescens, after cruel and bloody scourging, died under the exe- 
 cutioner's axe about a.d. 16-5 (§ 30, 9). — In regard to a very severe 
 persecution endured by the church of Smyrna, we possess an original 
 report of it sent from that church to one closely related to it, embellished 
 with legendary details or interpolated, which Eusebius has incorporated 
 in his Church History. The substance of it is a description of the 
 glorious martyr death of their aged bishop Polycarp (§ 30, 6), who, 
 because he refused to curse the Lord wbom he had served for eighty-six. 
 years, was made to mount the funeral pile, and while rejoicing in the 
 midst of the flames, received the crown of martyrdom. According to 
 the story the flames gathered around him like a wiud-fiUed sail, and 
 when a soldier pierced him with his sword, suddenly a white dove flcw 
 up ; moreover the glorified spirit also appeared to a member of the 
 church in a vision, clothed in a white garment. Eusebius places 
 the date of Polycarp's death shortly before a.d. 1G6. But since it has 
 been shown by Waddington, on the basis of an examination of recently 
 discovered inscriptions, that the proconsul of Asia, Statins Quadratus, 
 mentioned in the report of the church of Smyrna, did not hold that 
 office in a.d. IGC, but in a.d. 155-156, the most important authorities 
 have come to regard either a.d. 155 or a.d. 156 as the date of his mar- 
 tyrdom. Still some whose opinions are worthy of respect refuse to 
 accept this view, pointing out the absence of tliat chronological state- 
 ment from the report in Eusebius and to its irreconcilability with the 
 otherwise well-supported facts, that Polj'carp was on a visit to Rome 
 in A.D. 155 (§ 37, 2), and that the reckoning of the day of his death in 
 the report as cjtos (ja!3i3dTov fieyaXov Vv'ould suit indeed the Easter of
 
 80 THE GE.5:C0-E0MAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 A.D. 155, as well as that of a.d. 166, but not that of a.d. 156.* The legend 
 of the Leijio fulminatrix, that ha the war against the Marcomauni in 
 A.D. 174 the praj-ers of the Christian soldiers of this legion called forth 
 rain and thunder, and thus saved the Emperor and bis army from the 
 danger of perishing by thirst, whereupon this modified law against 
 the accusers of the Christians was issued, has, so far as the first part 
 is concerned, its foundation in history, only that the heathen on the 
 other hand ascribed the miracle to their prayer to Jupiter Fluvius.^ — • 
 Regarding the persecution at Lyons and Vienne in a.d. 177, we also 
 possess a contemporary report from the Christian church of these places 
 (§ 32, 8). Bishop Pothinus, in his ninetieth year, sank under the effects 
 of tortures continued dui-ing many days in a loathsome prison. The 
 young and tender slave-girl Blandiua was scourged, her body scorched 
 upon a red-hot iron chair, her limbs torn by wild beasts and at last her 
 life taken ; but under all her tortures she continued to repeat her joyful 
 confession : " I am a Christian and nothing wicked is tolerated among 
 us." Under similar agonies the boy Ponticus, in his fifteenth year, 
 showed similar heroism. The dead bodies of the martyrs were laid in 
 heaps upon the streets, until at last they were burnt and their ashes 
 strewn upoa the Rhone. Commodus (a.d. 180-192), the son of Marcus 
 Aurelius, who in every other respect was utterly disreputable, influenced 
 by his mistress Marcia, showed himself inclined, by the exercise of his 
 clemency, to remit the sentences of the Christians. The persecution 
 at Scillita in North Africa, during the first year of the reign of Commo- 
 dus, in which the martyr Speratus suffered, together with eleven com- 
 panions, was carried out in accordance with the edict of Marcus 
 Aurelius. 
 
 4. Septimius Severus and Maximinus Thrax. — Septimius Sevems (a.d. 
 193-211), whom a Christian slave, Proculus, had healed of a sickness 
 by anointing with oil, was at first decidedly favourable to the Christians. 
 Even in a.d. 197, after his triumphal entrance into Rome, he took them 
 under his personal protection when the popular clamour, which such a 
 celebration was fitted to excite, was raised against them. The judicial 
 persecution, too, which some years later, a.d. 200, his deputy in North 
 Africa carried on against the Christians on the basis of existing laws 
 because they refused to sacrifice to the genius of the Emperor, he may 
 not have been able to jireveut. On the other hand, he did himself, in 
 A D. 202, issue an edict which forbade conversions to Judaism and Christ- 
 ianity. The storm of persecution thereby excited was directed therefore 
 first of all and especially against the catechumens and the neo23hytes, 
 
 ' Eenan, " Marcus Aurelius." Lond., 1883. Lightfoot, " Ignatius and 
 Polycarp." 3 vols. Lond., 1885. 
 
 - L'glitfoot, " Ignatius." \oL i. pp. 469-476.
 
 § 22. TERSECUTIONS UNDER THE EOMAN EMPIRE. 81 
 
 but frequently also, overstepping the letter of the edict, it was turned 
 against the older Christians. The persecution seems to have been 
 limited to Egypt and North Africa. At Alexandria Leouidas, the father 
 of Origen, was beheaded. The female slave, Potamiffiua, celebrated as 
 much for her moral jjurity as for her beauty, was accused by her master, 
 whose evil passions she had refused to gratify, as a Christian, and was 
 given over to the gladiators to be abused. She succeeded, however, in 
 defending herself from pollution, and was then, along with her mother 
 Marcella, slowly dipped into boiling pitch. The soldier, Basilides by 
 name, who should have executed the sentence himself embraced Christ- 
 ianity, and was beheaded. The persecution raged with equal violence 
 and cruelty in Carthage. A young v.'oman of a noble family, Perpctua, 
 in her twenty-second year, in spite of imprisonment and torture, and 
 though the infant in her arms and her weej^ing pagan father appealed 
 to her heart's affections, continued true to her faith, and was thrown to 
 be tossed on the horns of a wild cow, and to die from the dagger of 
 a gladiator. The slave girl Felicitas w^ho, in the same prison, became 
 a mother, showed similar courage amid similar sufferings. Persecution 
 smouldered on throughout the reign of Septimius, showing itself in 
 sejiarate sporadic outbursts, but was not renewed under his sou and 
 successor Caracalla (a.d. 211-217), who in other respects during his 
 reign stained with manifold cruelties, did little to the honour of those 
 Christian influences by which in his earliest youth he had been sur- 
 rounded (" lacte Christiano ediicatus," Tert.). — That Christianity should 
 have a place given it among the senseless religions favoured by Ela- 
 gabalus or Heliogabalus (a.d. 218-222), was an absurdity which neverthe- 
 less secured for it toleration and quiet. His second wife, Severina or 
 Severa, to whom Hippolytus dedicated his treatise Hepi dvao-rdo-ews, 
 was the first empress friendly to the Christians. Alexander Severus 
 (a.d. 222-235), embracing a noble eclecticism, placed among his house- 
 hold gods the image of Christ, along with those of Abraham, Ori^heus, 
 and ApoUonius of Tyana, and showed himself well disposed toward the 
 Christians ; while at the same time his mother, Julia Mammsea, encour- 
 aged and furthered the scholarly studies of Origen. The golden saying 
 of Christ, Luke vi. 31, was inscribed upon the gateway of his palace. 
 His murderer, Maximinus Tbrax (a.d. 235-238), from very opposition to 
 his predecessor, became at once the enemy of the Christians. Clearly 
 perceiving the high importance of the clergy for the continued existence 
 of the church, his persecuting edict was directed solely against them. 
 The imperial position which he had usurped, however, was not suffi- 
 ciently secure to allow him to carry out his intentions to extremities. 
 Under Gordianus the Christians had rest, and Philip the Arabian (a.d. 
 2'44-249) favoured them so openly and decidedly, that it came to be 
 thought that he himself had been a Christian. 
 
 G
 
 82 THE GE-^CO-EOMAN CHUECII, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 5. Decins, Gallus aud Valerianiis. — Soon afttr the accession of Decius 
 (a.d. 2-49-251), in the j-ear 250, a new iDcrsecution broke out that lasted 
 without interruption for ten years. This was the first general perse- 
 cution and was directed at first against the recognised heads of the 
 churches, but by-and-by was extended more widely to all ranks, and 
 exceeded all previous persecutions by its extent, the dcliberateuess of its 
 plan, the rigid determination with which it was conducted, and the 
 cruelties of its execution. Decius was a prudent ruler, an earnest man 
 of the old school, endued with an indomitable will. But it was just 
 this that drove him to the conclusion that Christianity, as a godless 
 system and one opposed to the interests of the state, must be sum- 
 marily sui:)pressed. All possible means, such as confiscation of goods, 
 banishment, severe tortures, or death, were tried in order to induce 
 the Christians to yield. Very many spoiled by the long peace that 
 they had enjoyed gave way, but on the other hand crowds of 
 Christians, impelled by a yearning after the crown of martyrdom, gave 
 themselves up joyfully to the prison and the stake. Those who fell 
 away, the lapsi, were classified as the Tlnirificati or Sacrificati, who 
 to save their lives had burnt incense or sacrificed to the gods, and 
 Libellailci, who without doing this had purchased a certificate from 
 the magistrates that they had done so, and Acta facientes, who had 
 issued documents giving false statements regarding their Christianity. 
 Those were called Confessorcs who publicly professed Christ and re- 
 mained steadfast under persecution, but escaped with their lives; those 
 were called Martyrs who witnessing with their blood, suffered death 
 for the faith they professed. The Eoman church could boast of a 
 whole series of bishops who fell victims to the storm of persecution : 
 Fabiauus in a.d. 250, and Cornelius in a.d. 253, probably also Lucius 
 in A.D. 254, and Stephanus in a.d. 257. And as in Eome, so also in 
 the provinces, whole troojas of confessors aud martyrs met a joyful 
 death, not only from among the clergy, but also from among the general 
 members of the church. — Then again, under Gallus (a.d. 251-253), the 
 persecution continued, excited anew by plagues and famine, but was 
 in many ways restricted by political embarrassment. Valerianus (a.d. 
 253-260), from being a favourer of the Christians, began from a.d. 257, 
 under the influence of his favourite Macrianns, to show himself a 
 determined persecutor. The Christian pastors were at first banished, 
 and since this had not the desired effect, they were afterwards punished 
 with death. At this time, too, the bishop of Carthage, Cyprian, who 
 under Decius had for a short season withdrawn by flight into the 
 wilderness, won for himself the martyr's crown. So, likewise, in a.d. 258, 
 Buffered Sixtus II. of Eome. The Eoman bishoj) was soon followed by 
 his deacon Laurentius, a hero among Christian martyrs, who pointed 
 the avaricious governor to the sick, the poor and the orphans of the
 
 § 22. PERSECUTIONS UNDER THE ROMAN EMPIRE. So 
 
 congregation as the treasures of the church, and was then Lurut ahvo 
 on a tire of glowing coal. But Valerian's son, Gallienus (a.d. 260-268), 
 by an edict addressed to the bishops, abolished the special persecuting 
 statutes issued by his father, without, however, as he is often erroneously 
 said to have done, formally recognising Christianity as a Religlo Ucita. 
 The Christians after this enjoyed a forty years' rest ; for the commonly 
 reported cruel persecution of Christians under Claudius II. (a.d. 268-270) 
 has been proved to be a pure fable of apocryphal Acts of the Martyrs ; 
 and also the persecution planned by Aurelian (a.d. 270-275), toward the 
 close of his reign, was prevented by his assassination committed by a 
 pngan officer. 
 
 6. Diocletian and Galerius. — When Diocletian (a.d. 281-305) was pro- 
 claimed Emperor by the army in Chalcedon, he chose Nicomedia in 
 Bithynia as his residence, and transferred the conduct of the war to 
 the general Maximianus Herculius with tlie title of Caesar, who, after 
 the campaign had been closed successfully in a.d. 286, was raised to the 
 rank of Augustus or joint-Emperor. New harassmeuts from within 
 and from without led the two Emperors in a.d. 286 to name two Cffisars, 
 or sub-Emperors, who by their being adopted were assured of succession 
 to imperial rank. Diocletian assumed the administration of the East, 
 and gave vrp lUyricum as far as Poutus to his Cffisar and son in-law 
 Galerius. Maximian undertook the government of the West, and 
 surrendered Gaul, Spain and Britaiu to his Ctesar, Constantius Chlorus. 
 Accordhig to Martyrologies, there was a whole legion, called legio 
 Thebaica, that consisted of Christian soldiers. This legion was origin- 
 ally stationed in the East, but was sent into the war against the Gauls, 
 because its members refused to take part in the persecution of their 
 brethren. After suffering decimation twice over without any result, it 
 is said that Maximian left this legion, consisting of 6,600 men, along 
 with its commander St. Maurice, to be hewn down in the pass of 
 Agauuirm, now called St. Moritz, in the Canton Valais. According to 
 Rettberg,' the historical germ of this consists in a tradition reported by 
 Theodoret as originating during the fifth or sixth century, in a letter 
 of Eucherius bishop of Lyons, about the martyrdom of St. Maurice, 
 v>fho as Tribunus Militum was executed at Apamea along with seventy 
 soldiers, by the orders of Maximian. liocletian, as the elder and 
 supreme Emperor, was an active, benevolent, clear-sighted statesman 
 and ruler, but also a zealous adherent of the old religion as regenerated 
 by Neo-platonic influences (§ 2i, 2), and as such was inclined to hold 
 Christianity responsible for many of the internal troubles of his king- 
 dom. He -was restrained from interfering with the Christians, however, 
 by the policy of toleration which had prevailed since the time of Gallienus, 
 
 ^ "Kirchengesch. v. Dtschl." I. 94.
 
 84 THE GRiECO-ROMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 as well as by his own benevolent disposition, and not least by the 
 political consideration of the vast numbers of the Christian population. 
 His own wife Prisca and his daughter Valeria had themselves em- 
 braced Christianity, as well as very many, and these the truest and most 
 trustworthy, of the members of his household. Yet the incessant 
 importunities and whispered suspicions of Galerius were not without 
 success. In a.d. 298 he issued the decree, that all soldiers should take 
 part in the sacrificial rites, and thus obliged all Christian soldiers to 
 withdraw from the army. During a long sojourn in Nicomedia ho 
 finally prevailed upon the Emperor to order a second general perse- 
 cution ; yet even then Diocletian jiersisted that in it no blood should 
 be shed. This persecution opened in a.d. 303 with the imperial com- 
 mand to destroy the stately church of Nicomedia. Soon after an edict 
 was issued forbidding all Christian assemblies, ordering the destruction 
 of the churches, the burning of the sacred scriptures, and depriviug 
 Christians of their offices and of their civil rights. A Clnistian tore up 
 the edict and was executed. Fire broke out in the imperial palace and 
 Galerius blamed the Christians for the fire, and also charged them 
 with a conspiracy against the life of the Emperor. A persecution then 
 began to rage throughout the whole Roman empire, Gaul, Spain and 
 Britain alone entirely escaping owing to the favour of Coustantius 
 Chlorus who governed these regions. All conceivable tortures and 
 modes of death were practised, and new and more horrible devices were 
 invented from day to day. Diocletian, who survived to a.d. 313, and 
 Maximian, abdicated the imperial rank which they had jointly held in 
 A.D. 305. Their places were filled by those who had been jareviously 
 their C^sars, and Galerius as now the chief Augustus proclaimed as 
 Cajsars, Severus and Maximinus Daza, the most furious enemies of the 
 Christians that could be found, so that the storm of persecution which 
 had already begun in some measure to abate, was again revived in 
 Italy by Severus and in the East by Maximinus. Then in order to 
 bring all Christians into inevitable contact with idolatrous rites, 
 Galerius in a.d. 308 had all victuals in the markets sprinkled with wine 
 or water that had been offered to idols. Seized with a terrible illness, 
 mortification beginning in his living body, he finally admitted the 
 uselessness of all his efforts to root out Christianity, and shortly before 
 his death, in common with his colleague, he issued in a.d. 311, a 
 formal edict of toleration, which permitted to all Christians the free 
 exercise of their religion and claimed in return their intercession for 
 the emperor and the empire. ^ — During this persecution of unexami^led 
 cruelty, lasting without intermission for eight years, many noble 
 proofs were given of Christian heroism and of the joyousness that 
 martyrdom inspired. The number of the Lapsi, though still consider- 
 able, was in proportion very much less than under the Decian perse-
 
 § 22. PERSECUTIONS UNDER THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 85 
 
 cution. How much truth, if any, there may have been in the Later 
 assertion of the Donatists (§ 63, 1), that even the Roman bisliop, 
 Marcellinus (a.d. 29G-304), and his presbyters, Melchiatles, MarceUus 
 and Sylvester, who were also his successors in the bishopric, had 
 denied Christ and sacrificed to idols, cannot now be ascertained. Augus- 
 tine denies the charge, but even the Felician Catalogue of the Popes 
 reports that Marcellinus during the persecution became a Thnrijicatiis, 
 adding, however, the extenuation, that he soon thereafter, seized with 
 deep penitence, suffered martyrdom. The command to deliver up the 
 sacred writings gave rise to a new order of apostates, the so-called 
 Traditores. Many had recourse to a subterfuge by surrendering here- 
 tical writings instead of the sacred books and as such, but the earnest 
 spirit of the age treated these as no better than traditors} 
 
 7. Maximinus Daza, Maxentius and Licinius. — After the death of 
 Galerius his place was taken by the Dacian Licinius, who shared with 
 Maximinus the government of the East, the former taking the Euro- 
 pean, the latter the Asiatic part along with Egypt. Constantius 
 Chlorus had died in a.d. 30G, and Galerius had given to the Caesar 
 Severus the empire of the West. But the army proclaimed Constantine, 
 son of Constantius, as Emperor. He also established himself in Gaul, 
 Spain and Britain. Then also Maxentius, son of the abdicated emperor 
 Maximian, claimed the Western Empire, was proclaimed Augustus by 
 the Praetorians, recognised by the Roman senate, and after the over- 
 throw of Severus, ruled in Italy and Africa. — The pagan fanaticism 
 of Maximinus prevailed against the toleration edict of Galeriau. He 
 heartily sui^ported the attempted expulsion of Christians on the part 
 of several prominent cities, and commended the measure on brazen 
 tablets. He forbade the building of churches, punished many with 
 fines and dishonour, inflicted in some cases bodily pains and even 
 death, and gave ofiicial sanction to perpetrating upon them all sorts 
 of scandalous enormities. The Acta Pilati, a pagan pseudepigraph 
 filled with the grossest slanders about the passion of Christ, was widely 
 circulated by him and introduced as a reading-book for the young in 
 the public schools. Constantine, who had inherited from his father 
 along with his Neo-platonic eclecticism his toleration of the Christians, 
 secured to the professors of the Christian faith in his realm the most 
 perfect quiet. Maxentius, too, at first let them alone; but the rivalry 
 and enmity that was daily increasing between him and Constantine, 
 the favourer of the Christians, drew him into close connection with the 
 pagan party, and into sympatliy with their persecuting spirit. In 
 A.D. 312 Constantine led his army over the Alps. Maxentius oppased 
 him with an army drawn up in three divisions ; but Constantine pressed 
 
 ' Mason, " The Persecution of Diocletian." Cambridge, 1S76.
 
 8G THE GRiECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 on victorioiislj', and shattered Lis opponent's forces before the gates 
 of Rome. Betaking himself to flight, Maxentius Avas drowned in the 
 Tiber, and Constantine was then sole ruler over the entire Western 
 Empire. At Milan he had a conference with Licinius, to whom he gave 
 in marriage his sister Constantia. They jointly issued an edict in 
 A.D. 313, which gave toleration to all forms of worship throughout the 
 empire, expressly permitting conversion to Christianity, and ordering 
 the restoration to the Christians of all the churches that had been taken 
 from them. Soon thereafter a decisive battle was fought between 
 Maximinus and Licinius. The former was defeated and took to flight. 
 The friendly relations that had subsisted between Constantine and 
 Licinius gave way gradually to estrangement and were at last succeeded 
 by open hostility. Licinius by manifesting zeal as a persecutor 
 identified himself with the pagan party, and Constantine threw in his 
 lot with the Christians. In a.d. 323 a war broke out between tbese 
 two, like a struggle for life and death between Paganism and Christi- 
 anity. Licinius was overthrown and Constantine was master of the 
 whole empire (§ 42, 2). Eusebius in his Vita Constantini reports, on 
 the basis probably of a sworn statement of the emperor, that during 
 the exjDedition against Maxexitius in a.d. 312, after praying for the aid 
 of the higher powers, when the sun was going down, he saw in heaven 
 a shilling cross in the sun with a bright inscription: tovtu) viKa, During 
 the night Christ appeared to him in a dream, and commanded him to 
 take the cross as his standard in battle and with it to go into battle 
 confident of victory. In his Church History, Eusebius makes no 
 mention of this tradition of the vision. On the other hand there is 
 here the fact, contested indeed by critics, that after the victory over 
 Maxentius the emperor had erected his statue in the Roman Forum, 
 with the cross in his hand, and bearing the inscription : "By this sign 
 of salvation have I delivered your city from the yoke of the tyrant." 
 This only is certain, that the imperial standard, which had the un- 
 explained name Labarum, bore the sign of the cross with the monogram 
 of the name of Christ. 
 
 § 23. Controversial Writings of Paganish. 
 
 Pagan writers in their published works passed spiteful 
 and contemptuous judgments upon Christians and Christ- 
 ianity (Tacitus, Pliny, Marcus Aurelius, and the physician 
 Galen), or, like the rhetorician Pronto, argued against them 
 with violent invective ; Avhile popular wit ran riot in re- 
 presenting Christianity hy word and picture as the devout
 
 § 23. CONTROVERSIAL WRITIxXGS OF PAGANISM. 87 
 
 worship of an ass. Biit even the talented satirist Lucian 
 of Samosata was satisfied with ridiculing the Christians as 
 senseless fools. The first and also the most important of 
 all really pagan advocates was Celsus, who in the second 
 centur}", with brilliant subtlety and scathing sarcasm 
 sought to prove that the religion of the Christians was 
 the very climax of unreason. In respect of ability, keen- 
 ness and bitterness of polemic he is closely followed by the 
 Neo-platonist Poi'phyry. Tar beneath both stands Hiero- 
 cles, governor of Bithynia. Against such attacks the most 
 famous Christian teachers took the field as Apologists. 
 They disproved the calumnies and charges of the pagans, 
 demanded fair play for the Christians, vindicated Christ- 
 ianity by the demonstration of its inner truth, the witness 
 borne to it by the life and walk of Christians, its establish- 
 ment by miracles and prophecies, its agreement with the 
 utterances and longings of the most profound philosophers, 
 whose wisdom they traced mediately or immediately from 
 the Old Testament, and on the other hand, they sought 
 to show the nothingness of the heathen gods, and the 
 religious as well as moral perversity of paganism. 
 
 1. Lucian's Satks De Morte Peregnni takes the form of an account 
 given by Lucian to his friend Cronius of the Cynic Peregrinus Proteus' 
 burning of himself during the Olympic games of a.d. 1G5, of which he 
 himself was a witness. Peregrinus is described as a low, contemptible 
 man, a parricide and guilty of adultery, unnatural vice and drunkenness, 
 who having fled from his home in Palestine joined the Christians, learnt 
 their davfiaffri] ao^ia, became their prophet (§34, 1), Thiasarch (§ 17, 3) 
 and Synagogeus, and as such expounded their sacred writings, even 
 himself composed and addressed to the most celebrated Greek cities 
 many epistles containing new ordinances and laws. When cast into 
 prison he was the subject of the most extravagant attentions on the 
 part of the Christians. Their ypaidia and XW'^' (deaconesses) nursed 
 him most carefully, be2irva iroiKCXa and \6yoL lepoi (Agapffi) were celebrated 
 in his prison, they loaded him with presents, etc. Nevertheless on 
 leaving prison, on account of his having eaten a forbidden kind of meat 
 (flesh offered to idols) he was expelled by them. He now cast himself
 
 88 THE GR/ECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-023. 
 
 into the arms of the Cynics, travelled as the apostle of their views 
 through the whole world, and ended his life in his mad thirst for fame 
 by voluntarily casting himself upon the funeral pile. Lucian tells with 
 scornful sneer how the superstitious people supposed that there had been 
 an earthquake and that an eagle flew up from his ashes crying out : The 
 earth I have lost, to OlymiDUS I fly. This fable was believed, and even 
 yet it is said that sometimes Peregrinus will be seen in a white gar- 
 ment as a spirit. — It is undoubtedly recorded by Aulus Gellius that 
 a Cynic Peregrinus lived at this time whom he describes as vir gravis 
 et constans. This too is told by the Apologist Tatian, who in him mocks 
 at the pretension on the part of heathen philosojihers to emancipation 
 fi'om all wants. But neither of them knows anything about his Christ- 
 ianity or his death by fire. It is nevertheless conceivable that Peregrinus 
 had for some time connection with Christianity ; but without this as- 
 sumption it seems likely that Lucian in a satire which, under the com- 
 bined influence of personal and class antij^athies, aimed first and chiefly 
 at stigmatizing Cynicism in the person of Peregrinus, should j^lace Christ- 
 ianity alongside of it as what seemed to him with its contempt of the 
 world and self-denial to be a new, perhaps a nobler, but still nothing 
 moi-e than a species of Cynicism. Many features in the caricature which 
 he gives of the life, doings and death of Peregrinus seem to have been 
 derived by him from the life of the Apostle Paul as well as from the 
 account of the martyrdom of Ignatius, and especially from that of Polycarp 
 (§ 22, 3).i 
 
 2. Worshippers of aii Ass (Asiuavii) was a term of reproach that was 
 originally and from early times applied to the Jews. They now sought 
 to have it transferred to the Christians. TertuUian tells of a picture 
 publicly exhibited in Carthage which represented a man clothed in a 
 toga, with the ears and hoof of an ass, holding a book in his hand, and 
 had this inscription : Deus Christianorum Onochoetes. This name is 
 variously read. If read as opov xoTynjs, it means asini sacerdos. Along- 
 side of this we may place the picture, belonging probably to the third 
 century, discovered in a.d. 1858 scratclied on a wall among the ruins 
 of a school for the imperial slaves, that were then excavated. It re- 
 presents a man with an ass's head hanging on a cross, and beneath it 
 the caricature of a worshipper with the words written in a schoolboy's 
 hand ; Alexamenos worshi^js God ( A. o-e/Sere Oeov) ; evidently the derision 
 of a Christian youth by a pagan companion. The scratching on another 
 wall gives us probably the answer of the Christian : Alexamenos Jidelis. 
 
 3. Polemic properly so-called. — (a) The A670S oX-qO-fts of Celsus is in 
 great part preserved in the answer of Origen (§ 31, 5). He identifies 
 
 » Cotterill, " Peregrinus Proteus." Edin., 1879. Engl. Transl. of 
 Lucian's works, by Dr. Fraucklin. 4 vols. Lond., 1781.
 
 § 23. CONTliOYEKSIAL WIHTINGS OF PAGANISM. 89 
 
 the author with that Celsus to whom Liician dedicated the httle work 
 Alexander or Pseudomantis in which he so extols the philosophy of 
 Epicurus that it seems he must be regarded as an Epicurean. Sinre, 
 however, the philosophical standpoint of our Celsus is that of a Platonist 
 the assumption of the identity of the two has been regarded as un- 
 tenable. But even our Celsus does not seem to have been a pure 
 Platonist but an Eclectic, and as such might also show a certain measure 
 of favour to the philosophy of Epicurus. Their age is at least the same. 
 Lucian wrote that treatise soou after a.d. 180, and according to Keim, 
 the X6yos oK-qd-qs was probably composed about a.d. 178. Almost every- 
 thing that modern opponents down to our own day have advanced 
 against the gospel history and doctrine is found here wrought out with 
 original force and subtlety, inspired with burning hatred and bitter 
 irony, and highly spiced with invective, mockery, and wit. First of 
 all the author introduces a Jew who repeats the slanders current among 
 the Jews, representing Jesus as a vagabond impostor, His mother as 
 an adulteress. His miracles and resurrection as lying fables; then enters 
 a heathen philosoj^her who proves that both Judaism and Christianity 
 are absurd ; and finally, the conditions are set forth under which alone 
 tlie Christians might claim indulgence : the abandonment of their 
 exclusive attitude toward the national religion and the recognition of it 
 by their taking part in the sacrifices appointed by the state.' — (/>) The 
 Neo-platonist Porphyry, about A.n. 270, as reported by Jerome, in the 
 XV. Book of his Kara XpiaTiavQv points to a number of supposed con- 
 tradictions in holy scripture, calls attention to the conflict between 
 Paul and Peter (Gal. ii.), explains Daniel's prophecies as Vatuinia post 
 eventum, and censures the allegorical interpretation of the Christians. 
 Although even among the Christians themselves Porphyry as a philo- 
 sopher was highly esteemed, and notwithstanding contact at certain 
 points between his ethical and religious view of the world and that of 
 the Christians, perhaps just because of this, ho is the worst and most 
 dangerous of all their pagan assailants. Against his controversial 
 writings, therefore, the edict of Theodosius II. ordering them to be 
 burnt was directed in a.d. 448 (§ 42, 4), and owing to the zeal with 
 which his works were destroyed the greater part of the treatises which 
 tjuoted from it for purposes of controversy also perished with it — the 
 writings of Methodius of Tyre (§ 31, 9), Eusebius of Cajsarea (§ 47, 2), 
 Philostorgius (§ 5, 1) and ApoUinaris the younger (§ 47, 5). Of these 
 according to Jerome those of the last named were the most important. In 
 the recently discovered controversial treatise of Macarius Mngnes (§ 47, 
 C) an unnamed pagan philosopher is combated whose attacks, chiefly 
 
 ' Baur, " Christian Church in First Three Centuries." Lond., 1877. 
 " Celsus and Origcn," in vol. iv. of Froude's " Short Studies."
 
 90 THE GRiECO-ROMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 directed against the Gospels, to all appearance verbally agree with tlio 
 treatise of Porphyry, or rather, perhaps, with that of his plagiarist 
 Hierocles. — (c) Hierocles who as governor of Bithynia took an active part 
 in the persecution of Galerius, wrote two books Aoyot (pi.Xa'Xrjdeis against 
 the Christians, about a.d. 305, which have also perished. Eusebius' reply 
 refers only to his repudiation of the equality assigned to Christ and 
 ApoUonius of Tyana (§ 24, 1). While the title of his treatise is borrowed 
 from that of Celsus, he has also according to the testimony of Eusebius 
 in great part copied the very words of both of his predecessors. 
 
 § 24. Attempted Reconstruction of Paganism. 
 
 All its own more thoughtful adherents had long acknow- 
 ledged that paganism must undergo a thorough reform and 
 reconstruction if it were to continue any longer in exist- 
 ence. In the Augustan Age an effort was made to bolster 
 up Neopythagoreanism by means of theurgy and magic. 
 The chief representative of this movement was Apollonius 
 of Tyana, In the second century an attempt was made 
 to revivify the secret rites of the ancient mj^steries, of Dea 
 Syra, and Mithras. Yet all this was not enough. What 
 was needed was the setting up of a pogan system which 
 would meet the religious cravings of men in the same 
 measure as Christianity with its supernaturalism, mono- 
 theism and universalism had done, and would have the 
 absurdities and impurities that had disfigured the popular 
 religion stripped off. Such a regeneration of paganism was 
 undertaken in the beginning of the third century by Neo- 
 platonism. But even this was no more able than pagan 
 polemics had been to check the victorious career of Christ- 
 ianity. 
 
 1. ApoUonius of Tyana in Cappadocia, a contemporary of Christ and 
 the Apostles, was a philosopher, ascetic and magician esteemed among 
 the people as a worker of miracles. As an earnest adherent of the 
 doctrine of Pythagoras, whom he also imitated in his dress and manner 
 of life, claiming the possession of the gifts of prophecy and miracle 
 working, he astumed the role of a moral and religious reformer of the
 
 § 24. ATTEMPTED EECONSTRUCTION OF PAGANISM. 91 
 
 pngan religion of his father.?. Accompanied by numerous scholars, 
 teaching and working miracles, he travelled through the whole of the 
 then known world until he reached the wonderland of India. He settled 
 down at last in Ephesus where he died at an advanced age, having at 
 least passed his ninety-sixth year. At the wish of the Empress Julia, 
 wife of Septimius Severus, in the third century, Philostratus the elder 
 composed in the form of a romance in eight books based uj^on written 
 and oral sources, a biography of Apollonius, in which he is represented 
 as a heathen counterpart of Christ, who is otherwise completely ignored, 
 excelling Him in completeness of life, doctrine and miraculous powers.^ 
 
 2. In Neo-platonism, by the combination of all that was noblest and best 
 in the exoteric and esoteric religion, in the philosophy, theosophy and 
 theurgy of earlier and later times in East and West, we are presented with 
 a universal religion in which faith and knowledge, philosophy and tlieo- 
 logy, tlieory and practice, were so perfectly united and reconciled, and all 
 religious needs so fully met, that in comparison with its wealth and ful- 
 ness, the gnosis as well as the faith, the worship and the mysteries of the 
 Christians must liave seemed one-sided, commonplace and incomplete. 
 The first to introduce and commend this tendency, which was carried 
 out in three successive schools of philosophy, the Alexandrian-Eoman, 
 the Syrian and the Athenian, was the Alexandrian Amraouins Saccas, — ■ 
 this surname being derived from his occupation as a porter. He lived 
 and taught in Alexandria till about a.d. 2.50. He sought to combine in a 
 higher unity the Platonic and the Aristotelian philosophies, giving to the 
 former a normative autliority, and he did not hesitate to enrich his system 
 by the incorporation of Christian ideas. His knowledge of Christianity 
 came from Clement of Alexandria and from Origen, whose teacher in 
 philosophy he had been. Porphyry indeed affirms that he had previously 
 been himself a Christian, but had at a later period of life returned to 
 paganism. — The most distinguished of his scholars, and also the most 
 talented and profound of all the Neo-platouists, was Plotinus, who was in 
 A.D. 2oi a teacher of philosophy at Eome, and died in a.d. 270. His 
 philosophico-theological sj'stem in its characteristic features is a com- 
 bination of the Platonic antithesis of the finite world of sense and the 
 eternal world of ideas with the stoical doctrine of the world soul. The 
 eternal ground of all being is the one supramundane, unintelligible and 
 indescribable good [to eV, to dyadov), from which all stages of being are 
 radiated forth ; first, spirit or the world of ideas (uoDs, koct/jlos vorjros), the 
 eternal type of all being ; and then, from this the world soul (fi'xv) ; and 
 
 'Philostratus, " Life of Apollonius of Tyana." First 2 bks. Trausl. 
 by Blount. Loud., 1680. Newman, " Hist. Sketches." Yol. i. chap. ii. 
 '■ Apollonius of Tyana."
 
 92 THE GE^CO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D, 70-323. 
 
 from this, finally, the world of pbenomena. The outermost fringe of 
 this evolution, the forms of -which the further they are removed from 
 the original ground become more and more imperfect, is matter, just as 
 the shadow is the outermost fringe of the light. It is conceived of as 
 the finite, the fleeting, even as evil in itself. But imperfect as the world 
 of sense is, it is nevertheless the vehicle of the ideal world and in many 
 ways penetrated by the ideas, and the lighting up imparted by the ideas 
 affords it its beauty. In consequence of those rays shining in from the 
 realm of ideas, a whole vast hierarchy of divine forms has arisen, with 
 countless dfemons good and bad, which give room for the incorporation 
 of all the divine beings of the Greek and oriental mythologies. In this 
 way myths that were partly immoral and partly fantastic can be re- 
 habilitated as symbolical coverings of speculative ideas. The souls of 
 men, too, originate from the eternal world soul. By their transition, 
 however, into the world of sense they are hampered and fettered by 
 corporeity. They themselves complete their redemption through 
 emancipation from the bonds of sense by means of asceticism and the 
 practice of virtue. In this way they secure a return into the ideal world 
 and the vision of the highest good, sometimes as moments of ecstatic 
 mystical union with that world, even during this earthly life, but an 
 eternally unbroken continuance thereof is only attained unto after 
 complete emancipation from all the bonds of matter.* — Plotinus' most 
 celebrated scholar, who also wrote his life, and collected and arranged 
 his literary remains, was Porphyry. He also taught in Rome and died 
 there in a.d. 304. His eV- tQv Xoyiiov (piXocropla, a collection of oracular 
 utterances, was a positive supplement to his polemic against Christianity 
 (§23, 3), and afforded to paganism a book of revelation, a heathen bible, 
 as Philostratus had before sought to portray a heathen saviour. Of 
 greater importance for the development of mediaeval scholasticism was 
 his Commentary on the logical works of Aristotle, published in several 
 editions of the Aristotelian Organon. — His scholar lamblichus of Chalcis 
 in Coele-Syria, who died a.d. 333, was the founder of the Syrian school. 
 The development which he gave to the Neo-platonic doctrine consisted 
 chiefly in the incorporation of a fantastic oriental mythology and theurgy. 
 This also brought him the reputation of being a magician. — Finally, the 
 Athenian school had in Proclus, who died in a.d. 485, its most dis- 
 tinguished representative. While on the one hand, he proceeded along 
 the path opened by lamblichus to develop vagaries about daemons and 
 theurgical fancies, on the other hand, he gave to his school an impulse 
 in the direction of scholarly and encycloptedic culture. — The Neo-platonic 
 
 1 The works of Plotinus consist of 54 treatises arranged in 6 Enneads. 
 " Opera Omnia." ed. Creuzer." 3 vols. Oxon., 1835. Several of the 
 treatises trausl. into English by H. Taylor. Lond., 1794 and 1817.
 
 § 25. JEWISH AND SAMARITAN ENACTION. 03 
 
 siDeculation esercised no small iufliicuce on the ilevelopment of Cbiist- 
 ian philosophy. The philosophizing church fathers, whose darling was 
 Plato, got acquaintance with his philosophical views from its relatively 
 pure reproduction met with in the works of the older Neo-platonists. The 
 influence of their mystico-theosophic doctrine, especially as conveyed in 
 the writings of the Pseudo-Diouysius (§i7, 11), is particularly discernible 
 in the Christian mysticism of the middle ages, and has been thence 
 transmitted to modern times. ^ 
 
 § 25. Jewish and Samaritan Reaction. 
 
 The Judaism of the Apostolic Age in its most character- 
 istic form was thoroughly hostile to Christianity, The 
 Pharisees and the mass of the people with their expectation 
 of a political Messiah, took offence at a Messiah crucified b}^ 
 the Gentiles (1 Cor. i. 13) ; their national pride was wounded 
 by the gi-anting of equality to Samaritans and heathens, 
 while their legal righteousness and sham piety were exposed 
 and censured by the teachings of Christianity. On the other 
 side, the Sadducees felt no less called upon to fight to the 
 death against Christianity with its doctrine of the resurrec- 
 tion (Acts iv. 2 ; xxiii. 6). The same hostile feeling gener- 
 ally prevailed among the dispersion. The Jewish community 
 at Berea (Acts xvii. 2) is praised as a pleasing exception 
 to the general rule. Finally, in a.d. 70 destruction fell upon 
 the covenant people and the holy city. The Christian 
 church of Jerusalem, acting upon a warning uttered by the 
 Lord (Matt. xxiv. IG), found a place of refuge in the moun- 
 tain city of Pella, on the other side of Jordan. But Avlien 
 the Pseudo-Messiah, Bar-Cochba (Son of a Star, Num. xxiv. 
 17), roused all Palestine against the Roman rule, in a.d. 132, 
 the Palestinian Christians who refused to assist or recognise 
 the false Messiah, had again to endure a bloody persecution. 
 Bar-Cochba was defeated in A.D. 135. Hadrian now com- 
 
 ' Zeller, "History of Eclecticism in Greek Philosophy." Loud., 1831. 
 Uebersveg, " Hist, of Phil." Lond., 1872. Vol. i. pp. 240-2.52.
 
 94 THE GEiECO-ROMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 niiuided tliat upon pain of death no Jew should enter iElia 
 Capitolina, the Roman colony founded by him on the ruins 
 of Jerusalem. Erom that time they were deprived of all 
 power and opportunity for direct persecution of the 
 Christians. All the greater -was their pleasure at the 
 persecutions hj the heathens and their zeal in urging the 
 pagans to extreme measures. In their seminaries they gave 
 currency to the most horrible lies and calumnies about 
 Christ and the Christians, which also issued thence among 
 the heathens. On the other hand, however, they intensified 
 their own anti-Christian attitude and sought protection 
 against the advancing tide of Christianity by strangling all 
 spiritual movement under a mass of traditional interpreta- 
 tions and judgments of men. The Schools of Tiberias and 
 Babylon were the nurseries of this movement, and the 
 Talmud, the first part of wdiich, the Mishna, had its origin 
 during this period, marks the completion of this anti- 
 Christian self-jDetrifaction of Judaism. The disciples ot 
 John, too, assumed a hostile attitude toward Christianity, 
 and formed a distinct set under the name of Hemerobaptists. 
 Contemporaneously wdth the first successes of the Apostolic 
 mission, a current set in among the Samaritans calculated 
 to checkmate Christianity by the setting up of new religions. 
 Dositheus, Simon Magus and Menander here made their 
 appearance with claims to the Messiahship, and were at a 
 later period designated heresiarchs by the church fathers, 
 who believed that in them they found the germs of the 
 Gnostic heresy (§§ 2G ff.). 
 
 1. Disciples of Jolui. — Even after their master had beeu beheaded the 
 disciples of John the Baptist inaiutaiued a separate society of their own, 
 and reproached the disciples of Jesus because of their want of strict 
 ascetic discipline (Matt. ix. 14, etc.). The disciples of John in the Acts 
 (xviii. 25 ; xix. 1-7) were probably Hellenist Jews, who on their visits to 
 the feasts had been pointed bj' John to Christ, announced by him as 
 Messiah, without having any information as to the further developments
 
 § 25. JEWISH AND SAMARITAN REACTION. 95 
 
 of the Christiau community. About the middle of the second century, 
 however, the Clementine HomiUes (§ 28, 3), in which John the Baptist 
 is designated a ■^^e/jo^SaTrr/cm??, speaks of gnosticizing disciples of John, 
 who maybe identical with the Hemerobaptists, that is, those who practise 
 baptism daily, of Eusebius (Hint. Eccl.,iv. •22). They originated probably 
 from a coalition of Essenes (§ 8, 4) and disciples of the Baptist who when 
 orphaned by the death of John iDcrsistently refused to join the disciples 
 of Christ. — We hear no more of them till the Carmelite missionary John 
 a Jesu in Persia came upon a sect erroneously called Christians of St. 
 John or Nazoreans. ^ Authentic information about the doctrine, worship 
 and constitution of this sect that still numbers some hundred families, 
 was first obtained in the 19th century by an examination of their very 
 comprehensive sacred literature, written in an Aramaic dialect very 
 similar to that of the Babylonian Talmud. The most important of those 
 writings the so-called Great Book (Sidra rahha), also called Ginza, that 
 is, thesaurus, has been faithfully reproduced byPetermann under the title 
 Thesaurus s. Liber magnus, etc. 2 vols. Berl., 1867. — Among themselves 
 tbe adherents of this sect were styled Mandseans, after one of their 
 numerous divine beings or teous, Manda de cliaje, meaning yvu:aL7 rv}? j'w^y. 
 In their extremely complicated religious system, resembling in many 
 respects the Ophite Gnosis (§ 27, 6) and Manicheism (§ 29), this ^Eon 
 takes the place of the heavenly mediator in the salvation of the earthly 
 world. Among those without, how'ever, they called themselves Subba, 
 Sabeaiis from N3V or yi i to baptize. Although they cannot be identified 
 right off with the Disciples of John and Hemerobaptists, a historical 
 connection between them, carrying with it gnostic and oriental-heathen 
 influences, is highly probable. The name Sabean itself suggests this, 
 but still more the jjosition they assign to John the Baptist as the only- 
 true prophet over against Abraham, Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed. As 
 adherents of John the Baptist rejected by the Jews the old Disciples of 
 John had an anti-Jewish character, and by their own rejection of Christ 
 an anti- Christian character. By shifting their residence to Babylon, 
 however, they became so dependent on the Syro-Cbaldean mythology, 
 theosophy and theurgy, that they sank completely into iDaganism, and 
 so their opposition to Judaism and Christianity increased into fanatical 
 hatred and horrid calumniation. - 
 
 2. The Samaritan Heresiarchs. — (a) Dositlieus was according to Origen 
 a contemporary of Jesus and the Apostles, and gave himself out as the 
 prophet promised in Deut. xviii. 18. He insisted upon a curiously strict 
 
 ' " Narratio orig. rituum et error. Christianor. S. Joanuis." Ilom., 
 1652. 
 - Ewald, " Hist, of Israel." Loud., 183G. Vol. viii. p. 120.
 
 06 THE GE^ECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 observance of the Sabbath, aud according to Epiphanius he perished 
 miserably in a cave in consequence of an ostentatiously prolonged fact. 
 Purely fabulous are the stories of the Pseudo-Clementine writings (§ 28, 
 3) which bring him into contact with John the Baptist as his scholar 
 and successor, and with Simon Magus as his defeated rival. More 
 credible is the account of an Arabic-Samaritan Chronicle/ according to 
 \/hich the sect of the Dostauians at the time of Simon Maccabeus 
 traced their descent from a Samaritan tribe, while also the Catholic 
 heresiologies (§ 26, 4) reckon the Dositheans among the pre-Christian 
 sects. According to a statement of Eulogius of Alexandria recorded by 
 Photius, the Dositheans aud Samaritans in Egypt in a.d. 588 disputed 
 as to the meaning of Dent, xviii. 18. — (h) Simon Magus, born, according 
 to Justin Martyr, at Gitta in Samaria, appeared in his native country as 
 a soothsayer with such success that the infatuated people hailed him 
 as the Suva/jLis toO deoO i) KoXovfievri fieydXi]. When Philip the Deacon 
 preached the gospel in Samaria, Simon also received baptism from him, 
 hut was sternly denounced by Peter from whom he wished to buy the 
 gift of communicating the Spirit (Acts viii.). As to the identity of this 
 man with Simon the Magician, according to Josepbus hailing from 
 CypriTS, who induced the Herodian Drusilla to quit her husband and 
 become the wife of the Governor Felix (Acts xxiv. 24), it can scarcely 
 claim to be more than a probability. A vast collection of fabulous 
 legends soon grew up around the name of Simon Magus, not only from 
 the Gentile-Christian and Catholic side, but also from the Jewish- 
 Christian and heretical side ; the latter to be still met with in the 
 Fseudo-Clementine Homilies and Becognilions, while in the Acta Petri et 
 FauU, we Lave the Catholic revision and reproduction of the no longer 
 extant Ebionistic Acts of Peter (§ 32, 6). These Judaizing heretics par- 
 ticularly amused themselves by making a very slightly veiled vile cari- 
 cature of the great Apostle of the Gentiles by transferring to the name 
 of the magician many distorted representations of occurrences in the 
 life and works of the Apostle Paul. This representation, however, was 
 recognised in the Acts above referred to aud by the church fathers as 
 originally descriptive of Simon Magus. On the basis of this legendary 
 conglomerate Irena?us, after the example of Justin, describes him as 
 3Iagister ae progenitor omnium hccreticorum. From a house of ill fame 
 in Tyre he bought a slave girl Helena, to whom he assigned the role of 
 the world creating "Ewota of God. The angels born of her for the pur- 
 pose of creating the world had rebelled against her; she was enslaved, 
 and was imprisoned, sometimes in this, sometimes in that, human body ; 
 at one time in the body of Helen of Troy, aud at last in that of the 
 Tyrian prostitute. In order to redeem her and with her the world 
 
 » In de Sacy's " Chrestom. Arabe." 2 ed. I. 333. 
 
 J
 
 § 25. JEWISH a:;d samaeitan reaction. 97 
 
 cusLivcJ by the rebel augels, the supreme God (6 eorois) Himself came 
 ilowu and assumed the form of man, was born unbegotten of man, 
 suffered in appearance in Judea, and reveals Himself to the Samaritans 
 as Father, to the Jews as Son, and to the Gentiles as the Holy Spirit. 
 The salvation of man consists simply in acknowledging Simon and his 
 Helena as the supreme gods. By faith only, not by works, is man 
 justified. The law originated with the evil augels and was devised by 
 tliem merely to keep men in bondage under them. This last point is 
 evidently transferred to the magician partly from the Apostle Paul, 
 partly from Marcion (§ 27, 11), and is copied from Ebiouite sources. 
 The Simon myth is specially rich in legends about the magician's 
 residence in Rome, to which place he had betaken himself after being 
 often defeated in disputation by the Apostle Peter, and where he was so 
 successful that the Romans erected a column in his honour on an island 
 in the Tiber, which Justin Martyr himself is said to have seen, bearing 
 the inscription : Siinoni sancto Deo. The discovery in a.d. 1574 of the 
 column dedicated to the Sabine god of oaths, inscribed " Semoni Sanco 
 Deo Fidio," explains how such a legend may have arisen out of a mis- 
 understanding. Although by a successful piece of jugglery — decapita- 
 tion and rising again the third day, having substituted for himself a 
 goat whom he had bewitched to assume his appearance, whose head was 
 cut off — he won the S2:iecial favour of Nero, he was thereafter in public 
 disputation before the emperor unmasked by Peter. In order to rehabili- 
 tate himself he offered to prove his divine power by ascending up into 
 heaven. For this purpose he mounted a high tower. Peter adjured the 
 angel of Satan, which carried him through the air, and the magician 
 fell with a crash to the ground. Probably there is here transferred to 
 one magician what is told by Suetonius (Nero, xii.) and Juvenal (Sat. 
 iii. 79 ff'.) as happening to a soothsayer in Nero's time who made an 
 attempt to fly. The school of Baur (§ 183, 9), after Baur himself had 
 discovei'ed in the Simon Magus of the Clementine Homilies a caricature 
 of the Apostle Paul, has come to question the existense of the magician 
 altogether, and has attempted to account for the myth as originating 
 from the hatred of the Jewish Christians to the Apostle of the Gentiles. 
 Support for this view is sought from Acts viii., the offering of money by 
 the magician being regarded as a maliciously distorted account of the 
 contribution conveyed by Paul to the church at Jerusalem. • Recently, 
 however, Hilgenfeld, who previously maintained this view, has again 
 recognised as well grounded the tradition of the Church Fathers, that 
 Simon was the real author of the \l/€voMPv/j.oi ypuai?, and has carried out 
 this idea in his " Ketzergeschichte."— (c) Menander was, according to 
 Justin Martyr, a disciple of Simon. Subsequently he undertook to play 
 
 1 1 Cor. xvi. 3 ; 2 Cor. viii. 10 ; Gal. ii. 0.
 
 98 THE GR.^ECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 the part of tlie Saviour of the -svoilJ. In doing so, however, he was 
 always, as IreuEeus remarks, modest enough not to give himself out as 
 the svipreme god, but only as the Messiah sent by Him. He taught, 
 however, that any one who should receive his baptism would never 
 become old or die.^ 
 
 II. DANGER TO THE CHURCH FROM PAGAN AND 
 JEWISH ELEMENTS WITHIN ITS OWN PALE. 
 
 § 26. Gnosticism in General.^ 
 
 The Judaism and paganism imported into the church 
 proved more dangerous to it than the storm of persecution 
 raging against it from without. Ebionism (§ 28) was the 
 result of the attempt to incorporate into Christianity the 
 narrow particularism of Judaism ; Heretical Gnosis or 
 Gnosticism was the result of the attempt to blend with 
 Christianity the religious notions of pagan mythology, 
 raysteriology, theosophy and philosophy. These two ten- 
 dencies, moreover, were combined in a Gnostic Ebionism, 
 in the direction of which Essenism may be regarded as a 
 transitional stage (§ 8, 4). In many respects Manichseism 
 (§ 29), which sprang up at a later period, is related to the 
 Gnosticism of Gentile Christianity, but also in character 
 and tendency widely different from it. The church had to 
 employ all her powers to preserve herself from this medley 
 of religious fancies and to purify her fields from the weeds 
 that were being sown on every side. In regard to Ebion- 
 ism and its gnosticizing developments this was a com- 
 
 1 Burton, "Heresies of the Apostolic Age." Oxford, 1829. Zeller, 
 "Acts of the Apostles." 2 vols. London, 1875, 1876. Pressense, 
 " Apostohc Age." London, 1879, pp. GG-73 ; 318-330. 
 
 - Neander's " First Planting of Christianity and Antignostikus." 
 (Bohn), 2 vols. Lond., 1851. Mansel, " Gnostic Heresies of First and 
 Second Centuries." Ed. by Bishop Lightfoot. Lond., 1875. King, 
 "Remains of the Gnostics." Loud., 18G1 ; new ed., 1887. Ueberweg, 
 " Hist, of Phil." 2 vols. Loud., 1872. Vol. i. pp. 280-290.
 
 § 26. GNOSTICISM IN GENERAL. 99 
 
 paratively easy task. Tlie Gnosticism of Gentile Christ- 
 ianity was much more cliificult to deal with, and although 
 the church succeeded in overcoming the weed in her fields, 
 yet many of its seeds continued hidden for centuries, from 
 which sprouts grew up now and again quite unexpectedly 
 (§§ 54, 71, 108). This struggle has nevertheless led to the 
 furtherance of the church in many ways, awakening in it 
 a sense of scientific requirements, stirring it up to more 
 vigorous battling for the truth, and endowing it Avith a 
 more generous and liberal spirit. It had learnt to put a 
 Christian gnosis in the place of the heretical, a right and 
 wholesome use of speculation and philosophy, of poetry and 
 art, in place of their misuse, and thus enabled Christianity 
 to realise its universal destination. 
 
 1. Gnosticism was deeply rooted in a powerful and characteristic iu- 
 tellectual tendency of the first century. A persistent conviction that the 
 ancient world had exhausted itself and was no longer able to resist its 
 threatened overthrow, now prevailed and drove the deepest thinkers to 
 adopt the boldest and grandest Syncretism the world has ever beheld, 
 in the blending of all the previously isolated and heterogeneous elements 
 of culture as a final attempt at the rejuvenating of that which had be- 
 come old (§ 25). Even within the borders of the church this Syncretism 
 favoured by the prevailing spirit of the age influenced those of sriperior 
 culture, to whom the church doctrine of that age did not seem to make 
 enough of theosophical principles and speculative thought, while the 
 worship of the church seemed dry and barren. Out of the fusing of 
 cosmological myths and philosophemes of oriental and Greek paganism 
 with Christian historical elements in the crucible of its own speculation, 
 there arose numerous systems of a higher fantastic sort of religious 
 philosophy, which were included under the common name of Gnosticism. 
 The pagan element is upon the whole the prevailing one, inasmuch as 
 in most Gnostic systems Christianity is not represented as the conclu- 
 sion and completion of the development of salvation given in the Old 
 Testament, but often merely as the continuation and climax of the 
 pagan religion of nature and the pagan mystery worship. The attitude 
 of this heretical gnosis toward holy scripture was various. By means 
 of allegorical interpretation some endeavoured to prove their system from 
 it ; others preferred to depreciate the Apostles as falsifiers of the original 
 purely gnostic doctrine of Christ, or to remodel the apostolic writings in
 
 100 THE GR^CO-ROMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 accordance with their own views, or even to produce a bible of their own 
 after the principles of their own schools in the form of gnostic pseudepi- 
 graphs. With them, however, for the most part the tradition of ancient 
 wisdom as the communicated secret doctrine stood higher than holy 
 scripture. Over against the heretical gnosis, an ecclesiastical gnosis was 
 developed, especially in the Alexandrian school of theology (Clement and 
 Origen, § 31, 4, 5), which, according to 1 Cor. xii. 8, 9; xiii. 2, was esteemed 
 and striven after as, in contradistinction to faith, a higher stage in the 
 development of the religious consciousness. The essential distinction 
 between the two consisted in this, that the latter was determined, in- 
 spired and governed by the believing consciousness of the universal 
 church, as gradually formulated in the church confession, whereas the 
 former, completely emancipated therefrom, disported itself in the un- 
 restricted arbitrariness of fantastic speculation. 
 
 2. The Problems of Gnostic Speculation are : the origin of the world 
 and of evil, as well as the task, means and end of the world's develop- 
 ment. In solving these problems the Gnostics bori'owed mostly from 
 paganism the theory of the world's origin, and from Christianity the 
 idea of redemption. At the basis of almost all Gnostic systems there 
 lies the dualism of God and matter (iiXy]) ; only that matter is regarded 
 sometimes in a Platonic sense as non-essential and non-substantial 
 ( = /x7)cV) and hence without hostile opposition to the godhead, some- 
 times more in the Parsee sense as inspired and dominated by an evil 
 principle, and hence in violent oi^position to the good God. In working 
 out the theosophical and cosmological process it is mainly the idea of 
 emanation (irpo(3o\i]) that is called into play, whereby from the hidden 
 God is derived a long series of divine essences (atdfes), whose inherent 
 divine power diminishes in proportion as they are removed t j a distance 
 from the original source of being. These fcons then make their ap- 
 pearance as intermediaries in the creation, development and redemption 
 of the world. The substratum out of which the world is created consists 
 in a mixture of the elements of the world of light [wX'ijpiofj.a) with the 
 elements of matter (Ktvu^a) by means of nature, chance or conflict. 
 One of the least and weakest of the ssons, who i : usually designated 
 A-rj/itovpyds, after the example of Plato in the Tinucits, is brought forward 
 as the creator of the world. Creation is the first step toward redemp- 
 tion. But the Demiurge cannot or will not carry it out, and so finally 
 there appears in the fulness of the times one of the highest ajons as 
 redeemer, in order to secure perfect emancipation to the imprisoned 
 elements of light by the communication of the ■yvLicm. Seeing that 
 matter is derived from the evil, he appears in a seeming body or at bap- 
 tism identifies himself with the psychical Messiah sent by the Demiurge. 
 The death on the cross is either only an optical illusion, or the heavenly 
 Christ, returning to the pleroma, quits the man Jesus, or gives His form
 
 § 26. GNOSTICISM IN GENERAL. 101 
 
 to some other man (Simon of Gyrene, Matt, xxvii. 32) so that he is 
 crucified instead of Ilim (Docetism). The souls of men, according as 
 the ]jlcromatic or hyhc predominates in them, are in their nature, either 
 Piwumatic, which alone are capable of the yvuxris, or Psyclucdl, which 
 can only aspire to wiarLs, or finally, 7/(//tc {xol'Koi, aapKLKoi), to which 
 class the great majority belongs, which, subject to Satanic influences, 
 serve only their lower desires, Eedemption consists in the conquest and 
 exclusion of matter, and is accomplished through knowledge [yvQais) 
 aud asceticism. It is therefore a chemical, rather than an ethical 
 process. Seemg that the original seat of evil is in matter, sanctification 
 is driven from the ethical domain into the physical, and consists in 
 battling with matter and withholding from material enjoyments. The 
 Gnostics were thus originally very strict in their moral discipline, but 
 often they rushed to the other extreme, to libertinism and antinomian- 
 ism, in consequence partly of the depreciation of the law of the Demi- 
 urge, partly of the tendency to rebound from one extreme to the other, 
 aud justified their conduct on the ground of Tra.pa.xp^(yOai tt) (rapKi. 
 
 3. Distribution. — Gieselcr groups the Gentile Christian Gnostics ac- 
 cording to their native countries into Egyptian or Alexandrian, whose 
 emanatiouist and dualistic thories were coloured by Platonism, and the 
 Syrian, whose views were affected by Parseeism. — Neander divides Gnostic 
 systems into Judaistic and An ti- Jewish, subdividing the latter into such 
 as incline to Paganism, and such as strive to apprehend Christianity in 
 its purity and simplicity. — Hase arranges them as Oriental, Greek and 
 Christian. — Baur classifies the Gnostic systems as those which en- 
 deavour to combine Judaism and paganism with Christianity, and those 
 which oppose Christianity to these. — Lipsius marks three stages in the 
 development of Gnosticism: the blending of Asiatic myths with a Jewish 
 and Christian basis which took place in Syria ; the further addition to 
 this of Greek philosophy either Stoicism or Platonism which was carried 
 out in Egypt ; and recurrence to the ethical principles of Christianity, 
 the elevation of iriuTis above yvQ)(jLs.—Hil(jenfeld arranges his discussion 
 of these systems in accordance with their place in the early heresiolo- 
 gies. — But none of these arrangements can be regarded as in every 
 respect satisfactory, and indeed it may be impossible to lay down any 
 principle of distribution of such a kind. There are so many funda- 
 mental elements and these of so diverse a character, that no one scheme 
 of division may suffice for an adequate classification of all Gnostic 
 systems. The difficulty was further enhancfd by the contradiction, ap- 
 proximation, and confusion of systems, and by their construction and 
 reconstruction, of which Eome as the capital of the world was the great 
 centre. 
 
 4. Sourcos of Iiiforina'-ion. — Abundant as the literary productions were 
 which assumed the name or else without the name developed the prin-
 
 102 THE GE.ECO-EOMAN CHUKCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 ciples of Gnosticism, coini")nnativcly little of tliis literature has I'ccn 
 picscrvecl. We are thus mainly dependent upon the representations 
 of its catholic opponents, and to them also we owe the preservation of 
 many authentic fragments. The first church teacher who ex j^rofesso 
 deals with Gnosticism is Justin Martyr (§ 30, 9), whose controversial 
 treatise, however, as well as that of Hegesijipus {§ 31, 7), has been lost. 
 The most important of extant treatises of this kind are those of Irennsus 
 in five books Adv. hrereses, and of Hippolytus "EXe7xo? Kara iracruiv ai- 
 peaeuv, the so-called Fhilosoplwinnena (§ 31, 3). The 'ZvvrayiJ^a. k. it. alp. 
 of Hippolytus is no longer extant in the original ; a Latin translation of 
 it apparently exists in the Lihellus adv. omiies hccreses, which has been 
 attributed to Tertullian. Together with the work of Irenreus, it formed 
 a query for the later heresiologists, Ejiiphanius and Philnster (§ 47, 10, 
 14), who were apparently unacquainted with the later written but more 
 important and complete Eleiiclms. Besides these should be mentioned 
 the writings of Tertullian (§ 31, 10) and Theodoret (§ 47, 9) referring to 
 this controversy, the Stromata of Clement of Alexandria, and the pub- 
 lished discussions of Origen (§ 31, 4, 5), especially in his Commentary on 
 John, also the five Dialogues of the Pseudo-Origen (Adamantius) against 
 the Gnostics from the beginning of the fourth century ; ' and finally 
 many notices in the Church History of Eusebius. The still extant frag- 
 ments of the Gnostic Apocryphal historian of the Apostles afford in- 
 formation about the teaching and forms of worship of the later syncretic 
 vulgar Gnosticism, and also from the very defective representations of 
 them in the works of their Catholic opponents. 
 
 § 27. The Gentile Christian Gnosticism. 
 
 In the older heretical Gnosticism (§ 18, 3), Jewish, pagan, 
 and Christian elements are found, which are kept distinct, 
 or are amalgamated or after examination are rejected, what 
 remains being developed, consolidated and distributed, but 
 in a confused blending. This is the case with Cerinthus. 
 In Basilides again, who attaches himself to the doctrines of 
 Stoicism, we have Gnosticism developed under the influence 
 of Alexandrian culture ; and soon thereafter in Valentinus, 
 who builds on Plato's philosophy, it attains its richest, most 
 
 1 These are published among the works of Origen. Recently Caspar! 
 discovered an admirable Latin translation of them made by Rufinus, and 
 published it in liis " Kirchcnhist. Anecdota." L (Christ., 1883).
 
 § 27. THE GENTILE-CHRISTIAN. GNOSTICISM. 103 
 
 profound and noblest expression. From tlie blending of 
 Syro-Clialdivau mythology with Greek and Hellenistic- 
 Gnostic theories issue the divers Ophite systems. Anti- 
 nomian Gnosticism with loose practical morality was an 
 outgrowth from the contempt shown to the Jewish God that 
 created the world and gave the law. The genuinely Syrian 
 Gnosticism with its Parseeist-dualistic ruggedness was most 
 purely represented by Saturninus, while in Marcion and his 
 scholars the exaggeration of the Pauline opposition of law 
 and grace led to a dualistic contrast of the God of the Old 
 Testament and of the New. Prom the middle cf the second 
 century onwards there appears in the historical development 
 of Gnosticism an ever-increasing tendency to come to terms 
 with the doctrine of the church. This is shown by the 
 founders of new sects, Marcion, Tatian, Hermogenes ; and 
 also by many elaborators of early systems, by Heracleon, 
 Ptolemreus and Bardesanes who developed the Valentinian 
 system, in the so-called Pistis Sophia, as the exposition of the 
 Ophite system. This tendency to seek reconciliation with 
 the church is also shown in a kind of syncretic popular 
 or vulgar Gnosticism which sought to attach itseK more 
 closely to the church by the composition of apocryphal 
 and pseudepigraphic Gospels and Acts of Apostles under 
 biblical names and dates (§ 32, 4-6). — The most brilliant 
 period in the history of Gnosticism was the second century, 
 commencing with the age of Hadrian. At the beginning 
 of the third century there was scarcely one of the more 
 cultured congregations throughout the whole of the Eomau 
 empire and beyond this as far as Edessa, that was not 
 affected by it. Yet we never find the numbers of regular 
 Gnostic congi-egations exceeding that of the Catholic. Soon 
 thereafter the season of decay set in. Its productive power 
 was exhausted, and while, on the one side, it was driven 
 back by the Catholic ecclesiastical reaction, on the other
 
 104 THE GR.ECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 hand, in respect of congregational organization it was out- 
 run and outbidden by Manichseisni, and also by Marcionism. 
 
 1. Ceriuthus, as Irenseus says, resting ou the testimony of Polycarp, 
 Vi'as a younger contemporary of the Apostle John iu Asia Minor ; tbe 
 Apostle meeting the heretic in a bath hastened out lest the building should 
 fall upon the enemy of the truth. In his Gnosticism, resting according to 
 Hippolytus on a basis of Alexandrian-Greek culture, we have the trans- 
 ition from the Jewish-Christian to a more Gentile than Jewish-Christian 
 Gnostic standpoint. The continued hold of the former is seen accor.ling 
 to Epiijhauius in the maintaining of the necessity of circumcision and of 
 the observances by Christians of the law given by disposition of angels, 
 as also, according to Caius of Eome, who regards him as the author of 
 the New Testament Apocalypse, in chiliastic expectations. Both of 
 these, however, were probably intended only in the allegorical and 
 spiritual sense. At the same time, according to Ircn;uus and Theo- 
 doret, the essentially Gnostic figure of the Demiurge already appears iu 
 lis writings, who without knowing the supreme God is yet useful to Him 
 as the creator of the world. Even Jesus, the son of Joseph and Mary, 
 knew him not, until the duco XpLarus descended upon him at his bap- 
 tism. Before the crucifixion, which was a merely human mischance 
 without any redemiDtive significance, the Christ had again withdrawn 
 from him. 
 
 2. The Gnosticism of Basilides. — Basilides (Bacn.\e[di]s) was a teacher 
 iu Alexandria about a.d. 120-130. He pretends to derive the gnostic 
 system from the notes of the esoteric teaching of Christ taken down by 
 the Apostle Matthew and an amanuensis of Peter called Glaucias. He 
 also made use of John's Gospel and Paul's Epistles to the llomans, 
 Corinthians and Ephesians. He himself left behind 21 books 'E^T^yT/raa 
 and his equally talented son Isidorus has left a treatise under the tit'.c 
 'llOiicd. Fragments of both are found in Clement of Alexandria, two 
 passages from the first are given also in the "Acts of Disputation," by 
 Archelaus of Cascar (§ 29, 1). Irena3us, i. 24, who refers to him as a 
 disciple of Menander (§ 25, 2), and the Pseudo-Tertullian, c. 41, Epi- 
 phauius, 21, and Theodoret, i. 4, describe his system as grossly dualistic 
 and decidedly emanationist. Hii^polytus, vii. 14 ff., on the other hand, 
 with \\hom Clement seems to agree, describes it as a thoroughly monistic 
 system, in which the theogony is developed not by emanation from above 
 downwards but by evolution from below upwards. This latter view 
 v.'hich undoubtedly presents this system iu a more favourable light, — 
 according to Baur, Uhlhorn, Jacobi, Moller, Funk, etc., its original form : 
 according to Hilgeufeld, Lipsius, Yolkmar, etc., a later form influenced 
 by later interpolations of Greek pantheistic ideas,-— makes the devehip-
 
 § -11. THE GEXriLK-CIIUISTIAN GNOSTICIS:^:. 105 
 
 mcnt of GolI anl the world Legiu willi pure nothing: ?> ore r}v ovolv. 
 The principle of all development is 6 ovk ihv debs, who out of Himself (e^ 
 oi'K LVTwv) calls chaos into being. This chaos was still itself an ovk tv, 
 but yet also the irav(nrepixia rod Kocrfiov upon which now the ouk Cbv OeJs 
 as dKivr]Tos KLV7)Tris operated attractively by his beauty. The pneumatic 
 element in the newly created chaos is represented in a threefold sonship 
 (wjrr;s Tpi/.tep?5s), of which the first and most perfect immediately after 
 creation with the swiftness of thought takes its flight to the happy realm 
 of non-existence, the Pleroma. The second less perfect sonship strug- 
 gles after the first (hence called fjufniTiKr)), but must, on reaching the 
 borders of the happy realm, cast aside the less perfect part of its being, 
 which now as the Holy Spirit [fieOopioy irvevixa) forms the vestibule 
 (ore/jew/xa) or boundary line between the Pleroma [to, inrepKoa-fjua) and the 
 cosmos, and although severed from the sonship, still, like a vessel out of 
 which sweet ointment has been taken, it bears to this lower world some 
 of the perfume adhering to it. The third sonship being in need of 
 Ijurifying must still remain in the Panspermia, and is as such the subject 
 of future redemption. On the other hand, the greatest archon as the 
 most comijlete concentration of all wisdom, might and glory which was 
 found in the psychical elements of chaos, flew up to the firmament as 
 dpp-qTwv dp'p-qTOTepos. He now fancied himself to be the Supreme God aud 
 ruler of all things, and begot a son, who according to the predetermin- 
 ation of the non-existing excelled him in insight aud wisdom. For him- 
 self and Son, having with them besides six other unnamed principalities, 
 he founded the higher heavens, the so-called Ogdoas. After him there 
 arose of chaos a second inferior Archon with the predicate dppyjTos, wbo 
 likewise begat a son mightier than himself, and founded a lower heavenly 
 realm, the so-called Hebdomes, the planetary heavens. The rest of the 
 Panspermia was the developed Kara (pva-tf, that is, in accordance with 
 the natural principle implanted in it by the non-existent " at our stage " 
 [to OLdcTT-nna TO Kad' ij.uas). As the time drew near for the manifestation 
 of the children of God, that is, of men whose pneumatical endowment 
 was derived from the third sonship, the son of the great Archon through 
 the mediation of the fxed'ipLov irvev/.ia first devised the saving plan of the 
 Pleroma. With fear and trembling now the great Archon too acknow- 
 ledged his error, repented of this self-exaltation and with the whole 
 Ogdoas rejoiced in the scheme of salvation. Through him also the son 
 of the second Archon is enlightened, and he instructs his father, who 
 now as the God of the Old Testament prepares the way for the develop- 
 ment of salvation by the law aud prophecy. The beginning is made by 
 Jesus:, son of the virgin Mary, who first himself absorbed the ray of the 
 higher hght, aud as " the firstborn of the children of God " became 
 also the Saviour (o-wr///)) of his brethren. His sufferings were necessary 
 for removing the psychical and somatical elements of the Panspermia
 
 106 THE GE^CO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 adhering to him. They were therefore actual, not mere seeming suffer- 
 ings. His bodily part returned to the formlessness out of which it 
 sprang ; his psychical part arose from the grave, but in his ascension 
 returned into the Hebdomas, while his pneumatic being belonging to 
 the third souship went up to the hajapy seat of the ovk (bv dios. And as 
 he, the firstborn, so also all the children of God, have afterwards to 
 perform their task of securing the highest possible development and 
 perfection of the groaning creation (Eom. viii. 19), that is, of all souls 
 which by their nature are eternally bound " to our stage." Then finally, 
 God will pour over all ranks of being beginning from the lowest the 
 great ignorance (rV jxeyoK-qv ayvoLav), so that no one may be disturbed in 
 their blessedness by the knowledge of a higher. Thus the restitution of 
 all things is accomplished. — The mild spirit which pervades this dogmatic 
 sjstem preserved from extravagances of a rigoristic or libertine sort the 
 ethical system resulting from it. Marriage was honoured and regarded 
 as holy, tliough celibacy was admitted to be helpful in freeing the soul 
 from the thraldom of fleshly lusts. 
 
 3. The system set forth by Irenreus and others, as that of Basilidcs, 
 represents the Supreme God as Pater innatus or ^eos dpprjros. From him 
 emanates the Nous, from this again the Aoyos, from this the ^povtjffLS, 
 who brings forth Zo(pia and AiVo^ij. From the two last named spring 
 the'Apxai, 'E^ovaiai and"A77eXo:, who with number seven of the higher 
 gods, the primal father, at their head, constitute the highest 'heaven. 
 From this as its avTiTviros radiates forth a second spiritual world, and 
 the emanation continues in this way, until it is completed and exhausts 
 itself in the number of 3C5 spiritual worlds or heavens under the mystic 
 name 'AjSpai^ds or ' Kppaad^ which has in its letters the numerical value 
 referred to. This last and most imperfect of these spiritual worlds with 
 its seven planet spirits forms the heaven visible to us. Through this 
 three hundred and sixty-five times repeated emanation the Pleroma 
 approaches the borders of the hyle, a seething mass of forces wildly 
 tossing against one another. These rush wildly against it, snatch from 
 it fragments of light and imprison them in matter. From this mixture 
 the Archon of the lowest heaven in fellowship with his comi:)anions 
 creates the earth, and to each of them apportions by lot a nation, 
 reserving to himself the Jewish nation which he seeks to raise above all 
 other nations, and so introduces envy and ambition into heaven, and 
 war and bloodshed upon earth. Finally, the Supreme God sends his 
 First-born, the NoOs, in order to deliver men from the power of the angel 
 that created the world. He assumes the appearance of a body, and docs 
 many miracles. The Jews determined upon his death ; nevertheless 
 they crucified instead of him Simon the Cyrenian, who assumed his 
 shape. He himself returned to his Father. By means of the Gnosis 
 which ho taught men's souls are redeemed, while their bodies perish. —
 
 § 27. THE GENTILE-CHRISTIAN GNOSTICISM. 107 
 
 The development of one of these systems into the other might be most 
 simplj' explained by assuming that the one described in the Elenchus 
 of Hippolytus is the original and that its reconstruction was brought 
 about by the overpowering intrusion of current dualistic, emanationistic, 
 and docctic ideas. All that had there been said about the great Archon 
 must now be attributed to the Supreme God, the Pater innatus, while 
 the inferior archon might keep his place as ruler of the lowest planetary 
 heaven. The 365 spiritual worlds had perhaps in the other system a 
 place between the two Arclions, for even Hijjpolytus, vii. 26, mentions 
 in addition the 365 heavens to which also he gives the name of the great 
 Archon Abrasax. — It is a fact of special importance that even Irensus 
 and Epiphanius distinguish from the genuine disciples of Basilides the 
 so-called Pseudo-Basilideans as representing a later development, easily 
 deducible from the second but hardly traceable from the first account of 
 the system. That with their Gnosis they blended magic, witchcraft and 
 fantastic superstition appears from the importance which they attached 
 to mystic numbers and letters. Their libertine practice can be derived 
 from their antinomian contempt of Judaism as well as from the theory 
 that their bodies are doomed to perish. So, too, their axiom that to 
 suffer martyrdom for the crucified, who was not indeed the real Christ, 
 is foolish, may be deduced from the Docetism of their system. Abrasax 
 gems which are still to be met with in great numbers and in great variety 
 are to be attributed to these Basilideans ; but these found favour and 
 were used as talismans not only among other Gnostic sects but also 
 among the Alchymists of the Middle Ages. 
 
 4. Valentinian Gnosticism. — Valentinus, the most profound, talented 
 and imaginative of all the Gnostics, was educated in Alexandria, and 
 went to Eome about a.d. 140, where, during a residence of more than 
 twenty years, he presided over an influential school, and exercised also 
 a powerful influence upon other systems. He drew the materials for 
 his system partly from holy scripture, especially from the Gospel of 
 John, partly from the esoteric doctrine of a pretended disciple of Paul, 
 Theodades. Of his own voluminous writings, in the form of discourses, 
 epistles and poems, only a few fragments are extant. The reporters of 
 his teaching, Irenfeus, Hippolytus, Tertullian, Epiphanius, differ greatly 
 from one another in details, and leave us in doubt as to what really 
 belongs to his own doctrine and what to its development by his disciples 
 — The fundamental idea of his system rests on the notion that accord- 
 ing to a law founded in the depths of the divine nature the £eons by 
 emanation come into being as pairs, male and female. The pairing of 
 these £eons in a holy marriage is called a Syzygy. With this is joined 
 another characteristic notion, that in the historical development of the 
 Pleroma the original types of the three great crises of the earthly 
 history, Creation, the Fall, and Eedcmiotion, are met with. On the
 
 108 THE GE.ECO-ROMAN CIIUKCII, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 basis of this he develops the most maguiflcently poetic epic of a 
 Christian mytliological Theogouy and Cosmogony. From the BuOos or 
 AvTowdTcjp and its "Ei/voia or —17^, evolving his thought hitherto only 
 in silent contemplation of his own perfection, emanates the first and 
 highest pair of jbous, the NoOs or 'Movoyevqs, who alone of all aeons 
 can bear to look into the depths of the perfection of the Father of 
 all, and beside him his bride 'AXijOeia. From them spring the A&70S 
 and Zwri as the second pair, and from this pair again "AvOpuj-iros and 
 'EKKXrjaia as the third pair. The AvTOTrarup and his Ennoia, with the 
 first and highest pair of aaons emanating for them, and these together 
 with the second Tetras, form the Ogdoas. The Logos then begets a 
 further removed circle of five pairs, the Decas, and finally the Anthropos 
 begets the last series of six pairs, the Dodecas. Therewith the Pleroma 
 attains a jireliminary completion. A final boundary is fixed for it by 
 the 'Opos emanating from the Father of all, who, being alone raised 
 above the operation of the law of the Syzygy, is endowed with a twcfold 
 ivepyeia, an ivepycLa SiopiariKri, by means of which he wards off all from 
 without that would hurt, and an euepyela idpaffriKrj, the sym])ol of which 
 is the cross, with which he maintains inward harmony and order. How 
 necessary this was is soon made apparent. For the l!lo(pla, the last and 
 least member of the fourteen rcon pairs, impelled by burning desire, 
 tears herself away from her i^artner, and seeks to plunge into the Bythos 
 in order to embrace the Father of All himself. She is indeed prevented 
 from this by the Horos ; biit the breach in the Pleroma has been made. 
 In order to restore the harmony that has thus been broken, the 
 Monogenes begets with Aletheia a new reon pair, the "Avu XpLarus and 
 the lli>evp.a. cLyiov, which emancipates the Soj^hia from her disorderly, 
 passionate nature {Ev6vixy)(Ti.s), cuts out this latter from the Pleroma, 
 but unites again the purified Sophia with her husband, and teaches 
 all the ;eons about the Father's unapproachable and incomprehensible 
 essence, and about the reason and end of the Syzygies. Then they all, 
 amid hymns of praise and thanksgiving, present an offering to the 
 Father, each one of the best that he has, and form thereof an inde- 
 scribably glorious ffion-being, the'A^w ^wrrip, and for his service myriads 
 of august angels, who bow in worship before him. — The basis for the 
 origination of the sensible world, the 'Tareprjixa, consist of the Entby- 
 mesis ejected from the Pleroma into the desert, void and substanccless 
 Kenoma, which is by it for the first time filled and vitalized. It is an 
 ^KTp(xip.a, an abortion, which however retains still the ajon nature of its 
 divine present, and as such bears the name of "E^w (\dra;) Tilorpia or 
 'AxapLwO (nVODnn). Hence even the blessed spirits of the Pleroma can 
 never forsake her. They all suffer with the unfortunate, until she who 
 had si^rung from the Pleroma is restored to it purified and matured. 
 Hence they espouse her, ilie Ektroma of the last and least of the fcons,
 
 § 27. THE GENTILE-CHRISTIAN GNOSTICISM. 109 
 
 to the Ano-Soter, the noblest, most glorious and most perfect being iu 
 the feon-heaven, as her redeemer and future husband. He begins by 
 comforting the despondent and casting out from her the baser affections. 
 Among the worst, fear, sorrow, doubt, etc., is found the basis of the 
 hylic stage of existence ; among the better, repentance, desire, hope, etc., 
 that of the psychic stage of existence (<piaei.s). Over the beings issuing 
 forth from the former presides Satan ; over the psychical forms of being, 
 as their highest development, presides the Demiurge, who prepares as 
 his dwelling-place the seven lower heavens, the Hebdomas. But 
 Achamoth had retired with the pneumatic substratum still remaining 
 iu her into the TcSttos t^s /xeaoT-ijros, between the Pleroma and the lower 
 world, whence she, inspired by the Ano-Soter, operates upon the 
 Demiurge, who, knowing nothing of her existence, has no anticipation 
 thereof. From the dust of the earth and pneumatic seed, which un- 
 observed she conveys into it, he formed man, breathed into him his 
 own psjchical breath of life, and set him in paradise, that is, in the 
 third of his seven heavens, but banished him to earth, when he dis- 
 obeyed his command, and instead of his first ethereal garment clothed 
 him in a material body. When men had spread upon the earth, they 
 developed these different natures : Pneumatical, which free from the 
 bondage of every outward law and not subject to the im])ulses of the 
 senses, a law unto themselves, travel toward the Pleroma ; next, the 
 Hylic, which, hostile to all spirit and law, and the sport of all lusts and 
 passions, are doomed to irremediable destruction ; and finally, the 
 Psychical, which under the disciiDline of outward law attain not indeed 
 to a perfect divine life, but yet to outward righteousness, while on the 
 other hand they may sink down to the rank and condition of the Hylic 
 natures. The Psychical natures were particularly numerous among the 
 Jews. Therefore the Demiurge chose them as his own, and gave them 
 a strict law and through his prophets promised them a future Messiah. 
 The Hylic natures which were found mostly among the heathens, were 
 utterly hateful to him. The Pneumatical natures with their innate 
 longing after the Pleroma, he did not understand and therefore dis- 
 regarded ; but yet, without knowing or designing it, he chose many of 
 them for kings, priests, and prophets of his people, and to his amaze- 
 ment heard from their lips prophecies of a higher soul, which originated 
 from Achamoth, and which he did not understand. When the time 
 was fulfilled, he sent his Messiah in the person of Jesus. When he 
 was baptized by John, the heaven opened over him and the Ano-Soter 
 descended upon him. The Demiurge saw it and was astonished, but 
 submitted himself awe-stricken to the will of the superior deities. The 
 Soter remained then a year upon the earth. The Jews, refusing to 
 receive him, nailed his organ, the psychical Messiah, to a cross ; but 
 his sufferings were only apparent sufferings, since the Demiurge had
 
 110 THE GRJilCO-ROMAN CHUECH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 supplied him in his origin with an ethereal and only seemingly material 
 body. In consequence of the work of the Ano-Soter the Pneumatical 
 natures by means of the Gnosis taught by him, but the Psychical 
 natures by means of Pistis, attain unto perfection after their kind. 
 When once everything pneumatical and psychical which was bound up 
 in matter, has been freed from it, the course of the world has reached 
 its end and the longed-for time of Achamoth's marriage will have come. 
 Accompanied by myriads of his angels, the Soter leads the noble sufferer 
 into the Pleroma. The pneumatical natures follow her, and as the 
 Soter is married to Achamoth, the angels are married to them. The 
 Demiurge goes with his tried and redeemed saints into the Tottos rv}j 
 /.LeacTTjTos. But from the depths of the Hyle breaks forth a hidden fire 
 which utterly consumes the Hylic natures and the Hyle itself. ^ 
 
 5. According to Hippolytus the Valentiniau school split up into 
 two parties — an Italian party, the leaders of which, Heracleon and 
 PtolemaBus, were at Eome, and an Eastern party to which Axionicus 
 and Bardesanes belonged. Heracleon of Alexandria was a man of a 
 profoundly religious temperament, who in his speculation inclined con- 
 siderably toward the doctrine of the church, and even wrote the first 
 commentary on the Gospel of John, of which many fragments are 
 preserved in Origen's commentary on that gospel. Ptolemseus drew 
 even closer than his master to the church doctrine. Epiphanius quotes 
 a letter of his to his pupil Flora in which, after Marcion's example (see 
 No. 11), the distinction of the divine and the demiurgical in the Old 
 Testament, and the relation of the Old Testament to the New, arc 
 discussed. A position midway between that of the West and of the East 
 is apparently represented by Marcus and his school. He combined 
 with the doctrine of Valentiuus the Pythagorean and cabbalistic mysti- 
 cism of numbers and letters, and joined thereto magical and soothsaying 
 arts. His followers, the Marcosians, had a form of worship full of 
 ceremonial observances, with a twofold baptism, a psychical one in the 
 Kato-Christus for the forgiveness of sins, and a pneumatical one 
 for affiance with the future heavenly syzygy. Of the Antiochean 
 Axionicus we know nothing but the name. Of far greater importance 
 was Bardesanes, who flourished according to Eusebius in the time of 
 Marcus Aurelius, but is assigned by authentic Syrian documents to the 
 beginning of the third century. The chief sources of information about 
 his doctrine are the 56 rhyming discourses of Ephraem against the 
 heretics. Living at the court and enjoying the favour of the king 
 of Edessa, he never attacked in his sermons the doctrinal system of 
 the church, but spread his Gnostic views built upon a Valentinian basis 
 
 1 Lipsius, "Yalentinus and his School," in Smith's "Diet, of Bio- 
 graphy." Vol. iv. Lond., 1887.
 
 § 27. THE GENTILE-CHRISTIAN GNOSTICISM. Ill 
 
 in lofty hymns of which, besides numerous fragments iu Ephraem, 
 some are preserved in the apocryphal Acta Thomae (§ 32, 6). Among 
 his voluminous writings there was a controversial treatise against the 
 Marcionites (see No. 11). In a Dialogue, liepl elp.api-Uvqs, attributed 
 to him, but probably belonging to one of his disciples named Philippus, 
 from which Eusebius {Picep. Ev. vi. 10) quotes a passage, the Syrian 
 original of which, " The Book of the Laws of the Land," was only 
 recently discovered,' astrology and fatalism are combated from a 
 Christian standpoint, although the author is still himself dominated by 
 many Zoroastrian ideas. Hannonius, the highly gifted son of Bardesanes, 
 distinguished himself by the composition of hymns in a similar spirit. 
 
 G. The Ophites and related Sects,— The multiform Ophite Gnosis is in 
 general characterized by fantastic combinations of Syro-chaldaic myths 
 and Biblical history with Greek mythology, philosophy and mysterioso- 
 phy. In all its forms the serpent (o^is, C^'n^) plays an important part, 
 sometimes as Kakodemon, sometimes as Agathodemon. This arose 
 from the place that the serpent had in the Egyptian and Asiatic 
 cosmology as well as in the early biblical history. One of the oldest 
 forms of Ophitism is described by Hippolytus, who gives to its represen- 
 tatives the name of N'aassenes, from t^'HJ. The formless original essence, 
 6 trpowv, revealed himself in the first men, 'ASa^as, Adam, Cadmon, 
 in whom the pneumatic, psychical and hylic principles were still 
 present together. As the instrument iu creation he is called Logos 
 or Hermes. The serpent is revered as Agathodemon ; it proceeds from 
 the Logos, transmitting the stream of life to all creatures. Christ, the 
 redeemer, is the earthly representative of the first man, and brings 
 peace to all the three stages of life, because he, by his teaching, directs 
 every one to a mode of life in accordance with his nature. — The Setliites, 
 according to Hippolytus, taught that there were two principles : an 
 upper one, to 0ws, an under one, rb (tkotos, and between these to nvev/j.a, 
 the atmosjjhere that moves and causes motion. From a blending of 
 light with darkness arose chaos, in which the pneuma awakened life. 
 Then from chaos sprang the soul of the world as a serpent, which 
 became the Demiurge. Man had a threefold development : hylic or 
 material in Cain, psychical in Abel, and pueumatical in Seth, who was 
 the first Gnostic. — The founders of the Perates, who were ah'eady known 
 to Clement of Alexandria, are called by Hippolytus Euphrates and 
 Celbes. Their name implies that they withdrew from the world of sense 
 in order to secure eternal life here below, Trepav ttjv (pOopdv. The 
 original divine unity, they taught, had developed into a Trinity : to 
 6.yivv/]Tov, avToyei^ei, and yevy-rjrov, the Father, the Sou, and the Hyle. 
 The Son is the world serpent that moves and quickens all things {KaOoX- 
 
 1 In Cureton's " Spicil. Syr." Lond., 1855.
 
 112 THE GPwECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 i/c/s 6(pLs). It is Lis task to restore everytbiug that has sunk down from 
 the two higlier worlds into the lower, and is held fast by its Archon. 
 Sometimes he turns himself serioeutliko to his Father and assumes his 
 divine attributes, sometimes to the lower world to communicate them 
 to it. In the shape of a serpent he delivers Eve from the law of the 
 Archon. All who are outlawed by this Archon, Cain, Nimrod, etc., belong 
 to him. Moses, too, is an adherent of his, who erected in the wilderness 
 the healing brazen serpent to represent him, while the fiery biting 
 serpent of the desert represent the demons of the Archon. The Cainites, 
 spoken of by IreucTUs and Epi2:)hanius, were closely connected with the 
 Perates. All the men characterized in the Old Testament as godless 
 are esteemed by them genuine pneumatical beings and martyrs for the 
 truth. The first who distinguished himself in conflict with the God of 
 the Jews was Cain ; the last who led the struggle on to victory, by bring- 
 ing the psychical Messiah through his profound sagacity to the cross, 
 was Judas Iscariot. The Gnostic Justin is known to us only through 
 Hippolytus, who draws his information from a Book of Bariich. He 
 taught that from the original essence, 6 'A^a^js or Kvpios, T\)pt\, eman- 
 ated a male principle, 'E\wa';u, D"'n?S, which had a pneumatical nature, 
 and a female principle, 'E56>, pj/, which was above man (psychical) and 
 below the serpent (hylic). From the union of this pair sprang twelve 
 ayyiKoi TraTpiKol, who had in them the father's nature, and twelve a77eXot 
 firjrpLKoi, on whom the mother's nature was impressed. Together they 
 formed Paradise, in which Baruch, an angel of Elohim, represented the 
 tree of life, and Naas, an Edem-angel, represented the tree of knowledge. 
 The Elohim-angel formed man out of the dust of Paradise ; Edem gave 
 him a soul, Elohim gave him a spirit. Pressing upward by means of 
 his pneumatical nature Elohim raised himself to the borders of the 
 realms of light. The Agathos took him and set him at his right hand. 
 The forsaken Edem avenged himself by giving power to Naas to grieve 
 the spirit of Elohim in man. He tempted Eve to commit adultery with 
 him, and got Adam to commit unnatural vice with him. In order to 
 show the grieved spirit of man the way to heaven, Elohim sent Baruch 
 first to Moses and afterwards to other Prophets of the Old Testament ; 
 but Naas frustrated all his efforts. Even from among the heathen Elohim 
 raised up prophets, such as Hercules whom he sent to fight against the 
 twelve Edem-angels (his twelve labours), but one of them named Babel 
 or Aphrodite robbed even this divine hero of his power (a reminiscence 
 of the story of Omphale). Finally, Elohim sent Baruch to the peasant 
 boy Jesus, sou of Joseph and Mary. He resisted all the temptations of 
 Naas, who therefore got him nailed upon the cross. Jesus commended 
 his spirit into the hands of the Father, into whose heaven he ascended, 
 leaving his body and soul with Edem. So, after his example, do all the 
 pious.
 
 § 27. THE GENTILE-CHRISTIAN GNOSTICISM. 113 
 
 7. The Gnosis of the Ophites, described by Ireiifeus, etc., is distin- 
 guished from that of the earlier Naasenes by its incorporation of 
 Valentinian and duaHstic or Saturninian (see No. 9) ideas. From the 
 Bythos who, as the primary being, is also called the first man, Adam 
 Cadmon, emanates the thought, Hvpoia, of himself as the second man 
 or son of man, and from him the Holy Spirit or the Ano- Sophia, who 
 in turn bears the Ano-Christus and Achamoth. The latter, an imperfect 
 being of light, who is also called UpovuiKos, which according to Epi- 
 phanius means iropvi), drives about through the dark ocean of chaos, 
 over which the productive mother, the Holy Spirit, broods, in order to 
 found for himself in it an independent world of his own. There dense 
 matter unites with the element of light and darkens it to such a 
 degree that even the consciousness of its own divine origin begins 
 to fade away from it. In this condition of estrangement from God she 
 produces the Demiurge, Jaldabaoth, nins 5<^?!, son of chaos; and 
 he, a wicked as well as limited being, full of arrogance and pride, deter- 
 mines that he himself alone will be lord and master in the world which 
 he creates. This brings Achamoth to penitent deliberation. By the 
 vigorous exercise of all the powers of light dwelling in her, and 
 strengthened by a gleam of light from above, she succeeds in raising 
 herself from the realm of chaos into the Tottos t^s ix^ffor-qros. Neverthe- 
 less Jaldabaoth brought forth six star spirits or planets after his own 
 image, and placed himself as the seventh at their head. But they too 
 think of rebelling. Enraged at this Jaldabaoth glances wildly upon 
 the deep- lying slime of the Hyle ; his frightfully distorted countenance 
 is mirrored in this refuse of chaos ; the image there comes to life and 
 forms Ophiomorphus or Satan. By order of Jaldabaoth the star spirits 
 make man ; but they produce only an awkward sipiritless being that 
 creeps along the ground. In order to quicken it and make it stand 
 erect the Demiurge breathes into it his own breath, but thereby deprives 
 himself of a great part of that pneumatical element which he had from 
 his mother. The so-called fall, in which Ophiomorphus or the serpent 
 was only the unconscious instrument of Achamoth, is in truth the 
 beginning of the redemption of man, the advance to self-consciousness 
 and moral freedom. But as a punishment for his disobedience Jalda- 
 baoth di'ove him out of the higher material world, Paradise, into the 
 lower, where he was exposed to the annoyances of Ophiomorphus, who 
 also brought the majority of mankind, the heathens, under his authority, 
 while the Jews served Jaldabaoth, and only a small number of pneu- 
 matical natures by the help of Achamoth kept themselves free from 
 both. The prophets whom Jaldabaoth sent to his people, were at the 
 same time unconscious organs of Achamoth, who also sent down the 
 Ano-Christus from the Pleroma upon the Messiah, whose kingdom is 
 yet to spread among all nations. Jaldabaoth now let his own Messiah 
 
 I
 
 11-1- THE GRyECO-'ROMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 be crucified, but the Ano-Christus was already -withdrawn from him 
 and had set himself unseen at the right hand of the Demiurge, where 
 he deprives him and his angels of all the light element which they still 
 had in them, and gathers round himself the pneumatical from among 
 mankind, in order to lead them into the Pleroma. — The latest and at 
 the same time the noblest product of Ophite Gnosticism is the Pistis 
 Sophia,' appearing in the middle of the third century, with a strong 
 tincture of Valentiniauism. It treats mainly of the fall, repentance, 
 and complaint of Sophia, and of the mysteries that purify for redemp- 
 tion, often approaching very closely the doctrine of the church. 
 
 8. Antinomian and Libertuie Sects. — The later representatives of 
 Alexandrian Gnosticism on account of the antinomian tendency of 
 their system fell for the most part intj gross immorality, which excused 
 itself on the ground that the pneumatical men must throw contempt upon 
 the law of the Demiurge, avTirdaffeffdai, (whence they were also called 
 Antitactes), and that by the practice of fleshly lusts one must weaken 
 and slay the flesh, irapaxprj'^^o.i rrj aapKi, so as to overcome the powers 
 of the Hyle. The four following sects may be mentioned as those 
 which maintained such views. — a. The Nicolaitans, who in order to 
 give themselves the sanction of primitive Christianity sought to trace 
 their descent from Nicolaus the Deacon (Acts vi. 5). But while they 
 have really no connection with him, they are just as little to be identi- 
 fied with the Nicolaitans of the Apocalypse (§ 18, 3). — h. In a similar 
 way the Sirconians sought to attach themselves to Simon Magus (§ 25, 2). 
 They gave t the fables associated with the name of Simoii a specu- 
 lative basis borrowed from the central idea of the philosophy of 
 Heraclitus, that the principle of all things (^ dvepavros Svva/jLis) is fire. 
 From it in three sj'zygies, vods and iirivoia, (pwvf] and 6i'o/j.a, XoyiffpLss 
 and ivOv/.L'ijcns, proceed the six roots of the supersensible world, and 
 subsequently the corresponding six roots of the sensible world. Heaven 
 and earth. Sun and moon. Air and water, in which unlimited force is 
 present as 6 ecmbs, crrds, and (TTT]<7bpxvo$. Justin Martyr was already 
 acquainted with this sect, and also Hippolytus, who quotes many 
 passages from their chief treatise, entitled, 'ATr6(j>aais p-eydXr], and re- 
 ports scandalous things about their foul worship. — c. The Carpocratians. 
 In the system of their founder Carpocrates, who lived at Alexandria 
 in the first half of the second century, God is the eternal Mould, the 
 unity without distinctions, from whom all being flows and to whom 
 all returns again. From Him the dyyeXoi KoafxoTroioi revolted. By the 
 creation of the world they established a distinct order of existence 
 
 ' In its extant Coptic form, ed. by Petermanu, Brl., 1851, in a Latin 
 transl. by Schwaitze, Brl., 1853 ; in English transl. in King's " Remains 
 of the Gnostics," Lend., 1887.
 
 § 27. THE GENTILE CHRISTIAN GNOSTICISM. 11.') 
 
 apart from God and consolidated it by the law issuing from tliem and 
 the national religions of Jews and Gentiles founded by tliem. Thus 
 true religion or the way of return for the human spirit into the One 
 and All consists theoretically in Gnosis, practically in emancipation 
 from the commands of the Demiurge and m a life /card (pvaiv. The 
 distinction of good and bad actions rests merely on human opinions. 
 Man is redeemed by faith and love. In order to be able to overcome 
 the powers that created the world, he is in need of magic which is 
 intimately connected with Gnosis. Every human spirit who has not 
 fully attained to this end of all religious endeavom', is subjected, until 
 he reaches it, to the assumption of one bodily form after another. 
 Among the heroes of humanity who with special energy and success 
 have assailed the kingdom of the Demiurge by contempt of his law 
 and spread of the true Gnosis, a particularly conspicuous place is 
 assigned to Jesus, the son of Joseph. What he was for the Jews, 
 Orpheus, Pythagoras, Plato, etc., were for the Gentiles. To the talented 
 son of Carpocrates, named Epiphanes, who died iu his seventeenth 
 year, after impressing upon his father's Gnostic system a boundless 
 communistic and libertine tendency with community of goods and 
 wives, his followers erected a temple at Cephalonia, iu which they set 
 up for divine honours the statues of Christ and the Greek philosophers. 
 At the close of their Agapte, they indulged in Concubitus promiscuus. — 
 d. The Prodicians flourished about the time of Clement of Alexandria, 
 and were connected, perhaps, through their founder Prodicus, with the 
 Carpocratians. In order to prove their dominion over the sensible 
 world they were wont to appear in their assemblies naked, and hence 
 are also called Adamites. So soon as they succeeded in thus reaching 
 the state of innocence that had i^receded the fall, they maintained that 
 as pneumatical king's sons they were raised above all law and entitled 
 to indulge in unbridled lust. 
 
 9. Satui'iiimis, or Satornilus of Antioch, according to Irenreus, a 
 disciple of Menander, was one of the oldest Syrian Gnostics, during the 
 age of Hadrian, and the one in whose system of Dualism the most 
 decided traces of Parses colouring is found. From the 6ebs Ajvuittos 
 the spirit world of the kingdom of light emanates in successive stages. 
 On the lowest stage stand the seven planet spirits, dyyeXoi. Koaixoicparopfs, 
 at their head the creator of the world and the god of the Jews. But 
 from eternity over against the realm of light stands the Hyle iu violent 
 opposition under the rule of Satanas. The seven star spirits think to 
 found therein a kingdom free and independent of the Pleroma, and for 
 this purpose make an inroad upon the kingdom of the Hyle, and seize 
 upon a part of it. Therefore they form the sensible world and create 
 man as keeper thereof after a fair model sent by the good God of which 
 they had a dim vision. But they could not give him the up)'iglt
 
 116 TIIE GrwECO-EOMAN CnURClI, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 form. The supreme God then takes pity upon the wretched creature. 
 He sends down a spark of light (a-n-ipOrip) into it -which fills it with 
 pneumatical life and makes it stand up. But Satanas set a hylic 
 race of men over against this pneumatical race, and persecuted the 
 latter incessantly by demons. The Jewish god then plans to redeem 
 the persecuted by a Messiah, and inspires prophets to announce his 
 coming. But Satan, too, has his prophets, and the Jewish god is not 
 powerful enough to make his views prevail over his enemy's. Finally 
 the good God sends to the earth the Aeou 'Nous, in what has the 
 appearance of a body, in order that he as aiorrjp may teach the pneu- 
 matical how to escape, by Gnosis and asceticism, abstaining from 
 marriage and the eating of flesh, not only the qj,tacks of Satan, but also 
 the dominion of the Jewish god and his star spirits, how to emancipate 
 themselves from all connection with matter, and to raise themselves 
 into the realm of light. 
 
 10. Tatian and the Encratites. — The Assyrian Tatian, converted to 
 Christianity at Eome by Justin Martyr, makes his appearance as a 
 zealous apologist of the faith (§ 30, 10). In his later years, however, 
 just as in the case of Marcion, in consequence of his exaggeration of 
 the Pauline antithesis of flesh and spirit, law and grace, he was led to 
 propound a theory of the dualistic oj^position between the god of the 
 law, the Demiurge, and the god of the gospel, which found expression 
 in a Gnostic-ascetic system, comijletely breaking away from the 
 Catholic church, and reaching its conclusion in the hyperascetic sect 
 of the Encratites that arose in Eome about a.d. 172. He now became 
 head and leader of this sect, which, with its fanatical demand of com- 
 plete abstinence from marriage, from all eating of flesh and all spirituous 
 I'quors, won his approval, and perhaps from him received its first 
 dogmatic Gnostic impress. Of Tatian's Gnostic writings, \\po§\r]fxaTa 
 and Ilepi rod Kara tov auirypa KaTapTia/xod, only some fragments, with 
 scanty notices of his Gnostic system, are i^reserved. His dualistic 
 opposition of the god of the Old Testament and the god of the New 
 Testament cannot have meant a thorough hostility, for he makes 
 the Demiurge sitting in darkness address himself to the supreme God 
 in the language of prayer, "Let there be light." He declares, however, 
 that Adam, as the author of the fall, is incajmble of redemption. — His 
 followers were also called 'TdpoTrapaaTdraL, Aquarii, because at the 
 Supper they used water instead of wine. See Lit. at § 30, 10. 
 
 11. Marcion and the Marcionites. — Marcion of Sinope in Pontus, who 
 died about a.d. 170, was, according to Tertullian, a rich shipmaster 
 who, on his arrival in Kome, in his early enthusiasm for the faith, 
 bestowed upon the Church there a rich present, but was afterwards 
 excommunicated by it as a heretic. According to the Pseudo-Tertullian 
 and others he was the son of a bishop who excommunicated bim for
 
 § '27. THE CtEntile-cpieistian gnosticism. 117 
 
 incoutincnce with one under the vow of virginity. The stor}' may 
 possibly be based ujion a later misunderstanding of the charge of 
 corrupting the church as the pure bride of Christ. He was a man of 
 a fiery and energetic character, but also rough and eccentric, of a 
 thoroughly practical tendency and with little speculative talent. He 
 was probably driven by the hard inward struggles of his spiritual life, 
 somewhat similar to those through which Paul had i:>assed, to a full 
 and hearty concei^tion of the free grace of God in Christ; but conceived 
 of the opposition between law and gospel, which the Apostle brought 
 into harmony by his theory of the pfcdogogical office of the law, as 
 purely hostile and irrecoucileable. At Rome in a.d. 140, the Syrian 
 Gnostic Cerdo, who already distinguished between the " good " God of 
 Christianity and the " just " God of Judaism, gained an influence over 
 him. He consequently developed for himself a Gnostic system, the do- 
 liiinating idea of which was the irreconcilable opposition of righteousness 
 and grace, law and gospel, Judaism and Christianity. He repudiated 
 the whole of the Old Testament, and set forth the opposition between 
 the two Testaments in a special treatise entitled Antitheses. He 
 acknowledged only Paul as an Apostle, since all the rest had fallen 
 back into Judaism, and of the whole New Testament he admitted only 
 ten Pauline epistles, excluding the Pastoral Epistles and the Epistles 
 to the Hebrews, and admitting the Gospel of Luke only in a mutilated 
 form.^ Marcion would know nothing of a secret doctrine and tradition 
 and rejected the allegorical interpretation so much favoured by the 
 Gnostics, as well as the theory of emanation and the subordination 
 of Pistis under Gnosis. While other Gnostics formed not churches 
 but only schools of select bands of thinkers, or at most only small 
 gatherings, Marcion, after vainly trying to reform the Catholic church 
 in accordance with his exaggerated Paulinism, set himself to establish 
 a well organised ecclesiastical system, the members of which were 
 arranged as Perfecti or Electi and Catechumeni. Of the former he 
 required a strict asceticism, abstinence from marriage, and restriction 
 in food to the simplest and least possible. He allowed the Catechumens, 
 however, in opposition to the Catholic practice (§ 35, 1), to take part 
 in all the services, which were conducted in the simplest possible forms. 
 The moral earnestness and the practical tendency of his movement 
 secured him many adherents, of whom many congregations maintained 
 their existence for a much longer time than the members of othei 
 
 1 Yet the school of Baur regard this Gospel of Marcion as the 
 original of Luke. Hilgenfeld thinks that both our Luke and Marcion 
 drew from one earlier source. Halin has sought to restore the 
 Marcionite Gospel in Thilo's " Cod. Apoc. N.T." I. 401. Sauday, 
 " Gospels in the Second Century." London, 1876.
 
 118 THE GE.ECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 Gnostic sects, even down to the sevouth century. None of the founders 
 of the old Gnostic sects were more closely connected in life and doctrine 
 to the Catholic Church than Marciou, and yet, or perhaps just for that 
 reason, none of them Averc opposed hy it so often, so eagerly and so 
 bitterly. Even Polycarp, on his arrival in Eome (§ 37, 2), in reply to 
 Marcion's question whether he linewhim, said : ^EiriyviiaKiOTbu wpuiroTOKo-^ 
 rod 'Earavd. — The general scope and character of the System of Marcioa 
 have been variously estimated. All older ecclesiastical controversialists, 
 Justin, Ehodon in Eusebius, Tertullian and Ireuffius, in their descrip- 
 tion and refutation of it seem to recognise only two principles (dpxat), 
 which stand in opposition to one another, as deos dyados and Oebs Skaios. 
 The latter appears as creator of the world, or Demiurge, the god of 
 the Jews, the giver of the law, unable, however, by his law to save 
 the Jews and deter them from breaking it, or to lead back the Gentiles 
 to the observance of it. Then of his free grace the "good" God, 
 lareviously quite unknown, determined to redeem men from the power 
 of the Demiurge. For this purpose he sends his Logos into the world 
 with the semblance of a body. By way of accommodation he gives 
 himself out as the Messiah of the Jewish god, proclaims the for- 
 giveness of sins through free grace, communicates to all v/ho believe 
 the powers of the divine life, is at the instigation of the augry 
 Demiurge nailed to the cross to suffer death in appearance only, 
 preaches to Gentiles imprisoned in Hades, banishes the Demiurge to 
 Hades, and ordains the Apostle Paul as teacher of believers. — The later 
 hcresiologists, however, Hippolytus, in his Elenchus, Epiphanius, 
 Theodoret, and especially the Armenian Esnig (§ 64, 3), are equally 
 agreed in saying that Marcion recognised three principles (apxci) ; 
 that besides the good God and the righteous God he admitted 
 an evil principle, the Hyle concentrated in Satan, so that even the 
 pre-Christian development of the world was viewed from the stand- 
 point of a dualistic conflict between divine powers. The righteous 
 God and the Hyle, as a quasi female principle, united with one another 
 in creating the world, and when the former saw how fair the earth was, 
 he resolved to people it with men created of his own likeness. For 
 this purpose the Hyle at his request afforded him dust, from which 
 he created man, inspiring him with his own spirit. Both divine 
 powers rejoiced over man as parents over a child, and shared in his 
 worship. But the Demiurge sought to gain undivided authority over 
 man, and so commanded Adam, under pain of death, to worship him 
 alone, and the Hyle avenged himself by producing a multitude of idols 
 to whom the majority of Adam's descendants, falling away from the 
 God of the law, gave reverence. — The harmonizing of these two 
 accounts may be accomplished by assuming that the older Church 
 Fathers, in their conflict with Marcion had willingly restricted them-
 
 § 27. THE GENTILE-CHRISTIAN GNOSTICISM. 119 
 
 selves to the most important point in the Marcionito system, its 
 characteristic opposition of the GocTs of the Old and New Testaments, 
 passing over the points in which it agi'eed more or less with other 
 Gnostic systems ; or by assuming that later Marcionites, such as 
 Prepon (No. 12), in consequence of the palpable defectiveness and 
 inadequacy of the original system of two principles, were led to give it 
 the further development that has been described. ' 
 
 12. The speculative weakness and imperfection of his system led 
 Marciou's Disciples to expand and remodel it in many ways. Two of 
 these, Lucanus and Marcus, are pre-eminent as remodellers of the 
 system, into which they imported various elements from that of 
 Saturniuus. The Assyrian Prepon placed the " righteous " Logos as 
 third principle between the "good" God and the "evil" Demiurge. 
 Of all the more nameful Marcionites, ApelIes,'who died about a. d. 180, 
 inclined most nearly to the church doctrine. Eusebius tells about 
 a Disputation which took place in Eome between him and Ehodon, 
 a disciple of Tatian. At the head of his essentially monistic system 
 Apelles places the dyevpriTos 6eos as the /xla dpxv. This God, besides 
 a higher heavenly world, had created an order of angels, of whom the 
 first and most eminent, the so-called AiKjelus inchjtus or gloriosus as 
 Demiurge made the earthly world after the image and to the glory 
 of the supreme God. But another angel, the 0776X05 Trvperos, cor- 
 rupted his creation, which was already in itself imperfect, by bringing 
 forth the aap^ d/xapriai, with which he clothed the souls enticed down 
 from the upper world. It was he, too, v/ho spoke to Moses out of the 
 burning bush, and as the. god of the Jews gave the law from Sinai. 
 The Demiurge soon repented of his ill-fated performance, and prayed 
 the supreme God to send his Son as redeemer. Christ appeared, 
 lived, wrought and suffered in a real body. It was not, however, the 
 ffap^ d/jLcipTias that he assumed, but a sinless body composed out of the 
 four elements which he gave back to the elements on his ascension 
 to heaven. Towards the close of his life Apelles seems, under the 
 infiueuce of the mystic revelations of a prophetess, Philoumena, whoso 
 ^avepiia-eis he published, to have more and more renounced his Gnostic 
 views. He had already admitted in his Disputation with Ehodon, that 
 even on the Catholic platform one may be saved, for the main thing 
 is faith in the crucified Christ and the doing of his works. He would 
 even have been prepared to subscribe to the Monotheism cf the church, 
 had he not been hindered by the opposition between the Old Testament 
 and the New. 
 
 13. The painter Hermogenes in North Africa, about a.d. 200, whom 
 
 1 Salmon, " Introd. to the N.T." London, 1885, pp. 242-248, Eeuss, 
 " Hist, of N, T," Edin., 1884, §§ 291, 246, 363, 508.
 
 120 THE GE^CO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 TertuUiau opposed, took offence at the Catliolic doctrine of creation 
 as well as at the Gnrstic theory of emanation, because it made God the 
 author of evil. He therefore assumed an eternal chaos, from whose 
 striving against the creative and formative influence of God he 
 explained the origin of everything evil and vile. 
 
 § 28. Ebionism and Ebionitic Gnosticism.^ 
 
 Tlie Jewisli-Christianity that maintained separation from 
 Gentile-Christianity even after the overthrow of the Holy 
 City and its temple, assumed partly a merely separatist, 
 partly a decidedly heretical character. Both tendencies 
 had in common the assertion of the continued obligation to 
 observe the whole of the Mosaic law. But wdiile the former 
 limited this obligation to the Clu'istians of Jewish descent 
 as the peculiar stem and kernel of the new Messianic com- 
 munity, and allowed the Gentile Christians as Proselytes of 
 the Gate to omit those observances, the latter would tolerate 
 no such concession and outran the Old Testament mono- 
 theism by a barren monarchianism that denied the divinity 
 of Christ (§ 33, 1). At a later period the two parties were 
 distinguished as Nazareans and Ebionites. On the other 
 haiad, in the Ebionites described to its by EpiphaniiTS we 
 have a form of Jewish Christianity permeated by Gnostic 
 elements. These Ebionites, settling along with the Essenes 
 (§ 8, 4) on the eastern shores of the Dead Sea, came to 
 be known under the name of Elkesaites. In the Pseudo- 
 Clementine scheme of doctrine, this Ebionitic Gnosis was 
 carried out in detail and wrought up into a comprehensive 
 and richly developed system. 
 
 1. Nazareans and Ebionites. — Tertullian and with him most of the 
 later Church Fathers derive the name Ebionite from Ebion, a founder of 
 the sect. Since the time of Gieseler, however, the name has generally 
 been referred to the Hebrew word iV^Jji, meaning poor, in allusion partly 
 to the actual poverty of the church of Jerusalem (Gal. ii. 10), partly to 
 
 1 Lightfoot, '• Comm. on Galatians." Camb., 18G5. Diss. " St. Paul 
 and the Three."
 
 § 28. EBIONISM AND EBIONITIC GNOSTICISM. 121 
 
 the association of tbe terms poor and pious in the Psalms anil Prophets 
 (comp. Matt. v. 3). Miuucius Fehx, c. xxxvi. testifies that the Gentile 
 Christians were also so designated by those without : Ceterwn quod 
 plerique " Pauperes " dicimia; non est infamia nostra, sed gloria. Re- 
 cently, however, Hilgenfeld has recurred to the patristic derivation of the 
 name.— In Ireuteus tbe name Ebiona'i makes its first appearance in 
 literature, and that as a designation of Jewish Christians as heretics who 
 admitted only a Gospel according to Matthew, probably the so-called 
 Gospel according to tbe Hebrews (§ 32. 4), branded the Apostle Paul as an 
 apostate, insisted uj^on the strict observance of the Jewish law, and taught 
 on Christological questions " consiiniUter ut Ceriiithns et Carpocrates " 
 (§ 27, 1, 8), while they denied that Christ was born of a virgin, and 
 regarded Him as a mere man. Origen (f a.d. 243) embraced all Jewish 
 Christians under the name ''E^tcova'toi, but did not deny the existence of 
 two very different parties among them {8lttoI and d/xcporepoi. 'EpLuvaloi). 
 Eusebius does the same. Jerome again is the first to distinguish the 
 more moderate party by the name Nazareans (Acts xxiv. 5) from the 
 more extreme who are designated Ebionites. This too is the practice of 
 Augustine and Theodoret. The former party acknowledged the virgin 
 birth of Christ and so His divine origin, assigned to Paul his place as 
 Apostle to the Gentiles, and made no demand of Gentile Christians that 
 they should observe the ceremonial law of Moses, although they believed 
 that they themselves were bound thereby. The latter again regarded it 
 as absolutely necessary to salvation, and also held that Christ was the 
 Messiah, but only a man, son of Joseph by Mary, endowed with divine 
 powers in His baptism. His Messianic work, according to them, consisted 
 in His fulfilling by His teaching the Mosaic law. His death was an 
 offence to them, but they took comfort from the promise of His coming 
 again, when they looked for the setting up of an earthly Messianic 
 kingdom. Paul was depreciated by them and made of little account. 
 Ebionites of both parties continued to exist in small numbers down to 
 the fifth century, especially in Palestine and Syria. Both however had 
 sunk by the middle of the second century into almost utter insignifi- 
 cance. The scanty remains of writings issuing from the party prove that 
 especially the non-heretical Jewish Christianity before the close of this 
 century had in great part abandoned its national Jewish character, and 
 therewith its separate position as a religious sect, and by adopting the 
 views of the Pauline Geutile Christianity (§ 30, 2) became gradually 
 amalgamated with it.^ 
 
 2. The Elkesaites. — Independent accounts of this sect in substantial 
 agreement with one another are given by Hippolytus in his Elenchus, by 
 
 1 Lechler, " Apost. and Post-Apostol. Times." Vol. ii. p. 263 ff, 
 Ewald, " Hist, of Israel." Lond., 188G. Vol. viii. p. 152.
 
 r22 THE GE.ECO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 Oiigeii as quoted in Euseblus, and by Epiijlianius. Their designation 
 has also led the Church Fathers to assume a sect founder of the name of 
 Elxai or Elchasai, who is said to have lived in the time of Hadrian. The 
 members of the sect themselves derived their name from ''p3 ?'n SiVa/iiy 
 KeKaXvi-uvT], the hidden power of God operating in them, that is, the Holy 
 Spirit, the dufa/xis dcrapKos of the Clementine Homilies. Probably it was 
 the title of a book setting forth their esoteric doctrine, which circulated 
 only among those bound under oath to secrecy. Origen says that the 
 book was supposed to have fallen down from heaven ; Hippolytus says 
 that it was held to have been revealed by an angel who was the Son of 
 God himself. Elxai obtained it from the Serians in Parthia and com- 
 municated it to the Sobiai, probably from P2^' • then the Syrian 
 Alcibiades brought it from Apamea to Eome in the third century. The 
 doctrinal system of the Elkesaites was very variable, and is rej^resented 
 by the Church Fathers referred to as a confused mixture of Christian 
 elements Avith the legalism of Judaism, the asceticism of Essenism, and 
 the naturalism of paganism, and exhibiting a special in-edilectiou for 
 astrological and magical fancies. The law was regarded as binding, 
 especially the precepts concerning the Sabbath and circumcision, but the 
 sacrificial worship was abandoned, and the portions of the Old Testament 
 referring to it as well as other parts. Their doctrine of baptism varied 
 from that of baptism once administered to that of a baptism by oft 
 repeated washings on days especially indicated by astrological signs. 
 Baptism was for the forgiveness of sins and also for the magical cure 
 of the sick. It was administered in the name of the Father and the Son, 
 and in addition there werQ seven witnesses called, the five elements, 
 together with oil and salt, the latter as representative of the Lord's 
 Supper, which was celebrated with salt and bread without wine. Eating 
 of flesh was forbidden, but marriage was allowed and highly esteemed. 
 Their Christology presented the appearance of unsettled fermentation. 
 On the one hand Christ was regarded as an angel, and indeed as the 
 iue'7as ^aaiKevs, of gigantic size, 96 miles high, and 2i miles broad ; but 
 on the other hand, they tanght also a repeated incarnation of Christ as 
 the Son of God, the final One being the Christ born of the virgin. He 
 represents the male principle, and by his side, as the female principle, 
 stands the Holy Spirit. Denial of Christ in times of persecution seemed 
 to them quite allowable. At the time of Eiiiphanii;s, — who identifies them 
 with the Sumpseans, whose name was derived from 'J'Oi^ the sun, because 
 in prayer they turned to the sun, called also 'RXiuKoi, — they had for the 
 most part their residence round about the Dead Sea, where they got mixed 
 up with the Essenes of that region. — More recently the Elkesaites have 
 been brought into connection with the still extant sect of the Sabeans or 
 Mandeans (§ 25, 1). These Sabeans, from ]}2)i meaning y^D, pa-n-Ti^eLV, 
 are designated by the medijBval Arabic writers Mogtasilah, those who
 
 § '23. EBIONISM AND E15I0NITIC GNOSTICISM. 123 
 
 wiisli thcinselvc?;, and Elchasaich is named as their founder, and as 
 teaching the existence of two principles a male and a female.' 
 
 3. The Psendo-Clemeiitine Series of "Writings forms a literature of a 
 romantic historico-didactic description which originated between a.d. 160 
 and 170. — a. The so-called Homilise XX dementis - were prefaced by two 
 letters to the Apostle James at Jerusalem. The first of these is from 
 Peter enjoining secrecy in regard to the " Kerugma " sent therewith. 
 The second is from Clement of Eome after the death of Peter, tell- 
 ing how he as the founder and first bishop of the chirrch of Eome had 
 ordained Clement as his successor, and had charged him to draw up 
 those accounts of his own career and of the addresses and disputations 
 of Peter which he had heard while the Apostle pursued and contended 
 with Simon Magus, and to send them to James as head of the church, 
 "bishop of bishops, who ruled the church of Jerusalem and all the 
 churches," that they might be certified by him. The historical frame- 
 work of the book represents a distinguished Eoman of philosophical 
 culture and of noble birth, named Clement, as receiving his first 
 ac(|uaiutance with Christianity at Eome, and then as going forth on his 
 travels to Judea as an eager seeker after the truth. At Alexandria 
 (§ 16, 4) Barnabas convinces him of the truth of Christianity, and Clement 
 follows him to Cassarea where he listens to a great d.ebate between Peter 
 and Simon Magus (§ 25, 2). Simon defeated betakes himself to flight, 
 but Peter foUows him, accompanied by Clement and two who had been 
 disciples of the magician, Niceta and Ariuila. Though he goes after him 
 from i^lace to place, Peter does not get hold of Simon, but founds 
 churches all along his route. On the way Clement tells him how long 
 before his mother, Mattidia, and his two brothers had gone on a journey to 
 Athens, and how his father, Faustus, had gone in search of them, and no 
 trace of any of them had ever been found. Soon thereafter the mother 
 is met with, and then it is discovered that Niceta and Aquila are the 
 lost brothers Faustinus and Faustinianus. At the baptism of the mother 
 the father also is restored. Finally at Laodicea Peter and Simon engage 
 a second time in a four-days' disputation which ends as the first. The 
 story concludes with Peter's arrival at Antioch. — b. The ten books of the 
 so-called Recognitiones dementis,^ present us again with the Clement of 
 
 1 Ewald, " Hist, of Israel." Vol. viii. p. 122. 
 
 2 We possess this work in the original Greek. The first complete 
 edition was that of Cotelerius in his " Pp. Apost." The latest and most 
 careful separate ed., is by Lagarde, Lps., 1865. Eng. transl. in Ante 
 Nicene Lib. Edin., 1871. 
 
 3 Existing only in the Latin transl. of Eufinus. Published in Cotel- 
 erius, " Pp. Apost." Separate ed. by Gersdorf. Lps., 1838, Eng. trausl. 
 Ante-Niceue Lib. Edin., 1SG7.
 
 12-1 THE GR/ECO-ROMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 the histoiical romance, the historical here over.shado\Yii:g the didactic, 
 aud a closer connection with church doctrine being here maintained. 
 Critical examinations of the relations between the two sets of writings 
 have more aud more established the view that an older Jewish-Christian 
 Gnostic work lay at the basis of both. This original document seems 
 to have been used contemporaneously, but iu a iierfectly independent 
 manner iu the composition of both ; the Homilies using the materials 
 in an auti-Marciouite interest (§ 27, 11), the Recognitions using them in 
 such a way as to give as little offence as possible to their Catholic 
 readers. Still it is questionable whether this original document, which 
 probably bore the title of KTjpvyfxaTa Uerpov, embraced in its earliest form 
 the domestic romance of Clement, or only treated of the disputation of 
 Peter with Simon at Cirsarea, and was first enlarged by addition of the 
 'Avayvupiaiiiol K\rj,u€VTos giving the story of Peter's travels (liepiodoi). — 
 Finallj', extracts from the Homilies, worthless and of no independent 
 significance, are extant in the form of two Greek Epitomse (ed. Dressel. 
 Lps., 1859). Equally unimportant is the Syrian Epitome, edited by 
 Lagarde, Lps., 1861, a compilation from the Recognitions and the 
 Homilies. All the three writers of the Epitomes had an interest only in 
 the romantic narrative. 
 
 4. The Pseuio-Clenientine Doctrinal System is represented in the most 
 complete and most original manner in the Homilies. In the conversa- 
 tions, addresses, and debates there reported the author develops his 
 own religious views, and by putting them in the mouth of the Apostle 
 Peter seeks to get them recognised as genuine unadulterated primitive 
 Christianity, while all the doctrines of Catholic Paulinism which he 
 objects to, as well as those of heretical Gnosticism and especially of 
 Marcionism, are put into the mouth of Simon Magus, the primitive 
 heretic; and then an attempt is made at a certain reconciliation and 
 combination of all these views, the evil being indeed contended 
 against, but an element of truth being recognised in them all. He 
 directs his Polemics against the polytheism of vulgar paganism, the 
 allegorical interpretation by philosophers of pagan myths, the doctrine 
 of tlie creation of the world out of nothing and the sacrificial worship 
 of Judaism, against the hypostatic Trinity of Catholicism, the chiliasm 
 of the Ebionites, the pagan naturalistic element in Elkesaism, the 
 dualism, the doctrine of the Demiurge, the Docetism and Antinomianism 
 of the Gentile Christian Gnostics. He attempts in his Irenics to point 
 out the Ebionitic identity of genuine Christianity with genuine Judaism, 
 emphasizes the Essenic-Elkesaitic demand to abstain from eating flesh, 
 to observe frequent fasts, divers washings and voluntary poverty (through 
 a recommendation of early marriages), as well as the Catholic doctrine 
 of the necessity of baptism for the forgiveness of sins, and justifies the 
 Gnostic tendency of his times by setting up a system of doctrine of
 
 § 28. EBIONISM AND EBIONITIC GNOSTICISM. i'2.5 
 
 which the central idea is the connection of Stoical Pantheism with 
 Jewish Theism, and is itself thoroughly dualistic : God the eternal pure 
 Being was originally a unity of Trvev/j-a and crtD/^a, and his life consisted 
 in extension and contraction, 'inraais and avaroKi), the symbol of which 
 the human heart was a later cojiy. The result of such an eKraais v,as 
 the separation of irpevfia and crQixa, wherewith a beginning of the de- 
 velopment of the world was made. The irvev/xa is thus represented as 
 Tios, also called ^ocpia or "Apxi^" toD aiwvos rod /xiWofTos ; the 2d'/xa is 
 represented as Ovjia or "TX?; which four times parts asunder in twofold 
 oi)position of the elements. Satan springs from the mixing of these 
 elements, and is the universal soul of the''Apxwi' toO alQ^os rovrou. The 
 ZiS/.ia has thereby become ifx-^pvxov and ^uov. Thus the Monas has 
 unfolded itself into a Dyas, as the first link of a long chain of contrasted 
 pairs or Syzygies, in the first series of which the large and male stands 
 opposite the small and female, heaven and earth, day and night, etc. 
 The last Syzygy of this series is Adam as the true male, and Eve as the 
 false female prophet. In the second series that relation had come to be 
 just reversed, Cain and Abel, Ishmael and Isaac, etc. In the protoplasts 
 this opposition of truth and falsehood, of good and evil, was still a 
 physical and necessary one; but in their descendants, because both 
 elements of their parents are mixed up in them, it becomes an ethical 
 one, conditioning and requiring freedom of self-determination. Mean- 
 while Satan temj^ted men to error and sin ; but the true prophet (6 a.\rj6r)s 
 IT po<py)Tr)s) in whom the divine Jlvevixa dwelt as €p.<(>vTov and diwaov, 
 always leads them back again into the true way of Gnosis and the ful- 
 filment of the law. In Adam, the original prophet, who had taught 
 whole and full truth, he had at first apjieared, returning again after 
 every new obscuration and disfigurement of his doctrine i;nder varying 
 names and forms, but always anew proclaiming the same truth. His 
 si^ecial manifestations were in Enoch, Noah, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, 
 Moses, and finally, in Christ. Alongside of them all, however, stand 
 false proi^hets inspired by the spirit of lies, to whom even John the 
 Baptist belongs, and in the Old Testament many of their doctrines and 
 prophecies have slipped in along with the true prophecy. The transi- 
 tion from the original pantheistic to the subsequent theistic standpoint, 
 in which God is rejpresented as personal creator of the world, lawgiver, 
 and governor, seems to have been introduced by means of the primitive 
 partition of the divine being into llveviJ.a and Zwfxa. In vain, however, 
 do we seek an explanation of the contradiction that, on the one hand, 
 the end of the development of the world is represented as the separation 
 of the evil from the good for the eternal punishment of the former, but 
 on the other hand, as a return, through the purification of the one and 
 the destruction of the other, of all into the divine being, the dfci7rai/(ns. 
 Equa'ly irreconcilable is the assertion of the unconditional necessity of
 
 12G THE GrwECO'BOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 Christian baptism with the assertion of the equality of all stages of 
 revelation. 
 
 § 29. MANICHiEISJI. 
 
 Maiiiclipeism makes its appearance in Persia about the 
 middle of the third century, independently of the Gentile- 
 Christian Gnosticism of the Roman empire, which was more 
 or less under the influence of the Greek philosophy of the 
 second century, but bearing undoubted connection with 
 Mandseism (§ 25, 1), and Elkesaism (§ 28, 2). In principle 
 and tendency, it was at various points, as e.g. in its theoiy of 
 emanation, its doceticism, etc., connected with Gnosticism, 
 biat was distinguished therefrom pre-eminently by using 
 Christian soteriological ideas and modes of thought as a 
 mere varnish for oriental pagan or Babylonian-Chaldaic 
 theosophy, putting this in place of Platonic or Stoical 
 notions which are quite foreign to it, basing the system on 
 Persian dualism and impregnating it with elements from 
 Buddhist ethics. Another point in which it is distin- 
 guished from Gnosticism is that it does not present itself 
 as an esoteric form of religion meant only for the few 
 specialty gifted spirits, but distinctly endeavours to build 
 up a community of its own with a regularly articulated 
 constitution and a well organized ritual. 
 
 1. The Founder. — What the Greek and Latin Fathers (Titus of Eostra, 
 Epiphanius, Augustine, etc.) say about the person and history of the 
 founder of this sect is derived mainly from an account of a disputation 
 which a bishop Archelaus of Cascar in Mesopotamia is said to have held 
 with Manes or Maniehteus. This document is written in Syriac and 
 dates about a.d. 320, but it is simply a polemical work under the guise 
 of a debate between men with historical names. These "Acts" have 
 come down to us in a very corrupt Latin version, and contain, especially 
 in their historical allusions, much that is incredible and legendary, while 
 in their representation of the doctrine of Manes they are much more 
 deserving of confidence. According to them the origin of Manichisism 
 is to be attributed to a far travelled Saracen craftsman, named Scy- 
 thianus, who lived in the age of the Apostles. His disciple, Terebinthus, 
 who subsequently in ISribylnn took the name Euddas, ami afi'irmcd that
 
 § 29. MANICH.EISM. 127 
 
 Le Lad been born of a ^i^gi^, wrote at the master's dictation four books, 
 Ifihjateria, Capihda, Evaugellum, Thesaurus, which after his death came 
 into the possession of a freed slave, Cubricus or Corbicus. This man 
 made the wisdom taught therein his own, developed it more fully, 
 appeared in Persia as the founder of a new religion, and called himself 
 Manes. He was even received at court, but his failure to heal a priuce 
 was used by the jealous magicians to secure his overthrow. He escaped, 
 however, from prison, and found a safe hiding place in Arabion, an old 
 castle in Mesopotamia. Meanwhile he had got access to the sacred 
 writings of the Christians and borrowed much from them for the further 
 development of his system. He now gave himself out as the Paraclete 
 promised by Christ, and by means of letters and messengers developed 
 a great activity in the dissemination of his views, especially among 
 Christians. This led to the disputation of Archelaus above referred to, 
 in which Manes suffered utter defeat. He was soon thereafter seized by 
 order of the Persian king, flayed alive, and his stuffed skin publicly 
 exhibited as a warning. 
 
 The reports in Persian documents of the ninth and tenth centuries 
 though later seem much more credible, and the dates derivable from 
 Maues' own writings and those of his disciples quoted in Arabic docu- 
 ments of the tenth and eleventh centuries, are quite worthy of accept- 
 ance. ^ According to them Fatak the father of Manes, called ITare/cioj 
 in a Greek oath formula still extant, was descended from a noble Persian 
 family in Hamadan or Ecbatana, married a princess of the Parthian 
 Asarcidae, not long before this, in a.d. 226, driven out by the Persian 
 Sassanidffi, and settled down with her at Ctesiphon, the Parthian 
 capital. Here he met with the Mogtasilah, Mandeans or Elkesaites 
 (§ 28, 2), then removed to Southern Chaldea, and trained his son, born 
 in A.D. 21(3, with great care in this faith. But even in his twelfth year 
 Maues received a divine revelation, which ordained him to be the 
 founder of a new religion-, and in liis twenty-fourth year he was com- 
 missioned to preach this religion publicly. On his first appearance in 
 Persia, on the coronation day of king Sapor I., in a.d. 242, he met with so 
 little support that he found it necessary to keep away from the Persian 
 empire for several decades, which he spent in foreign lands developing 
 his system and successfully prosecuting missionary work. It was only 
 about the end of Sapor's reign (f a.d. 272) that he ventured again to 
 
 ^ See de Sacy, " Mem. sur diverses antiqu. de la Perse." Par., 1794. 
 The most important of these Arabic works are the Literary History of 
 Au-Naddim, Kitab al Fihrist, ed. Fliigel and Eoediger, Lps., 1871 ; then 
 Al-Shurstani's "Hist, of relig. and phil. sects," ed. Curetou, Lond., 
 1812; and Al-Biruni's " Chron. d. Oriert Yolker," ed. Sachau, Lps., 
 lo7S.
 
 123 THE GRiECO-rtOMAN CIIUKCII, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 return. He won over to his views the king's brother Peroz and through 
 him found favour temporarily witli Sapor, which, however, soon again 
 turned into dislike. Sapor's successor, Hornmz or Hormisdas I., seemed 
 inclined to be tolerant toward him. For this very reason Bahram or 
 Baranes I. showed himself all the more hostile, and had him crucified in 
 A.D. 276, his body flayed, and the skin stuffed with straw thrown out at 
 the gate of the city. 
 
 The two accounts may, according to Kessler, be brought into harmony 
 thus. The name Scythiauus was given to Fatak as coming from Parthia 
 or Scythia. Terebinthus, a corrujjtion of the Aramaic tarhiiha, sapling, 
 was given originally as Nomen appcll. to the son of Fatak, and was after- 
 wards misunderstood and regarded as Nomen pwpr. of an additional 
 member of the family, intermediate between Fatak and Manes. In the 
 Latin Cubricus, however, we meet with a scornful rendering of his 
 original name, which he, on his entering independently on his work, 
 exchanged for the name Manes. ' The name Buddas seems to indicate 
 some sort of connection with Buddhism. We also meet with the four 
 Terebinthus books among the seven chief works of Manes catalogued in 
 the Fihrist. According to a Persian document the Evcunjclium bore the 
 title Ertenki Maui, was composed by Manes in a cave in Turkestan, in 
 which he stayed for a long time during his banishment, and was adorned 
 with beautiful illustrations, and passed for a book sent down to him 
 direct from heaven. 
 
 2. The System. — The different sets of documents give very different 
 accounts of the religious system of Manicha-ism. This is not occasioned 
 so much by erroneous tradition or misconceiDtion as by the varying 
 stages through which the doctrine of Manes passed. In Western and 
 Christian lands it took on a richer Christian colouring than in Eastern 
 and pagan countries. In all its forms, however, we meet with a ground- 
 work of magical dualism. As in Parseeism, Ahriman and his Devas 
 stand opposed to Ormuzd and his Ameshaspentas and Izeds, so also 
 here from all eternity a luminous ether surrounding the realm of light, 
 the I'erra lucida, of the good God, with his twelve teons and countless 
 beings of light, stands opposed to the realm of darkness, the Terra 
 pestifera, with Satan and his demons. Each of the two kingdoms con- 
 sists of five elements: the former of bright light, quickening fire, clear 
 water, hot air, soft wind ; the latter of lurid flame, scorching Are, grinjy 
 slime, dark clouds, raging tempest. In the one, jierfect concord, good- 
 ness, happiness, and splendour prevail ; in the other, wild, chaotic and 
 destructive waves dash confusedly about. Clothing himself in a bor- 
 
 1 Among tbe IMandeans viana rahba means one of the highest asons, 
 and is thus perhaps identical with the name Paraclete borrowed from 
 the Christian terminology, which Manes assumed.
 
 § 29. MANICHiEISM. 129 
 
 rowed ray of liglit, Satau prepared liimself for a robber campaign in the 
 realm of light. In order to keep him off the Father of Lights caused to 
 emanate from him the "Mother of Life," aud placed her as a watcher 
 on the borders of his realm. She brought forth the first man (6 irpuros 
 avOpuwos), who armed with the five pure elements engaged in battle 
 with the demons. When he sank before their furious onslaught, God 
 sent a newly emanated feon for his deliverance, the "living spirit" 
 {^ujov nvevp-a), who freed him and vanquished the demons. But a por- 
 tion of the ethereal substance of the first man, his armour of light, had 
 been already devoured by the demoniac Hyle, and as the Jesus patihilis, 
 vlos dvOpuiTTov ip-iraO-i)?, remains imprisoned in it. Out of the elements 
 of light which he saved the living Spuit now forms the Sun and Moon, 
 and settles there the first man as Jesus impatibilis, wos avdpunrov diraO/js, 
 while out of the Hyle impregnated with elements of light he constructs 
 the present earthly world, in order gradually to deliver the fragments of 
 light bound up in it, the Jesus j^atibilis or the soul of the world, and to 
 fit them for restoration to their eternal home. The first man dwelling 
 in the sun and the Holy Spirit enthroned in the luminous ether have 
 to further and dhect this process of purification. The sun and moon 
 are the two light-ships, luc'uhc naves, which the light particles wrenched 
 out of the world further increase. The zodiac with its twelve signs 
 operates in this direction like a revolving wheel with twelve buckets, 
 while the smaller ship, a3 new moon, receives them, and as full moon 
 empties them again into the sun, which introduces them into the realm 
 of light. In order to check this process of purification Satan, out of 
 the Hyle and the imprisoned particles of light, of which he still had 
 possession, made Adam and Eve after his own image and that of the 
 first man, and incited them to fleshly lusts and carnal intercourse, so 
 that the light of their soul became dim aud weak, and more and more 
 the body became its gloomy prison. His demons, moreover, were con- 
 tinually busying themselves in fastening the chains of darkness more 
 tightly about their descendants by means of the false religions of Judaism 
 aud paganism. Therefore at last the Jesus imjniiihilis, clothed with 
 the appearance of a body, descended from the sun to the earth, to in- 
 struct men about their souls and the means and end of their redemption. 
 The sufferings and death inflicted upon him by the Prince of Darkness 
 were only in appearance. The death of the cross and the resurrection 
 were only sensible representations of the overthrow and final victory 
 of the Jesus 'patihilis. As in the macrocosm of the earthly world there 
 is set forth the emancipation of this suffering Christ from the bonds of 
 hylic matter, so also in the microcosm represented in each individual 
 roan, we have the dominion of the spirit over the flesh, the redemption 
 of the soul of light from the prison of the body, and its return to the 
 realm of light, conceived of as the end and aim of all endeavour. The 
 
 K
 
 130 THE GE.ECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 method for attaining this consists iu the greatest possible abstinence 
 from all connection and intercourse with the world of sense ; the Sitjna- 
 culinn oris iu particular demands absolute abstinence from all animal 
 food and restriction in the use even of vegetable food, for in the slaugh- 
 tering of the animal all elements of light are with the life withdrawn 
 from its flesh, and only hylic elements remain, whereas in vegetable fare 
 the substances of light there present contribute to the strengthening of 
 the light in the man's own soul. Wine and all intoxicating drinks as 
 " Satan's gall " are strictly forbidden, as well as animal food. The 
 Signacultim mamium prohibits all injuring of animal or plant life, all 
 avoidable contact with or work upon matter, because the material is 
 thereby strengthened. The Signaculum sinus forbids all sensual pleasure 
 and carnal intercourse. The souls of those men who have perfectly 
 satisfied the threefold injunction, return at death immediately into the 
 blessed home of light. Those v.-ho only partially observe them must, by 
 transmigration of the soul into other bodies, of animals, plants or men, 
 in proportion to the degree of purification attained unto, that is, by 
 metempsychosis, have the purifying process carried to perfection. But 
 all who have not entered upon the way of sanctification, are finally 
 delivered over unreservedly to Satan and hell. The Apostles greatly 
 misunderstood and falsified this doctrine of Christ ; but in the person 
 of Manes the promised Paraclete appeared, who taught it again in its 
 original purity. For the most part Manes accepted the Pauline epistles 
 in which the doctrines of the groaning creation and the oi^position of 
 flesh and spirit must have been peculiarly acceptable to him ; all the 
 more decidedly did he reject the Acts of the Apostles, and vigorously 
 did he oppose the account which it gave of the outpouring of the Holy 
 Spirit as in conflict with his doctrine of the Paraclete. According to the 
 Fihrist, Manes distinguished from the Jesus impatibilis who as true 
 redeemer descended to earth in the appearance of a body, the historical 
 Jesus as prophet of the Devil, and the false Messiah who for the punish- 
 ment of his wickedness sulYered actual death on the cross instead of the 
 true Jesus. The Old Ttstament he wholly rejected. The god of the 
 Jews was with him the Prince of Darkness ; the prophets with Moses at 
 their head were the messengers of the Devil. As his own true pre- 
 cursors—the precursors of the Paraclete— he named Adam, Seth, Noah, 
 Abraham, Buddha, and Zoroaster. 
 
 3. Constitution, "Worship, and Missiouarizing. — Manes was still regarded 
 after his death as the invisibly present head {Pri}ice]}s) of the church. 
 At the head of the hierarchical order as his visible representative stood 
 an Imam or Pope, who resided at Babylon. The first of these, ap- 
 pointed by Manes himself before his death, was named Sis or Sisinius. 
 The Manichffan ministry was distributed under him into twelve Blagistri 
 and seventy-two Bishops, with presbyters and deacons in numbers as
 
 § 29. MANICHiEISM. 131 
 
 requii-ecL The congregatious consisted of Catecliumeus (Audltoves) and 
 Elect [Klccti, Perfecti). The latter were strictly bound to observe the 
 threefold Signaculum. The Auditores brought them the food necessary 
 for the support of their life and out of the abundance of their holiness 
 they procured pardon to these imperfect ones for their unavoidable 
 violation of mineral and vegetable life in making this provision. The 
 Auditores were also allowed to marry and even to eat animal food; but 
 by voluntary renunciation of this permission they could secure entrance 
 into the ranks of the Elcctl. The worship of the Manichasaus was 
 simple, but orderly. They addressed their prayers to the sun and moon. 
 The Sunday was hallowed by absolute fasting, and the day of commcn 
 worship was dedicated to the honour of the spirit of the sun ; but on 
 Monday the Elccti by themselves celebrated a secret service. At their 
 annual chief festival, that of the Pulpit (/Sv^/xa), on the day of their 
 founder's death, they threw themselves down upon the ground in 
 oriental fashion before a beautifully adorned chair of state, the symbol 
 of their departed master. The five steps leading up to it represented 
 the five hierarchical decrees of the Elccti, Diaconi, Preshyteri, Episcoj i 
 and Ma(jistri. Baptism and the Lord's Supper, the former with oiJ. 
 the latter with bread without wine, belonged to the secret worship of tho 
 Perfect. Oil and bread were regarded as the most luminous bearers of 
 the universal soul in the vegetable world. — Notwithstanding the violent 
 persecution which after the execution of Manes was raised against the 
 adherents of his doctriae throughout the whole Persian empire, their 
 number increased rapidly in all quarters, especially in the East, but 
 also in the West, iu Syria, Palestine, Egypt, etc. Proconsular Africa 
 became the centre of its Western propaganda ; and thence it sj^read 
 into Italy and Spain. In a.d. 290 Diocletian issued an edict by which 
 the Proconsul of Africa was required to burn the leaders of this sect, 
 doubly dangerous as springing from the hostile Persian empire, along 
 with their books, to execute with the sword its persistent adherents, 
 or send them to work iu the quarries, and confiscate theii goods. — 
 Continuation at § 54, 1.
 
 132 THE GE^CO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 III. THE DOCTEINAL DEVELOPMENT AND 
 APOLOGETICAL ACTIVITY OP THE CHURCH.i " 
 
 § 30. The Theological Literatiire of the Post- 
 Apostolic Age, A.D. 70-170.2 
 
 The literary remains of the so-called Apostolic Fathers 
 constitute the first fruits of Patristic-Christian literature. 
 These are in respect of number and scope insignificant, 
 and, inasmuch as they had their origin from the special 
 individual circumstances of their writers, they were com- 
 posed for the most part in the form of epistles. The old 
 traditional view that the authors of these treatises had 
 enjoyed the immediate fellowship and instruction of the 
 Apostles is at once too narrow and too wide. Among these 
 writings must be included first of all the recently dis- 
 covered " Teaching of the Twelve Apostles." About a.d. 
 130, when Christianity was making its way among the 
 ranks of the cultured, Christian writers began to feel them- 
 selves called upon to engage with paganism in a literary 
 warfare defensive and offensive, in order to repel the 
 charges and calumnies raised against their religion and to 
 demonstrate its inner worth in opposition to the moral and 
 religious degradation of heathenism. These writings had 
 a more theological and scientific character than those of 
 the Apostolic Fathers, which had more of a practical and 
 hortatory tendency. The works of these Apologists still 
 extant afford interesting and significant glimpses of the 
 life, doctrine, and thinking of the Christians of that age, 
 
 1 Ueberweg, " Hist, of Phil." 2 vols. Lond., 1872. Yol. i. pp. 
 290-325. Patristic. Phil, down to Council of Nicffia. 
 
 ' Donaldson, " Apostolic Fathers." Lond., 1874. Lightfoot, " Clement 
 of Eome." 2 vols, Lond., 1869, 1877 ; Ignatius and Polycarp. 3 vols. 
 Lond. 1885. Sanday, " The Gospels in the Second Century." Lond., 1876.
 
 § 30. THEOLOG. LITERATUEE— POST- APOSTOLIC AGE. 133 
 
 whicli but for these writings would have been almost un- 
 known. 
 
 1. The Beginnings of Patristic Literature. — Accordiug to the established 
 rule of the church we have to disting uish between New Testament and 
 PakisiicJiterature in this way: to~the former belongs" thos^ writings 
 to which, as composed by Apostles or at least under Apostolic authority, 
 the ancient church assigned an objectively fundamental and regulative 
 significance for further ecclesiastical development ; while in the latter 
 we have represented the subjective conception aiad estimation which the I 
 Church Fathers made of the Christian message of salvation and the 
 structure they reared upon this foundation. The so-called Apostolic 
 Fathers may be regarded as occupying a position midway between the 
 two and forming a transition from the one to the other, or as themselves 
 constituting the first fruits of Patristic literature. Indeed as regards 
 the New Testament writings themselves the ancient church was long 
 uncertain and undecided as to the selection of them from the multitude 
 of contemporary writings ;i and Eusebius still designated several of 
 the books that were subsequently definitely recognised dvTiXeyjfj.ei'a. ; 
 while modern criticism has not only repeated such doubts as to the 
 genuineness of these writings but has extended these doubts to other 
 books of the New Testament. But even this criticism cannot deny the 
 historical significance assigned above to those New Testament books 
 contested by it, even though it may feel obliged to reject the account 
 of them given by the ancient church, and to assign their composition 
 to the Post-Aposlolic Age. — When we turn to the so-called Apostolic 
 Fathers, on closer examination the usual designation as well as the 
 customary enumeration of seven names as belonging to the group will 
 be found too narrow because excluding the New Testament writings 
 composed by disciples of the Apostles, and too wide because including 
 names which have no claim to be regarded as disciples or contemporaries 
 of the Apostles, and embracing writings of which the authenticity is 
 in some cases clearly disproved, in other cases doubtful or at least only 
 problematical. We come upon firm ground when we proceed to deal 
 with the Apologists of the age of Hadrian. It was not, however, till 
 the period of the Old Catholic Church, about a.d. 170, that the literary 
 compositions of the Christians became broadened, deepened and uni- 
 versalized by a fuller appropriation and appreciation of the elements 
 of Grteco-Latin culture, so as to form an all-sided universal Christian 
 literature representative of Christianity as a universal religion. 
 
 2, The Theology of the Post-Apostolic Age. — By far the greater number 
 
 1 Lukei. 1; §32,4; 36,7; 59, 1.
 
 134 THE GRiECO-KOMAN CHUECII, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 of the ecclesiastical writers of this period belong to the Gentile Christian 
 party. Hence we might suppose that it would reflect the Pauline typo 
 of doctrine, if not in its full depth and completeness, yet at least 
 in its more significant and characteristic features. This expectation, 
 however, is not altogether realised. Among the Church Fathers of 
 this age we rather find an unconscious deterioration of the original 
 doctrine of Paul revealing itself as a smoothing down and belittling or 
 as an ignoring of the genuine Paulinism, which, therefore, as the 
 result of the struggle against the Gnostic tendency, only in part over- 
 come, was for the first time fully recognised and proved finally 
 victorious in the Reformation of the IGth century. On the one hand, 
 we see that these writers, if they do not completely ignore the position 
 and task assigned to Israel as the chosen people of God, minimise their 
 importance and often fail to appreciate the pedagogical significance of 
 the Mosaic law (Gal. iii. 24), so that its ceremonial parts are referred 
 to misunderstanding, want of sense, and folly, or are attributed even 
 to demoniacal suggestion. But on the other hand, even the gospel itself 
 is regarded again as a new and higher law, purified from that ceremonial 
 taint, and hence the task of the ante-mundane Son of God, begotten 
 for the purpose of creating the world, but now also manifest in the 
 flesh, from whose influence upon Old Testament proi^hets as well as' 
 upon the sages of paganism all revel&tions of pre-Christian Judaism as 
 well as all aivipixaTa of true knowledge in paganism have sprung, is 
 pre-eminently conceived of as that of a divine teacher and lawgiver. 
 In this way there was impressed upon the Old Catholic Church as it 
 grew up out of Pauline Gentile Christianity a legalistic moral tendency 
 that was quite foreign to the original Paulinism, and the righteousness 
 of faith taught by the Apostle when represented as obedience to the 
 " new law " passed over again unobserved into a righteousness of works. 
 Redemption and reconcilir.tion are indeed still always admitted to be 
 conditioned by the death of Christ and their appropriation to be by 
 the faith of the individual ; but this faith is at bottom nothing more 
 than the conviction of the divinity of the person and doctrine of the 
 new lawgiver evidencing itself in repentance and rendering of practical 
 obedience, and in confident expectation of the second coming of Christ, 
 and in a sure confidence of a share in the life everlasting. — The intro- 
 duction of this legalistic tendency into the Gentile Christian Church 
 was not occasioned by the influence of Jewish Christian legalism, nor 
 can it be explained as the result of a compromise effected between 
 Jewish Christian Petriuism and Gentile Christian Paulinism, which 
 were supposed by Baur, Schwegler, etc., to have been, during the Apos- 
 tolic Age, irreconcilably hostile to one another. This has been already 
 proved by Ritschl, who charges its intrusion rather upon the inability 
 of Gentile Christianity fully to understand the Old Testament bases of
 
 § 30. THEOLOG. LITEEATURE — POST-APOSTOLIC AGE. 135 
 
 the Pauline doctrine. By means of a careful analysis of the undisputed 
 writings of Justin Martyr and by a comparison of these with the 
 writings of the Apostolic Fathers, Eugclhardt has proved that anything 
 extra-, un-, or anti-Pauline in the Christianity of these Fathers has 
 not so much an Ebionitic-Jewish Christian, but rather a pagan-i^hilo- 
 sophic, source. He shows that the prevalent religio-moral mode of 
 thought of the cultured paganism of that age reappears in that form of 
 Christianity not only as an inability to reach a profound understandiug 
 of the Old Testament, but also just as much as a minimising and 
 dein-eciating, or disdaining of so many characteristic features of the 
 Pauline doctrinal resting on Old Testament foundations. 
 
 3. The so-called Apostolic Fathers. ^ — a. Clement of Eome was one of 
 the first Roman bishops, probably the third (§ 16, 1). The opinion 
 that he is to be identified with the Clement named in Phil. iv. 3 is 
 absolutely unsupported. The sameness of age and residence in some 
 small measure favours the identifying him with Tit. Flav. Clemens, the 
 consul, and cousin of the Emperor, who on account of his Christianity 
 (?) was executed in a.d. 95 (§ 22, 1). Besides a multitude of other writings 
 which subsequently assumed his well-known name (§ 28, 3 ; 43, 4), there 
 are ascribed to him two so-called Epistles to the Corinthians, of which 
 however, the second certainly is not his. The First Epistle which in 
 the ancient church was considered worthy to be used in public worship, 
 was afterwards lost, but fragments of it were recovered in a.d. 1G28 iu 
 the so-c?.lled Codex Alexandrinus (§ 152, 2), together with a portion of 
 the so-called " Second Epistle." Eecently however both writings were 
 found iu a complete form by Bryennius, Metropolitan of Serra in 
 Macedonia, in a Jerusalem Codex of a.d. 1056 discovered at Constanti- 
 nople and published by him." In the following year a Codex of the 
 Syrian New Testament at Cambridge was more closely examined,^ and 
 iu it there was found a complete Syriac translation of both writings 
 inserted between the Catholic and the Pauline Epistles, while in Codex 
 Alexandrinus they are placed after the Apocalypse. The " First " Epistle, 
 the date of which is generally given as a.d. 93-95, does not give the 
 author's name, but is assigned to Clement of Piome by Dionysius of 
 Corinth in a.d. 170, as quoted in Eusebius, aud by Irenasus, Clement of 
 Alexandria, and Origen, and described as written from Pkome in name of 
 
 1 " Patrum Apost. Opera." Ed. Gebhardt, Harnack and Zahn. 
 3 vols. Lps., 1S7G a. "Apostolic Fathers." Engl, transl. in Ante- 
 Kiceue Library. Edin., 1867. Donaldson, " Apostolic Fathers." Edin., 
 1874. 
 
 2 At Constantinople, 1875. 
 
 3 Comp. Lightfoot, " St. Clement of Piorae, Au Appendix," etc. Lond., 
 1S77.
 
 13G THE GE^ECO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 the cliurch of tliat place to the chnrch of Corintb, counselling peace 
 and unity. In the passage c. 58 -63, formerly wanting but now re- 
 stored, the exhortation passes into a long prayer with intercessions 
 for those in authority and for the church according to what was perhaps 
 already the customary form of public prayer in Eome. Both churches, 
 those of Eome and Corinth, are admitted without dispute to have been 
 Gentile Christian churches, which had accepted the Pauline type of doc- 
 trine, without however fully fathoming or understanding it. But Peter 
 also occupies a position of equal honour alongside of Paul, and nowhere 
 does any trace appear of a consciousness of any opposition between the 
 two apostles. The divine sonship of the Eedeemer and His consequent 
 imiversal sovereignty are the basis of the Christian confession, but no 
 sort of developed doctrine of the divinity of Christ is here found, and 
 even His i^re-existence is affirmed only as the presupposition of the view 
 that He was already operative in the prophets by His spirit. The Old 
 Testament, allegorically and typically interpreted, is therefore the source 
 and proof of Christian doctrine. Of a particular election of Israel the 
 author knows nothing. Christians as such, whether descended from 
 Gentiles or from Jews, are the chosen people of God ; Abraham by 
 reason of his faith is their father; and it is only by faith in the 
 Almighty God that men of all ages have been justified before God. — In 
 the so-called Second -'Epistle" the completed form of the second half 
 proves what the less complete form rendered probable, that it is no 
 Epistle but a sermon, and indeed the oldest specimen of a sermon, that we 
 here possess. The author, who delivered it somewhere about a.d. 144-150, 
 wrote it out first for his own use, and then for the church. As it has 
 in its theological views many points of contact with the Shepherd of 
 Hernias (No. 4), Harnack thinks it probable that a younger Clement 
 of Eome mentioned by Hennas may be the author ; while Hilgenfeld 
 is inclined to regard it as a youthful work of Clement of Alexandria 
 (§ 31, 4). It contains a forcible exhortation to thorough repentance 
 and conversion in accordance with the command of Christ, with a 
 reference to the judgment and the firture glory. This shows in a 
 remarkable way what rapid progress had been made from the religio- 
 moral mode of thought of cultured paganism toward moralizing legalism, 
 and the smoothing down of Christianity thereby introduced into the 
 Gentile-Christian Catholic Church, during the half century between the 
 composition of the Epistle of Clement and this Clementine discourse. 
 For in the latter already the gospel is represented as a new law, a 
 higher divine doctrine of virtue and rcAvard, in which alms, fasts, and 
 prayer appear as specially meritorious works. The righteousness that 
 avails with God is still indeed derived from faith, but this faith is re- 
 duced to a belief in the future recompense of eternal life. Christ as 
 Son of God is conceived of by the author as a pneumatical heavenly
 
 § 30. THEOLOG. LITERATURE — POST-APOSTOLIC AGE. loV 
 
 being, created before the world, who, sent by God into the world for 
 man's redemption, took upon Him human adp^. But besides Him, he 
 also knows a second imeumatical hypostasis created before the world, 
 "before sun and moon," the iKKXijaia s'wca, which, as the heavenly 
 body of Christ, is at the same time the presupposition for the making 
 of the world restored by His work of salvation. For the creation of 
 this divine pair of ffions, that is, of Christ as the dvdpuwos iTrovpavios 
 and of the church as His heavenly avl^vyos, the author refers to the 
 account of the creation in Gen. i. 27. Of passages quoted as sayings 
 of Christ several are not to be found ia our Gospels. 
 
 4. — h. The Epistle known by the name of Paul's travelling companion 
 Barnabas (Acts iv. 36) was first recovered in the 17th century. The 
 first 4^ chapters were added from an old Latin translation, till iu 
 the 19th century the Codex Sinaiticiis of the New Testament, and 
 recently also the Jerusalem Codex of Bryenuius above referred to, sup- 
 plied the complete Greek text.' The date of the epistle has been variously 
 assigned to the age of Domitian, to that of Nerva, to that of Hadrian ; 
 and is placed by Haruack between a.d. 96 and a.d. 125. Its extravagant 
 allegorical interpretation of the Old Testament betrays its Alexandrian 
 origin, and in Gentile-Christian depreciation of the ceremonial law of the 
 Old Testament it goes so far as to attribute the conception and actual 
 composition of its books to diabolical inspiration. It admits indeed a 
 covenant engagement between God and Israel, but maintains that this 
 was immediately terminated by Moses' breaking of the tables of the law. 
 All things considered the composition of this Epistle by Barnabas is 
 scarcely conceivable. This was acknowledged by Eusebius who counted 
 it among the vLOol, and by Jerome, who placed it among the Apocrypha. 
 For the rest, however, its type of doctrine is in essential agreement with 
 that of Paul, though it fails to penetrate the depths of apostolic truth. 
 It is at least decidedly free from any taint of that legalistic-moral con- 
 ception of Christianity which is so strongly madced in the discourse of 
 Clement. The divine sonship, pre-existence, and world-creating activity 
 of Christ is expressly acknowledged and taught, though there is yet no 
 reference to the doctrine of the Logos. — c. The prophetical writing known 
 to us as Pastor Hermse," which was first erroneously attributed by Origeu 
 
 ' Donaldson, " History of Christian Literature." Vol. i. Lond., 1804. 
 Cunningham, " Dissertation on Epistle of St. Barnabas." Lond., 1877. 
 
 - " Herm£e Pastor," ed. Hilgenfeld. 2 ed. Lps., 1881. Down to the 
 middle of the 19th century it was known only in a Latin translation, but 
 since then the Greek original has been accessible in two recensions, as 
 well as in an ancient Ethiopic translation (ed, d'Abbadie, Lps., 1800). 
 One of the Greek recensions almost complete was found in the monastery 
 of Athos ; and an older, but less perfect one, was found in the Codex
 
 138 THE GEiECO-KOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 to Hermas the scLiolar of Paul at Eome (Rom. xvi. 14), was so highly 
 esteemed in the ancient church that it was used in public like the canoni- 
 cal books of the New Testament, Irenteus quotes it as holy scripture ; 
 Clement and Origen regarded it as inspired, and the African church of 
 the 3rd century included it in the New Testament canon. Ou the other 
 hand, the Muratorian canon (§ 36, 8) had already ranked it among the 
 Apocrypha that might be used in private but not in public worship. The 
 book owes its title to the circumstance that in it an angel appears in 
 the form of a shepherd instructing Hermas. It contains four visions, iu 
 which the church, which irdvruv wpuTrj eKTlaOri, appears to the author as 
 an old woman giving instruction {wpecr^vTipa) ; it contains also twelve 
 Mandata of the angel, and finally, ten Similitudines or i3arables. The 
 Gentile-Christian origin of the author is shown by the position which he 
 assigns to the church as coeval with tlie creation of the world and as at 
 first embracing all mankind. The sending of the Sou of God into the 
 world has for its end not the founding but only the renewing and perfect- 
 ing of the church, and the twelve tribes to which the Apostles were to 
 preach the gospel are " the twelve peoples who dwell on the whole earth " 
 (comp. Deut. xxxii. 8). In all the three parts the book takes the form of 
 a continuous earnest call to repentance in view of the early coming again 
 of Christ, dominated throughout by that same legalistic conception of 
 the Gospel that we meet with in the discourse of Clement. Indeed this 
 is more fully carried out, for it teaches that the true penitent is able not 
 only to live a perfectly righteous life, but also in good works, such as 
 fasts, alms, etc., to do more than fulfil the commands of God, and in 
 this way to win for himself a higher measure of the divine favour and 
 eternal blessedness. In Hermas we find no trace of any application of 
 the doctrine of the Logos to the person of Christ, and the ideas of the 
 Son of God and the Holy Spirit are confused with one another. The Sou 
 of God as the Holy Spirit is -rrpoyeviaTepos Trdcr-qi ttjs KTiaeus ; at His sug- 
 gestion and by His means God created the world ; through Him He bears, 
 sustains, and upholds it ; and by Him He redeems it by means of His 
 incarnation, for the Sou of God as the Holy Spirit descends upon the 
 man Jesus in His baptism. From its prophetical utterances, its eager 
 expectation of the early return of the Lord, and its promises of a new 
 outpouring of the Spirit for the quickening of the church already become 
 too worldly, the book may be characterized as a precursor of the Mou- 
 tanist movement (§ 40), although on questions of practical morality, such 
 as second marriages, martyrdom, fasting, etc., it exhibits a milder ten- 
 dency than that of Montanistic rigorism, and in reference to penitential 
 discipline (§ 39, 2), while acknowledging the inadmissibility of absolution 
 
 Sinaiiicus. Schodde, " Herma Nabi ; The Ethiopic version of Pastor 
 Hernifc examined." Lps., 1876,
 
 § 30. TIIEOLOG. LITERATURE — POST-ArOSTOLIC AGE. 139 
 
 for a mortal sin committed after baptism, it nevertheless, owiug to tlio 
 nearness of the second coming, allows to be proclaimed by the angel a 
 repeated, though only short, space for repentance. The date of the 
 composition of this book is still matter of controversy. Since Hernias is 
 commanded in the second vision to send a copy of his book to " Clement " 
 in order to secure its further circulation, most of the earlier scholars, 
 and among the moderns specially Zahn, identifying this Clement with 
 the celebrated Roman Presbyter-Bishop of that name, fix its date at 
 somewhere about a.d. 100. Recently, however, Harnack, v. Gebhardt, 
 and others have rightly assigned much greater importance to the testi- 
 mony of the Muratorian canon, according to which it was written some- 
 where between a.d. 130-160, nupcrrrme temporihus nostris inurhe Eoina,^' 
 by Hernias, the brother of the Roman bishop Pius (a.d. 139-154). 
 
 5. — d. Ignatius, Bishop of Autiocli, is said to have been a pupil of the 
 Apostle John, though no evidence of this can be produced from the Epiatles 
 ascribed to him. The Acta martyrii saiicti Ignatii, extant in five parts, 
 are purely legendary and full of contradictory statements. According to 
 a later document, that of the Byzantine chronographer Joh. Malalas, at 
 the time of the Parthian war during the visit of Trajan to Antioch in 
 A.D. 115, soon after an earthquake had been experienced there, he was 
 torn asunder by lions in the circus as a despiser of the gods. According 
 to the martyrologies he was transported to Rome and suffered this fate 
 there, as usually supposed in a.d. 115, in the opinion of Wieseler and 
 others in a.d. 107 (Lightfoot says between a.d. 100-118), according to 
 Harnack soon after a.d. 180.^ The epistles to various churches and one 
 to Polycarp ascribed to him have come down to us in three recensions 
 differing from one another in extent, number and character. There is a 
 shorter Greek recension containing seven, a larger Greek form, with ex- 
 pansions introduced for a purpose, containing thirteen epistles, twelve 
 by and one to Ignatius, and the shortest of all in a Syriac translation 
 containing three epistles, those to the Romans, to the Ephesians, and to 
 Polycarp.- According to the first-named recension, Ignatius is repre- 
 sented as writing all his epistles during his martyr journey to Rome, but 
 no reference to this is made in the Syrian recension. Vigorous polemic 
 against Judaistic and Docetic heresy, undaunted confession of the divinity 
 of Christ, and unwearied exhortation to recognise the bishop as the 
 reiiresentative of Christ, while the presbyters are described as the suc- 
 cessors of the Apostles, distinguish these epistles from all other writings 
 of this age, especially in the two Greek recensions, and have led many 
 
 1 Conip. Harnack in Exposilor for March, 1886, pp. 185-192. Light- 
 foot, " Ignatius and Polycarp." Lond., 1885, vol. ii. pp. 433-470. 
 
 - Cureton, "Corpus Ignatianum " (Rom., Eph., and Ep. to Polj'c), 
 Lond., 1819.
 
 140 THE GB.ECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 critics to question their genuineness. Bunsen, Lipsius, Eitsclil, etc., 
 regarded the Syrian recension, in which the hierarchical tendency was 
 more in the background, as the original and authentic form. Uhlliorn, 
 Diisterdieck, Zahn, Funk, Lightfoot, Haruack, etc., prefer the shorter 
 Greek recension, and view the Syrian form as abbreviated perhaps for 
 liturgical purposes, Baur, Hilgeufeld, Volkmar, etc., deny the genuine- 
 ness of all three. But even on this assumption, in determining the date 
 of the composition of the two shorter recensions, to whichever of them 
 we may ascribe priority and originality, we cannot on internal grounds 
 put them later than the middle of the second century, whereas the larger 
 Greek recension paraphrased and expanded into thirteen epistles belongs 
 certainly to a much later date (§ 43, 4).i 
 
 6. — e. Polycarp, Bishop of Smyrna, had also been according to Irensus 
 ordained to this office by the Apostle John. He died at the stake under 
 Marcus Aurelius (Antoninus Pius ?) in a.d. 1G6 (or a.d. 155) at an extreme 
 old age (§ 22, 3). We possess an epistle of his to the Philippians of prac- 
 tical contents important on account of its New Testament quotations. Its 
 genuineness, however, has been contested by modern criticism. It stands 
 and falls with the seven Ignatian epistles, as it occupies common ground 
 with them. We have a legendary biography of Polycarp by Pionius 
 dating from the 4th century, which is reproduced in Lightfoot's work. 
 — /. Papias, Bishop of Hierapolis in Galatia, was also, according to Ire- 
 nteus, a pupil of the Apostle John. This statement, however, in the 
 opinion of Eusebius and many moderns, rests upon a confusion between 
 the Apostle and another John, whom Papias himself distinguishes by the 
 title 7rp£crl3vT€pos (§ 16, 2j. He is said to have suffered death as a martyr 
 under Marcus Aurelius, about a.d. 1G3. With great diligence he collected 
 mediately and immediately from the mouths of the ivpeafivTepoi,, that is, 
 from such as had intercourse with the Apostles, or had been, like the 
 above-mentioned John the Presbyter, fxaOrjTai toD Kvpiov, oral traditions 
 about the discourses of the Lord, and set down the results of his inquiries 
 in a writing entitled Koyluv KvpiaKdv e^rjyricns. A passage quoted by 
 Eusebius in his Gh. Hist, iii. 29, from the preface of this treatise has 
 given rise to a lively controversy as to whether Papias was a pupil of 
 the Apostle John and was acquainted with the fourth Gospel. Another 
 fragment on the history of the origin of the Gospels of Matthew and Mark 
 has occasioned a dispute as to whether only these two Gospels were known 
 to him. Finally, there is preserved in Irenaus a passage giving a reputed 
 
 1 Against their genuineness : Dalla;us, "De scrr. quae sub Dionysii et 
 Iguatii nom. circumfer." Gen., 1666. Killen, "Ignatian Epistles en- 
 tirely Spurious." Edin., 1886. In favour : Pearson, " Viudicire St. Ignat." 
 Cantab., 1672. Lightfoot, " Ignatius and Polycarp." 3 vols. Lond , 
 
 1885.
 
 § CO. THEOLOG. LITERATURE — POST-APOSTOLIC AGE. 141 
 
 saying of Christ regarding the fantastically rich fruitfulness of the earth 
 dui'iug the thousand years' reign (§ 33, 9). He so revels in fantastic and 
 sensuous chiliastic dreams that Eusebius, who had previously spoken of 
 him as a learned and well-read man, is driven to pass upon him the harsh 
 judgment : acpSSpa yap tol cr/j-LKpos ibv rbv vovv.^ — g. Finally, we must here 
 include an epistle to a certain Diognetus by an unknown writer, who has 
 described himself as nadyjry}^ tQv diroaroXuv. Justin Martyr, among whose 
 writings this epistle got inserted, cannot possibly have been the author, 
 as both his style and his point of view are different. The epistle contro- 
 verts in a spirited manner the objections of Diognetus to Christianity, 
 views the pagan deities not, like the other Church Fathers, as demons, 
 but as unsubstantial phantoms, explains the Old Testament institutions 
 as human, and so in part foolish enactments, and maintains keenly and 
 determinedly the opinion that God for the first time revealed Himself to 
 man in Christ. He thus, as Driiseke thinks, to some extent favours the 
 Marcionite view of the Old Testament, so that he regards it as not im- 
 probable that our epistle was composed by a disciple of Marcion, one 
 perhaps hke Apelles, who in the course of the later development of the 
 school had rejected many of his master's crudities (§ 27, 12). He ad- 
 dresses his discourse to Diognetus, the stoical philosopher who boasts of 
 Marciis Aurelius as his master. On the other hand, Overbeck assigns its 
 composition to the Post-Constantine Age, and the French scholar Doulcet, 
 setting it down to the age of Hadrian, thinks he has discovered the author 
 to be the Athenian philosopher Aristides. This idea has been more fully 
 carried out by Kihu, who endeavours to make out not only the identity 
 of the author,but that of him to whom the epistle is addressed : KpaTtare 
 Adyvr]T€, " Almighty son of Zens," that is, Hadrian. 
 
 7. The Didaclie or Teaching of the Twelve Apostles. — The celebrated 
 little treatise bearing the title Aidaxv nvpiov Sia tQv oujdeKa airocTTokuv rots 
 'idveaLv was discovered by Bryennius (then metropolitan of Serra, now of 
 Nicomedia) in the Jerusalem Codex, to which we also owe the perfect 
 text of the two so-called Epistles of Clement, and it was edited by this 
 scholar with prolegomena and notes in Greek, at Constantinople in 1883. 
 It at once set in motion many learned pens in Germany, France, Holland, 
 England, and North America. — Eusebius, who first exjDressly names it 
 in his list of New Testament writings as tQv dTroaroXuv at Xeyo/xevai 
 diSaxal, ^-hich. Rufinus renders hj Doctrina qua d/ci^;?- .J^)^;., places it 
 in the closest connection with the EiMstle of Barnabas among the dvri- 
 Xeyoz-ieva, v66a (§ 36, 8). Four years later Athanasius ranks it as StSaxv 
 KoKovixivt] Twv air. along with the Shepherd of Hermas, giving it the first 
 
 1 Salmon, " Introd. to the New Testament." Lond., 1885, pp. 10-1-126. 
 Sanday, " Gospels in Second Century." Lond., 1876.
 
 142 THE GEiECO-EOMx^N CHUECH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 place, as a New Testament supplement corresponding to the 01 J Testa- 
 ment avayivu}aKoiJ.eva (§ 59, 1). Clement of Alexandria quoting a passage 
 from it uses the formula, i-irb ttjs ypcKpTjs etpi]TaL, and thus treats it as 
 holy scripture. In Origeu again no sort of reference to it has as yet 
 been found. From the 39th Festival Epistle of Athanasius, a.d. 3G7, 
 which ranks it, as we have just seen, as a New Testament supplement 
 like the Old Testament Anaginoskomena, we know that it like these were 
 used at Alexandria irapa, ti2v Traripcov in the instruction of catechumens. 
 In the East, according to Eufinus, when enumerating in his Expos. Symh. 
 Ap.ihe Athanasian Anaginoskomena, we find alongside of Hermas, instead 
 of the Didache, the "Two Ways," Duce vice vel Judicium secuiuhun 
 Petrum. Jerome, too, in his Dc vir. ill., mentions among the pseudo- 
 Petriue writings a Judicium Petri. We have here no doubt a Latin trans- 
 lation or recension of the first six chapters of the Didache beginning with 
 the words : "05ot dvo ela-i, these two ways being the way of life and the 
 way of death. The second title instead of the twelve Apostles names 
 their spokesman Peter as the reputed author of the treatise. Soon after 
 the time of Athanasius our tract passed out of the view of the Church 
 Fathers, but it reappears iu the Ecclesiastical Constitutions of the 4th 
 century (§ 43, 4, 5), of which it formed the root and stem. The Didache 
 itself, however, should not be ranked among the pseudepigraphs, for it 
 never claims to have been written by the twelve Apostles or by their 
 spokesman Peter. — Bryennius and others, from the intentional prominence 
 given to the twelve Apostles in the title and from the legalistic moraliz- 
 ing spirit that pervades the book, felt themselves justified in seeking 
 its origin in Jewish-Christian circles. But this moralizing character 
 it shares with the other Gentile- Christian writings of the Post- Apostolic 
 Age (No. 2), and the restriction of the term " Apostles " by the word 
 "twelve" was occasioned by this, that the itinerant preachers of the 
 gospel of that time, who in the New Testament are called Evangelists 
 (§ 17, 5) were now called Apostles as continuators of the Apostles' mis- 
 sionary labours, and also the exclusion of the Apostle Paul is to be 
 explained by the consideration that the book is founded upon the sayings 
 of the Lord, the tradition of which has come to us only through the 
 twelve. It has been rightly maintained on the other hand by Harnack, 
 that the author must rather have belonged to Gentile-Christian circles 
 which repudiated all communion with the Jev/s even in matters of mere 
 form ; for in chap. viii. 1, 2, resting upon Matt. vi. 5, 16, he forbids 
 fasting with the hypocrites, " the Jews," or i^crhaps in the sense of Gal. 
 ii. 13, the Jewish-Christians, on Monday and Thursday, instead of Wed- 
 nesday and Friday according to the Christian custom (§ 37, 3), and 
 using Jewish prayers instead of the Lord's Prayer. The address of the 
 title : Tols kOvsijlv is to be understood according to the analogy of Eom. 
 xi. 13; Gal. ii. 12-14; and Eph. iii. 1. The author wishes in as brief,
 
 § 30. TIIEOLOG. LITERATURE — POST-APOSU'OLIC AGE. 143 
 
 luciil, easily comprebeuded, and easily remembered form as possible, to 
 gather together for Christians converted from heathenism the most im- 
 IJortant rules for their moral, religions and congregational life in accord- 
 ance with the precepts of the Lord as communicated by the twelve 
 Apostles, and in doing so furnishes us with a valuable " commentary on 
 the earliest witnesses for the life, type of doctrine, interests and ordi- 
 nances of the Gentile-Christian churches in the pre-Catholic age." As 
 to the date of its composition, its connection with the Epistle of Barna- 
 bas and the Shepherd of Hermas indicates the period within which it 
 must fall, for the connection is so close that it must have employed them 
 or they miist have employed it. However, not cnly is the age of the 
 Epistle of Barnabas, as well as that of the Shepherd of Hermas, still 
 undetermined, but it is also disputed whether one or other of these two 
 or the Didache has priority and originality. On the other hand, the 
 Didache itself in almost all its data and presuppositions bears so distinct 
 an impress of an archaic character that one feels obliged to assign its 
 date as near the Apostolic Age as possible. Haruack who feels compelled 
 to ascribe priority not only to the Pseudo-Barnabas, but also to the 
 Shepherd of Hermas, fixes its date between a.d. 140-165, after Hermas 
 and before Marcion. On the other hand, Zahn and Funk, Lechler, Taylor, 
 etc., give the Didache priority even over the Epistle of Barnabas. The 
 place as well as the time of the composition of this work is matter of 
 dispute. Those who maintain its Jewish- Christian origin think of the 
 southern lands to the east or west of the Jordan ; others think of Syria. 
 On account of its connection with the Epistle of Barnabas, and with 
 reference to Clement and Athanasius (see above), Haruack has decided 
 for Egypt, and, on account of its agreement with the Sahidic trans- 
 lation of the New Testament in omitting the doxology from Matt. v. 13, 
 he fixes more exactly upon Upper Egypt. The objection that the 
 designation of the grain of which the bread for the Lord's Supper is 
 made in the eucharistic prayer given in chap. ix. 4 as iwdvu} nSv opiwv, 
 does not correspond with that grown there, is sought to be set aside 
 with the scarcely satisfactory remark that " the origin of the eucharistic 
 jirayer does not decide the origin of the whole treatise." That the book, 
 however, does not bear in itself any specifically Alexandrian impress, 
 such as, e.g., is undeniably met with in the Epistle of Barnabas, has 
 been admitted by Haruack.^ 
 
 1 Schaff, " The Oldest Chiirch Manual." Edin., 1886. Hitchcock and 
 Brown, " Teaching of the Twelve Apostles." New York, 1884. Taylor, 
 " The Teaching of the Twelve Apostles Avith Illus. from the Talmud." 
 Cambr., 1886. Expositor, April and June, 1886, pp. 319 f. and 401 ff. ; 
 Nov,, 1887, pp. 359-371.
 
 144 THE GRiECO-ROMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 8. The Writings of the Earliest Christian Apologists ^ are lost. At the 
 head of this hand stood Quadratiis of Athens, who addressed a treatise 
 in defence of the faith to Hadrian, in which among other things he 
 shows that he himself was acquainted with some whom Jesus had cured 
 or raised from the dead. No trace of this work can be found after 
 the 7th century. His contemporary, Aristides the philosopher, in 
 Athens after his conversion addressed to the same emperor an Apology 
 that has been praised by Jerome. A fragment of an Armenian transla- 
 tion of this treatise, which according to its superscription belongs to 
 the 5th century, was found in a codex of the 10th century by the 
 Mechitarists at S. Lazzaro, and was edited by them along with a Latin 
 translation. This fragment treats of the nature of God as the eternal 
 creator and ruler of all things, of the four classes of men,— barbarians 
 who are sprung from Belos, Chronos, etc., Greeks from Zeus, Danaus, 
 Hellenes, etc., Jews from Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and Christians 
 from Christ, — and of Jesus Christ as the Sou of God born of a Jewish 
 virgin, who sent His twelve Apostles into all the world to teach the 
 nations wisdom. This probably formed the beginning of the Apology. 
 The antique character of its point of view and the complete absence of 
 any reference to the Logos doctrine or to any heretical teaching, lends 
 great probability to the authenticity of this fragment, although the 
 designation of the mother of Jesus as the "bearer of God" must be 
 a later interpolation (comp. § 52, 3). The genuineness of the second 
 piece, however, taken from another Armenian Codex, — an anti-docetic 
 homily. Be Latronis clamore et Crucijixi responsione (Luke xxiii. 42), 
 which from the words of Christ and those crucified with Him proves 
 His divinity — is both on external and on internal grounds extremely 
 doubtful. According to the Armenian editor this Codex has the title : 
 By the Athenian philosopher Aristeas. This is explained as a cor- 
 luption of the name Aristides, but recently another Catholic scholar. 
 Dr. Vetter, on close examination found that the name ^Yas really that 
 of Aristides. — To a period not much later must be assigned the apolo- 
 getic dialogue between the Jewish Christian Jason and the Alexandrian 
 Jew Papiscus, in which the proof from prophecy was specially emphasized, 
 and the in principio of Gen. i, 1 was interpreted as meaning in filio. 
 The pagan controversialist Celsus is the first to mention this treatise. 
 He considers it, on account of its allegorical fancies, not so much fitted 
 to cause laughter as pity and contempt, and so regards it as unworthy 
 of any serious reply. Origen, too, esteemed it of little consequence. 
 Subsequently, however, in the 5th century, it obtained high repute and 
 was deemed worthy of a Latin translation by the African bishop Celsus. 
 
 1 Donaldson, " Hist, of Chr. Lit. from death of App. to Nic. Council." 
 3 vols. Loud., 1864. Vols. ii. and iii. " The Apologists."
 
 § 30. THEOLOG. LITERATURE — POST-APOSTOLIC AGE. 145 
 
 The controversialist Celsus, and also Origeu, Jerome, and the Latin 
 translator, do not name the writer. His name is first given by Maximus 
 Confessor as Ariston of Pella. Haruack has rendered it extremely proba- 
 ble that in the ^^ Alter catio Simonis Judcei et Theophili Christiani" 
 discovered in the 18th century, reported on by Genuadius (§ 47, IG), and 
 ascribed by him to a certain Evagrius, we have a substantially correct 
 Latin reproduction of the old Greek dialogue, in which everything that 
 is told us about the earlier document is met with, and which, though 
 written in the 5th century, in its ways of looking at things and its 
 methods of proof moves within the circle of the Apologists of the 2ud 
 century. In it, just as in those early treatises the method of proof 
 is wholly in accordance with the Old Testament ; by it every answer 
 of the Christian to the Jew is supported ; at last the Jew is converted 
 and asks for baptism, while he regards the Christians as lator salutis 
 and cegrotorum hone medice with a play probably upon the word 
 'Idcro}v = laTp6s, and from this it is conceivable how Clement of Alexan- 
 dria supposed Luke, the physician, to be the author of the treatise. 
 Harnack's conclusion is significant inasmuch as it lends a new con- 
 firmatiou to the fact that the non-heretical Jewish Christianity of the 
 middle of the second century had already completely adopted the 
 dogmatic views of Gentile Christianity. Claudius Apollinaris, bishop 
 of Hierapolis, and the rhetorician Miltiades of Athens addressed very 
 famous apologies to the emperor Marcus Aurelius. Melito of Sardis 
 was also a highly esteemed apologist, and a voluminous writer in many 
 other departments of theological Hterature.^ The elaborate introduction 
 to the mystical interpretation of scripture by investigating the mystical 
 meaning of biblical names and words published in Pitra's " Spicileg. 
 Solesm." II. III., as " Clavis Mclitonis,''' belongs to the later period of 
 the middle ages. Melito's six books of Eclogues deal with the Old 
 Testament as a witness for Christ and Christianity, where he takes as 
 his basis not the LXX. but the Hebrew canon (§ 36, 1)." 
 
 9. Extant Writings of Apologists of the Post-Apostolic Age.— (^() The 
 earliest and most celebrated of these is Justin Martyr.^ Born at Shechem 
 
 ^ The Syriac translation of a treatise of Melito's given in Cureton's 
 "Spicileg. Syr.," Lond., 1853, which gives itself out as an address 
 delivered before Antoninus Casar, is not identical with his Apology to 
 Antoninus Pius, of which Eusebius has preserved three fragments, 
 as these passages are not found in it. 
 
 2 The fragments of Melito's works are collected by Eouth, " EeHciuiK 
 Sacr." L. Oxon., 1814. 
 
 3 " Opera," ed. Otto. 8 vols. Jena, 1876. Engl, transl. in Ante- 
 Nicene Library. Edin., 1867. Semisch, " Just. Mart.," 2 vols. Ediu., 
 1843. Kaye, " Writings and Opin. of Just. Mart." Lond., 1853. 
 
 L
 
 liG THE Grw55CO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 (Flavia Neapolis) of Greek parents, ho was clia\Yn to tlic Platonic 
 doctiinc of God and to the Stoical theory of ethics, more than to any 
 of the other philosophical systems to •which, as a pagan, he turned in 
 the search after truth. But full satisfaction he first found in the 
 prophets and apostles, to whom he was directed by an unknown vener- 
 able old man, whom he once met by the sea-side. He now in his 
 thirtieth year cast off his philosopher's cloak and adopted Christianity, 
 of which he became a zealous defender, but thereby called down upon 
 himself the passionate hatred of the pagan sages. His bitterest enemy 
 was the Cynic Crescens in Eome, who after a public disputation with 
 him, did all he could to compass his destruction. In a.d. 1G5, under 
 Marcus Aurelius, Justin was condemned at Rome to be scourged and 
 beheaded. — His two Apologies, addressed to Antoninus Pius and his 
 son Marcus Aurelius are certainly genuine. Of these, however, the 
 shorter one, the so-called second Apology is probably only a sort of 
 appendix to the first. His Dialogus cum Tnji^lione Judcco is probably 
 a free rendering of a disputation which actually occurred. Except 
 a few fragments, his ^uvTayfxa Kara 'MapKiujvos have been lost. It is 
 disputed whether that was an integral i^art of the ^vvrayfia. /cord iracwv 
 alpeaeuv of which he himself makes mention, or a later independent 
 work. The following are of more than doubtful authenticity : the A070S 
 TrapaLveriKos irpbs "E\\'/]vas {Cohortatio ad Grcvcos), which seeks to prove 
 that not by the poets nor by the philosophers, but only by Moses and 
 the prophets can the true Imowledge of God be found, and that whatever 
 truth is spoken by the former, they had borrowed from the latter ; also, 
 the shorter Aoyos ttoos "EXX^/j'os {Onitio ad Grcccos), on the irrationality 
 and immorality of the pagan mythology ; further, the short treatise 
 He/jt /.'.ompxla.^, which proves the vanity of polytheism from the ad- 
 missions of heathen poets and philosophers ; and a fragment Ilipl 
 avaffTdcreo3s. — Justin's theology is of the Gentile Christian type, quite 
 free from any Ebiouitic taint, inclining rather to the speculation and 
 ethics of Greek philosophy and to an Alexandrian-Hellenistic conception 
 and exposition of scripture. To these sources everything may be traced 
 in which he unconsciously departs from biblical Paulinism and Catholic 
 orthodoxy. Then in his idea of God and creation, he has not quite 
 overcome the partly pantheistic, partly dualistic, principles derived 
 from the Platonic philosophy. Ho shows traces of Alexandrian in- 
 fluences in his conception of the person and work of Christ, to whom 
 he assigns merely the role of a divine teacher, who has made known 
 the true idea of God the Creator, of righteousness, and of eternal life, 
 and has won power by death, resurrection and ascension, and will 
 give evidence of it by His coming again to reward the righteousness 
 of the saints with immortal blessedness. He was also led into doctrinal 
 aberrations in the anthropological domain, because his idea of freedom
 
 § 30. THEOLOG. LITEllATUrtE — rOST-APOSTULIC AGE. 147 
 
 aud virtue borrowed from Greek pliilosopLiy prevented bim from fully 
 grasping the Pauline doctrine of sin. His theory of morals, with its 
 legalistic tendency and its righteousness of works, was grounded not 
 in .Judaism but in Stoicism. His chiliasm, too, is not Ebionitic but is 
 immediately derived from scripture, and has less significance for his 
 speculation than the other escliatological principles of Eesurrection, 
 Judgment, aud Eecompence. His Christianity consists essentially of 
 ouly three elements : Worship of the true God, a virtuous life according 
 to the commandments of Christ, aud belief in rewards and punishments 
 hereafter. Over agaiust the i^agau philosophy it represents itself as 
 the true philosophy, and over against the Mosaic law as the new law 
 freed from the fetters of ceremonialism. Even in the natural man, 
 iu consequence of the divine reason that is innate in him, there dwells 
 the power of living as a Christian : Abraham and Elias, Socrates and 
 HeraclituSi etc., have to such a degree lived according to reason that 
 they must be called Christians. But even they possessed only (XTripixara 
 Aoyov, only a fiepos Aoyov ; for the divine reason dwells in men only as 
 Aoyos (TTrep/xaTLKo s ; iu Christ alone as the incarnate Logos it dwells 
 as 6 Trds Aoyos or to AoyiKou to 6\ov, He is the only true Son of God, 
 pre-mundane but not eternal, the TrpQrov ylvvr\ij.a tox} Oeod, or the 
 wpwTJTOKos Tou deou, by whom God in the beginning created all things. 
 The Father alone is 6vtus 6e6s, and the Logos only a divine being of 
 the second rank, a erepos Oeos wapa rov iroirjTj]v tQiv oXojv, to whom, 
 however, as such, worship should bo rendered. In Justin's theological 
 speculation the Holy Spirit stands quite iu the background, though 
 the baptismal and congregational Trinitarian confession obliged him 
 to assign to the Spirit the rank of an independent divine being, whom 
 the Logos had used for the enlightening of His prophets. Justin too 
 knows nothing of a particular election of Israel as the people of God ; 
 with him the Christians as such are the true Israel, the people of 
 God, the children of the faith of Abraham. From the Old Testament 
 he proves the divinity of the person and doctrine of Christ, and from 
 the ' Airop.i'Tj/xoveL'p.aTa tQiv aTrocrroXwy (§ 36, 7) he derives his information 
 about the historical life, teacliing, and works of Jesus. The Gospel of 
 John, although never mentioned, was not unknown to him, but it 
 appeared to him more as a doctrinal and hortatory treatise than as 
 a historical document, and undoubtedly his Logos doctrine is connected 
 with that of John. He shows himself familiar with the Epistles of Paul, 
 although he never expressly quotes from them. 
 
 10. — (&) Tatian, a Greek born in Assyria (according to Zahn, a Semite) 
 while engaged as a rhetorician at Eome, was won to Chrifetiiuity by 
 Justin Martyr, according to Haruack about ad. 150. As the fruit 
 of youthful zeal, he published an Apologetical A6yo% npos "EX\7]i'as, in 
 which Le treats the Greek paganism aud its culture with withering scorn
 
 1-18 THE GEiECO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 for even its noblest manifestations, and shared with his teacher the 
 hatred and persecution of the philosopher Crescens. His later written 
 EvayyeXiov Sia reacrdpuv (§ 36, 7) was a Gospel harmony, in which the 
 removal of all reference to the descent of Jesus from the seed of David, 
 according to the flesh, ohjected to by Theodoret, was occasioned perhaps 
 more by antipathy to Ebionism than by any sympathy with Gnos- 
 ticism. Zahn affirms, while Haruack decidedly denies, that this work 
 was originally composed in Syriac. The exclusive use by the Syrians 
 of the Greek name Diatessaron seems to afford a strong argument for 
 a Greek original. Its general agreement with the readings of the 
 so-called Itala (§ 36, 8) witnesses to the West as the place of its compo- 
 sition. The introduction of a Syriac translation of it into church use 
 in the East is to be explained by a longer residence of the author 
 in his eastern home ; and its neglect on the part of many of the Greek 
 and Latin Church Fathers, and even their complete ignorance of it, may 
 be accounted for by the fact that, while in the far East it was unsus- 
 pected, elsewhere it came to be branded as heretical (§ 27, 10).' — (c) 
 Atlienagoras, about whose life we have no authentic information, in 
 A.D. 177 addressed his UpecrjSeia {Intercessio) irepl XpLaTiavi2ii> to Marcus 
 Aurclius, in which he clearly and convincingly disproves the hideous 
 calumnies of Atheism, Jiidipodean atrocities, Thyestean feasts (§ 22), 
 and extols the excellence of Christianity in life and doctrine. In the 
 treatise Uepl avaaTaaeus viKposv he proves, from the general philosophical 
 rather than distinctively Christian standpoint, the necessity of resur- 
 rection from the vocation of man in connection with the wisdom, 
 omnipotence and righteousness of God. — [d) Theophilus, Bishop of 
 Antioch (t after ad. 180), was by birth a pagan. His writing II/sos 
 Avt6\vkcv -irepl Trjs tup XpicTiavccv Trlcrrews is one of the most excellent 
 apologetical treatises of this period. Autolycus was one of his heathen 
 acquaintances. His commentaries and controversial works have been 
 lost. Zahn, indeed, has sought to prove that an extant Latin Commen- 
 tary on selected passages from the four Gospels in the allegorical style 
 1 elongiug to the first half of the 3rd century, and bearing the name of 
 Theophilus of Antioch, is a substantially faithful translation of the 
 authentic Greek original of a.d. 170. He has also called attention 
 to the great importance of this commentary, not only for the oldest 
 history of the Canon, Text and Exposition, but also for that of the 
 church life, the development of doctrine and the ecclesiastical constitu- 
 tion, especially of the monasticism already appearing in those early 
 times. But while Zahn reached those wonderful results from a convic- 
 tion that the verbal coincidences of the Latin Church Fathers of the 
 
 ' Salmon, " lotrod. to New Test.," On Tatian, pp. 96-104. Wace on 
 " Zahu's Tatian's Diatessaron," in Exiiositor for Sept. and Oct., 1882.
 
 § 31. THEOLOCt. LITEEATURE — OLD CATHOLIC AGE. I-^IQ 
 
 3rd to the 5th centuries with the supposed Theophilus commentary 
 ■were examples of their borrowing from it, Harnack has convincingly 
 proved that this so-called commentary is rather to be regarded as a 
 compilation from these same Latin Church Fathers made at the earliest 
 during the second half of the 5tli century. — {e) Finally, an otherwise 
 unknown author Hermias wrote under the title Aiacri'/),tios Ti2i> e^o 
 (pCkoa-bcpuv [Irrisio gentilium ■philos.) a short abusive treatise, in a witty 
 but superficial style, of which the fundamental principle is to be found 
 in 1 Cor. iii. 19. 
 
 § 31. The Theological Literature of the Old 
 Catholic Age, a.d. 170-32.3. 
 
 From about a.d. 170, during the Old Catliolic Age, scientific 
 theology in conflict with Judaizing, paganizing and mon- 
 archianistic heretics progressed in a more vigorous and com- 
 prehensive manner than in the apologetical and polemical 
 attempt at self-defence of Post-Apostolic Times. Through- 
 out this period, however, the zeal for apologetics continued 
 unabated, but also in other directions, especially in the 
 department of dogmatics, important contributions were 
 made to theological science. While these developments 
 were in progress, there arose within the Catholic church 
 three different theological schools, each with some special 
 characteristic of its own, the Asiatic, the Alexandrian, and 
 the North African. 
 
 1. The Theological Schools and Tendencies. — The School of Asia Minor 
 was the outcome of John's ministry there, and was distinguished by 
 firm grasp of scripture, solid faith, conciliatory treatment of those within 
 and energetic polemic against heretics. Its numerous teachers, highly 
 esteemed in the ancient church, are known to us only by name, and in 
 many cases even the name has perished. Only two of their disciples 
 resident in the West— Irena3us and Hippolytus— are more fully known. 
 A yet greater influence, more widely felt and more enduring, was that 
 of the Alexandrian School.^ Most of its teachers were distinguished by 
 
 ^ Bigg, " The Christian Platouists of Alexandria." Bampton Lect. for 
 1886. Oxf., 1886. Kingsley, " Alexandria and her Schools." Camb., 
 1854.
 
 150 THE GR^CO-ROMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 cLissical culture, a philosophical spirit, daring speculativeness and 
 creative power. Their special task was the construction of a true 
 ecclesiastical gnosis over against the false heretical gnosis, and so the 
 most celebrated teachers of this school have not escaped the charge of 
 unevangelical speculative tendencies. The nursery of this theological 
 tendency was especially this Catechetical School of Alexandria which 
 from an institution for the training of educated Catechumens had grown 
 up into a theological seminary. The North African School by its realism, 
 a thoroughly practical tendency, formed the direct antithesis of the 
 idealism and speculative endeavours of the Alexandrian. It repudiated 
 classical science and philosophy as fitted to lead into error, but laid 
 special stress upon the purity of Apostolic tradition, and insisted with 
 all emphasis upon holiness of life and strict asceticism. — Finally, oui 
 period also embraces the first beginnings of the Antiocliean School, whose 
 founders were the two presbyters Dorotheus and Lucian. The latter 
 especially gave to the school in its earlier days the tendency to critical 
 and gramatico-historical examination of scripture. At Edessa, too, as 
 early as the end of the 2nd century, we find a Christian school existing. 
 
 1. CnuEcn Fathers Writing in Greek. 
 
 2. Church Teachers of the Asiatic Type, — a. Irenseiis, a pupil of 
 Polycari), was a native of Asia Minor. According to the Vita Pohjcarin 
 of Pionius he lived in Rome at the time of Polycarp's death as a teacher, 
 and it is not improbable that he had gone there in company with his 
 master (§ 37, 2). Subsequently he settled in Gaul, and held the office 
 of presbyter at Lyons. During his absence at Rome as the bearer of a 
 tract by the imprisoned confessors of Lyons on the Moutanist controversy 
 to the Roman bishop Eleutherus, Pothinus, the aged bishop of Lyons, 
 fell a victim to the dreadful persecution of Marcus Aurelius which raged 
 in Gaul. Irenteus succeeded him as bishop in a.d. 178. About the 
 time and manner of his death nothing certain is known. Jerome, indeed, 
 once quite casually designates him a martyr, but since none of the 
 earlier Church Fathers, who speak of him, know anything of this, it 
 cannot be maintained with any confidence. Gentleness and moderation, 
 combined with earnestness and decision, as well as the most lively 
 interest in the catholicity of the church and the purity of its doctrine 
 according to scripture and tradition, were the qualities that make him 
 the most important and trustworthy witness to his own age, and led to 
 his being recognised in all times as one of the ablest and most influential 
 teachers of the church and a most successful opponent of heretical 
 Gnosticism. His chief work against the Gnostics : 'E\e7%os koL avarpoirq 
 TTJs \pevoovL''/j.ov yvibffews [Adv. hcerescs) in 5 books, is mainly an ex fvofcsso 
 directed against the Valeutinians and the schools of Ptolcm}' and Marcus
 
 § 31. THEOLOG. LITEEATUEE — OLD CATHOLIC AGE. 151 
 
 There is appended to it, beyond what had been proposed at the begin- 
 ning, a short discussion of the views of other Gnostics, the basis of which 
 may be found in an older treatise, perhaps in the Syntagma of Justin. 
 The List four books give the express scripture proofs to sustain the 
 general confutation, without doing this, however, in a complete manner ; 
 at the same time there is rapid movement amid many digressions and 
 3xcursuses. This work has come down to us in a complete form only 
 in an old translation literally rendered in barbarous Latin, even to the 
 reproduction of misunderstood words, which was used as early as by 
 Tertullian in his treatise against the Valentiniaus. We are indebted to 
 the writings of the heresiologists Hippolytus and Epiphauius for the 
 jjreservation of many remarkable fragments of the original, with or 
 without the author's name. Of his other writings we have only a few 
 faint reminiscences. Two epistles addressed to the Roman presbyter 
 Florinus combat the Valentinian heresy to which Florinus was inclined. 
 During the controversy about Easter (§ 37, 2) he wrote several epistles of 
 a conciliatory character, especially one to Blastus in Eome, an adherent 
 of the Asiatic practice, and in the name of the whole Gallic church, he 
 addressed a letter to the Eomau bishop, Victor, and afterwards a second 
 letter in his own name.^ 
 
 3.-6. Hippolytus, a presbyter and afterwards schismatical bishop at 
 Eome, though scarcely to bo designated of Asia Minor, but rather a 
 Lyonese, if not a Eomau pupil of Irenreus, belonged to the same theo- 
 logical school. He was celebrated for his comprehensive learning and 
 Lterary attainments, and yet his career until quite recently was iavolvod 
 iu the greatest obscurity. Eusebius, who is the first to refer to him, 
 places him in the age of Alex. Severus (a.d. 222-235), calls him a bishop, 
 without, however, naming his supposed oriental diocese, which even 
 Jerome was unable to determine. The Liberian list of Popes of a.d. 354, 
 describes him as Yppolytus presbyter who was burnt in Sardinia about 
 A.D. 235 along with the Eoman bishop, Poutianus (§ 41, 1). In the fifth 
 century, the Eoman church gave him honour as a martyr. The poet 
 Prudentius (f a.d. 413) who himself saw the crypt in which his bones 
 were laid and which in the book of his martyrdom was pictorially repre- 
 sented, celebrated his career in song. According to him Hippolytus was 
 an adherent of theNovatian schism (§ 41, 3), but returned to the Catholic 
 church and suffered martyrdom at Portus near Eome. According to his 
 own statement quoted by Photius he was a hearer of the doctrinal 
 discourses of Ireuasus. A statue representing him in a sitting posture 
 
 1 " Opera." ed. Harvey. Cantab., 1857. Introd. II. " Life and Wr. 
 of Irenffius." Engl, trnnsl. in Ante-Nicene Lib. 2 vols. Etlin., 18G8, 
 18G9. Lightfoot, " Churches of Gaul " in Contemp. Review, Aug. 1876. 
 Lipsius, " Irenffius," in Smith's "Diet, of Chr. Biog." III. pp. 253-279.
 
 152 THE GE/ECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 wLich was exhumed at Eorne in a.d. 1551, lias on the back of the seat a 
 list of his writings along with an Easier cycle of sixteen years drawn up 
 by him (§ 56, 3). Finally, there was found among the works of Origen a 
 treatise on the various ishilosophical systems entitled Philosoplwmnena, 
 which professes to be the first book of a writing in ten books found in 
 Greece in a.d. 1842, Kara Tvacri^v alpiaeuiv ^Xeyxos. Starting from the 
 position, and seeking to establish it, that the heretics have got their 
 doctrines not from holy scripture, but from astrology, pagan mysteries 
 and the Greek philosoi^hers, this treatise is generally of great importairce 
 not only for the history of the heresies of the Gnostics and Monarchiaus, 
 but also for the history of philosophy. The English editor, E. Miller 
 (Oxon., 1851), attributed the authorship of the whole to Origen, which, 
 however, from the complete difference of style, point of view and position 
 was soon proved to be untenable. Since the writer admits that he was 
 himself the author of a book Hepl ttjs rov iravTos ovalas, and Photius 
 ascribes a book with the same title to the Eoman Caius (No. 7), Baur 
 attributes to the latter the composition of the Elenchus. Photius, 
 however, founds his opinion simply upon an apocryphal note on the 
 margin of his copy of the book. Incomparably more important are the 
 evidences for the Hippolytus authorship, which is now almost universally 
 admitted. The Elenchus is not, indeed, enumerated in the list of works 
 on the statue. The book Hepl t^s rod irdvTos ovcrias, however, appears 
 tliere, and it contains the statement that its author also wrote the 
 Elenchus. The author of the Elenchus also states that he had previously 
 written a similar work in a shorter form, and Photius describes such a 
 shorter writing of Hippolytus, dating from the time of his intercourse 
 W'ith Ireu£EUS, under the title 2,wTayfJ.a Kara iraauiv alpiaeuiv. Lipsius 
 has made it appear extremely probable that in the Lihcllus adv. omnes 
 lucreticos appended to Tertullian's De imcsciiplione hcerelicoruin, and so 
 usually styled a treatise of the Pseudo-Tertullian, we have an abbreviated 
 Latin reproduction of that work ; for this one as well as the other begins 
 with Dositheus and ends with Noetus, and both deal with thirty-two 
 heresies. Epiphanius and Philastrius have used it largely in their 
 heresiological works. The discussion in the Elenchus agrees therewith 
 in many passages but also in many is essentially different, which, how- 
 ever, when we consider the much later date of the first named treatise 
 affords no convincing evidence against the theory that both are by one 
 arithor. The Elenchus thereby wins a high importance as giving inform- 
 ation about the condition of the Eoman church during the first decades 
 of the 3rd century, about the position of the author who describes him- 
 self in his treatise as a pupil of Irena^us, about his own and his 
 opponents' way of viewing things, and about his conflict with them 
 leading to schism, though all is told from the standpoint of an interested 
 party (§§ 33, 5 ; 41, 1). A considerable fragment directed against the
 
 § 31. THEOLOG. LITEEATUEE — OLD CATHOLIC AGE. 1-53 
 
 errors of Noutus (§ 33, 5) was perhaps originally a part of his Syntagma, — 
 though not perhaps of the anonymous, so-called Little Labyrinth against 
 the Artemouites (§ 33, 3) or probably against the Monarchiaus generally, 
 from which Eusebius makes extensive quotations, especially about the 
 Theodotians. This work is ascribed by Photius to the Roman Caius, but 
 without doubt wrongly. Great probability has been given to the recently 
 advanced idea that this book too may have been written by Hippolytus.^ 
 4. The Alexandrian Cliurcli Teachers. — a. The first of the teachers of 
 the catechetical school at Alexandria known by name was Pantseuus, who 
 had formerly been a Stoic philosopher. About a.d. 190 he undertook a 
 missionary journey into Southern Arabia or India, and died in a.d. 20i 
 after a most successful and useful life. Jerome says of him : Hujits 
 vntUi quidem in s. Scri. exstant Commentarii, sed Macjis viva voce ccdesiis 
 jvo/uit. Of his writings none are preserved. — h. Titus Flavius Clemens 
 was the pupil of PautiEnus and his successor at the catechetical school 
 in Alexandria. On his travels undertaken in the search for knowledge 
 he came to Alexandria as a learned pagan philosopher, where probably 
 Pantasnus gained an influence over him and was the means of his con- 
 version. During the persecution under Septimius Severus in a.d. 202 he 
 sought in flight to escape the rage of the heathens, in accordance with 
 Matt. X. 23. But he continued uuweariedly by writing and discourse to 
 promote the interests of the church till his death in a.d. 220. The most 
 important and most comprehensive of his writings is the work in three 
 parts of which the first part entitled A670S irpoTpeirTLKos irpo% "EXXTjcas 
 (Cohortatio ad Gracos) with great expenditure of learning seeks to 
 prepare the minds of the heathen for Christianity by proving the vanity 
 of heathenism; the second part, 'O TraLdaywyds in three books, with a 
 Ilymnus in Salvatorcm attached, gives an introduction to the Christian 
 life ; and the third part, Sr/ow/xareis {Stromata), that is, patchwork, so- 
 called from the aphoristic style and the variety of its contents, in eight 
 books, setting forth the deep things of Christian gnosis, but in the form 
 rather of a collection of materials than a carefully elaborated treatise. 
 The little tractate Ti's 6 (xw^o/xevos Tr'Kovffios {Quis dives salvetur) shows 
 how even wealth may be made contributory to salvation. Among his 
 
 1 Many works ascribed to him have been lost ; whatever fragments of 
 these exist have been collected by Fabricius and Lagardo. These were 
 Exeget., a Com. on Daniel; Apolog., Ilpbs 'lovoaiovs; Polein., against 
 Gnostics and Monarchians, against the Asiatic Observance of Easter 
 (§ 37, 2) ; Dogmat., Uepl t^s rod irdvros over las, Uepl toO ' Aurtxpio-Tov, Uepl 
 TTJs dvaffTdcreo}^ (§ 22, 4), Ilep^ x^-P'-^l^^'^'^'' '■■ Hist.-chron., Chronicle, 
 and Easter-Canon.— On Philosophoumeua : DuUinger, " Hiiipolytus and 
 Callistus." Edin. 1870.
 
 154 THE GPviECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 lost treatises the most important was the 'TiroTvirwaeii in eight books, an 
 expository review of the contents of holy scripture.' 
 
 5. — c. Great as was the reputation of Clement, he was far ontstripped 
 by his pupil and successor Origen, acknowledged by pagan and Cluistiau 
 contemporaries to be a miracle of scholarship. On account of his 
 indomitable diligence, he was named 'A5afj.dvTios. Celebrated as a 
 philosopher, i^hilologist, critic, exegete, dogmatist, apologist, polemist, 
 etc., posterity has with equal right honoured him as the actual founder 
 of au ecclesiastical and scientific theology, and rein'oached him as the 
 originator of many heretical opinions (§§ 51 ; 52,6). He was born of 
 Christian parents at Alexandria about ad. 185, was educated under his 
 father Leonidas, Panta;nus and Clement, while still a boy encouraged 
 his father when he suffered as a martyr under Septimius Severus in a.d. 
 202, became the support of his helpless mother and his six orphaned 
 sisters, and was called in a.d. 203 by bishop Demetrius to be teacher of 
 the catechetical school. In order to qualify himself for the duties of his 
 new calling, he engaged eagerly in the study of philosophy under the 
 Neo-Platonist Ammouius Saccas. His mode of life was extremely simple 
 and from his youth he was a strict ascetic. In his eager striving after 
 Christian perfection he had himself emasculated, from a misunderstanding 
 of Matt. xix. 12, but afterwards he admitted that that was a wrong step. 
 His fame advanced from day to day. About a.d. 211 he visited Kome. 
 Accepting an honourable invitation in a.d. 215 he wrought for a long 
 time as a missionary in Arabia, he was then appointed by the celebrated 
 Julia Mammffia (§ 22, 4) to Autioch in a.d. 218 ; and in a.d. 230 under- 
 took in the interest of the church a journey to Greece through Palestine, 
 where the bishops of Ca?sarea and Jerusalem admitted liim to the rank of 
 a presbyter. His own bishoji, Demetrius, jealous of the daily increasing 
 fame of Origen and feeling that his episcopal rights had been infringed 
 upon, recalled him, and had him at two Alexandrian Synods, in a.d. 231 
 and 282, arraigned and excommunicated for heresy, self-mutilatiou and 
 contempt of the ecclesiastical laws of his office. Origen now went to 
 Cajsarea, and there, honoured and protected by the Emperor, Philip the 
 Arabian, opened a theological school. His literary activity here reached 
 its climax. But under Decius he was cast into prison at Tyre, in a.d. 
 254, and died in consequence of terrible tortures which he endured 
 heroically. — Of his numerous writings- only a comparatively small 
 
 • " Opera.," ed. Diiidorf. 4 vols. Oxon., 1808. " Supplemcntum 
 Clementinum, in Zahn's Eorsch. Vol. iii. Engl, trausl. in Ante- 
 Nicene Lib. 2 vols. Edin., 18G7. Bigg, " Chr. Plat, of Alex." Lectt. 
 II. III. Oxf., 1886. Kaye, " Clement of Alexandria." London, 1855. 
 Pveuss, " Hist of Canon." Edin., 1884, pp. 112-116. 
 
 * Jerome reckons them at 2,000 ; Epiphanius at 6,000 ; these must
 
 § 31. THEOLOG. LITERATURE — OLD CATHOLIC AGE. 155 
 
 number, but those of great value, are preserved ; some in the original, 
 others only in a Latin translation. (1) To the department of Biblical 
 Criticism belongs the fruit of twenty-seven years' labour, the so-called 
 Hexapla, that is, a placing side by side the Hebrew text of the 0. T. 
 (first in Hebr. and then in the Gr. letters) and the existing Greek 
 translations of the LXX., Aquila, Symmachus and Theodotion ; by 
 the addition in some books of other anonymous translations, it came 
 to be an Octopla or Enneapla. By critical marks on the margin all 
 variations were carefully indicated. The enormous bulk of fifty volumes 
 hindered its circulation by means of transcripts; but the original lay 
 in the library at Cajsarea open to the inspection of all, until lost, probably 
 in the sack of the city by the Arabians in a.d. 653.^ — (2.) His Exegetical 
 works consist of Ztj/neiiLixeLS or short scholia on separate difficult passages, 
 To/Lioi or complete commentaries on whole books of the bible, and 'O/xiA/at 
 or practical expository lectures. Origen, after the example of the 
 Eabbinists and Hellenists, gave a decided preference to the allegorical 
 method of interpretation. In every scripture passage he distinguished 
 a threefold sense, as (Tu>,ua, ^I'xri, irvevna, first a literal, and then a 
 twofold higher sense, the tropical or moral, and the pneumatical or 
 mystical. He was not just a dcspiser of the literal sense, but the un- 
 folding of the mystical sense seemed to him of infinitely greater impor- 
 tance. All history in the bible is a picture of things in the higher world. 
 Most incidents occurred as they are told ; but some, the literal conception 
 of which would be unworthy or irrational, are merely typical, without 
 any outward historical reality. The Old Testament language is typical 
 in a twofold sense : for the New Testament history and for the heavenly 
 realities. The New Testament language is typical only of the latter. 
 He regarded the whole bible as inspired, with the exception of the books 
 added by the LXX., but the New Testament in a higher degree than 
 the Old. But even the New Testament had defects which will only 
 be overcome by the revelation of eternity. — (3) To the department of 
 Dogmatics belongs his four books Ilept apx^iv (De Princiinia), which have 
 come down to us in a Latin translation of Eufinus with arbitrary inter- 
 polations. His ^Tpoj/.iaTe'cs in ten books which sought to harmonize the 
 Christian doctrine with Greek philosophy is lost, and also his numerous 
 writings against the heretics. His comprehensive apologetical work in 
 eight books. Contra Celsum (§ 23, 3), has come down to us complete. - 
 Gregory of Nazianzus and Basil the Great made a book entirely from 
 
 include the thousands of separate epistles and homilies. Bigg, " Chr. 
 riatonists of Alex." Lectt. IV.-VI. Oxf., 1886. 
 
 1 Hexaplonun quce supersunt. Ed. Field. Oxon., 1871. 
 
 - Ed. Selwyn. Cantab., 1876. Engl, transl. of C. Celsum and De 
 Principiis, in Ante-Nicene Library. 2 vols. Edin., 18CiO-lS72.
 
 156 THE GE/ECO-EOMAN OHUECH — A.D. 70-323. 
 
 his writings iincler the title <I>iXo/.'aXia, wliicli contains many passages 
 from lost treatises, and a valuable original fragment from his llepl dpxuv. 
 His princii^al doctrinal characteristics are the following : There is a two- 
 fold revelation, the primitive revelation in conscience to which the 
 heathen owe their cirepixaTo. dXij^ei'as, and the historical revelation in 
 holy scriptm-e ; there are three degrees of religious knowledge, that of 
 the \piK7] TriaTis, an unreasoned acceptance of the truth, wrought by God 
 immediately in the heart of men, that of yvuais or i-jna-T-^fJLT] to which the 
 reasoning mind of man can reach by the speculative development of 
 scripture revelation in his life, and finally, that of ao<pla or Oewpia, the 
 vision of God, the full enjoyment of which is attained unto only here- 
 after. For his doctrine of the Trinity, see § 33, 6. His cosmological, 
 angelological and anthropological views represent a mixture of Platonic, 
 Gnostic and spiritualistic ideas, and run out into various heterodoxies ; 
 thus, he believes in timeless or eternal creation, an ante-temporal fall of 
 human souls, their imprisonment in earthly bodies, he denies the resur- 
 rection of the body, he believed in the animation and the need and 
 capacity of redemption of the stars and star-spirits, in the restoration 
 of all spirits to their original, ante-temporal blessedness and holiness, 
 diroi;aTd(rTaaLs twv ttclvtuv. — (4.) Of his Ascetical Works, the treatise Ue'pl 
 fvxv^ with an admirabla exposition of the Lord's prayer, and a A670S 
 irpoTpewiKus els fxaprvpLov have been preserved. Of his numerous epistles, 
 the Epistola ad JuUum Africamtm defends against his correspondent the 
 genuineness of the history of Susannah. 
 
 6. — d. Among the successors of Origen in the school of Alexandria 
 the most celebrated, from about a.d. 232, was Dionysius Alexandrinus. 
 He was raised to the rank of bishop in a.d. 247, and died in a.d. 2G5. 
 In si^eculative power he was inferior to his teacher Origen. His special 
 gift was that of Kv^ipvrjcns. He was honoured by his own contem- 
 poraries with the title of The Great. During the Decian persecution 
 he manifested wisdom and good sense as well as courage and steadfast- 
 ness. The ecclesiastical conflicts of his age afforded abundant oppor- 
 tunities for testing his noble and gentle character, as well as his 
 faithful attachment to the church and zeal for the purity of its doctrine, 
 and on all hands his self-denying amiability wrought in the interests 
 of peace. Of his much-praised writings, exegetical, ascetical, polemical 
 (Ilf/ji evayyeKlwv, § 33, 9), apologetical (Ilept cpvaecos against the Atomism 
 of Democritus and Epicurus), and dogmatical (§ 33, 7), only fragments 
 arc preserved, mostly from his Epistles in quotations by Eusebius. We 
 have, however, one short tract complete addressed to Novatian at Eome 
 (No. 12), containing an earnest entreaty that he should abandon his 
 schismatic rigorism. — e. Gregory Tliaumaturgus was one of Origen's 
 pupils at Cffisarea. Origen was the means of converting the truth- 
 seeking heathen youth to Christianity, and Gregory clung to his teacher
 
 § 31. TEEOLOG. LITERATUEE---OLD CATHOLIC AGE. 157 
 
 with the warmest affection. He subsequently became bishop of his 
 native city of Neo-Ca?sarea, and was able on his death-bed in a.d. 270 
 to comfort himself with the reflection that he left to his successor no 
 more unbelievers in the city than his predecessor had left him of 
 believers (their number was seventeen). He was called the second 
 Moses and the power of working miracles was ascribed to him. We 
 have from his pen a panegyric on Origeu, an Epistle on Church Dis- 
 cipline, a 'Slerdrppaa-LS eis 'EKKXriaidcxTr]!', a Confession of Faith important 
 for the history of the Ante-Nicene period (§ 50, 1) : "E/c^ecris iriarews. 
 Two other tracts in a Syrian translation are ascribed to him : To 
 Philagrius on Consubstantlality, and To Theopompus on the Passibility 
 of God. Driisekc, however, identifies the first-named with Oratio 45 
 of Gregory Nazianzus and assigns to him the authorship.'—/. The 
 learned presbyter Pamphilus of Cajsarea, the friend of Eusebius (§ 47, 2) 
 and founder of a theological seminary and the celebrated library of 
 Cresarea, who died as a martyr under Maximinus, belongs to this group. 
 His Old Testament Commentaries have been lost. In prison he finished 
 his work in five books which he undertook jointly with Eusebius, the 
 Apology for Or i gen, to which Eusebius independently added a sixth 
 book. Only the first book is preserved in Eufinus' Latin translation. 
 
 7. Greek-speaking Church Teachers in other Quarters. — a. Hegesippns 
 wrote his five books 'Tvo/xi'T^/xaTa, about a.d. 180, during the Qge of the 
 Eoman bishop Eleutherus. From his knowledge of the Hebrew lan- 
 guage, literature and traditions Eusebius concludes that he was a Jew 
 by birth. He himself says distinctly that in a.d. 155 during the time 
 of bishop Anicetus be was staying in Eome, and that on his way thither 
 he visited Corinth. The opinion formerly current that his Hypo- 
 mnemata consisted of a collection of historical traditions from the time 
 of the Apostles down to the age of the writer, and so might be called 
 a sort of Church History, arose from the historical character of the 
 contents of eight quotations made from this treatise by Eusebius in his 
 own Church History. It is, however, not borne out by the fact that 
 what Hegesippus tells in his detailed narrative of the end of James 
 the Just (§ 16, 3) occurs, not in the first or second but in the fifth and 
 last book of his treatise. Moreover, among writers against the heretics 
 or Gnostics, Eusebius enumerates in the first place one Hegesippus, 
 having it would seem his Hypomnemata in view. From this circum- 
 stance, in conjunction with everything else quoted from and told about 
 him by Eusebius, we may with great probability conclude that the 
 purpose of his writing was to confute the heresies of his age. In doing 
 
 ' "Gregory Thaumaturgug,Diony3iu3 of Alex, and Arohelaus," transl. 
 by Prof. Salmoud. Edin., 1871.
 
 158 THE GKiECO-r.OMAN CHUECII, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 so he traces them jmrtly to Gentile sources, liut partly aud mainly to 
 pre-Christian Jewish heresies, seven of which are enumerated. He 
 treats in the first three Looks of the so-called Gnostics aud their re- 
 lations to heathenism and false Judaism. Then in the fourth book 
 he discusses the heretical Apocrypha and, as contrasted with them, the 
 orthodox ecclesiastical writings, mentioning among them expressly the 
 Epistle of Clemens Eomanus to the Corinthians. Finally, in the filth 
 hook, he proves from the Apostolic succession of the leaders of the 
 church, the unity and truth of ecclesiastically transmitted doctrine. The 
 historical value of his writing, owing to the confusion and want of 
 critical power shown in the instances referred to, cannot be placed very 
 high. The school of Baur, more particularly ScliAvcglcr (see § 20), 
 attached greater importance to him as a supposed representative of the 
 auti-Pauline Judaism of his time. The value of his testimony in this 
 direction, however, is reduced by his acknowledgment of the Epistle 
 of Clement that accords so high a i^lace to the Apostle Paul. His 
 relations to Eome and Corinth, with his judgment on the general unity 
 of faith in the church of his age, prove that he would be by no means 
 disposed to repudiate the Apostle Paul in favour of any Ebionitic 
 tendency. — h. Caiiis of Rome, a contemporary of bishop Zephyrinus 
 about A.D. 210, was one of the most conspicuous opponents of Montanism. 
 Eusebius who characterizes him as dvrjp iKiiXrjtuaaTiK'js and 'KoyiiiraTos, 
 quotes four times from his now lost controversial tract in dialogue form 
 against Proclus the Roman Montanist leader. 
 
 8. — c. Scxtus Julius Africanus, according to Suidas a native of Libya, 
 took part, as he says himself in his Ketrrois, in the campaign of 
 Septimus Severus against Osrhoiine in a.d. 195, became intimate with 
 the Christian king Maanu VIII. of Edessa, whom in his Chronographies 
 he calls leph% dvijp, and was often companion in hunting to his son 
 aud successor Maanu IX. About a.d. 220 we find him, according to 
 Eusebius and others, in Eome at the head of an embassy from Nicopolis 
 or Emmaus in Palestine petitioning for the restoration of that city. 
 In consequence of Origen addressing him about a.d. 227 as d7a7r?;Tcs 
 d5e\06s it has been rashly concluded that he was then a presbyter or 
 at least of clerical rank. The five books, XpovoypacfyiaL, were his first 
 and most important work. This work which was known partly in the 
 original, partly in the citations from it in the Eusebian Chronicle 
 (§ 47, 2), together with its Latin continuation by .Jerome proved a main 
 source of information in general history duriug the Byzantine period and 
 the Latin Middle Age. Beginning with the creation of the world and 
 fixing the whole course of the world's development at 6,000 years, he 
 set the middle point of this period to the age of Peleg (Gen. x. 25), 
 aud in accordance with the chronology of the LXX, and reckoning by 
 Olympiads, proceeded to synchronize biblical and profane history. He
 
 § 31. TIIEOLOG. LITERATUllE — OLD CATHOLIC AGE. 159 
 
 assigueJ the LirlU of Christ to the middle of tlie sixth of the thousand 
 year periods, at the close of which he probably expected the beginning 
 of the millennium. From the fragments preserved by later Byzantine 
 chroniclers, Gelzer has attempted to reproduce as far as possible the 
 original work, carefully indicating its sources and authorities. Of the 
 other works of Africauns we have in a complete form only an Epistle to 
 Origen, " a real gem of brilliant criticism spiced with a gentle touch of fine 
 irony" (Gelzer), which combats the autbenticity and credibility of the 
 Pseudo-Daniel's history of Susannah. We have also a fragment quoted 
 in Eusebius from an Epistle to a certain Aristides, which attempts a 
 reconciliation of the genealogies in Matt, and Luke by distinguishing 
 TToides vofMixj and Traloes (pucrei with reference to Deut. xxv. 5. According 
 to Eusebius " the chronologist Julius Africanus," according to Suidas 
 " Origen's friend Africanus with the praenomen Sextus," is also the 
 fiuthor of the so-called KeaTol [embroidery), a great comprehensive work 
 of which only fragments have been preserved, in which all manner of 
 wonderful things from the life of nature and men, about agriculture, 
 cattle breeding, warfare, etc., were recorded, so that it had the secondary 
 title HapdSo^a. The excessive details of pagan superstition here reported, 
 much of which, such as that relating to the secret worship of Venus, 
 was distinctly immoral, and its dependence on the secret writings of 
 the Egyptians seem now as hard to reconcile with the standpoint of a 
 believing Christian, as with the sharpness of intellect shown in his 
 criticism of the letter of Susannah. It has therefore been assumed that 
 alongside of the Christian chronologist Julius Africanus there was a 
 pagan Julius Africanus who wrote the KeaToi,— or, seeing the identity 
 of the two is strongly evidenced both on internal and external grounds, 
 the composition of the Kearoi is assigned to a period when the author 
 was still a heathen. The facts, however, that the Chronicles close with 
 A.D. 221 and that the Kforot is dedicated to Alex. Severus (a.d. 222-235), 
 seem to guarantee the earlier composition of the Chronicles. The 
 author of the Kearol, too, by his quotation of Ps. xxxiv. 9 with the 
 formula 9eia p^uara, shows himself a Christian, and on the other hand, 
 the author of the Chronicles says that at great cost he had made him- 
 self acquainted in Egypt with a celebrated secret book. 
 
 9. — d. Methodius bishop of Olympus in Lycia, subsequently at Tyre, 
 a man highly esteemed in his day, died as a martyr in a.d. 311, He 
 was a decided opponent of the spiritualism prevailing in the s'chool of 
 Origen. His "Zvixiroaiov ruiv 5«a irapdivuv is a dialogue between several 
 vii-gins regarding the excellence of virginity written in eloquent and 
 glowing language (transl. in Ante-Nicene Lib. Edin., 187U). Of his 
 other works only outlines and fragments are preserved by Epiphauius 
 and Photius. To these belong Ilepl aure^ovjlov kuI iroOef Kaicd, a 
 polemic against the Platonic-Guostis doctrine of the eternity of matter
 
 160 THE GKiECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 as the ultimate ground and cause of sin, which are to be sought rather 
 in the misuse of human freedom ; the dialogues Uepi dvaffrdaius and 
 llepl Tuv ■yevvTjTui', the former of which combats Origen's doctrine of 
 the resurrection, and the latter his doctrine of creation. His con- 
 troversial treatise against Porphyry (§ 23, 3) has been completely lost. — 
 c. The martyr Lacian of Sainosata, born and brought up in Edessa, was 
 presbyter of Autioch and co-founder of the theological school there that 
 became so famous (§ 47, 1), where he, deposed by a Syrian Synod of 
 A.D., 2G9, and persecuted by the Emperor Aurelian in a.d. 272, as 
 supporter of bishop Paul of Samosata (§ 33, 8), maintained his position 
 under the three following bishops (till a.d. 303) apart from the official 
 church, and died a painful martyr's death under the Emperor Maximiuus 
 in A.D. 312. That secession, however, was occasioned less perhaps 
 through doctrinal and ecclesiastical, than through national and political, 
 anti-Roman and Syrian sympathies with his heretical countrymen of 
 Samosata. For though in the Arian controversy (§ 50, 1) Liician un- 
 doubtedly appears as the father of that Trinitarian- Christological view 
 first recognised and combated as heretical in his pupil Arius in a.d. 318, 
 this was certainly essentially different from the doctrine of the Samo- 
 satian. About Lucian's literary activity only the scantiest information 
 has come down to us. His most famous work was his critical revision 
 of the Text of the Old and New Testaments, which according to Jerome 
 was officially sanctioned in the dioceses of the Patriarchs of Antioch 
 and Constantinople, and thus probably lies at the basis of Theodoret's 
 and Chrysostom's exegetical writings. Eufinus' Latin translation of 
 Eusebius' Church History gives an extract from the " Apologetical Dis- 
 course " in which he seems to have openly confessed and vindicated 
 his Christian faith before his heathen judge. 
 
 2. Church Fathers Writing in Latin. 
 
 10. The Church Teachers of North Africa. — Quintas Septimius Plorens 
 Tertullianus was the son of a heathen centiirion of Carthage, distin- 
 guished as an advocate and rhetorician, converted somewhat late in life, 
 about A.D. 190, and, after a long residence in Rome, made presbyter at 
 Carthage in a.d. 220. He was of a fiery and energetic character, in his 
 writings as well as in his life pre-eminently a man of force, with burning 
 enthusiasm for the truth of the gospel, unsparingly rigorous toward him- 
 self and others. His "Punic style" is terse, pictorial and rhetorical, 
 his thoughts are original, brilliant and profound, his eloquence trans- 
 porting, his dialectic clear and convincing, his polemic crushing, en- 
 livened with sharp wit and biting sarcasm. He shows himself the tho- 
 roughly accomplished jurist in his use of legal terminology and also 
 in the acuteness of his deductions and demonstrations. Fanatically
 
 § 31. THEOLOG. LITERATUEE— OLD CATHOLIC AGE. 161 
 
 opposed to heathen philosophy, though himself trained in the knowledgo 
 of it, a zealous opponent of Gnosticism, in favour of strict asceticism 
 and hostile to every form of worldliiiess, he finally attached himself, 
 about A.D. 220, to the party of the Montauists (§ 40, .3). Here he found 
 the form of religion in -which his whole manner of thought and feeling, 
 the energy of his will, the warmth of his emotions, his strong and force- 
 ful imagination, his inclination to rigorous asceticism, his love of bald 
 realism, could be developed in all power and fulne<ss, without let or hin- 
 drance. If amid all his enthusiasm for Moutanism he kept clear of many 
 of its absurdities, he had for this to thank his own strong common sense, 
 and also, much as he affected to despise it, his early scientific training. 
 He at first wrote his compositions in Greek, but afterwards exclusively 
 in Latin, into which he also translated the most important of his earlier 
 writings. He is perhaps not the first who treated of the Christian truth 
 in this language (No. 12, a), but he has been rightly recognised as the 
 actual creator of ecclesiastical Latin. His writings may be divided into 
 three groups, a. Apologetical and Controversial Treatises against Jews 
 and Pagans, which belong to his pre-Montanist period. The most im- 
 portant and instructive of these is the Apologeticus ado. Gentcs, addressed 
 to the Eoman governor. A reproduction of this work intended for the 
 general public, less learned, but more vigorous, scathing and uncompro- 
 mising, is the treatise in two books entitled Ad Nationes. In the work 
 Ad Scapulam, who as Proconsul of Africa under Septimius Severus had 
 persecuted the Christians with unsparing cruelty, he calls him to account 
 for this with all earnestness and plainness of speech. In the book, De 
 testimonio animcc he carries out more fully the thought already expressed 
 in the Apologeticus c. 17 of the Anima huviana naturaliter Christiana, 
 and proves in an ingenious manner that Christianity alone meets the 
 religious needs of humanity. The book Adv. Judieos had its origin 
 ostensibly in a public disputation with the Jews, in which the interrup- 
 tions of his audience interferes with the flow of his discourse. — b. Con- 
 troversial Treatises against the Heretics. In the tract De prascriptione 
 Jucreticonim he proves that the Catholic chuj'ch, because in i^rescriptive 
 possession of the field since the time of the Apostles, is entitled on the 
 legal ground of prascriptio to be relieved of the task of advancing proof 
 of her claims, while the heretics on the other hand are bound to estab- 
 lish their pretensions. A heresiological appendix to this book has been 
 erroneously attributed to Tertullian (see No. 3). He combats the 
 Gnostics in the writings : De haptismo (against the Gnostic rejection of 
 water baptism) ; Adv. Hermogen&in; Adv. Valcntinianos ; De anima {a.n 
 Anti-Gnostic treatise, which maintains the creatureliness, yea, the 
 materiality of the soul, traces its origin to sexual intercourse, and its 
 mortality to Adam's sin) ; De came Christi (Anti-Docetic) : De resurrec- 
 tione carnis Seorpiace (an antidote to the scorpion-poison of the Gnostic
 
 162 THE GE/ECO-EOMAN CIIUECH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 heresy) ; finally, the five books, Adv. Marcioncm, Tlao book Adv. 
 Praxeain is directed against the Patripassians (§ 33, 4). In this work 
 his realism reaches its climax at c. 7 in the statement; " Quis enim 
 negabit, Deinn corpus esse, etsi Deus siJiritus est? Spirltus enim corpus 
 siti generis in sua effigie," — where, however, he is careful to state that 
 with him corpus and substantia are identical ideas, so that he can also 
 say in c. 10 de came Christi : " Omne quod est, corpus est sui generis. 
 Nihil est incorporate nisi quod non est.'' — c. Practical aud Ascstical 
 Treatises. His pre-Montauist writings are characterized by moderation 
 as compared with the fanatical rigorism and scornful bitterness against 
 the Psychical, i.e. the Catholics, displayed in those of the Montanist 
 period. To the former class belong : De oratione (exposition of the 
 Lord's Prayer) ; De baptismo (necessity of water baptism, disapproval of 
 infant baptism) ; De pcenitentia ; De idolatria ; Ad Martyres ; De specta- 
 culis; De culta feminarum (against feminine love of dress); De 
 patientia; Ad uxorem (a sort of testament for his wife, with the exhor- 
 tation after his death not to marry again, but at least in no case to 
 marry au unbeliever). To the Montanist period belong : De rirginibus 
 velandis; De corona militis (defending a Christian soldier who suffered 
 imprisonment for refusing to wear the soldier's crown) ; De fuga inpcr- 
 secutionc (which with fanatical decision is declared to be a renunciation 
 of Christianity) ; De exlwrtatione castitatis and De monogamia (both 
 against second marriages which are treated as fornication and adultery) ; 
 De pudicitia (recalling his milder opinion given in his earlier treatise 
 De pmiitcntia, that every mortal sin is left to the judgment of God, 
 with the possibility of reconciliation) ; De jejuniis adv. Fsychicos (vindi- 
 cation of the fasting discipline of the Montanists, § 40, 4) ; De pallio 
 (au essay full of wit and humour in answer to the taunts of his fellow- 
 citizens about his throwing off the toga and donning the philosopher's 
 mantle, i.e. the Pallium, which even the Ascetics might wear.' 
 
 11. Thascius CBBcilius Cyprianus, descended from a celebrated pagan 
 family in Carthage, was at first a teacher of rhetoric, then, after his 
 conversion in a.d. 245, a presbyter and from a.d. 248 bishop in his native 
 city. During the Decian persecution the hatred of the heathen mob 
 expressed itself in the cry Cyprianum ad leonem; but he withdrew him- 
 self for a time in flight into the desert in a.d. 250, from whence he 
 guided the affairs of the church by his Epistles, and returned in the 
 following year when respite had been given. The disturbances that had 
 
 ' Neander, " Antiguosticus, or the Spirit of Tertull.," appended to 
 "Hist, of Planting of Chr. Church." 2 vols. Lond., 1851. Kaye, 
 " Eccles. Hist, of 2nd and 3rd Cents, illustr. from Wr. of Tertull." 2 ed. 
 Camb., 1829. TertuUian, " Works." 3 vols. Antc-Niccne Lib. Ediu., 
 1809.
 
 § 31. TIIEOLOG, LITERATURE — OLD CATHOLIC AGE. 163 
 
 meanwhile arisen afforded Liui abundant opportunity for the exercise 
 of that wisdom and gentleness which cliaracterized him, and the ear- 
 nestness, energy and moderation of his nature, as well as his Christian 
 tact and prudence all stood him in good stead in dealing, on the one 
 hand, witli the fallen v.'ho sought restoration, and on the other, the 
 rigorous schismatics who opposed them (§ 41, 2). When persecution 
 again broke out under Valerian in a.d. 257 he was banished to the desert 
 Curubis, and when he returned to his oppressed people in a.d. 258, he 
 was beheaded. His epoch-making significance lies not so much in his 
 theological productions as in his energetic and successful struggle for 
 the unity of the church as represented by the monarchical position of 
 the episcopate, and in his making salvation absolutely dependent upon 
 submission to episiopal authority, as well as in the powerful impetus 
 given by him to the tendency to view ecclesiastical piety as an ojnis 
 opcratum (§ 39). As a theologian and writer he mainly attaches him- 
 self to the giant TertuUian, whose thoughts he reproduces in his works, 
 with the excision, however, of their Montanist extravagances. Jerome 
 relates that no day passed in which he did not call to his amanuensis : 
 Da mayistrum ! In originality, profundity, force and fulness of thought, 
 as well as in speculative and dialectic gifts, he stands indeed far below 
 TertuUian, but in lucidity and easy flow cf language and pleasant 
 exposition he far surpasses him. His eighty-one Epistles are of supreme 
 importance for the Ch. Hist, of his times, and next to them in value is 
 the treatise " De unitate ecclesite " (§ 34, 7). His Liber ad Donatum s. 
 de gratia Dct, the first writing produced after his conversion, contains 
 treatises on the leadings of God's grace and the blessedness of the 
 Christian life as contrasted with the blackness of the life of the pagan 
 world. The Apologetical writings De iduloruin vanilate and Testimonia 
 adv. Judccos, 11. iii., have no claims to independence and originalitj'. 
 This applies also more or less to his ascetical tracts : De hahitu virginum, 
 De mortalitate, De exlwrtatione marttjrii, De lapsis, De oratione dominica, 
 De bono paiientice, De zelo et Uvore, etc. His work De opere et eleemosynis 
 specially contributed to the spread of the doctrine of the merit of works. > 
 12. Various Ecclesiastical Writers using the Latin Tongue. — a. The 
 Roman attorney Minucius Felix, probably of Cirta in Africa, wrote under 
 the title of Octaviiis a brilliant Apology, expressed in a fine Latin diction, 
 in the form of a conversation between his two friends the Christian 
 Octavius and the heathen Crecilius, which resulted in the conversion of 
 the latter. It is matter of dispute whether it was composed before or after 
 
 1 "Cyprian's Treatises and Epistles:" Lib. of Fathers. 2 vols. 
 Oxf., 1S39, 1814. " Writings of Cyprian : " Aute-Nicene Lib. 2 vols. 
 Edin., 18G8. -Poole, "Life and Times of C." Oxf., 1810. ressense, 
 " Martyrs and Apologists." Lond., 1879, pp. 414-438.
 
 164 THE GEiECO-EOMAN CHUECII, A.D, 70-323. 
 
 Tertullian's Apologeticus, and to which of the two the origin of thoughts 
 and expressions common to both is to be assigned. Eeccntly Ebert 
 has maintained the opinion that Minucius is the ohler, and this view 
 has obtained many adherents ; whereas the contrary theory of Schultze 
 has reached its chmax in assigning the composition of tlie Octavius to 
 A.D. 300-303, so that he is obliged to ascribe the Octavins as well as the 
 Apologeticus to a compiler of the fourth or fifth century, plagiarizing 
 from Cyprian's treatise De idolorinn vanitate ! — h. Commodianus, born 
 at Gaza, was won to Christianity by reading holy scripture, and wrote 
 about A.D. 250 his Instructiones adv. Gentium Deos, consisting of eighty 
 acrostic poems in rhyming hexameters and scarcely intelligible, bar- 
 barous Latin. His Carmen aiiologeticum adv. Jud. ct Gent, was first 
 published in 1852. — c. The writings of his contemporary the schis- 
 matical Fovatian of Rome (§ 41, 3) show him to have been a man of no 
 ordinary dogmatical and exegetical ability. His Liber de Trinitatc s. de 
 liegula fidei is directed in a subordinationist sense against the Monar- 
 chians (§ 33). The Epistola de cibis Judaici repudiates any obligation 
 on the part of Christians to observe the Old Testament laws about food ; 
 and the Epistola Cleri Homani advocates milder measures in the peni- 
 tential discipline. — d. AnioLius was born at Sicca in Africa, where he 
 was engaged as a teacher of eloquence about a.d. 300. For a long time 
 he was hostilely inclined toward Christianity, but underwent a change 
 of mind by means of a vision in a dream. The bishop distrusted him 
 and had misgivings about admitting him to baptism, but he convinced 
 him of the honesty of his intentions by composing the seven books of 
 Disputationes adv. Gentes. This treatise betrays everywhere defective 
 iinderstanding of the Christian truth ; but he is more successful in com- 
 bating the old religion than in defending the new. — e. The bishop 
 Victorinus of Pettau (Petavium in Styria), who died a martyr during the 
 Diocletian persecution in a.d. 303, wrote commentaries on the Old and 
 New Testament books that are no longer extant. Only a fragment De 
 fabrica niinidi on Gen. i. and Scholia on the AiDocalypse have been pre- 
 served. — ■/. Lucius Coelius Firmianus Lactantius (f about a.d. 330), prob- 
 ably of Italian descent, but a pupil of Arnobius in Africa, was appointed 
 by Diocletian teacher of Latin eloquence at Nicomedia. At that place 
 about A.D. 301 he was converted to Christianity and resigned his office 
 on the outbreak of the persecution. Constantino the Great subsequently 
 committed to him the education of his sou Crispus, who, at his father's 
 command, was executed in a.d. 326. From his writings he seems to 
 have been amiable and unassuming, a man of wide reading, liberal 
 culture and a warm heart. The purity of his Latin style and the 
 eloquence of his composition, in which he excels all the Church Fathers, 
 has won for him the honourable name of the Christian Cicero. We 
 ofteji miss in his writings grip, depth and acuteness of thinking ; especi-
 
 § 32. APOCRYPHA AND PSEUDEPIG-EAPHS. 165 
 
 ally in thcii' theological sections we meet with many imperfections and 
 mistakes. He was not only carried away by a fanatical cbiliasm, but 
 adopted also many opinions of a Manichaian sort. The Institutiones 
 divina; in seven bks., a complete exposition and defence of the Christian 
 faith, is his principal work. The Epitome div. inst. is an abstract of the 
 larger works prepared by himself with the addition of many new thoughts. 
 His book De mortihus persccntorum (Engl, trans, by Dr. Burnett : " Ee- 
 lation of the Death of the Primitive Persecutors." Amsterdam, 1G87), 
 contains a rhetorically coloured description of the earlier persecutions 
 as well as of those witnessed by himself during his residence in Nico- 
 media. It is of great importance for the history of the period but must 
 be carefully sifted owing to its strongly partisan character. Not only 
 the joy of the martyrs but also the proof of a divine Nemesis in the 
 lives of the persecutors are regarded as demonstrating the truth of 
 Christianity. The tract De ira Dei seeks to prove the failure of Greek 
 philosophy to combine the ideas of justice and goodness in its conception 
 of God. The book Deopificio Dei proves from the wonderful structure of 
 the human body the wisdom of divine providence. Jerome praises him 
 as a poet ; but of the poems ascribed to him only one on the bird phcenix, 
 which, as it rises into life out of its own ashes is regarded as a syitibol of 
 immortality and the resurrection, can lay any claim to authenticity. 
 
 § 32. The Apocryphal and Pseudepigraphical 
 Literature.^ 
 
 The practice, so Avidely spread in pre-Christian times 
 among pagans and Jews, of publishing treatises as original 
 and primitive divine revelations which had no claim to 
 such a title found favour among Christians of the first 
 centuries, and was continued far down into the Greek and 
 Latin Middle Ages. The majority of the apocryphal or 
 anonymous and pseudepigraphic writings were issued in 
 support of heresies Ebionite or Gnostic. Many, however, 
 were free from heretical taint and were simply undertaken 
 for the purpose of glorifying Christianity by what was 
 then regarded as a harmless pia frans through a vaticinia 
 post eventiim, or of filling up blanks in the early history 
 
 1 Dillmanu, " Pseudepigrai^h. des A. Ts." Herzog, xii. 341. Eeuss, 
 "Hist, of the N. T." Edin,, 1884. Salmon, "Introd. to N. T." 2nd 
 ed. Loud., 188G.
 
 1G6 THE GE7EC0-R0MAN CHUECH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 with myths and ftihles ah'eady existing or else devised for 
 the occasion. They took the subjects of their romances 
 partly from the fiekl of the Old Testament, and partly from 
 the field of the New Testament in the form of Gosjiels, 
 Acts, Apostolic Epistles and Apocalypses. A number of 
 them are professedly drawn from the prophecies of old 
 heathen seers. Of greater importance, especially for the 
 history of the constitution, worship and discipline of the 
 church are the Ek^clcs. Constitutions put forth under the 
 names of Apostles. Numerous aj^ocryphal Acts of Martyrs 
 are for the most part utterly iTseless as historical sources. 
 
 1. Professedly Old Heathen Prophecies. — Of these the Sibylline Writings 
 occupy the most conspicuous place. The Grffico-Ronian legend of the 
 Sibyls, (Tiov §ou\i] {Mo\. for Oeou ^ovXtj), I.e. prophetesses of pagan an- 
 tiquity, was wrought up at a very early period in the interests of Judaism 
 and afterwards of Christianity, especially of Ebionite heresy. The ex- 
 tant collection of such oracles in fourteen books were compiled in the 5th 
 or Gth century. It contains in Greek verses prophecies partly purely 
 Jewish, partly Jewish wrought up by a Christian hand, partly originally 
 Christian, about the history of the world, the life and sufferings of Christ, 
 the persecutions of His disciples and the stages in the final development 
 of His kingdom. The Christian participation in the composition of the 
 Sibylline oracles began in the first century, soon after the irruption of 
 Vesuvius in a.d. 79, and continued down to the 5th century. The Apolo- 
 gists, especially Lactantius, made such abundant use of these proi^hecies 
 that the heathens nicknamed them Sibyllists. — Of the iwoi^hccics about 
 the coming of Christ ascribed to an ancient Persian sccr, Ilystaspes, none 
 have been preserved. 
 
 2. Old Testament Pseudepigraphs.' — These are mostly of Jewish Origin, 
 of which, however, many were held by the early Christians in high 
 esteem. — a. To this class belongs pre-eminently the Book of Enoch, 
 written originally in Hebrew in the last century before Christ, quoted in 
 the Epistle of Jude, and recovered only in an Ethiopic translation in a.d. 
 1821. In its present form in which a great number of older writings 
 about Enoch and Noah have been wrought up, the book embraces ac- 
 counts of the fall of a certain part of the angels (Gen. vi. 1-4 ; Jude G ; 
 and 2 Pet. ii. 4), also statements of the holy angels about the mysteries 
 of heaven and hell, the earth and paradise, about the coming of the 
 
 1 " Fabricius, Codex pseudepigr. V.T." Ed. 2. Hamb., 1722.
 
 § 32. APOCEYPHA AND PSEUDEPIGRAPHS. 167 
 
 Messiah, etc. — h. The Assumptio Mosis {avaX-npLs), from which, according 
 to Origen, the reference to the dispute hetween Michael and Satan about 
 the body of Moses in the Epistle of Jude is taken, was discovered by the 
 librarian Ceriani at Milan. He found the first part of this book in an 
 old Latin translation and published it in a.d. 1860. In the exercise of 
 his official gift Moses prophesies to Joshua about the future fortunes of 
 his nation down to the appearing of the Messiah. The second part, 
 which is wanting, dealt with the translation of Moses. The exact date 
 of its composition is not determined, but it may be perhaps assigned to 
 the first Christian century.— c. The so-called Fourth Book of Ezra is 
 first referred to by Clement of Alexandria. It is an Apocalypse after 
 the manner of the Book of Daniel. It was probably written originally 
 in Greek but we possess only translations : a Latin one and four oriental 
 cues — Ethiopic, Arabic, Syriac and Armenian. From these oriental 
 translations the blanks in the Latin version have been supplied, and its 
 later Christian interpolations have been detected. The angel Uriel in 
 seven visions makes known to the weeping Ezra the signs of the approach- 
 ing destruction of Jerusalem, the decay of the Eoman empire, the founding 
 of the Messianic kingdom, etc. The fifth vision of the eagle with twelve 
 wings and three heads seems to fix the date of its composition to the 
 time of Domitiau. — d. In the year 1843 the missionary Krapff sent 
 to Tubingen the title of an Ethiopic Codex, in which Ewald recognised 
 the writing referred to frequently by the Church Fathers as the Book 
 of Jubilees ('Iwy'SeXaia) or the Little Genesis (AcTrroYeVecrts). This book, 
 written probably about a.d. 50 or 60, is a complete summary of the 
 Jewish legendary matter about the early biblical history from the creation 
 down to the entrance into Canaan, divided into fifty jubilee periods. The 
 name Little Genesis was given it, notwithstanding its large dimensions, 
 as indicating a Genesis of the second rank.^ 
 
 3. The following Pseudepigraphs are of Christian Origin.— «. The short 
 romantic History of Assenath, daughter of Potiphar and wife of Joseph 
 (Gen. xli. 45). Its main point is the conversion of Assenath by an 
 angel.— &. The Testaments of the XXL Patriarchs, after the style of Gen. 
 xlix., written in Greek in the 2nd cent., and quoted by Origen. As in 
 the chapter of Gen. referred to parting counsels are put in the mouth of 
 Jacob, they are here ascribed to his twelve sons. These discourses cm- 
 brace prophecies of the coming of Christ and His atoning sufferings and 
 
 1 Drummond, "Jewish Messiah." Lond., 1877. Lawrence, "Book 
 of Enoch." Oxf., 1821. Schodde, " Bk. of Enoch." Andover, 1882. 
 Schurer, " Hist, of Jew. Peo. in Times of J. Chr." Div. U. Vol. 3, 
 pp. 59 ff., 73 ff., 93 ff., 134 ff. (Enoch, Assumtio, Ezra, Bk. of Jub.). 
 Bensly, " Missing Fragment of Lat. Transl. of m\ Bk. of Ezra." Cambr., 
 1875.
 
 168 THE GE^co-ROMAN chuecb:, a.d. 70-323. 
 
 death, statements about baptism aud the Lord's supper, about the great 
 Apostle of the Geutiles, the rejection of the 0. T. covenant people and 
 the election of the Gentiles, the destruction of Jerusalem and the final 
 completion of the kingdom of God. The book is thus a cleverly com- 
 piled aud comprehensive handbook of Christian faith, life and hope, — 
 c. Of the Asceiisio Isaise (Ava^aTiKov) and the Visio Isaise ('Opacris) traces 
 are to be found as early as in Justin Martyr and TertuUian. The Greek 
 original is lost. Dillmann published an old Ethiopic version (Lps., 1877), 
 aud Gieseler an old Lat. text (Gott., 1832). Its Cabbalistic colouring 
 commended it to the Gnostics. In its first part, borrowed from an old 
 Jewish document, it tells about the martyrdom of Isaiah who was sawn 
 asunder by King Manasseh ; in its second part, entitled Visio Isaice it is 
 told how the prophet in an ecstasy was led by an angel through the 
 seven heavens and had revealed to him the secrets of the divine counsels 
 regarding the incarnation of Christ. — d. A collection in Syriac belonging 
 pei'baps to the 5th or 6th century in which other legends about early 
 ages are kept together, is called Spelimca thesanrornm. We are here told 
 about the sepulchre of the patriarch Lamech and the treasures preserved 
 there from which the wise men obtained the gifts which they presented 
 to the infant Saviour. The Ethiopic Vita Adami is an expansion of the 
 book just referred to. This book is manifestly a legendary account of the 
 changes wrought upon all relations of life in our first parents by means 
 of the fall (hence the title : " Conflict of Adam and Eve "), and Golgotha 
 is named as Adam's buiying place. A second and shorter part treats of 
 the Sethite patriarchs down to Noah. The still shorter third part re- 
 lates the post-diluvian history down to the time of Christ.* 
 
 4. New Testament Apocrypha and Psendepigraphs. — The Gnostics espe- 
 ciftlly produced these in great abundance. Epiphanius speaks of them 
 as numbering thousands. But the Catholics, too, were unable to resist 
 the temptation to build up the truth by these doubtful means. 1. Apo- 
 cryphal Gospels. (1) Complete Gospels existed in considerable numbers, 
 i.e. embracing the period of Christ's earthly labours, more or less cor- 
 rupted in the interests of Gnostic or Ebiouitic heresy, or independently 
 composed Gospels ; but only of a few of these do we possess any know- 
 ledge.- The most important of these are the following : The Gosp. of 
 the Egyptians, esteemed by the Eucratites, according to Origen one of 
 the writings referred to in Luke i. 1 ; also the Gosp. of the XII. Apostles, 
 generally called by the Fathers £1)077. x"-^' '^l^palovs, originally written 
 
 1 Sinker, " Test. XII. Patriarchum." Cambr., 1869. Appendix, 1879. 
 Malan, "Book of Adam and Eve." Lend., 1882. Hort on Bks. of 
 Adam, in Smith's " Diet, of Chr. Biog." Lond., 1877. 
 
 ' Salmon, " Introd. to N. T." Lond., 1885. Lect. XII. " Apoc. and 
 Her. Gospels," pp. 226-218.
 
 § 32. APOCRYPHA AND PSEUDEPIGRAPHS. 169 
 
 in Aramaic ; and finally, the Gosp. of Marcion (§ 27, 11). The most 
 important of these is the Gospel of the Hebrews, on account of its rela- 
 tion to our canonical Gospel of Matthew, which is generally supposed to 
 have been ■WTitten originally in Aramaic. ^ Jerome who translated the 
 Hebrew Gospel says of it: Vacatur a plerisqiie Matthcei authenticum ; 
 hut this is not his own opinion, nor was it that of Origen and Eusebius. 
 The extant fragments show many divergences as well as many similar- 
 ities, partly in the form of apocryphal amplifications, partly of changes 
 made for dogmatic reasons. — (2) Gospels dealing with particular Periods 
 — referring to the days preceding the birth of Jesus and the period of 
 the infancy or to the closing days of His life, whore the heretical ele- 
 ments are wanting or are subordinated to the general interests of Chris- 
 tianity. Of these there was a large number and much of their legendary 
 or fabulous material, especially about the family history of the mother 
 of Jesus (§ 57, 2), has passed over into the tradition of the Catholic 
 Church. Among them may be mentioned ; — (a) The Protcvangel. Jacohi 
 minoris, perhaps the oldest, certainly the most esteemed and most 
 widely sin'ead, written in Greek, beginning with the story of Mary's birth 
 and reaching down to the death of the children of Bethlehem ; — (b) The 
 Ev. Pseudo Matthcei, similar in its contents, but continued down to the 
 period of Jesus' youth, and now existing only in a Lat. translation ;— (c) 
 The Ev.de nativitate Maria;, only in Lat., containing the history of Mary 
 down to the birth of Jesus ; — {d) The Hist. Joscphi fahri lignarii down 
 to his death, dating probably from the 4th cent., only now in an Arabic 
 version; — [e) The Ev. Iiifanticc Salvatoris, only in Arabic, a compilation 
 with no particular dogmatic tendency ; — (/) Also the so-called Ascensioii 
 of Mary (§ 57, 2) soon became the subject of apocryphal treatment, for 
 which John was claimed as the authority (John xix. 2G), and is preserved 
 in several Greek, Syriac, Arabic and Latin manuscripts ; — (g) The Ev. 
 Nicodemi (John xix. 39) in Greek and Lat. contains two Je^;vish writings 
 of the 2nd century. The first part consists of the Gesta or Acta Pilati. 
 There can be no doubt of its identity with the Acta Pilati quoted by 
 Justin, Tert., Euseb., Epiph. It contains the stories of the canonical 
 Gospels variously amplified and an account of the jiidicial proceedings 
 evidently intended to demonstrate Jesus' innocence of the charges 
 brought against Him by His enemies. The second part, bearing the 
 title Descensus Christi ad inferos, is of much later origin, telling of the 
 descent of Christ into Hades along with two of the saints who rose with 
 him (Matt, xxvii. 52), Leucius andCariuus, sons of Simcoli (Luke ii. 25).- 
 5. — II. The numerous Apocryphal Histories and Legends of the Apostles 
 
 1 Nicholson, " The Gosp. ace. to the Hebrews." Lond., 1879. 
 
 2 Giles, " Cod. Apoc. N. T." 2 vols. Lond., 1852. Tischendorf, 
 "Evv. Apocr." Ed. 2. Lps., 1S7G.
 
 170 THE GR.ECO-KOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 were partly of heretical, and partly of Catholic, origin. While the 
 former have in view the establishing of their heretical doctrines and 
 peculiar forms of worshii?, constitution and life by representing them 
 as Apostolic institutions, the latter arose mostly out of a local patriotic 
 intention to secure to particular churches the glory of being founded by an 
 Apostle. Those inspired by Gnostic influences far exceed in importance 
 and number not only the Ebionitic but also the genuinely Catholic. The 
 Manichreans especially produced many and succeeded in circulating 
 them widely. The more their historico-romantic contents pandered to 
 the taste of that age for fantastic tales of miracles and visions the surer 
 were they to find access among Catholic circles. — A collection of such 
 histories under the title of Ilepioooi rwv diroffToXcov was received as 
 canonical by Gnostics and Manichieans, and even by many of the Church 
 Fathers. Augustine first named as its supposed author one Leucius. 
 We find this name some decades later in Epiphanius as that of a pupil 
 of John and opponent of the Ebionite Christology, and also in Pacianus 
 of Barcelona as that of one falsely claimed as an authority by the 
 Moutanists. According to Photius this collection embraced the Acts 
 of Peter, John, Andrew, Thomas and Paul, and the author's full name 
 was Leucius Carinus, who also appears in the second part of the Acta 
 niati, but iu quite other circumstances and surroundings. That all the 
 five books were composed by one author is not probable ; perhaps ori- 
 ginally only the Acts of John bore the name of Leucius, which was sub- 
 sequently transferred to the whole. Zahn's view, on the other hand, is, 
 that the Uepioooi. tuv awoaroXuv, especially the Acts of John, was written 
 under the falsely assumed name of John's pupil Leucius, about a.d. 130, 
 at a time when the Gnostics had not yet been separated from the 
 Church as a heretical sect, was even at a later period accepted as 
 genuine by the Catholic church teachers notwithstanding the objection- 
 able character of much of its contents, its modal docetic Christology and 
 cncratite Ethics with contempt of marriage, rejection of animal food and 
 the use of wine and the demand of voluntary poverty, and held in high 
 esteem as a source of the second rank for the Apostolic history. Lipsius 
 considers that it was composed iu the interests of the vulgar Gnosticism 
 (§ 27) in the second half of the 2nd, or first half of the 3rd cent., and 
 proves that fromEuscbius down to Photius, who brands it as iraj-f;; aipi- 
 fffw; ■in)yi]i' Kal fxTjripa, the Catholic church teachers without exception 
 speak of it as heretical and godless, and that the frequent patristic 
 references to the Histories ecclesiasticim do not apply to it but to Catholic 
 modifications of it, which wore regarded as the genuine and generally 
 credible t.riginal writing of Leucius which were wickedly falsified by the 
 Mauichroans. — Catholic modifications of particular Gnostic llepiodoL, as 
 well as independent Catholic writings of this sort in Greek are still pre- 
 served in MS. in great numbers and have for the most part been printed.
 
 § 32. APOCRYPHA AND PSEUDEPIGEAPHS. 171 
 
 The Hist, certaminis apostolki in ten books, wLicli the supposed pupil 
 of tlie Apostles Abclias, first bishop of Babylon, wrote in Hebrew, was 
 translated by his pupil Eutropius into Greek and by Julius Africanus 
 into Latin.^ — They are all useless for determining the history of the 
 Apostolic Age, although abundantly so used in the Catholic church tra- 
 dition. For the history of doctrines and sects, the history of the canon, 
 worship, ecclesiastical customs and modes of thought during the 2ud- 
 4th cents., they are of the utmost importance. 
 
 G. From the many aijocryphal monographs still preserved on the life, 
 works and martyrdom of the biblical Apostles and their coadjutors, in 
 addition to the Pseudo-Clementines already discussed in § 28, 3, the 
 following are the most important, (a.) The Greek Acta Petri et Paali. 
 These describe the journeys of Paul to Eome, the disputation of the two 
 Apostles at Rome with Simon Magus, and the Eoman martyrdom of 
 both, and constitute the source of the traditions regarding Peter and 
 Paul which are at the present day regarded in the Roman Catholic 
 Church as historical. These Acts, however, as Lipsius has shown, are 
 not an original work, but date from about a.d. 160, and consist of a 
 Catholic reproduction of Ebionite or Anti-Pauline, Acts of Peter, with 
 additions from Gentile-Christian traditions of Paul. The Acts of Peter 
 take up the story where the Pseudo-Clementines end, as may be seen 
 even from their Catholic reproduction, for they make Simon Magus, 
 followed everywhere and overcome by the Ajpostle Peter, at last seek 
 refuge in Eome, v,'here, again unmasked by Peter, he met a miserable 
 end (§ 25, 2). As the Kiqpvyixara Uirpov which formed the basis of the 
 Pseudo-Clementine writings combats the specifically Pauline doctrines 
 as derived from Simon Magus (§ 28, 4), so the Acts of Peter identify him 
 even personally with Paul, for they maliciously and spitefully assign 
 well-known facts from the Apostle's life to Simon Magus, which are 
 bo7ia fide in the Catholic reproduction assumed to be genuine works of 
 Simon. — The Gnostic Acts of Peter and Acts of Paul had wrought up the 
 current Ebionite and Catholic traditions about the doings and martyr 
 deaths of the two Apostles with fanciful adornments and embellishments 
 after the stylo and id the interests of Gnosticism. A considerable frag- 
 ment of these, purified indeed by Catholic hands, is preserved to us in 
 the Passio Petri et Pauli, to which is attached the name of Linus, the 
 pretended successor of Peter. The fortunes of the two Apostles are 
 related quite independently of one another : Paul makes his appearance 
 at Eome only after the death of Peter. Of the non-heretical Acts of Paul 
 which according to Eusebius were in earlier times received in many 
 
 1 Wright, " Apocryphal Acts the Apostles." Syriac and English. 
 2 vols. Lend., 1871. Malan, " The Conflicts of the Holy Apostles." 
 Lend., 1871. Tischendorf, "Actaapp. Apocr." Lps., 18.51.
 
 172 THE GE.ECO-ROMAN CHUECH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 churclies as holy scripture (§ 3G, 8), no trace has as yet been discovered. 
 — (b.) Among the Greek Acts of John, the remnants of the Leucian 
 UepioSoi 'ludvvov preserved in their original form deserve to be first 
 mentioned. According to Zahn, they are one of the earliest witnesses 
 for the genuineness of the Gospel of John, and give the deathblow to the 
 theory that with and after the Apostle John, there was in Ephesus 
 another John the Presbyter distinct from him (§ IG, 2). Lipsius, on the 
 other hand, places their composition in the second half of the 2nd 
 cent., and deprives them of that significance for the life of the Apostle, 
 but admits their great value for a knowledge of doctrines, princiijles and 
 forms of worship of the vulgar Gnosticism then widely spread. The 
 Upa^eis 'luidvvov, greatly esteemed in the Greek church, and often 
 translated into other languages, written in the 5th cent, by a Catholic 
 hand and ascribed to Prochoros the deacon of Jerusalem (Acts vi. 5), is 
 a poetic romance with numerous raisings from the dead, exorcisms, etc., 
 almost wholly the creation of the writer's own imagination, without a 
 trace of any eucratite tendency like the Leucian HepioSoi. and without 
 any particular doctrinal significance. — (c.) To the same age and the same 
 Gnostic party as the Leucian Acts of John, belong the Acts of Andrew 
 preserved in many fragments and circulated in various Catholic repro- 
 ductions. Of these latter the most esteemed were the Acts of Andreio 
 and Matthew in the city of the cannibals. — {d.) The Cathohc reproduc- 
 tions in Greek and Syriac that have come down to us of the Leucian Acts 
 of Thomas are of special value because of the many Gnostic elements 
 which, particularly in the Greek, have been allowed to remain unchanged 
 in the very imperfectly purified text. The scene of the Apostle's activity 
 is said to be India. The central point in his preaching to sinners is the 
 doctrine that only by complete abstinence from marriage and concubinage 
 can we become at last the partner of the heavenly bridegroom (§ 27, 4). 
 A highly poetical hymn on the marriage of Sophia (Achamoth) is left in 
 the Greek test unaltered, while the Syriac text puts the church in place 
 of Sophia. Then we have two poetical consecration prayers for baptism 
 and the eucharist, in which the Syriac substituted Christ for Achamoth. 
 But besides, even in the Syriac text, a grandly swelling hymn, which 
 is wanting in the Greek text, romances about the fortunes of the soul, 
 which, sent from heaven to earth to fetch a pearl watched by the serpent 
 forgets its heavenly origin and calling, and only remembers this after 
 repeated reminders from heaven, etc. Gutschmied has shown it to be 
 l^robable that the history groundwork of the Acts of Thomas is borrowed 
 from older Buddhist legends (§ G8, C).— (<?.) The Acta Pauli at Tliecla, 
 according to Tertullian and Jerome, were composed by a presbyter of 
 Asia Minor who, carried away by the mania for literary forging, excused 
 himself by saying that he had written Paidl amorc, but was for this 
 nevertheless deprived of his office. According to these Acts Thccla, the
 
 § 32. APOCEYPHA AND PSEUDEPIGRAPHS. 173 
 
 betrothed bride of a j'onng man of importance at Icouium, was won to 
 Christianity by a sermon of Paul on continence as a condition of a 
 future glorious resurrection, forsook her bridegroom, devoted herself to 
 perpetual \irgiuity, and attached herself forthwith to the Apostle whoso 
 bodily presence is described as contemptible, — little, bald-headed, large 
 nose, and bandy legs, — but lighted up with heavenly grace. Led twice 
 to martyrdom she was saved by miraculous divine interposition, first 
 from the flames of the pile, then, after having baptized herself in the 
 name of Christ by plunging into a pit full of water, from the rage of 
 devouring animals ; whereupon Paul, recognising that sort of baptism in 
 an emergency as valid, sent her forth with the commission : Go hence 
 and teach the word of God ! After converting and instructing many, 
 she died in peace in Seleucia. Although Jerome treats our book as 
 apocryphal, the legends of Thecla as given in it were regarded in the 
 West as genuine, and St. Thecla was honoured throughout the whole of 
 the Latin middle ages next to the mother of Jesus as the most perfect 
 pattern of virginity. In the Greek church where we meet with the name 
 first in the Symposium of Methodius, the book remained unsuspected and 
 its heroine, as i] dirojToXos and rj Trpwro/j-dprvs, was honoured still more 
 enthusiastically than in the West. — (/.) The Syriac Doctrina Addsei Apost. 
 was according to its own statement deposited in the library of Edessa, 
 but allusions to later persons and circumstances show that it could not 
 have been written before a.d. 280 (according to Zahn about a.d. 270-290 ; 
 ace. to Lipsius not before a.d. 360). It assigns the founding of the 
 church of Edessa, which is proved to have been not earlier than a.d. 170, 
 according to local tradition to the Apostle Addai (in Euseb. and else- 
 where, Thaddeus : comp. Matt. x. 3; Mark iii. 18), whom it represents 
 as one of the seventy disciples and as having been sent by Thomas to 
 Abgar Uchomo in accordance with Christ's promise (§ 12, 2).^ 
 
 7. — III. Apostolic Epistles. The apocryphal Epistle of Paul to the 
 Laodiceans (Col. iv. IG), and that to the Corinthians suggested by the 
 statement in 1 Cor. v. 9, are spiritless compilations from the canonical 
 Epistles. From the Correspondence of Paul with Seneca, quotations are 
 made by Jerome and Augustine. It embraces fourteen short epistles. 
 The idea of friendly relations between these two men suggested by Acts 
 xviii. 12, Gallio being Seneca's brother, forms the motive for the fiction. 
 — IV. The apocryphal Apocalypses that have been preserved are of little 
 value. An Apocahjpsis Petri was known to Clement of Alexandria. The 
 Apoc. Pauli is based on 2 Cor. xii. 2. — V. Apostolical Constitutions, comp. 
 § 43, 4, 5.2 
 
 1 Phillips, " Addai the Apostle " : Syriac and English. Lond., 187G. 
 
 2 Lightfoot, " Comm. onPhil." Gth ed. Lond., 1881 ;" Diss, on Paul 
 and Seneca," pp. 270-328 ; " Letters of Paul and Seneca," pp. 329-333.
 
 174 THE GE/ECO-EOMAN CHUECH, A,D. 70-323. 
 
 8. Tlie Acts of tlie Martyrs. — Of the numerous professedly contem- 
 porary accounts of celebrated martyrs of the 2nd and 3rd cents., those 
 adopted by Eusebius in his Church History may be accepted as genuine ; 
 especially the Epistle of the Church of Smyrna to the Church at Philomelium 
 about the persecution which it suffered (§ 22, 3) ; also the Beport of the 
 Church at Lyons and Vienne to the Christians in Asia and Phrygia aboiit 
 the persecution under Marcus Aurelius in a.d. 177 (§ 22, 3) ; and an 
 Epistle of Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria to Fabian of Antioch about 
 the Alexandrian martyrs and confessors during the Decian persecution. 
 The Acts of the Martyrs of Scillita are also genuine (§ 22, 3) ; so too the 
 Montanistic History of the sufferings of Perpetua, FeUcitas, and their 
 companions (§§ 22,4; 40,3); as well as the Acta s. Cypriani. The 
 main part of the Martyrdom of Justin Martyr by Simeon Metaphr. 
 (§ 68, 4) belongs probably to the 2nd cent. The Martyrdom of Ignatius 
 (§ 30, 5) professedly by his companions in his last journey to Rome, and 
 the Martyrdor.i of Sympherosa in the Tiber, who was put to death wiLh 
 her seven sons under Hadrian, as well as all other Acts of the Martyrs 
 professedly belonging to the first four centuries, are of more than 
 doubtful authenticity. 
 
 § 33. The Doctrinal Controversies of the Old 
 Catholic Age.i 
 
 The development of the system of Christian doctrine must 
 become a necessity when Christianity meeting with pagan 
 culture in the form of science is called upon to defend 
 her claim to be the universal religion. In the first three 
 centuries, however, there was as yet no official construction 
 and establishment of ecclesiastical doctrine. There must 
 first be a certain measure of free subjective development and 
 wrestling with antagonistic views. A universally acknow- 
 ledged organ is wanting, such as that subsequently found 
 in the (Ecumenical Councils. The persecutions allowed no 
 time and peace for this ; and the church had enough to do 
 in maintaining what is specifically Christian in opposition 
 
 Lightfoot, "Comm. on Col." 5 ed. Lond., 1880; pp. 274-300, "The 
 Epistle from Laodicea. 
 
 1 Dorner, " Hist, of Dev. of Doctr. of Person of Chr." 5 vols. Edin., 
 1862. Pressense, " Heresy and Christian Doctrine." Lond., 1879.
 
 § 33. CONTEOVERSIES OF OLD CATHOLIC AGE. 175 
 
 to t!ie intrusion ot such anti-Cliristian, Jewisli and Pagan 
 elements as sought to gain a footing in Ebionism and 
 Gnosticism. On the otlier hand, friction and controversy 
 within the church had ah-eady begun as a preparation for 
 the construction of the ecclesiastical system of doctrine. 
 The Trinitariau controversy was by far the most important, 
 while the Chiliastic discussions were of signiiicance for 
 Eschatology. 
 
 1. Tlie Trinitarian Questions. — The discussion was mainly about the 
 relation of Ihe divine /.i.ovapx^a (the unity of God) to the oiKovofxta (the 
 Trinitarian being and movement of God). Then the relation of the Sou 
 or Logos to the Father came decidedly to the front. From the time 
 when the more exact determination of this relationship came to be 
 discussed, toward the end of the 2nd cent., the most eminent teachers 
 of the Catholic church maintained stoutly the personal independence of 
 the Logos — Hypostasianism. But the necessity for keeping this view 
 ill harmony with the monotheistic doctrine of Christianity led to many 
 errors and vacillations. Adopting Philo's distinction of Xoyos evoiddeTos 
 and \6yos irpocpopLKos (§ 10, 1), they for the most part regarded the 
 hypostasizing as conditioned first by the creating of the world and as 
 coming forth not as a necessary and eternal element in the very life 
 of God but as a free and temporal act of the divine will. The proper 
 essence of the Godhead was identified rather with the Father, and all 
 attributes of the Godhead were ascribed to the Son not in a wholly equal 
 measure as to the Father, for the word of Christ: " the Father is greater 
 than I " (John xiv. 28), was applied even to the pre-existent state of Christ. 
 Still greater was the uncertainty regarding the Holy Spirit. The idea 
 of His personality and independence was far less securely established ; He 
 was much more decidedly subordinated, and the functions of inspiration 
 and sanctification proper to Him were ascribed to Christ, or He was simply 
 identified with the Son of God. The result, however, of such subonUna- 
 tionist hi/2)ostasiaiusm was that, on the one hand, many church teachers 
 laid undue stress on the fundamental anti-pagan doctrine of the unity 
 of God, just as on the other hand, many had indulged in exaggerated 
 statements about the divinity of Christ. It seemed therefore desirable 
 to set aside altogether the question of the personal distinction of the Son 
 and Spirit from the Father. This happened either in the way clearly 
 favoured by the Ebiouites who regarded Christ as a mere man, who, like 
 the prophets, though in a much higher measure, had been endued with 
 divine wisdom and power {dynamic Monarchiauism), or in a way more 
 accordant with the Christian mode of thouglifc, admitting that the fulness
 
 176 TUB GEiECO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 of the Godhead dwelt in Chi-ist, and either identifying the Logos with the 
 Father {Patripassianism), or seeing in Him only a mode of the activity 
 of the Father {modal Monarchianism). Monarchianism in all these 
 forms was pronounced heretical by all the most illustrious fathers of the 
 3rd cent., and hypostasiauism was declared orthodox. But even under 
 hypostasiauism an element of error crept in at a later period in the form 
 of suLordiuationism, and modal Monarchianism approached nearer to 
 the church doctrine by adopting the doctrine of sameness of essence 
 {6jj.oov(ria) in Son and Father. The orthodox combination of the two 
 opposites was reached in the 3rd cent, in homoousiaii litjijostasianism, hut 
 only in the 4th cent, attained universal acceptance (§ 50). 
 
 2. The Alogians. — Soon after a.d. 170 in Asia Minor we meet with the 
 Alogians as the first decided opponents from within the church of 
 Logos doctrine laid down in the Gospel by John and the writings 
 of the Apologists. They started in diametrical opposition to the 
 chiliasm of the Moutauists and their claims to proi^hetic gifts, and were 
 thus led not only to repudiate the Apocalypse but also the Gospel of 
 John ; -the former on account of its chiliast-prophetic contents which 
 embraced so much that was unintelligible, yea absurd and untrue ; the 
 latter, first of all on account of the use the Montanists made of its 
 doctrine of the Paraclete in support of their prophetic claims (§ 40, 1), 
 bat also on account of its seeming contradictious of and departures 
 from the narratives of the Synoptists, and finally, on account of its 
 Logos doctrine in which the immediate transition from the incarnation 
 of the Logos to the active life of Christ probably seemed to them too 
 closely resembling docetic Gnosticism. They therefore attributed to 
 the Gnosticizing Judaist, Cerinthus, the authorship both of the Fourth 
 Gogx)el and of the Apocalypse. Of their own Christological theories we 
 have no exact information. Irena^us and Hipj^olytus deal mildly with 
 them and recognise them as members of the Catholic church. It is 
 Epiphanius who first gives them the equivocal designation of Alogians 
 (which may either be " deuiers of the Logos " or " the irrational "), 
 denouncing them as heretical rejecters of the Logos doctrine and the 
 Logos-Gosx^el. This is the first instance which we have of historical 
 criticism being exercised in the Church with reference to the biblical 
 books. 
 
 3. The Theodotians and Artemonites. — Epiphanius describes the sect of 
 the Theodotians at Eome as an dTr6airaa/j.a. rrji dXoyov alpeaeus. The 
 main source of information about them is the Little Labyrinth 
 (§ 31, 3), and next to it Hippolytus in his Syntagma, quoted by the 
 Pb-eudo-Tertullian and Epiphanius, and in his Elenchus. The founder 
 of this sect, Tlieodotus 6 aKVT€vs, the Tanner, a man well trained in 
 Greek culture, came a.d. 190 to Byzantium where, during the persecu- 
 tion, he denied Christ, and on this account changed his residence to
 
 § 33. CONTROVERSIES OF THE OLD CATHOLIC AGE. 177 
 
 Rome and devoted himself here to the spread of his dynamic Mou- 
 archianism. He maintained \piXov dvOpcoirov ehai tov Xpia-Tov, — Spiritu 
 quidem sancto natum ex virgine, sed hominem nudum nulla alia ijrce 
 ccEteris nisi sola justitcc auctoritatc. He sought to justify his views by 
 a one-sided interpretation of scripture passages referring to the human 
 nature of Christ.^ But since he acknowledged the supernatural birth 
 of Christ as \vcll as the genuineness of the Gospel of John, and in 
 other respects agreed with his ojiponents, he could still represent himself 
 as standing on the basis of the Old Catholic Eegiila fidei (§ 35, 2). 
 Nevertheless the Roman bishop Victor (a.d. 189-199) excommunicated 
 him and his followers. The most distinguished among his disciples was 
 a second Tlieodotus 6 rpaTre^iTrjs, the Money -clianger. By an exegesis of 
 Heb. V. 6, 10 ; vi. 20 ; vii. 3, 17, he sought to prove that Melchisedec 
 was bivafxis tis fxeyia-r-r] and more glorious than Christ ; the former was 
 the original type, the latter only the copy ; the former was intercessor 
 before God for the angels, the latter only for men ; the origin of the 
 former is secret, because truly heavenly, that of Christ open, because 
 born of Mary, The later heresiologists therefore designate his followers 
 Melchisedecians, Laying hold upon the theory <pu(rei tov v'lop rod deov 
 ev ISia dvOpMirov tote tw 'A[3paa/.t Trecprivivat. which, according to Epi- 
 phanius, was held even by Catholics, and also, like the Shepherd of 
 Hermas, identifying the Son of God with the Holy Spirit that descended 
 in baptism on the man Jesus, Theodotus seems from those two points 
 of view to have proceeded to teach, that the historical Christ, because 
 operated upon only dynamically by the Holy Spirit or the Son of God, 
 was inferior to the purely heavenly Melchisedec who was himself the 
 very eternal Son of God. The reproaches directed against the Theodo- 
 tians by their opponents were mainly these : that instead of the usual 
 allegorical exegesis they used only a literal and grammatical, that they 
 practised an arbitrary system of Textual criticism, and that instead of 
 holding to the philosophy of the divine Plato, they took their wisdom 
 from the empiricists (Aristotle, Euclid, Galen, etc.), and sought by such 
 objectionable means to support their heretical views. We have thus 
 probably to see in them a group of Roman theologians, who, towards 
 the close of the 2nd cent, and the beginning of the 3rd cent, main- 
 tained exegetical and critical principles essentially the same as those 
 which the Antiochean school with greater clearness and definiteness 
 set forth toward the end of the 3rd cent. (§§ 31, 1 ; 47, 1). The 
 attempt, however, which they made to found an independent sect in 
 Rome about a.d. 210 was an utter failure. According to the report 
 of the Little Labyrinth, they succeeded in getting for their bishop a 
 
 * Deut, xviii. 15 ; Isa. liii. 3 ; Matt. xii. 82 ; Luke i. 35 ; John viii. 40 ; 
 Acts ii. 22 ; 1 Tim. ii. 5.
 
 178 THE GEiECO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 W9ak-mluded confessor called Natalias. Haunted by visions of judg- 
 ment and beaten sore one niglit by good angels till in a miserable 
 pliglit, he hasted on the following morning to cast himself at the feet of 
 bishop Zephyrinus (a.d. 199-217), successor of Victor, and showing his 
 stripes he begged for mercy and restoration. — The last of the represen- 
 tatives of the Theodotians in Eome, and that too under this same 
 Zephyrinus, was a certain Artemon or Artemas. He and his followers 
 maintained that their own doctrine (which cannot be very exactly 
 determined but was also of the dynamic order) had been recognised iu 
 Borne as orthodox from the time of the Apostles down to that of bishop 
 Victor, and was first condemned by his successor Zephyrinus. This 
 assertion cannot be said to be altogether without foundation in view, on 
 the one hand, of the agreement above referred to between Theodotus 
 the younger and the Eoman Hernias, and on the other hand, of the fact 
 that the Eoman bishops Zephyrinus and Callistus had passed over to 
 Noetian Modalism. Artemon must have lived at least until a.d. 2G0, 
 when Paul of Samosata (No. 8), who also maintained fellowship with 
 the excommunicated Artemonites in Eome, conducted a correspondence 
 with him. 
 
 4. Praxeas and Tertullian. — Patripassiauism, which represented the 
 Father Himself as becoming man and suffering in Christ, may be char- 
 acterized as the precursor and first crude form of Modalism. It also 
 had its origin during the 2nd cent., in that same intellectually active 
 church of Asia Minor, and from thence the movement spread to Eome, 
 where after a long and bitter struggle it secured a footing in the 
 3rd cent. — Praxeas, a confessor of Asia Minor and opponent of Mou- 
 tanism, was its first representative at Eome, where unopposed he ex- 
 pounded his views about a.d. 190. As he supported the Eoman bishop 
 Victor in his condemnation of Montanism (§ 40, 2), so he seems to have 
 won the bishop's approval for his Christological theory.^ Perhai^s 
 also the excommunication which was at this time uttered against the 
 dynamic Monarchian, Theodotus the Elder, was the result of the bishop's 
 change of views. From Eome Praxeas betook himself, mainly in the 
 interest of his Anti-Montauist crusade, to Carthage, and there also won 
 adherents to his Christology. Meanwhile, however, Tertullian returned 
 to Carthage, and as a convert to Montanism, hurled against Praxeas and 
 his followers a controversial treatise, in which he laid bare with acute 
 dialectic the weaknesses and inconsistencies, as well as the dangerous 
 consequences of their theory. Just like the Alogians, Praxeas and his 
 
 ^ Tertullian says : Ita duo negotia diaholi Praxeas Romce procuravit, 
 prophetiam expulit et hccresim intulit, paracletum fugavit et patrem 
 crucifixit. — Ps.-TertuU. : Uceresim introduxit, qiiam Victorinus corrolorare 
 ciiravit.
 
 § 33. CONTEOVEESIES OF THE OLD CATHOLIC AGE. 179 
 
 adherents refused to admit the doctrine of the Logos into their Christ- 
 ology, and feared that it in connection with the doctrine of the 
 hypostasis would give an advantage to Gnosticism. In the interests 
 of monotheism, as well as of the worship of Christ, they maintained the 
 perfect identity of Father and Son, God became the Son by the assump- 
 tion of the flesh ; under the concept of the Father therefore falls the 
 divinity, the spirit ; under that of the Son, the humanity, the flesh 
 of the Kedeemer. — ^Tertulliau himself in his Hypostasianism had not 
 wholly got beyond the idea of subordinationism, but he made an impor- 
 tant advance in this direction by assuming three stages in the hypostasiz- 
 ing of the Son (Filiatio). The first stage is the eternal immanent state 
 of being of the Son in the Father ; the second is the forthcoming of 
 the Son alongside of the Father for the purpose of creating the world ; 
 and the third is the going forth of the Son into the world by means of 
 the incarnation. 
 
 5. The Noetians and Hippolytus. — The Patripassian standpoint was 
 maintained also by Noetus of Smyrna, who summed up his Christological 
 views in the sentence : the Son of God is His own, and not another's 
 Son. One of his pupils, Epigonus, in the time of bishop Zephyriuus 
 brought this doctrine to Eome, where a Noetian sect was formed with 
 Cleomenes at its head. Sabellius too, who in a.d. 215 came to Eome 
 from Ptolemais in Egypt, attached himself to it, but afterwards con- 
 structed an independent system of doctrine in the form of a more 
 speculative Modalism. The most vigorous opponent of the Noetians 
 was the celebrated presbyter Hippolytus (§ 31, 3). He strongly insisted 
 upon the hypostasis of the Son and of the Spirit, and claimed for them 
 divine worship. But inasmuch as he maintained in all its strictness 
 the unity of God, he too was unable to avoid subordinating the Son 
 under the Father. The Son, he taught, owed His hypostasizing to 
 the will of the Father ; the Father commands and the Son obeys ; the 
 perfect Logos was the Son from eternity, but oii Xoyos ws (pwvr], ctXX' 
 ivSidOeTos rod irdfTos XoyiiT/j.6s, therefore in a hypostasis, which He 
 became only at the creation of the world, so that He became perfect Sou 
 first in the incarnation. Bishop Zephyrinus, on the other hand, was 
 not inclined to bear hard upon the Noetians, but sought in the interests 
 of peace some meeting-point for the two parties. The conflagration 
 fairly broke out under his successor, Callistus (a.d. 217-222 ; comp. 
 § 41, 1). Believing that truth and error were to be found on both sides 
 he defined his own position thus : God is a spirit without parts, filUng 
 all things, giving life to all, who as such is called Logos, and only in 
 respect of name is distinguished as Father and Son. The Pneuma 
 become incarnate in the Virgin is personally and essentially identical 
 with the Father. That which has thereby become manifest, the man 
 Jesus, is the Son. It therefore cannot be said that the Father as such
 
 180 THE GEiECO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 has suffered, but rather that the Father has suffered in aud with the 
 Son. Decidedly Monarchian as this formula of compromise undoubtedly 
 is, it seems to have afforded the bridge upon which the official Eoman 
 theology crossed over to the homoousian Hypostasiauism which forty 
 years later won the day (No. 7). Among the opposing parties it found 
 no acceptance. Hippolytus denounced the bishop as a Noetian, while 
 the Noetians nicknamed him a Dytheist. The result was that the two 
 party leaders, Sabellius and Hippolytus, were excommunicated. The 
 latter fo'rmed the company of his adherents in Eome into a schismatic 
 sect. 
 
 6. Beryllus and Origen. — Berj-llus of Bostra ^ in Arabia also belonged to 
 the Patripassians ; but he marks the transition to a nobler Modalism, for 
 though he refuses to the deity of Christ the i5la OeoT-q^, he designates it 
 irarpiKT] Oeortjs, and sees in it a new form of the manifestation (irpofftoTrov) 
 of God. In regard to him an Arabian Synod was held in a.d. 244, to 
 which Grigen was invited. Convinced by him of his error, Beryll re- 
 tracted. — All previous representatives of the hyi^ostasis of the Logos had 
 understood his hypostatizing as happening in time for the ptiriDose of the 
 creation and the incarnation. Origen removed this restriction when he 
 enunciated the proiDOsition : The Son is from eternity begotten of the 
 Father and so from eternity an hypostasis. The generation of tlie Son 
 took not place simply as the condition of creation, but as of itself neces- 
 sary, for where there is light there must be the shedding forth of rays. 
 But because the life of God is bound to no time, the objectivizing of His 
 life in the Son n'lust also lie outside of all time. It is not therefore an 
 act of God accomplished once and for ever, but an eternally continued 
 exercise of living power (del yevvd tov vwv). Origen did not indeed get 
 beyond subordiuationism, but he restricted it within the narrowest pos- 
 sible limits. He condemns the expression that the Son is sk rrjs ovcrias 
 TOV irarpos, but only in opposition to the Gnostic theories of emanation. 
 He maintained a erepo'rTjs ttjj oiKrlas, but only in opposition to the bixooi- 
 o-ios in the Patripassian sense. He teaches a generation of the Son e/c tov 
 OeK-qiMTc-i 6eov, but only because he sees in Him the objectified divine 
 will. He calls Him a KTia/xa, but only in so far as He is OeoTroioufj.evos, 
 not avToOeos, though indeed the Son is avroaocpia, avroaXrjOeia, devrepoi 
 Oeos. Thus what he teaches is not a subordination of essence or nature, 
 but only of existence or origin. 
 
 7. Sabellius and Diouysii;s of Alex, and Dionyshis of Eome. — We have 
 already seen that Sabellius had founded in Eome a speculative Mani- 
 chroan system, which found much favour among the bishops of his native 
 region. His assigning an essential aud necessary place in his system to 
 the Holy Spirit indicates an important advance. God is a unity {/nopds) 
 
 ' Dorner, " Person of Christ." Vol. ii.
 
 § 33. CONTEOVEKSIES OF THE OLD CATHOLIC AGE. 181 
 
 aLlmittiug of uo distinctious, resting in Himself as 0ebs aMwwi', comiug 
 forth out of Himself (for tlic purpose of creation) as debs XaXwj'. In the 
 course of the world's development the Monas for the sahe of redemption 
 assumes necessarily three different forms of being ^'/otnara vpocruTra), 
 each of which embraces in it the complete fulness of the Monas. They 
 are not viroaTaaeis, but wpoffwira, masks, we might say roles, which 
 the God who manifests Himself in the world assumes in succession. 
 After the prosopon of the Father accomplished its work in the giving 
 of the law, it fell back into its original condition ; advancing again 
 through the incarnation as Son, it returns by the ascension into the 
 absolute being of the Mojias ; it reveals itself ffnally as the Holy Spirit 
 to return again, after securing the perfect sanctification of the church, 
 into the Monas that knows uo distinctions, there to abide through 
 all eternity. This process is characterized by Sabellius as an expansion 
 {iKTacTLs) and contraction (cri/crToX^). By way of illustration he uses the 
 ligure of the sun oVroj nhv ev fxlq, inrotXTacrei, rpeh Si Uxovtos rets ivepydas, 
 namely t6 r?}; TrepKpepeias axvi^'^t ''"o (punaTLKov Kal to OoXttov. — At a Synod 
 of Alexandria in a.d, 261 Dionysius the Great (§ 31, C) entered the lists 
 against the Sabellianism of the Egyptian bishops, and with well-inten- 
 tioned zeal employed subordinationist expressions in a highly dSensive 
 way [^ivov Kar ovaiav avrbv elvai rod Jlarpjs wcrirep ecrrli' 6 yecdpyo.s irp'oz 
 TTjv d/JLTrekoi' Kal 6 vavirriyos irpos to ffKd'pos, — ctis Trolrjfca il)v ovk tjv Trplt 
 yevvy]Tai). When bishop Diouysius of Rome (a.d. 259-2GS) was informed 
 of these proceedings he condemned his Alexandrian colleague's modes ol 
 expression at a Synod at Rome in a.d. 262, and issued a tract (AvaTpoirrj), 
 in which against Sabellius he afhrmed hypostasiauism and against the 
 Alexandrians, notwithstanding the suspicion of Manichajanism that hung 
 about it, the doctrine of the ofxaovaia and the eternal generation of the 
 Son. With a beautiful modesty Dionysius of Alexandria retracted his 
 unhappily chosen phrases and declared himself in thorough agreement 
 with the Eoman exposition of doctrine. 
 
 8. Paul of Samosata. — In Eome and throughout the West general dyna- 
 niical Monarchianism expired with Artemon and his party. In the East, 
 however, it was revived by Paul of Samosata, in a.d. 2G0 bishop of the 
 Grteco-Syrian capital Antioch, which, however, was then under the rule 
 of Queen Zenobia of Palmyra. Attaching himgelf to the other dynamists, 
 especially the Theodotians and Artemonites, he went in many respects 
 beyond them. Maintaining as they did the unipersonoJity of God {ii/ 
 TrpoVwTToi'), he yet admitted a distinction of Father, Son (\670s) and Spirit 
 {ao(pia), the two last, however, being essentially identical attributes of 
 the first, and also the distinction of the Xoyos irpocpopiKos from the \6yos 
 ifSidOeTos, the one being the iwiaT-q/xr] duvTroa-Taros operative in the pro- 
 phets, the other the iir. dwjr. latent in God. Further, while placing like 
 the dynamists the personality of Christ in His humanity and acknow-
 
 182 THE GEiECO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 ledging His supernatural birth from the Holy Spirit by the Virgin, he 
 conceived of Him, like the modern Socinians, as working the way upward, 
 iK trpoKOTvrjs T£6eoTroL7i(jOa.L,i x. by reason of His unique excellence to divine 
 rank and the obtaining of the divine name. — Between a.d. 264;-269 the 
 Syrian bishops held three large Synods in regard to him at Antioch, to 
 ■which also many other famous bishops of the East were invited. The 
 first two were without result, for he knew how to conceal the heterodox 
 character of his views. It was only at the third that the presbyter Mal- 
 chion, a practised dialectician and formerly a rhetorician, succeeded in 
 unmasking him at a public disputation. The Synod now declared him 
 excommunicated and deprived him of his office, and also transmitted to 
 all the catholic churches, first of all to Eome and Alexandria, the records 
 of the disputation together with a complete report in which he was 
 described as a proud, vain, pompous, covetous and even immoral man 
 (§ 39, 3). Nevertheless by the favour of the Queen he kept possession 
 of bis bishopric, and holding a high office at the court he exercised not 
 only spiritual functions but also great civil authority. But when Zenobia 
 was overcome by Aurelian in a.d. 272, the rest of the bishops accused him 
 before the pagan emperor, who decided that the ecclesiastical buildings 
 should be made over to that one of the contending bishops whom the 
 Christian bishops of Eome and Italy should recognise. In these confiicts 
 undoubtedly a national and political antagonism lay behind the dogmatic 
 and ecclesiastical dispute (§ 31, 9 c).— At the Synod of a.d. 269 the ex- 
 pression bf.i.oov(nos, which since it had been first used by Sabellius was 
 always regarded with suspicion in church circles, was dragged into the 
 debate and expressly condemned ; and so it is doubtful whether Paul 
 himself had employed it, or whether, on the contrary, he wished to charge 
 his opponents with heresy as being wont to use this term. 
 
 9. CMliasm or the doctrine of an earthly reign of the Messiah in the 
 last times full of splendour and glory for His people arose out of the 
 literal and realistic conception of the Messianic prophecies of the Old 
 Testament. The adoption of the period of a thousand years for its 
 duration rested on the idea that as the world had been created in six 
 days, so, according to Ps. xc. 4 and 2 Pet. iii. 8, its history would be 
 completed in six thousand years. Under the oppression of the Eoinan 
 rule this notion came to be regarded as a fundamental doctrine of Jewish 
 faith and hope (Matt. xx. 21 ; Acts i. G). The Apocalypse of St. John 
 was chiefly influential in elaborating the Christian chiliastic theory. In 
 chap. XX. under the guise of vision the doctrine is set forth that after the 
 finally victorious conflict of the present age there will be a first and par- 
 tial resurrection, the risen saints shall reign with Christ a thousand years, 
 and then after another revolt of Satan that is soon suppressed the pre- 
 sent age will be closed in the second universal resurrection, the judgment 
 of the world and the creation of new heavens and a new earth. What
 
 § 33. CONTEOVERSIES OF THE OLD CATHOLIC AGE. 183 
 
 fantastic notions of the glory of the thousand years' reign might be 
 developed from such passages, is seen in the traditional saying of the 
 Lord given by Papias (Ircn., v. 33) about the wonderful fruitfulness of 
 the earth during the millennium : one vine-stock will bear 10,000 stems 
 (palmites), each stem will have 10,000 branches (bracchia), each branch 
 10,000 twigs (flagclla), each twig 10,000 clusters (botrus), each cluster 
 10,000 grapes, and every grape will yield 25 measures of wine ; " et quum 
 eorum apprelienderit aliqids Sajictorum, alius clamahit : Botrus ecjo melior 
 sum, vie sume, per me Dominum henedic ! " After the time of Papias 
 Chiliasm became the favourite doctrine of the Christians who under the 
 severe pressure of pagan persecution longed for the early return of the 
 Lord. The Apologists of the 2nd century do indeed pass it over in 
 sileuce, but only perhaps because it seemed to them impolitic to give 
 it a marked prominence in works directly addressed to the pagan rulers ; 
 at least Justin Martyr does not scruple in the Dialog, c. Tryph. addressed 
 to another class of readers to characterize it as a genuinely orthodox, 
 doctrine. Asia Minor was the chief seat of these views, where, as we have 
 seen (§ 40), Moutanism also in its most fanatical and exaggerated form 
 was elevated into a fundamental article of the Christian faith. Irena3us 
 enthusiastically adopted chiliastic views and gave a fuU though fairly 
 moderate exposition of them in his great work against the Gnostics 
 (v. 21-3G). Tertullian also championed these notions, at the same time 
 rejecting many outgrowths of a grossly carnal nature {Adv. Blare, iii. 24, 
 and in a work no longer extant, De spe fidelium). The most vigorous 
 opposition is shown to Chiliasm by the Alogiaus, Praxeas the Patripas- 
 sian and Caius of Eome, who were also the determined opponents of 
 Moutanism. The last named indeed went so far in his controversial 
 writing against Proclus the Montanist, as to ascribe the authorship of the 
 Johannine Apocalypse to the heretic Cerinthus (§ 27, 1). The Alexandrian 
 spiritualists too, especially Origen (De Prin. , ii. 11), were decided opponents 
 of every form of Chiliasm and exj^lained away the Scripture passages 
 on which it was built by means of allegorical interpretation. Neverthe- 
 less even in Egypt it had numerous adherents. At their head about 
 the middle of the 3rd cent, stood the learned bishop Nepos of Arsinoe, 
 whose "E\e7xos T^i' dWip/optarQu directed against the Alexandrians is no 
 longer extant. After his death his party under the leadership of the 
 presbyter Coracion separated from the church of Alexandria, the bishop 
 Dionysius the Great going down himself expressly to Arsinoe in order to 
 heal the breach. In a conference of the leaders of the parties continued 
 for three days he secured the sincere respect of the dissentients by his 
 counsels, and even Coracion was induced to make a formal recantation. 
 Dionysius then wrote for the confirmation of the converts his book : Ilepl 
 eirayyeXiuv. But not long after, opposition to the spiritualism of the 
 school of Origen made Methodius, the bishop of Olympus, play the part
 
 184 THE GEiECO-ROMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 of a new herald of Chiliasm, aud in the West, Commodian, Victor of 
 Poitiers, aud especially Lactantius, became its zealous advocates in a 
 particularly materialistic form. Its day, however, was already past. 
 What tended most to work its complete overthrow was the course of 
 events under Constantino. Amid the rejoicings of the national church 
 as a present reality, interest in the expectation of a future thousand 
 years' reign was lost. Amoug post-Constantine church teachers only 
 Apolliuaris the Younger favoured Chiliasm (§ 47, 5). Jerome indeed, 
 in deference to the cloud of witnesses from the ancient church, does not 
 venture to pronounce it heretical, but treats it with scornful ridicule ; 
 and Augustine (De civ. Dei), though at an earlier period not unfavourable 
 to it, sets it aside by showing that the scriptural representations of the 
 thousand years' reign are to be understood as referring to the church 
 obtaining dominion through the overthrow of the pagan Roman empire, 
 the thousand years being a period of indefinite duration,- and the first 
 resurrection being interpreted of the reception of saints and martyrs into 
 heaven as sharers in the glory of Christ. — See Candlish, " The Kingdom 
 of God." Ediu., 1884. Especially pp. 409-415, " Augustine on the City 
 of God." 
 
 IV. CONSTITUTION, WORSHIP, LIFE AND 
 DISCIPLINE.^ 
 
 § 34. The Inner Organization of the Church.^ 
 
 From the beginning of the 2nd cent, the episcopal con- 
 stitution wan gradually built up, and the superiority of 
 one bishop over the whole body of the other presbyters 
 (§ 17, 6) won by degrees universal acceptance. The hier- 
 archical tendency inherent in it gained fresh impetus from 
 two causes : (1) from the gradual disappearance of the 
 cliarismatic endownaents which had been continued from the 
 Apostolic Ago far down into post-Apostolic times, and the 
 disposition of ecclesiastical leaders more and more to mono- 
 
 ^ Pressense, "Life aud Practice in the Early Church." .Lond., 1872. 
 
 - Hatch, "The Organization of the Early Christian Churches." Lond., 
 1881; "The Growth of Church Institutions." Lond., 1887. Ban- 
 nerman, "Doctr. of the Church." 2 vols. Edin., 1858 ; espec. vol. i. 
 pp. 277-480. Lightfoot, " Comm. on Phil." 6th ed. Lond., 1881 : 
 " Dissertat. on Chr. Ministry." Papers in Expositor, 1887, on " Origin of 
 Chr. Ministry," by Sauday, Ilarnack and others.
 
 § 34. THE INNER ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH. 185 
 
 polise tlio function of teaching ; and (2) from tlie reassertion 
 of the idea ot a special priesthood as a divine institution 
 and the adoption of Okl Testament conceptions of church 
 officers. The antithesis of Ordo or KXrjpos (sc. toiJ Oeov) and 
 Plehs or Aaos (Xa'iKot) when once expression had been given 
 to it, tended to become even more marked and exclusive. 
 In consequence of the successful extension of the churches 
 the functions, rights and duties of the existing spiritual 
 of&ces came to be more precisely determined and for the 
 discharge of lower ecclesiastical service new offices were 
 created. Thus arose the partition of the clergy into Ordines 
 majores and Ordines viinores. As it was in the provincial 
 capital that common councils were held, which were con- 
 vened, at first in consequence of the requirements of the 
 hour, afterwards as regular institutions (Provincial Synods), 
 the bishop of the particular capital assumed the presi- 
 dent's chair. Among the metropolitans pre-eminence was 
 claimed by churches founded by Apostles {sedes cqjostoUccv), 
 especially thoso of Rome, Antioch, Jerusalem, Alexandria, 
 Ephesus and Corinth. To the idea of the unity and catho- 
 licity of the chiirch, which was maintained and set forth 
 with ever increasing decision, was added the idea of the 
 Apostle Peter being the single individual representative of 
 the church. This latter notion was founded on the mis- 
 VTuderstood word of the Lord, Matt. xvi. 18, 19. Rome, as 
 the capital of the world, where Peter and Paul suffered 
 death as martyrs (§ 16, 1), arrogated to itself the name of 
 CJiair (Cathedra) of Peter and transferred the idea of the 
 individual representation of the church to its bishops as 
 the supposed successors of Peter. 
 
 1. The Continuation of Charismatic Endowments into Post-Apostolic Times 
 has, by means of the Apostolic Didaclie receutly rendered accessible 
 to us (§ 30, 7), not only received new confirmation, but their place in 
 the chnrch and their relation to it has been put in a far clearer light.
 
 18G THE GEiECO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 Ill essential agreement with 1 Cor. xii. 28, and Epli. iv. 11 (§ 17, 5), 
 it presents to us the three offices of Apostle, Prophet and Teacher. The 
 Pastors and Teachers of the Epistle to the Ephesians, as -well as of 
 the passage from Corinthians, are grouped together in one ; and the 
 Evangelists, that is, helpers of the Apostles, appear now after the 
 decease of the original Apostles, as their successors and heirs of their 
 missionary calling under the same title of Apostles. Hernias indeed 
 speaks only of Apostles and Teachers ; but he himself appears as a 
 Prophet and so witnesses to the continuance of that office. The place 
 and task of the three offices are still the same as described in § 17, 5 
 I'roni Eph. iv. 11, 12 and ii. 20. These three were not chosen like the 
 bishops and deacons by the congregations, but appointment and quali- 
 fications for office were dependent on a divine call, somewhat like that 
 of Acts xiii. 2-4, or on a charism that had evidently and admittedly 
 been bestowed on them. They are further not permanent officials in 
 particular congregations hut travel about in the exercise of their teaching 
 function from church to church. Prophets and Teachers, however, but 
 not Apostles, might settle down permanently in a particular church. — 
 In reference exclusively to the Apostles the Didache teaches as follows : 
 In the case of their visiting an already constituted church they should 
 stay there at furthest only two days and should accept provision only 
 for one day's journey but upon no account any money (Matt. x. 9, 10). 
 Eusebius too, in his Ch. Hist., iii. 37, tells that after the death of the 
 twelve the gospel was successfully spread abroad in all lands by means 
 of itinerating Apostolic men, whom he designates, however, by the old 
 name of evangelists, and praises them for having according to the 
 command of the Lord (Matt. x. and Luke x.) parted their possessions 
 among the poor, and having adhered strictly to the rule of everywhere 
 laying only the foundations of the faith and leaving the further care 
 of what they had planted to the settled pastors.— The Didache assigns 
 the second place to the Prophets : they too, inasmuch as like the Apostles 
 they are itinerants, are without a fixed residence ; but they are dis- 
 tinguished from the latter by having their teaching functions directed 
 not to the founding of a church but only to its edification, and in this 
 resi^ect they are related to the Teachers. Their distinguishing cha- 
 racteristic, however, is the possession of the charism of proi^hesyiug in 
 the wider sense, whereas the Teachers' charism consisted in the \6yos 
 ffo4>las and the \6yos yvwaeui (5 17, 1). When they enter into a church 
 as if TTveviJ.aTi. XaXoOcres, that church may not, according to the Didache, 
 in direct opposition to 1 Thess. v. 21 ; 1 Cor. xii. 10 ; xiv. 29 ; 1 John 
 iv. 1, exercise the right of trying their doctrine, for that would be to 
 commit the sin against the Holy Ghost who speaks through them, but 
 the church may inquire of their life, and thus distinguish true prophets 
 from the false. If they wish to settle down in a particular church, that
 
 § 35. THE INNEE OEGANIZATION OF THE CHUECH. 187 
 
 cliurcb should make provision for tlicir aJequate maintenance by sur- 
 rendering to them, after the pattern of the Mosaic law, all firstUngs of 
 cattle, and first fruits of grain and oil and wine, and also the first 
 portion of their other possessions, " for they are your high priests." 
 This phrase means either, that for them they are with their prophetic 
 gift what the high priests of the old covenant with their Urim and 
 Thumniim were to ancient Israel, or, as Harnack understands it on the 
 basis of chaji. x. 7 ." rots irpoep-qraLs iiriTpeweTe evxapLCTTeTi' 8<Ta OeKovcrii', 
 while ordinary ministers had to confine themselves to the usual form- 
 ularies, that they were pre-eminently entrusted with the administration 
 of the Lord's Supper which was the crowning part of the worship. If, 
 however, there were no Prophets present, these first fruits were to be 
 distributed among the poor. — The rank also of Teachers (didda-KaXoi, 
 Doctores) is still essentially the same as described in § 17, 5. As their 
 constant association with the Apostles and Prophets would lead us to 
 expect, they also were properly itinerant teachers, who like the Prophets 
 had to minister to the establishment of existing churches in the Christian 
 life, in faith and in hope. But when they settled down in a particular 
 chm-ch, whether in consequence of that church's special needs, or with 
 its approval in accordance with their own wish, that church had to 
 provide for their maintenance according to the principle that the 
 labourer is worthy of his reward. The author of the Didacho, as 
 appears from the whole tenor of his book, was himself such a teacher. 
 Hermas, who at the same time makes no mention of the Prophets, 
 speaks only twice and that quite incidentally of the Teachers, without 
 indicating particularly their duties and privileges. — The continuance 
 of those three extraordinary offices down to the end of the 2ud cent, 
 was of the utmost importance. The numerous churches scattered 
 throughout all lands had not as yet a firmly established New Testament 
 Canon nor any one general symbol in the form of a confession of faith, 
 and so were without any outward bond of union : but these Teachers, 
 by means of their itinerant mode of life and their authoritative position, 
 which was for the first time clearly demonstrated by Harnack, con- 
 tributed powerfully to the development of the idea of ecclesiastical 
 unity. According to Harnack, the composition of the so-called Catholic 
 Epistles and similar early Christian literature is to be assigned to them, 
 and in this way he would account for the Apostolic features which are 
 discoverable in these writings. He would not, however, attribute to 
 them the fiction of claiming for their works an Apostolic origin, but 
 supposes that the subsequently added superscriptions and the author's 
 name in the address rest upon an erroneous tradition. — The gradual 
 disappearance of charismatic offices was mainly the result of the 
 endeavour, that became more and more marked during the 2ud cent., 
 after the adoption of current social usages and institutions, which
 
 188 THE GEyECO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 necessarily led to a repression of the enthusiastic spirit out of which 
 those offices had sprung and which could scarcely reconcile itself with 
 what seemed to it worldly compromises and concessions. The fanatical 
 and eccentric pretension to prophetic gifts in Moutanism, with its 
 uncompromising rigour (§ 40) and its withdrawal from church fellow- 
 ship, gave to these charismatic offices their deadly blow. A further 
 cause of their gradual decay may certainly be found in their relation 
 to the growing episcox)al hierarchy. At the time of the Didache, which 
 knows nothing of a subordination of presbyters under the bishop (indeed 
 like Phil. i. 1, it makes no mention of presbyters), this relation was 
 one of thoroughly harmonious co-ordination and co-operation. In the 
 13th chap, the exhortation is given to choose only faithful and approved 
 men as bishops and deacons, "for they too discharge for you riiv 
 XecTovpyiav tQv irpo(pT]Twv Kcl SidaaKoXuv and so they represent along with 
 those the TeTip-rnxivoi among you." The service of prophets, according to 
 the Didache, was pre-eminently that of the dpxi-epels, and so there was 
 entrusted to them the consecration of the elements in the Lord's Supper. 
 This service the bishoj)s and deacons discharged, inasmuch as, in 
 addition to their own special duties as presidents of the congregation 
 charged with its administration and discipline, they were required in 
 the absence of prophets to conduct the worship. Then also they had 
 to officiate as Teachers (1 Tim. v. 17) when occasion required and the 
 necessary qualifications were possessed. But this peaceful co-operating 
 of the two orders undoubtedly soon and often gave place to unseemly 
 rivalry, and the hierarchical spirit obtruding itself in the Proteinscopaie 
 (§ 17, 6), which first of all reduced ils colleagues from their original 
 equality to a ijosition of subordination soon asserted itself over again&t 
 the extraordinary offices which had held a place co-ordinate with and in 
 the department of doctrine and worship even more authoritative and 
 important than that of the bishops themselves. They were only too 
 readily successful in having their usurpation of their offices recognised 
 as bearing the authority of a divine appointment. These soon com- 
 pleted the theory of the hierarchical and monarchical rank of the clergy 
 and the absurd pretension to having obtained from God the absolute 
 fulness of His Spirit and absolute sovereign power. 
 
 2. The Development of the Episcopal Hierarchy was the result of an 
 evolution which in existing circumstances was not only natural but 
 almost necessary. In the deliberations and consultations of the college 
 of presbyters constituting the ecclesiastical court, just as in every other 
 such assembly, it must have been the invariable custom to confer upon 
 one of their number, generally the eldest, or at least the one among 
 them most highly esteemed, the presidency, committing to him the 
 duty of the orderly conduct of the debates, as well as the formulating, 
 publishing and enforcing of their decrees. This president must soon
 
 § 34. THE INNER ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH. 189 
 
 have won tho pre-eminent authority of a i^rimus inter pares, and have 
 come to be regarded as an iiriaKoiros of higher rank. From such a 
 primacy to supremacy, and from that to a monarchical position, the 
 progress was natural and easy. In proportion as the ofiicial authority, 
 the iiriaKOTn'], concentrated itself more and more in the president, the 
 official title, iiriffKoiro^, at first by way of eminence, then absolutely, was 
 appropriated to him. This would be all the more easily effected since, 
 owing to the twofold function of the office (§ 17, 5, 6), he who i^resided 
 in the administrative council still bore the title of Trpea^vrepos. It was 
 not accomplished, however, without a long continued struggle on the 
 part of the presbyters who were relegated to a subordinate rank, which 
 occasioned keen party contentions and divisions lasting down even into 
 the 3rd century (§ 41). But the need of the churches to have in each 
 one man to direct and control was mightier than this opposition. That 
 need was most keenly felt when the church was threatened with division 
 and dissolution by the spread of heretical and separatist tendencies. 
 Tho need of a single president in the local churches was specially felt 
 in times of violent persecution, and still more just after the persecution 
 had ceased when multitudes who had fallen away during the days of 
 trial sought to be again restored to the membership of the church 
 (§ 39, 2), in order to secure the reorganization of the institution which, 
 by violence from without and weakness within, had been so sorely rent. 
 Both in the Old and in the New Testament there seemed ground for 
 regarding the order of things that had grown up in the course of time as 
 jure diviiio and as existing from the beginning. After the idea of a dis- 
 tinct sacerdotal class had again found favour, the distribution of the clergy 
 in the Old Testament into High priest, priests and Levites was supposed 
 to afford an exact analogy to that of the episcopate, presbyterate and 
 diaconate. To effect this the charismatic offices of teaching had to be 
 ignored and their divinely ordained functions had to be set aside. It 
 was even supposed that the relative ranks in the offices of the Christian 
 church must be determined by the corresponding orders in the Old 
 Testament. Then in the gospels, it seemed as if the relations of Christ 
 to His disciples corresponded to that of the bishop to the presbyters ; 
 and from the Acts of the Apostles the preponderating authority of 
 James at the head of the Jerusalem presbytery or eldership (§ 17, 2) 
 might be used as a witness for the supremacy of the bishop. Tho 
 oldest and most important contender for the monarchical rank of the 
 bishop is the author of the Ignatian Epistles (§ 30, 5). In every bishop 
 he sees the representative of Christ, and in the college of presbyters 
 the representatives of the Apostles. In the Clementines too the bishop 
 appears as iirl rrji Xpiarov KaOeSpas KadeaOds. This view also finds ex- 
 pression in the Apostolic Constitutions (2, 26), and even in the writings 
 of Dionysius the Arcoprtgite (§ 47, 11). Another theory, according to
 
 100 THE GEiECO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 which the bishops are successors of the Apostles and as such heirs 
 of the absolute dominion conferred in Matt. xiv. 18, 19 upon Peter and 
 through him on all the Apostles, sprang up in the West and gained 
 currency by means of Cyprian's eloquent enunciation of it (Note 7). 
 
 3. The Eogular Ecclesiastical Offices of the Old Catholic Age. The 
 Ordines Majores embraced the Bishops, Presbyters and Deacons. Upon 
 the Bishop, elected by the people and the clergy in common, there 
 devolved in his monarchical position the supreme conduct of all the 
 affairs of the church. The exclusively episcopal privileges were these : 
 the ordination of presbyters and deacons, the absolving of the penitent, 
 according to strict rule also the consecration of the eucharistic ele- 
 ments, in later times also the right of speaking at Synods, and in the 
 West also the confirmation of the baptised. In large cities where a 
 single church was no longer sufficient daughter churches were instituted. 
 Country churches founded outside of the cities were supijlied with 
 presbyters and deacons from the city. If they increased in importance, 
 they chose for themselves their own bishop, who remained, however, as 
 XupeTria-Kowos dependent upon the city bishop. Thus distinctly official 
 episcopal dioceses came to be formed. And just as the city bishops had 
 a pre-eminence over the country bishops, so also the bishops of the 
 chief cities of provinces soon came as metropolitans to have a pre- 
 eminence over those of other cities. To them was granted the right 
 of calling and presiding at the Synods, and of appointing and ordain- 
 ing the bishops of their province. The name Metropolitan, however, 
 was first used in the Acts of the Council af Nicrea in a.d. 325. — The 
 Presbyters were now only the advisers and assistants of the bishop, 
 whose counsel and help he accepted just in such ways and at such 
 times as seemed to him good. They were employed in the directing 
 of the affairs of the church, in the administration of the sacrament, in 
 preaching and in j)astoral work, hut only at the bidding or with the ex- 
 press permission of the bishop. During the following period for the first 
 time, when demands had multiplied, and the episcopal authority was 
 no longer in need of being jealously guarded, were their functions 
 enlarged to embrace an independent pastoral care, preaching and dis- 
 pensation of the sacraments for which they were personally re sponsible. 
 — In regard to official position the Deacons had a career just the con- 
 verse of this ; for their importance increased just as the range of their 
 official functions was enlarged. Seeing that in the earliest times they 
 had occupied a position subordinate to the presbyter-bishops, they could 
 not be regarded in this way as their rivals ; and the development of 
 the proto-presbytcrate into a monarchical episcopate was too evidently 
 in their own interests to awaken any opposition on their part. They 
 therefore stood in a far closer relation to the bishops than did the 
 presbyters. They were his confidants, his copipanious in travel, often
 
 § 34. THE INNEE OBGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH. 191 
 
 also his deputies aud representatives at the Synods. To them he com- 
 mitted the distribution of the church's alms, for which their original 
 charge of the poor qualified them. To these duties were added also 
 many of the parts of divine service ; they baptised under the commis- 
 sion of the bishop, obtained and prepared the sacramental elements, 
 handed round the cup, at the close of the service carried to the sick 
 and imprisoned the body and blood of the Lord, intimated the beginning 
 aud the close of the various parts of divine service, recited the public 
 prayers, read the gospels, and kept order during v/orship. Often, too, 
 they preached the sermon. In consequence of the preponderating 
 position given to the Old Testament idea of the priesthood the bishop 
 was compared to the high priest, the presbyters to the priests, and the 
 deacons to the Levites, and so too did they already assume the name, 
 from which the German word " Priester," English "Priest," French 
 " Pretre," Itahan " Prcte," is derived. 
 
 Among the Ordines Minores the oldest was the office of Reader, 
 ' AyayvwcTTTjs. In the time of Cyprian this place was heartily accorded 
 to the Confessors. In later times it was usual to begin the clerical 
 career with service in the readership. The duties of this office were 
 the public reading of the longer scripture portions and the custody of 
 the sacred books. Somewhat later than the readership the office of 
 the Subdiaconi, viroSidKovoL, was instituted. They were assistants to the 
 Deacons, and as such took first rank among the Ordines Minores, and 
 of these were alone regarded as worthy of ordination. Toward the end 
 of the 3rd century the office of the Cantores, ypoKrai, was instituted for 
 the conducting of the public service of praise. The Acolytes, who arc 
 met with in Rome first about the middle of the 3rd century, were those 
 who accompanied the bishop as his servants. The Exorcists discharged 
 the spiritual function of dealing with those possessed of evil spirits, 
 {vepyo^fxevoi, daif-iouc^o/jLevoi., over whom they had to repeat the 23ublic 
 prayers and the formula of exorcism. As there was also an exorcism 
 associated with baptism, the official functions of the exorcists extended 
 to the catechumens. The Ostiarii or Janitores, Ovpwpol, nvXupoi, occupied 
 the lowest i^osition. — In the larger churches for the instruction of the 
 catechumens there were special Catechists appointed, Doctores audien- 
 tium, and where the need was felt, especially in the churches of North 
 Africa speaking the Punic tongue, there were also Interpreters whose 
 duty it was to translate and interpret the scripture lessons. To the 
 Deaconesses, for the most part widows or virgins, was committed the 
 care of the poor and sick, the counselling of inexperienced women and 
 maidens, the general oversight of the female catechumens. They had 
 no clerical character. — The Ordination of the clergy was performed by 
 the laying on of hands. Those were disqualified who had just recently 
 been baptised or had received baptism only during severe illness
 
 192 THE GE^CO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 {Neoiyhyti, Clinici), also all who had been excommunicated and those 
 who had mutilated themselves. — Continuation, § 45, 3. 
 
 4. Clergy and Laity. — The idea that a priestly mediation between 
 sinful men and a gracious deity was necessary had been so deeply 
 imi^lanted in the religious consciousness of pre-Christian antiquity, 
 pagan as well as Jewish, that a form of public worship- without a priest- 
 hood seemed almost as inconceivable as a religion without a god. And 
 even though the inspired writings of the New Testament decidedly and 
 expressly taught that the pre-Christian or Old Testament institution of 
 a special human priesthood had been abohshed and merged in the one 
 eternal mediation of the exalted Son of God and Son of man, and that 
 there was now a universal spiritual priesthood of all Christians with 
 the right and privilege of ckawing near even to the heavenly throne of 
 grace (Heb. iv. 16 ; 1 Pet. ii. 5, 9 ; Eev. i. G), yet, in consequence of the 
 idea of the permanence of Old Testament institutions which prevailed, 
 even in the Post-Apostolic Age, the sacerdotal theory came more and 
 more into favour. This relapse to the Old Testament standpoint was 
 moreover rendered almost inevitable by the contemporary metamorphosis 
 of the ecclesiastical office which existed as the necessary basis of human 
 organisation (§ 17, 4) into a hierarchical organisation resting upon an 
 assumed divine institution. For clericalism, with its claims to be the 
 sole divinely authorised channel for the communication of God's grace, 
 waa the correlate and the indispensable support of hierarchism, with its 
 exclusive claims to legislative, judicial, disciplinary and administrative 
 precedence in the affairs of the church. The reaction which Montanism 
 (§ 40) initiated in the interests of the Christian people against the 
 hierarchical and clerical tendencies spreading throughout the church, 
 was without result owing to its extreme extravagance. TertuUian em- 
 phasised indeed very strongly the Apostolic idea of the imiversal priest- 
 hood of all Christians, but in Cyprian this is allowed to fall quite behind 
 the priesthood of the clergy and ultimately came to be quite forgotten. 
 —The Old Catholic Age, however, shows many reminiscences of the 
 original relation of the congregation to the ecclesiastical officers, or as 
 it would now be called, of the laity to the clergy. That the official 
 teaching of religion and preaching in the public assemblies of the 
 church, although as a rule undertaken by the Ordines majores, might 
 even then in special circumstances and with due authorisation be dis- 
 charged by laymen, was shown by the Catechetical institution at Alex- 
 andria and by the case of Origen who when only a Catechist often 
 preached in the church. The Apostolic Constitutions, too, 8, 31, sup- 
 ported the view that laymen, if only they were skilful in the word and 
 of irreproachable lives, should preach by a reference to the jn'omise : 
 " They shall be all taught of God." The repeated expressions of dis- 
 approval of the administration of the cucharist by laymen in the Ignatian
 
 § 34. THE INNER OEGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH. 193 
 
 Epistles iDresupposes the frequent occurrence of the practice ; TertuUian 
 would allow it in case of necessity, foi* " Ubi tres, ecclesia est, licet 
 laid." Likewise in reference to the admiuistratiou of baptism be 
 teaches that under ordinary circumstances propter ecclesice honorem it 
 should be administered only by the bishop aud the clergy appointed by 
 him to the work, alio(2uin (e.g. in times of persecution) etiam laicis jus 
 est. This, too, is the decision of the Council of Elvira in a.d. 306. 
 The report which Cyprian gives of his procedure in regard to the vast 
 number of the Lcq^ai of his time (§ 39, 2 ; 41, 2) affords evidence that 
 at least in extraordinary and specially difllcult cases of discipline the 
 whole church was consulted. The people's right to take part in the 
 choice of their minister had not yet been questioned, and their assist- 
 ance at least in the Synods was never refused. 
 
 5. The Synods. — The Council of Apostles at Jerusalem (Acts xv.) 
 furnished an example of Synodal deliberation and issuing of decrees. 
 But even in the pagan world such institutions had existed. The old 
 religio-political confederacies in Greece and Asia Minor had indeed 
 since the time of the Roman conquest lost their political significance ; 
 but their long accustomed assemblies (Kotval avvodoi, Concilia) continued 
 to meet in the capitals of the provinces under the presidency of the 
 Roman governor. The fact that the same nomenclature was adopted 
 seems to show that they were not without formal influence on the origin 
 of the institution of the church synod. The first occasion for such 
 meetings was given by the Montanist movements in Asia Minor (§ 40, 1) ; 
 and soon thereafter by the controversies about the observance of Easter 
 (§ 37, 2). In the beginning of the 3rd century the Provincial Synods 
 had already assumed the position of fixed and regularly recurring insti- 
 tutions. In the time of Cyprian, the presbyters and deacons took an 
 active part in the Synods alongside of the bishops, and the people 
 generally were not prevented from attending. No decision could be 
 arrived at without the knowledge and the acquiescence of the members 
 of the church. From the time of the Nicene Council, in a.d. 325, the 
 bishops alone had a vote aud the presence of the laity was more and 
 more restricted. The decrees of Synods were communicated to distant 
 churches by means of Synodal rescripts, and even in the 3rd century 
 the claim was made in these, in accordance with Acts xv., to the 
 immediate enlightenment of the Holy Spirit. — Continuation, § 43, 2. 
 
 6. Personal and Epistolary Intercourse. — From the very earliest times 
 the Christian churches of all lands maintained a regular communication 
 with one another through messengers or itinerating brethren. The 
 'leaching of the XII. Apostles furnishes the earliest account of this : 
 Any one who comes from another place in the name of the Lord shall 
 be received as a brother ; one who is on his journey, however, shall not 
 accept the hospitality of the church for more than two, or at furthest 
 
 O
 
 194 THE GEiECO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 than three clays ; but if lie chooses to remain in the place, he must 
 engage in work for his own support, in which matter the church will 
 help him ; if he will not so conduct himself he is to be sent back as 
 a xP<'<^Te/J-T!'opos, who- has been seeking to make profit out of his profes- 
 sion of Christ. The Diclache knows nothing as yet of the letters of 
 authentication among the earlier messengers of the church which soon 
 became necessary and customary. As a guarantee against the abuse of 
 this custom such avaraTiKal eVto-roXat (2 Cor. iii. 1) had come into use 
 even in TertuUian's time, who speaks of a Contesseratio hospitalitatis, 
 in such a form that they were understood only by the initiated as 
 recognisable tokens of genuineness, and were hence called Litterce 
 formata, or ypd/.i.jj.aTa TervTrw/xiva. The same care was also taken in 
 respect of imi^ortant epistolary communications from one church to 
 another or to other churches. Among these were included, e.g. the 
 Synodal rescripts, the so-called ypd/x/xara ivdpovidTLKo., by which the 
 newly-chosen bishops intimated their entrance upon office to the other 
 bishops of their district, the Epistohe festales (paschales) regarding the 
 celebration of a festival, especially the Easter festival (§ 56, 3), com- 
 munications about important church occurrences, especially about 
 martyrdoms (§ 32, 8), etc. According to Optatus of Mileve (§ 63, 1): 
 " Totas orbis^' could boast of ^' commcrcio formatarum in una com- 
 vutnionis societate coiicnrdat." 
 
 7. The Unity and Catholicity of the Church. — The fact that Christianity 
 was destined to be a religion for the world, which should embrace all 
 peoples and tongues, and should permeate them all with one spirit and 
 unite them under one heavenly head, rested upon the presupposition 
 that the church was one and universal or catholic. The inward unity 
 of the spirit demanded also a corresponding unity in manifestation. It 
 is specially evident from the Teaching of the XII. Apostles that the con- 
 sciousness of the unity of the church had deeply rooted itself even in the 
 Post-Apostolic Age (§ 20, 1). " The points which according to it prove 
 the unity of Christendom arc the following : firstly, the discipUna in 
 accordance with the ethical reciuircments of the Lord, secondly, baptism 
 in the name of the Father, Sou and Holy Spirit, thirdly, the order of 
 fasting and prayer, especially the regular use of the Lord's Prayer, and 
 fourthly and lastly, the eucharist, i.e. the sacred meal in partaking of 
 which the church gives thanks to God, the creator of all things, for the 
 revelation imparted to it through Jesus, for faith and knowledge and 
 immortality, and implores the fulfilment of its hoi^e, the overthrow of 
 this world, the coming again of Christ, and reception into the kingdom 
 of God. He who has this doctrine and acts in accordance with it is a 
 ' Christian,' belongs to 'the saints,' is a ' brother,' and ought to be re- 
 ceived even as the Lord" (Harnack). The struggle against the Gnostics 
 liad the effect of transforming this primitive Christian idea of unity
 
 § 3i. THE INNER OEGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH. 195 
 
 into a consciousness of the necessity of adopting a common doctrinal 
 formula, which again this controversy rendered much more definite and 
 precise, to which a concise popular expression was given in one common 
 Retjula fidei (§ 35, 2), and by means of which the specific idea of catho- 
 licity was developed (§ 20, 2). — The misleading and dangerous thing 
 about this construction and consolidation of one great Catholic church 
 was that every deviation from external forms in the constitution and 
 worship as well as erroneous doctrine, immorality and apostasy, was 
 regarded as a departing from the one Catholic church, the body of Christ, 
 and consequently, since not only the body was put upon the same level 
 with the head, but even the garment of the body was identified with the 
 body itself, as a separating from the communion of Christ, involving the 
 loss of salvation and eternal blessedness. This notion received a power- 
 ful impulse during the 2ud century when the unity of the church was 
 threatened by heresies, sects and divisions. It reached its consumma- 
 tion and won the Magna CItarta of its perfect enunciation in Cyprian's 
 book Dt' Unitate Ecclesice. In the monarchical rank of the bishop of 
 each church, as the representative of Christ, over the college of pres- 
 byters, as representatives of the Apostles, Ignatius of Antioch sees the 
 guarantee of the church's unity. According to Cyprian, this unity has its 
 expression in the Apostolate ; in the Episcopate it has its support. The 
 promise of Christ, Matt. xvi. 18, is given to Peter, not as the head but 
 as the single representative of the Apostles (.John xx. 21). The Apostolic 
 oliice, with the promise attached to it, passed from the Apostles by 
 means of ordination to the bishops. These, through their monarchical 
 rank, represent continuously for the several churches {Ecclesia est in 
 episcopo), and through their combined action, for the whole of Chris- 
 tendom, the unity of the church ; Episcopatus unus est, eiijus a singuhts 
 in solidiim, pars tcnetnr. All the bishops, just as all the Apostles, have 
 perfect parity with one another; 'pares consortia, jure et liouore. Eich 
 of them is a successor of Peter and heir of the promise given first to 
 Peter but for all. — He who cuts himself off from the bishops, cuts him- 
 self oft' from the church. Habere non potest Deum patrem, qui ecclesiam 
 non liahct matrem . . . Extra ecclesiam nulla spes sahitis. Along- 
 side of the Apostolic writings, the tradition which prevailed among the 
 Apostolic churches (Sedes apostolica) was regarded as a standard of 
 catholicity in constitution, worship and doctrine ; indeed, it must even 
 have ranked above the Apostolic writings themselves in settling the 
 question of the New Testament Canon (§ 36, 8), until these had secured 
 general circulation and acceptance. 
 
 8. The Roman Primacy. — The claims of the Roman bishopric to the 
 primacy over the wLoIe church, which reached its fuller development in 
 the 4th and 5th centuries (§ 46, 7), were founded originally and chiefly 
 on the assertion that the promise of Matt. xvi. 18, 19, was given only
 
 106 THE GR^CO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 and exclusively to the Apostle Peter as the Primate of the Apostles and 
 the head of the church. This assumption overlooked the fact that in 
 Matt, xviii. 18 and John xs. 21 ff. this promise was given with reference 
 to all the Apostles. These claims were further supposed to be supported 
 by the words addressed to Peter, " strengthen thy brethren " (Luke xxii. 
 31), which seemed to accord to Peter a primacy over his fellow Apostles; 
 and also by the interpretation given of John xxi. 15 ff., where "lambs" 
 were understood of laymen and "sheep" of the Apostles. It was like- 
 wise assumed that the bishop of Eome was the successor of Peter, and 
 so the legitimate and only heir of all his prerogatives. The fable of the 
 Eoman bishopric of Peter (§ 16, 1) was at an early period unhesitatingly 
 adopted, all the more because no one expected the results which in later 
 times were deduced from a quite different understanding of Matt. xvi. 
 18. During this whole period such consequences were never dreamt of 
 either by a Eoman bishop or by anybody else. Only this was readily 
 admitted at least by the West that Eome was the foremost of all the 
 Apostolic churches, that there the Apostolic tradition had been pre- 
 served in its purest form, and that, therefore, its bishops should have 
 a particularly influential voice in all questions that were to be judged of 
 by the whole episcopate, and the Eoman bishops were previously content 
 with taking advantage of this concession in the largest measure possible.* 
 
 § 35. The Administration of Baptism.^ 
 As an indispensable means to participation in salvation 
 and as a condition of reception into the communion of 
 
 * We are not carried further than this by Irenaus, iii. 3. Similarly, 
 too, Cyprian, Be Uintate Ecclesicc, iv. Tertullian also does not accept 
 the Eoman tradition as of supreme authority, but prefers that of Asia 
 Minor in regard to the Easter Controversy, and, in the De Pitdicltla, he 
 opposes with bitter invective the penitential discipline of the Eoman 
 bishop Zephyrinus or Callistus. So, too, Cyprian repudiates the Eoman 
 practice in regard to heretics' baptism (§ 35, 5) ; and on the same subject 
 Firmilian of Ctcsarea in Cappadocia hesitates not to write : Noii pudet 
 Steplianum, Cyprianum pscudo-cliristum et pseudo-apostolum et dolosum 
 operarium dicere : qui omnia in se esse conscitis prcevcnit, ut alteri per 
 viendacium ohjiceret, qua fjjse ex mcrito audire deheret.—ConsnU: 
 Blondel, " Traite hist, de la primauto." Gen., 1G41. Salmasius, "De 
 Primatu Papto." Lugd. Bat. ,1G15. Kenrick, "The Primacy of the 
 Apostolic See Vindicated." New York, 1848. "The Pope and the 
 Council," by Janus. Lond., 18C9. 
 
 - Wall, "Hist, of Infant Baptism," with Gale's Eeflections, and Wall's 
 Defence. 4 vols. Oxf., 1830. Wilberforce, " Doctr. of Holy Baptism." 
 Lond., 1849.
 
 § 35. THE ADMINISTRATION OF BAPTISM. 197 
 
 the cliurcli, baptism was practised from tlie earliest times. 
 Infant baptism, tliougli not universally adopted, was yet in 
 theory almost universally admitted to be proper. Tertul- 
 lian alone is found opposing it. All adults who desired 
 baptism had, as Catechumens, to pass through a course of 
 training under a Christian teacher. Many, however, volun- 
 tarily and purposely postponed their baptism, frequently 
 even to a deathbed, in order that all the sins of their lives 
 might be certainly removed by baptismal grace. After a 
 full course of instruction had been passed through, the 
 Catechumens prepared themselves for baptism by prayer 
 and fasting, and before the administration of the saci'ed 
 ordinance they were required to renounce the devil and all 
 his works {Ahrenuntiare diabolo et pompce et angelis ejus) and 
 to recite a confession of their faith. The controversy as 
 to whether baptism administered by heretics should be re- 
 garded as valid was conducted with great bitterness during 
 the Si'd century. 
 
 1. The Preparation for Receiving Baptism. — After a complete exposition 
 of the evangelical moral code iu chap. 1-6, the Teaching of the XII. 
 Apostles proceeds thus : TaDro iravra irpoenrdvTes PaTrrlaaTe els to ivo^xa, 
 etc. At this time, therefore, besides the necessarily presupposed ac- 
 quaintance with the chief points in the gospel history, the initiation into 
 the moral doctrine of the gospel of the person receiving baptism was 
 regarded as most essential in the baptismal instruction. In this passage 
 there is no mention of a doctrinal course of teaching based upon a 
 symbol. But what here is still wanting is given in a summary way in 
 chaps. 7 ff. in the instructions about baptism and the Lord's supper 
 attached to the baptismal formula and the eucharistic prayers. This 
 therefore was reserved for that worship from which the candidates for 
 baptism and the newly baptized had to gather their faith and hope as to 
 the future completion of the kingdom of God. First the struggle against 
 Gnosticism obliged the church to put more to the front the doctrines 
 of faith which were thereby more fully developed, and to concern itself 
 with these questions even iu the instruction of the Catechumens. The 
 custom, which the Didache and Justin Martyr show to have been pre- 
 valent in post-Apostolic times, of the baptiser together with others 
 voluntarily offering themselves taking part with the candidate for baptism
 
 198 THE GRJLCO-EOMAN CIIUECII, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 iu comi^leting the preparation for the holy ordinance by observing a two 
 days' fast, seems soon, so far as the baptiser and the others were con- 
 cerned, to have fallen into desuetude, and is never again mentioned. — 
 Since the development of the Old Catholic church the preparation of 
 candidates for baptism has been divided into two portions of very un- 
 equal duration, namely, that of instruction, for which on an average a 
 period of two years was required, and that of immediate preparation by 
 prayer and fasting after the instructions had been completed. During 
 the former period the asi^irauts were called KaTT]xoviiL€i>oi, Catechumeni ; 
 during the latter, (pijjTL^oixevoi, Comjjetciitfs. As to their participation iu 
 the public divine service, the Catechumens were first of all as aKpoiofievoi 
 admitted only to the hearing of the sermon, and had thus no essential 
 privileges over the unbelievers. They first came into closer connection 
 with the church only when it was permitted them to take part in the 
 devotional exercises, yet only in those portions which had reference to 
 themselves, kneeling as yovvKKivovres, while also the congregation prayed 
 kneeling. Only in cases of dangerous illness could baptism be given 
 before the Catechumen had completed his full course (Baptismus Clini- 
 corum). The Council of Neo-Ctesarea soon after a.d. 314 ordained that 
 a Catechumen who as a yovvK\lvu}v had been guilty of an open sin, should 
 be put back to the first stage of the Catechumenate, namely, to that of 
 the aKpoaadai, and if he then again sinned he should be cast off altogether ; 
 and the fficumenical Council of Nica3a iu a.d. 325 demanded that 
 offending {■Kapa.TreaovTts) Catechumens should remain aKpow/xevoi for 
 three years and only then should be allowed to take part in the devo- 
 tional service of the church. ^ 
 
 2. The Baptismal Formula. — In close connection with the words of 
 institution of baptism (Matt, xxviii. 19) and hence in a trinitarian frame- 
 work, an outline of the doctrine common to all the churches, introduced 
 
 ' Funk's assertion that the dKpodaOaL and the yowKXiveiv were not 
 stages in the Catechumenate, but penal ranks m which offending 
 Catechumens were placed, and that there was only one order of Catechu- 
 mens is untenable tor these reasons : 1. Because the penitential institu- 
 tion presupposes a falling away from the grace of baptism ; 2. Because 
 the Canon of Neo-Ca33area with its KaT7]xovfJ.£vos a/j.apTai'wv, 'iav /xh 
 yovvK\ivuv, aKpodadu), necessarily implies that yovvKXiveiu is a stage in 
 the Catechumenate ; 3. Because this Canon provides that after the first 
 penal procedure, not after passing through two penitential orders, the 
 sinner will be expelled ; 4. Finally, because the yowKXlveiy of the Cate- 
 chumens, just like that of the congregation in prayer, is even in expres- 
 sion something quite different from the virowTwaLs of the penitents. — 
 Consult: Pressensi', "Life and Practice in the Early Church." Loud.^ 
 1879, pp. 5-30, 333.
 
 § 35. THE xVDMIXISTEATION OF BAPTISM. 199 
 
 first of all as a confession of faith profes-cJ by candidates for baptism, 
 obtained currency at a very early date. Only a few unimportant modi- 
 fications were afterwards made upon it, and amid all the varieties of 
 provincial and local conditions, the formula remained essentially the 
 same. Heijce it could always be properly characterized with Irenasus as 
 aKXivris, and with Tertulliau as immohoJis ct irrcformahiUs. As a token 
 of membership in the Catholic church it is called the Baptismal Formula 
 or Symbolum, After the introduction of the Disciplina arcani (3 3G, 4) it 
 was included in that, and hence was kept secret from heathens and even 
 from catechumens, and first communicated to the competentes. As the 
 " unalterable and inflexible" test and standard of the faith and doctrine, 
 as well as an intellectual bond of union between churches scattered over 
 all the earth, it was called Eegula fidei and Kavibv t?]s a.\T]delat. That we 
 never find it quoted in the Old Catholic Age, is to be explained from its 
 inclusion in the disciplina arcani and by this also, that the ancient 
 chiu'ch in common with Jeremiah (xxxi. 33), laid great stress upon its 
 being engraven not with pen and ink on paper, but with the pen of the 
 Holy Spirit on the hearts of behevers. Instead then of literal quotation 
 we find among the fathers of the Old CathoHc Age (Irena3us, Tertullian, 
 Origen, Novatiau, etc.) only paraphrastic and explanatory references to 
 it which, seeing that no sort of otiicial sanction was accorded them in 
 the church, are erroneously spoken of as Begulce fidei. These para- 
 phrases, however, are valuable as affording information about the creed 
 of the early church, because what is found the same in them all must be 
 regarded as an integral part of the original document. In harmony with 
 this is the testimony of Kufinus, about a.d. 390, who in his Expositio 
 Symi, apost. produces three different recensions, namely, the Roman, 
 the Aquileian and the Oriental. The oldest and simplest was that used 
 in Eome, traces of which may be found as early as the middle of the 2nd 
 century. In the time of Eufinus there was a tradition that this Eomau 
 creed had been composed by the XII. Apostles in Jerusalem at the time 
 of their scattering, as a universal rule of faith, and had been brought to 
 Eome by Peter. It is not quite the same as that known among us as 
 the Apostles' Creed. It wants the phrases "Creator of heaven and earth," 
 "suffered, dead, descended into hell," "catholic, communion of saints, 
 eternal life." The creed of Aquileia adopted the clause " Desccndit ad 
 infera," and intensified the clause Carnis resurrcctio by the addition of 
 •" /ayus " and the phrase Deus pater oinnipotens by the addition of the 
 auti-Patripassian predicate (§ 33, 4) imnsihilis et iinpassibilis. 
 
 3. The Administratiou of Baptism. — According to the showing of the 
 Teaching of the XII. Apostles baptism was ordinarily administered by a 
 thrice-repeated immersion in flowing water in the name of the Father, 
 the Son, and the Holy Spirit. If there be no flowing water at hand, any 
 other kind, even warm water, may be used, and in case of necessity
 
 200 THE ge^IlCO-eoman church, a.d. 70-323. 
 
 sprinkling may be substituted for the thrice- repeated immersion. At a 
 later time sjirinkling was limited to the baptism of the sick, Baptismiis 
 cUnicornm. We hear nothing of a consecration of the water to its holy 
 use, nor is there any mention of the renunciation and exorcism which 
 became customary first in the 3rd century through the use of a form of 
 adjuration previously employed only in cases of possession. Upon im- 
 mersion followed an anointing, xp^'^P-'^ (still unknown to the Didache), 
 as a symbol of consecration to a spiritual priesthood (1 Pet. ii. 9), and 
 then, in accordance with Acts viii. 10 f., the laying on of hands as the 
 vehicle for the communication of the Holy Spirit. Soon the immersion 
 came to be regarded as the negative part of the ordinance, the putting 
 away of sin, and the anointing with the laying on of hands as the positive 
 part, the communication of the Spirit. In the Eastern church presby- 
 ters and deacons were permitted to dispense baptism including also the 
 anointing. Both, therefore, continued there unseparated. In the West, 
 however, the bishops claimed the laying on of hands as their exclusive 
 right, referring in support of their claim to Acts viii. Where then the 
 bishop did not hiiuself dispense the baptism, the laying on of hands as 
 well as the chrismatic anointing was given separately and in addition 
 by him as Confirmation, Confirmatio, Consignatio, which separation, even 
 when the baptism was administered by a bishop, soon became the usual 
 and legal practice. Nevertheless even in the Eoman church there was at 
 the baptism an anointing with oil which had canonical sanction and 
 was designated chrism, without prejudice to confirmation as an indepen- 
 dent act at a later time. The usual seasons for administering baptism 
 were Easter, especially the Sabbath of Passion week, baptism into the 
 death of Christ, Rom. vi. 3, and Pentecost, and in the East also the 
 Epiphany. The place for the administration of bajitism was regarded as 
 immaterial. With infant baptism was introduced the custom of having 
 sponsors, dvddoxoi., sponsores, who as sureties repeated the confession of 
 faith in the name of the unconscious infant receiving the bajotism. — 
 Continuation, § 58, 1. 
 
 4. The Doctrine of Baptism. — The Epistle of Barnabas says : 'Ava^atuo- 
 fxev KO-pirocpopovvTei iv rrj Kapolq.. Ilermas says: Ascendunt vitce assignati. 
 With .Justin the water of baptism is a i}5w/) tTjs ioj?js, i^ ov dvayewriO-qnev, 
 Accoi'ding to Irena;us it effects a 'ivuai'5 vpos d,(f>dap(jlav. Tertullian says : 
 Superccnit spiritus de ccjclis, — caro spirilualiter mundatar. Cyprian 
 speaks of an unda genitaUs, of a nativitas secunda in novum liominevi. 
 Eirmilian says : Nativitas, qua est in baptismo,fiIios Dei geiierat. Ori- 
 gen calls baptism xap'CA'-^'''W'' deluv dpxriv Kai tr-qy-qv. — Of the bloody bap- 
 tism of martyrdom Tertullian exclaims : Lavacrum non acceptum repras- 
 .sentat et perditum rcddit. Hermes and Clement of Alexandria maintain 
 that there will be in Hades a preaching and a baptism for the sake of 
 pious Gentiles and Jews.
 
 § 36. PUBLIC WORSHIP. 201 
 
 5. The Ccntioversy about Heretics' Baptism. — The cburcli of Asia 
 Minor and Africa denied the vaUdity of baptism administered by here- 
 tics ; but the Roman church received heretics returning to the fold of the 
 Cathohc church, if only they had been baptized in the name of Christ or 
 of the Holy Trinity, without a second baptism, simply laying on the 
 hands as in the case of penitents. Stephen of Rome would tolerate no 
 other than the Roman custom and hastened to break off church fellow- 
 ship with those of Asia Minor (a.d. 253). Cyprian of Carthage whose 
 ideal of the unity of that church in which alone salvation was to be ob- 
 tained seemed to be overthrown by the Roman practice, and Firmilian of 
 Cffisarea in Cappadocia, were the most vigorous supporters of the view 
 condemned by Rome. Three Carthaginian Synods, the last and most 
 important in a.d. 256, decided unequivocally in their favour. Dionysius 
 of Alexandria sought to effect a reconciliation by writing a tenderly af- 
 fectionate address to Stephen. To this end even more effectively wrought 
 the Valerian persecution, which soon afterwards broke out, during which 
 Stephen himself suffered martyrdom (a.d. 257). Thus the controversy 
 reached no conclusion. The Roman practice, however, continued to 
 receive more and more acceptance, and was confirmed by the first 
 Oecumenical Council at Nica^a in a.d. 325, with the exclusion only of the 
 Samosatians (§ 33, 8) ; likewise also at the Council at Constantinople in 
 A.D. 381, with the exclusion of the Montanists (§ 40, 1), the Eunomians 
 (§ 50, 3) and the Sabellians (§ 33, 7j. These exceptions, therefore, re- 
 ferred mostly to the Unitarian heretics, the Montanists being excluded 
 on account of their doctrine of the Paraclete. Augustine's successful 
 polemic against the Donatists (§ G3, 1), in his treatise in seven books 
 De baptismo first overcame all objections hitherto waged against the 
 validity of baptism administered by heretics derived from the objectivity 
 of the sacrament, and henceforth all that was required was that it should 
 be given in the name of the three-one God. 
 
 § 36. Public Worship and its Various Parts.i 
 
 There was a tendency from the 2nd. century onwards 
 more and more to dissolve the connection of the Lord's 
 Supper with the evening Agape (§ 17, 7). Trajan's strict 
 prohibition of secret societies, hetcerce (§ 22, 2) seems to have 
 
 1 Pressense, " Life and Practice in the Early Church," pp. 201-21G, 
 2G3-286. Lechler, "Apostolic and Post-Apost. Times." 2 vols. Edin., 
 1886. Vol. ii. 298. Jacob, " Ecclest. Pohty of N. T." Lond., 1871. 
 pp. 187-319.
 
 202 THE GR.ECO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 70-823. 
 
 given the first occasion for the separation of these two 
 and for the temporary siippression of the love-feasts. Tlae 
 Lord's Supper was now observed during the Sunday fore- 
 noon service and the mode of its observance is described 
 even by Justin Martyr. In consideration of the require- 
 ments of the Catechumens the service was divided into two 
 parts, a homiletical and a sacramental, and from the latter 
 all unbaptized persons, as well as all under discipline and 
 those possessed of evil sj^irits, were excluded. Each part 
 of the service was regularly closed by a concluding bene- 
 diction, and in the West bore the designations respectively 
 of Missa catechumenorum and Missa Jidelmm, while in the 
 East they were distinguished as Xetroi;pyta rwr KaT-qxovixivuiv 
 and XuTovpyia rwj/ ttlo-twv. In connection with this there 
 grew up a notion that the sacramental action had a mys- 
 terious character, DiscipUna arcani. OAving to the original 
 connection of the Supper with the Agape it became cus- 
 tomary to provide the elements used in the ordinance from 
 the voluntary gifts brought by the members of the church, 
 which were called Oblationes, irpocrcfiopaL, — a designation 
 which helped to associate the idea of sacrifice with the 
 observance of the Loi"d's Supper. 
 
 1. The Agape. — That in consequence of the imperial edict agaiust 
 secret societies, at least in Asia Minor, the much suspected and greatly 
 maligned love-feasts (§ 22) were temporarily abandoned, appears from 
 the report of Pliny to the Emperor, according to which the Christians 
 of whom he made inquiries assured him that they had given up the vws 
 coeundi ad capicndum cibuin promiscuum. But in Africa they were 
 still in use or had been revived in the time of TertuUian, who in his 
 Apology makes mention very approvingly of them, although at a later 
 period, after he had joined the Montanists, he lashes them in his book 
 De Jejuniis with the most stinging sarcasm. Clement of Alexandria 
 too is aware of flagrant abuses committed in connection with those 
 feasts. They continued longest to be observed in connection with the 
 services in commemoration of the dead and on the festivals of martyrs. 
 The Council of Laodicnsa, about the middle of the 4th century, forbade 
 the holding of these in the churches and the Second Trullan Council in
 
 § 3G. PUBLIC WORSHIP. 203 
 
 A.D. G92 reuewed this prohibition. After this wc find no further mention 
 of them. 
 
 2. The Missa Catecliumenorum. — The reading of scriptm-e {dvdyvujais, 
 .Lectio, — comp. No. 7) formed the chief exercise during this part of the 
 
 service. There was unrestricted liberty as to the choice of the portions 
 to be read. It was the duty of the Eeaders, 'Auayvdicrrai, to i^erform this 
 part of the worship, but frequently Evangelists on the invitation of 
 the Deacons would read, and the whole congregation showed their 
 reverence by standing up. At the close of the reading an expository 
 and practical address {6/j.i\la, \6yoi, Sermo, Tractatus) was given by the 
 bishoj) or in his absence by a presbyter or deacon, or even by a Cate- 
 chist, as in the case of Origen, and soon, especially in the Gr.eek 
 church, this assumed the form of an artistic, rhetorical discourse. The 
 reading and exposition of God's word were followed by the prayers, 
 to which the peojDle gave responses. These were uttered partly by the 
 bishop, partly by the deacons, and were extemporary utterances of 
 the heart, though very soon they assumed a stereotyped form. The 
 congregation responded to each short sentence of the prayer with Ki;pte 
 iXetjaop. In the fully developed order of public worship of the 3rd 
 century the prayers were arranged to correspond to the different parts 
 of the service, for Catechumens, energumens (possessed), and penitents. 
 After all these came the common prayer of the church for all sorts 
 of callings, conditions, and needs in the life of the brethren. 
 
 3. The Missa Fidelium. — The centre of this part of the service was 
 the celebration of the Lord's Supper. In the time of Justin Martyr 
 the liturgy connected therewith was very simple. The brotherly kiss 
 followed the common prayer, then the sacramental elements were 
 brought in to the ministrant who consecrated them by the prayer of 
 praise and thanksgiving (evxapia-Tla). The people answered Amen, and 
 thereupon the consecrated elements were distributed to all those present. 
 From that prayer the whole ordinance received the name evxapiaria, 
 because its consecrating influence made common bread into the bread of 
 the Supper. Much more elaborate is the liturgy in the 8th Book of the 
 Jpostolie Constitutions (§ 43, 4), which may be regarded as a fair 
 sample of the worship of the church toward the end of the 3rd century. 
 At the close of the sermon during the prayers connected with that part 
 of the service began the withdrawal successively of the Catechumens, 
 the energumens and the penitents. Then the 3Iissa fidelium was 
 commenced with the common intercessory prayer of the church. After 
 various collects and responses there followed the brotherly kiss, exhorta- 
 tion against participation in unworthy pleasures, preparation of the 
 sacramental elements, the sign of the cross, the consecration praj-er, 
 the words of institution, the elevation of the consecrated elements, all 
 accompanied by suitable prayers, hymns, doxologies and res^iJonses.
 
 204 THE GE.53CO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 The bishop or presbyter distributed the bread with the words, StD^ua 
 XpicFTou ; the deacon passed round the cup with the words, Al/xa XpioroO, 
 woTTJpiov fw^y. Finally the congregation kneeling received the blessing 
 of the bishop, and the deacon dismissed them with the words, 'ATroXveade 
 iv dpr]V7]. — The bread was that commonly used, i.e., leavened bread 
 {koivos dpTos) ; the wine also was, according to the custom of time, 
 mixed with water (x-pa/xa), in which Cyprian already fancied a symbol 
 of the union of Christ and the church. In the African and Eastern 
 churches, founding on John vi. 53, children, of course, those .who had 
 already been baptised, were allowed to partake of the communion. At 
 the close of the service the deacons carried the consecrated sacramental 
 elements to the sick and imprisoned. In many places a portion of the 
 consecrated bread was taken home, that the family might use it at 
 morning prayer for the consecration of the new day. No formal act 
 of confession preceded the communion. The need of such an act in 
 consequence of the existing disciplinary and liturgical ordinance had 
 not yet made itself felt. 
 
 4. The Disciplina Arcaui.— The notion that the sacramental part of 
 the divine service, including in this the j^iayers and hymns connected 
 therewith, the Lord's prayer, administration of baptism and the bap- 
 tismal formula, as well as the anointing and the consecration of the 
 priest, was a mystery {ixvcttikt) Xarpela, TeXerri) which was to be kept 
 secret from all unbaptised persons (ol/mvi^tol) and only to be practised 
 in presence of the baptised ((xv/x;j.v<TTai), is quite unknown to Justin 
 Martyr and also to Irenfeus. Justin accordingly describes in his 
 Apology, expressly intended for the heathen, in full detail and with- 
 out hesitation, all the parts of the eucharistic service. It was in 
 Tertulliau's time that this notion originated, and it had its roots in the 
 catechumenate and the consequent partition of the service into two 
 parts, from the second of which the unbaptised were excluded. The 
 official Roman Catholic theology, on the other hand, regards the disciplina 
 arcani as an institution existing from the times of the Apostles, and 
 from it accounts for the want of patristic support to certain specifically 
 Roman Catholic dogmas and forms of worship, in order that they may, 
 in spite of the want of such support, maintain that these had a place 
 in primitive Christianity. 
 
 5. The Doctrine of the Lord's Supper. — Though the idea was not 
 sharply and clearly deiiued, there was yet a widespread and jirofound 
 conviction that the Lord's Supper was a supremely holy mystery, spiri- 
 tual food indispensable to eternal life, that the body and blood of the 
 Lord entered into some mystical connection with the bread and wine, 
 and placed the believing partaker of them in true and essential fellow- 
 ship with Christ. It was in consequence of the ado2"ition of such modes 
 of expression that the pagan calumnies about Tliycstian feasts (§ 22)
 
 § 36. PUELic WORSHIP. 205 
 
 first gained curreucy, Iguatius calls the Lord's Supper a cpapfxaKov 
 dOavaaias, the Cup a troTripiov eh euucnv tov a'iij.aTo^ XpLtrrou, and pro- 
 fesses evxapicrriav aapKO. ehai tou currjpo'i. Justin Martyr says : crapKa 
 Kal alfxa eSioa'x^rjyttej/ ehai.. According to Ii'enasus, it is not communis 
 pajiis, sed eucharistia ex duahus rebus constans, terrena et ccclesti, and 
 our bodies by means of its use become jam noii corrupiihilia, spem 
 resurrectionis liahentia. TertuUian and Cyprian, too, stoutly maintain 
 this doctrine, but incline sometimes to a more symbolical interpretation 
 of it. The spiritualistic Alexandrians, Clement and Origen, consider 
 that the feeding of the soul with the divine word is the purpose of the 
 Lord's Supper.^ — Continuation § 58, 2. 
 
 6. The Sacrificial Theory. — When once the sacerdotal theory had 
 gained the ascendancy (§ 34, 4) the correlated notion of a sacrifice 
 could not much longer be kept in the background. And it was just 
 in the celebi'ation of the Lord's Supper that the most specious grounds 
 for such a theory were to be found. First of all the prayer, which 
 formed so important a part of this celebration that the whole service 
 came to be called from it the Eucharist, might be regarded as a 
 spiritual sacrifice. Then again the gifts brought by the congregation 
 for the dispensation of the sacrament were called irpoa(popal, Oblationes, 
 names which were already in familiar use in connection with sacrificial 
 worship. And just as the congregation offered their contributions to 
 the Supper, so also the priests offered them anew in the sacramental 
 action, and also to this priestly act was given the name wpocTipepeiy, 
 avarpepeiv. Then again, not only the prayer but the Supper itself was 
 designated a Ovaia, Sacrificium, though at first indeed in a non-literal, 
 figurative sense. — Continuation § 58, 3. 
 
 7. The Use of Scripture. — In consequence of their possessing but few 
 portions of Scripture, the references of the Apostolic Fathers to the 
 New Testament books must necessarily be only occasional. The synop- 
 tic gospels are most frequently quoted, though these are referred to 
 only as a whole under the name ro eva-yye\iov. In Justin Martyr the 
 references become more frequent, yet even here there are no express 
 citation of passages ; only once, in the Dialogue, is the Eevelation of 
 John named. He mentions as his special source for the life and works 
 of Jesus the 'ATrofjiVTjfj.opevfj.aTa. tCov dtroaToXoiv. What he borrows from 
 this source is for the most part to be found in our Synoptic Gospels ; 
 but we have not in this suflicient ground for identifying the one with 
 the other. On the contrary, we find that the citations of our Lord's 
 words do not correspond to the text of our gospels, but are sometimes 
 
 1 Jacob, "Ecclcst. Polit. of N.T." Lend., 187L Lect. vii., " The 
 Lord's Supper." Waterland, "Review of the Doctrine of the Euchar- 
 ist.' Loud., 1737.
 
 206 THE GR^CO-ROMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 rather in veiLal agreement with the Apocryphal writings, and sti'l 
 further, that he adopts Apocryphal accounts of the life of Jesus, e.g., 
 the birth of Christ iu a cave, the coming of the Magi from Arabia, the 
 legend that Jesus as a carpenter made ploughs and yokes, etc., borrowing 
 them from the ' Airoixvrjixovevp.aTa tQv aivoaToXw:'. If one further con- 
 siders Justin's account of the Sunday service as consisting of the reading 
 of the 'Avopij'-ijfj.oveviJ.aTa or the writings of the Prophets, and thereafter 
 closed by the expository and hortatory address of the i^resideut (-rrpo- 
 ea-Tcis), he will be led to the conclusion that his "Apostolic Memoirs" 
 must have been a Gospel Harmony for church use, probably on the basis 
 of Matthew's Gospel drawn from our Synoptic Gospels, with the addition 
 of some apocryphal and traditional elements. The author of the Di- 
 dache too does not construct his "commands of the Lord communi- 
 cated by the Apostles " directly from our Synoptic Gospels, but from 
 a euayyi\Loi' rod Kvptov which jDresented a text of Matthew enriched 
 by additions from Luke. The Diatessaron of Tatian (§ 30, 10) shows 
 that soon after this the gospel of John, which was not regarded by 
 Justin or the author of the Didache as a source for the evangelical 
 history, although there are not wanting in both manifold references to 
 it, came to be regarded as a work to be read in combination with these. 
 It was only after a New Testament Canon had been in the Old Catholic 
 Age gradually established, and from the vast multitude of books ou 
 gospel history, which even Luke had found existing (i. 1) and which 
 had been multiplied to an almost incalculable extent both in the in- 
 terests of heresy and of church doctrine, our four gospels were univer- 
 sally recognised as alone affording authentic information of the life and 
 doctrines of the Lord, that the eclectic gospels hitherto in use had more 
 and more withdrawn from them the favour of the church. Tatian's 
 Diatessaron maintained its place longest in the Syrian Church. Theo- 
 doret, t A.D. 457, testifies that in his diocese he had found and caused 
 to be put away about two hundred copies. Aphraates (about a.d. 340, 
 § 47, 13) still used it as the text of his homihes. At the time of publi- 
 cation of the Doctrina Addai (§ 32, 6) it was still used in the church of 
 Edessa, and Ephraim Syrus in a.d. 360 refers to a commentary in the 
 form of scholia on it in an Armenian translation, in which the passages 
 commented on are literally reproduced, Theodoret's charge against it 
 of cutting out passages referring to the descent of Christ after the flesh 
 from David, especially the genealogies of Matthew and Luke, is con- 
 firmed by these portions thus preserved. Otherwise however, it is 
 free from heretical alterations, though not wholly without apocryphal 
 additions. All the four gospels are in brief summary so skilfully 
 wrought into one another that no joining is ever visible. What cannot 
 be incorporated is simply left out, and tiie whole historical and doctrinal 
 material is distributed over the one working year of the synoptists.
 
 § 36. PUBLIC WORSHIP. 207 
 
 8. Formaticu of a New Testament Canon. — The oldest collection of a 
 New Testament Canon known to us was made by the Gnostic Marcion 
 (§ 27, 11) about A.D. 150. Some twenty years later in the so-called 
 Muratorian Canon, a fragment found by Muratori in the 18th century 
 with a catalogue in corrupt Latin justifying the reception of the New 
 Testament writings received in the Koman church. For later times the 
 chief witnesses are Irenreus, TertuUiau, Clement of Alexandria, Origen 
 and Eusebius. The Muratorian Canon and Eusebius are witnesses for 
 the fact that in the 2nd century, besides the Gospels, the Apostolic 
 Epibtles and the Ecvelation of John, other so-called Apostolic Epistles 
 were read at worship in the churches, for instance, the 1st Ep. of Clement 
 of Rome, the Ep. of Barnabas, the Shepherd of Hennas, in some churches 
 also the apocryphal Apocalypse of Peter and Acts of Paul, in Corinth, an 
 Ep. of the Roman bishop Soter (a.d. 1G6-174) to that church, and also 
 Acts of the Martyrs. Montanist as well as Gnostic excesses gave occasion 
 for the definite fixing of the New Testament Canon by the Catholic 
 church (§ 40). Since the time of IrenfBUS, the four Gospels, the Acts, 
 the 13 Epj). of Paul, the Ep. to the Hebrews (which some in the West 
 did not regard as Pauline), 1st Peter, and 1st John, along with the 
 Revelation of John, were universally acknowledged. Eusebius therefore 
 calls these 6/j.o\oyovixeva. There was still some uncertainty as to the 
 Ep. of James, 2nd Peter, 2nd and 3rd John and Jude (di^TiXeyd/jLeva). The 
 antilegomeua of a second class, which have no claim to canonicity, 
 although in earlier times they were much used in churches just like the 
 canonical scriptures, were called by him v60a, viz. the Acts of Paul, the 
 Shepherd of Hermas, the Apocalypse of Peter, the Ep. of Barnabas, and 
 the Didache. He would also very willingly have included among these 
 the Revelation of John (§ 33, 9), although he acknowledged that else- 
 where that is included in theHomologoumena. — The Old Testament Canon 
 vras naturally regarded as already completed. Rut since the Old Testa- 
 ment had come to the Greek and Latin Church Teachers in the expanded 
 form of the LXX., they had iiuhesitatingly assumed that its added 
 boolis were quite as sacred and as fully inspired as those of the Hebrew 
 Canon. Melito of Sardis, however, about a.d. 170, found it desirable to 
 make a journey of research through Palestine in order to determine the 
 limits of the Jewish Canon, and then to draw up a list of the Holy 
 Scriptures of the Old Testament essentially corresponding therewith. 
 Origen too informs us that the Jews, according to the number of letters 
 in their alphabet acknowledged only 22 books, which, however, does 
 not lead him to condemn this reception of the additional books of 
 the church. From the end of the 2nd century, the Western church 
 had Latin Translations of the biblical books, the origin of which is to be 
 sought in North Africa, where in consequence of prevailing ignorance of 
 the Greek language the need of such translations was most deeply felt.
 
 203 THE GE.ECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 Even so early as the beginuing of the 5th ceutury we fiucT Jerome (f 420) 
 complaining of varietas and vitiositas of the Codices latini, and declar- 
 ing : Tot sunt exemplaria (= forms of the text) paene quot codices. 
 Augustine ^ gives preference to the Itala over all others. The name Itala 
 is now loosely given to all fragments of Latin translations previous to 
 that of Jerome. — The Syriac translation, the Peshito, plain or simple 
 (so-called because it exactly and without paraphrasing renders the words 
 of the Hebrew and Greek originals) belongs to the 3rd century, although 
 first expressly referred to by Ephraim. In it 2 Peter, 2 and 3 John and 
 Jude are not found. 
 
 9. The Doctrine of Inspiration. — In earlier times it was usual, after 
 the example of Philo, to regard the prophetic inspiration of the sacred 
 writers as purely passive, as eKaraais. Athenagoras compares the soul of 
 the prophet while prophesying to a flute ; Justin Martyr in his Cohort. 
 ad Gncc. to a lyre, struck by the Holy Spirit as the plectrum, etc. The 
 Montanist i^rophets first brought this theory into disreiDute. The 
 Apologist Miltiades of Asia Minor was the first Church Teacher who 
 vindicated over against the Montanists the proposition : Trpo<prjTy]v /jlti de'v 
 €v (KaTdaei. XoKe'iv. The Alexandrians who even admitted an operation 
 of the Holy Spirit upon the nobler intellects of paganism, greatly modified 
 the previously accepted doctrine of inspiration. Origen, for example, 
 teaches a gradual rising or falling in the measure of inspiration even in 
 the bible, and determines this according to the more or less prominence 
 secured by the human individuality of the writers of scripture. 
 
 10. Hyninology. — The Carmen Christo quasi Deo dicere seciim invicem 
 in the report of Pliny (§ 22, 2), may be classed with the autiphonal 
 responsive hymns of the church. TertuUian bears witness to a rich use 
 of song in family as well as congregational worship. So too does Origen. 
 In the composition of church hymns the heretics seem for a long while 
 to have kept abreast of the Catholics (Bardesanes and Harmonius, § 27, 
 5), but the latter were thereby stirred up to greater exertions. The 
 Martyr Athcnogeues and the Egyptian bishop NejDOS are named as 
 authors of church hymns. We have still a hymn els Zwrypa by Clement 
 of Alexandria. Socrates ascribes to Ignatius, bishop of Antioch, the 
 introduction of the alternate-song (between different congregational 
 choirs). More credible is Theodoret's statement that the Antiochean 
 monks Flavian acd Diodorus had imported it, about a.d. 200, from the 
 National Syrian into the Greek-Syrian church. — Continuation § 59, 4, 5. 
 
 1 See, De Doctr. CJirisli ina, II. ii. 15.—" Old Latin Biblical Texts." 
 Edited by .John Wordsworth, Bp. of Sahsbury. Oxford, 1885, etc.
 
 § 37. FEASTS AND FESTIVAL SEASONS. 209 
 
 § 37. Feasts and Festival Seasons.^ 
 
 Sunday as a day of joy was distinguisliecl by standing at 
 praj-er, instead of kneeling as at other times, and also by 
 the prohibition of fasting. Of the other days of the week, 
 Wednesday, the day on which the Jewish Council decided 
 to put Jesus to death and Judas had betrayed him, and 
 Friday, as the day of his death, were consecrated to the 
 memory of Christ's suffering ; hence the Feria quarta et 
 sexta were celebrated as watch days, dies statiomim, after 
 the symbolism of the Militia Christiana (Eph. vi. 10-17), by 
 public meetings of the congregation. As days of the Passion, 
 penitence and fasting they formed a striking contrast to the 
 Sunday. The chief days of the Christian festival calendar, 
 which afterwards found richer and more complete expression 
 in the cycle of the Christian year, were thus at first associ- 
 ated with the weekly cycle. A long continued and wide 
 spread controversy as to the proper time for celebrating 
 Easter arose during the 2nd century. 
 
 1. The Festivals of the Christian Year. — The tliongbt of Christ's suffering 
 and death was so powerful and engrossing that even in the weekly cycle 
 one day had not been sufficient. StiU less could one festal day in the 
 yearly cycle satisfy the hearts of believers. Hence a long preparation 
 for the festival was arranged, which was finally fixed at forty days, and 
 was designated the season Quadragesima [reaffapaKoaTri). Its conclusion 
 and acme was the so-called Great Week, beginning with the Sunday of 
 the entrance into Jerusalem, culminating in the day of the crucifixion. 
 Good Friday, and closing with the day of rest in the tomb. This Great 
 Week or Passion Week was regarded as the antitype of the Old Testament 
 Passover feast. The Old Catholic church did not, however, transfer this 
 name to the festival of the resurrection (§ 5G, i). The day of the 
 resurrection was rather regarded as the beginning of a new festival cycle 
 consecrated to the glorification of the redeemer, viz. the season of 
 Quinquagesima (vevTrjKoaTTj), concluding with the festival of the outpour- 
 ing of the Holy Spirit on the anniversary of the founding of the Christian 
 
 1 Lechler, "Apostolic and Post- Apostolic Times." Ediu., 188G. Vol. 
 ii. pp. 301-310. 
 
 P
 
 210 THE GK/E CO-ROMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 church, which has now come to be known imr excellence as Pentecost. 
 The fifty intervening days were simply days of joy. There was daily 
 communion, no fasting, only standing and not kneeling at prayer. The 
 fortieth day, the day of the Ascension, had a special pre-eminence as a 
 day of festal celebrations. The festival of Epiphany on 6th January 
 originated in the East to celebrate the baptism of Christ in Jordan, as 
 the manifestation of his Messianic rank. As yet there is nowhere any 
 trace of the Christmas festival. — Continuation, § 56. 
 
 2. The Paschal Controversies. — During the 2ud century, there were 
 three different practices prevalent in regard to the observance of the 
 Paschal festival. The Ebionite Jewish Christians (§ 28, 1) held the 
 Paschal feast on the 14th Nisan according to the strict literal interpreta- 
 tion of the Old Testament precepts, maintaining also that Christ, who 
 according to the synoptists died on the 15th, observed the Passover with 
 his disciples on the 14th. Then again the church of Asia Minor followed 
 another practice which was traced back to the Apostle John. Those of 
 Asia Minor attached themselves indeed in respect of date to the Jewish 
 festival, but gave it a Christian meaning. They let the passover alone, 
 and pronounced the memorial of Christ's death to be the principal thing 
 in the festival. According to their view, based upon the fourth Gospel, 
 Christ died upon the 14th Nisan, so that He had not during the last year 
 of His life observed a regular Passover. On the 14th Nisan, therefore, 
 they celebrated their Paschal festival, ending their fast at the moment 
 of Christ's death, three o'clock in the afternoon, and then, instead of 
 the Jewish Passover, having an Agape with the Lord's Supper. Those 
 who adopted either of those two forms were at a later period called 
 Quartodccimans or Tessareskaidelatites. Different from both of these 
 was a third practice followed in all the West, as also in Egypt, Palestine, 
 Pontus and Greece, which detached itself still further from the Jewish 
 Passover. This Western usage disregarded the day of the month in order 
 to secure the observance of the great resurrection festival on the first 
 day of the week. The Tracrxa (TTavpu}ffi/.iov, then, if the 14th did not 
 happen to be a Friday, was always celebrated on the first Friday after 
 the 14th, and the Easter festival with the observance of the Lord's 
 Supper on the immediately following Sunday. The Westerns regarded 
 the day of Christ's death as properly a day of mourning, and only at the 
 end of the pre-Easter fast on the day of the Resurrection introduced 
 the celebration of the Agape and the Lord's Supper. These divergent 
 practices first awakened attention on the appearing of Polycarp, bishop 
 of Smyrna at Rome in a.d. 155. The Roman bishop Anicetus referred 
 to the tradition of the Roman Church ; Polycarp laid stress upon the 
 fact that he himself had celebrated tho Paschal festival after the manner 
 followed in Asia Minor along with the Apostle John. No common agvee- 
 -mcnt was reached at this time ; but, in token of their undistnibod church
 
 § 37. FEASTS AND FESTIVAL SEASONS. '211 
 
 fellowship, Anicetiis allowed I'oljcai'p to dispense the commuDiou iu his 
 church. Some fifteeu years later a party, not distinctly particularised, 
 chtained at Laodicea in Phrygia sanction for the Ebionite practice with 
 strict observance of the time of the Passover, and awakened thereby a 
 lively controversy in the church of Asia Minor, in which opposite sides 
 were taken by the Apologists, Apollinaris and Melito (§ 30, 7). The 
 dispute assumed more serious dimensions about a.d. 196 tbrougli the 
 passionate proceedings of the Eoman bishop Victor. Eoused probably by 
 the agitation of a Quartodeciman named Blastus then in Eome, he urged 
 upon the most distinguished bishops of the East and West the need of 
 holding a Synod to secure the unequivocal vindication of the Boman 
 practice. On this account many Synods were held, which almost in- 
 variably gave a favourable verdict. Only those of Asia Minor with 
 Polj'crates, bishop of Ephesus at their head, entered a vigorous protest 
 against the pretensions of Eome, and notwithstanding all the Eoman 
 threatenings determined to stand by their own well established custom. 
 Victor now went the length of breaking off church fellowship with them, 
 but this extreme i^rocedure met with little favour. Even Irenteus 
 expressed himself to the Gallican bishops as opposed to it. — Continuation 
 § 56, 3. 
 
 3. Tlie Ecclesiastical Institution of Fasting. — The Didache gives evidence 
 that even at so early a date, the regular fasts were religiously observed on 
 the Dies stationum bj^ expressly forbidding fasting "with hypocrites" 
 (Jews and Jewisli Christians, Luke xviii. 12) on Monday and Thursday, 
 instead of the Christian practice of so observing Wednesday and Friday. 
 The usual fast continued as a rule only till three o'clock in the afternoon 
 (Semijejunia, Acts x. 9, 30 ; iii. 1). In Passion week the Saturday night, 
 which, at other times, just like the Sunday, was excluded from the fasting 
 period, as part of the day during which Christ lay buried, was included 
 iu the forty-hours' fast, representing the period during which Christ lay 
 in the grave. This was afterwards gradually lengthened out into the 
 forty-days' fast of Lent (Exod. xxxiv. 28; 1 Kings xix. 8 ; Matt. iv. 2), iu 
 which, however, the jejunium proper was limited to the Dies Stationum, 
 and for the rest of the days only the ^T]po(payLai, first forbidden by the 
 Montanists (§ 40, 4), i.e. all fattening foods, such as flesh, eggs, butter, 
 cheese, milk, etc., were abstained from. — On fasting preparatory to 
 baptism, see § 35, 1. The Didache, c. i. 3, adds to the gospel injunc- 
 tion that we should pray for our persecutors (Matt. v. 44) the further 
 counsel that we should fast for them. The meaning of the writer seems 
 to bo that we should strengthen our prayers for ^persecutors by fasting. 
 Hermas, on the other hand, recommends fasting in order that we may 
 thereby spare something for the poor ; and Origen says that he read in 
 qucdam libeUo us ah ajJostoUs dictum : Beatus est, qui etiam ji'jnnat pro 
 eo ut alat paupcrem.
 
 212 THE GEiECO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 § 38. The Church Buildings and the Catacombs. 
 
 The earliest certain traces of special buildings for divine 
 worship Avhich had been held previously in private houses 
 of Christians are met with in Tertullian about the end of 
 the 2nd century. In Diocletian's time Nicomedia became 
 a royal residence and hard by the emperor's palace a beau- 
 tiful church proudly reared its head (§ 22, G), and even in 
 the beginning of the 3rd century Rome had forty churches. 
 We know little about the form and arrangement of these 
 churches. Tertullian and Cyprian speak of an altar or 
 table for the preparation of the Lord's supper and a desk 
 for the reading, and in the Apostolic Constitutions it is re- 
 quired that the building should be oblong in shape. The 
 v/ide-spread tradition that in times of sore persecution the 
 worshippers betook themselves to the Catacombs is evi- 
 dently inconsistent with the limited space which these 
 afforded. On the other hand, the painter whose works, by 
 a decree of a Spanish Council in a.d. 306, were banished 
 from the churches, found here a suitable place for the 
 practice of sacred art. 
 
 1. The Catacombs, — The Christian buryitig places were generally called 
 K0Lix7]Ti)pi.a, Dormitoria. Tliey were laid out sometimes in the open 
 fields (Area;), sometimes, where the district was suitable for that, hewn 
 out in the rock {Kpiiirrai, crypts). This latter term was, by the middle 
 of the 4th century, quite interchangeable with the name Cataeumhcc, 
 (Kara Kvfj.pas= in the caves). The custom of laying the dead in natural 
 or rock-hewn caves was familiar to pagan antiquity, especially in the 
 East, Eut the recesses used for this purpose were only private or 
 family vaults. Their growth into catacombs or subterranean necro- 
 polises for larger companies bound together by their one religion without 
 distinctions of rank (Gal. iii. 28), first arose on Christian soil from a 
 consciousness that their fellowship transcended death and the grave. 
 For the accomplishment of this difficult and costly undertaking, Chris- 
 tian burial societies were formed after the pattern of similar institutions 
 of paganism (§ 17, 3). Specially numerous and extensive necropolises 
 have been found laid out in the immediate neighbourhood of Home.
 
 § 38. criuKcn buildings and the catacombs. 213 
 
 But also ill Malta, in Naples, Syracuse, Palermo, ami other cities, this 
 mode of sepulchre found favoirr. The Roman catacombs, of ^hich 
 in the hilly district round about the eternal city fifty-eight have been 
 counted in fourteen different highways, are almost all laid out in the 
 white porous tufa stone which is there so abundant, and useful neither 
 for building nor for mortar. It is thus apparent that these are neither 
 wrought-out quarries nor gravel pits (Arenarue), but were set in order 
 from the first as cemeteries. A few Arenaria may indeed have been 
 used as catacombs, but then the sides with the burial niches consist 
 of regularly built walls. The Roman Catacombs in the tufa stone form 
 labyrinthine, twisting, steep galleries only 3 or 4 feet broad, with 
 rectangular corners caused by countless intersections. Their perpen- 
 dicular sides varied greatly in height and in them the burial niches, 
 Loculi, were hewn out one above the other, and on the reception of the 
 body were built up or hermetically sealed with a stone slab beariug an 
 inscription and a Christian symbol. The wealthy laid their dead in 
 costly marble sarcophagi or stone coffins ornamented with bas-reliefs. 
 The walls too and the low-arched roofs were adorned with symbols and 
 pictures of scripture scenes. From the principal passages many side 
 paths branched off to so-called burial chambers, Cuhicula, which were 
 furnished with shafts opening up to the surface and affording air and 
 light, Luminaria. In many of these chambers, sometimes even in the 
 passages, instead of simple Loculi we meet with the so-called AreosoUum 
 as the more usual form ; one or more coffiu-shaiJed grooves hewn out 
 in the rocky wall are covered with an altar-shaped marble plate, and 
 over this plate, Meiisa, is a semicircular niche hewn out spreading over 
 it in its whole extent. These chambers are often held in reverence as 
 "catacomb churches," but they are so small in size that they could 
 only accommodate a very limited number, such as might gather perhaps 
 at the commemoration of a martyr or the members of a single family. 
 And even where two or three such chambers adjoin one another, con- 
 nected together by doors and having a common lighting shaft, accom- 
 modating at furthest about twenty people, they could not be regarded as 
 meeting-places for public congregations properly so called. — Where the 
 deposit of tufa stone was sufficiently large, there were several stories 
 (Piani), as many as four or five connected by stairs, laid out one above 
 the other in galleries and chambers. According to de Bosses ' modei'ate 
 calculation there have been opened altogether up to this time so many 
 passages in the catacombs that if they were put iu a line they would 
 
 ' Eosio, "Roma Sotteranea." Rom., 1C32. De Rossi, "Roma sott. 
 crist." 3 vols. Rome, 18C4-1S77. Northcote and Brownlow, "Roma 
 Sotteranea," Lond., 1SG9. Withrow, " The Catacombs of Rome," Loud., 
 1876.
 
 21-i THE GR.ECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 form a street of 120 geographical miles. Their ohlest inscriptions or 
 epitaphs date from the first jears of the second century. After the 
 destruction of Eome by the hordes of Alaric in a.d. 410, the custom of 
 burying in them almost entirely ceased. Thereafter they were used 
 only as places of jDilgrimage and spots were martyr's relics were wor- 
 shi25ped. From this time the most of the so-called Grajfiti, i.e. scrib- 
 bliugs of visitors on the walls, consisting of pious wishes and prayers, 
 had their origin. The marauding ex23editioD of the Longobard Aistulf 
 into Eoman territory in ad. 75G, iu which even the catacombs were 
 stripped of their treasures, led Pope Paul I. to transfer the relics of all 
 notable martyrs to their Eoman churches and cloisters. Then pilgrim- 
 ages to the catacombs ceased, their entrances got blocked up, and the 
 few which in later times were still accessible, were only sought out by a 
 few novelty hunting strangers. Thus the whole affair was nigh for- 
 gotten until in a.d. 1578 a new and lively interest was awakened by the 
 chance opening up again of one of those closed passages. Ant. Bosio 
 from A.D. 1.593 till his death in a.d. 1G29, often at the risk of his life, 
 devoted all his time and energies to their exploration. But great as his 
 discoveries were, they have been completely outdone by the researches 
 of the Eoman nobleman, Giov. Battista de Eossi, who, working uu- 
 weariedly at his task since a.d. 1819 till the present time, is recognised 
 as the great master of the subject, although even his investigations are 
 often too much dominated by Eoman Catholic prejudices and by undue 
 regard for traditional views. ^ 
 
 2. The Antiquities of the Catacombs . — The custom widely spread in 
 ancient times and originating in piety cr superstition of placing in the 
 tombs the utensils that had been used by the deceased during life was 
 continued, as the contents of many burial niches show among the eaily 
 Christians. Children's toj's were jilaced beside them in the grave, 
 and the clothes, jewels, ornaments, amulets, etc., of grown up people. 
 Quite a special interest attaches to the so-called Blood Vases, Pliiohc 
 rubricatic, which have been found iu or near many of these niches, i.e. 
 crystal, rarely earthenware, vessels with Christian symbols figured on a 
 red ground. The Congregation of rites and relics in a.d. 1668, asserted 
 that they were blood-vessels, in which the blood of the martyrs had 
 been preserved and stood alongside of their bones ; and the existence of 
 such jars, as well as every pictorial representation of the palm branch 
 (Rev. vii. 9), was supposed to afford an indubitable proof that the niches 
 in question contained the bones of martyrs. But the Reformed theolo- 
 gian Basuage shows that this assumption is quite untenable, and he has 
 explained the" red ground from the dregs of the red sacramental wine 
 M'hich may Irave been placed in the burial niches as a protection against 
 
 * Mnrriott, " Testimony of the Cqtqcombs," Lond,, 1877,
 
 § 38. CHURCH BUILDINGS AND THE CATACOMBS. 215 
 
 demoniacal intrnsiou. Even many good Roman Catholic arclia^ologists, 
 Mabillon, Papebroch, Tillemont, Muratori, etc., contest or express 
 doubts as to the decree of the Coiirjrefiation. At the instigation probably 
 of the Belgian Jesuit Vict, de Buck, Pius IX. in a.d. 18G3 confirmed 
 and renewed the old decree, and among others, Xav. Kraus has appeared 
 as its defender. But a great multitude of unquestionable facts contra- 
 dict the ofhcial decree of the church ; e.g. the total absence of any 
 support to this view in tradition, the silence of such inscriptions as 
 relate to the martyrs, above all the immense number of these jars, their 
 being found frequently alongside the bones of children of seven years 
 old, the remarkable frequency of them in the times of Constantine and 
 his successors which were free from persecution, the absence of the red 
 dregs in many jars, etc. Since dregs of wine, owing to their having 
 the vegetable property of combinableness could scarcely be discernible 
 down to the present day, it has recently been suggested that the red 
 colour may have been produced by a mineral-chemical process as oxide 
 of iron. 
 
 3. Pictorial Art and the Catacombs. — Many of the earliest Christians 
 may have inherited a certain dislike of the pictorial arts from Judaism, 
 ai:)d may have b?eii confirmed therein by their abhorrence of the 
 frivolous and godless abuse of art in heathenism. But this aversion 
 which in a Tertullian grew from a Montanistic rigorism into a fanatical 
 hatred of art, is never met with as a constituent characteristic of 
 Christianity. Much rather the great abundance of paintings on the 
 walls of the Roman and Neapolitan catacombs, of which many, and 
 these not the meanest, belong to the 2nd century, some indeed perhaps 
 to the last decades of the 1st century, serves to show how general and 
 lively was the artistic sense among the earliest Christians at least in the 
 larger and wealthier communities. Yet from its circumstances the 
 Christian church in its appreciation of art was almost necessarily limited 
 on two sides ; for, on the one hand, no paintings were tolerated in the 
 churches, and on the other hand, even in private houses and catacombs 
 they were restricted almost exclusively to symbolico -allegorical or typical 
 representations. The 3Gth Canon of the Council of Elvira in a.d. 306 
 is a witness for the first statement when it says : Placuit picturas -in 
 ccclcsia non esse debcre, ne quod coUtur et adoratur in parietihus depln- 
 gatur. The plain words of the Canon forbid any other interpretation 
 than this : From the churches, as places where public worship is regu- 
 larly held, all pictorial representations must be banished, in order to 
 make certain that in and under them there might not creep in those 
 images, forbidden in the decalogue, of Him who is the object of worship 
 and adoration. The Council tlius assumed practically the same stand- 
 point as the Reformed church in the IGth century did in opposition to 
 the practice of the Roman Catholic and Lutheran churches. It cannot,
 
 216 THE GRiECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-32*2. 
 
 however, be maintained that the Canon of this rigorous Council (§ io, 2) 
 found general acceptance and enforcement outside of Spain — Proof of 
 the second limitation is as convincingly afforded by what we find in the 
 catacombs. On the positive side, it has its roots in the fondness which 
 prevailed during these times for the mystical and allegorical interpreta- 
 tion of scrijiture ; and on the negative side, in the endeavour, i^artly in 
 respect for the prohibition of images contained in the decalogue, partly, 
 and perhaps mainly, in the interests of the so-called DiscipUna arcani, 
 fostered under pressure of persecution, to represent everj'thing that 
 pertained to the mysteries of the Christian faith as a matter which only 
 Christians have a right fully to understand. From the prominence 
 given to the point last referred to it may be explained how amid the 
 revolution that took place under Coustantine the age of Symbolism and 
 Allegory in the history of Christian art also passed away, and hence- 
 forth painters applied themselves pre-eminently to realistic historical 
 representations. 
 
 4. The pictorial and artistic rejDresentations of the pre-Constautiue 
 age may be divided into the six following groups : — a. Significant 
 Symbols. — To these belong especially the cross} though, for fear of the 
 reproaches of Jews and heathens (§ 23, 2), not yet in its own proper 
 form but only in a form that indicated what was meant, namely in the 
 form of the Greek T, very frequently in later times in the monogram of 
 the name of Christ, i.e. in a variously constructed combination of its 
 first two letters X and P, while the X, as crux (Ussi)inilatie, has very 
 often on either side the letters a and w. — h. Allegorical Figures. — In the 
 4th century a particularly favourite figure was that of the Fisli, the name 
 of which, Ix^vs, formed a highly significant monogrammatic representa- 
 tion of the sentence, 'Irjaods X/wcrros Qeou Tios 1,uTr)p, and which pointed 
 strikingly to the new birth from the water of baptism. Then there is 
 the lamb or sheep, as symbol of the soul, which still in this life seeks 
 after si^iritual pastures; and t\\& dove as symbol of the pious believing 
 soul passing into eternal rest, often with an olive branch in its mouth 
 (Gen. viii. 11), as symbol of the eternal peace won. Also we have the 
 hart (Ps. xlii. 1), the earile (Ps. ciii. 5), the chichen, symbol of Christian 
 growth, the peacock, symbol of the resurrection on account of the annual 
 renewal of its beautiful plumage, the dolphin, symbol of hastiness or 
 eagerness in the appropriation of salvation, the horse, symbol of the race 
 unto the goal of eternal life, the hare, as symbol of the Christian working 
 out his salvation with fear and trembling, the ship, with reference to 
 Noah's ark as a figure of the church, the anchor (Heb. vi. 19;, the hjre 
 
 » Zockler, "The Cross of Christ." Lond., 1877. Allen, "Early 
 Christian Symbolism." Lond., 1887. Didson, " Chr. Iconography." 
 2 vols. Lond., 1886.
 
 § 38. CHURCH BUILDINGS AND THE CATACOMBS. 217 
 
 (Eph. V. 19), the palm branch (Eev. vii. U), tlie fjaiiand (or crown cf life, 
 Rev. ii. 9), the lily (Matt. vi. 28), the haUuices, symbol of divine right- 
 eousness, _/(s/ies and bread, symbol of si^iritual nourishment with refer- 
 ence to Christ's miracle of feeding in the wilderness, etc.— c. Parabolic 
 Fignres. — These are illustrations borrowed from the parables of the 
 Gospels. To these belong conspicuously the figure of the Good Shepherd, 
 who bears on His shoulder the lost sheep that He had found (Luke xv. 
 y), the Vine Stock (John xv.), the Soicer (Matt. xiii. 3), the Marriiujc 
 Feast (Matt, xxii.), the Ten Virgins (Matt, xxv.), etc. — d. Historical 
 Pictures of 0. T. Types. — Among these we have Adam and Eve, the Rivers 
 of Paradise (as tyj^es of the four evangelists), Abel and Cain, Noah iu 
 the Ark, the Sacrifice of Isaac, Scenes from Joseph's History, Moses at 
 the Burning Bash, the Passage of the Red Sea, the Falling of the Manna, 
 the Water out of the Rock, History of Job, Samson with the Gates of 
 Gaza (the gates of Hell), David's Victory over Goliath, Elijah's Ascen- 
 sion, Scenes from the History of Jonah and Tobit, Daniel in the Lion's 
 Den, the Three Children in the Fiery Furnace, etc. Also typical material 
 from heathen mythology had a place assigned them, such as the legends 
 of Hercules, Theseus, and especially of Orpheus who by his music 
 bewitched the raging elements and tamed the wild beasts, descended 
 into the lower world and met his death through the infuriated women 
 of his own race. — e. Figures from the Gospel History. — These, e.g. the 
 Visit of the Wise Men from the East, and the Resurrection of Lazarus, 
 are throughout this period still exceedingly rare. We do not find a 
 single representation of the Passion of our Lord, nor any of the sufferings 
 of Christian martyrs. Pictorial representations of the person of Christ, 
 as a beardless youth with a friendly mild expression, are met with in 
 the catacombs from the first half of the 2nd century, but without any 
 claim to supply the likeness of a portrait, such as might be claimed fur 
 the figures of Christ in the temple of the Carpocratiaus (§ 27, 8) and in 
 the Lararium of the Emperor Alexander Severus (§ 22, 4). Clement- of 
 Alexandria and Tertullian, in accordance with the literal interj^retation 
 of Isa. liii. 2, 3, thought that Christ had an unattractive face ; the post- 
 Cons' antine fathers, on the contrary, resting upon Ps. xlv. 3 and John 
 i. 1-1, thought of Him as beautiful and gracious. — f. Liturgical Figures. — 
 These were connected only with the ordinances of baptism and the 
 Lord's Supper.
 
 218 THE GR.ECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 § 39. Life, Manxees, and Discipline.'^ 
 
 When the chaff had been so relentlessly severed from 
 the wheat by the persecutions of that age, a moral earnest- 
 ness and a power of denying the world and self must have 
 been developed, sustained by the divine power of the gospel 
 and furthered by a strict and rigorous application of church 
 discipline to the Christian life, such as the world had never 
 seen before. What most excited and deserved wonder in 
 the sphere of heathendom, hitherto accustomed only to the 
 reign of selfishness, was the brotherly love of the Christ- 
 ians, their systematic care of the poor and sick, the wide- 
 spread hospitality, the sanctity of mari;iage, the delight in 
 martyrdom, etc. Marriages with Jews, heathens and 
 heretics were disapproved, frequently even the celebration 
 of a second marriage after the death of the first wife was 
 disallowed. Public amusements, dances, and theatres were 
 avoided by Christians as Pom]Ja diaholi. They thought of 
 the Christian life, in accordance with Eph. vi. 10 ff,, as 
 Militia Chri.sti. But even in the Post-Apostolic Ag-e we 
 come upon indications of a tendency to turn from the 
 evangelical spirituality, freedom and simplicity of the 
 Apostolic Age toward a pseudo-catholic externalism and 
 legalism in the fundamental views taken of ethical pro- 
 blems, and at the same time and in the same way in the 
 departments of the church constitution (§ 34), worship 
 (§ 36) and exposition of doctrine (§ 30, 2), The teachers of 
 the church do still indeed maintain the necessity of a dis- 
 position corresponding to the outward works, but by an 
 over-estimation of these they already prepare the way for 
 
 ' Sclimidt, " The Social Results of Early Christianity." Lond., 1880. 
 Eiace, " Gesta Christi." Lond., 1883. Uhlhorn, " Chr. Charity in tbe 
 Ancient Church." Ediu., 18S3. Pressense, ''Life and Practice in Early 
 Church." Lond., 1879, pp. 345-477. Ryan, "Hist, of the Effects of 
 Relig. upon Maulvina." Dublin, 1829.
 
 § 39. LIFE, MANNERS, AND DISCIPLINE. 219 
 
 the doctrine of merit and the o])ns (.peratiim, i.e. the nierito- 
 rionsness of works in themselves. Even the Epistle of 
 Barnahas and the DidacJie reckon ahnsgiving as an atone- 
 ment for sins. Still more conspicuonsly is this tendency 
 exhibited by Cyprian {Be Opere et eleemosynis) and even in 
 the Bheplienl of Jlermas (§ 30, 4) we find the beginnings of 
 the later distinction, based upon 1 Cor. vii. 25, 26 ; Matt. 
 XXV. 21, and Luke xviii. 10, between the divine commands, 
 Mandata or Prcecepta, which are binding upon all Christians, 
 and the evangelical counsels, Gonsilia evangelica, the non- 
 performance of which is no sin, but the doing of wdiich 
 secures a claim to merit and more full divine approval. 
 Among the Alexandrian theologians, too, under the in- 
 fluence of the Crreek philosophy a very similar idea was 
 developed in the distinction between higher and lower 
 morality, after the former of which the Christian sage 
 (6 yi'wcTTt/cos) is required to shiire, while the ordinary Christ- 
 ian may rest satisfied with the latter. On such a basis a 
 special order of Ascetics very early made its appearance in 
 the churches. Those who went the length of renouncing 
 the world and going out into the wilderness were called 
 Anchorets. This order first assumed considerable dimen- 
 sions in the 4th century (^ 44). 
 
 1. Christian Morals and Manners.— The Christian spirit pervaded the 
 domestic and civil life and here formed for itself a code of Christian 
 morals. It expressed itself in the family devotions and family com- 
 muuious (§ 36, 3), in putting the sign of the cross upon all callings in 
 life, in the Christian symbols (§ 33, 3) with •which dwelliugs, garments, 
 walls, lamps, cups, glasses, rings, etc. were adorned. As to private 
 worship the Didache requires without fixing the hours that the head of 
 the household shall have prayers three times a day (Dan. vi. 30), mean- 
 ing probably, as with Origen, morning, noon, and night. TertuUian 
 specifies the 3rd, 6th, and 9th hours as the hours of prayer, and dis- 
 tinctly demands a separate morning and evening prayer. — The conclud- 
 ing of marriage according to the then existing Roman law had to be 
 formally carried through by the expressad agreement of the parties in 
 the pvesejice of witnesses, anc] this on the part of the cbiu'ch wis re-
 
 220 THE GR/ECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 garJed as valid. Tlio Christian custom required that there should be a 
 previous making of it known, Projcfsio, to the bishop, and a subsequent 
 going to the church of the newly married pair in order that, amid the 
 church's intercessions and the priestly benediction, a religious sanction 
 might be given to their marriage covenant, by the oblation and common 
 participation of the Lord's Supper at the close of the public services. 
 Tertullian's Montanistic rigorism shows itself in regarding marriages 
 where these are omitted, occulUc conjunctiones, as no better than vuccliia 
 and fornicatio. The crowning of the two betrothed ones and the veiling 
 of the bride were still disallowed as heathenish practices ; but the use 
 of the wedding riug was sanctioned at an early date and had a Clmstiau 
 significance attached to it. The burning of dead bodies prevalent among 
 the heathens reminded them of hell fire ; the Christians therefore pre- 
 ferred the Jewish custom of burial and referred in support to 1 Cor. xv. 
 36. The day of the deaths of their deceased members were celebrated 
 in the Christian families by prayer and oblations in testimony of their 
 fellowship remaining unbroken by death and the grave. — Continuation 
 § 61, 2, 3. 
 
 2. The Penitential Discipline. — According to the Apostolic ordinance 
 (§ 17, 8) notorious sinners were excluded from the fellowship of the 
 church, Excommunicatio, and only after prolonged trial of their peni- 
 tence, Exomologesis, were they received back again, licconciliatio. In 
 the time of Cyprian, about a.d. 250, there was already a well defined 
 order of procedure in this matter of restoring the lapsed which continued 
 in force until the 5th century. Penance, ranitentia, must extend 
 through four stages, each of which according to circumstances might 
 require one or more years. During the first stage, the Trp'j(rK\avaos, 
 Flctio, the penitents, standing at the church doors in mourning dress, 
 made suiiplication to the clergy and the congregation for restoration ; in 
 the second, the aKp'.aais, Auditio, they were admitted again to the read- 
 ing of the scriptures and the sermon, but still kept in a separate place ; 
 in the third, virotrTcojis, Substratio, they were allowed to kneel at pra3'er ; 
 and finally, in the fourth, aiaTaai^, Consistentia, they took part again in 
 the whole of the public services, with the exception of the communion 
 which they were only allowed to look at standing. Then they received 
 Absolution and Reconciliation {=imcein dare) in presence of the assem- 
 bled and acquiescing congregation by the imposition of the hands of the 
 bishop and the whole of the clergy, together with the brotherly kiss and 
 the partaking of the communion. This procedure was directed against 
 open and demonstrable sins of a serious nature against the two tables 
 of the decalogue, against so called deadly sins, Peccata or crimina mor- 
 talia, 1 John v. 16. Excommunication was called forth, on the one side, 
 against idolatry, blasphemy, apostasy from the faith and abjuration 
 thereof; on the other, against murder, adultery and fornication, theft
 
 § 39. -LIVE, MAXXEES, AND DISCIPLINE. 221 
 
 and lying, perfidy and false swearing. Whether reconciliation was per- 
 missible in the case of any mortal sin at all, and if so, what particular 
 sins might thus be treated, were questions upon which teachers of the 
 church were much divided during the 3rd century. But only the 
 Moutanists and Novatians (§§ 40, 41) denied the permissibihty utterly 
 and that in opposition to the prevailing practice of the church, which 
 refused reconciliation absolutely only in cases of idolatry and murder, 
 and sometimes also in the case of adultery. Even Cyprian at first held 
 firmly by the principle that all mortal sins committed "against God" 
 must be wholly excluded from the range of penitential discipline, but 
 amid the horrors of the Decian persecution, which left behind it whole 
 crowds of fallen ones, Lapsi (§ 22, 5), he was induced by the passionate 
 entreaties of the church to make the concession that reconciliation 
 should be granted to the Libellatici after a full penitential course, but 
 to the Sacrificati only when in danger of death. All the teachers of 
 the church, however, agree in holding that it can be granted only once 
 in this life, and those who again fall away are cut off absolutely. But 
 excessive strictness in the treatment of the penitents called forth the 
 contrary extreme of undue laxity (§ 41, 2). The Confessors frequently 
 used their right of demanding the restoration of the fallen by means of 
 letters of recommendation, Libelli pacis, to such an extent as to seriously 
 interfere with a wholesome discipline. • — Continuation § 61, 1. 
 
 3. Asceticism. — The Ascetism [Continentia, iyKpareia) of heathenism 
 and Judaism, of Pythagoreauism and Esseuism, resting on dualistic and 
 pseudo-spiritualistic views, is confronted in Christianity with the pro- 
 position : ndvTa v/jlQv iffTiv (1 Cor. iii. 21; vi. 12). Christianity, how- 
 ever, also recognised the ethical value and relative wholesomeness of a 
 moderate asceticism in proportion to individual temperament, needs and 
 circumstances (Matt. ix. 12 ; 1 Cor. vii. 5-7), without demanding it or 
 regarding it as something meritorious. This evangelical moderation we 
 also find still in the 2nd century, e.g. in Ignatius. Bi;t very soon a 
 gradual exaggeration becomes apparent and an ever-advancing over es- 
 timation of asceticism as a higher degree of morality with claims to be 
 considered peculiarly meritorious. The negative requirements of asceti- 
 cism are directed first of all to frequent and rigid fasts and to celibacy or 
 abstinence from marital intercourse ; its positive requirements, to the 
 exercise of the spiritual life in prayer and meditation. The most of the 
 
 ' Morinus, "De discipl. in administr. s. poenitentia?." Par., 1G51. 
 Marshall, " Penitential Discipline of the Prim. Church for the First Four 
 Centuries." Lond., 1844 (1st ed. 1718). Tertullian, " De Pcenitentia." 
 See Transl. in Library of Fathers: Tertullian, vol. i. "Apologetic and 
 Practical Treatises." Oxf., 1843. XL Of Picpentance, with long and 
 valuable notes by Dr. Pusey. Pp. 349-408.
 
 222 THE gejlCo-eoman cnuECK, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 Ascetics, too, iu accordance Avith Luke xviii. 21, voluutarily divcstel 
 themselves of their jjossessions. The number of them, meu and women, 
 increased, and even iu the first half of the 2nd century, they formed a 
 distinct order in the church, though they were not yet bound to observe 
 this mode of life by any irrevocable vows. The idea that the clergy were 
 iu a si^ecial sense called to an ascetic life resulted iu their being desig- 
 nated the KXrjpos Qeov. Owing to the interpretation given to 1 Tim. iii. 2, 
 second marriages were iu the 2nd century prohibited among the clergy, 
 and iu the 3rd century it was regarded as improper for them after or- 
 dination to continue marital intercourse. But it was first at the Council 
 of Elvira, in a.d. 306, that this opinion was elevated into a law, though 
 it could not even then be rigorously enforced (§ 45, 2). — The immoral 
 practice of ascetics or clerics having with them virgins devoted to God's 
 service as Sorores, dSeXipai, on the ground of 1 Cor. ix. 5, with whom they 
 were united in spiritual love, in order to show their superiority to the 
 temptations of the flesh, seems to have been introduced as early as the 
 2nd century. In the middle of the 3rd century it was already wide- 
 spread. Cyprian repeatedly inveighs against it. We learn from him 
 that the so-called Sorores slept with the Ascetics in one bed and sur- 
 rendered themselves to the tenderest caresses. For proof of the purity 
 of their relations they referred to the examinations of midwives. Among 
 bisliops, Paul of Samosata in Antioch (§ 33, 8) seems to have beeu the 
 first who favoured this evil custom by his own example. The poiuxlar 
 wit of the Antiochenes invented for the more than doubtful relationship 
 the name of the yvyaiKes a-weiffdKToi., Subintroductce, Agapetce, Extrcnecc. 
 Bishops and Councils sent forth strict decrees against the practice. — 
 The most remarkable among the celebrated ascetics of the age was 
 llieracas, who lived at Leontopolis in Egypt toward the end of the 3rd 
 and beginning of the 4th century and died there when ninety j'ears old. 
 A pupil of Origeu, he was distinguished for great learning, favoured 
 the allegorical interpretation of Scripture, a sjnritualistic dogmatics and 
 strict asceticism. Besides this he was a physician, astronomer and 
 writer of hymns, could repeat by heart almost all the Old and New 
 Testaments, wrote commentaries in Greek and Coptic, and gathered 
 round him a numerous society of men and women, who accepted his 
 ascetical principles and heterodox views. Founding upon Matt. xix. 12 ; 
 
 1 Cor. vii, and Heb. xii. 14, he maintained that celibacy was the only 
 perfectly sure way to blessedness and commended this doctrine as the 
 essential advance from the Old Testament to the New Testament 
 morality. He even denied salvation to Christian children dying in 
 infancy because they Lad not yet fought ogaiust sensuality, referring to 
 
 2 Tim. ii. 5. Of a sensible paradise he would hear nothing, and just as 
 little of a bodily resurrection ; for the one he interprets allegorically 
 and the otlicr qiiitually. Epiphanius, to whom we owe any precise
 
 § 30. LIFE, MANNERS, AND DISCIPLINE. 223 
 
 information that we have abont bini, is the first to assign him and his 
 followers a place in the list of heretics. 
 
 4. Paul of Tliebes. — The withdrawal of particular ascetics from asceti- 
 cal motives into the wilderness, w'hich was a favourite craze for a while, 
 may have hecn suggested by Old and New Testament examples, e.g. 
 1 Kings xvii. 3 ; xix. 4 ; Luke i. 80 ; iv. 1 ; but it was more frequently 
 the result of sore persecution. Of a regular professional institution of 
 anchorets with life-long vows there does not yet appear any authentic 
 trace. According to Jerome's J'ita Fauli monachl a certain Paul of 
 Thebes in Egj-pt, about a.d. 250, during the Decian persecution, betook 
 himself, when sixteen years old, to the wilderness, and there forgotten 
 by all the world but daily fed by a raven with half a loaf (1 Kings xvii. 
 4), he lived for ninety-seven years in a cave in a rock, until St. Anthony 
 (^ 44, 1), directed to him by divine revelation and led to him first by a 
 ceutanr, half man, half horse, then by a fawn, and finally by a she-wolf, 
 came upon him happily just when the raven had brought him as it never 
 did before a whole loaf. He was just in time to be an eye-witness, not 
 indeed of his death, but rather of his subsequent ascension into heaven, 
 accompanied by angels, prophets and apostles, and to arrange for the 
 burial of his mortal remains, for the reception of which two lions, utter- 
 ing heart-breaking groans, dug a grave w-ith their claws. These lions 
 after earnestly seeking and obtaining a blessing from St. Anthony, 
 returned back to their lair. — Contemporaries of the author, as indeed he 
 himself tells, declared that the whole story was a tissue of lies. Church 
 history, however, until quite recently, has invariably maintained that 
 there must have been somo historical foundation, though it miglit be 
 very shght, for such a superstructure. But seeing that no single writer 
 before Jerome seems to know even the name of Paul of Thebes and also 
 that the Vita Antonii ascribed to Athanasius knows nothing at all of 
 such a wonderful expedition of the saint, Weingarten (§ 44) has denied 
 that there ever existed such a man as this Paul, and has pronounced the 
 story of Jerome to be a monkish Piobiuson Crusoe, such as the popular 
 taste then favoured, which the author put forth as true history ad 
 majorem monachatus gloriam. We may simply ai^ply to this book itself 
 what Jerome at a later period confessed about his epistles of that same 
 date ad HeUodorum: — sed hi illo opcre pio cetatc tunc litsimus et celentibus 
 adliuc Rhetorum studiis atque doctrinis qiiadam scholastico fiore depinx- 
 imus. 
 
 5. Beginning of Veneration of Martyrs. — In very early times a martyr 
 death was prized as a sin-atoning Lavacrum sanrjuinis, which might even 
 abundantly compensate for the want of water baptism. The day of the 
 martyr's death which was regarded as the day of his birth into a higher 
 life, yeviOXia, Natalitia martyrum, was celebrated at his grave by prayers, 
 oblations and admiiiii-tiv.'aon of the Lord's Supper as a testimony to the
 
 224 THE GE.ECO-ROMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 coutiuuance of that fellowship with them in the Lord that had beeu 
 begun here below. Their bones were therefore gathered with the greatest 
 care and solemnly buried ; so e.g. Polycarp's bones at Smyrna (§ 22, 2), 
 as Tifj.uT€pa \W(dv ir6\vTe\Cov koI dwKi/j.(JiTepa inrkp xpuut'oi', so that at the 
 spot where they were laid the brethren might be able to celebrate his 
 yeveOXioi^ iv dyaWtdaei, Kai X'^P9- ^'5 ''^ ''"'^^ TrpOTjdXriKjTuv ij.v-qp.riv koI tiSv 
 P-eWovTiov re Kal eTOLfxaaiav. Of miracles wrought by means of the relics, 
 however, we as yet find no mention. The Graffiti on the walls of the 
 catacombs seem to represent the beginning of the invocation of martyrs. 
 In these the pious visitors seek for themselves /ind those belonging to 
 them an interest in the martyr's intercessions. Some of those scribblings 
 may belong to the end of our period ; at least the expression " Otia petite 
 pro,^' etc. in one of them seem to point to a time when they were still 
 undergoing persecution. The greatest reverence, too, was shown to the 
 Coi{fessors all through their lives, and great influence was assigned them 
 in regard to all church affairs, e.g. in the election of bishops, the restor- 
 ation of the fallen, etc. — Continuation, § .57. 
 
 G. Superstition. — Just as in later times every great Christian mission- 
 ary enterprise has seen religious ideas transferred from the old heathen- 
 ism into the young Christianitj', and, consciously or unconsciously, 
 secretly or openly, acquiesced in or contended against, securing for 
 themselves a footing, so also the Church of the first centuries did not 
 succeed in keeping itself free from such intrusions. A superstition 
 forcing its entrance in this way can either be taken over nude crude in 
 its genuinely pagan form and, in spite of its palpable inconsistency with 
 the Christian faith, may nevertheless assert itself side by side with it, 
 or it may divest itself of that old pagan form, and so unobserved and 
 uncontested gain an entrance with its not altogether extinguished hea- 
 thenish spirit into new Christian views and institutions and thus all the 
 more dangerously make its way among them. It is especially the magico- 
 theurgical element present in all heathen religions, which even at this 
 early period stole into the Christian life and the services of the church 
 and especially into the sacraments and things pertaining thereto (§58), 
 while it assumed new forms in the veneration of martyrs and the worship 
 of relics. One can scarcely indeed accept as a convincing proof of this 
 the statement of the Emperor Hadrian in his corresiJondence regarding 
 the religious condition of Alexandria as given by the historian Vopiscus : 
 Illic qui Serdpem colunt Christiani sunt, et devoti sunt Serapi qui se 
 CJiristi episcopos dicunt ; nemo illic arcliisynagogus Judccornm, nemo Sa- 
 marites,nemoCliris(ianorum presbyter non matliematicus,non liaruspex, noil 
 aliptes. This statement bears on its face too evidently the character of 
 superficial observation, of vague hearsay and confused massing together 
 of sundry reports. What he says of the worship of Serapis, may have 
 had some support from the conduct of manj' Christians in the ascetic
 
 § 40. THE MONTANIST REFOEMATION. 225 
 
 order, the designating of their presbyters aliptce may have been suggested 
 by the chrism iu baptism and the anointing at the consecration of the 
 clergy, perhaps also in the anointing of the sick (Matt. vi. 13 ; Jas. v. 14); 
 so too the characterizing of them as matliematici may have arisen from 
 their determining the date of Easter by means of astronomical observa- 
 tions (§ 37, 2 ; 5G, 3), though it could not be si^ecially wonderful if there 
 actually were Christian scholars among the Alexandrian clergy skilled in 
 astronomj', notwithstanding the frequent alliance of this science with 
 astrology. But much more significant is the gross superstition which 
 iu many ways shows itself in so highly cultured a Christian as Julius 
 Africanus in his Cestce (§ 31, 8). In criticising it, however, we should 
 bear iu mind that this book was written in the age of Alexander Severus, 
 in which, on the one hand, a wonderful mixture of religion and theur- 
 gical superstition had a wonderful fascination for men, while on the 
 Christian side the whirlwind of persecution had not for a long time 
 blown its purifying breeze. The catacombs, too, afford some evidences 
 of a mode of respect for the departed that was borrowed from heathen 
 practices, but these on the whole are wonderfully free from traces of 
 superstition. 
 
 § 40. The Montanist Reformation .1 
 
 Earnest and strict as the moral, religioiTS and ascetlcal 
 requirements of the church of the 2nd and 3rd centuries 
 generally were in regard to the life and morals of its mem- 
 bers, and rigidly as these principles were carried out in its 
 penitential discipline, there yet appeared even at this early 
 date, in consequence of various instances of the relaxation 
 of such strictness, certain eager spirits who clamoured for a 
 restoration or even an intensification of the earlier rides of 
 discipline. Such a movement secured for itself a footing 
 about the middle of the 2nd century in Montanism, a 
 growth of Phrygian soil, Avhicli without traversing in any 
 way the doctrine of the church, undertook a thorough re- 
 formation of the ecclesiastical constitution on the practical 
 side. Montanism, in opposition to the eclecticism of here- 
 tical Gnosticism, showed the attitude of Christianity to 
 
 ' J. de Soyres, " Montanism and the Primitive Church." Cambr., 1878. 
 Cunningham, " The Churches of Asia." Loud., 1880, p. 159 ff. 
 
 Q
 
 226 THE GK^CO-EOMAN CHUBCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 lieatlienisin to be exclusive ; against the spiritualizing and 
 allegorizing tendencies of tlie cliurcli Gnosticism it opposed 
 tlie realism and literalism of tlie doctrines and facts of tlie 
 scripture revelation ; against what seemed the excessive 
 secularization of the church it presented a model of church 
 discij)line such as the nearness of the Lord's coming de- 
 manded; against hierarchical tendencies that were always 
 bsing more and more emphasized it maintained the rights 
 of the laity and the membership of the church ; while in 
 order to secure the establishment of all these reforms it 
 proclaimed that a prophetically inspired spiritual church 
 had succeeded to Apostolic Christianity. 
 
 1. Montanism iu Asia Minor. — According to Epiphanius as early as 
 A.D. 156, accordiug to Eusebius iu a.d. 172, according to Jerome in a.d. 
 171, a certain Montauus appeared as a prophet and church reformer at 
 Pepuza in Phrygia. He was formerly a heathen priest and was ou'y 
 shortly before known as a Christian. He had visions, preached while 
 unconscious in ecstasy of the immediate coming again of Christ {Parou- 
 sia), fulminated against the advancing secularisation of the church, and, 
 as the supposed organ of the Paraclete promised by Christ (John xiv. IG) 
 presented in their most vigorous form the church's demands iu respect 
 of morals and discipline. A couple of excited women Prisca and Maxi- 
 milla were affected by the same extravagant spirit by which he was 
 animated, fell into a somnambulistic condition and prophesied as he had 
 done. On the death of Maximilla about a.d. 180, Montauus and Prisca 
 having died before this, the supposed prophetic gift among them seems 
 to have been quenched. At least an anonymous writer quoted in Euse- 
 bius (according to Jerome it was Ehodon, § 27, 12), in his controversial 
 treatise published thirteen years afterwards, states that the voices of the 
 prophets were then silent. So indeed she herself had declared : IMe^' 
 ijxi TTpocprjTrjs ovksti. 'i<sTai, oKka avvreXeta. The Montanist prophecies 
 occasioned a mighty commotion in the whole church of Asia Minor. 
 Many earnest Christians threw themselves eagerly iuto the movement. 
 Even among the bishops they found here and there favour or else mild 
 ciiticism, while others combated them passionately, some going so far as 
 to regard the prophesying women as possessed ones and calling exorcism 
 to their aid. Ly the end of the year 170 several synods, the first synods 
 regularly convened, had been held against them, the final result of which 
 was their exclusion from the catholic church, Montauus now organized 
 his followers into an independent community. After his death, his most
 
 § 40. THE MONTANIST REFORMATION. 227 
 
 zealous follower, Alcibiades, undertook its direction. It was also uot 
 without literary defenders. Themison, Alcibiades' successor, issued " in 
 imitation of the Apostle " (John ?) a Ka9o\iKr] iira-ToXy, and the utter- 
 ances of the prophets were collected and circulated as holy scripture. 
 On the other hand daring this same year 170 they were attacked by the 
 eminent apologists Claudius ApoUinaris and Miltiades (§ 36, 9), probably 
 also by Melito. Their radical opponents were the so-called Alogi (§ 33, 
 2). Among their later antagonists, who assumed more and more a pas- 
 sionately embittered tone, the most important according to Eusebius were 
 one ApoUinaris, whom Tertullian combats in the YII. Bk. of his work, 
 De ecstasl, and Serapion. At a Synod at Iconium about the middle of 
 the 3rd century at which also Firmilian of Cassarea (§ 35, 5) was pre- 
 sent and voted, the baptism of the Montanists, although their triuitarian 
 orthodoxy could not be questioned, was pronounced to be like heretical 
 baptism null, because administered extra ecclesiam, and a second baptism 
 declared necessary on admission to the Catholic church. And although 
 at the Council of Nicjea in a.d. 325 and of Constantinople in a.d. 381, the 
 validity of heretics' baptism was admitted if given orderly in the name 
 of the Holy Trinity, the baptism of the Montanists was excluded because 
 it was thought that the Paraclete of Moutanism could uot be recognised 
 as the Holy Spirit of the church. — Already in the time of Constantine 
 the Great the Montanists were spreading out from Phrygia over all the 
 neighbouring provinces, and were called from the place where they, origi- 
 nated Kara^pvyis and Pepuziani. The Emperor now forbade them hold- 
 ing any public assemblies for worship and ordered that all places for 
 public service should be taken from them and given over to the Catholic 
 church. Far stricter laws than even these were enforced against them 
 by later emperors down to the 5th century, e.(j. prohibition of all Mon- 
 tanist writings, deprivation of almost all civil rights, banishment of their 
 clergy to the mines, etc. Thus they could only prolong a miserable exist- 
 ence in secret, and by the beginning of the sixth century every trace of 
 them had disappeared. 
 
 2. Montiiiism at Eorae. — The movement called forth by Montanism in 
 the East spread by and by also into the West. When the first ne.vs 
 reached Gaul of the synodal proceedings in Asia Minor that had rent the 
 church, the Confessors imprisoned at Lyons and Vienne during the per- 
 secution of Marcus Aurelius, of whom more than one belonged to a colony 
 that had emigrated from Phrygia to Gaul, were displeased, and, along 
 T/ith their report of the persecution they had endured (§ 32, 8), addressed 
 a letter to those of Asia Minor, not given by Eusebius, but reckoned pious 
 and orthodox, exhortiug to peace and the preservation of unity. At the 
 same time (a.d. 177) they sent the Presbyter Irenteus to Rome in order 
 to win from Bishop Eleutherus (a.d. 174-189), who was opposed to Mon- 
 tanism, a mild and pacific sentence. Owing, however, to the arrival of
 
 228 THE GR^CO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D, 70-323. 
 
 Praxeas, a Confessor of Asia Minor and a bitter opponent of Montanism, 
 a formal condemnation was at last obtained (§ 33, 4). Tertullian relates 
 that the Eoman bishop, at the instigation of Praxeas, revoked the letters 
 of peace ■which had been already prepared in opposition to his prede- 
 cessors. It is matter of controversy whether by this unnamed bishop 
 Eleutherus is meant, who then was first inclined to a peaceable decision 
 by Irenajus and thereafter by the picture of Montanist extravagances 
 given by Praxeas was led again to form another opinion ; or that it was, 
 v.'hat seems from the chronological references most probable, his suc- 
 cessor Victor (a.d. 189-199), in which case Eleutherus is represented as 
 having hardened himself against Montanism in spite of the entreaties 
 of Irena)us, while Victor was the first who for a season had been brought 
 to think otherwise. — Yet even after their condemnation a small body 
 of Moutanists continued to exist in Eome, whose mouthpiece during the 
 time of bishop Zephyriuus (a.d. 199-217) was Proelus, whom the Eoman 
 Caius (§ 31, 7) opposed by word and writing. 
 
 3. Montanism in Proconsular Africa. — When and how Montanism gained 
 a footing in North Africa is unknown, but very probably it spread thither 
 from Eome. The movement issuing therefrom first attracted attention 
 when Tertullian, about a.d. 201 or 202, returned from Eome to Carthage, 
 and with the whole energy of his character decided in its favour, and 
 devoted his rich intellectual gifts to its advocacy. That the Montanist 
 party in Africa at that time still continued in connection with the Catholic 
 church is witnessed to by the Acts of the Martyrs Perpetua and Felicitas 
 (§ 32, 8), composed sometime after this, which bear upon them almost aU 
 the characteristic marks of Montanism, while a vision communicated 
 there shows that division was already threatened. The bishop and 
 cJergy together with the majority of the membership were decided oppo- 
 nents of the new ecstatic-visionary prophecy already under ecclesiastical 
 ban in Asia Minor. They had not yet, however, come to an open breach 
 with it, which was probably brought about in a.d. 206 when quiet had 
 been again restored after the cessation of the persecution begun about 
 A.D. 202 by Septimius Severus. Tertullian had stood at the head of the 
 sundered party as leader of their sectarian services, and defended their 
 prophesyings and rigorism in numerous apologetico-polemical writings 
 with excessive bitterness and passion, applying them with consistent 
 stringency to all the relations of life, especially on the ethical side. 
 From the high esteem in which, notwithstanding his Montanist eccentri- 
 cities, Tertullian's writings continued to be held in Africa, e.g. by Cyprian 
 (§ 31, 11), and generally throughout the West, the tendency defended by 
 him was not regarded in the church there as in the East as thoroughly 
 heretical, but only as a separatistic overstraining of views allowed by the 
 church. This mild estimate could all the easier win favour, since to 
 all appearance the extravagant visionary prophesying, which caused most
 
 § ■40. THE MONTANIST REFOrvMATION. 229 
 
 offence, bad been iu these parts very soon extinguished. — Augustine 
 rejiorts that a small body of " Tertullianists " continued in Carthago 
 down to his time (f 430), and had by him been induced to return to the 
 Catholic church ; and besides this, he also tells us that TertuUian had 
 subsequently separated himself from the " Cataphrjgians," i.e. from the 
 communion of the Montanists of Asia Minor, whose excesses were only 
 then perhaps made known to him. 
 
 4. The Fundamental Principle of Montanism. — Montanisra arose out of 
 a theory of a divinely educative revelation proceeding by advancing stages, 
 not finding its couchision in Christ and the Apostles, but iu the age of 
 the Paraclete which began with Montanus and in him reached its highest 
 development. The times of the law and the prophets in the Old Cove- 
 nant is the childhood of the kingdom of God ; in the gospel it appears in 
 its youth ; and by the Montanist shedding forth of the Spirit it reaches 
 the maturity of manhood. Its absolute perfection will be attained in 
 the millennium introduced by the approaching Parousia and the descent 
 of the heavenly Jerusalem at Pepuza (Rev. xx. 21). The ilontanist pro- 
 phecy did not enrich or expand but only maintained and established 
 against the heretics, the system of Christian doctrine already exclusively 
 revealed in the times of Christ. Montanism regarded as its special task 
 a reformation of Christian life and Church discipline highly necessary 
 in view of the approaching Parousia. The defects that had been borne 
 with during the earlier stages of revelation were to be repaired or 
 removed by the Mandata of the Paraclete. The following are some of the 
 chief of these prescriptions : Second marriage is adultery ; Fasting must 
 be practised with greater strictness ; On dies stationum (§ 57, 3) nothing 
 should be eaten until evening, and twice a year for a whole week only 
 water and bread {^■qpo(j>ayiaL) ; The excommunicated must remain their 
 whole lifetime in status i)mniteiiticB ; Martyrdom should be courted, to 
 withdraw in any way from persecution is apostasy and denial of the faith ; 
 Virgins should take part in the worship of God only when veiled ; "Women 
 generally must put away all finery and ornaments ; secular science and 
 art, all worldly enjoyments, even those that seem innocent, are only 
 snares of the devil, etc. An anti-hierarchical tendency early showed itself 
 in Montanism from the circumstance that it arrogated to itself a new 
 and high authority to which the hierarchical organs of the church refused 
 to submit themselves. Yet even Montanism, after repudiating it, for its 
 own self-preservation was obliged to give itself an official congregational 
 organization, which, according to Jerome, had as its head a patriarch 
 resident at Pepuza, and, according to Epiphanius, founding on Gal. iii. 
 28, gave even women admission into ecclesiastical offices. Its worship 
 was distinguished only by the space given to the prophesyings of its 
 prophets and prophetesses. Ei^iphauius notes this as a special charac- 
 teristic of the sect, that often in their assemblies seven white-robed virgins
 
 230 THE GEiECO-ROMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 with torches made their aiipearance prophesying ; evidently, as the num- 
 ber seven itself shows, as representatives of the seven spirits of God 
 (Rev. iv. 5, etc.), and not of the ten virgins who wait for the coming of 
 the Lord. According to Philaster they allowed even unbaptized persons 
 to attend all their services and were in the habit of baptizing even the 
 dead, as is elsewhere told also of certain Gnostic sects. Epiphanius too 
 speaks of a Montanist party which celebrated the Lord's Supper with 
 bread and cheese, Artotijrites, according to Augustine, because the first 
 men had presented offerings of the fruits of the earth and sheep. 
 
 5. The Attitude of Montanism toward the Chvirch. — The derivation of 
 Montanism from Ebionism, contended for by Schwegler, has nothing in 
 its favour and much against it. To disprove this notion it is enough 
 to refer to the Montanist fundamental idea of a higher stage of revela- 
 tion above Moses and the prophets as well as above the Messiah and 
 His Apostles. Neither can we agree with Neander in regarding the 
 peculiar character of the Phrygian people, as exhibited in their ex- 
 travagant and fanatical worship of Cybele, as affording a startingpoint 
 for the Montanist movement, but at most as a predisposition which 
 rendered the inhabitants of this province peculiarly susceptible in 
 presence of such a movement. The origin of Montanism is rather to 
 be sought purely among the specifically Catholic conditions and conflicts 
 within the church of Asia which at that time was pre-eminently gifted 
 and active. In regard to dogma Montanism occupied precisely the same 
 ground as the Catholic church ; even upon the triuitarian conti-oversies 
 of the age it took up no sectarian jDOsition but went with the stream 
 of the general development. Not on the dogmatical but purely on the 
 practical side, uamelj-, on that of the Christian life and ecclesiastical 
 constitution, discipline and morals, lay the problems which by the 
 action of the Moutanists were brought into conflict. But even upou 
 this side Montanism, with all its eccentricities, did not assume the 
 attitude of an isolated sei^aratistic sect, but rather as a quickening and 
 intensifying of views and princii^les which from of old had obtained the 
 recognition and sanction of the church, — views which on the wider 
 spread of Christianity had already begun to be in every respect toned 
 down or even obliterated, and just in this way called forth that reaction 
 of enthusiasm which we meet with in Montanism. From the Apostles' 
 lime the expectation of the early return of the Lord had stood in the 
 foreground of Christian faith, hope and yearning, and this expectation 
 continued still to be heartily entertained. Nevertheless the fulfilment 
 had now been so long delayed that men were beginning to put this coming 
 into an indefinitely distant future (2 Pet. iii. 4). Hence ithajipened that 
 even the leaders of the church, in building up its hierarchical constitution 
 and adjusting it to the social circumstances and conditions of life by 
 which they were surrounded, made their arrangements more and more
 
 § 40. THE MONTANIST BEFOEMATION. 231 
 
 deliberately iu view of a longer continuance of tbe present state of 
 things, and thus the primitive Christian hope of an early Parousia, though 
 not expressly denied, seemed practically to have been set aside. Hence 
 the Montanist revivalists proclaimed this hope as most certain, giving 
 a guarantee for it by means of a new divine revelation. Similarly too 
 the moral, ascetic and disciplinary rigorism of the Montanist prophecy 
 is to be estimated as a vigorous reaction against the mild practice 
 prevailing in the church with its tendency to make concessions to 
 human weakness, in favour of the strict exercise of church discipline 
 in \ie\v of the nearness of the Parousia. Montauism could also justify 
 tbe reappearance of prophetic gifts among its founders by referring to 
 tbe historical tradition which from the Apostolic Age (Acts xi. 27 f. ; 
 xxi. 9) presented to view a series of famous prophets and prophetesses, 
 endowed with ecstatic visionary powers. The exclusion of Moutanism 
 from tbe Catholic Church could not, therefore, have been occasioned 
 either by its proclaiming an early Parousia or by its rigorism, or finally, 
 even by its prophetic claims, but purely by its doctrine of tbe Paraclete. 
 Under the pretence of instituting a new and higher stage of revelation, it 
 had really undertaken to correct the moral and religious doctrines of Christ 
 and the Apostles as defective and incomplete, and bad thereby proved 
 itself to tbe rei^resentatives of the church to be undoubtedly a pseudo- 
 prophecy. Tbe spiritual pride with which the Montauists proclaimed 
 themselves to be the privileged people of the Holy Spirit, UvevpLariKol, 
 Spirituales and characterized the Catholics as, on the contrary, ^ux(^'Oi, 
 Carnales, as also the assumption that chose their own obscure Pepuza 
 for the site of the heavenly Jerusalem, and tbe manifold extravagances 
 committed by their prophets and prophetesses in their ecstatic trances, 
 must have greatly tended to create an aversion to every form of spirit- 
 ualistic manifestation. The origin of Montauism, the contesting of it 
 and its final expulsion, constitute indeed a highly significant crisis in 
 the historical development of the church, conditioned not so much by 
 a sej^aratistic sectarian tendency, but rather by the struggle of two 
 tendencies existing within the church, in which the tendency represented 
 by Montauism and honestly endeavouring the salvation of the church, 
 went under, while that which was victorious woi;ld have put an end 
 to all enthusiasm. The expulsion of Montauism from the church con- 
 tributed greatly to freeing tbe church from the reproach so often 
 advanced against it of being a narrow sect, made its consenting to the 
 terms, demands and conditions of everyday life in the world easier, 
 gave a freer course and more powerful impulse to its development in 
 constitution and worship dependent upon these, as well as in the 
 further building up of its practical and scientific endeavours, and 
 generally advanced greatly its expansion and transformation from a 
 peptariaja close risspciation into a uuiversfil church opening itself up
 
 232 THE GE^CO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 more and more to embrace all the interests of the culture of the fige ; 
 —a transformation which indeed in many respects involved a secularizing 
 of the church and imparted to its spiritual functions too much of an 
 official and superficial character. 
 
 § 41. Schismatic Divisions in the Church. 
 
 Even after tlie ecclesiastical sentence had gone forth 
 against Montanism, the rigoristic penitential discipline in 
 a form more or less severe still found its representatives 
 within the Catholic church. As compared with the ad- 
 vocates of a milder procedure these were indeed generally 
 in the minority, but this made them all the more zealously 
 contend for their opinions and endeavour to secure for 
 them universal recognition. Out of the contentions oc- 
 casioned thereby, augmented by the rivalry of presbyter 
 and episcopus, or episcopus and metropolitan, several eccles- 
 iastical divisions originated which, in spite of the pressing 
 need of the time for ecclesiastical unity, were long con- 
 tinued by ambitioiis churchmen in order to serve their own 
 selfish ends. 
 
 1. The Schism of Hippolytus at Eome about A.D. 220. — On what seems 
 to have been the oldest attempt to form a sect at Rome over a purely 
 doctrinal question, namely that of the Theodotians, about a.d. 210, see 
 § 33, 3. — Much more serious was the schism of Hippolytus, which broke 
 out ten years later. In a.d. 217, after an eventful and adventurous life, 
 a freedman Callistus was raised to the bishopric of Eome, but not 
 without strong opposition on the part of the rigorists, at whose head 
 stood the celebrated presbyter Hippolytus. They charged the bishop 
 with scoffing at all Christian earnestness, conniving at the loosening of 
 all church discipline toward the fallen and sinners of all kinds, and 
 denounced him especially as a supporter of the Noetian heresy (§ 33, 5). 
 They took great offence also at his previous life which his opponent 
 Hippolytus (Elencli., is. 11 ff.) thus describes: When the slave of a 
 Christian member of the imperial household, Callistus with the help of 
 his lord established a bank ; he failed, took to flight, was brought back, 
 sprang into the sea, was taken out again and sent to the treadmill. At 
 the intercession of Christian friends he was set free, but failing to satisfy 
 his urgent creditors, he despairingly sought a martyr's death, for this 
 end wantonly disturbed the Jewish worship, and was on that account
 
 § 41. SCHISMATIC DIVISIONS IN THE CHURCH. 233 
 
 scourgctl and banished to tlie Sardinian mines. At the request of 
 bishop Victor the imperial concubine Marcia (§ 22, 3) obtained the freedom 
 of the exiled Christian confessors among whom Callistus, although his 
 name had been intentionally omitted from the list presented by Victor, 
 was included. After Victor's death he wormed himself into the favour 
 of his weak successor Zephyrinus, who placed him at the head of his 
 clergy, in consequence of which he was able by intrigues and craft to 
 secure for himself the succession to the bishopric. — An opportunity of 
 reconciliation was first given, it would seem, under Pontianus, the 
 second successor of Callistus, by banishing the two rival chiefs to 
 Sardinia. Both parties then united in making a unanimous choice in 
 A.D. 235.1 
 
 2. The Schism of Felicissimus at Carthage in A.D. 250. — Several pres- 
 byters in Carthage were dissatisfied with the choice of Cyprian as 
 bishop in a.d. 248 and sought to assert their independence. At their 
 head stood Novatus. Taking the law into their own hands they chose 
 Felicissimus, the next head of the party, as a deacon. When Cyprian 
 during the Decian persecution withdrew for a time from Carthage, they 
 charged him with dereliction of duty and faintheartedness. Cyprian, 
 however, soon returned, a.d, 251, and now they used his strictness 
 toward the Lapsi as a means of creating a feeling against him. He 
 expressed himself very decidedly as to the recklessness with which many 
 confessors gave without examination Lihelli pads to the fallen, and 
 called upon these to commit their case to a Synod that should be 
 convened after the persecution. A church visitation completed the 
 schism ; the discontented presbyters without more ado received all the 
 fallen and, notwithstanding that Cyprian himself on the return of 
 persecution introduced a milder practice, they severed themselves from 
 him under an opi^osition bishop Fortunatus. Only by the unwearied 
 exercise of wisdom and firmness did Cyprian succeed in putting down 
 the schism." 
 
 3. The Schism of the Presbyter Novatian at Rome in A.D. 251.— In 
 tills case the rigorist and prosbyterial interests coincide. After the 
 martyrdom of bishop Fabian under Decian in a.d. 250, the liomau 
 bishopric remained vacant for more than a year. His successor Cornelius 
 (a.d. 251-253) was an advocate of the milder practice. At the head 
 of his rigorist opponents stood his unsuccessful riva', Novatian, a learned 
 
 1 Bunsen, " Hippolytus and his Age." Lond., 1851. Wordsworth, 
 " St. Hippolytus and the Church of Eome." Lond., 1852. DoUinger, 
 "Hippolytus and Callistus." Ediu., 1876 (orig. publ. 1853). 
 
 - " Library of Fathers." Oxf., 1843. Cyprian's Treatises ; v. " On 
 Unity of the Church;" vi. " On the Lapsed;" with prefaces. Also, 
 " Epp. of S. Cyprian," (1814) xli.-xlv., lii. and lix.
 
 234 THE GE.ECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 70-323. 
 
 but ambitious presbyter (§ 31, 12). Mean\Yhile Novatus, excommuui- 
 cated by Cyprian at Carthage, had also made his way to Eome. Not- 
 withstanding his having previously maintained contrary principles in the 
 matter of church disciiDline, he attached hiinself to the party of the 
 purists and urged them into schism. They now chose Novatian as 
 bishop. Both parties sought to obtain the recognition of the most 
 celebrated churches. In doing so Cornelius described his opponent in 
 the most violent and bitter manner as a mere intriguer, against whose 
 reception into the number of presbyters as one who had received clinical 
 baptism (§ 35, 3) and especially as an energoumenon under the care of 
 the exorcists, he had already protested ; further as having extorted a 
 sham episcopal consecration from three simple Italian bishops, after he 
 had attached them to himself by pretending to be a peacemaker, then 
 locking them up and making them drunk, etc. Cyprian, as well as 
 Dionysius of Alexandria, expressed himself against Novatian, and at- 
 tacked the principles of his party, namely, that the church has no right 
 to give assurance of forgiveness to the fallen or such as have broken 
 their baptismal vows by grievous sin (although the possibility of finding 
 forgiveness through the mercy of God was indeed admitted), and that 
 the church as a communion of thoroughly pure members should never 
 endure any impure ones in its bosom, nor receive back any excommuni- 
 cated ones, even after a full ecclesiastical course of penitence. The 
 Novatianists had therefore called themselves the KadapoL The moral 
 earnestness of their fundamental principles secured for them even from 
 bishops of contrary views an indulgent verdict, and Novatianist churches 
 sprang up over almost all the Eoman empire. The (Ecumenical Council 
 at Nicaea in a.d. 325 maintained an attitude toward them upon the 
 whole friendly, and in the Arian controversy (§ 50) they stood faithfully 
 side by side with their ecclesiastical opponents in the defence of Niceue 
 orthodoxy, and with them suffered persecution from the Ariaus. Later 
 on, however, the Catholic church without more ado treated them as 
 heretics. Theodosius the Great sympathizing with them because of 
 such unfair treatment, took them under his protection ; but Honorius 
 soon again withdrew these privileges from them. Eemnants of the 
 party continued nevertheless to exist down to the 6th century,' 
 
 4. The Schism of Meletius in Egypt in A.D. 306.— Meletius, bishop of 
 LycopoHs in the Thebaid, a representative of the rigorist party, during 
 the Diocletian persecution claimed to confer ordinations and otherwise 
 infringed upon the metropolitan rights of Peter, bishop of Alexandria, a 
 supporter of the milder 23ractice who for the time being lived in retire- 
 ment. All warnings and admonitions were in vain. An Egyptian 
 
 1 "Libraiy of Fathers," Oxf., 1814. " Epp. of fi!, Cyprian," Ep, 
 Hi., also Ep. ly,
 
 § 42. PAGANISM OVERTHROWN IN ROMAN EMPIRE. 235 
 
 Synotl uudei- the presidency of Peter issued a decree of excommunication 
 and deposition against him. Then arose the schism, a.d. 306, which 
 won the whole of Egypt. The General Synod at Nicsa in a.d. 325 
 confirmed the Alexandrian bishop in his rights of supremacy (§ 40, 3) 
 and offered to all the Meletian bishops an amnesty and confirmation 
 in the succession on the death of the catholic anti-bishop of their 
 respective dioceses. Many availed themselves of this concession, but 
 others persisted in their schismatical course and finally attached tliem- 
 Belves to the Arian party (§ 50, 2). 
 
 SECOND SECTION. 
 
 The History of the Graeco-Roman Church from the 
 4th-7th csnturies. 
 
 A.D. 323-G92. 
 
 I. CHURCH AND STATE. 
 
 § 42. The Overthrow of Paganisim in the Roman 
 Empire.'' 
 
 After the overthrow of Licinius (§ 22, 7) Constantine 
 identified himself unreservedly with Christianity, but ac- 
 cepted baptism only shortly before his death in a.d. 337, 
 He was tolerant toward paganism, though encouraging its 
 abandonment in all possible ways. His sons, however, 
 began to put it doAvn by violence. Julian's short reign was 
 a historical anomaly which only proved that paganism did 
 not die a violent death, but rather gradually succumbed to 
 a Marasmus senilis. Succeeding emperors reverted to the 
 policy of persecution and extermination. — Neoplatonism, 
 notwithstanding the patronage of Julian and the brilliant 
 reputation of its leading representatives, could not reach the 
 goal arrived at, but from the ethereal heights of philoso- 
 phical speculation sank ever further and further into the 
 
 1 Merivale, " Conversion of the Roman Empire." Lond., 1864. 
 Milman, " Hist, of Christianity to Abol. of Pag. in Rom. Emp." 3 vols. 
 Lond. Lecky, " Hist, of Eur. Morfils," Vpl. ii, " From ConstantiwQ 
 to Charlemagne,"
 
 236 THE GR.ECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 misty region of fantastic superstition (§ 24, 2). The at- 
 tempts at regeneration made by the Hypslstarians, EupJie- 
 mitesj Coelicolce, in which paganism strove after a revival 
 by means of a barren Jewish monotheism or an effete 
 Sabaism, proved miserable failures. The literary conflict 
 between Christianity and paganism had almost completely 
 altered its tone. 
 
 1. Tlie Romish Legend of the Baptism of Constantiue. — That Constan- 
 tiue tbe Great only accepted baptism shortly before his death in 
 Nicomedia, from Eusebius, bishop of that place, and a well-known 
 leader of tbe Arian party (§ 50, 1, 2), is put beyond question by tbe 
 evidence of his contemporary Eusebius of Cfesarea in his Vita Const., 
 of Ambrose, of Jerome in his Chronicle, etc. About the end of the 5th 
 century, however, a tradition, connecting itself witb tbe fact that a 
 Eoman baptistery bore tbe name of Constantine, gained currency in 
 Eome, to the effect that Constantine had been baptised at this baptistery 
 more than twenty years before his death by Pope Sylvester (a.d. 314-335). 
 According to this pvn'ely fabulous legend Constantine, who had up to 
 that time been a bitter enemy and persecutor of the Christians, became 
 affected with leprosy, for the cure of which he was recommended to 
 bathe in a tub filled with the blood of an innocent child. Moved by the 
 tears of the mother the emperor rejected this means of cure, and under 
 the direction of a heavenly vision applied to the Pope, who by Christian 
 baptism delivered him from his malady, whereupon all the members' of 
 the Roman senate still heathens, and all the jieople were straightway 
 converted to Christ, etc. This legend is told in the so-called Decietuiii 
 Gelasii (§ 47, 22), but is first vindicated as historically true in the 
 Lihcr pontijicalis (§ 90, 6), and next in a.d. 729, in Bode's Chronicle 
 (§ 90, 2). In the notorious Donatio Constantini (§ 87, 4) it is unhesi- 
 tatingly accepted. Since then, at first with some exceptions but soon 
 without exceptions, all chroniclers of tbe Middle Ages and likewise 
 since the 9th century the Scriptores hist. Bijzant., have adopted it. 
 And although in the 15th century ^Eueas Sylvius and Nicolaus of Cusa 
 admitted that the legend was without foundation, yet in the IGth 
 century in Baronius and Bellarmine, and in the 17th in Schelstraate, 
 it found earnest defenders. The learned French Benedictines of tbe 
 17th century were the first to render it utterly incredible even in the 
 Eoman Catholic church. i 
 
 ' DoUiuger, "Fables respecting the Popes of the Middle Ages." 
 Lond., 1871.
 
 § 42. PAGANISM OVERTHROWN IN ROMAN EMriRE. 237 
 
 2. Constautine the Great aud liis Sous. — Coustantiue's profession of 
 Christiauity was not wholly the result of political craft, though his use 
 of the uame Pontifcx Maximus and in this capacity the continued 
 exercise of certain pagan practices, gave some colour to such an opinion. 
 Outbursts of passion, impulsiveness exhibited in deeds of violence and 
 cruelty, as in the order for the execution of his eldest son Crispus in 
 A.D. 326 and his second wife Fausta, are met with even in his later 
 years. Soon after receiving baptism he died without having ever 
 attended a complete divine service. His toleration of paganism must 
 be regarded purely as a piece of statecraft. He only prohibited impure 
 rites and assigned to the Christians but a few of the temples that had 
 actually been in use. Aversion to the paganism still prevalent among 
 the principal families in Rome may partly have led him to transfer his 
 residence to Byzantium, since called Constantinople, in a.d. 330. His 
 three sons divided the Empire among them. Constantius (a.d. 837-361) 
 retained the East, and became, after the death of Constautine II. in 
 A.D. 340 and of Constans in a.d. 350, sole ruler. All the tbree sought to 
 put down paganism by force. Constantius closed the heathen tem^jles 
 and forbade all sacrifices on pain of death. Multitudes of heathens 
 went over to Christiauity, few probably from conviction. Amoug the 
 nobler pagans there was thus awakened a strong aversion to Christianit}'. 
 Patriotism aud manly spirit came to be identified with the maintenance 
 of the old religion. 1 
 
 3. Jnlian the Apostate (A.D. 361-363). — The sous of Constautine the 
 Great began their reigu iu a d. 337 with the murder of their male 
 relatives. The brothers Julian and Gallus, nephews of Constautine, 
 alone were spared ; but in a.d. 345 they were banished to a Cappadocian 
 castle where Julian officiated for a while as reader in the village church. 
 Having at last obtained leave to study in Nicomedia, then in Ephesus, 
 and finally in Athens, the chief representatives of paganism fostered in 
 him the conviction that he was specially raised up by the gods to restore 
 again the old religion of his fathers. As early as a.d. 351 in Nicomedia 
 \ie formally though still secretly returned to paganism, and at Athens 
 in A.D. 355 he took part in the Eleusinian mysteries. Soon thereafter 
 Constantius, harassed by foreign wars, assigned to him the command 
 of the army against the Germans. By affability, personal courage and 
 high military talent, he soon won to himself the enthusiastic attach- 
 ment of the soldiers. Constantius thought to weaken the evident power 
 of his cousin which seemed to threaten his authority, by recalling the 
 
 1 Original source is Eusebius, " Life of Constautine." Trans. Lond., 
 1842. See interesting lect. on Constautine iu Stanley's " Hist, of 
 Eastern Church." Lond., 1861. Madden, " Christian Emblems on 
 Coins of Constautine I." Loud., 1878.
 
 238 THE GEJECO-ROMAN CHURCH, A.D. o23-G92. 
 
 best of the legions, but the legions refused obedience and proclaimed 
 Julian emiDeror. Then the emperor refused to ratify the election and 
 treated Julian himself as a rebel. The latter advanced at the head of 
 his army by forced marches upon the capital, but ere he reached the city, 
 he received the tidings of the opposing emperor's death. Acknowledged 
 now as emperor throughout the whole empire without any opposition, 
 Julian proceeded with zeal, enthusiasm and vigour to accom]Dlish his 
 long-cherished wish, the restoring of the glory of the old national 
 religion. He used no violent measures for the subversion and overthrow 
 of Christianity, nor did he iranish Christian obstinacy with death, 
 except where it seemed to him the maintenance of his supremacy 
 required it. But he demanded that temples which had been converted 
 into churches should be restored to the heathen worship, those des- 
 troyed should be restored at the cost of the -church exchequer, and the 
 money for the state that had been applied to ecclesiastical jjurposes had 
 to be repaid. He scornfully referred the clergy thus robbed of their 
 revenues to the blessedness of evangelical poverty. He also fomented 
 as much as possible dissension in the church, favoured all sectaries and 
 heretics, excluded Christians from all the higher, and afterwards from 
 all the lower, civil and military offices, and loaded them on every 
 occasion with reproach and shame, and by these means he actually 
 induced many to apostatise. In order to discredit Christ's prophecy 
 in Matt. xxiv. 2, he resolved on the restoration of the Jewish temple at 
 Jerusalem, but after having been begun it was destroyed by an earth- 
 quake. He excluded all Christian teacbers from the public schools, and 
 also forbade them in their own schools from explaining the classical 
 writers who were objected to and contested by them only as godless ; 
 so that Christian boys and youths could obtain a higher classical 
 education only in the pagan scliools. By petty artifices he endeavoured 
 to get Christian soldiers to take part, if only even seemingly, in the 
 heathen sacrilices. Indeed at a later period in Antioch he was not 
 ashamed to stoop to the mean artifice of Galerian (§ 22, C) of sprinkling 
 with sacrificial v/ater the necessaries of life exposed in the public 
 market, etc. On the other hand, he strove in every way to elevate and 
 ennoble paganism. From Christianity he borrowed Benevolent Insti- 
 tutions, Church Discipline, Preaching, Public Service of Song, etc. ; 
 he gave many distinctions to the heathen priesthood, but required of 
 them a strict discipline. He himself sacrificed and preached as Pont if ex 
 ilaximus, and led a strictly ascetic, almost a cynically simple life. The 
 ineffectiveness of his attempts and the daring, often even contemptuous, 
 resistance of many Christian zealots embittered him more and more, 
 so that there was uovy' danger of bloody persecution when, after a reign 
 of twenty months, he was killed from a javelin blow in a battle against 
 the Persians in a.v. 3G3. Shortly before in ans';ver to the scornful
 
 § 42. PAGANISM OVERTHROWN IN ROMAN EMPIRE. 239 
 
 question of a heatheu, " WLat is your Carpenter's Sou doing now?" 
 it had been answered, " He is making a coffin for your emperor." At 
 a later period the story became current that Julian himself, when he 
 received the deadly stroke, exclaimed, Tandem vicisti Galilcee! His 
 military talents and mihtary virtues had shed a glory around the throne 
 of the Cffisars such as it had not known since the days of Marcus 
 Aurelius, and yet his whole life's struggle was and remained utterly 
 fruitless and vain.' 
 
 i. The Later Emperors, — After Julian's death, Jovian, and then on his 
 death in a.d. 364, Valentinian I. (f 375), were chosen emperors by the 
 army. The latter resigned to his brother Valens the empire of the East 
 (a.d. 364-378). His son and successor Gratian (a.d. 375-383) at the wish 
 of the army adopted his eldest half-brother of four years old, Valentinian 
 II., as colleague in the empire of the West, and upon the death of Valens 
 resigned the government of the West to the Spaniard Theodosius I., or 
 the Great (a.d. 379-395), who, after the assassination of Valentinian II. 
 in A.D. 392, became sole ruler. After his death his sons again di^^ded 
 the empne among them: Honorius (t 42.3) took the West, Arcadius 
 (t 408) the East, and now the partitioned empire continued in this con- 
 dition until the incursions of the barbarians had broken up the whole 
 West Roman division (a.d. 476). Belisarius and Narses, the victorious 
 generals of Justinian I., were the first to succeed, between a.d. 533-553, 
 in conquering again North Africa and all Italy along with its islands. 
 But in Italy the Byzantine empire from a.d. 5G9 was reduced in size from 
 time to time by the Lougobards, and in Africa from a.d. 605 by the 
 Saracens, while even earlier, about a.d. G33, the Saracens had secured to 
 themselves Syria, Palestine, and Egypt. — Julian's immediate successors 
 tolerated paganism for a time. It was, however, a very temporary 
 respite. No sooner had Theodosius I. quieted in some measure political 
 disorders, than he proceeded in a.d. 3S2 to accomplish the utter over- 
 throw of paganism. The populace and the monks combined in destroying 
 the temples. The rhetorician Libanius (f 395) then addressed his 
 celebrated discourse Ilepl twp iepwv to the emperor ; but the remaining 
 temples were closed and the people were prohibited from visiting them. 
 In Alexandria, under the powerful bishop Theophilus, there were bloody 
 conflicts, in consequence of which the Christians destroyed the beautiful 
 Serapeion in a.d. 391. In vain did the pagans look for the falling 
 down of the heavens and the destruction of the earth ; even the Nile 
 would not once by causing blight and bai'renness take vengeance on 
 
 ^ Neander, " The Emperor Julian and his Generation." Lond., 1850. 
 G. H. Kendall, " The Emperor Julian." Lond., 1879. Newman, 
 "Miracles in Eccl. Hist." Oxf., 1842. Bp. Wordsworth, "Julian," 
 in Smith's Diet, of Biog., vol. iii. pp. 4S4-523.
 
 240 THE GRxECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 the impious. lu the West, Gratian was the first of tlie emperors who 
 declined the rank of iiontijex maximus ; he also dejorived the heathen 
 priests of their i^rivileges, removed the foundations of the temple of 
 Fiscus, and commanded that the altar of Victory should be taken away 
 from the hall of the Senate in Rome. In vain did Symmachus,2))"«/ec<((« 
 urhi, entreat for its restoration, if not " numinis " yet " nominis causa." 
 Valentinian II., urged on by Ambrose, sent back four times unheard the 
 deputation that came about this matter. So soon as Theodosius I. became 
 sole ruler the edicts were made more severe. On his entrance into Rome 
 in A.D. 394 he addressed to the Roman Senate a severe lecture and called 
 them to repentance. His sons, Honorius in the West and Arcadius in 
 the East, followed the example of their father. Under the successor of 
 the latter, Theodosius II. (a.d. 408-450), monks with imperial authority 
 for the suppression of heatlienism traversed the provinces, and in a.d. 448, 
 in common with Valentinian III. (a.d. 425-455), the western emperor, he 
 issued an edict which strictly enjoined the burning of all pagan polemical 
 writings against Christianity, especially those of Porphyry " the crack- 
 brained," wherever they might be found. This period is also marked by 
 deeds of bloody violence. The most horrible of these was the murder of 
 the noble pagan philosopher Hypatia, the learned daughter of Theon the 
 mathematician, at Alexandria in a.d. 415. Officially paganism may be 
 regarded as no longer existent. Branded long even before this as the 
 religion of the peasants (such is the derivation of the word paganism), it 
 was now almost wholly confined to remote rural districts. Its latest and 
 solitary stronghold was the University of Athens raised to the summit 
 of its fame under Proclus (^ 21,2). Justinian I. (a.d. 527-565) decreed 
 the suppression of this school in a.d. 529. Its teachers fled into Persia, 
 and there laid the first foundations of the later literary period of Islam 
 under the ruling family of the Abassida3 at Bagdad (§ 65, 2). This was 
 the death hour of heathenism in the Roman empire. The Mainottce in 
 the mountains of the Peloponnesus still maintained their political inde- 
 pendence and the heathen religion of their fathers down to the 9th cen- 
 tury. In the Italian islands, too, of Sardinia, Corsica, and Sicily, there 
 were still many heathens even in the time of Gregory the Great (f 604).' 
 5. Heathen Polemics and Apologetics. — Julian's controversial treatise 
 Kara YaXLKaiwv \6yoi, in 3 bks. according to Cyril, in 7 bks. according to 
 Jerome, is known only from the reply of Cyril of Alexandria (§ 47, 6) 
 which follows it section by section, the rest of the answers to it having 
 
 ' On this whole period consult : Histories of Thcodoret, Sozomen, 
 Socrates, and Evagrius (containing much fabulous matter, but useful as 
 contemporary records extending down to a.d. 594). Transl. in 4 vols. 
 Lend., 1812-184G. For Theodosius I. see Hefcle, "Hist, of Councils," 
 vol. ii. p. 311ff. Edin., 1876. 
 
 <v
 
 § 42. PAGANISM OVERTHROWN IN ROMAN EMPIRE. 241 
 
 been entirely lost. Of Cyril's book only the first ten \6yoi have come down 
 to us iu a complete state, and from these we are able almost wholly to 
 restore the first book of Julian's treatise. Only fragments of the second 
 decade of Cyril's work are extant, and not even so much of the third, so 
 that of Julian's third book we may be said to know nothing. ' Julian 
 represented Christianity as a deteriorated Judaism, but Christolatry and 
 tlie worship of martyrs as later falsifications of the doctrine of Christ. — 
 The later advocates of heathenism, Libanius and Symmachus, were con- 
 tent with claiming toleration and religious freedom. But when from the 
 5th century, under the influence of the barbarians, signs of the speedy 
 overthrow of the Roman empire multiplied, the heathen jjolemics assumed 
 a bolder attitude, declaring that this was the punishment of heaven for 
 the contempt of the old national religion, under which the empire had 
 flourished. Such is the standpoint especially of the historians Eunapius 
 and Zosimus. But history itself refuted them more successfully than 
 the Christian apologists ; for even these barbarous peoples passed over 
 in due course to Christianity, and vied with the Roman emperors in their 
 endeavours to extirpate heathenism. In the 5th century, the celebrated 
 Neo-Platonist Proclus wrote " eighteen arguments {i7rixeipri,axTa) against 
 the Christians" in vindication of the Platonic doctrine of the eternity of 
 the world and in refutation of the Christian doctrine of creation. The 
 Christian grammarian John Philoponus (§ 47, 11) answered them iu an 
 exhaustive and elaborate treatise, which again was replied to by the 
 philosopher Simplicius, one of the best teachers in the pagan University of 
 Athens. — The dialogue Philopatris, "the Patriot," included among the 
 works of Luciau of Samosata, but certainly not composed by him, is a 
 feeble imitation of the famous scoffer, in which the writer declares that he 
 can no longer fitly swear at the Olympic gods with their many i;nsavoury 
 loves and objectionable doings, and with a satirical reference to Acts xvii. 
 23 reconjmends for this purpose " the unknown God at Athens," whom 
 he further scurrilously characterizes as vxpiixeZuv deba, v'ios irarpcs, Trvevixa 
 CK TTUTpos iKiropevopievov, iv sk TpiQv koL i^ ivos rpia. (§ 50, 1, 7). Finally he 
 tells of some closely shaven men (§ 45, 1) who were treated as liars, be- 
 cause, having in consequence of a ten days' fast and singing had a vision 
 foreboding ill to their fatherland, their prophecy was utterly discredited 
 by the arrival of an account of the emperor's successes in the war against 
 the Persians. The impudence with which the orthodox Christianity and 
 the Niceue orthodox formula are sneered at, as well as the allusions to 
 the spread of mouasticism and a victorious war against the Persians, fix 
 the date of the dialogue iu the reign of Julian, or rather, since the writer 
 
 ^ A careful reconstruction of the whole as far as possible has been 
 attempted by Neumann (Leipz. 1880), accompanied by prolegomena and 
 a German translation. 
 
 R
 
 242 THE GR.ECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 would scarcely have bad Julian's approval in liis scoffing at the gods of 
 Olympus, in the time of the Avian Valens (§ 50, 4). But since the over- 
 throw of Egypt and Crete is spoken of in this treatise, Niehuhr has 
 put its date down to the time of the Emperor Nicephoras Phocas (a.d.963 
 -9G9), understanding by Persians the Saracens and by Scythians the 
 Bulgarians. 
 
 6. The religion of the Hypsistarians in Cappadocia was, according to 
 Gregory Nazianzeu, whose father had belonged to the sect, a blending of 
 Greek paganism with bald Jewish monotheism, together with the oriental 
 worship of fire and the heavenly bodies, with express opposition to the 
 Christian doctrine of the trinity. Of a similar nature were the vagaries 
 of the Eupliemites, " Praise singers," in Asia, who were also called Blessa- 
 lians, "Petitioners," ov Euchitcs, and in Africa bore the name of Coeli- 
 colse. 
 
 § 43. The Christian Empire and the Ecclesiastical 
 
 Law. 
 
 As in earlier times the supreme direction of all religious 
 matters belonged to tlie Roman Emperor as Pontifex Maxi- 
 mus, so now that Christianity had become the state religion 
 he claimed for himself the same position in relation to the 
 church. Even Constantine the Great regarded himself as 
 cTTt'crKOTros Twv £^0) Tijs cKKXT^cTia?, and all his successors exei'- 
 cised the J^ls circa sacra as their unquestioned right. Only 
 the Donatists (§ 63, 1) denied to the state all and any right 
 over the church. There was no clear consciousness of the 
 limits ol this jurisdiction, but this at least in theory was 
 firmly maintained, that in all ecclesiastical matters, in 
 worship, discipline and doctrine, the emperors were not of 
 themselves entitled to issue conclusive decisions. For this 
 purpose they called CEcumenical Sjaiods, the decrees of 
 which had legal validity throughout the empire when rati- 
 fied by the emperor. But the more the Byzantine empire 
 degenerated and became a centre of intrigues, the more 
 hurtful did contact with the court become, and more than 
 once the most glaring heresy for a time prevailed by means 
 of personal passion, unworthy tricks and open violence, until
 
 § 43. THE CHEISTIAN EMPIRE AND CHURCH LAWS. 243 
 
 at last orthodoxy again secured tlie ascendency. — From the 
 ordinances issued by the recognised ecclesiastical and civil 
 authorities upon ecclesiastical rights, duties and conditions, 
 as ■well as from the pseudo-epigraphic apostolic writings 
 already being secretly introduced in this department, there 
 sprang up during this period a rich and varied literature on 
 canon law. 
 
 1. The Jii3 ciixa sacra gave to the Emperors the right of legally 
 determiuing all the relations between church and state, but assigned 
 to them also the duty of caring for the preservation or restoration of 
 peace and of unity in the church, guarding orthodoxy with a strong 
 arm, looking after the interests of the church and the clergy, and 
 maintaining the authority of ecclesiastical law. Even Constautine the 
 Great excluded all heretics from the privileges which he accorded to 
 the church, and regarded it as a duty forcibly to prevent their spread. 
 The destruction or closing of their churches, prohibition of public 
 meetings, banishment of their leaders, afterwards seizure of their pos- 
 sessions, were the punishments which the state invariably used for 
 their destruction. The first death sentence on a heretic was issued and 
 executed so early as a.d. 385 by the usurper Maximus (§ 54, 2), but 
 this example was not imitated during this period. Constaus II. in a.d. 
 654 gave the first example of scourging to the effusion of blood and 
 barbarous mutilation upon a persistent opponent of his union system 
 of doctrine (§ 52, 8). The fathers of the 4th century were decidedly 
 opposed to all compulsion in matters of faith (comp. however § 63, 1). 
 The right of determining by imperial edict what was to be believed 
 and taught in the empire was first asserted by the usurper Basilicus 
 in A.D. 476 (§ 52, 5). The later emperors followed this example ; most 
 decidedly Justinian I. (§ 52, 6) and the court theologians justified such 
 assumptions from the emperor's sacerdotal rank, which was the antitype 
 of that of Melchizedec. The emperor exercised a direct influence upon 
 the choice of bishops especially in the capital cities ; at a later period 
 the emperor quite arbitrarily appointed these and set them aside. The 
 church's power to afford jsrotection secured for it generally a multitude of 
 outward privileges and advantages. The state undertook the support of 
 the church jiartly by rich gifts and endowments from state funds, 25artly 
 by the making over of temples and their revenues to the church, and 
 Constantine conferred upon the church the right of receiving bequests 
 of all kinds. The churches and their oiBcers were expressly exempted 
 from all public burdens. The distinct judicial authority of the bishops 
 recognised of old was formally legitimized by Constantine under the
 
 214 THE GE^CO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 name of Audentla episcopaUs. The clergy themselves were exemi^ted 
 from the jurisdiction of civil tribunals and were made subject to an 
 ecclesiastical court. The right of asylum was taten from the heathen 
 temples and conferred upon the Christian churches. With this was 
 connected also the right of episcopal intercession or of interference with 
 regard to decisions already come to by the civil courts which were thus 
 in some measure subject to clerical control. 
 
 2. The Institution of (Ecumenical Synods. — The avvodoi olKov/xeviKai, 
 Concilia universalia s. generalia, owe their origin to Constantiue the 
 Great (§ 50, 1). The calling of councils was an unquestioned right of 
 the crown. A prelate chosen by the emperor or the council presided ; 
 the presence of the imperial commissioner, who opened the Synod by 
 reading the imperial edict, was a guarantee for the preservation of the 
 rights of the state. The treasury bore the expense of board and travel- 
 ling. The decisions generally were called opoi, Defmitiones ; if they 
 were resolutions regarding matters of faith, Sjy/xara ; if in the form of 
 a confession, av/j.^o\a ; if they bore upon the constitution, worship and 
 discipline, Kavbves. On doctrinal questions there had to be unanimity ; 
 on constitutional questions a majority sufficed. Only the bishops had 
 the right of voting, but they allowed themselves to be influenced by the 
 views of the subordinate clergy. As a sort of substitute for the oecu- 
 menical councils which could not be suddenly or easily convened we 
 have the avvoboi. iv5r]/xovcra at Constantinople, which were composed of 
 all the bishops who might at the time be present in the district. At 
 Alexandria, too, these endeviic Synods were held. The Provincial Synods 
 were convened twice a year under the presidency of the metropolitan ; 
 as courts of higher instances we have the Patriarchal or Diocesan 
 Synods (comp. § 46, 1).' 
 
 3. Canonical Ordinances. — As canonical decrees acknowledged through- 
 out the whole of the Catholic national church or at least throughout 
 the more important ecclesiastical districts the following may be named. 
 1. The Canons of the (Ecumenical Councils. 2. The Deci'ees of several 
 important Particular Syuods. 3. The Epistolce canonicce of distin- 
 guished bishops, esjjecially those of the ScJes apostoliccc, § 34, pre- 
 eminently of Eome and Alexandria, pertaining to questions which have 
 had a determining influence on church practice, which were at a later 
 time called at Eome Epistt, decretales. 4. The canonical laws of the 
 emperors, vS/jloi (Codex Theodosianus in a.d. 440, Codex Justinianaeus in 
 A.D. 534, Novelise Justiniani). The first systematically arranged collec- 
 tion of the Greek church known to us was made by Johannes Scholasticus, 
 
 1 Hefele, " Hist, of Church Councils." Edin., 1872. Vol. i., pp. 1-48. 
 Pusey, " Councils of Ch. from a.d. 51 to a.d. 3S1 : their constit., obj., 
 and history." • Oxf., 1857.
 
 § 43. THE CHRISTIAN EMPIRE AND CHURCH LAWS. 245 
 
 then presbyter at Antiocb, afterwards Patriarcli at Constantiiioiile 
 (I ij78). A second collection, also ascribed to bim, to -wbich were added 
 tlie canonical y6/j.oL of Justinian, received tbe name of tbe Nomocanon. 
 In tbe West all earlier collections were put out of sigbt by tbe Codex 
 canonum of the Roman abbot Dionysius the Little (§ 47, 23), to which 
 were also added the extant Decretal Epistles about a.d. 520. 
 
 4, Pseudepigraphic Chitrch Ordinances. — Even so early as the 2nd and 
 3rd centuries there sprang up no inconsiderable number of writings upon 
 church law, with directions alout ethical, liturgical and constitutional 
 matters for the instruction of the church members as well as tbe clergy, 
 the moral precepts of which are of importance in church procedure as 
 affording a standai-d for discipline. The oldest probably of these has 
 lately been made again accessible to us in the Teaching of the XII. 
 Apostles, the Didache (§ 30, 7). It designates its contents, even where 
 these are taken not from the Old Testament or the " Gospel," but from 
 the so-called church practice, as apostolic, with the honest conviction 
 that by means of oral apostolic tradition it may be traced back to 
 the immediate appointment of the Lord, without, however, pseudepi- 
 graphically claiming to have been written by the Apostles. Many 
 treatises of the immediately following period, no longer known to us or 
 known only by fragments, occupied the same standpoint. But even so 
 early as the end of the 3rd century pseudepigraphic apostolic fiction 
 makes its appearance in the so-called Apostolic Didascalia, and some 
 sixty years later, it reached its climax in the eight bks. of the so-called 
 Constitutiones Apostolicae, Aiarayal tu>v air. dia K\r]/j.evTos. The first six 
 bks. correspond to the jireviously named Didascalia expanded and 
 variously altered.' It assumes the form of a prolix epistolary discourse 
 of the Apostle, communicated through Clement of Rome, about 
 everything pertaining to the Christian life, the Catholic system of 
 doctrine, liturgical jiractice and hierarchical constitution which may be 
 necessary and useful for the laity as well as the clergy to know, with the 
 exclusion, however, of everything which belonged to the department 
 of what was then regarded as the Disciplina arcani (§ 36, 4). Of older 
 writings, so far as known, those principally used are the seven Ignatian 
 Epistles (§ 30, 5). It is post-Novatianist (§ 41, 3) and belongs to a 
 time pre-Constantine but free from persecution (§ 22, G), and may 
 therefore be placed somewhere between a.d. 260 and a.d. 302. It was 
 written probably in Syria. — While the first six bks. of the Apostolic 
 Constitutions may be compared to the Syrian recension as a contem- 
 porary rendition of the Didascalia, the seventh book from an examination 
 of the Didache seems a rendition of that little work, in which the 
 
 1 Its original form is probably preserved in a Syriac translation ; 
 see Bunsen's " Analecta Antenica3na," ii. 45-338. Lond., 1854.
 
 246 THE GE.5:C0-R0MAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 assumption of apostolic authorship is made, and from which everything 
 oti'ensive to the forger and his age is cut out, the old text being other- 
 wise literally reproduced, while into it is cleverly smuggled from his own 
 resources whatever would contribute to the support of his own peculiar 
 views as well as the prevailing practice of the church. The Eusebian 
 sj'mbol, which is given in the 41st chap., is an anti-Nicene, anti- 
 Marcellianist, Arianizing formula, fixing the date of the forgery at the 
 period of the Arian controversy, somewhere between a.d. 340 and a.d. 
 350 {§ 50, 2). — The eighth book is in great part an unmistakeable 
 forgery compiled from older sources belonging to the 3rd century, some 
 of which are still to be found, and forms a handbook for the discharge 
 of clerical, especially episcopal, duties in the conducting of worship and 
 other clerical functions, e.g. ordination, baptism, etc., together with the 
 relative liturgical formularies, drawn up in a thoroughly legal-like style, 
 in which the Apostles one by one give their contribution with the 
 formula AiaTaTaofMai.. The composition is probably ante-Nicene, but the 
 date of its incorporation with the other seven books is uncertain. — In 
 most, though not in all, MSS. the Canones Apostolorum, sometimes 50, 
 sometimes 85, in number, are appended to the eighth book as its last 
 chapter. Their standpoint is that common to the canons of the early 
 councils from which they are chiefly borrowed. In respect of contents 
 they treat mainly of the moral behaviour and official functions of the 
 clergy. The 85th contains a Scripture canon of the Old and New 
 Testaments, including the two Epp. of the Eoman Clement (§ 30, 3), 
 as well as the Apost. Constitutions, but omitting the Apocalypse of .John 
 (comp. § 33, 9). The collection of the apostolic canon cannot have 
 been made before the beginning of the 5th century, and most likely in 
 Syria. Diouysius the Little admitted only the first 50 as Canones qui 
 dicuntur Apostolorum, but Johannes Scholasticus quite unhesitatingly 
 ascribes all the 85 to Clement of Eome. The Second Trullan Council 
 in A.D. 692 (§ 63, 2) acknowledged the genuineness of the 85, but 
 rejected the Apostolic Constitutions as a heretical forgery which had 
 found no general acceptance in the West. — While hitherto it has been 
 surmised that the 7th bk. of the Apost. Constit., as an independent 
 and original work, should be assigned to another and a much later 
 author than the first six bks., Harnack, founding ui^on his study of the 
 Didache, has come to a clear understanding of their mutual relations. 
 He shows that the original documents lying at the basis respectively of 
 the Didache and the Didascalia are fundamentally distinct in respect 
 of composition and character, but the two in the form in which they lie 
 before us in the Apost. Constit. are undoubtedly the work of one and the 
 same interpolator. We further obtain the equally convincing and sur- 
 prising result that the author of this forgery is also identical with the 
 author of the thirteen Pseudo-Ignatian Epistles (§ 30, 5), and had in the one
 
 § 43. THE CHRISTIAN EMPIRE AND CHURCH LAWS. 247 
 
 case and in the other the same object in view. Finallj', he characterizes 
 him as a Syrian cleric well versed in Scripture, especially the Old Testa- 
 ment, but also a shrewd worldly politician, opposed to all strict asceticism, 
 who sought by his forgeries to win apostolic sanction and justification 
 not only for the constitutional and liturgical institutions of the church, 
 as well as the milder practice of his age, but also for his own semi-Arian 
 doctrinal views. 
 
 5. The Apostolic Church Ordinances^ are, accordmg to Harnack's careful 
 analysis, a compilation executed in a most scholarly fashion of extracts 
 from four old writings: the Didache, the Ep. of Barnabas, from which 
 the moral precepts are taken, a KardaTacns rod KXrjpov from the beginning 
 of the 3rd century, and a Kardo'Taa-Ls ttj$ iKK\7](xias from the end of the 
 2nd century, with many clumsy alterations and excursuses after the 
 style of the church tradition of its own period, the beginning of the 4th 
 century. Its introduction consists of a formula of greeting modelled 
 upon the Ep. of Barnabas from the twelve Apostles who are designated 
 by name. The list, which begins with the name of John, wants one 
 of the two Jameses and the late chosen Matthias, and the number of 
 twelve is made up by the addition of the name of Nathanael and that 
 of Cephas in addition to that of Peter. Then the Apostles tell that 
 Christ had commanded them to divide among them by lot the Eparchies, 
 Episcopates, Presbyterates, Diaconates, etc., of all lands, and to send 
 forth 01 \6yoi into the whole oiKov/jLevi] ; then follow these \6yoi, first 
 the moral rules, then the constitutional enactments, both being divided 
 among the several Apostles (ludwris elirev, MarOaios elwev, etc.). The 
 compilation had its origin in Egypt, not, however, at Alexandria, where 
 Athanasius was still unacquainted with it, or at least did not think it 
 worthy of being mentioned among the church manuals (§ 59, 1), while 
 at a later period it was held in the highest esteem by the Copts, 
 Ethiopians, Arabians, etc., and took the first rank among their books 
 on ecclesiastical procedure. 
 
 * First published in the Greek original by Bickell under the title, 
 inapplicable to the first part : At diarayal at Otd KXtJ^^jtos kw. Ko-voves 
 iKKKy](n'X(jTLKol twv ci-yidiv dirocFToKuv.
 
 243 THE GE^CO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 323-692, 
 
 II. MONASTICISM, CLERICALISM AND HIER- 
 ARCHISM. 
 
 § 44. MONASTICISM.l 
 
 Disgusted with worldly pursuits and following an im- 
 pulse of the oriental character in favour of tlie contem- 
 plative life, many ascetics withdrew into deserts and soli- 
 tudes, there as Anchorets (e'pe/xiVat, fxovaxoi, /xoi'a^ovTe?), amid 
 prayer and lahour, privation and self-denial, wringing out 
 of the wilderness their scanty support, they strove after 
 holiness of life which they thought they could reach only 
 by forsaking the accursed world. The place where this 
 extravagant extreme of the old ascetism arose was the 
 Thebaid in Upper Egypt (§ 39, 3). The first, and for a 
 long time isolated, examples of such professional abandon- 
 ment of the world may be traced back to the 3rd century ; 
 but they had wider spread first in the post-Constantine Age. 
 The example of St. Anthony was specially influential in 
 leading a number of like-minded men to betake themselves 
 to isolated dwellings, Xavpat, in his neighbourhood and to 
 place themselves under his spiritual direction. In this we 
 have already the transition from a solitary anchoret life 
 to a communal coenobite life {kolvos /3tos), and this reached 
 maturity when Anthony's disciple Pachomius gathered the 
 scattered residents in his district into one common dwelling, 
 Claustrum, Ccenohium, Monasterium, Mandra = fold, and 
 bound them under a common system of ascetic practice in 
 prayer and labour, especially basket making and carpet 
 weaving. This arrangement, without, however, any ten- 
 dency to displace the anchoret life properly so-called, won 
 great favour, and this went on for some decades until fii^st 
 
 • Maitlaml, "The Dark Ages." Lond., 18J1. Ozanam, "Hist, of 
 Civilization in 5tli Cent." Tiansl. by Glyu. 2 vols. Montalembert, 
 ' ' Monks of the West, from Benedict to Cernard." 7 vols. Edin., ISGl ff.
 
 § 41. MONASTICISM. 249 
 
 of all in the East, tlien also in tlie West about a.d. 370, tlie 
 land was covered over with monasteries. The monastic 
 life nnder its twofold aspect was now esteemed as /3ios 
 dyyeXtKos (Matt. xxii. 30), cficXoaoffiLa vxprjXrj^ melior vita. Yet 
 even here corruption soon spread. Not merely the feeling 
 of spii'ittial need, but ambition, vanity, slothfulness and 
 especially the desire to avoid military service and villainage, 
 taxes and imposts, induced men to enter the monasteries. 
 The Emperor Valens therefore issued an order in a.d. 3G5 
 that such men should be dragged out by force from their 
 retreats. Spiritual vices too were not wanting — extrava- 
 gance and fanaticism, spiritual pride, etc. All the more 
 did the most distinguished bishops, e.g. Basil the Grreat, 
 feel it their duty to take the monasteries under their 
 special supervision and care. Under such direction, besides 
 serving their own special purpose, they became extremely 
 important and beneficial as places of refuge for the oppressed 
 and persecuted, and as benevolent institutions for the sick 
 and the poor. Sometimes also by the introduction of theo- 
 logical studies as seminaries to prepare candidates for the 
 higher ecclesiastical offices. Other prelates, however, pre- 
 ferred to use their monks as a trusty horde for the accom- 
 plishment of their own ambitious party ends. The monks 
 were always reckoned among laymen, but were distinguished 
 from the Scculares as Religiosi or Convcrsi. 
 
 1. The Biography of St. Anthony. — According to the Vita s. Antonii 
 ascribed to Athanasius, Anthony was sprung from a 'wealthy Coptic 
 family of the country town of Coma in Upper Egypt, and was born in 
 A D. 251. At the age of eighteen he lost his parents, and, being power- 
 fully affected by hearing the storj' of the rich young ruler in the gospel 
 read in church, he gave away all his goods to the poor and withdrew 
 into the desert (a.d. 285). Amid terrible inward struggles, which took 
 the form of daily conflicts with demons, who sprang w^on him from the 
 sides of his cave in the shape of all sort of beasts and strange creatures, 
 he spent a long time in a horrible tomb, then twenty years in the 
 crumbling ruins of a castle, and finally he chose as his constant abode
 
 250 THE GE^CO-ROMAN CHURCH, xV.D. 323-692. 
 
 a barren mountain, afterwards called Anthony's Mount, where a \\e]l 
 and some date palms afforded him the absolutely indispensable support. 
 His clothing, a sheep's skin and a hairy cloak, was on his body day and 
 night, nor did he ever wash himself. The fame of his hoUness attracted 
 a multitude of like-minded ascetics who settled in his neighbourhood 
 and put themselves under his spiritual direction. But also men of the 
 world of all ranks made pilgrimages to him, seeking and finding comfort. 
 Even Constantine and his sons testified in correspondence with him 
 their veneration, and he answered " like a Christian Diogenes to the 
 Christian Alexander." Pointing to Christ as the only miracle worker, 
 he healed by his prayers bodily maladies and by his conversations 
 afflictions of the soul. Amid the distress of the persecution of Maxi- 
 niiau in a.d. 311 he went to Alexandria, but found not the martyrdom 
 which he courted. Again, in a.d. 351, during the bitter Arian contro- 
 versy (§ 50), he appeared suddenly in the great capital, this time gazed 
 at by Christians and pagans as a divine wonder, and converting crowds 
 of the heathen. In his last days he resigned the further direction of 
 the society of hermits gathered about him to his disciple Pachomius, 
 himself withdrawing along with two companions into an unknown 
 solitude, where he, bequeathing to the author his sheepskin, died in a.d. 
 35G, in his 105th year, after exacting a promise that no one should 
 know the place of his burial. — Until the appearance of this book, which 
 was very soon translated into Latin by a certain Evagrius, no single 
 writer, neither Lactantius, nor Eusebius, nor even Athanasius in any 
 of his other undoubtedly genuine writings, mentions the name of this 
 patriarchal monk afterwards so highly esteemed, and all later writers 
 draw only from this one source. Weingarten has now not only proved 
 that this Vita s. Ant. is not a biography in the proper sense, but a 
 romance with a purpose which was intended " to represent the ideal 
 of a monkish life dovetailed into the ecclesiastical system and raised 
 notwithstanding all jDopular and vital elements into a s^jiritual atmo- 
 sphere," but has also dis2n-oved the Athanasian authorship of the book, 
 without, however, seeking to deny the historical existence of St. Anthony 
 and his importance in the establishment of monasticism, as this is 
 already vouched for by the fact that even in the -Ith century in the 
 days of Eufinus pilgrimages were made to Mons Antonii. — The most 
 important witness for the Athanasian authorship is Gregory Nazianzen, 
 who begins his panegyric on Athanasius delivered in Constantinople 
 only a few years after that father's death, which occurred in a.d. 373, 
 with the wish that he could describe brilliantly the life of the highly 
 revered man, as he himself had portrayed the ideal of monasticism 
 in the person of St. Anthony. But, on the other hand, Jerome in 
 his Vita PauU and Eufinus in his Hist, ercmit. seem not yet to have 
 known the author of the book, and the former, first in his Be scriptorihus
 
 § 44. MONASTICISM. 251 
 
 ecdit., written twenty years later, knows tliat Athauasius was the 
 author. Internal reasons, too, seem with no small weight to tell against 
 the authenticity of the book, the biographical contents of which are 
 largely intermixed with fabulous and legendary elements. 
 
 2. The Origin of Christian Monasticism. — From the fact that not only 
 Lactantius, but also Eusebius, whose history reaches down to a.d. 324, 
 have nothing to say of a monasticism already developed or then first in 
 process of development, it may perhaps be concluded that although in a 
 general way such an institution was already in existence, it had not yet 
 become known beyond the hounds of the Thebaid where it originated. 
 But from the fact that Eusebius, who died in a.d. 340, in his Vita 
 Constantini reaching down to a.d. 337, never makes any mention of 
 monasticism, we cannot with like i^robability infer a continuance of 
 such ignorance down to the above-mentioned year, but must attribute 
 it to the limited range of the book in question. In his commentary on 
 Ps. Ixviii. 7 and Ixxxiv. 4 he distinctly speaks of a Christian monasti- 
 cism. The fugitive Athanasius, too, so early as a.d. 356 betakes himself 
 to the monks of the Thebaid, and stays for a year with them (§ 50, 2, 4), 
 which presupposes a certain measure of organization and celebrity on 
 the part of the community of that region. In his Hist. Arianorum a.l 
 vionichos, written about a.d. 360, he declares that already monasticism 
 had spread through all the tottol or districts of Egypt. Of a monasticism 
 outside of Egypt, however, even this writing still knows nothing. We 
 fhall not, therefore, greatly err if we assume that the latter years of 
 Constantine's reign are to be taken as the period of the essential origin 
 of Egyptian monasticism ; though from this it is not to be concluded 
 that the first isolated beginnings of it, which had not yet won any 
 special recognition, are not to be assigned to a very much earlier jperiod. 
 Even the Old and New Testaments, in the persons of Elijah, John the 
 Baptist, and our Lord Himself, tell of temporary withdrawals, from 
 religious and ascetical motives, into the wilderness. But even the life- 
 long professional anchoretism and coenobitism had their precursors 
 in the Indian gymnosoplnsts, in the East-Asiatic Buddhism and the 
 Egy25tian Serapis worship, and to a certain extent also in the Essenism 
 of Palestine (§ 8, 4). From the place of its origin and the character of 
 its development, however. Christian monasticism can have been influ- 
 enced only by the Egyptian Serapis worship, and that in a very general 
 sort of way. That this actually was the case, "Weingarteu esjjecially 
 has sought to prove from various analogies based upon the learned 
 researches of French Academicians. 
 
 3. Oriental Monasticism. — For centuries Egypt continued the central 
 seat and training school of Christian monasticism both for the East and 
 for the West. The most celebrated of all the Egyptian hermit colonies 
 was that founded by Pachomius, formerly perhaps a monk of Serapis.
 
 252 THE GEiECO-ROMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 (t 348), at Tabenna;, an island of the Nile. To the mother monastery 
 were soon attached numerous daughter monasteries. Each of these 
 institutions was under the direction of a president called the abbot, 
 Ahbas, i.e. " father," or Archimandrite ; while all of them together were 
 under the superior of the parent monastery. Similar unions were 
 established by Ammcnius among the Nitriau mountains, and by Ma- 
 carius the Elder (§ 47, 7) in the Scetic desert. Hilarion, a disciple of St. 
 Anthony (f 371), is celebrated by Jerome as the founder of Palestinian 
 monasticism. The Vila Ililarionis of the latter, richly adorned with 
 records of adventurous travels and wonderful events, most extravagant 
 wonders and demoniacal apparitions, like the life of Paul of Thebes 
 (§ 39, 4), has been recently shown to be a romance built upon certain 
 genuine reminiscences. Basil the Great and Gregory Naziauzen with 
 youthful enthusiasm sought to introduce monasticism into their native 
 Asia Minor, while Eustathius, Bishop of Sebaste (f 380), carried it still 
 further east. But though among the Syrian disccurses of Aphraates 
 (§ 47, 13) there is found one on monasticism, which thus would seem 
 to have been introduced into Mesopotamia by a.d. 340, this is in contra- 
 diction to all other witnesses and awakens a suspicion of the un- 
 genuineness of the discourse, which is further confirmed by its being 
 wanting in the Armenian translation, as well as in the enumeration of 
 Gennadius. — The zeal especially of Basil was successful in ennobling 
 monasticism and making it fruitful. The monastic rules drawn up by 
 him superseded all others in the East, and are to this day alone recog- 
 nised in the orthodox Greek Church. According to these every mona- 
 stery had one or more clerics for conducting worship and administering 
 the sacrament. Basil also advanced the development and influence of 
 monasticism by setting down the monasteries in the neighbourhood 
 of the cities. In the 5th century two of the noblest, most sensible and 
 talented re^jresentatives of ancient monasticism did much for its eleva- 
 tion and ennobling ; namely, Isidore, who died about a.d. 450, abbot and 
 priest of a cloister at Pelusium in Egypt, and his contemporary Nilus, 
 who lived among the monks of Sinai. The not inconsiderable remnants 
 of their numerous letters still extant testify to their far-reaching in- 
 fluence, as well as to the noble and liberal spirit which they manifested 
 (§ 47, 0, 10).' A peculiar kind of cttnobite life is found amongst the 
 Acoimetse, for whom the Roman Studius founded about a.d. 400 the after- 
 wards very celebrated monastery Stiidiuii at Constantinople, in which as 
 many as a thousand monks are said to have lived together at one time. 
 They took their name from the divine service uninterruptedly continued 
 in their cloister night and day. From the 5th century the legislative 
 
 * Stephens, " Chrysostom : his Life and Times," 3rd ed., London, 
 1883, pp. 59 ff. ; 294 ff.
 
 § 44. MONASTICISM. 253 
 
 Synods unitertook the care of the monasteries. The Council of Chalcedon 
 in A.D. 451 put them under the jurisdiction of the bishop. Returning 
 to the world was at first freely permitted, but was always regarded as 
 discreditable and demanding submission to penance. From the 6th 
 century, however, monastic vows were regarded as of hfe-long obligation, 
 and therefore a regular canonical age was fixed and a long novitiate pre- 
 scribed as a time of testing and consideration. About this time, too, 
 besides the j^rojiria professio, the paterna deuotio was also regarded as 
 binding in accordance with the example of 1 Sam. i. 11. 
 
 •1. Western Monasticism. — The West did not at first take kindly to the 
 monastic idea, and only the combined exhortations of the most respected 
 bishops and teachers of the Church, with Ambrose, Jerome, and Augus- 
 tine at their head, secured for it acceptance there. The idea that 
 already the universally revered Athanasius who from a.d. 341 resided 
 a long time in Eome (§ 50, 2), had brought hither the knowledge of 
 Egyptian monasticism and first awakened on behalf of it the sympathies 
 of the Westerns, is devoid of any sure foundation. Owing, however, to 
 the free intercourse which even on the side of the Church existed 
 between East and West, it is on the other hand scarcely conceivable that 
 the first knowledge of Eastern monasticism should have reached Italy 
 through Jerome on his return in a.d. 373 from his Eastern travels. But 
 it is certain that Jerome from that time most zealously endeavoured 
 to obtain recruits for it in the West, ajiplying himself specially to con- 
 spicuous pious ladies of Rome and earning for this scant thanks from 
 their families. The people's aversion, too, against monasticism was so 
 great that even in a.d. 384, when a young female ascetic called Blasilla, 
 the daughter of St. Paula, died in Rome as some supposed from exces- 
 sive fasting, an uproar was raised in which the indignant populace, as 
 Jerome himself relates, cried out, Quousque genus detestahile monacliorum 
 non urhe jiellitur ? No7i lajiidibus ohruitur ? non pracipitatur injiuctus ? 
 But twenty years later Jerome could say with exultation, Crebra virginmn 
 monasteria, monacliorum, innuinerabilis multiludo, ut . . . quod prhts 
 ignomiuia fuerat, esset portea glorhe. Popular op230sition to the monks 
 was longest and most virulently shown in North Africa. Even so late as 
 about a.d. 450, Salvianus reports the expressions of such hate : liidebant, 
 . . . maledlcebant . . . insectabantur . . . detestabantur , . . omnia 
 ill monaclio pcene fecerunt quce in Salvatorem nostrum Judaorum 
 impietas, etc. Nevertheless monasticism continued to spread and there- 
 with also the institution grew in popular esteem in the West. Martin 
 of Tours (§ 47, 15) established it in Northern Gaul in a.d. 370 ; and 
 in Southern Gaul, Honoratus about a.d. 400 founded the celebrated 
 monastery of Serinum, on the uninhabited island of Lerina, and John 
 Cassianus (§ 47, 21), the still more celebrated one at Massilia, now 
 Marseilles. The inroads of the invaders well nigh extinguished Western
 
 254 THE GE^CO-ROMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 raonachism. It was Beuediet of Narsia who first, in a.d. 529, gave to it 
 unity, order, and a settled constitution, and made it for many centuries 
 the pioneer of agricultural improvement and literary culture throughout 
 the Western empire that had been hurled into confusion by the wars of 
 the barbarians (§ 85). 
 
 5. Institution of Nunneries. — Virgins devoted to God, who repudiated 
 marriage, are spoken of as early as the 2nd century. The limitations 
 of their sex forbade them entering on the life of anchorets, but all the 
 more heartily did they adopt the idea of the cloister life. St. Anthony 
 himself is said to have laid its first foundations when he was hastening 
 away into solitude, by establishing at Coma for the sake of his sister 
 whom he was leaving behind, an association of virgins consecrated unto 
 God. Pachomius founded the first female cloister with definite rules, 
 the superior of which was his own sister. From that time there sprang 
 up a host of women's coenobite iinions. The lady superior was called 
 Ammas, "mother " ; the members, fiovaxat, sanctimoniales, nonnce, which 
 was a Coptic word meaning chaste. The patroness of female mona- 
 chism in the West was St. Paula of Rome, who was the scholar and 
 friend of Jerome. Accompanied by her daughter Eustochium, she 
 followed him to Palestine, and founded three nunneries at Bethlehem. 
 
 6. Monastic Asceticism. — Although the founders of the Eastern mon- 
 astic rules subjected themselves to the strictest asceticism and performed 
 them to a remarkable extent, especially in fasting and enduring priva- 
 tions, yet the degree of asceticism which they enjoined upon their monks 
 in fasting, watching, prayer and labour, was in general moderate and 
 sensible. Valorous acts of self mortification, so very congenial to the 
 oriental spirit, are thus met with in the proper monastic life seldomer 
 than among ascetics living after their own fancy in deserts and solitudes. 
 This accounts for the rare appearance of the Stylites or pillar saints, by 
 whom expression was given in an outward way to the idea of elevation 
 above the earthly and of struggle toward heaven. The most celebrated 
 of these was Simeon Sti/lites, who lived in the neighbourhood of Antioch 
 for thirty years on a pillar seventy feet high, and preached repentance to 
 the people who flocked to him from every side. Thousands of Saracens 
 who roamed through those regions sought baptism, overcome, according 
 to the legend, by the power of his discourse. He died a.d. 459. After 
 him the most celebrated pillar saints were one Daniel who died at Con- 
 stantinople in A.D. 489, and a younger Simeon who died at Antioch in 
 A.D. 596. 
 
 7. Anti-Ecclesiastical and Heretical Monasticism. — Even after the re- 
 gulating of monachism by Pachomius and Basil, there were still isolated 
 hermit societies which would be bound by no rules. Such were the 
 Sarabaites in Egypt and the Eemoboth in Syria. Crowds of monks, too, 
 under no rule swarmed about, called BocrKji, Pahiilatorcs or Grazers,
 
 § 44. MONASTICISM. 255 
 
 because they supported themselves only on herbs and roots. In Italy 
 and Africa from the 5th century we hear of so-called Gyrovagi, who 
 under the pretence of monachism led a useless Tagabond life. Mon- 
 asticism assumed a decidedly heretical and schismatical character among 
 the Euchites and Eustathianists in the second half of the 4th century. 
 The Euchites, called also from their mystic dances Messalians or Cliorentes, 
 not to be confounded with the pagan Euchites (§ 42, C), thought that 
 they had reached the ideal of perfection, and were therefore raised above 
 observance of the law. Under pretext of engaging in constant prayer 
 and being favoured with divine visions, they went about begging, because 
 work was not seemly for perfect saints. Every man they taught, by 
 reason of his descent from Adam, brings with him into the world an evil 
 demon who can be overcome only by prayer, and thus evil can be torn 
 out by the roots. Then man is in need neither of the law, nor of holy 
 scripture, nor of the sacraments, and may be unconditionally left to 
 himself, and may even do that which to a legal man would be sinful. 
 The mystic union of God and man they represented by lascivious acts 
 of sensual love. They understood the gospel history only as an alle- 
 gory and considered fire the creative light of the universe. By craft 
 and espionage Bishop Flavian of Autioch, in a.d. 381, came to know their 
 secret principles and proceedings. But notwithstanding the persecution 
 now directed against them, they continued in existence till the 6th 
 century. The Eustathianists took their name from Eustathius, Bishop 
 of Sebaste, the founder of monasticism in the eastern provinces of the 
 empire. Their fanatical contempt of marriage went so far that they 
 regarded fellowship with the married impure and held divine service 
 by themselves alone. They repudiated the Church fasts and instead 
 ordained fasts on Sundays and festival days, and wholly abstained from 
 eating flesh. The women di'essed in men's clothes. From the rich they 
 demanded the surrender of all their goods. Servants forsook their 
 masters, wives their husbands, in order to attach themselves to the 
 associations of these saints. But the resolute interference of the Synod 
 of Gangra in Paphlagonia, between a.d. 3G0 and a.d. 370, checked their 
 further spread. — More closely related to the old ascetic order than to the 
 newly organized monasticism was a sect which, according to Augustine, 
 had gained special acceptance among the country people round about 
 Hippo. In accordance with the example of Abel, who in the Old Testa- 
 ment history is without children, its members, the so-called Abelites, 
 indeed married, but restrained themselves from marital intercourse, in 
 order that they might not by begetting children contribute to the sj^read 
 of original sin, and maintained their existence by the adoption of 
 strange children, one boy and one girl being received into each family.
 
 256 THE GE^CO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 § 45. The Clergy. 
 
 The distinction between clergy and laity was ever be- 
 coming more and more clearly marked and in the higher 
 church offices there grew up a spiritual aristocracy along- 
 side of the secular aristocracy. The priesthood arrogated 
 a position high above the laity just as the soul is higher 
 than the body. There was consequently such a thronging 
 into the clerical ranks that a restriction had to be put upon 
 it by the civil laws. The choice of the clergy was made by 
 the bishops with the formal consent of the members of the 
 church. In the East the election of bishops lay ordinarily 
 with the episcopal board of the province concerned thougli 
 under the presidency of the metropolitan, whose duty it 
 was to ordain the individual so elected. The episcopal 
 chair of the imperial capital, however, was generally under 
 the patronage of the court. In the West on the other 
 hand the old practice was continued, according to which 
 bishops, clergy and members of the church together made 
 the election. At Home, however, the emperor maintained 
 the right of confirming the appointment of the new bishop. 
 The exchange of one bishopric for another was forbidden 
 by the Nicene Council as spiritual adultery (Eph. v. 33 ff.), 
 but was nevertheless frequently practised. The monarchical 
 rank of the bishop among the clergy was undisjjuted. The 
 Chorepiscopi (§ 34, 3) had their episcopal privileges and 
 authority always more and more restricted, were made 
 subordinate to the city bishops, and finally, about a.d. 3G0, 
 were quite set aside. To the Presbyters, on the other hand, 
 in consequence of the success of the anti-episcopal reaction, 
 especially among the daughter and country churches, com- 
 plete independence was granted in regard to the ministry 
 of the word and dispensation of sacraments, with the excep- 
 tion of the ordination of the clergy, and in the AVest also
 
 § 4.J. THE cLr.p.GY. 257 
 
 tlie confirmation of tlie baptism, which the bishop alone 
 was allowed to perform. 
 
 1. Training of the Clergy.— The few theological seminaries of Alexan- 
 dria, Cffisarea, Antioch, Edessa and Nisibis could not satisfy the need 
 of clerical training, and even these for the most part disappeared amid 
 the political and ecclesiastical upheavals of the 5th and 6th centuries. 
 The West was entirely without such institutions. So long as pagan 
 schools of learning flourished at Athens, Alexandria, Nicomedia, etc., 
 many Christian youths sought their scientific preparation for the service 
 of the church in them, and added to this on the Christian side by as- 
 ceticism and theological study among the anchorets or monks. Others 
 despised classical culture and were satisfied with what the monasteries 
 could give. Others again began their clerical career even in boyhood 
 as readers or episcoj^al secretaries, and grew up under the oversight and 
 direction of the bishop or experienced clergymen. Augustine organized 
 his clergy into a monastic association, Monasterinm Clericontm, and gave 
 it the character of a clerical seminary. This useful institution found 
 much favour and was introduced into Sicily and Sardinia by the bishops 
 driven out by the Vandals. The Eerjula Augustini, so often referred to 
 the Latin Middle Ages, is of later and uncertain origin, but is based upon 
 two discourses of Augustine, " Be Morihus Clericorum" and an Epistle 
 to the Nuns at Hippo.— The age of thirty was fixed upon as the canon- 
 ical age for entering the order of presbyter or priest ; twenty-five for that 
 of deacon. Neophytes, those who had been baptized on a sickbed 
 (CUni.ci), penitents and energoumeni, Blgenie, the mutilated, eunuchs, 
 slaves, actors, comedians, dancers, soldiers, etc., were excluded from the 
 clerical office. The African church even in the 4th century prescribed a 
 strict examination of candidates as to their attainments and orthodoxy. 
 Justinian at least insisted upon a guarantee of orthodoxy by means of 
 episcopal examination. — Ordination ' made its appearance as an appen- 
 dage to the baptismal anointing as a sacramental ordinance. The one 
 was consecration to the priesthood in the special sense: the other in 
 the general sense ; both bore a character indelibilis. Their efficacy was 
 generally regarded as of a magical kind. The imparting of ordination 
 was exclusively an episcopal privilege ; but presbyters could assist at the 
 consecration of those of their own order. The proposition : Ne quis 
 vage ordinatiir, was oi universal ajaplication ; the missionary office was 
 the only exception. The anniversaries of episcopal ordinations, Natales 
 cpiscoporum, were freriuently observed as festivals. Legally no one could 
 
 1 Hatch, " Organization of the Early Christian Churches." London, 
 1881, pp. 124-139. Hatch, " Ordination," in Smith's " Diet, of Bibl. 
 Antiq." Vol. ii.
 
 258 THE GEiECO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 be ordaiaecl to a higher ecclesiastical office, ■svho had not passed through 
 all the lower offices from that of subdeacon. In earlier times ordination 
 consisted only in imposition of hands ; but subsequently, after the pat- 
 tern of bajitism there was added an anointing with Chrism, i.e. oil 
 with balsam. The Lord's Supper was partaken of before ordination, the 
 candidate having previously observed a fast. — From the 5th century it 
 was made imperative that the party ordained should adopt the Tonsui-e.' 
 It had been introduced tirst in connection with the penitents, then as a 
 symbol of humility it found favour among the monks, and from these it 
 passed over to the clergy. Originally the whole head was shaved bare. 
 At a later period the Greek tonsure, I'onsura Paidi, which merely shaved 
 the forehead, was distinguished from the Eomish, Tonsura Petri, which 
 left a circle of hair round about the crown of the head, as a memorial of 
 Christ's crown of thorns or as the symbol of the royal priesthood. Corona 
 sacerdotalis. The shaving of the beard, as an effeminate foppish custom, 
 seemed to the ancient church to detract from the sternness and dignity 
 of the clerical rank. In all Eastern churches the full beard was re- 
 tained, and the wearing of it by-and-by made obligatory, as it is to this 
 day. In the West, however, perhaps to mark a contrast to the bearded 
 clergy of the Arian Germans, shaving became general among the 
 Catholic clergy, and by papal and synodal ordinances became almost 
 universally prevalent. The adoption of the custom was also perhaps 
 furthered by a desire to give symbolic expression by the removal of the 
 beard to the renunciation of the claims of the male sex on the part of a 
 celibate clergy. — A solemn Investiture with the insignia of office (§ 59, 7) 
 was gradually introduced, and was that which marked distinctions be- 
 tween the consecrations to the various ranks of clerical offices. 
 
 2. The Injunction of Celibacy. — In accordance with a hint given by 
 the Spanish Provincial Synod of Elvira in a.d. 300 in its 32nd canon, 
 the fficumenical Council of Nicasa in a.d. 325 was inclined to make the 
 obligation of celibacy at least for the Ordines Blajores a binding law over 
 the whole church. But on the other hand the Egyptian bishop I'aphnu- 
 tius, a confessor and from his youth an ascetic, stoutly maintained that 
 the fellowship of married persons too is chastity. His powerful voice 
 decided the matter. The usual practice, however, was that bishops, pres- 
 byters and deacons should not contract a second marriage (1 Tim. iii. 2), 
 after ordination should contract no marriage at all, and if i^reviously 
 married, should continue to live with their wives or not as they them- 
 selves should find most fit. The Easterns maintained this free stand- 
 point and at the Synod of Gangra in a.d. 300 contended against the 
 Eustathianists (§ 44, 7) for the holiness of marriage and the legitimacy 
 
 1 Hatch, "Organization of Chr. Ch." p. ICl. Eede, "Eccles. Hist.'' 
 iv. 1.
 
 § 45. TPIE CLERGY. 259 
 
 of maiTied priests ; and in the 5 th Apost. Canon there was an express 
 injuuctiou : Episcopiis vel presbyter, vel diaconiis nxorem suam noii re- 
 jiciat reHfjionis prielcxli ; sin autem rejecerit segregetur, et si perseverct 
 deponatur. Examples of married bishoi^s are not rare in the 4th and 
 5th centuries ; e.g. the father of Gregory Nazianzen, Gregory of Nyssa, 
 Synesius of Ptolemais, etc. Justinian I. forbade the election of a 
 married man as bishop. The second TruUan Council in a.d. 692 (§ G3, 
 2) confirmed this decree, interdicted second marriages to all the clergy, 
 but, with an express protest against the unnatural hardness of the Eoman 
 church, allowed to presbyters a single marriage with all its privileges 
 which, however, must have been entered upon before consecration, and 
 during the period of service at the altar all marital intercourse had to 
 be discontinued. lu Eome, however, the Spanisli principles were 
 strictly maintained. A decretal of the Roman bishop, Siricius, in a.d. 
 385, with semi-Manichrean abuse of marriage, insisted on the celibacy of 
 all bishops, presbyters and deacons, and Leo the Great included even 
 subdeacons under this obligation. All the more distinguished Latin 
 church teachers contended zealously for the universal application of the 
 injunction of clerical celibacy. Yet there were numerous instances of 
 the contravention of the order in Italy, in Gaul, and in Spain itself, and 
 conformity could not be secured even by the most emiDhatic re-issue of 
 the injunction by successive Synods. Li the British and Iro-Scottish 
 church the right of the clergy and even of bishops to marry was insisted 
 upon (77, 3).i 
 
 3. Later Ecclesiastical Offices. — In addition to the older church offices 
 we now meet with attendants on the sick or Parabolaui, from irapafiaX- 
 XeadaL ti]v ^urjf, and grave-diggers, KOTnaral, Fossarii, whose number in 
 the capital cities rose to an almost incredible extent. They formed a 
 bodyguard ever ready to gratify episcopal love of pomp. Theodosius II. 
 in A.D. 418 restricted the number of the Parabolani of Alexandria to six 
 hundred and the number of the Copiati of Constantinople to nine hun- 
 dred and fifty. For the administration of Church property 'there were 
 oiKuvofxoL ; for the administration of the laws of the church there were 
 advocates, ivou:oi, avuoiKOi, Defensores ; for drawing up legal documents 
 in regard to church affairs there were Notarii, Taxvypa(fjoi, besides. 
 Keepers of Archives, xa/)ro^iy\a\-es, Librarians, TJiesaurarii, ai:evo:pv- 
 XaKes, etc. None of these as such had clerical consecration. But also 
 within the ranks of the Ordiiies 2IaJores new offices sjjrang up. In the 
 4th century we meet with an Arclideacon at the head of the deacons. 
 
 ^ Dale, " Synod of Elvira, and Christ. Life in the 4th cent." London, 
 1882. Lea, "Hist, of Sacerdotal Celibacy." Philad., 18G7. Lecky, 
 " Hist, of Europ. Morals." Loudon, 1877. Vol. ii., pp. 328 ii. Hefele, 
 " Hist, of Christ. Councils." Edin., 1872. Vol. i., pp. 150, 383, 435,
 
 260 THE GEiECO-KOMAN CHUPvCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 He -was the right hand of the bishop, his representative and plenipoten- 
 tiary in the administration and government of the diocese, frequently 
 also his successor in office. The college of presbyters, too, had as its 
 head the Arch-Presbyter who represented and supported the bishop in all 
 acts of public worship. A city presbyter was entrusted with the super- 
 vision of the country churches as Visitor. The Ahican Seniores j^^cbis 
 were mere lay elders without clerical ordination. The office of Deaconess 
 more or less lost its significance and gradually fell into disuse. — Jus- 
 tinian I. restricted the number of ecclesiastical officers in the four great 
 churches of Constantinoijle to 525 ; namely, in addition to the bishop, 
 60 presbyters, 100 deacons, 40 deaconesses, 90 subdeacous, 110 readers, 
 24 singers, and 100 doorkeepers. 
 
 4. Church Property. — The possessions of the church regi^larly increased 
 by presents and bequests was regarded down to the 5th century gener- 
 ally as the property of the poor, Patrimonium ■paupcrum, while the cost 
 of maintaining public worship and supplying the clergy with the means 
 of livelihood were defrayed by the voluntary contributions, Oblationes, of 
 the church members. But the growing demands of the clergy, esinecially 
 of the bishops, for an income corresponding to their official rank and the 
 increasing magnificence of the service, led, first of all in Eome, to the 
 apportioning of the whole sum into four parts ; for the bishops, for the 
 subordinate clergy, for the expenses of public worship (buildings, vest- 
 ments, etc.), and for the needs of the poor. With the introduction of 
 the Old Testament idea of priesthood the thought gradually gained 
 ground that the laity were under obligation, at first regarded simply as 
 a moral obligation, to surrender a tenth of all their possessions to the 
 church, and at a very early date this, in the form of freewill offerings, 
 was often realised. But the Council at Macon in a.d. 585, demanded 
 these tithes as a right of the church resting on divine institution, with- 
 out, however, being thereby able to effect what first was secured by the 
 Caroliugian legislation (§ 85, 1). The demand that all jn-operty which a 
 cleric earned in the service of the church, should revert to the church 
 after his death, was given effect to in a Council at Carthage in a.d. 397. 
 
 § 4G A. The Patriarchal Constitution and the 
 Primacy.^ 
 
 A hierarchical distinction of ranks among the bishops 
 had already made its appearance even in the previous 
 period by the elevation of the metropolitan see and the 
 
 1 Neale, " Hist, of the Holy Eastern Church." 5 vols. London, 
 1847-1873. Stanley, "Lcct. on the Eastern Church." London, ISCl.
 
 § 46 A. THE PATRIARCHAL CONSTITUTION. 261 
 
 yet more marked precedency given to the so-called Sedes 
 apostolicce (§ 34). This tendency got powerful support from 
 the political divisions of the empire made by Constantine 
 the G-reat ; for now the bishops of capital cities demanded 
 an extension of their spiritual superiority corresponding to 
 that given in secular authority to the imperial governors. 
 The guarding of earlier privileges along with respectful 
 consideration of more recent claims prevented the securing 
 of a perfect correspondence between the political and hier- 
 archical distribution of ranks. The result of giving con- 
 sideration to both was the development of the Patriarchal 
 Constitution, in which the bishops of Rome, Alexandria, 
 Antioch. Constantinople and Jerusalem were recognised as 
 heads of the church iiniversal of equal rank with jurisdic- 
 tion over the patriarchates assigned them. The first place 
 iu this clerical Peutarchy was claimed by the Roman see, 
 which ever more and more decidedly strove for the primacy 
 of the whole church. 
 
 1. The Patriarclial Constitution. — Constantine the Great divided the 
 whole empire into four prefectiu-es which were subdivided into dioceses, 
 and these again into provinces. Many bishops then of the capitals of 
 these dioceses, especially in the East, under the title of Exarchs, as- 
 sumed a rank superior to that of the metropolitans, just as these had 
 before arrogated a rank superior to that of provincial bishops. The first 
 oecumenical Council at Nicaja iu a.d. 325 (§ 50, 1) affirmed on behalf of 
 the bishops of the three most promiuent Sedes apostolicce, Rome, Alexan- 
 dria and Antioch, that their supremacy had been already established by 
 old custom. The so-called second tt'cumenical Council at Constanti- 
 nople in A.D. 381 (§ 50, 4) exempted the bishop of Constantinople, 6ia 
 TO itvai avTTjv viav "Pci/xrji' (since a.d. 330), from the jurisdiction of the 
 metropolitan of Heraclea, and gave him the first rank after the bishop 
 of Rome, To these distinguished prelates there was given the title of 
 honour. Patriarch, Tvhieh formerly had been given to all bishops ; but the 
 Roman bishops, declining to take common rank with the others, refused 
 the title, and assumed instead the exclusive use of the title Papa, HaTray, 
 which had also been previously applied to all of episcopal rank. The 
 fourth cecumeuical Council of Chalcedon in a.d. 451, in the 28th canon, 
 ranked the patriarch of the Eastern capital along with the bishop of
 
 2G2 THE GRiECO-r.OMAN CHUECH, A.D. 323-69'2. 
 
 Home, granteJ him the right of hcaiing complaints against the metro- 
 poUtans of all dioceses that they might be deciJecl at an endemic Synod 
 (§ 43, 2), and as an equivalent to the vast dominions of his Koman col- 
 league, gave him as an endowment in addition to his own iiatriarchal 
 district, the three complete dioceses of Thrace, Pontus and Asia. The 
 Exarchs of Heraclea in Thrace, of Neo-Cirsarea in Pontus, and of Ephe- 
 sus in Asia, thus placed under him, bearing the title of Archbishops, ap- 
 Xi-iTriffKOTroi, formed a hierarchical middle rank between him and the 
 metropolitans of these dioceses, without, however, any strict definition 
 of their status being given, so that their preferential rank remained un- 
 certain and gradually fell back again into that of ordinary metropolitans. 
 But even at Nica?a in a.d. 325 the bishopric of Jerusalem had been de- 
 clared worthy of very special honour, without, however, its subordination 
 under the Metropolitan of C;Tsarea being disputed. Founding on this, 
 Juvenal of Jerusalem in the 3rd oecumenical Council of Ephesus in a.d. 
 431 claimed the rank and privileges of a patriarch, but on the motion 
 of Cyril of Alexandria was refused. He then applied to the Emperor 
 Theodosius II. who by an edict named him patriarch, and assigned to 
 him all Palestine and Arabia. Maximus, however, patriarch of Antioch, 
 who was thereby deprived of part of his diocese, persisted in protesting 
 imtil at Chalcedon in a.d. 451 at least Phoenicia and Arabia were re- 
 stored to him. — Within his own official district each of these five prelates 
 exercised supreme spiritual authority, and at the head of his patriarchal 
 Synod decided all the affairs of the churches within the bounds. Still 
 many metropolitans, especially those of Salamis in Cyprus, of Milan, 
 Aquileia and Eavenna maintained a position, as AvTOK€(paXoi, indepen- 
 dent of any superiority of patriarchate or exarchate. Alongside of the 
 patriarchs in the East there were o-u^/ceXXot as councillors and assistants, 
 and at the imperial court they were represented by permanent legates 
 who were called Apocrisiarians. From the 6th century the Popes of 
 Eome began by sending them the pallium to confer confirmation of rank 
 upon the newly elected metropolitans of the West, who were called in 
 these parts Archicpiscopi, Archbishops. The patriarchs meeting as a 
 court represented the unity of the church universal. Without their 
 consent no cccumenical Council could be held, nor could any decision be 
 binding on the whole church. — But first Jerusalem in a.d. 637, then 
 Antioch in a.d. 638, and next Alexandria in a.d. 640, fell under the 
 dominion of the Saracens. 
 
 2. The Kivalry letween Eome and Byzantinm. — From the time of the 
 Council of Chalcedon in a.d. 451 the patriarch of Constantinople con- 
 tinued to claim equality in rank and authority with the bishop of Eome. 
 But the principle upon which in either case the claims to the primacy 
 were based were already being interpreted strongly in favour of Eome. 
 In the East the spiritual rank of the bishoprics was determined in accord
 
 v^ 4G A. THE PATRIArtCHAL CO^^STITUTION. 2G3 
 
 fiuce with the political rank(3f the cities concerned. Coustautinople was 
 the residence of the ruler of the olKovijAv-q, consequently its bishop •was 
 cecumeiiical bishoii. But in the eyes of the world Old Rome still ranked 
 higher than the New Eonie. All the proud memories of history clus- 
 tered round the capital of the West. From Byzantium, on the other 
 hand, dated the visible decline, the threatened overthrow of the empire. 
 Moreover the West refused even to admit the principle itself. Not the 
 will of the emperor, not the fortunes of the empire, ever becoming more 
 and more deplorable, should determine the spiritual rank of the bishops, 
 but the history of the church and the will of its Divine Founder and^ 
 Head. Measured by this standard the see of Constantinople stood not 
 only lower than those of Alexandria, Antioch and Jerusalem, but even 
 below many other sees which though they scarcely had metropolitan 
 rank, could yet boast of apostolic origin. Then, Rome unquestionably 
 stood at the head of the church, for here had lived, confessed and suf- 
 fered the two chief apostles, hero too were their tombs and their bones ; 
 yea, still further, on the Eoman chair had Peter sat as its first bishop 
 (§ 16, 1), whom the Lord Himself had called to the primacy of the Apos- 
 tles (§34, 8), and the Eoman bishops were his successors and heirs of 
 his privileges. The patriarch of Constantinople had nothing to depend 
 upon but his nearness to the court. He was backed up and supported 
 by the court, was only too often a tool in the hands of political parties 
 and a defender of heresies which had the imperial favour. The case for 
 the Eoman bishop was incomparably superior. His being a member of 
 the Wcst-Eoman empire, a.d. 395-476, with emperors for the most part 
 weak and oppressed on all sides by the convulsions caused by the in- 
 vasions of the barbarians, secured to him an incomparably greater free- 
 dom and independence of action, which was little, if at all, restricted by 
 the Eugian and Ostrogoth invaders of Italy, a d. 476-536. And even in 
 AD. 536, when the Byzantine empire again obtained a footing in Italy, 
 and held out with difficulty against the onslaught of the Longobards from 
 A.D. 5G9 to A.D. 752 within ever narrowing limits, the court could only 
 seldom ex'ercise an influence upon his proceedings or punish him for his 
 refusal to yield by removal, imprisonment or exile. And while the East 
 was rent by a, variety of ecclesiastical controversies, in which sometimes 
 the one, sometimes the other party prevailed, the West under the direction 
 of Eome almost constantly presented the picture of undisturbed unity. 
 The controversialists sought the mediating judgment of Eome, the op- 
 pressed sought its intercession and protection, and because the Eoman 
 bishops almost invariably lent the weight of their intellectual and moral 
 influence to the cause of truth and right, the party in whose favour 
 decision was given, almost certainly at last prevailed. Thus Eome 
 advanced from day to day in the eyes of the Christian world, and soon 
 demanded as a constant right wbat personal confidence or pressure of
 
 2G4 THE GRiECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 circumstances had won for it in particular cases. And in the course of 
 time Rome has never let a favourable opportunity slip, never failed to 
 hold what once was gained or even claimed with any possibility of suc- 
 cess. A strong feeling in favour of strict hierarchical pretensions united 
 all parties and found its rallying i^oint in the chair of St. Peter ; even 
 incapable and characterless popes were upborne and carried through by 
 means of this idea. Thi;s Rome advanced with firm step and steady 
 aim, and in spite of all opposition and resistance continually approached 
 nearer and nearer to the end in view. The East could at last hold on 
 and save its ecclesiastical independence only by a complete and incur- 
 able division (§ 67). 
 
 § 4G B. History of the Roman Chair and its Claims 
 TO THE Primacy,^ 
 
 The history of the Roman bishopric during the first three 
 centuries is almost wholly enveloped in a cloud of legend 
 which is only occasionally broken by a gleam of historical 
 light (see § 33, 3, 4, 5, 7 ; § 35, 5 ; § 37, 2 ; § 40, 2 ; § 41, 
 1, 3). Only after the martyr church became in the 4th 
 century the powerful state church does it really enter into 
 the field of regular and continuous history. And now also 
 first begins that striving after primacy, present from the 
 earliest times among its bishops and inherited from the 
 political supremacy of " eternal Rome," to be prosecuted 
 with success in political and ecclesiastical quarters. Its 
 history, for which biographies of the popes down to the end 
 of the 9th century in the so-called Liber pout ificnlis (§ 90. G) 
 are most instructive sources, certainly always in need of 
 critical sifting in a high degree, permits therefore and 
 demands for our purposes at this point earnest and close 
 consideration. 
 
 3. From Melchiades to Julias I., A.D. 310 to A.D. 352.— At the time when 
 Constantine's conversion so completely changed the aspect of things 
 Melchiades occupied the bishopric of Rome, a.d. 310 to a.d. 314. Even 
 
 1 Greenwood, " Cathedra Petri : Pol. Hist, of Great Latin Patri- 
 archate from 1st to ICth cent." 6 vols. London, 1856 ff.
 
 § 46 B. HISTORY OF THE ROMAN CHAIR. 2G5 
 
 iu A.D. 313 Constantiue conferred on him as the chief bishop of the West 
 the presidency of a clerical commission for inquiry into the Donatist 
 schism (§ 63, 1). Under Sylvester I., a.d. 314 to a.d. 335, the Ariau con- 
 troversy broke out (§ 50), in which, however, he laid no claim to be an 
 authority on either side. That by his legates, Vitus and Yincentius, he 
 presided at the first oecumenical Synod at Nicfea in a.d. 825 is a purely 
 Romish fabrication ; no contemporary and none of the older historians 
 know anything of it. On account of the rise in Egypt of the Meletiau 
 schism (§ -11, 4) the 6th canon of the Council prescribes that the bishop 
 of Alexandria " in accordance with the old customs shall have jurisdiction 
 over Egypt, in Libya and iu Peutapolis, since it is also according to old 
 custom for the bishop of Rome to have such jurisdiction, as also the 
 churches in An tioch and in the other provinces." The Council, there- 
 fore, as Rufinus also and the oldest Latin collection of canons, the so- 
 called Frisca, understand this canon, maintains that the ecclesiastical 
 supremacy of the Roman chair extended not over all the West but only 
 over the ten siihurbicariaii provinces belonging to the diocese of Rome 
 according to Constantine's division, i.e. over Middle and Southern Italy, 
 with the islands of Sardinia, Corsica and Sicily. The bishop of Rome, 
 however, was and continued by the wider development of the patriarchal 
 constitution the sole patriarch in all the West. What more natural than 
 tbat he should regard himself as the one patriarch oyer all the West ? 
 But, even as the only sedes aposiolica of the West, Rome had already for 
 a long time obtained a rank far beyond the limits of the Xicene canon. 
 In doubtful cases ajiplication was made from all quarters of the West to 
 Rome for instruction as to the genuine apostolic tradition, and the epis- 
 tolary replies to such questions assumed even in the 4th century the tone 
 of autboritative statements of the truth, cpistolce decretales. But down to 
 A.D. 344 it was never attempted to claim the authority of Rome over the 
 East in giving validity to any matter. In this year, however, the pres- 
 sure of circumstances obliged the Council of Sardica (§ 53, 2), after most 
 of the Eastern bishops had already withdrawn, to agree to hand over to 
 the bishop of Rome, Julius I., a.d. 337-352, as a steadfast and consistent 
 confessor of the orthodox faith in this age of euclesiastical wavering, the 
 right of receiving appeals from condemned bishops throughout the em- 
 pire, and if he found them well supported, of appointing a new investiga- 
 tion by the bishops of the neighbouring province. But this decree affected 
 only the pei-son of Julius and was only the momentary makeshift of 
 a hard-pressed minority. It therefore attracted no attention and was 
 soon forgotten,— only Rome forgot it not. 
 
 4. From Liberius to Anastasius, A.D. 352 to A.D. 402. — Julius' successor 
 Liberius, ' a.d. 352 to a.d. 866, maintained with equal steadfastness as his 
 
 1 Ilefcle, " Hist, of Councils." Yol. ii. Ediu., 187G, pp. 231 ff., 4S3 ff.
 
 266 THE GE.TICO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 328-692. 
 
 picJecessor the confession of the orthodox Nicene faith, and was there- 
 fore banished by tlie Emperor Constantius in a.d. 355, who appointed as 
 his successor the accommodating deacon Fehx. But the members of the 
 church would have nothing to do with the contemptible intruder, who 
 moreover on the very day of the deportation of Liberius had solemnly 
 sworn with the whole clergy of Eome to remain faithful to the exiled 
 bishop. He succeeded indeed in drawing over to himself a considerable 
 number of the clergy. The people, however, continued unfalteringly 
 true to their banished bishop, and even after he had in a.d. 358 by sign- 
 ing a heretical creed (§ 50, 3) obtained permission to retirrn, they received 
 him again with unfeigned joy. It was the emperor's wish that Liberius 
 and Felix should jointly preside over the Eoman church. But Felix was 
 driven away by the people and could not again secure a footing among 
 them. Liberius, who henceforth held his position in Eome as a Nicfean, 
 amnestied those of the clergy who had fallen away. But the schism 
 occasioned thereby in the church of Eome broke out with great violence 
 after his death. A rigorist minority repudiated Damasus I., a.d. 3GG to 
 A.D. 384, who had been chosen as his successor by the majority, because 
 he too at an earlier date had belonged to the oath-breaking party of 
 Felix. This minority elected Ursinus as anti-bishop. Over this there 
 were contentions that led to bloodshed. The party of Damasus attacked 
 the church of Ursinus and one hundred and thirty-seven corpses were 
 carried out. Valentinian III. now exiled Ursinus, and Gratian in a.d. 
 378 by an edict conferred upon Damasus the right of giving decision 
 without appeal as party and judge in one person against all bishops and 
 clergy involved in the schism. In consequence of this victory of Damasus 
 as partisan of Felix there was now formed in Eome a tradition which has 
 passed over into the lists of the popes and the martyrologies, in which 
 Liberius figures as the adherent of a heretical emperor and a bloody 
 persecutor of the true Nicene faith and Felix II. as the legitimate pope. 
 He is also confounded with the martyr Felix who suffered under Maxi- 
 mian and was celebrated in song by Paulinus Nolanus, and is thus 
 represented as a holy martyr.^ To the pontificate of Siricius, a.d. 381 
 to a.d. 398, the western church is indebted for the oldest extant papal 
 decretals dating from a.d. 385 which contain a reply to various questions 
 of the Spanish bishop couched quite in the hierarchical form and insist- 
 ing in strong terms upon the binding obligation of clerical celibacy. 
 Subsequently the same pope, burdened with " the care of all the 
 churches," feels himself obliged to issue an encyclical to all the churches 
 of the West, denouncing the frequent neglect of existing ecclesiastical 
 laws. In the Origenist controversy between Jerome and Eufiuus (§ 51, 
 
 1 Comp. DoUinger, " Fables Eespecting the Popes of the Middle Ages." 
 Lond., 1871.
 
 § 46 B. HISTORY OF THE ROMAN CHAIR. 2G7 
 
 2) lie favoured the latter; —whereas his successor, Auastasius, a.d. 398 
 to A.D. 402, took the side of Jerome. 
 
 5. From Innocent I. to Zosimus, A.D. 402 to A.D. 418.— In consequence 
 of the partition of the empire into an eastern and a western division in 
 A.D> 364 (comp. § 42, 4), the claims o'f the Roman chair to ecclesiastical 
 supremacy over the whole of the West were not only confirmed biit also 
 very considerably extended. For by this partition the western half of 
 the empire included not only those countries which had previously been 
 reckoned western, namely, Africa, Spain, Britain, Gaul and Italy, but 
 also the prefecture of Illyricum (Greece, Thessaly, Macedonia, Dalmatia, 
 Panuoula, Moesia, Dacia) with its capital Thessalouica, and thus events 
 played into the hands of those who i^ressed the patriarchical claims of 
 Rome. Even when in a.d. 379 Eastern Illyria (Macedonia, Moesia and 
 Dacia) was attached to the Eastern empire, the Roman bishops continued 
 still to regard it as belonging to their patriarchal domain. These claims 
 were advanced with special emphasis and with corresponding success by 
 Innocent I., a.d. 402 to a.d. 417. Wlien iu a.d. 402 he intimated to the 
 archbishop of Thessalouica his elevation to the chair, he at the same 
 time transferred to him as his reiwesentative the oversight of all the 
 Illyrian provinces, and to his successor, in a.d. 412, he sent a formal 
 document of installation as Roman vicar. Not only did he apply to the 
 Roman chair that canon of the Council of Sardica which had referred 
 only to the person of Julius, but in a decretal to a Gallic bishop he 
 extended also the clearly circumscribed right of appeal on the part of 
 condemned bishops into an obligation to submit all " cmiscc majores " to 
 the decision of the apostolic see. From Africa a Carthaginian Synod in 
 A.D. 401 sent messengers to Rome in order to secure its intercession with 
 the emperor to put down the Donatists. From the East Theophilus of 
 Alexandria and Chrysostom of Constantinople solicited the weighty in- 
 fluence of Rome in the Origenist controversy (§ 51, 3) ; and Alexander of 
 Antioch (§ 50, 8) expresses the proud satisfaction he had, as only Western 
 bishops had done before, in asking the Roman bishop's advice on various 
 constitutional and disciplinary matters. During the Pelagian controversy 
 (§ 53, 4) the Palestinian Synod at Diospolis in a.d. 415 interceded with 
 the Pope in favour of Pelagius accused of heresy in Africa ; on the other 
 hand the African Synods of Mileve and Carthage in a.d. 41G besieged him 
 with the demand to give the sanction of his authority to their con- 
 demnation of the heretic. He took the side of the Anti-Pelagians, and 
 Augustine could shower upon the heretics the pregnant words: lioma 
 locuta . . . causa finita. — The higher the authority of the Roman chair 
 rose under Innocent, all the more painful to Rome must the humiliation 
 have been, which his successor Zosimus, a.d. 417-418, called down upon 
 it, when he, in opposition to his predecessor, took the part of Pelagius 
 and his companion Ccelestius, and addressed bitter reproaches to the
 
 268 THE C-K^CO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 3-23-G92. 
 
 A.fr.'cans for their treatment of him, but afterwards in consequence of 
 tbcir vigorous remonstrances and the interference of the emperor Honorius 
 was obliged to withdraw his previous judgment and formally to condemn 
 his quondam protege. And when a deposed presbyter of Africa, Apiarius, 
 sought refuge in Eonie, the Council of Carthage in a.d. 418, in which 
 Augustine also took part, made this an excuse for forbidding under threat 
 of excommunication any appeal ad transmarina judicia. Zosimus indeed 
 appealed to the canon of the Sardican Synod, which he quoted as Nicene ; 
 but the Africans, to whom that canon was quite unknown, only said that 
 on this matter they must make inquiries among the Eastern churches.^ 
 
 G. From Bonifaca I. to Sixtus Ilf., A.D. 419 to A.D. 440.— After the 
 death of Zosimus, 2GthDec., 418, a minority of the clergy and the people, 
 by the hasty election and ordination of the deacon Eulalius, anticipated 
 the action of the majority who chose the presbyter Boniface. The re- 
 commendation of the city prefect Symmachus secured for the former the 
 recognition of the Emperor Honorius ; but the determined remonstrance 
 of the majority moved him to convene a Synod at Eavenna in a.d. 4iy 
 for a final settlement of the dispute. When the bishops there assembled 
 could not agree, he called a new Synod to meet at Spoleto at the approach- 
 ing Easter festival, and ordered, so as to make an end of disturbances 
 and tumults in the city, that both rivals should quit Eome until a deci- 
 sion had been reached. Eulalius, however, did not regard the injunction 
 but pushed his way by force of arms into the city. The Emperor now 
 banished him from Eome on pain of death, and at Spoleto the bishops 
 decided in consequence of the moderation he had shown, to recognise 
 Boniface I., a.d. 419 to a.d. 422, as bishop of Eome. His successor was 
 Coelestine I., A D. 422 to a.d. 432. Apiarius, who meanwhile, because he 
 professed repentance and besought forgiveness, had been restored, began 
 anew to offend, was again deposed, and again obtained protection and 
 encouragement at Eome. But an African Synod at Carthage energeti- 
 cally protested against Cuelestine's interference, charging him with having 
 often referred to a Nicene canon warranting the right of appeal to Eome 
 which the most diligent inquiries among the churches of Constantinople, 
 Alexandria and Antioch, had failed to discover. On the outbreak of the 
 Nestorian controversy (§ 52, 3) two opponents again sued for the favour 
 of the Eoman league ; first of all, Nestorius of Constantinople, because 
 he professed to have given particular information about the Pelagian- 
 minded bishops driven from Italy who sought refuge in Constantinople 
 (§ 53, 4) and had immediately made a communication about the error of 
 confounding the two natures of Christ which had recently sprung up in the 
 East. The brotherly tone of this writing, free from any idea of subordi- 
 nation, found no response at Eome. The letters of Cyril of Alexandria 
 
 ^ Milman, " Latin Christianity." Vol. i.
 
 § 46 B. HISTOBY OF THE EOMAN CHAIR. 269 
 
 proved more acceptable, filled as they were with cringing flatteries of the 
 Eoman chair and venomous invectives against the Constantiuopolitan 
 see and its occupier. Coelestine unreservedly took the side of Cyril, 
 commanded Nestorius under threat of deposition and excommunication 
 within ten days to present to a Eoman Synod, a.d. 420, a written retrac- 
 tation, and remitted to Cyril the carrying out of this judgment. To his 
 legates at the Council of Ephesns, a.d. 431, he gave the instructions: 
 Auctoritatem sedisapostolicce cnstodire deherc mandamus. . . . Ad dis- 
 ceptationcm si fuerit ventiim, vos de eorum sentenllis judicare debetis, non 
 subire certamen. The Council decided precisely according to Coelestine's 
 wish. The proud Alexandrian patriarch had recognised Eome as the 
 highest court of appeal ; a Western educated at Eome, named Maximian, 
 thoroughly submissive to Ccelestine, was, with the pope's hearty ai^proval, 
 raised to the patriarchal see of Constantinople as successor of the deposed 
 Nestorius ; only John of Antioch opposed the decision. Ccelestine's 
 successor Sixtus III., a.d. 432 to a.d. 440, could already boast in a.d. 433 
 that he had put himself superior to the decrees of the Council, and in com- 
 memoration of the victory dedicated a beautiful church newly built to 
 the mother of God, now called S. Maria Magcjiore^ 
 
 7. From Leo the Great to Simplicius, A.D. 440 to A.D. 483. — Leo I., a.d. 
 440 to A.D. 461 (comp. § 47, 22), unquestionably up to that date the 
 greatest of all the occupants of the Eoman chair, was also the most 
 powerful, the worthiest and most successful vindicator of its authority 
 in the East as well as in the West ; indeed he may be regarded as pro- 
 perly the founder of the Eoman papacy as a universal episcopate with 
 the full sanction of the civil power. Even the AVestern Fathers of the 
 4th and uth centuries, such as Hilary, Ambrose, Jerome and Augustine, 
 as also Innocent I., had still interpreted the Trirpa of Matt. xvi. 18 partly 
 of the confession of Peter, i^artly of the Person of Christ. First in the 
 time of Coelestine an attempt was made to refer it to the person of Peter. 
 The legates of Ccelestine at the Council of Ephesus in a.d. 431 had said : 
 offTLi-, ews Tou vdv KoX det iv Tot's avTou 5ta5Jx<"s ««■'■ tv ko-'^ St/cdfei. Thus 
 they claimed universal primacy as of immediately Divine authority. 
 Leo I. adopted this view with all his soul. In the most determined and 
 persistent way he carried it out in the West ; then next in proconsular 
 Africa which had so energetically protested in the times of Innocent and 
 Ccelestine against Eomish pretensions. When news came to him of 
 various improprieties spreading there, he sent a legate to investigate, and 
 in consequence of his report addressed severe censures which were sub- 
 mitted to without opposition. The right of African clerics to appeal to 
 Eome was also henceforth unchallenged. In Gaul, however, Leo had 
 
 1 Bright, " Hist, of Church from a.d. 813-451." 2 ed. Cambr.,18G9. 
 Milman, " Latin Christianity." Vol. i.
 
 270 THE GEJ3C0-E0MAN CHUECII, A.D, 323-692. 
 
 still to maiutain a hard struggle with Hilary, arclibisUop of Aries, who, 
 arrogating to himself the right of a primacy of Gaul, had deposed Celedo- 
 nius, bishop of Besontio, Besawjon. But Leo took up his case and had 
 him vindicated and restored by a Eoman Synod. Hilary, who came 
 himself to Eome, defied the Pope, escaped threatened imprisonment by 
 secret flight, and was then deprived of his metroi^olitan rights. At the 
 same time, in a.d. 445, Leo obtained from the young Emperor of the West, 
 Valentinian III., a civil enactment which made every sort of resistance 
 to the divinely established universal primacy of the Eoman see an act of 
 high treason. — In the East, too, Leo gained a higher position than had 
 ever before been accorded to Eome on account of his moderation in the 
 Eutychian controversy (§ 52, 4). Ouce again was Eome called in to 
 mediate between the two couflictiug parties. At the Eobber- Synod of 
 Ephesus in a d. 449, under the presidency of the tyrannical Dioscurus of 
 Alexandria, the legates of Leo were not, indeed, allowed to speak. But at 
 the next cecumenical Council at Chalcedon in a.d. 451 his doctrine won 
 a brilliant victory ; even here, however, much objection was raised to his 
 hierarchical pretensions. He demanded from the first the presidency for 
 his legates, which, however, was assigned not to them, but to the imperial 
 commissioners. The demand, too, for the expulsion of Dioscurus from 
 the Synod, because he dared Synodum facere sine anctoritate sedis apos- 
 toUccB, quod mtviqiiam liciiit, numqueiii factum est, did not, at first at 
 least, receive the answer required. When, notwithstanding the opposi- 
 tion of the legates the question of the relative ranks of the patriarchs 
 was dealt with, they withdrew from the session and subsequently pro- 
 tested against the 28th canon agreed ujJon at that session with a reference 
 to the Gth Nicene canon which in the Eoman translation, i.e. forgery, 
 began with the words : Ecdesia II nnana semper liahuit i^rimatum. But 
 the Council sent the Acts with a dutiful report to Eome for confirmation, 
 whereupon Leo strictly repudiated the 28th canon, threatening the 
 church of Constantinople with excommunication, and so finally gained 
 his point. The emperor annulled it in a.d. 454, and Anatolius, patriarch 
 of Constantinople, was obliged to write a humble letter to Leo acquiesc- 
 ing in its erasure; but this did not prevent his successor from always 
 maintaining its validity (§ 63, 2). — When the wild hordes of Attila, king 
 of the Huns, spread terror and consternation by their approach, Leo's 
 priestly form appeared before him as a messenger of God, and saved Eome 
 and Italy from destruction. Less successful was his priestly intercession 
 with the Ariau Vandal chief Genseric, whose army in a.d. 455 plundered, 
 burnt and murdered throughout Eome for fourteen days ; but all the more 
 strikingly after his withdrawal did the pope's ability display itself in 
 restoring comfort and order amid scenes of unutterable destitution and 
 confusion. 
 8. From Felix III. to Boniface II., A.D. 483 to A.D. 532.— Under Leo's
 
 § 46 B. HISTORY OF THE ROMAN CHAIR. 271 
 
 secoutl successor, the Eugiaii or Scyniau Odoacor put au eud to the 
 West-Roman empire in a.d. 476 (§ 76, 6), As to the enactments of the 
 Roman state, although himself an Arian, after seventeen years of a wise 
 rule he left iintouched the orthodox Roman church, and the Roman 
 bishops could under him, as under his successor, the Ostrogoth Theodoric, 
 also au Arian, from a.d. 493 to a.d. 526, more freely exercise their 
 ecclesiastical functions than under the previous government, all the 
 more as neither of these rulers resided in Rome but in Ravenna. Pope 
 Felix III., A.D. 483 to a.d. 492, in opposition to the Byzantine ecclesias- 
 tical policy, which by means of the imperial authority had for quite a 
 hundred years retarded the development of the orthodox doctrine (§ 52, 
 ')), began a schism lasting for thirty-five years between East and West, 
 from A.D. 484 to a.d. 519, which no suspicion of disloyal combination 
 with the Western rulers can account for. On the appointment of Felix 
 III. Odoacer assumed the right of confirming all elections of Popes, just 
 as iDreviously the West Roman emperors had claimed, and Rome sub- 
 mitted without resistance. The Gothic kings, too, maintained this right. 
 — Gelasius I., a.d. 492 to a.d. 496 (comp. § 47, 22), ventured before the 
 Emperor Anastasius I., in a.d. 493, to indicate the relation of Saccrdoiium 
 and Imperimu according to the Roman conception, which akeady exhibits 
 in its infant stage of development the mediaeval theory of the two swords 
 (§ 110, 1) and the favourite analogy of the sun and the moon (§ 96, 9). 
 His peaceable successor Anastasius II., a.d. 496 to a.d. 498, entered into 
 negotiations for peace witli the Byzantine court ; but a number of Roman 
 fanatics wished on this account to have him cast out of the communion 
 of the church, and saw in his early death a judgment of heaven upon 
 his conduct. He has ever since been regarded as a heretic, and as such 
 even Dante consigns him to a place in hell. After his death there was 
 a disputed election between Symmacliiis, a.d. 498 to a.d. 514, and Lau- 
 reutius. The schism soon degenerated into the wildest civil war, in 
 which blood was shed in the churches and in the streets. Theodoric 
 decided for Symmachus as the choice of the majority and the first 
 ordained, but his opponents then charged him before the king as guilty 
 of the gravest crimes. To investigate the charges brought against the 
 bishop the king now convened at Rome a Synod of all the Italian bishops, 
 Synodus ^jft/jKa/w's of a.d. 502, so called from the porch of St. Peter's 
 Church adorned with palms, where it first met. As Symmaclfus on his 
 way to it was met by a wild mob of his opponents and only narrowly 
 escaped with his life, Theodoric insisted no longer on a regular proof 
 of the charges against him. The bishops without any investigation 
 freely proclaimed him their pope, and the deacon Eunodius of Pavia, 
 known also as a hymn writer, commissioned by them to make an 
 apology for their procedure, laid down the proposition that the pope who 
 himself is judge over all, cannot be judged of any man. Bloody street
 
 272 THE GEZECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-G92. 
 
 fifibts between the two parties, however, still continued by day and 
 night. Symmachus' successor Hormisdas, a.d. Sli to a.d. 523, had the 
 satisfaction of seeing the Byzantine court, in order to prepare the way 
 for the winning back of Italy, seeking for reconciliation with the Western 
 church, and in a.d. 519 submitting to the humbling conditions of re- 
 storation to church fellowship offered by the pope. A sharj) edict of the 
 West Eoman emperor Justin II. against the Arians of his empire caused 
 Theodoric to send an embassy in their favour to Constantinople, at the 
 head of which stood John I., a.d. 523 to a.d. 526, with a threat of re- 
 prisals. The pope, however, seems rather to have utilized his journey 
 for intrigues against the Italian government of the Goths, for after his 
 return Theodoric caused him to be cast into prison, in which he died. 
 He was succeeded by Felix IV. a.d. 52G to a.d. 530, after whose death 
 the election was again disputed by two rivals. This schism, however, 
 was only of short duration, since Dioscurus, the choice of the majority, 
 died during the next month. His rival Boniface II., a.d. 530 to a.d. 532, 
 a Goth by birth and favoured by the Ostrogoth government, applied 
 himself with extreme severity to put down the opposing party. 
 
 9. From John II. to Pelagius II., A.D. 532 to A.D. 590.— Meanwhile 
 Justinian I. had been raised to the Byzantine throne, and his long reign 
 from A.D. 527 to a.d. 565, was in many ways a momentous one for the 
 fortunes of the Eoman bishopric. The reconquest of Italy, from a.d, 
 536 to A.D. 553, by his generals Belisarius and Narses, and the sub- 
 seqiient founding of the Exarchate at Eavenna in a.d. 567, at the head 
 of which a representative of the emperor, a so-called Eoman patrician 
 stood, freed the pope indeed from the control of the Arian Ostrogoths 
 which since the restoration of ecclesiastical fellowship with the East had 
 become oppressive, but it brought them into a new and much more 
 serious dependence. For Justinian and his successors demanded from 
 the Eoman bishops as well as from the patriarchs of Constantinople un- 
 conditional obedience. — Agapetus I., a d. 535 to a.d. 536, sent as peace- 
 maker by the Goths to Constantinople, escaped the fate of John I. per- 
 haps just because he suddenly died there. Under his successor Silverius, 
 A.D. 536 to A.D. 537, Belisarius, in December, a.d. 536, made his entry 
 into Eome, and in the March following he deiwsed the pope and sen- 
 tenced him to banishment. This he did at the instigation of the 
 Empress Theodora whose machinations in favour of Monophysitism had 
 been already felt by Agapetus. Theodora had already designated the 
 wretched Vigilius, a.d. 537 to a.d. 555, as his successor. He had pur- 
 chased her favour by the promise of two hundred pounds of gold and 
 acquiescence in the condemnation of the so-called three chapters (§ 52, 
 6) so eagerly desired by her. Owing to his cowardliness and want of 
 character Africa, North Italy and Illyria shook off tlieir allegiance to the 
 Eoman see and maintaiucd their indcpcndcn'c for more than half a cm-
 
 § 4G 13. HISTORY OF THE ROMAN CHAIR. 273 
 
 tury. Terrilied by this disaster he partly retracted his earlier agreement 
 with the empress, and Justinian sent him into exile. He siibmittcd 
 unconditionally and was forgiven, but died before reaching Rome. 
 Pelagius I., a.d. 555 to a.d. 560, also a creature of Theodora, subscribed 
 the agreement and so confirmed the Western schism which Gregory the 
 Great first succeeded in overcoming. — The fantastic attempt of Justinian 
 to raise his obscure birthplace Tauresium, the modern Bulgarian 
 Achrida, to the rank of a metropolis as Justiuianopolis or Prima 
 Justiniana, and its bishop to the rank of patriarch with Eastern Illyria 
 as his patriarchate, proved, notwithstanding the consent of Vigilius, a 
 still-born child. 
 
 10. From Gregory I. to Boniface V., A.D. 690 to A.D. 625.— After the 
 papal chair had been held by three insignificant popes in succession 
 Gregory the Great, a.d. 590 to a.d. GO! (comp. § 47, 22), was raised to the 
 Apostolic see, the greatest, most capable, noblest, most pious and most 
 superstitious in the whole long series of popes. He took the helm of the 
 church at a time when Italy was reduced to the most terrible destitution 
 by the savage and ruthless devastations of the Arian Longobards lasting 
 over twenty years (§ 70, 8), and neither the emperor nor his exarch at 
 Ravenna had the means of affording help. Gregory could not allow 
 Italy and the church to perish utterly under these desperata circum- 
 stances, and so was compelled to assume the functions of civil authority. 
 When the Longobards in a.d. 593 oppressed Rome to the uttermost 
 there remained nothiug for him but to purchase their withdrawal with 
 the treasures of the church, and the peace finally concluded with them 
 in a.d. 599 was his and not the exarch's work. The exceedingly rich 
 possessions of lands and goods, the so-called Patrimoniuvi Petri, extend- 
 ing throughout all Italy and the islands, brought him the authority of 
 a powerful secular prince far beyond the bounds of the Roman duchy, 
 in comparison with which the rank of the exarch himself was insignifi- 
 cant. The Longobards too treated with him as an independent political 
 power. Gregory, therefore, may rightly be regarded as the first founder 
 of the temporal power of the Papacy on Italian soil. But all this as 
 we can easily understand provoked no small dislike of the pope at Con- 
 stantinople. The pope, on the other hand, was angry with the Emperor 
 Maurice because he gave no consideration to his demand that the 
 patriarch, Johannes Jejunator, should be prohibited from assuming the 
 title 'EiriffKOTTos oIkov/jlcpikos. Gregory's own position in regard to the 
 primacy appears from his Epistles. He writes to the bishop of Syracuse : 
 Si qua culpa in episcopis invenltur, nescio, quis Sedi apostolicce sxihjectus 
 71011 sit; cum vero culpa non existit, omnes secundum rationem humiUtatis 
 crquales sunt. And with this reservation it was certainly meant when 
 he, in a letter to the patriarch of Alexandria, who had addressed him as 
 " Uiiicersalis Paya," most distinctly refused this title and readily con- 
 
 T
 
 274 THE GR^ECO-EOMAN CHUECII, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 ceded to the Alexnndiiau as well as to tlie Autiocliean see, as of Petiine 
 origin (the Antiochean directly, § 16, 1 ; the Alexandrian indirectly 
 through Mark, § 16, 4), equal rank and dignity with that of Eome; and 
 when he denounced as an anti-Christ every bishop who would raise him- 
 self above his fellow bishojis. Thus he compared Johannes Jejunator 
 to Lucifer who wished to exalt himself above all the angels. Gregory, 
 on the other hand, in proud humilitj' styled himself, as all subsequent 
 popes have done, Servus servorum Dei. When he extolled the Frankish 
 Jezebel Brunhilda (§ 77, 7), who had besought him to send her relics and 
 at another time a pallium for a bishop, as an exemjilary pious Christian 
 woman and a wise ruler, he may, owing to the defective communication 
 between Eome and Gaul, have had no authentic information about her 
 doings and disi^osition. The memory of the otherwise noble-minded 
 pope is more seriously aiJected by his conduct in reference to the 
 emperor Phocas, a.d. 602 to a.d. 610, the murderer of the noble and just 
 emperor Maurice, whom he congratulates upon his elevation to the 
 throne, and makes all the angelic choirs of heaven and all tongues on 
 earth break forth in jubilees and hymns of thanksgiving ; but even here 
 again, when he thus wrote, the news of his iniquities, — not only the 
 slaughter of the emperor, but also of his queen, his five sons and three 
 daughters, etc., by which this demon in human form cut his way to the 
 throne, — may not have been known to him in their full extent. — Phocas, 
 however, showed himself duly thankful, for at the request of pope 
 Boniface III., a.d. 006 to a.d. 007, he refused to allow the patriarch of 
 Coustautinople to assume the title of Universal bishop, while at the 
 same time he formally acknowledged the chair of Peter at Eome as 
 Capnt omnium ecclesiarum. To the next pope Boniface IV., a.d. 608 to 
 A.D. 01-5, he presented the beautiful Pantheon at Eome, which from being 
 a temple dedicated to Cybele, the mother of the gods, and to all the gods, 
 he turned into a church of the mother of God and of all the martyrs.^ 
 
 11. From HoHorius I. to Gregory III., A.D. 625 to A.D. 741.— For almost 
 fifty years, from a.d. 033 under Honorius I., a.d. 025 to a.d. 638, the third 
 successor of Boniface IV., the Monotlielite controversy (§ 52, 8) continued 
 its disastrous course. Honorius, a pious and peace-loving man, had 
 seen nothing objectionable in this attempt of the Emperor Heraclius 
 (a.d. 611 to A.D. 641) to win the numerous Monophysites back to the 
 unity of the church by the concession of one will in the two natures of 
 Christ, and was prepared to co-operate in the work. But the convic- 
 tion grew more and more strong that the doctrine proposed in the 
 interests of jjeace was itself heretical. All subsequent bishops of Eome 
 therefore unanimously condemned as an accursed heresy (§ 52, 9), what 
 their predecessor Honorius had agreed to and confessed. This explains 
 how the exarch of Eavenna delayed for more tlian a year the contJrma- 
 
 ^ Kellett, "Pope Gregory the Great and his Eelatious with Gaul' 
 (Cambridge Essays, No. ii.). Cambridge, 1889.
 
 § 4G 13. HISTORY OF THE ROMAN CHAIR. 275 
 
 tion of the election of the next pope, Severiims, a.d. G38 to a d. G40, and 
 granted it only in a.d. GIO as amends for his wholesale iilundering of 
 the treasury of the Roman church to supply his own financial deficien- 
 cies. In the time of Martm I., a.d. 649 to a.d. 653, the Emperor Con- 
 stans II., A.D. 642 to a.d. 668, sought to make an end of the bitter 
 controversy by the strict prohibition of any statement as to one will or 
 two wills. The determined pope had to suffer for his opposition by 
 severe imprisonment and still more trying banishment, in which he 
 suffered from hunger and other miseries (a.d. 655). The new emperor 
 Constantinus Pogouuatus, a.d. 668 to a.d. 685, finally recognised the 
 indispensable necessity of securing reconciliation with the West. In 
 a.d. 680, he convened an oecumenical Council at Constantinople at 
 which the legates of the pope Agatho, a.d. 678 to a.d. 682, the fifth suc- 
 cessor of Martin I., once more prescribed to the Greeks what should 
 henceforth be regarded throughout the whole empire as the orthodox 
 faith. The Council sent its Acts to Rome with the request that they 
 might be confirmed, which Agatho's successor, Leo XL, a.d. 682 to a.d. 
 G83, did, notwithstanding the condemnation therein very pointedly 
 expressed of the heretical pope Honorius, which indeed he explicitly 
 approved. — Once again in a.d. 686, the Roman church was threatened 
 with a schism by a double election to the papal chair. Tbis, however, 
 was averted by the opposing electors, lay and clerical, agreeing to set 
 aside both candidates and uniting together in the election of the Thracian 
 Coiion, A.D. G86 to a.d. 687. Precisely the same thing happened with a 
 f-imilar result on the death of Conon. The new candidate whom both 
 parties agreed upon this time was Sergius I., a.d. 687 to a.d. 701, but he 
 was obliged to purchase the exarch's confirmation by a present of a 
 hundred pounds of gold. His rejection of the conclusions of the second 
 TruUan Council at Constantinople in a.d. 692 (§ 63, 2), which in various 
 points disregarded the preten.sions of Rome, brought him into conflict 
 with the emperor Justinian II., a.d. 685 to a.d. 711. The result of this 
 contest was to show that the power and authority of the pope in Italy 
 were at this time greater than those of the emperor. When the emj^ercr 
 sent a high official to Rome with the order to bring the pope prisoner to 
 Constantinople, almost the whole population of the exarchate gathered 
 out in the pope's defence. The Byzantine ambassador sought and 
 obtained i^rotection from the pope, under whose bed he crept, and was 
 then allowed to quit Rome in safety, followed by the scorn and abuse 
 of the people. Soon thereafter, in a.d. 695, Justinian was overthrown, 
 and with slit ears and nose sent into exile. In a.d. 705, having been 
 restored by the Bulgarian king, he immediately took fearful revenge 
 upon the rebel inhabitants of Ravenna. Pope Constantino I., a.d. 708 
 to a.d. 715, intimidated by what he had seen, did not dare to refuse the 
 imperial mandate which summoned him to Byzantium for the arrange-
 
 27G THE GE.EC0-I10MAN CHUECH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 ment of ecclesiastical differences. With fear and trembling he em- 
 barked. But he succeeded in coming to an understanding with the 
 emperor, who received and dismissed him with every token of respect. 
 Under his successor, Gregory II., a.d. 715 to a.d. 731, the Byzantine 
 iconoclast controversy (§ 66, 1) gave occasion to an almost complete 
 rupture between the papacy and the Byzantine empire ; and under 
 Gregory III., a.d. 731 to a.d. 7il, the papacy definitely withdrew from 
 the Byzantine and put itself under the Prankish government. Down 
 to the latest age of the exarchate of Raveuua the confirmation of papal 
 elections by the emperor or his representative, the exarch, was always 
 maintained, and only after it had been given was consecration allowed. 
 This is proved both from the biographies of the papal books and from 
 the relative formula of petition in the Liber diurnus Eom. Pontificum, 
 a collection of formulfe for the performance of the most important acts 
 in the service of the Komish Church made between a.d. 685 and a.d. 
 751. The election itself was in the hands of the three orders of the city 
 {clerus, exercitus andpopulus). — Continuation § 82. 
 
 III. THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE AND LITERATURE. 
 
 § 47. The Theological Schools and their jiost 
 celebrated representatives. 
 
 Tlie Ancient Chtircla reached its highest glory during tlie 
 4th and 5th centuries. The number of theological schools 
 properly so-called (§ 45, 1) was indeed small, and so the 
 most celebrated theologians were self-taught in theology. 
 But all the greater must the intellectual resources of this 
 age have been and all the more powerful the general striv- 
 ing after culture, when the outward means, helps and 
 opportunities for obtaining scientific training were so few. 
 The middle of the 5th century, marked by the Council of 
 Chalcedon in a.d. 451, may be regarded as the turning point 
 Avhere the greatest height in theological science and in other 
 ecclesiastical developments was reached, and from this point 
 we may date the beginnings of decline. After this the 
 S2:)irit of independent research gradually disappeared from 
 the Eastern as well as from the Western Church. Political 
 oppression, hierarchical exclusivcness, narrowing monasti-
 
 § 47. THEOLOGIANS AND THEOLOGICAL SCHOOLS. 277 
 
 cism and enci'oacliing barbarism choked all free scientific 
 effort, and tlie industry of compilers took tlie place of fresh 
 youthful intellectual production. The authority of the 
 older church teachers stood so high and was regarded as 
 binding in so eminent a degree that at the Councils argu- 
 ment was carried on almost solely by means of quotations 
 from the writings ot those fathers who had been recognised 
 as orthodox. 
 
 1. Tlie Theological Schools and Tendencies : — {a) In the 4th and 5th 
 centuries. — Since the time of tlie two Dionj-siuses (§ 33, 7) the Alexan- 
 drian theology had been divided into two different directions which we 
 may distinguish as the old and the new Alexandrian. The Old Alexan- 
 drian School held by the subordinationist view of Origen and strove to keep 
 open to scientific research as wide a field as possible. Its representatives 
 showed deep reverence for Origen but avoided his more eccentric specula- 
 tions. Its latest offshoot was the Semiarianism with which it came to an 
 end in the middle of the 4th century. This same free scientific tendency 
 in theology was yet more decidedly shown iu the Antiochean School. 
 Although at first animated by the spirit which Origen had introduced 
 into theology, its further development was a thoroughly independent 
 one, departing from its original in many particulars. To the allegorical 
 method of interpretation of the Origenist school it opposed the natural 
 grammatico-historical interpretation, to its mystical speculation, clear 
 positive thinking. Inquiry into the simple literal sense of holy scripture 
 and the founding of a purely biblical theology were its tasks. Averse to 
 all mysteries, it strove after a positive, rational conception of Christ- 
 ianity and after a construction of dogma by means of clear logical 
 thought. Hence its dogmatic aim was pre-eminently the careful dis- 
 tinguishing of the divine and human in Christ and in Christianity, 
 forming a conception of each by itself and securing especially in both 
 due recognition of the human. The theology of the national East-Syrian 
 Church, far more than that of the Antiochean or Grreco- Syrian, was essen- 
 tially bound down by tradition. It had its seminaries in the theological 
 schools of Nisibis and Edessa. The oriental spirit was here displayed 
 in an unrestricted manner ; also a tendency to theosophy, mysticism 
 and asceticism, a special productiveness in developing forms of worship 
 and constitution, and withal doctrinal stability. In their exegesis the 
 members of this school co-operated with the Antioeheans, though not so 
 decidedly, in opposing the arbitrary allegorizing of the Origenist school, 
 but their exegetical activity was not, as with the Antioeheans, scientific 
 and critical but rather practical and homiletical. The New Alexandrian
 
 278 THE GE2EC0-E0MAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 School was the prevailing one for the 4th century so far as Alexandrian 
 culture was concerned. Its older representatives, at least, continued 
 devotedly attached to Origen and favourable to the speculative trcat- 
 meut of Christian doctrine introduced by him. But they avoided his 
 unscriptural extravagances and carried out consistently llie ecclesi- 
 astical elements of his doctrine. By a firm acceptance of the doctrine 
 of the eternal generation of the Son they overcame the subordiuatioitism 
 of their master, and in this broke away from the old Alexandrian school 
 and came into closer relations to the theology of the Western church. 
 To the Antiochean school, however, they were directly opposed in respect 
 of the delight they took in the mysteries of Christianity, and their disin- 
 clination to allow the reason to rule in theology. The union of the divine 
 and human in Christ and in Christianity seemed to them a sublime, in- 
 comprehensible mystery, any attempt to resolve it being regarded as alike 
 useless and profane. But in this way the human element became more 
 and more lost to view and became absorbed in the divine. They ener- 
 getically affirmed the inseparable union of the two, but thereby lost the 
 consciousness of their distinctness and fell into the contrary eiTor of 
 Antiochean onesidedness. With Cyril of Alexandria the New Alexandrian 
 school properly began to assume the form of a sect and to show symp- 
 toms of decay, although he himself retained the reputation of an 
 orthodox teacher. The Western Theology of this period, as well as its 
 North-African precursor (§ 31, 10, 11), energetically insisted upon the 
 application of Christianity to the life, the development of the doctrines 
 affecting this matter and the maintenance of the church system of 
 doctrine as a strong protection against all wilfulness in doctrine. In it 
 therefore the traditional theology finds its chief home. Still the points 
 of contact with the East were so many and so vital that however much 
 inclined to stability the West might be, it could not altogether remain 
 unmoved and without enrichment from the theological movements of the 
 age. Thus we distinguish in the West four different but variously inter- 
 connected tendencies. First of all there is the genuinely Western, which 
 is separated on the one hand in Tertullian and Cyprian, but on the 
 other hand is variously influenced by the talented teachers of the New 
 Alexandrian School, which continued to mould and dominate the cultured 
 theology of the West. Its chief representatives are Hilary of -Poitiers, 
 Ambrose, and above all, Augustine, who completely freed the Latin 
 theology from its hitherto prevailing dependence on the Greek, placing 
 it now upon its own feet. The representatives of this tendency were at 
 first in complete accord with the members of the New Alexandrian 
 school in their opposition to the semi-Arian Origenists and the Nestori- 
 auizing Antiocheans, but then as that school itself drifted into the 
 position of a heretical sect, they also decidedly contended for the other 
 side of the truth which the Antiochefin school maintained. A secoud
 
 § 47. THEOLOGIANS AND THEOLOGICAL SCHOOLS. 279 
 
 grouiJ of Western theologians were inspired b}' the writings of Origeu, 
 without, however, abandoning the characteristics of the Western spirit. 
 To this class belongs Jerome, who afterwards repudiated his master and 
 joined the previously named school, and Eufinus. The third group of 
 Pelagians represent the practical but cool rationalistic tendency of the 
 West. The fourth is that of the semi-Pelagiaus who in the Western 
 theology intermingle synergistic elements of an Antiochean complexion. 
 [b) Of the 6tli aud 7tli Centuries. — The brilliant period of theological 
 literature had now closed. There still were scholars who wrought 
 laboriously upon the original contributions of the fathers, and repro- 
 duced the thoughts of their predecfssors in a new shape suited to the 
 needs of the time, but spirit aud life, creative power and original pro- 
 ductivity had well nigh disapx^eared. After the monophysite .Johaniaes 
 Pliiloponus of Alexandria had commented on the works of Aristotle aud 
 applied their categories to theology, the Platonic philosophy, hitherto 
 on account of its ideal contents the favourite of all philosophizing 
 church fathers, was more and more set aside by the philosophy of the 
 Stagirite so richly developed on the formal side. The theology of the 
 Greeks even at so early a date assumed to some extent the character of 
 Scholasticism. Alongside of it, however, wo have a theosophic mysticism 
 which reverting from the tendency that had lately come into vogue to 
 Neoplatonic ideas, drew its chief inspiration from the Pseudo-Dionysian 
 writings. In the West, in addition to the general causes of decay, we 
 have also the sufferings of the times amid the tumult of the migration 
 of the nations. In Italy Boethius and Cassiodorus won for themselves 
 imperishable renown as the fosterers of classical aud patristic studies 
 in an age when these were in danger of being utterly forgotten. The 
 series of Latin church fathers in the strict sense ends with Gregory the 
 Great ; that of Greek church fathers with .Johannes Damasccnus. 
 
 I. THE MOST IMPORTANT TEACHERS OE THE 
 EASTERN CHURCH. 
 
 2. The Most Celebrated Representative of the Old Alexandrian School 
 is the father of Church History Ensebius Pamphili, i.e., the friend of 
 Pamphilus (§ 31, 6), bishop of Ctesarea from a.d. 314 to a.d. 310. 
 The favour of the emperor Constantiue laid the imperial archives open 
 to him for his historical studies. By his unwearied diligence as an 
 investigator and collector he far excels all the church teachers of his age 
 in comprehensive learning, to which we owe a great multitude of precious 
 extracts from long-lost writings of pagan and Christian antiquity. His 
 style is jejune, dry and clumsy, sometimes bombastic. His Historical 
 ■Writings supported on all sides by diligent research, want system and
 
 280 THE GR^CO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 regularity, and suffer from disproportionate treatment and distribution 
 of the material. To his 'EKKXrjaiaa-TiKr) la-ropia in 10 bks., reaching down 
 to A.D. 324, he adds a highly-coloured biography of Constantine in 
 4 bks., which is in some respects a continuation of his history ; and to 
 it, again, he adds a fawning panegyric on the emperor. — At a later date 
 he wrote an account of the Martyrs of Palestine during the Diocletian 
 persecution which was afterwards added as an appendix to the 8th bk. 
 of the History. A collection of old martj-rologies, three bks. on the life 
 of Pamphilus, and a treatise on the origin, celebration and history of 
 the Easter festival, have all been lost. Of great value, especially for the 
 synchronizing of biblical and profane history, was his diligently compiled 
 Chronicle, nai^rodairTj iaTopla, similar to that of Julius Africanus (§ 31, 3), 
 an abstract of universal history reaching down to a.d. 352, to which 
 chronological and synchronistic tables were added as a second part. 
 The Greek original has been lost, but Jerome translated it into Latin, 
 with arbitrary alterations, and carried it down to a.d, 378, — The Apolo- 
 getical Writings take the second place in importance. Still extant are 
 the two closely-connected works : Praparatio Evangelica, 'EuayyeXiKTj 
 irpoirapaaKevrj, in 15 bks., and the Demonstratio Evangelica, 'EvayyeXiKri 
 diroSei^ts, in 8 out of an original of 20 bks. The former proves the 
 absurdity of heathenism ; the latter, the truth and excellence of Christ- 
 ianity. A condensed reproduction of the contents and text of the 
 QeofpM'eia in 5 bks. is found only in a Syriac translation. The "EKXoyal 
 TrpocpTjTiKal. in 4 bks., of which only a portion is extant, expounds the 
 Old Testament in an allegorizing fashion for apologetic purposes ; and 
 the treatise against Hierocles (§ 23, 3) contests his comparison of Christ 
 with Apollonius of Tyana, A treatise in 30 bks. against Eorphyry, and 
 some other apologetical works are lost. — His Dogmatic Writings are of 
 far less value. These treatises — Kara 'MapKeWov, in 2 bks., the one 
 already named against Hierocles, and Jlepl rrjs iKKXyjcnaaTLKiis BeoXoyia^, 
 also against Marcellus (§ 50, 2)— are given as an Appendix in the editions 
 of the Demonstratio Evangelica. On his share in Pamphilus' Apology 
 for Origen, see § 31, 6 ; and on his Ep. to the Princess Constautin, see 
 § 57, 4. The weakness of his dogmatic productions was caused by his 
 vacillating and mediating position in the Arian controversy, where he 
 was the mouthpiece of the moderate semi-Arians (§ 50, 1, 3), and this 
 again was due to his want of speculative capacity and dogmatic culture. 
 — Of his Exegetical Writings the Commentaries on Isaiah and the Psalms 
 are the most complete, but of the others we have only fragments. We 
 have, however, his Towiko. in the Latin translation of Jerome : De Situ 
 ct Nominibus Locorum Hehrceonnn} 
 
 1 Engl. Transl. : " Eccles. Hist, with Life of Euseb. by Valesius." 
 Lond , 1843. " Theophania, or Div. Manifest, o^ the Lord," from Syr.
 
 § 47. TITEOLOCrlANS AND THEOLOGICAL SCHOOLS. 281 
 
 3. Clim-ch Fathers of the New Alexandrian School. — (n) The mo^t 
 couspicuous figure in the cliurch history of the 4th century is Athanasius, 
 styled byau admiring posterity Pater ortliodoxice. He was indeed every 
 inch of him a church father, and the history of his life is the history 
 of the church of his times. His life was full of heroic conflict. Unswerv- 
 ingly faithful, he was powerful and wise in building up the cliurch ; 
 great in defeat, great in victory. His was a life in which insight, will 
 and action, earnestness, force and gentleness, science and faith, blended 
 in most perfect harmony. In a.d. 319 he was a deacon in Alexandria. 
 His bishop Alexander soon discovered the eminent gifts of the young 
 man and took him with him to the Council of Nicaa in a.d. 325, where 
 he began the battle of his life. Soon thereafter, in a.d. 328, Alexander 
 died and Athanasius became his successor. He was bishop for forty- 
 five years, but was five times driven into exile. He spent about twenty 
 years in banishment, mostly in the West, and died in a.d. 373. His 
 writings are for the most part devoted to controversy against the Arians 
 (§ 50, 6) ; but he also contested ApoUiuarianism (§ 52, 1), and vindicated 
 Christianity against the attacks of the heathens in the pre-Arian treatise 
 in two bks. Contra Gentes, Kara 'EWrivwv, the first bk. of which argues 
 against heathenism, while the second expounds the necessity of the 
 incarnation of God in Christ. For a knowledge of his life and pastoral 
 activity the Lihri paschales, Festal letters (§ 5G, 3), are of great value.' 
 Of less importance are his exegetical, allegorical writings on the Psalms. 
 His dogmatic, apologetical and polemical works are all characterized by 
 sharp dialectic and profound speculation, and afford a great abundance 
 of brilliant thoughts, skilful arguments and discussions on fundamental 
 points in a style as clear as it is eloquent ; bnt we often miss systematic 
 arrangement of the material, and they siiffer from frequent repetition of 
 the same fundamental thoughts, defects which, from the circumstances 
 of their composition, amid the hot combats of his much agitated life, 
 may very easily be understood and excused.^ 
 
 4. (The Three Great Cappadocians.) — {h) Basil the Great, bishop of his 
 native city of Cjesarea in Cappadocia, is in very deed a " kingly " figure 
 in church history. His mother Emmelia and his grandmother Macrina 
 early instilled pious feelings into his youthful breast. Studying at 
 Athens, a friendship founded on love to the church and science soon 
 
 by Dr. Sam. Lee. Lond., 1843. " Life of Constantiue." Lond., 1841. 
 " Life of Eusebius," by Bright, prefixed to Oxf. ed. of Eccl. Hist, of 1872. 
 
 ' "Festal Epp. of Athanasius " (transl. from Syriac discovered in 1812 
 by Tattam, and first edited by Cureton in 1848). Oxf., 1854. 
 
 2 "Treatises against Arians." 2 vols. Oxf., 1842 (new ed., 1 vol., 1877). 
 " Historical Tracts." Oxf., 1843. " Select Tracts," with Newman's Notes. 
 2 vols. Lond., 1831.
 
 282 THE GRiECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 sprang up between him and his hlvemiuded countryman Gregory Nazi- 
 anzen, and somewhat later his own brother Gregory of Nyssa became 
 an equally attached member of the fraternity. After he had visited the 
 most celebrated ascetics in Syria, Palestine and Egypt, he continued 
 long to live in solitude as an ascetic, distributed his property among the 
 poor, and became presbyter in a.d. 364, bishop in a.d. 370. He died in 
 A.D. 379. The whole rich life of the man breathed of the faith that 
 overcometh the world, of self-denying love and noble purpose. He gave 
 the whole powers of his mind to the holding together of the Catholic 
 church in the East during the violent persecution of the Arian Valens. 
 The most beautiful testimony to his noble character was the magnificent 
 Basil institute, a hospital in Cajsarea, to which he, while himself living in 
 the humblest manner, devoted all his rich revenues. His writings, too, 
 entitle Basil to a place among the most distinguished church fathers. 
 They afford evidence of rich classical culture as well as of profound 
 knowledge of Scripture and of human nature, and are vigorous in ex- 
 pression, beautiful and pictorial in stj^le. In exegesis he follows the 
 allegorical method. Among his dogmatic writings the following are the 
 most important : LI. 5 Adv. Eiinomium (§ 50, 3) and De Spiritu s. ad 
 Amphilochiuvi against the Pneumatomaehians (§ 50, 5). The other 
 writings bearing his name comprise 3G5 Epistles, moral and ascetic 
 tractates, Homilies on the Hexremeron and 13 Psalms, and Discourses 
 (among them, Hjoos toi)s j'eoi's, ottws a;* e^ iWrjviKdJv thcpeKoivTo Xj^wj'), a 
 larger and a short Monastic rule, and a Liturgy.' — (c) Gregory Nazianzen 
 was born in the Cappadocian village Arianz. His father Gregory, in 
 his earlier days a Hypsistarian (§ 42, 6), but converted by his pious wife 
 Nonua, became bishop of Nazianzum. The son, after completing his 
 studies in Casarea, Alexandria and Athens, spent some years with Ba^il 
 in his cloister in Pontus, but, when his father allowed bimself to be 
 prevailed upon to sign an Arianiziug confession, he hasted to Nazi- 
 anzum, induced him to retract, and was there and then suddenly and 
 against his will ordaiired by him a presbyter in a.d. 361. From that 
 time, always vacillating between the desire for a quiet contemplative 
 ascetic life and the impulse toward ecclesiastical official activity, easily 
 attracted and repelled, not without ambition, and so sometimes irritable 
 and out of humour, he led a very changeful life, which prevented him 
 succeeding in one definite calling. Basil transferred to him the little 
 bishopric of Sasima ; but Gregory fled thence into the wilderness to 
 escape the ill-feelings stirred up against him. He was also for a long 
 time assistant to his father in the bishopric of Naziauzum. He with- 
 
 ' Newman's, " Hist. Sketches." Vol. ii., chap. v. Sketches of 
 Basil, Gregory, etc. Originally publ, under title " Church of the Fathers." 
 Lond,, 1842.
 
 § 47. THEOLOGIANS AND THEOLOGICAL SCHOOLS. 283 
 
 drew, however, in a.d. 375, when the congregation in spite of his refusal 
 apijointed him successor to his father. Then the small, forsaken com- 
 pany of Nicene believers in Constantinople called him to be their pastor. 
 He accepted the call in a.d. 379, and delivered here in a private chapel, 
 which he designated by the significant name of Anastasia, his celebrated 
 five discourses on the divinity of the Logos, which won for him the 
 honourable title of o OeJXoyos. He was called thence by Theodosius the 
 Great in a.d. 380 to be patriarch of the capital, and had assigned to 
 him the presidency of the Sjnod of Constantinople in a.d. 381. But 
 the malice of his enemies forced him to resign. He returned now 
 to Nazianzum, administered for several years the bishopric there, and 
 died in a.d. 390 in rural retirement, without having fully realised the 
 motto of his life : Upd^is iiri^acns deupias. His writings consist of 45 
 Discourses, 242 Epistles, and several poems (§ 48, 5). After the 5 X6701 
 6eo\oyiKo[ and the Aoyos -rrepl <pvy?]s (a justification of his flight from 
 Nazianzum by a rei^resentation of the eminence and responsibility of 
 the priesthood), the most celebrated are two philippics, ASyoi ffTri\i.TevTiKoi 
 (crTi?\i7-eii(rts = the mark branded on one at the public pillory), Ini'ec<a'« 
 in JuUanum Iniperatorem, occasioned by Julian's attempt to deprive 
 the Christians of the means of classical culture. ^ — (d) Gregory of Nyssa 
 was the younger brother of Basil. In philosophical gifts and scientific 
 culture he excelled his two elder friends. His theological views too were 
 rooted more deeply than theirs in those of Origen. But in zeal in 
 controverting Arianism he was not a whit behind them, and his reputa- 
 tion among contemporaries and posterity is scarcely less than theirs. 
 Basil ordained him bishop of Nyssa in a.d. 371, and thus, not without 
 resistance, took him away from the office of a teacher of eloquence. 
 The Arians, however, drove him from his bishopric, to which he was 
 restored only after the death of the Emperor Valens. He died in a.d. 
 394. He took his share in the theological controversies of his times and 
 wrote against Eunomius and Apollinaris. His dogmatic treatises are 
 full of profound and brilliant thoughts, and especially the Aoyos Kar-qxn- 
 TiKoi 6 /jLeyas, an instruction how to win over Jews and Gentiles to the 
 truth of Christianity; Hepl ^vx^js Kal dvaaTaaeus, conversations between 
 him and his sister Macrina after the death of their brother Basil, one of 
 his most brilliant works ; Kara ei.uap/xeVi;?, against the fatalistic theory 
 of the world of paganism ; Ilpos "EKXijifas e'/c tw;/ kolvCjv ewoiuv, for the 
 establishment of the doctrine of the Trinity on principles of reason. In 
 his numerous exegetical writings he follows the allegorical method in the 
 brilliant style of Origen. We also have from him some ascelical tracts, 
 several sermons and 28 Epistles. 
 
 1 Ullmann, "Gregory Nazi.iuzen." Oxford, 1855; and Newman 
 " Cburch of the Fathers,"
 
 284 THE GE^CO-ROMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 5. — (f) ApoUinaris, called the Younger, to clistiuguish liim from his 
 father of the same name, was a contemporary of Athanasius, and bishop 
 of Laodicea. He died in a.d. 390. A fine classical scholar and endowed 
 with rich poetic gifts, he distinguished himself as a defender of Christ- 
 ianity against the attacks of the heathen philosopher Porphyry (§ 23, 3) 
 and also as a brilliant controversialist against the Arians ; but he too went 
 astray when alongside of the trinitarian question he introduced those 
 Christological speculations that are now known by his name (§ 52, 1). 
 That we have others of his writings besides the quotations found in the 
 treatises of his opponents, is owing to the circumstance that several of 
 them were put into circulation by his adherents under good orthodox 
 names in order to get impressed upon the views developed therein the 
 stamp of orthodoxy. The chief of these is 'H /caret jxepos (i.e. de- 
 veloi^ed bit by bit) iriaTLs, which has come down to us under the 
 name of Gregory Thaumaturgus (§ 31, G). Theodoret quotes passages 
 from it and assigns them to ApoUinaris, and its contents too are in har- 
 mony with this view. So too with the tract Uepl t^s ffapKucreui rov Qeod 
 Aoyov, Be Incarnatione Verhi, ascribed to Athanasius, which a scholar of 
 ApoUinaris, named Polemon, with undoubted accuracy ascribed to his 
 teacher. That Cyril of Alexandria ascribes this last-named tract to 
 Athanasius may be taken as proof of the readiness of the Monophysites 
 and their precursor Cyril to pass off the false as genuine (§ 52, 2). To 
 ApoUinaris belong also an Epistle to Dionysius attributed to Julius, 
 bishop of Rome (§ 50, 2) and a tract, attributed to the same, Uepl t^s eV 
 XptcTTui evoTTjTos Tov (Tu/xaTos TTpos TYjv deoTTjTa, wliich were also assigned 
 to ApoUinaris by his own scholars. Finally, the Pseudo-Justin "EKdeats 
 TTJs irlareuis iJToi irepl rpiddos seems to be a reproduction of a treatise of 
 ApoUinaris' Uepl TpidSos, supposed to be lost, enlarged with clumsy addi- 
 tions and palmed off in this form under the venerated name of Justin 
 Martyr. — (/) Didymus the Blind lost his sight when four years of age, 
 but succeeded in making wonderful attainments in learning. He was 
 for fifty years Catechist in Alexandria, and as such the last brilliant star 
 in the catechetical school. He died in a.d. 395. An enthusiastic admirer 
 of Origen, he also shared many of his eccentric views, e.g. Apocatastasis, 
 pre-existence of the soul, etc. But also in consequence of the theological 
 controversies of the times he gave to his theology a decidedly ecclesias- 
 tical turn. His writings were numerous; but only a few have been pre- 
 served. His book De Sjyiritu S. is still extant in a Latin translation 
 of Jerome ; his controversial tract against the Manichajans is known only 
 from fragments. His chief work De S. Trinitate, Uepl rpidoos, in 3 bks., 
 in which he showed himself a vigorous defender of the Nicene Creed, was 
 brought to light in the 18th century. A commentary on the Uepl dpxuv 
 of Origen now lost, was condemned at the second Council of Nicjea in 
 A.D. 787.
 
 § 47. THEOLOGIANS AND THEOLOGICAL SCHOOLS. 285 
 
 C. — {;)) Macarius Magnes, bishop of Magnesia in Asia Minor about a.d. 
 403, under the title ^lovoyevT]s rj 'AvoKpLTiKii, etc. , wrote an apology for 
 Christianity in 5 bks., only recovered in a.d. 1867, which takes the form 
 of an account of a disputation with a heathen philosopher. Doctrinally 
 it has a strong resemblance to the works of Gregory of Nyssa. The 
 material assigned to the opponent is probably taken from the controver- 
 sial tract of Porphyry (§ 23, 3). — (h) Cyril, Patriarch of Alexandria, was 
 the nephew, protege and, from a.d. 412, also the successor of Theophilus 
 (§ 51, 3). The zealous and violent temper of the uncle was not without 
 an injurious influence upon the character of the nephew. At the Sijnodus 
 ad Quercum in a.d. 403, he voted for the condemnation of Chrysostom, 
 but subsequently, on further consideration, he again of his own accord 
 entered upon the dipiyche (§ 59, (5) of the Alexandrian church the name 
 of the disgracefully persecuted man. In order to revenge himself upon 
 the Jews by whom in a popular tumult Christian blood had been shed, 
 he came down upon them at the head of a mob, drove them out of the 
 city and destroyed their houses. He also bears no small share of the 
 odium of the horrible murder of the noble Hj-patia (§ 42, 4). He shows 
 himself equally passionate and malevolent in the contest with the Nesto- 
 rians and the Antiocheans (§ 52, 3), and to this controversy many of 
 his treatises, as well as 87 epistles, are almost entirely devoted. The 
 most important of his writings is Epos rd toO ev adeoi's 'loi^XiacoO (§ 42, 5). 
 He systematically developed in almost scholastic fashion the dogma of 
 the Trinity in his Thesaurus de S. Consuhstantiali Tiinitatc ; and in a 
 briefer and more popular form, in two short tracts. As a preacher he 
 was held in so high esteem, that, as Gennadius relates, Greek bishops 
 learnt his homilies by heart and gave them to their congregations instead 
 of compositions of their own. His 30 Aoyoi eopTacmKoi, Homilice pas- 
 chales, delivered at the Easter festivals observed in Alexandria (§ oG, 3), 
 in unctuous language expatiate upon the burning questions of the day, 
 mostly polemical against Jews, heathens, Arians and Nestorians. His 
 commentaries on the books of the Old and New Testaments illustrate the 
 extreme arbitrariness of the typical-allegorical method. ^ The treatise Uepi 
 Ti]s if TTvev/iaTL Kal a.\7]deia TrpocrKwijcrecos gives a typical exposition of the 
 ceremonial law of Moses, and his TXacpvpd contain " ornate and elegant," 
 i.e. typical-allegorical, expositions of selected passages from the Penta- 
 teuch.— (i) Isidore of Pelusium, priest and abbot of a monastery at Pelu- 
 sium in Egypt, who died about .\.d. 450, was one of the noblest, most 
 gifted and liberal representatives of monasticism of his own and of all 
 times. A warm supporter of the new Alexandrian system of doctrine 
 but also conciliatory and moderate in his treatment of the persons of 
 
 ^ Cyril's Comm, on Luke is transl. from the Syriac by Dr. Payno 
 Smith. Oxf., 1859.
 
 '286 THE GR.^CO-KOMAN CHURCB', A.D. 323-692. 
 
 opponents, wliile firm and decided in regard to the subject in debate, he 
 most urgently entreats Cyril to moderation. His writings Contra Gen- 
 tiles and Contra Fatum are lost ; but his still extant 2,012 Epistles in 
 5 bks. afford a striking evidence of the richness of his intellect and of his 
 culture, as well as of the great esteem in which he was held and of his 
 far-reaching influence. His exegesis, too, which always inclines to a 
 simple literal sense, is of far greater importance than that of the other 
 Alexandrians. 
 
 7. (Mystics and Pliilosopliers). — (A) Macarius the Great or the Elder, 
 monk and priest in the Scetic desert, was exiled by the Arian Emperor 
 Valens on account of his zeal for Nicene orthodoxy. He died in a.d. 391. 
 From his writings, consisting of 50 Homilies, a number of Apophthegms, 
 some epistles and prayers, there is breathed forth a deep warm mysticism 
 with various approaches to Augustine's soteriological views, while other 
 passages seem to convey quite a Pelagian t^npe of doctrine. — {!) Marcus 
 Eremita, a like-minded younger contemporary of the preceding, lived 
 about A.D. 400 as an inhabitant of the Scetic desert. We possess of his 
 writings only nine tracts of an ascetic mystical kind, the second of which, 
 bearing the title Hepl tQv oloi-uvuv e^ (pywu OiKaiouadai, has secured for 
 them a place in the Eoman Index with the note " Caute le(jenda.'^ How- 
 ever even in his mysticism contradictory views, Augustinian and Pelagian, 
 in regard to human freedom and divine grace, on predestination and 
 sanctification, etc., find a place alongside one another, and have promi- 
 nence given them according to the writer's humour and the requirement 
 of his meditation or exhortation.— (»«) Synesins of Cyrene,^ subsequently 
 bishop of Ptolemais in Egypt, was a discii^le of the celebrated Hypatia 
 (§ 42, 4) and an enthusiastic admirer of Plato. He died about a.d. 420. 
 A happy husband and father, in comfortable circumstances and devoted 
 to the study of philosophy, he could not for a long time be prevailed 
 upon to accept a bishopric. He openly confessed his Origenistic hetero- 
 doxy in reference to the resurrection doctrine, the eternity of the world, 
 as well as the pre-existence of the soul. He also publicly declared that 
 as bishop he would continue the marriage relation with his wife, and no 
 one took offence thereat. In the episcopal office he distinguished him- 
 self by noble zeal and courage which knew no fear of man. His 10 
 Hymns contain echoes of Valentinian views (§ 27, 4), and his philosophi- 
 cal tracts are only to a small extent dominated* by Christian ideas. His 
 155 Epistles are more valuable as illustrating on every hand his noble 
 character. — {n) Nemesius, Bishop of Emesa in Phoenicia, lived in the first 
 half of the 5th century. He left behind a brilliant treatise on religious 
 
 ' A very full and admirable account of Synesius and his writings is 
 given by Eev. T. R. Halcomb in Smith's " Diet, of Chr. Biog." Vol. iii, 
 pp. 75G-780.
 
 § 47. THEOLOGIANS AKD THEOLOGICAL SCHOOLS. 287 
 
 pJiilosophy, llepi (pvcrecjs avOpJiirov. The traditional doctrine of the 
 Eastern church is unswervingly set forth by him ; still he too finds there- 
 in a place for the eternity of the world, the pre-exirjtence of the soul, a 
 migration of souls (excluding, however, the brute creation), the uncondi- 
 tional freedom of the will, etc. — (o) ^neas of Gaza, a disciple of the Neo- 
 riatonist Hierocles and a rhetorician in Alexandria, about a.d. 437 wrote 
 a dialogue directed against the Origenistic doctrines of the eternity of 
 the world and the pre-existence of the soul, as also against the Neo- 
 Platonic denial of the resurrection of the body. It bore the title : 
 QzOippacTTos. 
 
 8. The Antiocheans. — {a) Eviscblus of Emesa was born at Edessa and 
 studied in Citisarea and Antioch. A quiet, peaceful scholar, and one who 
 detested all theological wrangling, he declined the call to the Alexandrian 
 bishopric in place of the deposed Athanasius in a.d. 841, but accepted 
 the obscure bishopric of Emesa. He was not, however, to be left here. 
 When, on account of his mathematical and astronomical attaiunients, 
 the people there suspected him of sorcery, he quitted Emesa and from 
 that date till his death in a.d. 3G0 taught in Antioch. Of his numerous 
 csegetical, dogmatical and polemical writings only a few fragments are 
 extant. — (h) Diodorns of Tarsus, a scholar of the preceding, monk and 
 presbyter at Antioch, was afterwards bishop of Tarsus in Cilicia, and died 
 in A.D. 391. Only a few fragments of his numerous writings survive. As 
 an exegete he concerned himself with the plain grammatico-historical 
 sense and contested the Alexandrian mode of interpretation in the trea- 
 tise : Tis 5ia(popa dewpias Kal dWriyopias. By dewpia he understands insight 
 into the relations transcending the bare literal sense but yet essentially 
 present in it as the ideal. By his polemic against Apolhnaris (§ 52, 1), 
 he imprinted upon the Antiochean school its specific dogmatic character 
 (§ .52, 2), in consequence of which he was at a later period regarded as the 
 original founder of the Nestorian party. — (c) His scholar again was John 
 of Antioch, whose proper name afterwards almost disappeared before the 
 honourable title of Chrysostom. Educated by his early widowed mother 
 Arethusa with the greatest care, he attended the rhetoric school of Liba- 
 uius and started with great success as an advocate in Antioch. But after 
 receiving baptism he abandoned his practice and became a monk. He 
 was made deacon in a.d. 380 and presbyter in a.d. 386 in his native city. 
 His brilliant eloquence raised him at last in a.d. 398 to the patriarchal 
 chair at Constantinople (§ 51, 3). He died in exile in a.d. 407. Next 
 to Athanasius and the three Cappadociane he is one of the most talented 
 of the Eastern fathers, the only one of the Antiochean school whose 
 orthodoxy has 3rever been questioned. In his exegesis he follows the 
 fundamental principles of the Antiochean Echool. He wrote commen- 
 taries on Isaiah (down to chap. viii. 10) and on Galatians. Besides these 
 his 050 Expository Homilies on all the Biblical books and particular
 
 2S8 THE GE.ECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 sections cover almost the whole of the Olu and New Testaments. Among 
 his other dogmatical, polemical and hortatory church addresses the most 
 celebrated are the 21 De Statuis ad populum Antiochen, delivered in 
 A.D. 387. (The people of Antioch, roused on account of the exorbitant 
 tax demanded of them, had broken down the statues of Theodosius I.) 
 The Demonstratio c. JitUanum et Gentiles quod Christus sit Deus and the 
 Libe7- in S. Bahylam c. Judceos et Gentiles are apologetical treatises. Of 
 his ethico-ascetic writings, in which he eagerly commends virginity and 
 asceticism, by far the most celebrated is Kept iepuavvrjs, De Sacerdotis, in 
 4 bks., in the form of a dialogue with his Cappadocian friend Basil the 
 Great who in a.d. 370 had felt compelled to accept the bishopric of 
 Cresarea after Chrysostom had escaped this honour by flight.' 
 
 9. — (d) Theodore, bishop of Mopsuestia in Cilieia, was the son of respect- 
 able i:>arents in Antioch, the friend and fellow-student of Chrysostom, 
 first under Libanius, then under Diodorus. He died in a.d. 429. It was 
 he who gave full development and consistent expression to the essential 
 dogmatic and hermeneutical principles of the Antiochean theology. For 
 this reason he was far more suspected of heresy by his Alexandrian 
 opponents than even his teacher Diodorus, and they finally obtained 
 their desire by the formal condemnation of his person and writings at 
 the fifth oecumenical Synod in a.d. 553 (§ 52, 6). Leontius Byzantinus 
 formulated his exegetical offence by saying that in his exposition he 
 treated the Holy Scriptures precisely as ordinary human writings, espe- 
 cially that he interpreted the Song of Songs as a love poem, Ubidinose 
 pro sua et mente et lingua merctricia, explained the Psalms after the 
 manner of the Jews till he emptied them dry of all Messianic contents, 
 Judaice ad Zorohahelem et Ezechiam retuUt, denied the genuineness of 
 the titles of the Psalms, rejected the canonical authority of Job, the 
 Chronicles and Ezra as well as James and other Catholic Epistles, etc. 
 In every respect Theodore was one of the ablest exegetes of the ancient 
 church and the Syrian church has rightly celebrated him as the " Inier- 
 2)res" par excellence. He set forth his hermeneutical principles in the 
 treatise : De Allegorla et Ilistoria. Of his exegetical writings we have 
 still his Comm. on the Minor Prophets, on Eomans, fragments of those 
 on other parts of the New Testament. Latin translations of his Comm. 
 on the Minor Epp. of Paul, with the corresponding Greek fragments, are 
 edited by Swete, 2 vols., Cambr., 1880, 1882. An introduction to Biblical 
 Theology collected from Theodore's writings and reproduced in a Latin 
 
 ' Neander, " Life of Chrysostom." Lond., 1815. Stephens, "Life of 
 Chrysostom," 3rd ed. Lond., 1883. Chase, " Chrysostom : a Study." 
 Cambr., 1887. His Homilies and Addresses are transl. in 15 vols, in the 
 " Lib. of the Fathers." Oxf., 1839-1851. Various Eug. translations of 
 the tract " On the Priesthood."
 
 § 47. THEOLOGIANS AND THEOLOGICAL SCHOOLS. 289 
 
 fonii bj" Junilius Africanus (§ -18, 1) is still extant. His dogmatic, pole- 
 mical and aiK)logetical works on the Incarnation and Original Sin (§ 53, 
 4), against Eunomius (§ oO, 3), ApoUinaris (§ 52, 1) and the Emperor 
 Julian (§ -12, 5), are now known only from a few fragmentary quotations. 
 — {r) Polyclironins, bishop of Apamea, was Theodore's brother and quite 
 his equal in exegetical acuteness and productivity, while he excelled him 
 in his knowledge of the Hebrew and Syriac. Tolerably complete scholia 
 by him on Ezekiel, Daniel and Job have been preserved in the Greek 
 Catena; (§ 48, 1). In regard to Daniel he maintains firmly its historical 
 character and understands chap. vii. of Antiochus Epiphanes. — (/) Theo- 
 doret, bishop of Cyrus in Syria, was Theodore's ablest disciple, the most 
 versatile scholar and most productive writer of his age, an original in- 
 vestigator and a diligent pastor, an upright and noble character and a 
 man who kept the just mean amid the extreme tendencies of his times, 
 — yet even he could not escape the suspicion of heresy (§ 52, 3, 4, 6). He 
 died in a.d. 457. As an exegete he followed the course of grammatico- 
 historical exposition marked out by his Antiochean predecessors, but 
 avoided the rationalistic tendencies of his teacher. He commented on 
 most of the historical books of the Old Testament, on the Prophets, the 
 Song, which he understood allegorically of the church as the bride of 
 Christ, and on the Pauline Epistles. Among his historical works the 
 first place belongs to his continuation of the history of Eusebius (§ 5, 1). 
 His (^tXodeos iffropia, Hist. reUgiosa, gives a glowing description of the 
 lives of 33 celebrated ascetics of both sexes. Of higher value is the 
 AiperiKTjs KaKOfivOlas iin.TOfir), Hcereticarum fahularum compendium. His 
 'YXkriviKuiv OepairevTiKT] wadrifj.dTwi^, De Curandis GrcEcorum Affectionihus, 
 is an apologetical treatise. His seven Dialogues De s. Trinitate are 
 polemics against the Macedonians and Apollinarians. The lieprehensio 
 xii. Anathemaiismorum is directed against Cyril of Alexandria ; and 
 the ''EpavLarr)^ tjtoi llo\vfj.op(pos against monophysitism as a heresy com- 
 pounded of many heresies (§ 52, 4). Besides these we have from him 
 179 Epistles.! 
 
 10. Other Teachers of the Greek Church during the 4th and 5th Centxuies. 
 — (a) Cyril, bishop of Jerusalem, from a.d. 351 to a.d. 386, in the Arian 
 controversy took the side of the conciliatory semi-Arians and thus came 
 into collision with his imperious and decidedly Arian metropolitan 
 Acacius of Ctesarea. During a famine he sold the church furniture for 
 distribution among the needy, and was for this deposed by Acacius. 
 Under Juhan he ventured to return, but under Yalens he was again 
 driven out and found himself exposed to the persecution of the Arians, 
 which was all the more violent because in the meantime he had assumed 
 a more decided attitude toward Kicene orthodoxy. At the death of 
 
 • Newman's " Historical Sketches." Voh ii. chap, i., '' Theodoret." 
 
 U
 
 •200 THE GE.ECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 Yaleus iu a.d. 378 he returned and became reconciled to the victorious 
 maintainers of the Horaoousion by fnily accepting the doctrine at 
 the Council of Constantinople in a.d. 381 (§ 50, 4). We still have 
 his 23 Catechetical Lectures delivered in a.d. 348 by him as pres- 
 byter to the baptized at Jerusalem. The first 18 are entitled: Upos 
 rot's (puTi^-opJvovs, Ad Compctentes (§ 35, 1); the last five: Epos roi's 
 veo(pwTi(TTov$, Catecheses Mystagogicce, on Baptism, Anointing aud the 
 Lord's Supper. In their present form they afford but faint evidence of 
 their author having surmounted the semi-Arian standpoint.' — [h) Epi- 
 plianius, bishop of Salamis or Constantia in Cyprus, was born of Jewish 
 parents in the Palestinian village Besanduce and was baptized in his 
 sixteenth year. His pious and noble, but narrow aud one-sided cha- 
 racter was formed by his education under the monks. He completed his 
 ascetic training by several years residence among the monks of the 
 Scetic desert, then founded a monastery in his native place over which 
 he presided for thirty years until in a.d. 367 he was raised to the metro- 
 politan's chair at Salamis, where he died in a.d. 403. In the discharge 
 of his episcopal duties he was a miracle of faithfulness and zeal, speci- 
 ally active and self-denying in his care of the poor. But in the fore- 
 front of all his thinking and acting there ever stood his glowing zeal for 
 ecclesiastical orthodoxy. The very soul of honour, truth-loving and 
 courageous, but credulous, positive, with little knowledge of the world 
 and human nature, and hence not capable of penetrating to the bottom 
 of complicated affairs, he was all his days misused as a tool of the in- 
 triguing Alexandrian Theophilus in the Origenistic controversies (§ 51, 
 3). He was all the more easily won to this from the fact that he had 
 brought with him from the Scetic desert the conviction that Origen was 
 the prime mover iu the Arian and all other heresies. In spite of all 
 defects in form and contents his writings have proved most serviceable 
 for the history of the churches and heresies of the first four centuries. 
 The diligence and honourable intention of his research in some measure 
 compensate for the bad taste and illogical character of his exposition 
 and for his narrow, one-sided aud i;ncritical views. His HavapLov iJToi 
 KtSiOTiov Kara alpeaeup Ixxx. is a full and learned though confused and 
 uncritical work, in which the idea of heresy is so loosely defined that 
 even the Samaritans, Pharisees, Essenes, etc., find a place in it. He 
 himself composed an abridgment of it under the title : 'AvaKe(paXaiu}ais. 
 His 'AyKvpwT6i is an exposition of the Catholic faith, which during the 
 tumults of the Ariau controversy should serve as an anchor of salvation 
 to the Christians. The book Uepi ixirpuv /cat <ttci.6/j.uv, Be memuris et 
 Ijonderibus, answers to .this title only in the last chapter, the 24th ; the 
 
 ' Translated by Dean Church in "Lib. of the Fathers." Oxf., 1838: 
 with interesting and iuhrtruclive Preface by Newman.
 
 § 47. THEOLOGIANS AND THEOLOGICAL SCHOOLS. 291 
 
 preceding chapters treat of the Cauon and translations of the Old Testa- 
 ment. There are two old codices in the British Museum which have 
 in addition, in a Syriac translation, 37 chapters on biblical weights 
 and measures and 19 on the biblical science of the heaven and the 
 earth. The tract Uepl twv dd'OeKa \idi.oi' (on the high-priest's breastplate) 
 is of little consequence. — (c) Palladins, born in Galatia, retired at an 
 early age into the Nitrian desert, but lived afterwards in Palestine, where 
 he was accused of favouring the heresy of Origen (§ 51, 2). Chrysostom 
 consecrated liini bishop of Hellcuopolis in Bithynia. Latterly he ad- 
 ministered a small bishoiiric in Galatia, where he died before a.d. 431. 
 His chief writing is the Wpos Aawov luTopia, Hist. Laiisiaca, a historical 
 romance on the hermit and monkish life of his times which is dedicated 
 to an eminent statesman called Lausus.— ((7) Nilus, sprung from a pro- 
 minent family in Constantinople, retired with his son Theodulus to 
 the recluses of Mount Sinai. By a murderous onslaught of the Saracens 
 his beloved son was snatched away from him, but an Arabian bishop 
 bought him and ordained both father and son as priests. He died about 
 A.D. 450. In his ascetical writings and specially in the 4 books of his 
 Epistles, about 1,000 in number, he shows himself to be of like mind and 
 character to bis companion Isidore, but with a deeper knowledge and 
 more sober conception of Holy Scripture. He himself describes the 
 capture of his son in Narraliones dc cade monachorum et caplivitate 
 llieoduli. 
 
 11. Greek Cliurcli Fathers of the 6tli and 7tli Centuries. — («) Johannes 
 Philoponns was in the first half of the 6th century teacher of grammar 
 at Alexandria, and belonged to the sect of tritheistic monophysites in 
 that place (§ 52, 7). Although trained in the Neo-Platonic school, he 
 subsequently applied himself enthusiastically to the Aristotelian philo- 
 sophy, composed many commentaries on Aristotle's writings, and was 
 the first to apply the Aristotelian categories to Christian theology. 
 Notw'ithstanding many heretical tendencies in his theology, among 
 which is his statement in a lost work, Uepl dpaa-Taa-ews, that for the 
 saved at the last day entirely new bodies and an entirely new world will 
 be created, his philosophical writings powerfully impelled the medieval 
 Greek Church to the study of philosophy. His chief doctrinal treatise 
 Auurt^Tip -/) Trepl erwcrewj is known only from quotations in Leontius 
 Byzautinus and Johannes Damascenus. Of his other writings the most 
 important was the controversial treatise Contra Prodi pro ceternitate 
 viundi argumenta in 18 bks. The 7 bks. Uepl Koa/.(.oTroias treat of the 
 six days' work of creation with great display of philosophical acuteness 
 and acquaintance with natural history. — (/;) Dionysius the Areopagite. 
 Under this name (Acts xvii. 34) an unknown writer, only a little earlier 
 than the previously named, published writings of a decidedly mystico- 
 theosophical kind. The first mention of them is at a conference of the
 
 292 THE GE^CO-EOMAN CHUECII, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 monoiDliysite Severians {§ 52, 7) with the Catholics at Constantinople in 
 A.D. 533, where the former referred to them, while the other side denied 
 their authenticity. Subsequently, how-ever, they were universally re- 
 ceived as genuine, not only in the East but also in the West. They 
 comprise four tracts: 1. Hepl ttjs lepapxio-s oupaviov; 2. Hepl ttjs lepapxi-o-s 
 iKK\7]cna<TTLKT}s; 3. Hepl tQv ddwv dro/xdruv ; 4. Ilepi rijs /xvariKrfs deoXoyias', 
 and also 12 Epp. to Apostolic men. Their author was a Monophysite- 
 Christian Neo-Platonist, who transferred the secret arts of the Diouysiau 
 mysteries to Christian worship, monasticism, hierarchy and church doc- 
 trines. He distinguished a deoXoyia Kara^ariKi^, which consisted in 
 symbolic representations, from a deoXoyia a.Tro<paTi.K-f), which surmounted 
 the symbolical shell and rose to the i^erception of the pure idea by means 
 of ecstasy. Side by side with the revealed doctrine of Holy Scrij)ture 
 he sets a secret doctrine, the knowledge of which is reached only by 
 initiation. The primal mystagogue, who like the sun enlightens all 
 spirits, is the divine hierarch Christ, and the primitive type of all 
 earthly order in the heavenly hierarchy as represented in the courses of 
 angels and glorified spirits. There is constant intercourse between the 
 earthly and heavenly hierarchifs by means of Christ the highest hierarch 
 incarnate. The purpose of this intercourse is the drawing out of the 
 deiwais of man by means of priestly consecration and the mysteries [i.e. 
 the Sacraments of which he reckons six, § 58). The Oelwais has its 
 foundation in baptism as consecration to the divine birth, reXerr] 
 6eoyeveaias, and its completion in consecration of the dead, the anoint- 
 ing of the body. The historical Christ with His redeeming life, suffer- 
 ings and death is at no time the subject of the Areopagite mysticism. 
 It is always concerned with the heavenly Christ, not about the recon- 
 ciliation but only about the mystical living fellowship of God and man, 
 about the immediate vision and enjoyment of God's glory. The mono- 
 physite standpoint of the author betrays itself in his tendency to think 
 of the human nature of Christ as absorbed by the divine. His Christian 
 Neo-Platonism appears in his fantastic speculations about the nature of 
 God, the orders of angels and spirits, etc. ; while his antagonism to the 
 pagan Neo-Platonism is seen in his regarding the deiuffis not as a natural 
 power proper to and dwelling in man, but as a supernatural power made 
 possible by the ivaapKujis of Christ, but still more expressly by his 
 emphatic assertion over against the Neo-Platonic depreciation of the 
 body, of the resurrection of the flesh as the completion of the 6eiwcns. 
 Hence also the importance which he attaches to the sacrament of the 
 consecration of the dead.^ 
 
 1 Ueberweg, " Hist, of Philosophy." Lond., 1872. Vol. i. pp. 349-352. 
 Colct, " On the Hierarchies of Diouysius," ed. Ly Lupton. Lend., 1SG9. 
 Wescott, " Diouysius the Areopngite," in Contewp. lieview for May, 1837.
 
 § 47. THEOLOGIANS AKD THEOLOGICAL SCHOOLS. 293 
 
 12. — (c) Leontius Byzautinus, at first an advocate at Constantinople, 
 subsequeutly a monk at Jerusalem, wrote about the end of the Cth cen- 
 tury controversial tracts against Nestorians, Monophysites and ApoUi- 
 narians, and in his Scholia s. Liber de sectis presented a historico- 
 polemical summary of all heresies up to that time. — {d) Maxiinus 
 Confessor, the scion of a well-known family of Constantinople, was for a 
 long time private secretary to the Emperor Heraclius, but retired about 
 A.D. 630 from love of a contemplative life into a monastery at Chrysopolis 
 near Constantinople, where he was soon raised to the rank of abbot. 
 The further details of his story are given in § 52, 8. He died in a.d. 062. 
 In decision of character, fidelity to his convictions and courage as a 
 confessor during the Monothelete controversy, he stands out among his 
 characterless countrymen and contemporaries as a rock in the ocean. 
 In scientific endowments and comprehensive learning, in depth and 
 wealth of thought there is none like him, although even in him the 
 weakness of the age, especially slavish submission to authority, is quite 
 ai^parent. His scientific theology is built up mainly upon the three great 
 Cappadociaus, among whom the speculative Nyssa has most influence 
 over him. His dialectic acuteness and subtlety he derived from the 
 study of Aristotle, while his imaginative nature and the intensity of 
 his emotional life which predestined him to be a mystic, found abundant 
 nourishment and satisfaction in the writings of Dionysius. He was 
 saved, however, by the manysidedness of his mind and the soundness of 
 his whole life's tendencies, from many eccentricities of the Areopagite 
 mysticism, so that in his humility he thought that his soul was not pure 
 enough to be able fully to penetrate and comprehend these mysteries. 
 His numerous writings, of which more than fifty are extant, were in 
 great part occasioned by the struggle against Monophysitism and Mono- 
 theletism. His mystico-ascetic writings are also important, such as his 
 MvffTayuyla, treatises on the symbolico-mystic meaning of the acts of 
 church worship, his epistles and several beautiful hymns. He also 
 wrote scholia and commentaries on the works of the Areopagite. He is 
 weakest in exegesis, where the most wilful allegorizing prevails. — 
 (e) Johannes Climacus, abbot of the monastery at Sinai, died at an 
 extremely old age in a.d. 606. Under the title KXt'/xaf toD irapa-oeiaov, 
 Heavenly Guide, he composed a directory toward perfection in the 
 Christian life in thirty steps, which became a favourite reading book 
 of pious monks. — (/) Johannes Moschus was a monk in a cloister at 
 Jerusalem. Accompanying his friend Sophronius, afterwards patriarch 
 of Jerusalem (§ 52, 8), he travelled through Egypt and the East, visiting 
 all the pious monks and clerics. At last he reached Kome, where he 
 wrote an account in his Aei/j.ovapiov ijroL vios rrapadeiaos, Pratum Spirituale, 
 of the edifying discourses which he had had with famous monks during 
 his travels, and soon thereafter, in a.d. 619, he died. — {g) Anastasius
 
 294 THE GEiECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-092. 
 
 Sinaita, called the new Moses, because like Moses lie is said to have seen 
 God, was priest and dweller on Mount Sinai at the end of the 7th cen- 
 tury. His chief work'0o?;7is, Viis diue, is directed against the Aceplia- 
 liaiis (§ 52, 5) and his C'oiitemjtlat tones preserved only in a Latin trans- 
 lation give an allegorico-mystical exposition of the Hexasmerou. 
 
 13. Syriau Church Fathers.' — («) Jacob of Kisibis, as bishop of his 
 native citj' and founder of the theological school there, jDerformed most 
 important services to the national Syrian Church. At the Council of 
 Nicfea in a.d. 325 he distinguished himself by vindicating the liomoiision 
 and also subsequently we find him sometimes in the front rank of the 
 champions of Nicene orthodoxy. Of his writings none are known to us. 
 He died in a.d. 338. — {h) Apliraates was celebrated in his time as a Persian 
 sage. As bishop of St. Matthew near Mosul he adopted the Christian 
 name of Mar Jacob, and dedicated his 23 Homilies, which are rather 
 instructions or treatises, to a certain Gregory. He wrote them between 
 A.D, 336 and a.d. 315. The Sermones ascribed even by Geunadius at the 
 end of the 5th century to Nisibis were composed by Aphraates. Al- 
 though he lived when the Arian controversy was at its height, there is 
 no reference to it in his treatises, which may be exjDlained by his geogra- 
 phical isolation. The polemic against the Jews to which seven tracts 
 are devoted ex 2^rofesso, was one which specially interested him. — (c) 
 Ephraim the Syrian,- called, on account of his importance in the Syrian 
 Church, Propheta Syrorum, was born at Nisibis and was called by the 
 bishop Jacob to be teacher of the school founded there by him. When 
 the Persians under Sapor in a.d. 350 plundered the city and destroyed 
 the school, EiDhraim retired to Edessa, founded a school there, admin- 
 istered the office of deacon, and died at a great age in a.d. 878. As an 
 exegete he indulged to his heart's content in typology, but in other 
 respects mostly followed the grammatico-historical method with a con- 
 stant endeavour after what was edifying. Many of his writings have 
 been lost. Those remaining partly in the Syriac original, partly in 
 Greek and Latin translations, have been collected by the brothers 
 Assemani. They comprise Commentaries on almost the Avhole Bible, 
 Homilies and Discourses in metrical form on a variety of themes, of 
 these 56 are against heretics (Gnostics, Manicha-aus, Eunomians, 
 Audians, etc.), and Hymns properly so called, especially funeral Odes.— 
 ((/) Ibas, bishop of Edessa, at first teacher in the high school there, 
 
 1 Etheridge, "The Syrian Churches: their Early Hist., Liturg. and 
 Lit." Lond., 1816. 
 
 2 Morris, "Select Writings of Ephraim the Syrian." Oxford, 1817. 
 Burgess, "Eepentance of Nineveh, Metrical Homily by Ephracm." 
 Lond., 1853. " Select Metrical Hymns and Homilies of Eph. Syr." 
 Loud., 1853,
 
 § 47. TIIEOLOCxlANS AND THEOLOGICAL SCHOOLS. 295 
 
 translated the writings of Diodorus and Theodore into Syiiac, and thus 
 brought down upon himself the charge of being a Nestorian. Having 
 been repeatedly drawn into discussion, and being naturally outspoken, 
 he was excommunicated and deposed at the Eobber Synod of Ephesus 
 in A.D. 449, but his orthodoxy was acknowledged by the Council of 
 Chalcedon in a.d. 451, afler he had pronounced anathema upon Nes- 
 torius. He died iu a.d. 457. An epistle, in which he gives an account 
 of these proceedings to Bishop Meris of Hardashir iu Persia, led to a 
 renewal of his condemnation before the fifth ecumenical Council at 
 Constantinople in a d. 553 (§ 52, 4, G). — {e) Jacob, bishop of Edessa, a 
 monophysite, is the most important and mauysided among the later 
 Syrians, distinguished as theologian, historian, grammarian and trans- 
 lator of the Greek fathers. He died in a.d. 708. Of his works still 
 extant in MS. — scholia on the Bible, liturgical works and treatises on 
 church law, revision of the Syrian Old Testament according to the 
 LXX., continuation of the Eusebiau Chronicle, etc. — only a few have 
 been printed. ■ 
 
 II. THE MOST IMPORTANT TEACHERS OF THE 
 WESTERN CHURCH. 
 
 14. Diu-iug the Period of the Arian Controversy. — (/) a. JiU. Firmicus 
 Materuus. Under this name we have a treatise De errore profanarum 
 reUijionum, addressed to the sons of Coustautine the Great, in which the 
 writer combats heathenism u]pon the Euhemerist theory (which traces 
 the worship of the heathen gods from the deifying of famous ancestors), 
 but besides reclaims many myths as corruptions of the biblical history, 
 and shows that the violent overthrow of all idolatry is the sacred duty 
 of a Christian ruler from God's command to Joshua to destoy utterly the 
 Canaanites. — h. lucifer of Calaris in Sardinia, was a violent, determined, 
 and stubborn zealot for the Nicene doctrine, whose excessive severity 
 against the penitent Ariaus and semi-Arians drove him into schism 
 (§ 50, 8). He died in a.d. b7l. In his tract. Ad Constcintiiim Augustiim 
 pro S. Atliansio, lb. ii., written iu a.d. 360, he upbraids the emperor 
 with his faults so bitterly as to describe him as a reckless apostate, 
 antichrist, and Satau. He boldly acknowledged the authorship and, iu 
 prospect of a death sentence, wrote in a.d. 361 his consolatory treatise, 
 Moriendum esse pro filio Dei. The early death of the emperor, however, 
 permitted his return from exile (§ 50, 2, 4), where he had written De 
 regihus apostaticis and De non conveniendo cum hcereticis. — c. Marius 
 Victorinns from Africa, often confounded with the martyr of the same 
 name (§ 31, 12), was converted to Christianity when advanced in life, 
 about a.d. 360, while occupying a distinguished position as a heathen 
 rhetorician in Borne, He gave proof of his zeal as a neophyte by tho
 
 29G THE GEiECO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 composition of controversial treatises against the Manic h.tans, ^<? Jifs- 
 tiniim Manichccum, and against tlie Arians, Lb. iv. adv. Ariinn, De gene- 
 ratione divina ad Candidum, De oixoova'a^ recipiendo. Li his treatise, De 
 verbis scripturce, Gen. i. 5, he shows that the creative clays began not 
 with the evening, but with the morning. He composed three hymns de 
 Trinitate, and an epic poem on the seven brothers, the Maccabees. — d. 
 Hilary of Voitievs—H ilarius Pictavienses— styled the Athanasius of the 
 West, and made doctor ecclesia by Pius IX. in a.d. 1851, was sprung 
 from a noble pagan family of Poitiers (Pictavium). With wife and 
 daughter he embraced Christianity, and was soon thereafter, about 
 A.D. 350, made bishop of his native city. In a.d. 356, however, as a 
 zealous opponent of Arianism, he was banished to Phrygia, from which 
 he returned in a.d. 360. Two years later he travelled to Milan, in order 
 if possible to win from his error the bishop of that place, Auxentius, a 
 zealous Arian. That bishop, however, obtained an imperial edict which 
 obliged him instantly to withdraw. He died in a.d. 366. The study of 
 Origen seems to have had a decided influence upon his theological de- 
 velopment. His strength lay in the speculative treatment of the ground- 
 w'orks of doctrine. At the same time he is the first exegete proper 
 among the Western fathers writing the Latin language. He follows 
 exactly the allegorical method of the Alexandrians. His works embrace 
 commentaries on the Psalms and the Gospel of Matthew, several 
 polemical lectures (§ 50, 6), and his siieculative dogmatic masterpiece 
 de Trinitate in xii. books. — e. Zsno, bishop of Veroua, who died about 
 a.d. 380, left behind ninety-three Sermones which, in beautiful language 
 and spirited style, treat of various subjects connected with faith and 
 morals, combat paganism and Arianism, and eagerly recommend vir- 
 ginity and monasticism. — ■/. PMlaster, bishop of Brescia, contemporary 
 of Zeno, in his book De haresibus, described in harsh and obscure 
 language, in an uncritical fashion and witli an extremely loose appli- 
 cation of the word heresy, 28 pre-Christian and 128 post-Christian 
 systems of error. — g. Martin of Tours/ son of a soldier, had before 
 baptism, but after his heart had been filled with the love of Christ, 
 entered the Roman cavalry. Once, legend relates, he parted his military 
 cloak into two pieces in order to shield a naked beggar from the cold, 
 and on the following night the Lord Jesus appeared to him clothed in 
 this very cloak. In his eighteenth year he was baptized, and for some 
 years thereafter attached himself to Hilary of Poitiers, and then went to 
 his parents in Pannonia. He did not succeed in converting his father, 
 but he was successful with his mother and many of the people. Scourged 
 
 1 Newman, " Church of the Fathers," 2nd ed., London, 1842. Ee 
 printed ia Hist. Sketches, vol. ii. Gilly, " Vigilantius and his Times." 
 London, 1844.
 
 § 47. THEOLOGIANS AND THEOLOGICAL SCHOOLS. 297 
 
 and driven away by the Arian jiarty which there prevailed, he turned to 
 Milan where, however, he got just as little welcome from the Arian 
 bishop Auxentius. He then lived some years on the island of Gallinaria, 
 near Genoa. When Hilary returned from banishment to Pictavium, he 
 followed him there, and founded in the neighbourhood a monastery, the 
 earliest in Gaul. He was guilefully decoyed to Tours, and forced to 
 mount the episcopal chair there in a.d. 375. He converted whole crowds 
 of heathen peasants, and, according to the legend given by Sulpicius 
 Severus and Gregory of Tours (§ 90, 2), wrought miracle after miracle. 
 But he was himself with his holy zeal, his activity in doing good, his 
 undoubted power over men's hearts, and a countenance before which 
 even the emperor quailed (§ 54, 2), the greatest and the most credible 
 miracle. He died about a.d. 400 in the monastery of Marmontiers, which 
 he had founded out from Tours. His tomb was one of the most fre- 
 quented places of pilgrimage. He was wholly without scholarly culture, 
 but the force of intellect with which he was endowed lent him a com- 
 manding eloquence. The Coiifcssio de s. Trinitate attributed to him is 
 not genuine. 
 
 ]5. — (</) Ambrose, bishop of Milan, sprung from a prominent Roman 
 family, was governor of the province of Milan. After the death of the 
 Arian Auxentius in a.d. 374 violent quarrels broke out over the choice 
 of a successor. Then a child is said to have cried from the midst of 
 the crowd " Ambrose is bishop," and all the people, Arians as well as 
 Catholics, agreed. All objection was vain. Up to this time only a 
 catechumen, he received baptism, distributed his property among the 
 poor, and eight days after mounted the episcopal chair. His new oflice 
 he administered with truly apostolic zeal, a father of the poor, a pro- 
 tector of all oppressed, an unweariedly active pastor, a powerful opponent 
 of heresy and heathenism. His eloquence, which had won him a high 
 reputation in the forum, was yet more conspicuous in the service of the 
 church. To ransom the prisoners he s^jared not even the furniture of 
 the church. To a peculiarly winning friendliness and gentleness he 
 added great strength of cbaracter, which prevented him being checked 
 in his course by any respect of persons, or by any threatening and danger. 
 He so decidedly opposed the intrigues of the Arian Empress Justina, 
 during the minority of her son Valentinian II., that she, powerless to 
 execute her wrath, was obliged to desist from her endeavours (§ 50, 4). 
 With Theodosius the Great he stood in the highest esteem. When the 
 passionate emperor had ordered a fearful massacre without distinction 
 of rank, age and sex, without enquiry as to guilt or innocence, of the 
 inhabitants of Thessalonica on account of a tumult in which a general 
 and several officers had been murdered, Ambrose wrote him a letter 
 with an earnest call to repentance, and threatened him with exclusion 
 from the communion of the church and its services. The emperor,
 
 £98 THE CtR.eco-eoman chuech, a.d. 323-692. 
 
 already reijeuting of bis hastiness, took patiently the rebuke adminis- 
 tered, but did nothing to atone for bis crime. Some time after he went 
 as usual to church, but Ambrose met bim at the entrance of the house 
 of God and refused him admission. For eight months the emperor 
 refrained from communion ; then be applied for absolution, which was 
 granted bim, after be had publicly done penance before the congregation 
 and promised never in future to carry out a death sentence within 
 thirty days of its being pronounced. Theodosius afterwards declared 
 that Ambrose was the only one truly deserving the name of a bishop. 
 Ambrose was also a zealous promoter of monasticism iu the "West. In 
 bis sermons he so powerfull}' recommended virginity that many families 
 forbade their daughters attending them. He deserves special credit for 
 his contributions to the liturgical services [Officium Amhrosianum, Caiittis 
 Amh:, Hymn Composition, § G9, 4-6). On all dogmatic questions he 
 strongly favoured the realism of the North African school, while in exe- 
 gesis be did uot surmount the allegorical method of the Alexandrians. 
 To the department of morals and ascetics belong the 3 bks. De Officiis 
 Ministrorum, a Christian construction of Cicero's celebrated work and 
 the most important of all Ambrose's writings ; also several treatises in 
 recommendation of virginity. The book De Mjjsteriis explains baptism 
 and the Lord's Supper to the neophytes. The 5 bks. Dcfide, the 3 bks. 
 De Spiritu S. and the tract De incarnationis sacramento, treat of the 
 fundamental doctrines of the Christian faith in opposition to Ariaus, 
 Sabellians, Apollinarians, etc. These are somewhat dependent upon 
 the Greeks, especially Athanasius, Didymus and Basil. His expositions 
 of Old Testament histories [Ilexaemevon, De Paradiso, De Cain et Abel, 
 De Noe et area, De Abraham, De Jacob et anima, etc.) are allegorical 
 and typical in the highest degree. More important are his Sermones 
 and 92 Epistles. But all bis writings are distinguished by their noble, 
 powerful and popular eloquence. — (/() Ambrosiaster is the name given to 
 an unknown writer whose allegorizing Commentary on Paul's Ejjistles 
 was long attributed to Ambrose. This work, highly pojjular on account 
 of its pregnant brevity, was perhaps the joint work of several writers. 
 In its earliest portions it belongs to the age of Damasus, bishop of 
 Eome, who died in a.d. 384, who is named as a contemporary. Augus- 
 tine names a Hilary, not otherwise known, as author of a passage quoted 
 from it. — (/) Pacianus,^ bishop of Barcelona, who died about a.d. 390, 
 wrote in a clear style and correct Latiuity three Epistles against the 
 Novatians, from the first of which, De Catholico nomine, is borrowed the 
 beautiful saying : Christianus mUti nomen est, GathoUcus cognomen. He 
 also wrote a Liber exhor tutor ius ad panitentiam and a Scrmo de baptismo. 
 
 1 " Lib. of Fathers," in vol. of Cypriaus Epps. Oxf., 1811, pp. 318- 
 381. For phrase quoted, see p, 322
 
 § 47. THEOLOGIANS AND THEOLOGICAL SCHOOLS. 299 
 
 IG. During the Period of Origenistic Controversy. — (a) Jerome'— ,90^/;- 
 roniiis Eusehiits Ilieronymus — of StrieTon in Dalraatica, received his 
 classical training under the grammarian Donatus at Kome. In a.d. 3G0 
 he was baptized by bishop Liberius, but afterwards fell into sensual 
 excesses which he atoned for by penitential pilgrimages to the catacombs. 
 During a journey through Gaul and the provinces of the Ehine and 
 Moselle he seems to have formed the fixed resolve to devote himself to 
 theology and an ascetic life. Then for more than a year he stayed at 
 Aquileia, a.d. 372, where he formed an intimate friendship with Eufinus. 
 He next undertakes a journey to the East. At Antioch in a vision, during 
 a violent fever, placed before the throne of the judge of all, having 
 answered the question Who art thou ? by the confession that he was 
 a Christian, be heard the words distinctly uttered : Thou liest! thou art 
 a Ciceronian and no Christian ! He then sentenced himself to severe 
 castigation and promised with an oath to give iip the reading of the 
 heathen classics which he had so much enjoyed. He afterwards indeed 
 excused himself from the fulfilment of this twofold obligation ; but this 
 had sealed his devotion to an ascetic life, and the desert of Chalcis, the 
 Syrian Tliebaid, became for him during many years the school of 
 ascetic discipline. Worn out with privations, penances and sensual 
 temptations he returned in a.d. 379 to Antioch, where he was ordained 
 presbyter but without any official district being assigned. Urged by 
 Gregory of Naziauzum, he next spent several years in Constantinople. 
 From A.D. 382 to a.d. 385 he again lived in Kome, where bishop Damasus 
 honoured him with his implicit confidence. This aroused against him 
 the envy and enmity of many among the Eomau clergy, while at the 
 same time his zeal for the spread of mouasticism and virginity, as well 
 as his ascetic influence with women, drew upon him the hatred of many 
 prominent families (§ 44, 4). On the death of his episcopal patron in 
 A.D. 384 his position in Eome thus became untenable. He now returned 
 to the East, visited all the holy places in Palestine, and also made an 
 excursion to Alexandria where he stayed for four weeks in the school of 
 the blind Didymus. He then settled down at Bethlehem, founded there 
 with the means of his Eoman lady friends an establishment for monks, 
 over which he presided till his death in a.d. 420 ; and an establishment 
 for nuns over which St. Paula presided, who with her daughter Eusto- 
 chium had accompanied him from Kome. As to his share in the 
 Origenistic controversies into which he allowed himself to be drawn, see 
 § 51, 2. His character was not without defects : vanity, ambition, 
 
 ' A good account of the writings of Jerome is given by the late Prof. 
 William Eamsay in Smith's " Diet, of Grk. and Eom. Liogr." Vol. ii. 
 p. 4G0. Milman, "Hist, of Chr." Vol. iii. ch. xi. Cutts, "St. 
 Jerome." Lond,,1877. Gilly, " Vigilantius and bis Times." Lond,, 1844.
 
 300 THE GKECO-ROMAN CHUECH, A.D. 323-G92. 
 
 jealousy, passionateuess, imimtieuce and intense bitterness in debate, 
 are only all too apparent in his life. But where these, as well as his 
 scrupulous anxiety for the maintaining of a reputation for unwavering 
 orthodoxy and by zeal for monasticism and asceticism, did not stand in 
 the way, we often find in him an unexpected clearness and liberality of 
 view. Comp. § 17, 6 ; 57, G ; 59, 1 ; 61, 1. To the instructions of the 
 Jew Bar Hanina he was indebted for his knowledge of Hebrew and 
 Chaldee. The greatest and most enduring service was rendered to the 
 study of holy scripture by his pioneer labours in this direction. He is 
 at his weakest in his dogmatic works, which mostly are disfigured by 
 immoderately passionate polemic. In exegesis he represents the gram- 
 matico-historical method, but nevertlieless frequently falls back again 
 into allegorico-mystical explanations. His style is pure, flowing and 
 elegant, but in polemic often reckless and coarse even to vulgarity. In 
 the department of exegesis the first place belongs to his translation of 
 the bible (§ 59, 1). We have also a number of Commentaries— on 
 Genesis, Ecclesiastes, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Daniel, Minor Prophets, 
 Matthew, Galatians, E^jhesians, Philippians and Philemon. His Ono- 
 masticon s. He situ et nominibus locoriim Hebr. is a Latin reproduction 
 of the ToTTi/cd of Eusebius. In the department of dogmatics we have 
 polemics against Lucifer of Calaris (§ 50, 3), against Helvidius, Jovinian 
 and Vigilantius (§ 63, 2), against John of Jerusalem (§ 51, 2) and in 
 several treatises against Rufinus, and finally against the Pelagians 
 (§ 53, 4). In the department of history we have his Latin adaptation 
 and continuation of the second part of the Eusebian Chronicle, his 
 Catalogus ScriiHornm ecclest. s. de viris illustr., which tells in anecdotal 
 form about the lives and writings of biblical and ecclesiastical writers, 
 135 in number, from Peter down to himself, with the avowed purpose 
 of proving the falseness of the reproach that only ignorant and un- 
 cultured men had embraced Christianity. It was afterwards continued 
 by the Gaul Gennadius of Marseilles down to the end of the fifth century. 
 Finally, the romancing legendary .sketches of the lives of the famous 
 monks Paul of Thebes (§ 39, 4), Hilarion (§ 44, 3) and Malchus, were 
 added. His 150 Epistles are extremely important for the church history 
 of his times. Of his translations of the Greek fathers only those of 
 Didymus, Be Sjyiritu S. and that of 70 Homilies of Origen, are now extant. 
 17. — [b) Tyranuius Rufinus of Aquileia after receiving baptism lived 
 for a long time in monastic retirement. His enthusiasm for monasticism 
 and asceticism led him in a.d. 373 to Egypt. At AlexanJria he spent 
 several years in intercourse with Didymus. He contracted there that 
 enthusiastic admiration of Origen which made his after life so full of 
 debate and strife. He next went in a.d. 379 to Jerusalem, where bishop 
 John ordained him presbyter. Here he found Jerome, with whom he had 
 become acquainted at Aquileia, and the two friends were brought more
 
 § 47. THEOLOGIANS AND THEOLOGICAL SCHOOLS. 301 
 
 closely together from their mutual love for Origen, although afterwards 
 this was to prove the occasion of the most bitter enmity (§ 51, 2). 
 About A.D. 397 he returned to Italy. He died in a.d. 410. His literary 
 activity was mainly directed to the transplanting of the writings of 
 Greek fathers to Latin soil. To his zeal in this direction we owe the 
 preservation of Origen's most important work Hepl dpx^v, De principiis, 
 and of no fewer than 124 Homilies. The former, indeed, has been in 
 many places altered in an arbitrary manner. He also translated several 
 Homilies of Basil and Gregory Nazianzen, Pamphilus' Apology for Origen, 
 the Pseudo-Clementine Recognitions (§ 28, 3), etc. There are extant of 
 his own works : the Continuation of his Latin reproduction of the 
 Church History of Eusebius, down to a.d. 388, the romancing Historia 
 eremitica s. Vitce Patrum, biographies of 33 saints of the Nitrian 
 desert (§ 51, 1), an Apologia pro fide sua, the Invectiva; Hieron. in 2 bks. 
 the treatise De henedictionibus Patriarcharum, an exposition of Genesis 
 xUx. in the spirit and style of Origen, and an Expositio sijmhoU apost. 
 — (c) Siilpicius Severus ^ from Aquitania in Gaul, had gained great repu- 
 tation by his eloquence as an advocate, when the death of his young 
 wife disgusted him with the world, and led him to withdraw into a 
 monastery. He died about a.d. 410. In his Chronica or Historia sacra 
 (§ 5, 1), a summary of biblical and ecclesiastical history, he imitates not 
 misuccessfully the eloquence of Sallust, so that he has been called " the 
 Christian Sallust." His Vita of Martin of Tours is a iiauegyric over- 
 flowing with reports of miracles. The three dialogues on the virtues of 
 Eastern Monks and on the merits of St. Martin, may be regarded as a 
 su^Dplement to the Vita. — (d) Petrus Chrysologus is the name by which 
 Peter, bishop of Ravenna, is best known. He also received the title 
 Chrysostomus Latinorum. He died in a.d. 450. Among the 176 Sermones 
 ascribed to him, the discourses expository of the baptismal formula are 
 deserving of special mention. Of his Epistles, one in Latin and Greek 
 addressed to Eutyches (§ 52, 4) is still preserved, in which the writer 
 warns Eutyches against doctrinal errors. 
 
 18. The Hero of the Soteriological Controversy.— Augustine — Aureliiis 
 Aiigustinits — was born in a.d. 354 at Tagaste in Numidia. From his 
 pious mother Monica he early received Christian religious imj^ressions 
 which, however, were again in great measure effaced by his pagan father 
 the Decurio Patricius. While he studied in Carthage, he gave way to 
 sensuality and worldly pleasure. Cicero's Hortensius first awakened 
 again in him a longing after higher things. From about a.d. 374 he 
 sought satisfaction in the tenets of the Manichasan sect, strongly repre- 
 sented in Africa, and for ten j-ears he continued a catechumen of that 
 order. But here, too, at last finding himself cruelly deceived in his 
 
 ^ Gilly, '• Vigilantius and his Times." London, 1844.
 
 302 THE Grwi:CO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-G92. 
 
 slrugglc after the knowledge of the trutli, he woukl have sunk into tlie 
 most utter scepticism, had not the study of the Platonic philosophy still 
 for awhile held him back. In a.d. 383 he loft Africa and went to Eome, 
 and in the following year he took up his residence in Milan as a teacher 
 of elofiucnce. An African bishop, once himself a Manicha;an, had 
 comforted his anxious mother, who followed him hither, by assuring her 
 that the son of so many sighs and prayers could not be finally lost. At 
 Milan too the sermons of Ambrose made an impression on Augustine's 
 heart. He now began diligently to search the scriptures. At last the 
 hour arrived of his complete renewal of heart and life. After an ear- 
 nest conversation with his friend AlyiDius, he hastened into the solitude 
 of the garden. While agonizing in prayer he heard the words thrice 
 repeated : ToUe, ler/e ! He took up the scriptures, and his eye fell 
 upon the passage Eom. xiii. 13, 14. This utterance of stern Christian 
 morality seemed as if written for himself alone, and from this moment 
 he received into his wounded spirit a peace such as he had never known 
 before. In order to prepare for baptism he withdrew with his mother 
 and some friends to the country house of one of them, where scientific 
 studies, pious exercises and conversations on the highest problems of 
 life occupied his time. Out of these conversations sprang his philo- 
 sophical writings. At Easter a.d. 387 Ambrose baptized him, and at 
 the same time his illegitimate son Adeodatus, who not long afterwards 
 died. His return journey to Africa was delayed by the death of his 
 mother at Ostia, and at last, after almost a year's residence in Eome, he 
 reached his old home again. In Eome he applied himself to combat the 
 errors of Manichfeism, arguing with many of his old companions whom 
 he met there. After his return to Africa in a.d. 388, he spent some 
 years on his small patrimonial estate at Tagaste engaged in scientific 
 work. During a casual visit to Hippo in a.d. 391 he was, in spite of all 
 resistance, ordained presbyter, and in a.d. 395 colleague of the aged and 
 feeble bishop Valerius, whose successor he became in the following 
 year. Now began the brilliant period of his career, in which he stands 
 forth as a pillar of the church and the centre of all theological and 
 ecclesiastical life throughout the whole Westerir world. In a.d. 400 
 began his battle against the Donatists (§ 63, 1). And scarcely had he 
 brought this to a successful end in a religious discussion at Carthage in 
 a.d. 411, when he was drawn into a far more important Soteriologieal 
 controversy by Pelagius and his followers (§ 53), which he" continued till 
 the close of his life. His death occurred in a.d. 430 during the siege of 
 Carthage by the Yandals. He has written his own life in his Con- 
 fessiones (Engl, translat., Oxf., 1838; Edin., 1870). In the form of an 
 address to God he here unfolds before the Omniscient One his whole 
 past life with all its errors and gracious providences in the language 
 of prayer full of the holiest earnestness and most profound humility, a
 
 § 47. THEOLOGIANS AND THEOLOGICAL SCHOOLS. 303 
 
 lively commentary on tlie opening words : Marjnus cs, Domiiie, et lauda- 
 hilis valde. . . . Fecisti nos ad te, et iiiquietum est cor nostrum, donee 
 requiescat in te. The biography of Lis disciple Possidius may serve as 
 a supplement to the Confessions. — Augustine was the greatest, most 
 powerful, and most influential of all the fathers. In consequence of his 
 thoroughly "Western characteristics he was indeed less perfectly under- 
 stood and appreciated in the East ; but all the greater was his reputation 
 in the West, where the whole development of church and doctrine 
 seemed always to move about him as its centre. The main field of his 
 literary activity in consequence of his own peculiar mental qualities, 
 his philosophical culture, speculative faculty, and dialectic skill, as well 
 as the ecclesiastical conflicts of his time, to which his most important 
 works are devoted, was Systematic Theology, Dogmatics and Ethics, 
 Polemics and Apologetics. He is weakest as an exegete ; for he had 
 little interest in philological and grammatico-historical research into 
 the simple literal sense of scripture. He was unacquainted with the 
 original language of the Old Testament, and even the New Testament 
 he treats only in a popular way according to the Latin translations. 
 Neither does he deal much with the exegetical foundations of dogmatics, 
 which he rather develops from the Christian consciousness by means of 
 speculation and dialectic, and from the proof of its meeting the needs of 
 humanity. Over against philosophy he insisted upon the independence 
 and necessity of faith as the presupposition and basis of all religious 
 knowledge. EatioiiabiUter dictum est per prophetam : Nisi credideretis 
 non intclUfjctis. Credamiis ut id quod crcdiiiui.i intelligere valeamus. 
 
 19. Augustine's Works. — (a) Philosophical Treatises belonging to the 
 period preceding his ordination. The 3 bks. Contra Academicos combat 
 their main position that men cannot attain to any certain knowledge ; 
 the treatise De Vita beata shows that true happiness consists in the 
 knowledge of God ; the 2 bks Dc Ordine treat of the relation of good and 
 evil in the divine order of the world ; the 2 bks. Soliloquia are mono- 
 logues on the means and conditions of the knowledge of supernatural 
 truths, and contain beside the main question an Appendix De iiinnorta- 
 Utate animic, etc. — (&) Dogmatic Treatises. The most important are: 
 De Trinitate in 15 bks. (Engl, transl., Edin., 1871), a speculative dog- 
 matic construction of the dogma, of great importance for its historical 
 development ; De doctrlna Christiana in 4 bks. (Engl, transl., Edin., 
 1875), of which the first three bks. form a guide to the exposition of 
 scripture after the analogy of faith, while the 4th book shows how the 
 truth thus discovered is to be used (Hermeneutics and Homiletics) ; 
 finally, the two bks. Eetraetationcs, written in his last years, in which 
 he passes an unfavourable judgment on his earlier writings, and with- 
 draws or modifies much in them. Among his Moral-ascetic writings the 
 bk. De bono conjugaji is of special interest, called forth by Joviiiian's
 
 304 THE GE^CO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 utterances on nou-meritoriousness of the unmarried state (§ 62, 2) ; he 
 admits the high value of Christian marriage, but yet sees in celibacy 
 genuinely chosen n^ a means to holiness a higher step in the Christian 
 life. Also the bk, De adulterinis covjurjis against second marriages, 
 and two treatises De Mendacium and Contra Mcndacium ad Consentium, 
 which in opposition to the contrary doctrine of the Priscillianists 
 (§ 54, 2), unconditionally repudiates the admissibility of equivocation. — 
 (c) Controversial Treatises. Of 11 treatises against the Mauicha'ans 
 (§ 54-1) the most important is that C Faiistuni in 33 bks. (Engl, trausl. 
 Edin., 1875), interesting as reproducing in quotations the greater part 
 of the last work of this great champion of the Manichreans. Then 
 came the discussion with the Donatists (§ G3, 1), which he engaged in 
 with great vigour. We have ten treatises directed against them (Engl. 
 transl., Edin., 1873). Of far greater importance was the conflict 
 which soon after broke out against the Pelagians and then against the 
 semi-Pelagians (§ 53, 4, 5), in which he wrote fourteen treatises (Engl, 
 transl., 3 vols., Edin., 1873-1876). Also the Arians, Priscillianists, 
 Origenists and Marcionites were combated by him in special treatises, 
 and in the bk. Dc hccresihus he gave a summary account of the various 
 heresies that had come under his notice. — (d) Among his Apologetical 
 Treatises against pagans and Jews, by far the ablest and most important 
 is the work De Civitate Del, in 22 bks., a truly magnificent conception 
 (Engl, transl., 2 vols., Edin., 1873), the most substantial of all apolo- 
 getical works of Christian antiquity, called forth by the reproach of the 
 heathens that the repeated successes of the barbarians resulted from 
 the weakening and deteriorating influence of Christianity upon the 
 empire. The author repels this reproach in the first four bks. by show- 
 ing how the Eoman empire had previously in itself the seeds of decay 
 in its godless selfishness, and thence advancing immorality ; Ilium 
 was and continued pagan, but its gods could not save it from destruction. 
 Ilium's Epigone, haughty Eome, meets the same fate. It owed its power 
 only to God's will and His government of the world, and to His using it 
 as a scourge for the nations. The next five books show the corruption 
 of the heathen religions and the inadequacy of heathen philosophy. 
 Then the last 12 bks. point out the contrast between the kingdom of 
 God and the kingdom of the world in respect of their diverse founda- 
 tions, their entirely different motive powers, their historical development 
 and their ultimate disposal in the last judgment. — The most important 
 and complete of his Exegetical "Works are the 12 bks. De Genesi ad 
 litteram, a gigantic commentary on the three first chapters of Genesis, 
 which in spite of its title very often leaves the firm ground of the 
 literal sense to revel in the airy regions of spiritualistic and mystical 
 expatiation. Of his Sermonc.'f, 400 are recognised as genuine (Engl, 
 transl., Ilom. on N.T. 2 vols., Oxf., 1814 f. ; Horn, on John and 1st
 
 § 47. THEOLOGIANS AND THEOLOGICAL SCHOOLS. 805 
 
 John, 2 vols. Oxf., 18i8; Comm. on Psalms, G vols., Oxf., 1817 f. 
 Harmony of Evangelists, and Serm. on Mt., Edin., 1874. Commentary 
 on John, 2 vols., Edin., 1875). His correspondence still preserved 
 comprises 270 Epistles (Engl, trausl., 2 vols., Edin., 1874, 187(5). 
 
 20. Augustine's Disciples aud Friends. — [a) Paulinus, deacon of Milan, 
 who wrote, at Augustine's request, the life of Ambrose, awakened in a.d. 
 411 the Pelagian controversy by the charges which he made, and took 
 part in it himself by writing in a.d. 417 the LibeUiis c. Ccdestium ad 
 Zosimum Papain. — (b) Paulus Orosius, a Spanish presbyter, who visited 
 Augustine in Africa in a.d. 415 to urge him to combat Priscillianism, 
 took part with him there in his conflict with the Pelagians. He has left 
 behind a Commonitorium de errore Pnscillianistarum et Origenistariim ad 
 Augustinum ; &n Ajjologcticiis de arbitrii libertate c. Pelagium and Hist, 
 adv. Paganos in 7 bks. The last named work was wi'itteu at Augustine's 
 urgent entreaty, and pursues in a purely historical manner the same end 
 which Augustine in his City of God sought to reach in a dogmatico- 
 apologetic way. — (c) Marius Mercator was a learned and acute layman, 
 belonging to the West, but latterly resident in Constantinople. He made 
 every effort to secure the condemnation of Pelagianism even in the East, 
 and so wrote not only against its Western leaders but also against its 
 Antiochean supporters, Nestorius and Theodore of Mopsuestia (§ 53, 4). 
 — {d) Prosper Aquitanicus, also a layman and an enthusiastic follower of 
 Augustine, not only wrote several treatises against the semi-Pelagians of 
 his native Gaul (§ 53, 5), but also poured out the vials of his wrath upon 
 them in poetic effusions (§ 48, 6). He died about a.d. 460. — (e) Csesarius, 
 bishop of Arelate, now Aries in Gaul, originally a monk in the monastery 
 of Lariuum, was one of the most celebrated, most influential, and in 
 church work most serviceable of the men of his times. It is also mainly 
 due to him that in a.d. 529 moderate Augustinianism gained the victory 
 over semi-Pelagianism. He died in a.d. 543. His treatise De gratia et 
 libera arbitrio is no longer extant, but two rules for monks and nuns 
 comjjosed by him, Ad monacJios, Ad virgines, as well as a considerable 
 number of Sennones, the best of their time, are still preserved. — (/) 
 Fulgentius, bishop of Euspe in Africa, on account of his zeal for the 
 Catholic doctrine, was banished by the Arian Vandal king Thrasimund, 
 but returned after the king's death in a.d. 523. He was one of the 
 stoutest champions of Augustinianism. His writings against Arians and 
 semi-Pelagians have been often printed. He died in a.d. 555. His 
 scholar and biographer was Fulgentius Ferrandus, deacon at Carthage 
 about A.D. 547. Alongside of aud after him we meet with bishop 
 Facundus of Hermiane, and the archdeacon Liberatus of Cartliage, who 
 with characteristic African energy defend the Tria Capitula (§ 52, 6) 
 basely surrendered by the Roman bishop Yigilius. 
 
 21. Pelagians and semi-Pelagians. — 1. Pelagius, a British monk, the 
 
 X
 
 306 THE GE/ECO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 originator of tLe heresy named after him (§ 53, 3, 4), left behind a con- 
 siikrable number of writings, of which, however, for the most part we 
 have now only fragments in the works of his opponents. Eefereuces iu 
 Augustine, Marius Mercator, and others show that to him belong the 
 Lb. xiv. Expositionum in Epistt. Panli, wliich have been ascribed to 
 Jerome and included among his works, scholia-like explanations with 
 good sound grammatico-historical exegesis. The wish to make this use- 
 able and safe for the Catholic church led at an early date to various 
 omissions and alterations iu it. Afterwards its heretical origin was 
 forgotten, which notwitlistandiug the purifying referred to is still quite 
 discernible. Two epistles addressed to Eoman ladies recommending 
 virginity have also got a place among the works of Jerome. — Julianus, 
 bishop of Eclammi in Italy, is the only one among the followers of Pelagius 
 who can be regarded as of scientific importance. He was an acute but 
 frivolous and vulgar opponent of Augustine, whom he honoured with the 
 epithets amentissimus et hardissimiis (comp. § 53, 4). — 11. At the head 
 of the semi-Pelagians or Massiliaus stands (a) Johaunes Cassianus. 
 Gennadius designates him as natione Scytlnis ; but he received his early 
 education in a monastery at Bethlehem. He then undertook a jouruey 
 iu company with the abbot to visit the Egyptian monks, stayed next for a 
 long time with Chrysostom at Constantinople, and after his banishment 
 resided some years iu Eome, and finally in a.d. 415 settled down at 
 Massilia (Marseilles), where he established a monastery and a nunnery, 
 and organised both after the Eastern model. He died about a.d. 432. 
 His writings were held in high esteem throughout the Middle Ages. In 
 the De insiitutis Cccnohiorum he describes the manner of life of the 
 Palestinian and Egyptian monks, and tben treats of the eight vices to 
 which the monks were specially exposed. The 24 Collationes Patrum 
 report the conversations which he had with the Eastern mouks and 
 hermits about tbe ways and means of attainiug Christian perfection. 
 The loth CoUatio is, without naming him, directed against Augustine's 
 doctrine, and develops semi-Pelagian Synergism (§ 53, 5). Both writings, 
 however, are certainly calculated to serve the development of his own 
 monkish ideal as well as his own dogmatic and ethical views, rather then 
 to afford a hiscorically faithful representation of the life and thinking of 
 oriental monasticism of tbat time. The 7 bks. De incarnatione Christi 
 combat not only Nestorianism but also Pelagianism as in its conse- 
 quences derogatory to the divinity of Christ. — (h) Vincentiiis Lerinensis, 
 monk in the Gallic monastery of Lerinum, was Cassianus' most dis- 
 tinguished disciple. He died about a.d. 450. On his often jnunted 
 Cotiuiionitoriuvi pro cath. Jldei antiquit. et universit., comp. §53, 5. — (c) 
 Euclierius, bishop of Lyons, left behind him several ascetical works {De 
 laude eremi ; De contemtu viiuuli), Homilies, and a Liber fonnulanim 
 sjjiritualis intcUigentiie as guide to the mystico-allegorical interpretation
 
 § 47. THEOLOGIANS AND THEOLOGICAL SCHOOLS. 307 
 
 of Scripture. He died about a.d. 450.— (t?) Salvianus, jnesbyter at 
 Marseilles, was iu his earlier days married to a heathen woman whom 
 he converted, and witli her took the vow of eontinency. He died about 
 A.D. 485. He wrote Adv. avarltiam Lb. iv., in which the support of the 
 poor and surrender of property to the church for pious uses are recom- 
 mended as means of furthering the salvation of one's own soul. In 
 consequence of the oppression of the times during the convulsions of the 
 migration of the peoples and the reproach of the heathen again loudly 
 raised that the weakness of the Roman empire was occasioned by the 
 introduction of Christianity, he wrote De j^rovidentia s. de gubernatlone 
 Del £t de justo inasentiqne judicio, Lb. viii., which in rhetorical and 
 flowery language depicted the di-eadful moral condition of the Eoman 
 world of that day. — (e) Faustus of Ehegium, now Riez in Provence, in his 
 earlier years an advocate, then monk and abbot of the cloister of Leriiium, 
 and finally bishop of Ehegium, was the head of the Gallic semi-Pelagians 
 of his times. In his writings he stated this doctrine in a moderate form. 
 He died in a.d. 493. — (/) Arnobius the Yonuger, the contemporary and 
 fellow-countryman of Faustus, wrote a very important work entitled 
 Picedestinatus, which in a very thorough and elaborate manner contests 
 the doctrines of Augustine. Comp. § 53, 5. 
 
 22. The Most Important Church Teachei-s among the Roman Popes. — (a) 
 leo the Great occupied the papal chair from a.d. 440 to a.d. 461. While 
 but a deacon he was the most distinguished personage in Rome. On 
 assuming the bishopric he gave the whole powers of his mind to the 
 administration of his office in all directions. By the energy and con- 
 sistency with which he carried out the idea of the Eoman primacy, he 
 became the virtual founder of the spiritual sovereignty of Eome. With 
 a strong arm he guided the helm of the church, reformed and organized 
 on every side, settled order and discipline, defended orthodoxy, contended 
 against heretics (Manichaans, PriscilUanists, Pelagians, Eutychians), 
 and appeased the barbarians (Attila). Of his writings we have 96 
 Sermones and 173 Epistles, which last are of the utmost importance for 
 the church history of his times. He is also supposed to be the author of 
 a talented work De vocatione Gentium (§53, 5). — (b) Gelasius I., a.d. 492 to 
 A.D. 496, left behind him a treatise Adv. hceresin Pelagiancm, another De 
 ditabus in Christo natiiris, and a work against the observance of the 
 Lupercalia which some prominent Romans wished to have continued. 
 He also\vrote 18 Decretals. The celebrated Decr<?i?t?)i de Ubris recipiendis 
 et non recipiendis, in a sense the oldest Index prohibitortun, is ascribed to 
 him. The first section, wanting in the best MSS., contains a bibhcal 
 canon corresponding to that of the Synod of Hippo, a.d. 393 (§ 59, 1) ; the 
 second section treats of the pre-eminence of the Church of Rome granted 
 by our Lord Himself in the person of Peter ; the third enumerates the 
 oecumenical Councils ; and the fourth, the writings of the fathers received
 
 308 THE GEJilCO-ROMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 by the Eoman Church ; the Chronicle and Church History of Eusebius 
 are found fault with (quod tepiierit) but not rejected; in respect to the 
 writings of Origen and Eufinus the opinion of Jerome is approved. The 
 fifth section gives a list of books not to be received — the New Testament 
 Apocrypha, Tertullian, Clement of Alexandria, Arnobius, Cassianus, 
 Faustus of Ehegium, etc.— (c) Gregory the Great, a.d. 590 to a.d. 604, 
 born in Eome about a.d. 540, sprung from a distinguished old Eoman 
 family, held about a.d. 574 the office of city prefect, after his father's 
 death founded on his inherited estates, six monasteries, and himself 
 withdrew into a seventh, which he built in Eome. Ordained deacon 
 against his will in a.d. 579, he was entrusted with the important and 
 difficult office of a papal ajMcrisarius in Constantinople, and was con- 
 strained in A.D. 590, after a long persisted-in refusal, to mount the i^apal 
 chair, which obliged him to abandon the long-cherished plan of his Ufe, 
 the preaching of the gospel to the Anglo-Saxons (§ 77, 4). Gregory 
 united a rare power and energy of will with real mildness and gentleness 
 of character, deep humility and genuine piety with the full consciousness 
 of his position as a successor of Peter, insight, circumspection, yea even 
 an unexpected measure of liberal-mindedness (comp. e.g. § 57, 4 ; 75, 3) 
 with all monkish narrowness and stiff adherence to the traditional 
 forms, doctrines and views of the Eoman Church. He himself lived in 
 extremest poverty and simplicity according to the strictest monastic 
 asceticism, and applied all that be possessed and received to the support of 
 the poor and the help of the needy. It was a hard time in which he lived, 
 the age of the birth throes of a new epoch of the world's history. There 
 is therefore much cause to thank the good providence which set such a 
 man as spiritual father, teacher and pastor at the head of the Western 
 Church. He took special interest in fostering monasticism and such- 
 like institutions, which were, indeed, most conducive to the well-being of 
 the world, for during this dangerous period of convulsion, monasticism 
 was almost the only nursery of intellectual culture. The Eoman Catholic 
 church ranks him as the last of the Fathers, and places him alongside 
 of Ambrose, Jerome and Augustine, the four greatest teachers of the 
 church, Doctores ecclesuc, whose writings have been long reverenced as 
 the purest and most complete vehicles of the Catholic tradition. Among 
 the Greeks a similar position is given to Athanasius, Basil, Gregory 
 Nazianzen and Chrysostom. The rank thus assigned to Gregory is justi- 
 fiable inasmuch as in him the formation and malformation of doctrine, 
 worship, discipline and constitution peculiar to the ancient church are 
 gathered up, completed and closed. His most complete work is the 
 Expositio in b. Johuvi s. Moralium, LI. xxxv. (Engl, trans!., Lib. of Fath., 
 3 vols. Oxf., 1844-1850) which, by dragging in all possible relations of life 
 which an allegorical interpretation can furnish, is expanded into a reper- 
 tory of moral reflections. His Eegiila pastoralis s. Liber ciirce pastoralis
 
 § 47. THEOLOGIANS AND THEOLOGICAL SCHOOLS. o09 
 
 obtained in the West a position of almost canonical authority. In his 
 "Dialogues," of which the first three books treat " de vita et miraculis 
 Patrum Italicorum," and the 4th book mostly of visionary views of the 
 hereafter (heaven, hell and purgatory), " de aternitate animarum,''^ we 
 meet with a very singular display of the most uncritical credulousness 
 and the most curious superstition. Besides these we have from him 
 Homilies on Ezekiel and the Gospels, as well as a voluminous correspon- 
 dence in 880 Epistles of great importance for the history of the age. To 
 Gregory also is attributed the oft quoted saying which compares holy 
 scripture to a stream in quo agnus peditat et elephas natat. 
 
 23. The Conservators and Continuators of Patristic Culture. — a. Boethins, 
 Anicius Manlius Torquatus Severinus, was descended from a distin- 
 guished Eoman family, and stood high in favour with the Ostrogoth 
 Arian king Theodoric. Accused, however, by his enemies of treasonable 
 correspondence with the Byzantine court, he was, after a long imprison- 
 ment, conlemned unheard and executed, a.d. 525. In prison he com- 
 posed the celebrated treatise, De consolatione lihilosopliice, which, written 
 in pure and noble language, was the favourite book of the Latin Middle 
 Ages, and was translated into all European languages ; first of all by 
 Alfred the Great into Anglo-Saxon, and often reprinted in its original 
 form. The book owed its great popularity to the medieval tradition 
 which made its author a martyr for the Catholic faith under Arian 
 persecution ; but modern criticism has sought to prove that in all 
 probability he was not even a Christian. Still more decidedly the theo- 
 logical writings on the Trinity and the Two Natures of Christ bearing 
 his name are repudiated as irreconcileable with the contents and charac- 
 ter of the De consolatione ; though, on the other hand, their authenticity 
 has again found several most capable defenders. Finally, Usener has 
 conclusively, as it seems, in a newly discovered fragment of Cassiodorus, 
 brought forward a quite incontestable witness for their authenticity. In 
 any case Boethius did great service in preserving the continuity of Wes- 
 tern culture by his hearty encouragement and careful prosecution of 
 classical studies at a time when these were threatened with utter neglect. 
 Of special importance was his translation of a commentary on the logical 
 works of Aristotle as the first and for a long time almost the only philo- 
 sophical groundwork of mediaBval scholasticism (§ 99, 2). — h, Magnus 
 Aurelius Cassiodorus, surnamed Senator, belonged to Southern Italy and 
 held the highest civil offices under Odoacer and Theodoric for fifty years. 
 About A.D. 540, he retired to the cloister of Vivarium founded by him in 
 Southern Italy, and devoted the rest of his life to the sciences and the 
 instruction of the monks. He collected a great library in his monastery, 
 and employed the monks in transcribing classical and patristic writings. 
 He died about a.d. 575 when almost a hundred years old. His own 
 writings show indeed no independence and originality, but are all the
 
 310 THE GE.33CO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 more important as concentrated collections of classical and patristic learn- 
 ing for the later Latin Middle Ages. His twelve books of the History 
 of the Goths have come down only in the condensed reproduction of 
 Jordanes or Jornandes. His twelve hooks Variarum (ac. cpistolarum et 
 formidarum), which consist of a collection of acts and ordinances of the 
 period of his civil service, are important for the history of his age. His 
 Ilistoria ecclfst. tripartita (§ 5, 1), was for many centuries almost the 
 only text book of church history, and his Institutiones divinarum et 
 sceciilanim Utterarum had a similar position as a guide to the study of 
 theology and the seven liberal arts (§ 90, 8). Also his commentary on 
 the Psalms and the most of the books of the New Testament, made up 
 of compilations, was held in high esteem. — c. Dionysius Exiguus, a 
 Scythian by birth, who became a Eoman abbot, and died about a.d. 56G, 
 may also be placed in this group. He translated many Greek patristic 
 writings, by his CijcJus pascJialis became founder of the Western reckon- 
 ing of Easter (§ 56, 3), and also the more universally adopted so-called 
 Dionysian era. By his Codex Canonum he is also the founder of the 
 Western system of Canon Law (§ 43, 3). 
 
 § 48, Branches of Theological Science and Christian 
 
 Poetry. 
 
 1. Exegetical Theology. — Nothing was done in the way of criticism of 
 tlie original biblical text. Even Jerome was only a translator. For the 
 Old Testament the LXX. sufficed, and the divergences of the Hebrev/ 
 text were explained as Jewish alterations. Hebrew was a terra incognita 
 to the fathers, Polychrouius and Jerome only are notable exceptions. 
 The allegorical method of interpretation was and continued to be the 
 prevalent one. The Antiocheaus, however, put limits to it by their 
 theory and practice of the right of historico-grammatical interpretation. 
 Diodorus of Tarsus and Theodore of Mopsuestia contested the principles 
 of Origen, while Gregory of Nyssa in his Proemium in Cant, undertook 
 their defence. The first attempt at a system of Hermeneutics was made 
 by the learded Donatist Tychonius in his book the Regular vii. ad in- 
 vestigandam intelUgentiam ss. Scr. More profound is Augustine's De 
 Boctrina Ghr. The Elaaywyri ttjs delas ypa(pris of the Greek Adrianus 
 with its opposition to the immoderate allegorizing that then prevailed, 
 deserves mention here. Jerome contributed to biblical lutroduction by 
 his various Procemia. The first attempt at a scientific introduction to 
 biblical study (isagogical and biblico-theological in the form of question 
 and answer), is met with in the 2 bks. Instituta regularia div. legis 
 of the African Junilius, a prominent courtier at Constantinople, about 
 A.D. 550. There is a Latin rendering made by Junilius at the request of
 
 § '18. BRANCHES OF THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE. 311 
 
 Priiaasius, bishop of Ailrumetnm, of a treatise composed origianlly iu 
 Syriac, by Paul the Persian, teacher of the Ncstorian seminary at Nisibis, 
 which he had collected from the works of Theodore of Mopsuestia, for the 
 purposes of instruction. Tire title Departlhus div. legis, nsnally given to 
 the whole, properly belongs only to the first part of the treatise. A more 
 I)opular guide is Cassiodorus' Institutio divinarum litt. Some contri- 
 butions were made to biblical archnsology by Eusebius and Epiphanius. 
 Of the allegorical Exegetes of the East, the most productive was Cyril of 
 Alexandria. The Autiochean school produced a whole series of able 
 expositors of the grammatico-historical sense of scripture. In the com- 
 mentaries of Chrysostom and Ephraem the Syrian, that method of inter- 
 pretation is applied in a directly practical interest. The Westerns 
 Hilary, Ambrose, Ambrosiaster, Jerome and Augustine, as well as their 
 later imitators, all allegorize ; yet Jerome also applied himself very 
 diligently to the elucidation of the grammatical sense. Only Pelagius is 
 content to rest in the plain literal meaning of scripture. From the 6th 
 century, almost all independent work in the department of exegesis 
 ceased. We have from this time only Catena, collections of passages 
 from commentaries and homilies of distinguished fathers. The first 
 Greek writer of Catena?, was Proeopius of Gaza, in the 6th century; and 
 the first Latin writer of these was Primasius of Adrumctum, about 
 A.D. 560. 
 
 2. Historical Theology. — The writing of Church history flourished 
 especially during the -1th and 5th centuries (§ 5, 1). For the history of 
 heresies we have Epiphanius, Theodoret, Leontius of Byzantium ; and 
 among the Latins, Augustine, Philastriiis, and the author of Prcedes- 
 tinatus (§ 57, 21 h). There are numerous biographies of distinguished 
 fathers. On these compare the so-called Liher pontificalis, see § 90, G. 
 Jerome laid the foundation of a history of theological literature in a 
 series of biographies, and Gennadius of Massilia continued this work. 
 With special reference to monkish history, we have among the Greeks, 
 Palladius, Theodoret and Joh. Moschus ; and among the Latins, Ku- 
 finus, Jerome, Gregory the Great and Gregory of Tours (§ 90, 2). Of 
 great importance for ecclesiastical statistics is the ToiroypafjAa. xpi-'^Tt.avLK-q 
 in 12 bks. , whose author Cosiuas Indicopleustes, monk in the Sinai 
 peninsula about a.d. 540, had in his earlier years as an Alexandrian 
 merchant travelled much in the East. The connection of biblical and 
 profane history is treated of in the Chronicle of Eusebius. Orosius 
 too treats of profane history from the Christian standpoint. The Hist, 
 persecxttionis Vandalorum (§ 76, 3), of Victor, bishop of Vita in Africa, 
 about A.D. 487, is of great value for the church history of Africa. For 
 chronology the so-called Chvonicon paschale, in the Greek language, is of 
 great importance. It is the work of two unknown authors ; the work of 
 the one reaching down to A.n. 351, that of the other, down to a.d. 630.
 
 31-2 THE GKxECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 These chronological tables obtaiued their name from the fact that the 
 Easter cycles and iudictions are always carefully determined in them. 
 
 3. Systematic Theology. — (a) Apologetics. The controversial treatises of 
 Porphyry and Hierocles were answered by many (§ 23, 3) ; that of the 
 Emjieror Julian also (§ 42, 5), especially by Gregory Naziauzeu, Chrysos- 
 tum (in the Discourse on St. Babylas), and most powerfully by Cyril of 
 Alexandria. Ambrose and the poet Prudentius answered the tract of 
 Symmachus, referred to in § 42,4. The insinuations of Zosimus, Eunapius, 
 and others (5 42, 5) were met by Orosius with his Histories, by Augustine 
 with his Civ. Dei, and by Salvian with his De yuhernatione Dei. Johannes 
 Philoponus wrote against Proclus' denial of the biblical doctrine of crea- 
 tion. The vindication of Christianity against the charges of the Jews 
 was undertaken by Aphraates, Chrysostom, Augustine, and Gregentius, 
 bishop of Taphne in Arabia, who, in a.d. 510, disputed for foi:r days 
 amid a great crowd with the Jew Herban. Apologies of a general charac- 
 ter were written by Eusebius of Cresarea, Athanasius, Theodorct and 
 Firmicus Maternus. — [b) In Polemics against earlier and later heretics, the 
 utmost energy and an abundance of acuteness and depth of thought 
 were displayed. See under the history of theological discussions, § 50 ff. 
 — (c) Positive Dogmatics. Origen's example in the construction of a com- 
 plete scientific system of doctrine has no imitator. For practical purposes, 
 however, the whole range of Christian doctrine was treated by Cyril of 
 Jerusalem, Gregoi^ of Nyssa, Apollinaris, Epiphanius, Eufinus {Expo- 
 sit io Symboli Ajjost.), Augustine (in the last book of the Ciu. Dei, in 
 first book of his De Doctrina Chr., and in the Enchiridium ad Lauren- 
 tiwii). The African Fulgentius of Euspe [De regula vera; fidei), Genna- 
 dius of Massiiia (De fide sua), and Vincentius of Lerinum in his 
 Commonitorium. Much more important results for the development of 
 particular dogmas were sectored by means of polemics. Of supreme 
 influence on subsequent ages were the mystico-theosophical writings 
 of the Pseudo-Areopagite. This mysticism, so far as adopted, was com- 
 bined by the acute and profound thinker Maximus Confessor with 
 the orthodox theology of the Councils. — (d) Morals. The De officiis 
 ministr. of Ambrose is a system of moral instruction for the clergy ; 
 and of the same sort is Chrysostom's Hepl lepuavvr); ; while Cassianus' 
 writings form a moral system for the monks, and Gregory's Exposit. in 
 Johum a vast repertory on general morality. 
 
 4. Practical Theology.— The whole period is peculiarly ricli in dis- 
 tinguished bomilists. The most brilliant of the Greek preachers were : 
 Macarius the Great, Basil the Great, Gregory Nazianzen, Ephraem the 
 Syrian, and above all Chrysostom. Of the Latins the most distinguished 
 were Ambrose, Augustine, Zeno of Verona, Petrus Chrysologus, Leo the 
 Great, and Ca2sarius of Aries. A sort of Homiletics is found in the 4th 
 of Augustine's De Doctr. Chr., and a directory for j^astoral work, in the
 
 § 48. LRAXCIIES OF THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE. 313 
 
 liegula pastoralia of Gregory the Great. On Liturgical writings, couip. 
 § 59, C ; on Constitutional works, § 43, 3-5. 
 
 5. Christian Poetry. — The beginning of the prevalence of Christianity 
 occurred at a time when the poetic art had already ceased to be conse- 
 crated to the national life of the ancient world. Bat it proved an in- 
 tellectual power which could cause to swell out again the poetic vein, 
 relaxed by the weakness of age. In spite of the depraved taste and 
 deteriorated language, it called forth a new period of brilliancy in the 
 history of poetry which could rival classical poetry, not indeed in purity 
 and elegance of form, but in intensity and depth. The Latins in this 
 far excelled the Greeks ; for to them Christianity was more a matter of 
 experience, emotion, the inner life, to the Greeks a matter of knowledge 
 and speculation. Among the Greeks the most distinguished are these : 
 Gregory Nazianzen. He deserves notice mainly for his satirical Carmen 
 de vita sua, irepl eavrou. Among his numerous other poems are some 
 beautiful hymns and many striking phrases, but also much that is weak 
 and flat. The drama Xpiarbs Trdcrxwi', perhaps wrongly bearing his name, 
 modelled on the tragedies of Euripides and in great part made up of 
 Euripidean verses, is not without interest as the first Christian passion- 
 play, and contains some beautiful passages ; e.g. the lament of Mary ; 
 but it is on the whole insipid and confused. Nonnus of Panopolis, about 
 A.D. 400, wrote a llapdcppacris imKri tou Ei'a77. Kara ^\(jidvvf)v, somewhat 
 more useful for textual criticism and archreology, than likely to afford 
 enjoyment as poetry. Of the poetical works of the Empress Eudocia, 
 wife of Theodosius II., daughter of the pagan rhetorician Leon tins of 
 Athens, hence called Athenais (she died about the year 4G0), only frag- 
 ments of their renderings in the Cyprian legends have come down to us. 
 The loss of her Homero-centoes celebrated by Photius, i.e. reproductions 
 of the biblical books of the New Testament in pure Homeric words and 
 verses, is not perhaps to be very sorely lamented. On the other hand, 
 the poetic description of the church of Sophia, built by Justinian I. and 
 of the ambo of that church which Paulus Silentiarius left behind him, is 
 not only of archasological value, but also is not without poetic merit. 
 
 6. Christian Latin Poetry reached its highest excellence in the com- 
 position of hymns (g 59, 4). But also in the more ambitious forms of 
 epic, didactic, panegyric, and hortatory poems, it has respectable repre- 
 sentatives, especially in Spain and Gaul, whose excellence of workman- 
 ship during such a period of restlessness and confusion is truly wonderful. 
 To the fourth century belongs the Spaniard Juvencus, about a.d. 330. 
 His Hist, evangdica in 4 books, is the first Christian ei3ic; a work of 
 sublime simplicity, free of all bombast or rhetorical rant, which obtained 
 for him the name of "the Christian Virgil." His Liber in Genesin vevsi&es 
 in a similar manner the Mosaic history of the patriarchs. His countiy- 
 man Prudentius, who died about .\.d. 410, was a poet of the first rank,
 
 r>lJ: THE GR/ECO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 tlistinguisheel for depth of scusibilitj', glowing enthusiasm, high lyrical 
 flow, and singular skill in versification. His Liber Cathemerindn consisis 
 of 12 hymns, for the 12 hours of the day, and his Liber Pcristcpliamin, 
 14 hymns on the same number of saints who had won the martyr's 
 crown ; his Apotheosis is an Auti-Arian glorification of Christ ; the 
 Haiharligenia treats of the origin of sin; the Psijcliomacliia describes 
 the conflict of the virtues and vices of the human soul ; and his 2 
 bks. Contra Symmaclnun combat the viev/s of Symmachus, referred to 
 in § 42, 4. — In the fifth century flourished : Paulinvrs, bishoiD of Nola in 
 Campania, who died in a.d. 431. He left behind him 30 poems, of which 
 13 celebrate in noble, enthusiastic language, the life of Felix of Nola, 
 martyr during theDecian persecution. Coelius Sedulius, an Irishman (?), 
 composed in smooth dignified verse the Life of Jesus, and the Mirabilia 
 divina s. Opus paschale, so called from 1 Cor. v. 7 in 5 bks. ; and a 
 CoUatio V. et N. T. in elegiac verse. The De libero arbitrio c. ingi-atos 
 of the Gaul Prosper Aquitanicus lashes with poetic fury the thankless 
 despisers of grace (§ 53, 5). — The most important poet of the sixth cen- 
 tury was Venantius Fortmiatus, bishop of Poitiers, Vita Martini, hymns, 
 elegies, etc. 
 
 7. In the National Syrian Church, the first place as a poet belongs 
 to Epliraem, the Frojjhcta Syrorum. In poetic endowment, lyrical flow, 
 depth and intensity of feeling, he leaves all later writers far behind. 
 Next to him stands Cyrillonas, about a.d. 400, a poet whose very name, 
 until quite recently, was unknown, of whose poems six are extant, two 
 being metrical homilies. Of Eabulas of Edessa, who died in a.d. 435, the 
 notorious partisan of Cyril of Alexandria (§ 53, 3), and of Balaus, about 
 A.D. 430, we possess only a number of liturgical odes, which are not 
 altogether destitute of poetic merit. This cannot, however, be said of 
 the poetic works of Isaac of Antiocli, who died about a.d. 460, filled with 
 frigid polemics against Nestorius aud Eutchyes, of which their Catholic 
 editor (0pp. ed. G. Bickell, Giess., 1873 f.) has to confess they are 
 thoroughly " insipid, flat and wearisome, and move backwards and 
 forwards in endless tautologies." Less empty aud tiresome are the 
 poetic effusions of the famous Jacob of Sarug, who died in a.d. 521 ; 
 biblical stories, metrical homilies, hymns, etc. Most of the numerous 
 liturgical odes are the compositions of unknown authors. 
 
 8. The Legendary History of Cyprian. — At the basis of the poetic ren- 
 dering of this legend in 8 bks. by the Empress Eudocia, about a.d. 
 440, lay three little works in prose, still extant in the Greek original aud 
 in various translations. In early youth Cyprian, impelled by an in- 
 satiable craving after knowledge, power and enjoyment, seeks to obtain 
 all the wisdom of the Greeks, all the mysteries of the East, and for this 
 purpose travels through Greece, Egypt, and Chalda:a. But when ho 
 gets all this he is not satisfied ; he makes a compact with the devil, to
 
 § 48. BRANCHES OF THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE. 315 
 
 whom Le uureservedly surrenclcrs Limself, who iu turn places at his 
 disposal now a great multitude of demons, and promises to malip him 
 hereafter one of his chief princes. Then comes he to Autioch. There 
 Aglaidas, an eminent heathen sophist, who iu vain ahandoned all to win 
 the love of a maiden named Justina, who had taken vows of peri^etual 
 vii'ghiity, calls in his magical arts, in order thereby to gain the end so 
 ardently desired. Cyprian enters into the affair all the more eagerly since 
 he himself also meauwhile has entertained a strong passion for the fair 
 maiden. But the demons sent by him, at last the devil himtelf, are 
 forced to flee from her, through her calling on the name of Jesus and 
 making the sign of the cross, and are obliged to own their powerlessness 
 before the Christians' God. Now Cyprian repents, repudiates his covenant 
 with the devil, lays before an assembly of Antiochean Christians a con- 
 fession inspired by the most profound despairing sorrow of the innu- 
 merable mischiefs wrought by him with the help of the demons, is 
 comforted by the Christians present by means of consolatory words of 
 scripture, receives baptism, enters the ranks of the clergy as reader, 
 passes quickly through the various clerical offices, and suffers the death 
 of a martyr as bishop of Antioch, along with Justina, under the Em- 
 peror Claudius II. — Gregory Nazianzen too in a discourse delivered at 
 Constantinople in a.d. 379, " on the day of the holy martyr and bi^op 
 Cyprian," treated of the legend, in which without more ado he identifies 
 the converted Antiochean sorcerer with the famous Carthaginian bishop 
 of that name, and makes him suffer martyrdom under Decius (?). — The 
 romance may have borrowed the name of its hero from an old wizard ; 
 but his type of character is certainly to be looked for inthejjhilosophico- 
 theurgical efforts of the Syrio-Neoplatonic school of lamblichus (§ 24, 2), 
 in which the then expiring heathenism gathered ujd its last energies for 
 conflict with victorious Christianity. The conception of the heroine on the 
 other hand, is with slight modifications borrowed from the Thecla legend 
 (§ 32, 6). By the Legenda aurea (§ 104, 8), which is just an adaptation 
 of this earlier one, the legend of Cyprian was carried down even beyond 
 the time of the Eeformation. Calderon's "Wonder-working Magician" 
 presents a Spanish-Catholic, as the Faustus legend of the 16th century 
 presents a German Protestant construction, which latter, however, in 
 direct opposition to the tendency of the early Christian legend, allows the 
 magician to drop into hell because his repentance came too late. The 
 Piomish Chm-ch, however, still maintains the historical genuineness of 
 the old legend, and celebrates both of the supposed saints on one day, 
 25th September.
 
 31G THE GR^CO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 rV. DOCTRINAL CONTROVERSIES AND HERESIES. 
 
 § 49. The Development of Doctrine Generally. 
 When a considerable fulness of Christian doctrine had 
 already in previous periods found subjective and therefore 
 variously diversified development, it had now, besides being 
 required by the altered condition of things, become neces- 
 sary that the church should sift and confirm what was 
 already developed or was still in the course of development. 
 The endeavour after universal scientific comprehension and 
 accurate definition became stronger every day. The lively 
 intercourse between the churches, which prevented the 
 various doctrinal types from being resti-icted to particular 
 countries, brought opposite views into contact and conflict 
 with one another. The court, the people, the monks took 
 parts, and so the clmrch became the scene of passionate and 
 distracting struggles, which led to the issuing of a canon of 
 orthodoxy recognised by the whole Catholic church of the 
 AVest and of the East, and to the branding every deviation 
 therefrom with the mark of heresy. 
 
 The Heresies of the previous period were mainly of a syncretic kind 
 (§ 26). Those of the period now under consideration have an evolu- 
 tionary or formatory character. They consist in the construction of the 
 system of doctrine by exclusive attention and extreme estimation of the 
 one side of the Christian truth that is being developed, which thus passes 
 over into errors ; while it is the task of orthodoxy to give proportionate 
 development to both sides and to bring them into harmony. Of syn- 
 cratic heresies only sporadic traces from the previous period are found in 
 this (§ 54). The third possible form of heresies is the revolutionary or 
 reformatory. Heretics of this class fancy that they see in the developed 
 and fixed system of the Catholic church excrescences and degenerations 
 which either do not exist, so that by their removal the church is injured 
 and hindered in her essential and normal functions, or do really exist, 
 but for the most part are not now duly distinguished from the results of 
 sound and normal development, so that the good would be removed with 
 the bad. During the period under consideration only isolated instances 
 of this kind of heresy are met with (§ 62).
 
 § 50. TEINITAEIAN CONTROVERSY, A.D. 318-381. 317 
 
 § 50. The Trinitarian Coxtroversy, a.d. 318-381.^ 
 
 The series of doctrinal conteudings opened with, the 
 Trinitarian or Arian controversy. It first of all dealt with 
 the nature and being of the Logos become man in Christ 
 and the relation of this Logos to the Father. From the 
 time of the controversy of the two Dionysiuses (§ 33, 7) the 
 idea of the consubstantiality of the Son and the Father had 
 found supporters even in Alexandria and a new school was 
 formed with it as the fundamental doctrine (§ 47, 1). But 
 the fear excited by Sabellius and the Samosatians (§ 33, 8), 
 that the acknowledgment of the Homoousia might lead to 
 Monarchianism, caused a strong reaction and doomed many 
 excellent fathers to the bonds of subordinationism. It was 
 pre-eminently the school of the Antiochean Lucian (§ 31, 9) 
 that furnished able contenders against the Homoousia. In 
 Origen the two contraries, subordination and the eternal 
 generation from the substance of the Father, had been still 
 maintained together (§ 33, 6). Now they are brought for- 
 ward apart from one another. On the one side, Athanasius 
 and his party repudiate subordination but hold firmly by 
 the eternal generation, and perfected their theory by the 
 adoption of the Homoousia ; but on the other side, Arius 
 and his party gave up the eternal generation, and held fast 
 to the subordination, and went to the extreme of proclaim- 
 ing the Heteroousia. A third intermediate party, the semi- 
 Arians, mostly Origenists, wished to bind the separated 
 contraries together with the newly discovered cement of the 
 ofioLova-ia. In the further course of the controversies that 
 
 1 Newman's " Arians of the 4th Century." London, 1838. Gwatkin, 
 "Studies of Arianism." Camb., 1882. Hefele, "Hist, of Councils." 
 Vols. i. ii. Edin., 1872, 1876. Newman's " Tracts Theolog. and 
 Eccles." Chap. ii. : Doctrinal Causes of Arianism. " Select Treatises 
 of Athanasius." Ed. by Newman. 2 vols. London, 1881. Vol. 2 con- 
 taining notes on Arius, Athanasius, etc.
 
 318 THE GR/ECO-KOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 now Ijroke out aucl raged tlironglioiit the whole church for 
 almost a century, the question of the trinitarian position 
 of the Holy Spirit was of necessity dragged into the discus- 
 sion. After various experiences of victory and discomfi- 
 ture, the Homoousia of the Son and of the Spirit was at last 
 affirmed and became the watchword of inviolable orthodoxy. 
 
 1. Preliminary Victory of the Homooiisia, A.D., 318-325 — Arius, a dis- 
 ciple of Lucian, from a.d. 313 presbyter at Alexandria, a man of clear 
 intellect and subtle critical spirit, was in a.d. 318 charged ^Yith the denial 
 of the divinity of Christ, because he publicly taught that while the Son 
 was indeed before all time yet He was not from eternity {!jv ore ovk ?», 
 that by the will of the Father (^e\?'/^art deov) He was created out of 
 nothing (Krla/j.a i^ ovk ovtup), and that by His mediating activity the 
 world was called into being ; as the most perfect created image of the 
 Father and as executor of the Divine plan of creation. He might indeed 
 in an inexact way be called 6e6s and Xoyoj. Alexander, bishop of Alexan- 
 dria at that time, who maintained the doctrine of the eternal generation 
 and cousubstantiality, convened a synod at Alexandria in a.d. 321, which 
 condemned the doctrine of Arius and deposed him. But the people, who 
 revered him as a strict ascetic, and many bishops, who shared his views, 
 took part with him. He also applied for protection to famous bishops in 
 other places, especially to his former fellow student (SuXXowcaft'o-Ti^s) 
 Eusebius of Nicomedia, and to the very influential Eusebius of Ca?sarea 
 (§ 47, 2). The former unreservedly declared himself in favour of the 
 Arian doctrine ; the latter regarded it as at least not dangerous. Arius 
 spread his views among the people by means of pojDular songs for men of 
 various crafts and callings, for millers, sailors, travellers, etc. In this 
 way a serious schism spread through almost all the East. In Alexandria 
 the controversy was carried on so passionately that the pagans made it 
 the subject of reproach in the theatre. When Constantine the Great 
 received news of this general commotion he was greatly disj^leased. He 
 commanded, fruitlessly, as might be expected, that all needless quarrels 
 (eXdxto-rai pfjT-qaeLs) should be avoided. Hosius, bishop of Cordova, who 
 carried the imperial injunction to Alexandria, learnt the state of matters 
 there and the serious nature of the conflict, and brought the emperor to 
 see the matter in another light. Constantine now summoned in a.d. 325 
 an (Ecumenical Council at Nicaea, where he himself and 318 bishops met. 
 The majority, with Eusebius of Ca:'sarea at their head, were Origenists 
 and sought, as did also the Eusebians, the party of Eusebius of Nicome- 
 dia, to mediate between the opposing views, the latter, however, being 
 much more favourable to the Arians. The maintainers of the Homoou-
 
 § 50. TRINITAEIAN CONTEOVERSY, A.D. 318-381. 319 
 
 pia were iu a decicleil minority, but the vigorous eloquence of the young 
 deacon Atlianasius, ^Yhom Alexander brought with him, and the favour of 
 the emperor, secured complete ascendancy to their doctrine. Upon the 
 basis of the baptismal formula proposed by Eusebius of Cajsarea to his 
 own congregation, a new confession of faith was sketched out, which was 
 henceforth used to mark the limits of this trinitarian discussion. In this 
 creed several expressions were avoided which, though biblical, had been 
 understood by the Arians in a sense of their own, such as irpuroTOKos 
 Trdarjs t?]s KTiaeus irpo ttAvtuv tQiv alCivunv, and in their place strictly 
 Homoousian formula were substituted, e/c tt?? ovcrias rod trarpos, yevvrjOeh 
 oj TToi-qtids, 6/xoou(nos tm Trarpi; while with added anathemas those enter- 
 taining opposite views were condemned. This was the Symbolum Nicse- 
 num. Arius was excommunicated and his writings condemned to be 
 burnt. Dread of deposition and love of peace induced many to sub- 
 scribe who were not convinced. Only Arius himself and two Egyptian 
 bishops, Theonas and Secundus, refused and went into exile to Illyria. 
 Also Eusebius of Nicomedia and Theognis of Nicaea, who subscribed the 
 Symbol but refused to sign the anathematizing formula, were three 
 months afterwards banished to Gaul.^ 
 
 2. Victory of Ensebianism, A.D. 328-356. — This unity under the Nicene 
 Symbol was merely artificial and could not therefore be enduring. The 
 emperor's dying sister Coustantia and the persuasion of distinguished 
 bishops induced Constantino to return to his earlier view of the con- 
 troversy. Arius agreed to a Confession drawn up in general terms and 
 was, along with the other banished ones, restored in a.d. 328. Soon 
 thereafter, iu a.d. 330, the emperor commanded that Arius should be 
 restored to ofJQce. But meanwhile, in a.d. 328, Athanasius himself had 
 become bishop and replied with unfaltering determination that he would 
 not comply. The emperor threatened him with deposition, but by a 
 personal conference Athanasius made such an impression upon him that 
 he gave way. The enemies of Athanasius, however, especially the 
 Meletians driven on by Eusebius of Nicomedia (§ 41, 4), ceased not to 
 excite suspicion about him as a disturber of the peace, and got the em- 
 peror to reopen the question at a Synod at Tyre, in a.d. 385. consisting 
 of pure Arians. Athanasius appealed against its verdict of deposition. 
 A new Synod was convened at Constantinople in a.d. 335 and the emj^eror 
 banished him to Treves in a.d. 336. It was now enjoined that, notwith- 
 standing the ojDposition of the bishop of Constantinople, Arius should 
 be there received back again into church fellowship, but on the evening 
 before the day appointed he died suddenly, being over eighty years old, 
 
 1 Hefele, "Hist, of Councils." I. pp. 231-447. Kaye, "Hist, of 
 Council of Nica3a." London, 1853. Tillemout, " Hist, of Arians and 
 Council of Nice." London, 1721.
 
 320 THE GR.ECO-ROMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 Constantine the Great soon followed bim, a.d. 337, and Constantine II. 
 restored Atbanasius to his church which received him with enthusiasm. 
 Constantius, however, was decidedly favourable to the Eusebians, and 
 this gave tone to the court and to the capital where in all the streets and 
 markets, in all the shops and houses, the questions referred to were 
 considered and discussed. The Eastern bishops for the most part vacil- 
 lated between the two extremes and let themselves be led by Eusebius 
 of Nicomedia. He and his party managed for a time to set aside the 
 Homoousian formula and yet to pi'eserve an appearance of orthodoxy. 
 Eusebius, who from a.d. 338 was bishop in the capital, died in a.d. 341, 
 but his party continued to intrigue in bis spirit. The whole West, on 
 the other hand, was strictly Nicrean. The Eusebians in a.d. 340 opened 
 a Council at Antioch, which anew deiDosed Athanasius, and put in his 
 place a rude Cappadocian, Gregorius. Athanasius fled to Rome, where a 
 Council under bishop Julius in a.d. 341 solemnly acknowledged his ortho- 
 doxy and innocence. A new Council convened at Antioch in a.d. 340 for 
 the consecration of a church, sketched four creeds one after another, ap- 
 proaching indeed, in order to conciliate the West, as closely as possible 
 that of Nica^a, but carefully avoiding the term bfxoovaio'i. In the interests 
 of unity Constantius and Constans jointly convened an fficumeuical 
 Council at Sardica in Illyria in a.d. 344. But when the Westerns under 
 the presidency of Hosius, disregarding the Antiocbean anathema, allowed 
 a seat and vote to Athanasius, the Easterns withdrew and formed an 
 opposition Council at Philippopolis in Thrace. At Sardica where im- 
 portant privileges were granted to the Roman bishop Julius (§ 46, 3), the 
 Nicene creed was renewed and Athanasius was restored. Constantius, 
 after Gregorius had died, who meanwhile had become doubly hated 
 because of his violent deeds, confirmed Athanasius' restoration, and the 
 Alexandrian church received again their old pastor with shouts of joy. 
 But after the death of Constans in a.d. 350, Constantius was again won 
 over to the side of the Arians. They assembled at the Council of Sirmium 
 in Pannonia in a.d. 351, where, however, they did not strike directly at 
 Athanasius but at first only at a friend of bis who i3resented to them a 
 weak spot. The bishop Marcellus of Aucyra in Galatia by his zealous 
 defence of the Nicene Ilomoousia had been betrayed into the use of 
 Sabellian expressions and views. At a Synod at Constantinople in a.d, 
 336 he was on this account suspended, and then contended with by Eu- 
 sebius of Cffisarea in the course of this Council ; but in the West and at 
 the Council of Sardica he had been defended. Afterwards, however, one 
 of his own scliolars Photinus, bishop of Sirmium, had drifted into un- 
 mistakable, and indeed into dynamic Monarchianism (§ 33, 1). His doc- 
 trine had been already rejected as heretical at a Council at Antioch in 
 a.d. 344 and also in the West at a distinctly Nicrean Council at Milan in 
 A.D. 345. The Council of Sirmium now formally deiDOsed him and with
 
 § 50. TRINITARIAN CONTROVERSY, A.D. 318-381. 321 
 
 his condemned also Marcellus' doctrine.^ The Eusebiaus, however, were 
 not satisfied with this. So soon as Constantius by the conquest of the 
 usurper Magnentius got an absolutely free hand, he arranged at their 
 instigation for two Eusebian Synods, one at Aries in Gaul, a.d. 353, the 
 other at Milan, a.d. 355, where Athanasius was again condemned. The 
 emperor now commanded that all "Western bishops should subscribe his 
 condemnation. Those who refused were deposed and banished. Among 
 them were, the Roman bishop Liberius, Hosius of Cordova, Hilary of 
 Poitiers, Eusebius of Vercelli, and Lucifer of Calaris. And now a second 
 Gregorius, a Cappadocian, not less rude and passionate than the first, 
 was forcibly installed bishop of Alexandria. Athanasius performed the 
 service in a quiet and dignified manner, and then withdrew to the monks 
 in the Egyptian desert in a.d. 350. Thus it seemed that Arianism in the 
 modified or rather concealed form of Eusebianism had secured a final 
 victory throughout the whole range of the Roman Empire. 
 
 3. Victory of Hoinoiousianism, A.D. 357-361. — The Eusebians now, how- 
 ever, fell out among themselves. The more extreme party, with the 
 Antiochean deacon Aiitius and bishop Eunomius of Cyzicus at their head, 
 carried their heresy so far as to declare that the Son is unlike to the 
 Father (av6/j.oLos). They were hence called Anomceans, also Exucontians 
 (e^ ovK ovTwv). But also the distinctly moderate party, called semi- 
 Arians- or Homoiousians, from their adoption of the formula 6/j.oiovaioi, 
 made preparations for a decisive conflict. At their head stood Basil, 
 bishop of Ancyra, and Constantius too was favourable to them. But the 
 intriguing court bishops, Ursacius and Valens, strictly Arian at heart, 
 knew how to gain their ends by secret paths. With the emperor's con- 
 sent they held a second Council at Sirmium in a.d. 357, where it was re- 
 solved to avoid wholly the non-biblical phrase ovaia, which caused all the 
 contention, to abandon all definitions of the nature of God which to man 
 is incomprehensible, and to unite upon the simple formula, that the Sou 
 is like the Father (6/holos, hence the name Homoians). Hosius of Cor- 
 dova, facile through age and sufferings, bought his reprieve by subscrip- 
 tion. He died, after a bitter repentance, in a.d. 3G1, when almost a 
 hundred years old. The rest of the Westerns, however, at the Synod of 
 Agenum renewed their Nicene Confession ; the semi-Aiians under Basil 
 at Ancyra their Antiochean Confession. The latter, too, found access to 
 the emperor, who let their Confession be confirmed at a third Synod at 
 Sirmium in a.d. 358, and obliged the court bishops to sign it. The latter 
 then came to a compromise with the semi- Arians in the formula: roy 
 
 1 Newman's "Select Treat, of Athanasius." Vol. ii. p. 196 f. Hefele, 
 "Hist, of Councils." Vol. ii. Edin., 187G, p. 193. 
 
 ' Newman's " Select Treat, of Athanasius. Vol. ii. p. 282 ff. Hefele, 
 " Hist, of Councils." ii. p. 217. 
 
 Y
 
 322 THE GE^CO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 Til! J/ 6/j.oiov TO) Uarpi ehai Kara vavra ws ot dyi.aiypa<pal Xeyovcrtv. Liberius 
 of Eome, too, worn out ^Yith three years' exile, agreed to sign this symbol 
 and ventured to return to Eome (§ 46, 4). The formula pleased the 
 emperor so well that he decided to have it confirmed by an oecumenical 
 Council. But in order to prevent the dreaded combination of the 
 Homoousians and Homoiousians in the West, Ursacius and Valens 
 contrived to have two Councils instead of one, an Eastern Council at 
 Seleucia and a Western Council at Eimini, a.d. 359. Both rejected the 
 formula of Sirmium ; the Easterns holding by that of Antioch, the Wes- 
 terns by that of Niccxa. But Ursacius knew how by cunuiug intrigues 
 to weary them out. When the bishops had spent two years at Seleucia 
 and Eimini, which seemed to them no better than banishment, and their 
 messengers after a half year's journey had not succeeded in obtaining au 
 audience of the emperor, they at last subscribed the Homoian symbol. 
 Those who refused, Aetius and Eunomius, were persecuted as disturbers 
 of the church's peace. Thus the Homoian creed prevailed through the 
 whole Eoman empire. Constantius' death, however, in a.d. 361, soon 
 broke up this artificial bond. 
 
 4. Final Victory of the Nicene Creed, A.D. 361-381. — Julian gave equal 
 rights to all parties and recalled all the banished bishops, so that many 
 churches had two or three bishops. Athanasius also returned. For the 
 restoration of church order he called a Synod at Alexandria in a.d. 362, 
 and here in the exercise of a gentle and wise temper he received back into 
 church foUowship the penitent Arian bishops, in spite of the protest of 
 the strict zealot Lucifer of Calaris. The happy results of Athanasius' 
 procedure led the emperor again to banish him, on the pretext that he 
 was a disturber of the peace. Julian's successor, Jovian, was favourable 
 to the Nicene doctrine and immediately restored Athanasius, a.d. 364, 
 meanwhile extending toleration to the Arians. But Valens, to whom 
 his brother Valentinian I. surrendered the East, a.d. 364-378, proved a 
 zealous Ai-ian. He raged with equal violence against the Athanasians 
 and against the semi-Arians, and thus drove the two into close relations 
 with one another. Athanasius was obliged to flee, but ventured after 
 four mouths to return, and lived in peace to the end of his days. He 
 died in a.d. 373. Valens was meanwhile restricted in his persecutions 
 on two sides, by the pressing representations of his brot^ier Valentinian, 
 and by the manly resistance of eminent bishops, especially the three 
 Cappadocians (§ 47, 4). The machinations of the Western empress 
 Justinia, during the minority of her son Valentinian H., were success- 
 fully checkmated by Ambrose of Milan. He passively but victoriously 
 opposed the soldiers who were to take possession of his church for the 
 Arians by a congregation praying and singing psalms. Theodosius the 
 Great gave its deathblow to Arianism. He called Gregory Nazianzen to 
 the patriarchal chair at Constantinople. To Gregory also at a subae-
 
 § 50. TRINITAEIAN CONTKOVEKSY, A.D. 318-381. 323 
 
 queut time lie assigned the presidency of the so-called Second (Ecumen- 
 ical Coiuicil at Constantinople in A.D. 381.' — When, however, his patriar- 
 chate was attacked, because he had changed his bishopric (§ 45), he 
 resigned his office. No new Symbol was here drawn up, but only the 
 Nicene Symbol was confirmed as irrefragable. On the so-called Nicaean- 
 Constantinopolitan Symbol, comp. § 59, 2. After this the Arians ven- 
 tured only to hold services outside of the cities. Subsequently all 
 churches in the empire were taken from them. — The Constantinopohtan 
 Council of A.D. 381 did not fairly represent parties. Being called by the 
 then merely Eastern emperor, and so consisting only of Eastern bishops, 
 it was not properly an cecumeuical synod, and for a long time even in the 
 East itself was not regarded as such. Still it was of importance to the 
 bishop of Constantinople that it should have this rank, and his endeavours 
 were favoured by the circumstance that it had been called by Theodosius 
 who was honoured both in East and West as Sole Potentate and " second 
 Constantine." After the Council of Chalcedou in a.d. 451 (§ 46, 1) the 
 whole East was unanimous in recognising it. The West, however, at 
 least Eome, still rejected it, until finally under Justinian I., in conse- 
 quence of the Eoman chair becoming dependent upon the Byzantine 
 court (§ 4G, 9), the dispute was here no longer agitated. 
 
 5. The Pneumatomacliians, A.D. 362-381. — Arius and the Arians had 
 described the Holy Spirit as the first creature produced by the Sou. 
 But even zealous defenders of the Homoousia of the Son vacillated. 
 The Nicene Symbol was satisfied with a bare Kal ej? to Uvev/j.a ayiov ; and 
 even Hilary of Poitiers, avoiding all exact definition, contented himself 
 with recording the phrases of Scripture. But Athauasius, at the Synod 
 of Alexandria in a.d. 302, Didynius the Blind, and the three Cappadocians, 
 consistently applied their idea of the Homoousia to the Spirit and won 
 the adhesion of the Nicene theologians. It was hardest for the semi- 
 Ariaus who had accepted the Nicene platform, at whose head stood 
 Macedonius, bishop of Constantinople, who had been dei^osed by the 
 Hornoians in a.d. 3G0, to acquiesce in this conclusion (Macedonians, 
 Pneumatomachians). The so-called second oecumenical Council of a.d. 
 381 sanctioned in a now lost doctrinal " Tome" the full Homoousia of 
 the Holy Spirit. The West had already in a.d. 380 at a Eoman Synod 
 under the presidency of Bishop Damasus condemned in 24 anathemas, 
 along with all other trinitarian errors, every sort of opposition to the per- 
 fect Homoousia of the Spirit.^ 
 
 1 Hefele, " Hist, of Councils." ii. pp. 340-373. Hort, " Two Dis- 
 sertations : " ii. On the Constantinople Creed and other Eastern Creeds 
 of the 4th cent. Camb., 1874. 
 
 - Swete, " The Hist, of the Doctr. of the Procession of the Holy Spirit
 
 324 THE GE^CO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 6. The literature of the Controversy. — Arius himself developed his 
 doctrine in a half poetical writing, the QdXeia, fragments of which are 
 given by Athanasius. Arianism found a zealous apologist in the Sophist 
 Asterius, whose treatise is lost. The church historian, Philostorgius 
 (§ 5, 1), sought to vindicate it historically. O-i the semi-Arian side Eu- 
 sebius of Caesarea wrote against Marcellus — Kara MapKeXKov and TLepl r^s 
 iKKXrja-iaaTiKTJs deoXoyias. The ' Air oXoyijTiKds of Eunomius is lost. Among 
 the opponents of Arianism, Athanasius occupies by a long way the first place 
 (IV. Orations against the Arians, Ep. concerning Councils of Seleuciaand 
 Ariminum, Hist, of Arians to the Monks, Apology against the Arians, etc., 
 all included in Hist. Tracts of Athanasius, "Lib. of Fath.," 2 vols., Oxf., 
 1843 f.). On the works of Apolhnaris belonging to this controversy see 
 § 47, 5. Basil the Great wrote 4 bks. against Eunonius ; llepl tov ayiov 
 Uveij/xaros, Ad Amphilochum, against the Pneumatomachians. Gregory 
 Nazianzen wrote five A67ot OeoXoyiKoi. Gregory of Nyssa 12 Aoyoi 6.vrif>- 
 prjTiKol Kara Evvo/xiov. Didymus the Blind, 3 bks. De Trinitate. Epi- 
 phanius, the ^AyKvpuros. Cyril of Alexandria a O-qaavpos irepl r-rjs d7tas 
 Kal o'/zoot/crtas Tpiddos. Chrysostom delivered twelve addresses against the 
 Anomoians. Theodoret wrote Dialogi VII. d. s. Trinitate. Ephraem 
 Syrus, too, combated the Arians frequently in his sermons. Among the 
 Latins the most celebrated polemists are: Lucifer of Calaris {Ad Con- 
 stantium Imp. Lb. II. pro Atlicn.) ; Hilary of Poitiers [Be Trinitate Lb. 
 XII., de Synodus s. de fide Orientalinm, contra Constantium Aug.; C. 
 Auxentium) ; Phoebadius, bishop of Agenum about a.d. 359 (C. Arianos) ; 
 Ambrose (De fide ad Gratiamim Aug. Lb. V.) ; Augustine (C. Sermonem 
 Arianorum ; Collatio cum Maximo Arianorum cpisc. ; C. Maximinum) ; 
 Fulgentius of Euspe (C. Arianos, and 3 bks. against the Arian Vandal king 
 Thrasimund). 
 
 7. Post-Nicene Development of the Dogma. — Even the Nicene Symbol 
 did not completely surmount every trace of subordinationism. It is at 
 least capable of a subordinationist interpretation when the Father alone 
 is called els Oeos and so identified with the Monas. Augustine comj^letely 
 surmounted this defect {De Trinitate Lb. XV.). The personality of the 
 Spirit, too, as well as His relation to the Father and the Son, had not yet been 
 determined. A step was taken towards the formulating of the doctrine of 
 the Spirit's personality by the acknowledgment in the now lost Tome of the 
 Council of Constantinople of a.d. 381 of the full Homoousia of the Spirit 
 with the Father and the Son.^ But the doctrine of the Spirit's relations 
 to Father and Son still continued undetermined and even by the addition 
 
 from Apost. Age to Death of Charlemagne." Cambr., 1876. Pusey, " On 
 the clause And the Son.' " Oxf., 1876. 
 
 1 Hefele, "Hist, of Councils." ii. p. 348 ff. § 97, The Tome and the 
 Creed.
 
 § 50. TRINITARIAN CONTROVERSY, A.D. 318-381. 325 
 
 (to the eTj to irv, ay.) of : to Kvpiov, to i^wovotov, to iic warpos eKiropeviixevov, to 
 avf T<2 TraTpl /cat rw uiy (xvvwpoaKwovixevov koI (jwoo^a'^oixevov in the so-called 
 Symholum Nic. -Constant. (§ 59, 2), a definition so incomplete was obtained, 
 that even iive hundred years afterwards the great schism that rent the 
 church into an Eastern and a Western division found in this its doctrinal 
 basis (§ G7, 1). Augustine, too, had meanwhile come forward with a further 
 development of this doctrine, and taught in his speculation upon the Spirit 
 that He proceeded from the Son as well as from the Father (John xv. 26). 
 Fulgeutius of Euspe was the nest most famous representative of the 
 further development of the dogma (Dc s. Trlnitate). The so-called Atha- 
 nasian Creed (§ 59, 2) simply adopted this advanced development in the 
 proposition: qui procedit a Patrc ct Fillo, Similarly the Filioque is 
 found also in the so-called Nic.-Constant. Creed laid before the Synod of 
 Toledo in a.d. 589 (§ 76, 2).— Continuation § 67, 1 ; § 91, 2. 
 
 8. Scliisms in consequence of the Arian Controversy. — 1. The Meletian 
 Schism at Antioch. The Ariaus at Antioch had already in a.d. 330 driven 
 away Eustathius, the bishop of the see, who favoured the Niceno doctrine. 
 A portion of his people, however, remained attached to him and Homo- 
 ousianism under the leadership of the Presbyter Paulinus, and were 
 called Eustathiaus. When in a.d. 360 Eudoxius, the Arian bishop, left 
 Antioch, in order to take possession of the episcopal chair of the capital, 
 his former congregation chose Meletius, bishop of Sebaste, formerly a 
 Eusebian, but for some time friendly to the Nicene party, as his succes- 
 sor. His first sermon, however, served to undeceive those who had 
 chosen him, so that after a few weeks they drove him away and put 
 Euzoius, a decided Arian, in his place. Yet he had already won a follow- 
 ing in the congregation which, when Julian's succession made it possible 
 for him to return, took him back as bishop. Athanasius and the Alexan- 
 drian Synod of a.d. 362 had meanwhile made every effort to reconcile 
 these Meletians and the Eustathiaus and to unite them under the banner 
 of Nicieanism. But Lucifer, bishop of Calaris, sent to Antioch for this 
 purpose, confirmed the schism instead of healing it by ordaining Paulinus 
 bishop on the death of Eustathius in a.d. 360. The whole church now 
 took sides, the East that of Meletius, the West along with Egypt, that of 
 Paulinus. The Council of Constantinople in a.d. 381 gave to Meletius 
 the presidency as the oldest bishop present. When, after two days, he 
 died, Gregory Nazianzen, his successor in the presidency, recommended 
 that the next election should be postjooned till the death of the aged 
 Paulinus and that then both parties should join the election. It was, 
 however, all in vain. Flavian was appointed successor to Meletius, and 
 when Paulinus died in a.d. 388, the Presbyter Evagrius was chosen oppo- 
 sition bishop in his stead. Theodosius I., from a.d. 392 sole ruler, in- 
 sisted upon the West recognising Flavian. But in Antioch itself the 
 schism lasted down to the death of Evagrius. Finally, in a.d. 415, the
 
 326 THE GEiECO-EOMAN CHUECII, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 able successor of Flavian, bishop Alexauder, effected a reconciliation, by 
 talcing part on a feast day along with his congregation in the public wor- 
 ship of the Eustathians, joining with them in singing and prayer, and in 
 this way won them over to join him in the principal church. — II. The 
 Schism of the Luciferians. After Lucifer by his irrational zeal had caused 
 so much discord in Antioch, he returned in a.d. 362 to Alexandria, and 
 there protested against Athauasius for receiving back penitent Ariaus and 
 semi-Arians. He and his fanatical adherents formed the sect of Luci- 
 ferians, which renewed the Novatianist demands for Church purity, and 
 continued to exist down to the fifth century. — III. On the Schism ot 
 Bamasus aud Ursacius at Eome, see § 46, 4. 
 
 § 51. The Origenist Controversies, a.d. 394-438. 
 
 Naturally and necessarily tlie Christological are closely 
 connected witli the Trinitarian controversies (§ 52). But 
 between tlie two comes in another controversy, the Origen- 
 istic, which was indeed more of personal than of ecclesias- 
 tical interest, but still strengthened the church in the 
 conviction that Origen was an arch-heretic. 
 
 1. The Monks of the Scetic and Nitrian Deserts.— The most distinguished 
 defenders of Nicene orthodoxy, Athauasius, the three Cappadociaus, 
 Didymus, Hilary, etc., had all held Origen in high esteem. But the 
 constant references of the Arians to his authority brought him into dis- 
 credit, not only among the more narrow-minded opposers of Arius, espe- 
 cially in the West, but also among the monks of the Scetic desert in 
 Egypt, with Pdchomius at their head. These repudiated the speculation 
 of Origen as the source of all heresy, and in their views of God aud divine 
 things adopted a crude anthropomoriDhism. Epiplianius, bishop of Sala- 
 mis, also belonged originally to this party (§ 47, 10). In direct opposition 
 to them, another Egyptian monkish order in the Nitrian desert adhered 
 to Origen with enthusiastic reverence and occupied themselves in a pious 
 contemplative mysticism that tended to a somewhat extreme spirit- 
 ualism. 
 
 2. The Controversy in Palestine and Italy, A.D. 394-399. — In Palestine 
 Origen had a warm supporter in John bishop of Jerusalem, and in the two 
 Latins Jerome and Eufiuus who were staying there (§ 47, 10, 17). But 
 when in a.d. 394 a couple of Westerns who haj^pened to come there ex- 
 pressed their surprise, Jerome, anxious for his reputation for orthodoxy, 
 was at once prepared to condemn the errors of Origen. Meanwhile the 
 Scetic monks had called the attention of the old zealot Epiplianius to the
 
 § 51. ORIGENIST CONTROVERSIES, A.D. 394-438. 327 
 
 Palestinian nursery of heresy. Immediately lie made his way thither 
 and took advantage of John's friendly invitation to occupy his pulpit 
 by preaching a violent sermon against Origenism. John then preached 
 against anthropomorphism. Epiphanius pronounced an anathema 
 against that tendency but desired John to do the same in regard to 
 Origenism. 'VMien John refused, then Epiphanius, together with Jerome 
 and the Bethlehemite monks withdrew from communion with John and 
 Eufinus, and invaded John's episcopal rights by ordaining a presbyter 
 over the Bethlehemite monks. Now sprang up a violent controversy, 
 which Theophilus of Alexandria, by sending the presbyter Isidore, sought 
 to allay. Jerome and Eufinus were reconciled at the altar in a.d. 396. 
 The latter soon again returned to the West. He translated, omitting 
 objectionable passages, Origen's work Uepl dpxuy, and was indiscreet 
 enough to remark in the preface that even the orthodox Jerome was an 
 admirer of Origen. Stirred up by his Roman friends, Jerome began witi* 
 unmeasured violence a passionate polemic against Origenism and tlit 
 friend of his youth. He jn-oduced at the same time a literal rendering, 
 no longer extant, of the Uepl dpxuv. Eufinus replied with equal bitter- 
 ness, and the passion displayed by both led to farther causes of offence. 
 The Roman bishop Siricius took part with Eufinus, but his successor 
 Anastasius summoned him to answer for his opinions at Rome. Eufinus 
 did not appear, but sent an apology which so little satisfied Anastasius 
 that he rather consented to send letters to John of Jerusalem and other 
 oriental bishops in condemnation of Origenism, a.d. 399. Eufinus with- 
 drew to Aquileia and there continued to translate the writings of Origen 
 an^ others of the Greeks. 
 
 3. The Controversy iu Alexandria and Constantinople, A.D. 399-438. — 
 Theophilus, patriarch of Alexandria, a pompous, ambitious and strong- 
 handed ecclesiastical prince, had down to a.d. 399 been on good terms 
 with the Origenist monks and even in the Easter address of that year 
 expressed himself in strong terms against the heresy of the anthropo- 
 morphists. The monks rose in rebellion over this, attacked him with 
 clubs and forced him to pronounce an anathema upon Origen. Soon 
 thereafter he had a personal dispute with his former friends. The aged 
 and venerable presbjter Isidore and the four so-called " long brothers," 
 dS€\<pol naKpoi, two of whom served in his church as oeconomi, refused to 
 pay him pupils' and legates' money and fled from his passionate dis- 
 pleasure to their companions in the Nitrian desert. In a.d. 399, how- 
 ever, at an endemic Synod at Alexandria he condemned Origen, and in 
 A.D. 401 published a violent manifesto against the Origeuists.^ The noble 
 but shortsighted Epiphanius approved it arkl Jerome hastened to trans- 
 
 1 Stephens, " Chrvsostom," pp. 287-305. Hefele, " Hist, of Councils." 
 ii. p. 430 ff.
 
 328 THE Gil^CO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 late it into Latin. With rude military force tlie Nitrian monks were 
 scattered and driven away. Persecuted by the warrants issued by the 
 patriarch, they sought protection from bishop John Chrysostom at Con- 
 stantinople (§47, 8), whose intercession, however, Theophilus contemp- 
 tuously rejected. For peace sake Chrysostom now wished to retire. But 
 the monks found access to the Empress Eudoxia, and upon her appeal to 
 the Emperor Arcadius, Theophilus was cited before a Synod at Constan- 
 tinople over which Chrysostom presided. Theoi^hilus foamed with rage. 
 He succeeded by misrepresentation of the facts to win to his side the 
 zealot Epiphanius. The noble old man hasted full of zeal and prejudice 
 to Constantinople, but coming to see things in their true light, he with- 
 drew from them with the words, " I leave to you the court and hypocrisy." 
 Theophilus, however, knew well how to get on with the court and hypo- 
 crisy. Chrysostom, by severe and searching preaching, had aroused the 
 anger of the Empress. Eelying upon this, Theoijhilus landed with a great 
 retinue at Constantinople, and organized at the Empress's estate of Drus, 
 the Oak, near Chalcedon, a Council, Synodus ad Quercumtk.D. 403, which 
 pronounced Chrysostom guhty of immorality, offences against the church 
 and high treason. The Emperor condemned him to exile. Chrysostom 
 soothed the people excited in his favour, and allowed himself quietly to 
 be sent away. A violent earthquake, however, next night and the incon- 
 troUable excitement of the populace, led the Emperor to entreat the exile by 
 special messenger immediately to return. After three days' absence he had 
 a triumphal entrance again into the city. Theophilus fled precipitately to 
 Alexandria. Soon thereafter Chrysostom very solemnly denounced the 
 noisy inauguration of a statue of the empress during the celebration of 
 worship, and when on this account her rage flamed up against him afresh, 
 the unfortunate words were uttered by him in a sermon on the day of 
 John the BajDtist : HdXiv 'HpwSt'as fjLaiveTai, irdXiv TrpdaaeTai, iriXiv iirl 
 TTLvaKt. TTjv Ke^a\7]i> ToO 'Iwxpvov i^r]Tei Xa^ew. Now the game was again in 
 Theophilus' favour. His party fanned the flame at the court. During 
 the Easter vigils, a.d. 404, armed men burst into the church of Chrysos- 
 tom and carried him away an exile to Cucusus in Armenia. With heroic 
 courage he bore all the miseries of the journey, the climate and the wild 
 lawless neighbourhood. With his people from the place of his banish- 
 ment he maintained regular pastoral intercourse. — Soon after the out- 
 break of the conflict, Theophilus as well as Chrysostom. had diligently 
 sought to obtain the support of the West. Both sent letters and mes- 
 sengers to Eome, Milan and Aquileia, seeking to justify their cases before 
 the churches. Innocent I. of Eome urged the deciding of the controversy 
 at an recumenical Council, but did not carry his point. After the disgrace- 
 ful banishment of Chrysostom the whole West took his side, and Innocent 
 got Honorius to apply to Arcadius for his recall ; but the only result was 
 that in a.d. 407 be was sent to still more severe banishment at Pityus, on
 
 § 52. THE CHRISTOLOGICAL CONTROVEESY. 329 
 
 the Black Scca. He succumbed to the fatigues of the journey and died 
 on the way with words on his lips that had been the motto of his life : 
 Au^a TU) de'2 wdvruv 'iveKev. A great part of his congregation at Constan- 
 tinople refused to acknowledge the new patriarch Arsacius and his suc- 
 cessor Atticus, and continued apart, notwithstanding all persecutions, 
 under the name of Johannites, until Theodosius II. in ad. 438 fetched 
 back with honour the bones of their revered pastor and laid them in the 
 imperial vault. Amid personal animosities and embittered feelings the 
 Origenist controversy was long lost to view, but we must return to it 
 again further on (§ 52, G).' 
 
 § 52. The Ciiristological Contkoversy.^ 
 
 In tlio Trinitarian controversy we dealt with the pre- and 
 extra-historical existence of the Son of Grod, with His divine 
 nature in itself ; but now, at the crucial point of Christian 
 speculation and ecclesiastical conflict, we come to treat of 
 His historical existence as that of the incarnate Son of God, 
 of the connection of the divine nature of the Logos with the 
 human nature of the Son of Mary, and of the mutual rela- 
 tions of both to one another. Even during the Arian con- 
 troversy the conflict was begun, and while the church 
 maintained against Arius the full divinity of Christ, it also 
 affirmed against Apollinaris the completeness of His huma- 
 nit}'. In three further phases this conflict was continued. 
 In the Dyoprosopic controversy the church maintained the 
 unity of the Person of Christ against the Antiochean extreme 
 represented by Nestorius, which held both natures so far 
 ajjart that the result seemed to be two persons. In the 
 Monophysite controversy the opposite extreme of the new 
 Alexandrian school was combated, which in the unity of 
 the person lost sight of the distinctness of the natures. In 
 the Monothelite controversy a unionistic effort was resisted 
 
 ' The most useful and complete account of Chrysostom is that of 
 Stephens. Consult also MUman, " Hist, of Chr." Vol. iii. pp. 206 ff. 
 
 2 Dorner, " Hist, of the Development of the Doctr. of the Person of 
 Clirist." 5 vols. Edin., 1861.
 
 330 THE GRiECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323'-692. 
 
 which indeed allowed the duality of natures to be affirmed 
 nominally, but practically denied it by the acknowledgment 
 of only one will. 
 
 1. The Apollinariau Controversy, A.D. 362-381.' — Previously the older 
 Blodalists, e.g., Beryllus and Sabellius, had taught that by the incaruation 
 the Logos had received merely a human body. Marcellus shared this 
 view ; but also his antipodes Arius had adopted it in order to avoid 
 postulating two creatures in Christ. Athanasius held by the doctrine 
 of Origen, that the human soul in Christ is a necessary bond between 
 the Logos and the body, as well as an organ for giving expression to 
 the Logos through the body. At the Synod of Alexandria, a.d. 3C2, 
 therefore, he obtained ecclesiastical sanction for the recognition of a 
 complete human nature in Christ. Apollinaris of Laodicea (§ -17, 5), 
 who had helped to arrange for this Council, also disapproved of the 
 expression crw/ia &xj/vxov, but yet thought that the doctrine of the com- 
 pleteness of the human nature must be denied. He was led to this 
 position by his adoption of trichotomic principles. He maintained that 
 Christ has taken merely a au/xa with a \pvxv &^oyos, and that the place 
 of the ^vxv X071/C-;; (6 uoOs) was represented in him by the divine Logos. 
 If this were not so then, he thought, one must assume two persons in 
 Christ or let Christ sink down to the position of a mere dvOpuiros 'ivOeo's. 
 Only in this way too could absolute sinlessness be affirmed of him. On 
 the other hand, Athanasius and the two Gregpries saw that in this way 
 the substantiality of the incarnation and the completeness of redemption 
 were lost. The so-called second cecumenical Council of a.d. 381 rejected 
 the doctrine of Apollinaris, who with his party was excluded from the 
 Church. The Apollinarians subsequently joixred the Monophysites. 
 
 2. Cliristology of the Opposing Theological Schools. — In consequence of 
 the Ariau controversy the perfect divinity, and in consequence of the 
 ApoUiuarian controversy the perfect humanity, of Christ were finally 
 established. On the relation between the two natures conditioned by 
 the union there was definite result attained unto. Apollinaris had 
 taught a connection of the divinity with the incomplete manhood so 
 intimate that he had unwittingly destroyed the duality of the natures, 
 and by means of an avrijueOi-TTaaLs rdv ovoixdroiv transferred the attri- 
 butes of the one nature to the other ; so that not only the body of 
 Christ must have been deified and have been therefore worthy of worship, 
 but also birth, suffering and death must be referred to His divinity. In 
 his treatise : Kara fj.epos Tr/crns, he teaches : 0^ Zvo wpoawTra, ov5i 5vo 
 
 1 Newman, " Tracts Theological and Ecclesiastical." Chap, iii, 
 ApoUinarianism.
 
 § 52. THE CHEISTOLOGICAL CONTROVERSY. 331 
 
 (pucr€Ls, ou5^ yap riaaapa irpoah'wecv Xiyo/xey, deop kuI vlov Oeov Kalcivcppuirov 
 Kal TTvevfxa dyiov ; aud in the tract De incarnatione VerM, wrongly 
 attributed to Atlianasius : 'Op.o\oyov/J.£V ehai avrov vlbv tov Oeov Kal Oeov 
 Kara wvevp-a, vlbv wdpunrov Kara crapKa' oil dijo (pvaeis tov eva vlov, jxiav 
 7rpoaKvvi]Tr]u Kal fx'iav a.Trpo<TKvvr}Tov, dXXd pilav (pvcnv rod Oeov \6yov aeaap- 
 KOfj.evi)v Kal Trpo<TKWo/Ji.evr)v fJceTo, ttjs edpKOS ai/ToG fJ-ia TrpotXKVvqaei.. So, 
 too, in the Epistle ascribed to Julius of Rome. The Alexandrian Theology, 
 although rejecting the mutilation of the human nature favoured by 
 Apolliuaris, sympathized with him in his love for the mystical, the 
 inconceivable and the transcendental. In opposition to the Arian 
 heresy it gave special emphasis to the divinity of Christ and taught a 
 eVw(rts (pvaiKr'i of both natures. Only before the union and in ahstracto 
 can we si^eak of two natures ; after the incarnation and in concreto we 
 can speak only of one divine-human nature. Mary was therefore spoken 
 of as the mother of God, deoroKos. Atlianasius in his treatise against 
 Apollinaris acknowledged an davyxaros cpvaiKT] evuicnt tov \6yov tt/joj ti]v 
 IBlav avTov yevop-ivriv adpKa, and explained this (pvcrtKri eVwcns as a eVwcrts 
 KaTo, (pvcnv. The Cappadocians (§ 47, 4) indeed expressly admitted two 
 natures, ctXXo koI aXXo, but yet taught a commingling of them, auyKpaais, 
 KaraixL^LS, a crwdpa/jLeLv of the two natures, els 'iv, a fieTaTroirjdrivai. of the 
 ffap^ irpbs TTjv OeoTijTa. Cyril of Alexandria taught that the €i'aapK(>}<ns 
 was a 4>vcnKT] eyua-is, an incarnation in the proper sense. Christ consists 
 iK dvo (pvaeup, but not eV Suo (pvaeai, i.e. only before the incarnation 
 and in ahstracto (Kara piovijv T-qv Beiaplav) can we speak of two natures. 
 In the God-man two natures would be two subjects, and so there would 
 be two Christs ; the redeemer would then only be an dvdpcjowos 6eo(p6po% 
 aud not a deduOpuwos, and could thus afford uo guarantee of a complete 
 redemption, etc. The Antiochean Theology (§ 47, 8, 9), in opposition to 
 Apollinaris, affirmed most emxDhatically the complete and unchangeable 
 reality of the human nature of Christ at aud after its union with the 
 divine. It would therefore only admit of a awacpela, or a evojais ax^TiK-fj, 
 by which both are brought into the relation (crxeVty) of common being 
 and common action. Exiwessions like deoTOKos, debs eyyewajdev, debs 
 iiradev, seemed to the thinkers of this school blasphemous, or at least 
 absurd. They acknowledged indeed that the adpt, of Christ is worthy 
 of adoration but only in so far as it is the organ of the redeeming Logos, 
 not because in itself it shares in the divine attributes. The most de- 
 veloped form of this doctrine was presented by Theodore of Mopsuestia 
 in strict connection with his anthropology and soteriology. The historical 
 development of the God-man is with him the type and pattern of tha 
 historical redemption of mankind. Christ assumed a complete human 
 nature, with all its sinful affections and tendencies, but he fought these 
 down and raised His human nature by constant conflict and victory to 
 that absolute perfection to which by the same way He leads us through
 
 332 THE GE^CO-KOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 tbe communiccation of His Spirit. He expressly guarded liimself agcaiiist 
 tliG charge of maliing Christ into two persons : Christ is dWo kuI dWo, 
 but not aXXos /cat dWos, for the human nature has in the incarnation 
 renounced personality and independence. — Each of these two schools 
 represented one side of the truth of the church's doctrine ; in the union 
 of the two sides the church proclaimed the full truth. On the other 
 hand the two schools proceeded more and more one-sidedly to emphasise 
 each its own side of the truth, and so tended toward positive error. 
 Thus arose two opposite errors, the separating of the natures and the 
 confusing of the natures, which the church rejected one after the other, 
 and proclaimed the truth that lay at the root of both. — During this 
 discussion arose the Western Theology as the regulator of the debate. 
 So long as it dealt with the one-sided extreme of the Antiocheans it 
 stood side by side with the Alexandrians. Augustine, e.g. used indeed 
 the expression mixture, but in reality he explains the relation of both 
 natures to one another quite in accordance with the afterwards settled 
 orthodoxy. But when at last the method of exclusions reached the 
 error of the Alexandrians, the Westerns turned quite as decidedly to 
 the other side and maintained the union of the two sides of the truth 
 (Leo the Great). The conflict attracted great attention when it broke 
 out at first in the West, but it was so quickly settled that soon no trace 
 of it remained. In Southern Gaul a monk Leporius came forward 
 teaching the Antiochean doctrine of the union of the two natures. In 
 A.D. 426 he went to Africa, entered into conflict with Augustine, but 
 retracted his errors almost immediately. 
 
 3. The Dyoprosopic or Nestorian Controversy, A.D. 428-444.^ — In a.d 
 428 a monk of Antioch called Nestorius, a distinguished orator, was 
 appointed patriarch of Constantinople. He was an eloquent and pious 
 man but hasty and imprudent, with little knowledge of the world and 
 human nature, and immoderately severe against heretics. The hatred 
 of an unsuccessful rival in Constantinople called Proclus and the rivalry 
 of the patriarch of Alexandria, who hated him not only as a rival but 
 as an Antiochean, made the position of the unsupported monk a very 
 hard one, and his protection of the expatriated Pelagians (§ 53, 4) excited 
 the Roman bishop Cojlestine against him. Auastasius, a presbyter 
 brought with him by Nestorius, was annoyed at the frequent use of the 
 expression OeoroKos and preached against it. Nestorius took his part 
 against people and monks, sentenced the monks who had insulted him 
 personally to endure corporal punishment, and at an endemic Synod in 
 A.D. 439 condemned the doctrine objected to. And now Cyril of Alexandria 
 (§ 47, 6) entered the lists as champion of the Alexandrian dogmatics. 
 He won to himself Cuelestine of Rome (§ 46, C), as well as bishops 
 
 1 Hefele, " Hist, of Councils." Vol. iii. pp. 1-15C.
 
 § 52. THE CHRISTOLOGICAL CONTROVERSY. 333 
 
 Memnon of Ephesus and Juvenalis of Jerusalem, and at the court, 
 Pulclieria (sister of Theodosius II. a.d. 408-450) ; while the empress 
 Eudocia (§ 48, 5) and the Syrian bishops took the side of Nestorius. 
 All conciliatory attempts were frustrated by the stiffness of the two 
 patriarchs. Ccelestine of Rome in a.d. 430 demanded of Nestorius a 
 recantation within ten days, and Cyril at a Synod of Alexandria in a.d. 
 430 produced twelve strong couuterpropositions containing anathemas, 
 which Nestorius answered immediately by twelve counteranathemas. 
 Thus the controversy and the parties engaged in it became more 
 and more violent. For its settlement the emperor called the so-called 
 Third (properly Second, comp. § 50, 4) (Ecumeuical Council at Epliesus 
 in A.D. 431. Nestorius enjoyed the decided favour of the emperor, the 
 imperial plenipotentiary was his personal friend, and a jDortiou of the 
 emperor's bodyguard accompanied him to Ephesus. But Cyril appeared 
 with a great retinue of bishops and a faithful guard of servants of the 
 church and seamen, who should in case of need prove the correctness of 
 the Alexandrian dogmatics with their fists. In addition Memnon of 
 Ephesus had in readiness a crowd of clergy, monks and people from Asia 
 Minor. Before the Roman legates and the Syrian bishops had arrived 
 Cyril opened the Council without them with 200 bishops. Nestoriauism 
 was condemned, Nestorius excommunicated and deposed, and Cyril's 
 anathematizing propositions adopted as the standard of ecclesiastical 
 orthodoxy. The Roman legate recognised the Council, but the imperial 
 commissioner refused his approval ; and the Syrian bishops, under the 
 presidency of John of Antioch proceeded, on their arrival, to hold an 
 opposition Council, which excommunicated Cyril and Memnon. Nes- 
 torius of his own accord retired into a monastery. Meanwhile in Con- 
 stantinople, at the instigation of Pulcheria, a popular tumult was raised 
 iu favour of Cyril. The emperor set aside all the three leaders, 
 Nestorius, Cyril and Memnon, and authorised a mediating creed drawn 
 up by Theodoret (§ 47, 0) in which the OeoroKos was recognised but an 
 diTuyxvTos 'ivucTfi was affirmed. Cyril and Memnon still remained iu 
 their offices. They subscribed Theodoret's formula and John subscribed 
 the condemnation of Nestorius, a.d. 433, who was deposed and given 
 over to the vengeance of his enemies. Driven from his monastic retreat 
 and in many ways ill-treated, he died in destitution in a.d. 440. The 
 compromise of the two leaders called forth opposition on every side. 
 The Syrian church was in revolt over their patriarch's betrayal of the 
 person of Nestorius. John avenged himself by deposing his Disponents. 
 This had well-nigh been the fate of the noble Theodoret; but the 
 patriarch exempted him from condemning the person of Nestorius in 
 consideration of his condemnation of the doctrine. — The Egyptians also 
 charged their patriarch with the denial of the true doctrine. He was 
 at pains, however, to give proof of his zeal by the vindictiveness of his
 
 834 THE GB^CO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 persecutions. Not witliout an eye to results lie wrought to have the 
 anathema of the church pronounced upon the heads of the Antiochean 
 school, and one of their partisans, bishop Eabulas of Edessa, pounced 
 upon the famous theological school at Edessa, at the head of which 
 then stood the distinguished presbyter Ibas (§ 47, 13). After the death 
 of Eabulas, however, in a.d. 436, the school again rose to great eminence. 
 Theodoret and Cyril meanwhile contended with one another in violent 
 writings. Death closed the mouth of Cyril in a.d. 444. But Eabulas 
 unweariedly sought out and burnt the writings of Theodore of Moi^suestia, 
 which Ibas had translated into Syriac. The latter published a letter 
 to Maris bishop of Hardashir in Persia, which at a subsequent period 
 obtained symbolical rank among the Nestorians, and Thomas Barsumas, 
 bishop of Nisibis, wrought successfully for the spread of Nestorianism 
 in the Persian church. In a.d. 489 the school of Edessa was again de- 
 stroyed by order of the emperor Zeno. Teachers and scholars migrated 
 to Persia, and founded at Nisibis a school that long continued famous. 
 At a Synod in Seleucia in a.d. 499, lander the patriarch Bab;ius of 
 Seleucia, the whole Persian church finally broke off from the orthodox 
 church of the Eoman empire (§ 64, 2). They called themselves accord- 
 ing to their ecclesiastical language Chaldean Christians. Their patriarch 
 bore the title Jazelich, KaOoXiKos. The Nestorian church passed on from 
 Persia into India, where its adherents, appropriating the old legend 
 that the apostle Thomas had introduced Christianity into India (§16, 4), 
 called themselves Thomas-Christiaus. 
 
 4. The Monophysite Controversy. I. Eutychianism, A.D. 444-451. — 
 Cyril's successor was Dioscurus, who was inferior to his predecessor in 
 acuteness, but in passionateness and tyrannical cruelty left him far be- 
 hind. An old archimandrite in Constantinople called Eutyches taught 
 not only that after His incarnation Christ had only one nature, but also 
 that the body of Christ as the body of God is not of like substance with 
 our own. The patriarch Domnus of Antioch accused him without suc- 
 cess to Theodosius II., and Theodoret wrote against him a controversial 
 treatise under the title 'EpaviarT^s ijroL IIoXiVop^oj, in which he opposed 
 the doctrine of Eutyches as a conglomeration of many heresies. Dios- 
 curus now joined in the fray, and wrought upon the emperor, whose 
 minister the eunuch Chrysaphius and whose consort Eudocia he had 
 won over to his side, to pass severe measures against the Syrians, and 
 especially Theodoret, whom the emperor forbade to pass beyond the range 
 of his diocese. Eusebius, bishop of Doryliium, in Phrygia, however, 
 accused Eutyches before an endemic Synod at Constantinople, iu a.d. 
 448, presided over by the patriarch Flavian. Eutyches, though under 
 imperial protection, was nevertheless, upon his refusal to retract, ex- 
 communicated and deposed. He appealed to an oecumenical Synod and 
 betook himself to Leo the Great (§ 467) at Eome. Flavian also appeared
 
 § 52. THE CHEISTOLOGICAL CONTEOVERSY. 335 
 
 before the Roman bishop. Leo took the side of Flavian, and in a letter 
 to that patriarch developed with great acuteness and clearness the doc- 
 trine of the two natures in Christ. The emperor, however, convoked an 
 oecumenical Council at Ephesus, a.d. 449, at which Dioscurus presided, 
 while Flavian and his party had no vote and Theodoret was not even 
 present, but at which for the first time there was a representative of the 
 monastic order in the person of the zealous monophysite, the Abbot 
 Barsumas. The Council was conducted in an extremely arbitrary and 
 violent manner. The doctrine of two natures was rejected, and when 
 Eusebius stepped forward to defend it, the Egyptians shouted : Away 
 with him ! Burn him ! Tear him in two pieces, as he has torn the 
 Christ ! Flavian as well as Eusebius appealed to the bishop of Rome ; 
 but the Synod pronounced on both the sentence of excommunication. 
 When now some bishops sprang forward, and embracing Dioscurus' 
 knees entreated him to desist from such injustice, he called in the 
 soldiers to his help who with chains and unsheathed swords rushed into 
 the church, after them a crowd of fanatical monks, stout parabolani and 
 a raging rabble. Flavian was sorely injured by blows and kicks, and 
 died soon afterwards in banishment. The Roman legates and Eusebius 
 escaped similar maltreatment only by speedy flight. During the later 
 sittings Eutyches was restored, but the chiefs of the opposite party, 
 Ibas, Theodoret, Domnus, etc., were deposed and excommunicated. Leo 
 the Great addressed to the emperor a vigorous protest against the de- 
 cisions of this Robber Synod, Latrocinium Ei^hesinnm, crvfodos X-qarpiK-q. 
 The result was that Theodosius quarrelled with Eudocia, was reconciled 
 to Pulcheria, and dismissed his minister. Flavian's body was now taken 
 in state to Constantinople, and honourably buried. Theodosius' death 
 iu A.r>. 450 prevented any further steps being taken. His sister Pulcheria, 
 with her husband Marcian, ascended the throne. A new (Ecumenical 
 Coiuicil (the so-called fourth) at Clialcedon in A.D. 451, deposed Dioscurus, 
 who was banished to Gangra in Paphlagonia, but spared the other party 
 leaders of the Mouophysites, and condemned Nestorianism as well as 
 Eutychianism. Cyril's synodal rescripts against Nestorius and Leo's 
 Epistle were made the basis of the formal statement of the orthodox 
 doctrine : " that Christ is true God and true man, according to His God- 
 head begotten from eternity and like the Father in everything, according 
 to his humanity born of Mary the Virgin and God bearer in time and 
 like to us men in everything, only without sin ; and that after His in- 
 carnation the unity of the person consists in two natures which are con- 
 joined without confusion [aavyxvTWs) and without change [aTpiirTus), but 
 also without rending (d5tai/)^rws) and without separation (dxw/jtVrws)." 
 In this Synod too there were frequently scenes which in unruly violence 
 were little behind those of the Robber Synod. When, for example, Theo- 
 doret entered amid the loud cheers of the orientals, the Egyptians saluted
 
 336 THE GK.^CO-KOMAN CHUKCH, A.D. 328-692. 
 
 him with wild shouts (5t' eva^^eiav Kpd^ofiev, said they) : " Away with the 
 Jew, the blasphemer of God ! " A scene of wild confusion and tumult 
 followed which only with the greatest difficulty was quelled by the im- 
 perial commissioners. Then at the eighth session, when the Egyptians 
 demanded not only the express and special condemnation of the doctrine 
 but also that of the person of Nestorius, and Theodoret sought to justify 
 him, the storm broke out afresh, and this time the Egyptians gained their 
 point, but they were again defeated after violent debate, in their attempt 
 to secure the condemnation of the person and writings of Ibas.^ 
 
 5. II. Imperial Attempts at Union, A.D. 451-519.— The supporters of 
 the Alexandrian dogmatics left the Council full of resentment at the 
 defeat which they had sustained. They were henceforth called Mono- 
 physites. The whole church was now in a state of feverish excitement. 
 In Palestine the monk Theodosius, secretly co-operating with the dowager 
 empress Eudocia living there in exile, roused the mob into rebellion. 
 In Egypt the uproar was still more violent. Timotheus Aelurus assumed 
 the position of an opposition patriarch and drove out the orthodox 
 patriarch Proterius. The same thing was done in Antioch by the monk 
 Petrus Fullo (oypacpevs). In order to give a MonoiDhysite colour to the 
 liturgy he added to the Trishagion (Is. vi. 3), which had been liturgically 
 used in the oldest churches, the formula debs 6 ffravpoideU Sc ijfxas. Party 
 violence meanwhile went the length of insurrections and blood-shedding 
 on both sides. The new emperor Leo I. the Thracian, a.d. 457-474, a 
 powerful and prudent ruler, interposed to bring about a pacification. In 
 accordance with the advice of the most distinguished bishops of the 
 empire the two mutinous leaders of the MouoiDliysites were banished, 
 and the patriarchal sees thus vacated filled by moderate Dyophysites. 
 But after Leo's death and the dethronement of his son-in-law Zeuo in 
 A.D. 475, the usurper Basiliscus issued an edict in a.d. 476, under the 
 name of an Eucyclion, by which the Chalcedonian Symbol, along with 
 Leo's Epistle, was condemned, and Monophysitism was proclaimed to be 
 the universal national religion. Fullo and Aelurus were also reinstated. 
 The patriarch Acacius of Constantinople, on the other hand, organized 
 a Dyophysite counter-revolution, Basiliscus was overthrown, and the 
 emperor Zeuo again placed upon the throne in a.d. 477. About this 
 time Aelurus died, and his party chose Petrus Mongus {inoyy6s, stammer- 
 ing) as his successor ; but the court appointed a Dyophysite Johannes 
 Talaja. Acacius, when Talaja took up a hostile position towards him, 
 joined with his opponent Mongus. Both agreed upon a treaty of union, 
 
 > Most informing about all these transactions is Ilofele, " Hist, of 
 Councils." iii. Edin., 1883 (Robber Synod, p. 241 ff. ; Chalcedon, p. 451 
 ff.). Perry, " Second Council of Ephesus." London, 1877. Bright, 
 " Hist, of Church from a.d. 313-451." Cambr., 18G0.
 
 § 52. THE CIIRISTOLOGICAL CONTEOVEESY. 337 
 
 which also fouutl favour with the emperor Zeno, and by au edict, the 
 so-called Henoticon of a.d. 482 obtained the force of a law. Nestorian- 
 ism and Eutychiauism were condemned, Cyril's anathematisms were 
 renewed, the Chalcedonian decisions abrogated, and the Nicene faith 
 alone declared valid, while all controverted points were to be carefully 
 avoided in teaching and preaching. Naturally protests were made from 
 both sides. The strict Monophysites of Egypt threw off Mongus, and 
 were now called 'A/ce^aXot. Felix III. of Eome, at the head of the 
 Diophysites, refused to have church fellowship with Acacius. Thus 
 arose a 35 years' schism, a.d. 484-519, between East and West. Only 
 the Acoimetaj monks in Constantinople (§ 44, 3) continued to hold com- 
 munion with Eome. Church fellowship between the parties was not 
 restored until Justin I., who thought that the schism would hinler his 
 l^rojected rcconquest of Italy, in conjunction with the Eoman bishop 
 Hormisdas in a.d. 519, cancelled the Henoticon, and deposed those who 
 adhered to it. 
 
 G. III. Justinian's Decrees, A.D. 527-553. — During the violent conflict 
 of parties Justinian I. entered upon his long and politically considered 
 glorious reign, a.d. 527-565. He regarded it as his life task permanently 
 to establish orthodoxy, and to win back heretics to the church, above 
 all the numerous Monophysites. But the well-disposed emperor, who 
 moreover had no deep insight into the thorny questions of theological 
 controversy, was in various ways misled by the intrigues of court theo- 
 logians, and the machinations of his crafty consort Theodora, who was 
 herself secretly a Monophysite. The Theopaschite Controversy first 
 called forth from him a decree. The addition made to the Trishagion 
 by Petrus Fullo, Oebs 6 cTTavpuiOels 5t' 7/^tas, had been smuggled into the 
 Gonstantinopolitau liturgy about a.d, 512. The Acoimetas pronounced 
 it heretical, and Hormisdas of Eome admitted that it was at least 
 capable of being misunderstood and useless. But Justinian sanctioned 
 it in a.d. 533. Encouraged by this iirst success, Theodora used her 
 influence to raise the Mouophysite Anthimus to the episcopal chair of 
 the capital. But the Eoman bishop Agapetus, who stayed in Constan- 
 tinople as ambassador of the Goths, unmasked him, and obtained his 
 deposition. Mennas, a friend of Agapetus, was appointed his successor 
 in A.D. 536. All Mouophysite writings were ordered to be burnt, their 
 transcribers were punished by the loss of their hand. Two Palestinian 
 abbots, Domitian and Theodore Ascidas, secret Monophysites and zealous 
 friends of Origen, lived at court in high favour. To compass their over- 
 throw, Mennas at au endemic Synod at Constantinople in a.d. 543 
 renewed the condemnation of the arch-heretic and his writings. The 
 court theologians, however, subscribed without objection, and in concert 
 with Theodora plotted their revenge. Justinian had long regarded 
 Egypt with peculiar interest as the granary of the empire. He felt that 
 
 Z
 
 338 THE GE^CO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D, 323-692. 
 
 something must be done to jmcify the Monophysites who abounded in 
 that country. Theodora persuaded him that the Monophysites would 
 be satisfied if it were resolved, along with the writings of Theodore, 
 the father of the Nestorian heresy, to condemn also the controversial 
 writings of Theodoret against the venerated Cyril and the Epistle of 
 Ibas to Maris. The supposed errors of these were collected before him in 
 the Three Chapters. The emperor did this by an edict in a.d. 544, and 
 demanded the consenting subscription of all the bishops. The orientals 
 obeyed ; but in the West opposition was shown on all sides, and thus 
 broke out the violent Controversy of the Three Chapters. Yigilius of 
 Eome, a creature of Theodora (§4G, 9) , had secretly promised his co-opera- 
 tion, but, not feeling able to face the storm in the West, he broke his 
 word. Justinian had him brought to Constantinople in A.r>. 547 and 
 forced from him a written declaration, the so-called Judicatuvi, in which 
 he agreed to the condemnation of the Three Chapters. The Africans, 
 under Eeparatus of Carthage excommunicated the successor of Peter, 
 and fought manfully for the rights and honour of the calumniated 
 fathers. Fulgentius Farraudus wrote Pro trihus capitt., Facuudus of 
 Hermiane, Defcnsio III. capitt., and the deacon Liberatus of Carthage, 
 ' a Breviarium causae Nestorian. et Eutychianorum, an important source 
 of information for the history of the Christological Controversies. 
 Justinian finally convened the Fifth (Ecumenical Council at Constantin- 
 ople in A.D. 553, which confirmed all the imperial edicts. Vigilius 
 issued a Constitum ad Imp., iu which he indeed rejected the doctrines 
 of the Three Chapters but refused to condemn the persons. Under 
 imprisonment and exile he became pliable, and subscribed in a.d. 554. 
 He died in a.d. 555 on his return to his bishopric. His successor 
 Pelagius formally acknowledged the Constautinopolitan decrees, and 
 North Africa, North Italy and lUyria renounced the dishonoured chair 
 of Peter. At last Gregory the Great, with much difficulty, gradually 
 brought this schism to an end. 
 
 7. IV. The Monophysite Churches. — Justinian, however, did not thereby 
 reach the end he had in view. The Monophysites continued their separa- 
 tion because the hated Chalcedoniau Symbol was still acknowledged. But 
 more injurious to them than the persecutions of the orthodox national 
 church were the endless quarrels and divisions among themselves. First 
 of all the two leaders in Alexandria, Julianus and Severus, became heads 
 of rival parties. The Severians or (pdaproXdrpai taught that the body of 
 Christ in itself had been subject to corruption (the (p9opd) ; the Julianists 
 denied it. This first split was followed by many others. By transferring 
 the Monophysite confusion of oiaia and viroaTacrts to the doctrine of the 
 Trinity arose the Monophysite sect of the Tritheists, who taught that in 
 Christ there is one nature, and that in the Trinity a separate nature is to 
 be ascribed to each of the three persons. Among them was the celebrated
 
 § 52. THE CHEISTOLOGICAL CONTROVEESY. 339 
 
 philosopher, Johannes Philoponus (§ 47, 11), who supported this doctrine 
 by the Aristotehan categories. He also vindicated the notion that the 
 present world as to form and matter would perish at the last day, and 
 an entirely new world with new bodies would be created. In opposition 
 to this Conou, bishop of Tarsus, affirmed that the overthrow of the 
 world would be in form only, and that the risen saints would again 
 possess the same bodies though in a glorified form. His followers the 
 so-called Cononites separated from the main stem of the Tritheists and 
 formed an independent sect. — The Monophysites were most numerous 
 in Egypt. Out of hatred to the Greek Catholics they forbade the use 
 of the Greek language in their churches, and chose a Coptic patriarch 
 for themselves. They aided the Saracens in their conquest of Egypt in 
 A.D. 640, who out of gratitude for this drove away the Catholic patriarch. 
 From Egypt Monophysitism spread into Abyssinia (§ 64, 1). Already 
 in A.D. 536 Byzantine Armenia had been conquered by the Persians, 
 who showed favour to the previously oppressed Monophysites (§ 64, 3). 
 In Syria and Mesopotamia, during Justinian's persecutions, the un- 
 wearied activity of a monk, Jacob Zanzalus, commonly called el Baradai, 
 because he went about clad as a beggar, ordained by the Monophysites 
 as bishop of Edessa and the whole East, saved the Monophysite church 
 from extinction. He died in a.d. 538. After him the Monophysites 
 were called Jacobites. They called the Catholics Melchites, Eoyalists. 
 Their patriarch resided at Guba in Mesopotamia. Subordinate to him 
 was a suffragan bishop at Tagrit with the title of Maphrian, i.e. the 
 Fruit-bearer. At the head of the Armenian Monophysites stood the 
 patriarch of Aschtarag with the title Catholicus, The Abyssinian church 
 had a metropolitan with the title Abbuna^ — Continuation § 72, 2. 
 
 8. The Mouotlielite Controversy, AD. 633-680.— The increasing political 
 embarrassments of the emperor made a union with the Monophysites all 
 the more desirable. The emperor Heraclius, a.d, 611-641, was advised 
 to attempt a union of parties under the formula : that Christ accom- 
 plished His work of redemption by the exercise of one divine human 
 will (ixM OeavSpiKy evepyelq.). Several Catholic bishops found nothing 
 objectionable in this formula which had already been used by the 
 Pseudo-Dionysius (§ 47, 11). In a.d. 633 the patriarchs Sergius of Con- 
 stantinople and Cyrus of Alexandria on the basis of this concluded a 
 treaty, in consequence of which most of the Severiaus attached them- 
 selves again to the national church. Honorius of Kome also was won 
 over. But the monk Sophronius, who soon thereafter in a.d. 634 be- 
 came patriarch of Jerusalem, came forward as the decided opponent of 
 this union, which led back to Monophysitism. The conquest of Jeru- 
 salem, however, scon after this, a.d. 637, by the Saracens put him out- 
 side of the scene of conflict. In a.d. 638 the emperor issued an edict, 
 the Ecthesis, by which it was sought to make an end of the strife by 
 * Butler, "Ancient Coptic Churches." 2 vols., London, 1884.
 
 340 THE GE.ECO-EOMAN CHUECII, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 substituting for the offensive expression ivepyeia the less objectionable 
 term OeXyj/na, and confiniiiug the Monothelite doctrine as alone admis- 
 sible. Now the monk Maximus (§ 47, 12) entered the lists as the 
 chami^ion of orthodoxy. He betook himself to Africa, where since 
 Justinian's time zeal for the maintenance of the Chalcedouian faith was 
 strongest, and here secured political support in Gregorius the imperial 
 governor who sought to make himself independent of Byzantium. This 
 statesman arranged for a public disputation at Carthage in a.d. G45 
 between Maximus and the ex-patriarch Pyrrhus of Constantinople, the 
 successor of Sergius, who, implicated in a palace intrigue, deposed from 
 Lis office and driven from Constantinople, sought refuge in Africa. 
 Pyrrhus willingly submitted and abjured his error. An African General 
 Synod in a.d. 646 unanimously condemned Monothelitism, renounced 
 church fellowship with Paulus, the new patriarch of Constantinople, and 
 demanded of Pope Theodorus, a.d. 642-649, a fulmiuation against the 
 heresy. In order to give this demand greater emphasis, Maximus and 
 Pyrrhus travelled together to Eome. The latter was recognised by the 
 pope as legitimate patriarch of Constantinople, but, being induced by 
 the exarch of Eavenna to recant his recantation, he was excommunicated 
 by the pope, with a pen dipped in the sacramental wine, returned to 
 Constantinople and was, after th-e death of Paulus, reinstated in his 
 former office. Maximus remained in Eome and there won the highest 
 reputation as the shield of orthodoxy. — The proper end of the union, 
 namely the saving of Syria and Egypt, was meanwhile frustrated by 
 the Mohammedan conquest of Syria in a.d. 638, and of Egypt in a.d. 
 640. The court, however, for its own honour still persevered in it. 
 Africa and Italy occupied a joosition of open revolt. Then emperor 
 Coustans II., a.d. 642-CG8, resolved to annul the Ecthesis. In its place 
 he put another enactment about the faith, the Typus, a.d. 648, which 
 sought to get back to the state of matters before the Monothelite move- 
 ment ; that neither one nor two wills should be taught. But Martin I. 
 of Eome at the first Lateran Synod at Eome in a.d. 649 condemned in 
 the strongest terms the Typus as well as the Ecthesis along with its 
 original maintainers, and sent the Acts to the emperor. The exarch of 
 Eavenna, Olympius, was now ordered to take the bold prelate prisoner, 
 but did not obey. His successor sent the pope in chains to Constantin- 
 ople. In A.D. 653 he was banished for high treason to the Chersonese, 
 where ho literally suffered hunger, and died in a.d. 655 six months after 
 his arrival. Still more dreadful was the fate of the abbot Maximus. 
 At the same time with Martin or soon after he too was brought to 
 Constantinople a prisoner from Eome. Here for a whole year every 
 effort imaginable was made, entreaties, promises, threats, imprisonment, 
 hunger, etc., in order to induce him to acknowledge the Typus, but all 
 iT> vain. The emperor then lost all patience. In a towering rage at tho
 
 § 52. THE CnEISTOLOGlOAL CONTROVEKSY. 341 
 
 uuparalleled obstinacy of the monk's resistance he doomed him, a.d. 
 CG2, to dreadful scourging, to Lave his tongue wrenched out and his 
 hand hewn off, and to be sent into tlie wildest parts of Thrace, where 
 he died a few weeks after his arrival at the age of 82 years. Such 
 barbaric severity was effectual for a long time. But under the next 
 emperor Constantiuus Pogonuatus, a.d, 6G8-685, the two parlies pro- 
 pared for a new conflict. Tlie emperor resolved to make an end of it by 
 a General Council. Pope Agatho held a brilliant Synod at Rome in a.d. 
 079, where it was laid down that not one iota should be abated from the 
 decisions of the Laterau Synod. With these decisions and a missive 
 from the pojie himself, the papal legates aj^peared at the Sixth (Ecu- 
 menical Council at Constantinople in A.D. 680, called also Concil. Trul- 
 lanuiii I., because it was held in the mussel-shaped vaulted hall TruUus 
 in the imperial castle, under the presidency of the emperor. As at 
 Chalcedon the Epistle of Leo I., so also here that of Agatho lay at the 
 basis of the Council's doctrinal decrees : 5vo (pvatKo, OeXruiaTa ddiaiperus, 
 cLTpeiTTU^, d/xeptVrwj, dcri^YX'^'"'^', ovx VTreuavria, dXXo. kiTop,evov to avdpilnni'oi' 
 /cat vvoTaixabfxeuov rui deiiii. The Synod even condescended to grant the 
 pope a report of the proceedings and to request his confirmation of its 
 decisions. But the Greeks, finding a malicious pleasure in the con- 
 fusion of their rivals, contrived to mix in the sweet drink a strong 
 infusion of bitter wormwood, for the Council among the other represen- 
 tatives of Monothelite error ostentatiously and expressly condemned 
 pope Honorius as an accursed heretic. Pope Leo IL in a letter to the 
 emperor confirmed the decisions of the Council, expressly homologating 
 the condemiiation of Honorius, ^' qui profana 2)>'oditione immaculatam 
 fulcm suhvertere conatus est." — Henceforth Dyothelitism j/l^vailed uni- 
 versally. Only in one little corner of Asia, to which the arm of the state 
 did not reach, a vestige of Monothelitism continued to exist. Its 
 scattered adherents gathered in the monastery of St. Maro in Lebanon, 
 and acknowledged the abbot of this cloister as their ecclesiastical head. 
 They called themselves Maronites, and with sword in hand maintained 
 their ecclesiastical as well as political independence against Byzantines 
 and Saracens (§ 7'2, 3). 
 
 9. The Case of Honorius.— The two Eoman Synods, a.d. C19 and 679, 
 had simply ignored the notorious fact of the complicity of Honorius in 
 the furtherance of Monothelite error, and Agatho might hope by the 
 casual statement in his letter, that the Roman chair never had taken the 
 side of heretical novelties, to beguile the approaching oecumenical Synod 
 into the same obliviousness. But the Greeks paid no heed to the hint. 
 His successor Leo II. could not do otherwise than homologate the Eastern 
 leaders' condemnation of heresy, even that of Honorius, hard though 
 this must have been to him. On the other hand, the biographies of the 
 popes from Honorius to Agatho in the Roman Lihcr pontijlcalis (§ 90, G)
 
 342 THE GEiECO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 help themselves out of this dilemma again by preserving a dead silence 
 about any active or passive interference of Honorius in the Monothelite 
 controversy. In the biography of Leo II. for the first time is Honorius' 
 name mentioned among those of the condemned Monothelites, but with- 
 out any particular remark about him as an individual. So too in the 
 formulary of a profession of faith in the Liher diurnus of the Roman 
 church made by every new pope and in use down to the 11th century 
 (§ 46, 11). From the biogra^jhy of Leo in the Pontifical book was copied 
 the simple name into the readings of the Eopian Breviary for the day of 
 this saint, and so it remained down to the 17th century. It had then 
 been quite forgotten in the West that by this name a pope was desig- 
 nated. Oftentimes it had been affirmed that even Eoman popes might 
 fall and actually had fallen into error ; but only such cases as those of 
 Liberius (§ 46, 4), Auastasius (§ 46, 8), Vigilius (§ 52, 6), John XXIL 
 (§ 110, 3; 112, 2) were adduced; that of Honorius occurred to nobody. 
 It was only in the 15th century, through more careful examination of 
 Acts of Synods that the true state of matters was discovered, and in the 
 16th century when the question of the infallibility of the pope had 
 become a burning one (§ 149, 4), the case of Honorius became the real 
 Sisyphus rock of Roman Catholic theology. The most laborious attempts 
 have been made by most venturesome means to get it out of the way. 
 The condemnation of Honorius by the sixth oecumenical Council has 
 been described as merely a spiteful invention of later Greeks, who 
 falsified everything relating to him in the Acts of the Council ; so, e.g. 
 Baronius, Bellarmine, etc. — The condemnation actually took place but 
 not at the oecumenical first, but at the schismatical second, Trullau 
 Council of A.D. 692 (§ 63, 2), and the record of procedure has been by 
 the malice of later Greeks transferred from the record of the second to 
 that of the first. — Forged epistles of Honorius were laid before the sixth 
 oecumenical Council, by means of which it was misled into passing 
 sentence upon him. — The condemnation of the pope did not turn upon 
 his doctrine but upon his unseasonable love of peace. — The pope meant 
 well, but expressed himself so as to be misunderstood ; so e.g. the Jesuit 
 Garnier in his ed. of the Liber diurnus, the Vatican Council, and Hefele 
 in the 2nd ed. of his Hist, of the Councils.— In the epistles referred to 
 he spoke as a private individual and not officially, ex cathedra. — It is, 
 however, fatal to all such explanations that the infallible pope Leo II. 
 solemnly denounced ex cathedra his infallible predecessor Honorius as a 
 heretic. Besides the only other possible escape by distinguishing the 
 question du fait and the question dii droit has been formally condemned 
 ex cathedra in connection with another case (§ 156, 5).^ 
 
 ' Bollinger, "Fables respecting the Popes of the Middle Ages." Loud., 
 1871. Willis, "Pope Honorius and the New Roman Dogma." Loud., 
 1879. Bottalla, "Pope Honorius before the Tribunal of Reason and 
 History." Loudon, 1868.
 
 § 53. THE SOTEEIOLOGICAL CONTEOVERSIES. 343 
 
 § 53. The Soteriological Controversies, a.d, 412-529.1 
 
 While the Trinitarian and Cliristological controversies 
 had their origin in the East and there gave rise to the 
 most violent conflicts, the West taking indeed a lively 
 interest in the discussion and by the decisive voice of Rome 
 giving the victory to orthodoxy at almost every stage of 
 the struggle, it was in the West that a controversy broke 
 out, which for a full century proceeded alongside of the 
 Christological controversy, without awakening in the East 
 more than a passing and even then only a secondary in- 
 terest. It dealt with the fundamental questions of sin and 
 grace. In opposition to the Pelagian Monercjism of human 
 freedom, as well as the semi-Pelagian Sijnergism of divine 
 grace and human freedom, the Augustinian Monergism of 
 divine grace finally obtained the victory. 
 
 1. Preliminary History.— From the earliest times the actual universality 
 of sin and the need of divine grace in Christ for redemi^tion from sin 
 received universal acknowledgment throughout the whole church. But 
 as to whether and how far the moral freedom of men was weakened or 
 lost by sin, and in what relation human conduct stood to divine grace, 
 great uncertainty prevailed. Opposition to Gnosticism and Manichansm 
 led the older fathers to emphasise as strongly as possible the moral free- 
 dom of men, and induced them to deny inborn sinfulness as well as the 
 doctrine that sin was imprinted in men in creation, and to account for 
 man's present condition by bad training, evil example, the agency of evil 
 spirits, etc. This tendency was most vigorously expressed by the Alexan- 
 drians, The new Alexandrian school showed an unmistakable inclina- 
 tion to connect the universality of sin with Adam's sin, without going the 
 length of affirming the doctrine of inherited sinfulness. In Soteriology it 
 remained faithful to its traditional synergism (comp., however, § 47, 7 /,-. I.) 
 The Antiochean school sought to give due place to the co-operation of the 
 human will alongside of the necessity of divine grace, and reduced the idea 
 of inherited sin to that of inherited evil. So especially Chrysostom,who 
 was indeed able to conceive that Adam by his actual sin become mortal 
 
 1 Wiggers, " Augustinianism and Pelagianism." Andover, 1840. 
 Miiller, " Chr. Doctrine of Sin." 2 vols. Edin., 1868. Eitschl, "Hist, 
 of Chr. Doctr. of Justiiic. and Eecouciliation." Edin., 1872.
 
 344 THE GE^CO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 could beget only mortal cliilJren, but not that the sinner could beget 
 only sinners. The first man brought death into the world, we confirm 
 and renew the doom by our own sin. Man by his moral will does his 
 part, the divine grace does its part. The whole East is unanimous in 
 most distinctly repudiating all predestinational wilfulness in God. In 
 the West, on the other hand, by Traducianism or Generationism intro- 
 duced by Tertullian, which regards the soul as begotten with the body, 
 the way was prepared for recognising the doctrine of inherited sin {Tradiix 
 anima, tradiix pcccaii) and consequently also of monergism. Tertullian, 
 himself, proceeding from the experience, that in every man from birth 
 there is present an unconquerable tendency to sin, spoke with great 
 decidedness of a Vitium originis. In this he was followed by Cyprian, 
 Ambrose and Hilary. Yet even these teachers of the church had not 
 altogether been emancipated from synergism, and alongside of expres- 
 sions which breathe the hardest predestinationism, are found others 
 which seem to give equal weight to the opposite doctrine of human 
 co-operation in conversion. Augustine was the first to state with the 
 utmost consistency the doctrine of the divine monergism ; while Pelagius 
 carried out the synergism of the earlier fathers until it became scarcely 
 less than human monergism. — Meanwhile Traducianism did not succeed 
 in obtaining universal recognition even in the West. Augustine vacil- 
 lates; Jerome and Leo the Great prefer Creationism, which represents 
 God as creating a new soul for each human being begotten. Most of the 
 later church fathers, too, are creationists, without, however, prejudicing 
 the doctrine of inherited sin. Those of them who supported the tricho- 
 tomic theory (§ 52, 1) held that it was the cobegotten ^vxv aXoyos, anlma 
 sensitiva as opposed to the anima inteUectualis, while those who sup- 
 liorted the dichotomic theory, which posits merely body and soul, held 
 that it was the soul created good by God, which was infected on its 
 passing into the body begotten by human parents with its inherited sin. 
 The theory of Pre existence, which Origen had brought forward (§ 31, 5) 
 had, even in the East, only occasional representatives (§ 47, 7, m. n. o.).' 
 2. The Doctrine of Augustine. — During the first period of his Christian 
 life, when the conflict with Manicha)ism still stood in the forefront of his 
 thinking and controversial activity, Augustine, looking at faith as a 
 self-determining of the human will, had thought a certain measure of free 
 co-operation on the part of man in his conversion to be necessary and 
 had therefore refused to maintain his absolute want of merit. But by 
 his whole life's experience he was irresistibly led to acknowledge man's 
 
 ' Laidlaw, " The Bible Doctrine of Man." Edin., 1879. Heard, 
 " Tripartite Nat. of Man." 3rd ed. Edin., 1870. Pp. 189-200. Delitzsch, 
 "Biblical Psychology." 2nd ed. Edin., 18G9. Pp. 128-142. Beck, 
 " Outlines of Biblical Psychology." Edin., 1877. P. 10.
 
 § 53. THE SOTEEIOLOGICAL CONTROVEESIES. 345 
 
 natural inability for any positive co-operation and to make faith together 
 with conversion depend solely upon the grace of God. The perfect and 
 full development of this doctrine was brought about by means of his con- 
 troversy with the Pelagians. Augustine's doctrinal system in its most 
 characteristic features is as follows : Man was created free and in the 
 image of God, destined to and capable of attaining immortality, holiness 
 and blessedness, but also with the possibility of sinning and dying. By 
 the exercise of his freedom he must determine his own career. Had he 
 determined himself for God, the being able not to sin and not to die, 
 would have become an impossibility of sinning and dying, the Posse non 
 pcccare et mori would have become a Non 2}osse peccare et mori. But 
 tempted by Satan he fell, and thus it became for him impossible that he 
 should not sin and die, non jjosse non peccare et non mori. All preroga- 
 tives of the Divine image were lost ; he retained only the capacity for 
 outward civil righteousness, Justilia civilis, and a capacity for redemp- 
 tion. In Adam, moreover, all mankind sinned, for he was all mankind. 
 By generation Adam's nature as it was after sin, with sin and guilt, death 
 and condemnation, but also the cajmcity for redemption, passed over to 
 all his posterity. Divine grace, which alone can redeem and save man, 
 attached itself to the remnant of the divine image which expressed itself 
 in the need of redemption and the capacity for redemption. Grace is 
 therefore absolutely necessary, in the beginning, middle and end of the 
 Christian life. It is granted man, not because he believes, but that he 
 may believe; for faith too is the work of God's grace. First of all 
 grace awakens through the law the consciousness of sin and the desire 
 for redemption, and leads by the gospel to faith in the Eedeemer (gratia 
 praveniens). By means of faith it thus secures the forgiveness of sin as 
 primum heneficium through appropriating the merits of Christ and in part 
 the powers of the divine life through the implanting of living fellowship 
 with Christ (in baptism). Thus is free will restored to the good [Gratia 
 opcrans) and evidences itself in a holy life in love. But even in the 
 regenerate the old man with his sinful lusts is still present. In the 
 struggle of the new with the old he is continually supported by Divine 
 grace {Gratia co-operans) unto his justification {Jiistificatio) which is com- 
 pleted in the making righteous of his whole life and being through the 
 Divine impartatioir (Infusio) of new powers of will. The final act of grace, 
 which, however, according to the educative wisdom of God is not attained 
 in this life, is the absolute removal of evil desire {Gonciipiscentia) and 
 transfiguration into the perfect likeness of Christ through resurrection 
 and eternal life {Non posse peccare ct mori). Apart from the inconsistent 
 theory of justification proposed, this view of nature and grace is tho- 
 roughly Pauline. Augustine, however, connects with it the doctrine of 
 an absolute predestination. Experience shows that not all men attain 
 to conversion and redemptioir. Since man himself can contribute no-
 
 34:6 TUB GEiECO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 thing to his conversion, the ground of this must be sought not in the 
 conduct of the man but only in an eternal unconditional decree of God, 
 Decretiaiiabsolutim, accovding to ^fhich He has determined out of the 
 whole fallen race of man, 3Iassa lurcUtionis , to save some to the glory of 
 His grace and to leave others to their deserved doom to the glory of His 
 penal righteousness. The ground of this election is only the wise and 
 mysterious good pleasure of the divine will without reference to man's 
 faith, which is indeed only a gift of God. If it is said : " God wills that 
 all men should be saved," that can only mean, " all who are predesti- 
 nated." As the outcasts {Reprohati) can in no way appropriate grace 
 unto themselves, the elect (Electi) cannot in any way resist it {Gratia 
 irresistihiUs). The one sure sign that one is elected is, therefore, undis- 
 turbed perseverance in the possession of grace {Donum perseverantia). 
 To the heathens, even the noblest of them, he refused salvation, but 
 made a distinction in the degrees of their penal tortures. So too un- 
 baptized children were all regarded as lost. Although over against this 
 he also set down the proposition : Contemtus, non dcfectus sacramenti 
 damnat, the resolution of this contradiction lay in the special divine 
 election of grace, which secures to the elect the dispensation of the sacra- 
 ment.^ 
 
 3. Pelagius and his Doctrine.— Pelagius (§ 47, 21), a British monk of 
 respectable learning and decided moral earnestness, living far away from 
 the storms and strife of life, without any strong inward temptations, 
 without any inclination to manifest sins and without deep experience of 
 the Christian life, knowing and striving after no higher ideal than that of 
 monkish asceticism, had developed a theory quite antagonistic to that of 
 Augustine. He was strengthened in his opposition to Augustine's doc- 
 trine of the corruption of human nature and its unfitness for all co- 
 operation iu conversion andsanctification,by observing that this doctrine 
 was often misused by careless men as an excuse for carnal confidence and 
 moral selfishness. He was thus made more resolute in maintaining that 
 it is more wholesome to preach to men an imperative moral law whose 
 demands they, as he thought, could satisfy by determined will and moral 
 endeavour. Man at first was created mortal by God, and not temporal 
 but spiritual death is the consequence and punishment of sin. Adam's fall 
 
 ^ For an entirely different representation of the Augustinian system 
 see Cunningham, " S. Austin and his Place in Hist, of Chr. Thought." 
 Lend., 1S86. Esp, chaps, ii. and iii. pp. 45-107. A good outline and 
 defence iu Hodge's " System. Theol." Edin., 1874. Vol. ii. pp. 333-353. 
 Mosheim, " Eccl. Hist.," ed. by Dr. J. S. Eeid. Lond., 1880. P. 210, 
 notes 3 and 4. (Pt. H. chap. v. § 25.) Mozlcy, " Augustinian Doctrine 
 of Predestination." Lond., 1855.
 
 § 53. THE SOTEEIOLOGIOAL CONTROVERSIES. 347 
 
 has changed nothing iu human nature and has had no influence upon 
 his descendants. Every man now is born just as God created the first 
 man, i.e. without sin and without virtue. By his wholly unweakened 
 freedom he decides for himself on the one side or the other. The uni- 
 versality of sin results from the power of seduction, of mere example and 
 habit. Still there may be completely sinless men ; and there have been 
 such. God's grace facilitates man's accomplishment of his purpose. It 
 is, therefore, not absolutely, but by the actual universality of sin, rela- 
 tively necessary. Grace consists in enlightenment by revelation, in for- 
 giveness of sin as the expression of divine forbearance, and in the 
 strengthening of our moral powers by the incentive of the law and the 
 promise of eternal life. God's grace is destined for all men, but man 
 must make himself worthy of it by honest striving after virtue. Christ 
 became man, in order by His perfect teaching and by the perfect pattern 
 of His life to give us the most powerful incentive to reformation and the 
 redeeming of ourselves thereby. As in sin we are Adam's offspring, so iu 
 virtue shall we be Christ's offspring. He regarded baptism as necessary 
 (infant baptism in remissionem futurorum peccatorum). Children dying 
 unbaptized he placed in a lower stage of blessedness. The same incon- 
 sistent submission to the fathers of ecclesiastical tradition shows itself 
 in the acceptance of ecclesiastical views of revelation, miracles, prophecy, 
 the Trinity and the Divinity of Christ, whereas a more consistent and 
 systematic thinker would have felt compelled from his anthropological 
 principles to set aside or at least modify these supernaturalistic ele- 
 ments. 
 
 4. The Pelagian Controversy, A.D. 411-431.— From a.d. 409 Pelagius 
 resided iu Rome. Here he gained over to his views Ccelestius, a man 
 of greater acuteness and scientific attainments than himself. Both won 
 high respect in Rome for their zeal for morality and asceticism and pro- 
 mulgated their doctrine without opposition. In a.d. 411 both went to 
 Carthage, whence Pelagius went and settled in Palestine. Ca3lestius 
 remained behind and obtained the office of presbyter. Now for the first 
 time his errors were opposed, Paulinus deacon of Milan (§ 47, 20) hap- 
 pening to be there formally complained against him, and a provincial 
 Synod at Carthage a.d. 412 excommunicated him, on his refusal to re- 
 tract. In the same year too Augustine published his first controversial 
 treatise: Be peccatorum meritis etremissione et de haptismo panndorum, 
 Lb. in. In Palestine Pelagius had attached himself to the Origenists. 
 Jerome, besides passing a depreciatory judgment upon his literary pro- 
 ductions, contested his doctrine as an expounder of the Origenist heresy 
 {Ep. ad Ctesiphontem and Dialog, c. Pelagium, Lb. III.), and a young 
 Spanish presbyter Paulus Orosius (§ 47, 20) complained of him to the 
 Synod of Jerusalem a.d. 415, under the presidency of bishop John of that 
 city. The synergistic orientals, however, could not be convinced of the
 
 348 THE GR.ECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 dangerous character of his carefully guarded doctrine. Such too was the 
 result of the Synod of Diospolis or Lydda in a.d. 415 under bishop 
 Eulogius of Ctesarea, where two Gallic bishops appeared as accusers. 
 Augustine proved to the Palestinians in De gestis Pelagii that they had 
 allowed themselves to be kept in the dark by Pelagius. Orosius too 
 jrablished a controversial tract, Apologeticus c. Pclag., in reply to which, 
 or more probably to Jerome, Theodore of Mopsuestia wrote the book now 
 lost, Ilept Tovs Xeyoiras, ((>v(rei koX ou yvojixr] TTTaiew tovs avOpibwovs. Then 
 the Africans again took up the controversy. Two Synods at Mileve and 
 Carthage, in a.d. 416, reiterated their condemnation and sent their decree 
 to Innocent I. at Eome. The Pope acquiesced in the proceedings of the 
 Africans. Pelagius sent a veiled confession of faith and Cctlestius ap- 
 peared personally in Eome. Innocent died, however, in a.d. 417, before 
 his arrival. His successor Zozimus, perhaps a Greek and certainly weak 
 as a dogmatist, allowed himself to be won over by Ccelestius and brought 
 severe charges against the Africans, against which again these entered a 
 vigorous protest. In a.d. 418 the emperor Honorius issued his Sacrum 
 rescriptum against the Pelagians and a general Synod at Carthage in the 
 same year empliatically condemned them. Now Zozimus was prevailed 
 on also (o condemn them in his Epistola traetatoria. Eighteen Italian 
 bishops, among them Julian of Eclanum in Apulia, the most acute and 
 able apologist of Pelagianism, refused to subscribe and were banished. 
 They sought and obtained protection from the Constantinopolitau bishop 
 Nestorius. But this connection did harm to both. The Eoman bishop 
 Coelestine took part with those who opposed the Christological views of 
 Nestorius (§ 52, 3), and at the (Ecumenical Council of Epliesus in A.D. 431, 
 the orientals condemned along with Nestorius also Pelagius and Cceles- 
 tius, without, however, determining anything positive in regard to the 
 doctrine under discussion. To this end with unwearied zeal laboured 
 Maiius Mercator, a learned layman of Constantinople, who published two 
 Commonitoria against Pelagius and Cujlestius, and a controversial treatise 
 against Julian of Eclanum. Meanwhile too Augustine rested not from 
 his energetic polemic. In a.d. 413 he wrote De spiritu et littcra ailMar- 
 cellinum ; in a.d. 415 against Pelagius, De natura et (jratia ; against 
 Ccelestius, De perfectione justit'uc hominis. In a.d. 41G, De yestis Pelagii. 
 In a.d. 418, De gratia Dei et de peccato originali Lh. II. c. Pelag. et Coel. 
 In A.D. 419, De nuptiis et concupiscentia Lb. II., against the charge that 
 his doctrine was a reviling of God-appointed marringe. In a.d. 420, 
 C. duas cpistolas Pelagianorum et Bonifatium I., against the vindicatory 
 writings of Julian and his friends. In a.d. 421, Lb. VI, c. Julianum. 
 And later still, Opus iivperfecluin c. secundam Juliani responsionem. 
 Engl. Transl. ; Aute-Nicene Lib.: Auti-Pelag. Wr. 3 vols. Ediu., 
 1867 n. 
 5. The Semi-Pelagian Controversy, A.D. 427-529. — Bald Pelagianism
 
 § 53. THE SOTERIOLOGICAL CONTROVERSIES. 349 
 
 was ovedlirowu, but the excessive crudeuess of the predestination tlieory, 
 as set forth by Augustine, called forth new forms of opposition. The 
 monks of the monastery of Adrumetum in North Africa, by severely 
 carrying out the predestination theory to its last consequences, had 
 fallen, some into sore distress of soul and despair, others into security 
 and carelessness, while others again thought that to avoid such conse- 
 quences, one must ascribe to human activity in the work of salvation a 
 certain degree of meritoriousness. The abbot of the monastery in this 
 dilemma applied to Augustine, who in two treatises, written in a.d. 427, 
 De gratia ct Ubcro arhitrio and De correptione et gratia, sought to over- 
 come the scruples and misconceptions of the monks. But about this 
 time in Southern Gaul there was a whole theological school which rejected 
 the doctrine of predestination, and maintained the necessity of according 
 to human freedom a certain measure of co-operation with divine grace. 
 in consequence of which sometimes the one, sometimes the other, is 
 fundamental in conversion. At the head of this school was Johannes 
 Cassianus (t a.d. 432), a disciple and friend of Chrysostom, founder and 
 president of the monastery at Massilia. His followers are thence called 
 Massilians or Semi-Pelagians. He had himself contested Augustine's 
 doctrine, without naming it, in the 13th of his Collationes Patnim (§ 47, 
 21). Of his disciples the most famous was Vincentius Lerinensis (of the 
 monastery of Lerinum), who in his Commonitorium pro Catholicce fidei 
 antiquitate et unicersitate (Engl. Ti-a,ns\., Oxford, 183G) laid down the 
 princi^jle that the catholic faith is, quod semper, nhiqiie et ab omuibu'i 
 creditum est. Judged by this standard Augustine's doctrine was by no 
 means catholic. The second book of this work, now lost, probably con- 
 tested Augustinianism expressly and was, therefore, suppressed. But 
 Augustine had talented supporters even in Gaul, such as the two laymen 
 Hilarius and Prosper Aquitanicus (§ 47, 20). What took place around 
 them they reported to Augustine, who wrote against the Massilians De 
 predestinatione Sanctorum and De done yerscvcrantice. He was prevented 
 by his death, which took place in a.d. 430, from taking part longer in 
 the contest. Hilarius and Prosper, however, continued it. Since the 
 Roman bishoj^ Coelestine, before whom in a.d. 431 they jiersonally made 
 complaint, answered with a Yes and No theology. Prosper himself took 
 up the battle in an able work De gratia Dei et libera arbitrio contra Col- 
 hitorem, but in doing so unwittingly smoothed off the sharpest points 
 of the Augustinian system. This happened yet more decidedly in the 
 ingenious treatise De Vocatione gentium, whose author was perhaps Leo 
 the Great, afterwards pope but then only a deacon. On the other side, 
 opponents (Arnobius the younger?) used the artifice of presenting, in 
 the notable work entitled Prmlestinatus, pretending to be written by a 
 follower of Augustine, a caricature of the doctrine of predestination 
 carried to the utmost extreme of absurdity, and these sought to justify
 
 350 THE GE^CO-ROMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 their own position. The first book contains a description of ninety 
 heresies, the last of wliich is preclestinationism ; the second gives as 
 supplement to the first the pretended treatise of snch a predestinarian ; 
 and the third confutes it. A certain presbyter Lucidus, a zealous ad- 
 herent of the doctrine of predestination, was by a semi-Pelagian synod 
 at Aries in a.d. 475 forced to recant. Faustus, bishop of Rhegium (§ 47, 
 21), sent after him by order of the Council a controversial treatise Da 
 gratia Dei et humancc mentis Uhero arhitrio, and also in the same year 
 A.D. 475, a Synod at Lyons sanctioned semi-Pelagianism. The treatise 
 of Faustus, although moderate and conciliatory, caused violent agitation 
 among a community of Scythian monks in Constantinople, a.d, 520. 
 They complained through bishop Possessor of Carthage to pope Hor- 
 misdas, but he too answered with a Yes and No theology. Then the 
 Africans banished by the Vandals to Sardinia took up the matter. 
 They held a Council in a.d. 523, by whose order Fulgentius of Ruspe 
 (§ 47, 20), a zealous apologist of Augustinianism composed his De veri- 
 tate prccdest. ct gratia Dei Lb. III., which made an impression even in 
 Gaul. And now two able Gallic bishops, Avitus of Vienne and Caesarius 
 of Aries (§ 47, 20) entered the lists in behalf of a moderate Augusti- 
 nianism, and won for it at the Synod of Oranges in a.d. 529 a decided 
 victory over semi-Pelagianism. Augustine's doctrine of original sin in 
 its strictest form, and his assertions about the utter want of merit in 
 every human act and the unconditional necessity of grace were acknow- 
 ledged, faith was extolled as exclusively the elfect of grace, but predes- 
 tination in regard to the Reprobati was reduced to mere foreknowledge, 
 and predestination to evil was rejected as blasphemy against God. A 
 synod held in the same year, a.d. 529, at Valence confirmed the decrees 
 of Oranges. Boniface II. of Rome did the same in a.d. 530.' — Continua- 
 tion § 91, 5.— 
 
 § 54. Reappearance and Remodelling of Earlier 
 Heretical Sects. 
 
 Manichseism (§ 29) had still niunerous adherents not 
 merely in the far off eastern provinces but also in Italy 
 and North Africa ; and isolated Marcionite chnrches (§ 27, 
 11) were still to be found in almost all the countries within 
 the empire and also beyond its bounds. An independent 
 reawakening of Gnostic -Manichfean tendencies arose in 
 Spain lender the name of Priscillianism. 
 
 ' Hodge, " Systematic Theology." Vol. ii. pp. 1GG-1C8.
 
 § 54. EEAPPEARANCE OF OLD HERESIES. 351 
 
 1. Manichseism.— The universal toleration of religion, wliich Constan- 
 tiue introduced, was also extended to the Manichasans of his empire 
 (§ 29, 3). But from the time of Valentinian I. the emperors issued re- 
 peatedly severe penal laws against them. The favour which they obtained 
 in Syria and Palestine led bishop Titus of Bostra in Arabia Petra^a, 
 about A.D. 370, to write his 4 Bks. against the Mauichseans. The Mani- 
 chsean church stood in particularly high repute in North Africa, even 
 to the 4th and 5th centuries. Its most important representative there, 
 Faustus of Mileve, published a controversial treatise against the Catholic 
 church, which Augustine, who had earlier been himself an adherent of 
 the Manichfeans, expressly answered in 33 Bks. (Engl. Transl. : " Ante- 
 Nicene Lib.," Treatises against Faustus the Manichaan, Edin., 1868), 
 When the Mauichasan Felix, in order to advance the cause of his church, 
 came to Hippo, Augustine challenged him to a public disputation, and 
 after two days' debate drove him into such straits that he at last ad- 
 mitted himself defeated, and was obliged to pronounce anathema on 
 Mani and his doctrine. With still greater zeal than by the imperial 
 government were the African Manichfeans persecuted by the Vandals, 
 whose king Hunerich (§ 76, 3) burnt many, and transported whole ships' 
 loads to the continent of Europe. In the time of Leo the Great (f a.d. 
 461) they were very numerous in Eome. His investigations tend to show 
 that they entertained antinomiau views, and in their mysteries indulged 
 in lustful practices. Also in the time of Gregory the Great (f a.d. 604) 
 the church of Italy was still threatened by their increase. Since then, 
 however, nothing more is heard of Manichajau tendencies iu the West 
 down to the 11th century, when suddenly they again burst forth with 
 fearfully threatening and contagious power (§ 108, 1). In the eastern 
 parts of the empire, too, numerous Gnostic-Manichfean remnants con- 
 tinued to exist in secret, and from the 9th to the 12th century re- 
 appeared in a new form (§ 71). Still more widely about this time did 
 such views spread among the Mussulman rulers of the Eastern border- 
 lands, as far as China and India, as the Arabian historians of this period 
 testify (§ 29, 1). 
 
 2. Priscilliauism, A.D. 383-563. — The first seeds of the Gnostic-Maui- 
 cha^an creed were brought to Spain in the 4th century by an Egyptian 
 Marcus. A rich and cultured layman Priscillian let himself be drawn 
 away in this direction, and developed it independently into a dualistic 
 and emanatiouistic system. Marriage and carnal pleasures were for- 
 bidden, yet under an outward show of strict asceticism were concealed 
 antinomian tendencies with impure orgies. At the same time the sect 
 encouraged and required lies and perjury, hypocrisy and dissimulation 
 for the spread and preservation of their community. "Jura, pcrjura, 
 sccretum perderc noli." Soon Priscillianists spread over all Spain ; even 
 some bishops joined them. Bishop Idacius of Emerida by his passionate
 
 35-2 THE GRiECO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 zeal against them fanned the flickering fire into a bright flame. A synod 
 at Saragossa in a.d. 380 excommmiieated them, and committed the 
 execution of its decrees to Bishop Ithacius of Sossuba, a violent and 
 besides an immoral man. Along with Idacius he had obtained from the 
 emperor Gratiau an edict which pronounced on all Priscillianists the 
 sentence of banishment. Priscillian's bribes, however, not only rendered 
 this edict inoperative, but also an order for the arrest of Ithacius, which 
 he avoided only by flight into Gaul. Here he won over the usurper 
 Maximus, the murderer of Gratian, who, greedy for their property, used 
 the torture against the sect, and had Priscillian as well as some of his 
 followers beheaded at Treves in a.d. 385. This was the first instance 
 of capital punishment used against heretics. The noble bishop, Martin 
 of Tours (§ 47, 14), to whom the emperor had previously promised that 
 he would act mildly, hastened to Treves and renounced church fellow- 
 ship with Ithacius and all bishops who had assented to the death 
 sentence. Ambrose too and other bishops expressed their decided dis- 
 approval. This led Maximus to stop the military inquisition against 
 them. But the glory of martyrdom had fired the enthusiasm of the sect, 
 and among the barbarians who made their way into Spain from a.d. 409 
 they won a rich harvest. Paulus Orosius (§ 47, 20) wrote his Commoni- 
 tortum de crrore Priscillianist. in a.d. 415, looking for help to Augustine, 
 whom, however, concern and contests in other directions allowed to 
 take but little part in this controversy. Of more consequence was the 
 later interference of Leo the Great, occasioned by a call for help from 
 bishoiJ Turribius of Astorga. Following his instructions, a Concilium 
 Hispaniciim in a.d. 447 and still more distinctly a Council at Braga in 
 a.d. 5G3 passed vigorous rules for the suppression of heresy. Since then 
 the name of the Priscillianists has disappeared, but their doctrine was 
 maintained in secret for some centuries longer.^ 
 
 V. WOESHIP, LIFE, DISCIPLINE AND MORALS. 
 § 55. Worship in General. 
 
 Christian worship freed by Constantiiie from the pressure 
 of persecution developed a great wealth of forms with cor- 
 responding stateliness of expression. But doctrinal contro- 
 versies claimed so much attention that neither space nor 
 time was left for carrying the other developments in the 
 same way through the fire of conflict and sifting. Hence 
 
 1 Lardner, " Credibility of the Gospel Hist." Vol. iv. London, 1743.
 
 § 56. FESTIVALS AND SEASONS FOE PUBLIC WORSHIP. 353 
 
 forms of worship were left to be moulded in particular ways 
 by the spirit of the age, nationality and popular taste. The 
 public spirit of the church, however, gave to the develop- 
 ment an essential unity, and early differences were by and 
 by brought more and more into harmony. Only between 
 East and West was the distinction strong enough to make 
 in various waj-s an impression in opposition to the levelling 
 endeavours of catholicity. 
 
 The age of Cyril of Alexandria marks an important turning point in 
 tlic development of worship. It was natural that Cyril's prevailing doc- 
 trine of the intimate couuectiou of the divine and human natures in the 
 person of Christ should have embodied itself in the services of the church. 
 But this doctrine was yet at least one-sided theory which did not wholly 
 exclude its perversion into error. In the dogma, indeed, thanks to the 
 exertions of Leo and Theodoret, the still extant Mouophysite error had 
 no place given it. But in the worship of the church it had embedded 
 itself, and here it was not overcome, and its presence was not even sus- 
 pected, so, it could now not only develop itself undisturbed in the direction 
 of worship of saints, images, relics, of pilgrimages, of sacrifice of the 
 mass, etc., but also it could decisively deduce therefron^ a development 
 of dogmas not yet established, e.g. in the doctrine of the church, of the 
 priesthood, of the sacraments, especially of the Lord's Supper, etc., etc. 
 
 § 56. Festivals and Seasons for Public Worship. 
 
 The idea of having particular days of the week conse- 
 crated in memory of special incidents in the work of re- 
 demption had even in the previous period found expression 
 (§ 37), but it now passed into the background all the more 
 as the church began to apply itself to the construction in 
 the richest possible form of a Christian year. The previous 
 difference in the development of East and West occasioned 
 each to take its own particular course, determined in the 
 one case very much by a Jewish-Christian, in the other by 
 a Gentile-Christian, tendency. Nevertheless in the 4th 
 century we find a considerable levelling of these diver- 
 •gences. This at least was attained unto thereby that the 
 
 a a
 
 354 THE GR^CO-ROMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 tliree cliief festivals received an essentially common form 
 in both chiirclies. But in the 5tli and Gth centuries, in the 
 further development of the Christian year, the two churches 
 parted all the more decidedly from one another. The West- 
 ern church especially gave way more and more unreservedly 
 to the tendency to make the natural year the type and 
 pattern for the Christian year. Thus the Western Christian 
 year obtained a richer development and grew up into an 
 institution more vitally and inwardly related to the life of 
 the people. The luxuriant overgrowth of saints' days, how- 
 ever, prevented the church from here reaching its ideal. 
 
 1. The Weekly Cycle. — Constantine the Great issued a law in a.d. 321, 
 according to which all magisterial, judicial and municipal business was 
 stopped on Sunday. At a later period he also forbade military exercises. 
 His successors extended the prohibition to the public spectacles. Along- 
 side of Sunday the Sabbath was long celebrated in the East by meetings 
 in the churches, avoidance of fasting and by standing at prayers. The 
 Dies statlomim, Wednesday and Friday (§ 37), were observed in the East 
 as fast days. The West gave up the Wednesday fast, and introduced in 
 its place the anti-Judaic Sabbath fast. 
 
 2. Hours and Quarterly Fasts. — The number of appointed Jiours of 
 j^raijer (the 3rd, 6th and 9th hours, comp. Dan. vi. 10-li ; Acts ii. 15 ; 
 iii. 1 ; X. 9) were increased during the 5th century to eight (HorcB 
 canonicce : Matutina or matins at 3 a.m. ; Prima at G a.m. ; Tertia at 
 9 a.m. ; Sexta at 12 noon ; Nona at 3 p.m. ; Vesper at 6 p.m. ; Comple- 
 torium at 9 p.m. ; and Mesonylction or Vigils at 12 midnight) ; yet gene- 
 rally two of the night hours were combined, so as to preserve the seven 
 times required in Ps. cxix. 164. This arrangement of hours was strictly 
 observed by monks and clerics. The common basis of prayer for devo- 
 tions at these hours was the Psalter divided among the seven days of 
 the week. The rest of the material adapted to the course of the Christian 
 year, consisting of scripture and patristic readings, legends of martyrs 
 and saints, prayers, hymns, doxologies, etc. gradually accumulated so 
 that it had to be abbreviated, and hence the name Breviarium commonly 
 given to such selections. The Roman Breviary, arranged mainly by Leo 
 the Great, Gelasius and Gregory the Great, gradually throughout the 
 West drove all other such compositions from the field. An abbreviation 
 by Haymo, General of the Minorites, in a.d. 1241 was sanctioned by 
 Gregory IX., but had subsequently many alterations made upon it. The 
 Council of Trent finally charged the Papal chair with the task of pre- •
 
 § 5G. FESTIVALS AND SEASONS FOR PUBLIC WORSHIP. 355 
 
 pariug a new reclactiou which the clergy of the whole catholic church 
 would be obliged to use. Such a production was issued by Pius V. in 
 A.D. 1568, and then in a.d. 1631 Urban VIII, gave it the form in which 
 it is still current. — In the West the year was divided into tkree-monthly 
 periods, quaiuor tempora, corresponding to the seasons of prayer re- 
 cuning every three hours. There were harvest prayer and thanksgiving 
 seasons, occupied, in accordance with Joel ii., with penance, fasting and 
 almsgiving. Leo the Great brought this institution to perfection. The 
 quatuor tempura, ember days, occur in the beginniug of the Quadra- 
 gesima, in the week after Pentecost, and in the middle of the 7th and 
 iOth months (Sept. and Dec), and were kept by a strict fast on Wednes- 
 day, Friday and Saturday with a Sabbath vigil. 
 
 3. The Eeckoning of Easter, — At the Council of Nicfea in a.d. 32.5 the 
 Koman mode of observing Easter prevailed over that of Asia Minor (§ 37, 
 2). Those who adhered to the latter method were regarded as a sect 
 (Quartadecimani TeaaapecrKatdeKaTiTai). The Council decreed that the 
 first day of fall moon after the spring equinox should be regarded as the 
 14th Nisan, and that the festival of the resurrection should be celebrated 
 on the Sunday following. The bishop of Alexandi-ia undertook the 
 astronomical determination of the festival on each occasion, because 
 there astronomical studies were most diligently prosecuted. He published 
 yearly, usually about Epiphany, a cu-cular letter. Liber i^aschalis, giving 
 to the other churches the result of the calculation, and took advantage 
 generally of the opportunity to discuss the ecclesiastical questions of the 
 day. First of all at Alexandria, probably to prevent for all time a com- 
 bination of the Jewish and Christian Easter festivals, the practice was 
 introduced of keeping the feast when the 14th and 16th of the new moon 
 fell upon Friday and Sunday, not on the same Sunday but eight days 
 later, — a practice which Rome also, and with her a great part of the 
 West, adopted in the 5th century (§ 77, 3), A further difference existed 
 as to the point of time with which the day of full moon was to be re- 
 garded as beginning. The Easter Canon of Hippolytus (§ 31, 3) had 
 calculated it in a very unsatisfactory manner according to a sixteen- 
 years' cycle of the moon, after the course of which the day of full moon 
 would again occur on the same day of the year. In Alexandria the more 
 exact uineteen-years' cycle of Anatolius was adopted, according to which 
 the day of full moon had an aberration of about one day only in 310 
 years, and even this was caused rather by the imperfection of the Julian 
 year of 365 days with three intercalary days in 400 years. But in Rome 
 the reckoning was made as the basis of an eighty-four years' cycle which 
 had indeed the advantage of completing itself not only on the same day 
 of the year but on the same day of the week ; while, on the other hand, 
 it had this di-awback that after eighty-four years it had fallen about a 
 day behind the actual day of full moon. There was also this further
 
 356 THE GR^CO-EOMAN CHUECII, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 difference that in Alexandria the 21st of March was regarded as the day 
 when day and night were equal, and at Rome, but wrongly, the 18th of 
 March. The cycle of 532 (28x19) years reckoned in a.d, 452 by 
 Victorius, a bishop of Aqiiitaine, was assimilated to the Alexandrian, 
 without, however, losing the advantage of the eighty-four years' cycle 
 above referred to, which, however, it succeeded in obtaining only by once 
 in every period of nineteen years fixing the equinox on the 20th of 
 March. The Roman abbot Dionysius Exiguus (§ 47, 23), finally, in a.d. 
 525 harmonized the Roman and the Alexandrian reckoning by setting 
 up a ninety-five years' cycle (5x19), and this cycle was introduced 
 throughout all the West by Isidore of Seville and the Venerable Bede 
 (§ 90, 2). The error occasioned by the inexactness of the Julian calendar 
 continued till the Gregorian reform of the calendar (§ 149, 3). 
 
 4. The Easter Festivals. — The pre-eminfence of the Christian festival of 
 victory (the resurrection) over that of suffering, especially among the 
 Greeks, led, even in the 4th century to the former as the fruit of the 
 latter being drawn into the paschal season, and distinguished as Trdo-xa 
 dvaaTCLcnixov from that as vrdcrxa- (rTavpiJocri./J.op, and also at last to the 
 adoption of the one name of Paschal or Easter Festival and to the re- 
 garding of the whole Quadrigesma season as a preparation for Easter. 
 The Saxon name Easter is derived from the old German festival of 
 Ostara the goddess of spring which Avas celebrated at the same season. — 
 With the beginning of the Quadragesima the whole mode of life assumes 
 a new form. All amusements were stopped, all criminal trials sisted 
 and the din of traffic in streets and markets as far as possible restricted. 
 The East exempted Sunday and Sabbath from the obligation of fasting, 
 with the exception of the last Sabbath as the day of Christ's rest in the 
 grave, but the West exempted only Sunday. Gregory the Great, there- 
 fore, fixed the beginning of the Quadragesima on Wednesday of the 
 seventh week before Easter, Caput jejunii, Dies cinerum, Ash. Wednesday, 
 so called because the bishop strewed ashes on the heads of believers with 
 a warning reference to Gen. iii. 19, comp. xviii. 27. With the Tuesday 
 preceding. Shrove Tuesday (from shrive, to confess), ended the carnival 
 season [carni valedicere) which, beginning with Gth Jan. or the feast of 
 the three holy kings, reached its climax in the last days, from three to 
 sight, before Ash Wednesday. On this closing day the people generally 
 sought indemnification for the approaching strict fast by an unmeasured 
 abandoning of themselves to pleasure. From Italy where this custom 
 arose and was most fully carried out, it subsequently found its way into 
 the other lands of the West. In oi^position to these unspiritual proceed- 
 ings the period of the Easter festivals was begun three weeks earlier with 
 the 10th Sunday before Easter {Se2)tuagesiina), The Hallelujah of the 
 Mass was silenced, weddings were no more celebrated {Tcmj^us clausum)^ 
 monks and clerics already began the fast. The Quadragesima festival
 
 § 5G. FESTIVALS AND SEASONS FOR PUBLIC WORSHIP. 357 
 
 reached its climax in the last, the great week. It began with Palm 
 .Sunday [eopri] twv ^aiuu) and ended with the great Sabbath, the favom'ite 
 lime for baptisms (Rom. vi. 3). Tluirsday as the memorial day of the 
 institution of the Lord's Supper, and Friday as the day of Christ's death, 
 Good Friday, were daj's of special importance. A solemn night service, 
 Easter vigils, marked the transition to the joyous Easter celebrations. 
 The old legend that on this night Christ's second coming would take 
 place rendered the service peculiarly solemn. Easter morning began 
 with the jubilant gi'eSting : The Lord is risen, and the response. He is 
 ris?n indeed. On the following Sunday, the Easter Octave, Pascha 
 clattsum, avTiwaffxo; the Easter festival was brought to a close. Those 
 baptized on the great Sabbath wore for the last time their white baptismal 
 dress. Hence this sabbath was called Dominica in alhis ; subsequently, 
 in accordance with the Introitus from 1 Pet. ii. 2, Quasimodogeniti ; and 
 by the Greeks, KatvT] KvpLaKTj. The joyous celebrations of Easter extended 
 over all the Quinquagesima period between Easter and Pentecost. 
 Ascension day, Festum aseensionis, eoprr] ttjs a.va\rj\p€ws, and Pentecost, 
 TrevreKoa-TTi, were introduced as high festivals by vigil services ; and the 
 latter was concluded by the Pentecost-Octave, by the Greeks called 
 KvpcaKT] Twv aylwv fxapTvpTjaavTuv and at a much later date styled by the 
 Latins Trinity Sunday. The Festival-Octaves, d-n-oXvaeis, had an Old 
 Testament pattern in the n~l.Vy. of the Feast of Tabernacles, Lev. xxiii. 
 26. 
 
 5. The Christmas Festivals. — The first traces of the Christmas festival 
 (Natalis Christi, yefiOXia) in the Roman church are found about a.d. 
 3G0. Some decades later they appear in the Eastern church. The late 
 introduction of this festival is to be explained from the disregard of the 
 birthday and the prominence given to the day of the death of Christ in 
 the ancient church ; but Chrysostom even regarded it as the p.->]Tp!)Trc\i.i 
 iraffZv tCiv eoprCiv. Since the 2oth of March as the spring equinox was 
 held as the day of creation, the day of the incarnation, the conception of 
 Christ, the second Adam, as the beginning of the new creation was held 
 on the same day, and hence 2oth Dec. was chosen as the day of Christ's 
 birth. The Christian festival thus coincided nearly with the heathen 
 Saturnalia, in memory of the Golden Age, from 17th to 23rd Dec, the 
 SifjiUaria, on the 24;th Dec, when children were presented with dolls 
 and images of clay and wax, sigilla, and the Bnunalia, on 25th Dec, 
 Dies natalis invictl solis, the winter solstice. It was considered no mere 
 chance coincidence that Christ, the eternal Sun, should be born just on 
 this day. The Christmas festival too was introduced by a vigil and 
 lasted for eight days, which in the Gth century became the Festum cir- 
 cumcisionis. The revelling that characterised the New Year Festival of 
 the pagans, caused the ancient church to observe that day as a day of 
 penance and fasting. The feast of the Epiphany on the 6th Jan. (§ 37, 1)
 
 358 THE GEiECO-EOMAN ClIUECH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 was ^Iso introduced iu the West duriug the 4th century but obtained 
 thero a Gentile-Christian colouring from Luke ii. 21 and was kept as 
 the festival of the first fruits of the Gentiles and received the name of 
 the Festival of the three holy kings. For even Tertulliau iu accordance 
 with Ps. Ixxii. 10 had made the Magi kings ; it was concluded that they 
 were tliree because of the three gifts spoken of ; and Bcde, about a.d. 
 700, gives their names as Caspar, Melchior and Balthasar. By others 
 this festival was associated with Christ's first miracle at the marriage iu 
 Cana, and also with the feeding of the 5,000 in the wilderness. After 
 the analogy of the Easter festival since the Cth century a longer prelimi- 
 nary celebration has been connected with the Christmas festival. In the 
 Eastern church, beginning with the 14th of Nov., it embraced six Sun- 
 days with forty fast days, as the second Quadragesima of the year. In 
 ) the Latin church, as the season of Advent, it had only four Sundays, 
 with a three weeks' fast. 
 
 6. The Chnrch Year was in the East a symbolic adaptation of the natural 
 year only in so far as it brought with it the Christianising of the Jewish 
 festivals and the early recognition of Western ideas about the feasts. 
 Only on the high festivals, Christmas, Easter and Pentecost are they 
 retained ; on the other Sundays and festivals they never obtained ex- 
 pression. The Easter festival was considered the beginning of the 
 church year ; thereafter the Quadragesima or Epiphany ; and finally, the 
 Old Testament beginning of the year in September. The whole church 
 year was divided into four parts according to the Lectio continua of the 
 gospel, and the Sundays were named thereafter. The KvpiaKij Trpw-n? rod 
 MarOaiov was immediately after Pentecost. The latin Church Year 
 begins with the season of Advent, and distinguishes a Semestre Domini 
 and a Semestre ecclesice. But only the former was fully developed : 
 Christmas, Easter, Pentecost with the Sundays belonging to them, 
 representing the founding, developing and completing of the history of 
 salvation. To a corresponding development of the second half we fintj. 
 early contributions, e.g. the Feast of Peter and Paul on 29th June as 
 festival of the founding of the church by the Apostles, the Feast of the 
 leading martyr Laurentius (§ 22, 5) on 10th August as memorial of the 
 struggle prescribed to the Ecclcsia militans, and the Feast of Michael ou 
 29th September with reference to the completion in the Ecclesia trium- 
 phans. That in these feasts we have already the germs of the three 
 festivals of the community of the church which were to correspond to 
 the three festivals of the Lord's history appears significantly in the 
 early designation of the Sundays after Pentecost as Dominica post 
 Aiwstolos, post Laurentium, post Angelas. But it never was distinctly 
 further carried out. This deeply significant distribution was overlaid 
 by saint worship, which overflowed the Semestre Domini. The principle 
 of Christianising the Pagan rites was legitimated by Gregory the Great.
 
 § 57. WOESHIP OF SAINTS, RELICS AND IMAGES. 359 
 
 He instructed the Auglo-Saxon missionaries to tlie effect (§ 77, 4), that 
 \hey shouhl convert the heathen temples into churches and heathen 
 festivals into ecclesiastical festivals and days of martyrs, tit dura; inentes 
 (jradihus vel ^^assihus non autem saltibus cleventur. The saints hence- 
 forth take the place of gods of nature and the church year reproduced 
 with a Christian colouring all the outstanding points in the natural year. 
 — As the last festival connected with the history of the Lord, the Feast 
 of the Glorification, ayla. ixera/j-opfpuai?, was held in the East on Gth 
 August. According to tradition the scene was enacted on Mt. Tabor, 
 hence the feast was called Oa^u/piov. The Latin church adopted it first 
 in the loth century (F. transfigurationis).^ 
 
 7. The Church Fasts (§ 37, 3). — In the Greek church the ordinance of 
 fasting was more strict than in the Latin. In one period, however, we 
 have a system of fasts embracing four great fasting seasons : The Quad- 
 ragesima of Easter and of Christmas, the period of from three to five 
 weeks from the Pentecost Octave (the Greek Feast of All Saints) to that 
 of Peter and Paul on 29th June, and the fourteen days before the Ascen- 
 sion of Mary on 1.5th August. There were also the v-qaTuai. -KpoebpTioi on 
 the evenings previoiis to other festivals ; and finally, the weekly recurring 
 fasts of Wednesday and Friday. The strictest was the pre-Easter fast, 
 observed with gradually advancing rigidness. On Sexagesima Sunday 
 flesh was eaten for the last time, then followed the so-called Butter week, 
 when butter, cheese, milk and eggs were still allowed ; but thereafter 
 complete avoidance of all fattening food was enjoined, reaching during 
 the great week to the utmost possible degree of abstinence. In the West 
 instead of Wednesday, Saturday was taken along with Friday, and down to 
 the 13th century it was enjoined that nothing should be eaten on these 
 two days of the week, as also on the quarterly days {quatuor tevipora) 
 and the evenings preceding the feasts of the most famous Apostles and 
 martyrs, the vigil fasts, until 3 p.m. (Scmijejunium) or even till G p.m. 
 [Plenum jejunium) ; while in the longer seasons of fasting before Easter 
 and before Christmas the injunction was restricted to avoidance of all 
 fat foods [Ahst'mentia) . — Continuation § 115, 1. 
 
 § 57. Worship of Saints, Relics and Images.- 
 
 Tliougli with the times of persecution martyrdom had 
 ceased, asceticism where it v/as preached with unusual 
 severity gave a claim to canonisation which was still be- 
 
 > Butcher, " The Ecclesiastical Calendar." London. Hampson, 
 " Medii ^Evi Kalend." 
 
 - Gieseler, "Ecclesiastical History." Edinburgh, 1848. Vol. ii*. pp. 
 141-145.
 
 3G0 THE GRiECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 stowed by the people's voice regarded as tlie voice of God. 
 Forgotten saints were discovered by visions, and legend 
 insensibly eked out the poverty of historical reminiscences 
 with names and facts. The veneration of martyrs rose all 
 the higher the more pitiable the present generation showed 
 in its lukewarmness and worldliness over against the world- 
 conquering faith of that great cloud of witnesses. The 
 worship of Mary, which came in as a result of the Nestoi'ian 
 controversy, was later of being introduced than that of the 
 martja^s, but it almost immediately shot far ahead and 
 ranked above the adoration of all the other saints. The 
 adoration of Angels, of which we find the beginnings even 
 in Justin and Origen, remained far behind the worship of 
 the saints. Pilgrimages were zealously undertaken, from 
 the time when the emperor's mother Helena, in A.D. 320, 
 went as a pilgrim to holy places in Palestine and afterwards 
 marked these out by building on them beautiful churches. 
 The worship of images was introduced first in the age of 
 Cja-il of Alexandria and was carried out with peculiar eager- 
 ness in the art-loving East. The Western teachers, how- 
 ever, and even Gregory the Great himself, only went the 
 length of becoming decoration, using images to secure more 
 impressiveness in teaching and greater liveliness in devotion. 
 In the West, however, still more than in the East, venera- 
 tion of relics came into vogue. 
 
 1. The WorsMp of Martyrs aud Saints (§ 39, 5).^ — At a very early period 
 churches were built upou the graves of Martyrs (Blemoria, Confesslo, 
 fiapr^piov), or their bones were brought into churches previously built 
 (Translatione!i). New edifices were dedicated in their names, those 
 receiving baptism were named after them. The days of their death 
 were observed as special holy seasons with vigil services, Agape and ob- 
 lations at their graves. In glowing discourses the orators of the church, 
 in melodious hymns the poets, sounded forth their praises. The bones 
 
 > Tyler, " Image Worship of Ch. of Rome contrary to Scripture and 
 the Trim. Ch." London, 1847.
 
 § 57. WORSHIP OF SAINTS, EELICS AND IMAGES. 3G1 
 
 of the martyrs were sought out with extraordiuary zeal and were looked 
 upon and venerated as supremely sacred. Each province, each city 
 and each calling had its own patron saint (Patroiius). Perhaps as early 
 as the 3rd century several churches had their martyr calendars, i.e. 
 lists of those who were to have the day of their death celebrated. In 
 the 4th century this custom had become universal, and from the col- 
 lection of the most celebrated calendars, with the addition of legendary 
 stories of the lives and sufferings of martyrs or saints [Lcgendce, so 
 called because they were wont to be read at the memorial services of 
 the individuals referred to), sprang up the Martyrologics and Legends 
 of the Saints, among the Greeks called Menologics from jj-i^v, a month. 
 Most esteemed in the West was the martyrology of the Eomau church, 
 whose composition has been recently put down, equally with and upon 
 the same grounds as that of the so called Liber Comitis, § 59, 3, to 
 the time of Jerome as the chief reiDresentative of Western theological 
 learning. This collection formed the basis of the numerous Latin 
 martyrologics of the Middle Ages (§ 90, 9). A rich choice was afforded 
 by these catalogues of saints to those wishing names to use at baptism or 
 confirmation ; the saint preferred became thereby the patron of him who 
 took his name. The three great Cappadocians in the East and Ambrose 
 in the West were the first to open the floodgates for the invocation of 
 saints by their proclaiming that the glorified saints through communion 
 with the Lord shared in His attribute of omniprescence and omniscience ; 
 while Augustine rather assigned to the angels the task of communicating 
 the invocations of men to the saints. In the liturgies prayers for the 
 saints were now displaced by invocations for their intercession. In this 
 the people found a compensation for the loss of hero, genius and manes 
 worship. The church teachers at least wished indeed to make a marked 
 distinction between Adoratio and Invocatio, Xarpeia and dovXeia, rendering 
 the former to God only. A festival of All the Martyrs was celebrated in 
 the East as early as the 4th century on the Pentecost octave (§ 56, 4). 
 In the West, Pope Boniface IV., in a.d. 610, having received from the 
 Emperor Phocas the Pantheon as a gift and having converted it into a 
 church of the most Blessed Virgin and all the Martyrs, founded a Festum 
 omnium Sanctorum, which was not, however, generally recognised before 
 the 9th century (1st Nov.). Owing to the great number of saints one or 
 more had to be assigned to each day in the calendar. The day fixed was 
 usually that of the death of the saint. The only instance of the cele- 
 bration of a birthday was the festival of John the Baptist {Natalis 
 S. Joannia). The 24th June was fixed upon by calculating from Christ- 
 mas (ace. to Luke i. 26), and its occurring in the other half of the year 
 from that of Christ afforded a symbolical parallel to John iii. 30. As an 
 appendage to this we meet even in the 5th century with the F. decolla- 
 tionis S. Joannis on 29th Aug. On the second day of the Christmas
 
 362 THE GEJ^:CO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 festival the Feast of the Proto-niartyr Stephen was celebrated as the 
 first fruits of the iucarnation of God ; on the third, the memory of the 
 disciple who lay on the Master's breast ; on the fourth, the innocent 
 children of Bethlehem (F. innocentium) as the flores or primitia; viartyrum. 
 The festival of the Maccabees {Trav^yvpis tCjv MaKKa^aiuv) leads yet 
 further back as the memorial of the heroic mother and her seven sons 
 under Antiochus Epiphanes. It was observed as early as the 4th century 
 and did not pass out of use till the 13th. Among the festivals of Apostles 
 that of Peter and Paul (F. Aj^ost. Petri et PaiiU) on 29th June, as the 
 solemnization of their common martyrdom at Eome, was universally 
 observed. But Eome celebrated besides a double F. Cathedra: Petri, for 
 the Cathedra Eomana on 18th Jan., and for the Cathedra Antiochena on 
 22ud Feb. For a long time a symbolical arrangement of the calendar 
 days prevailed ; the patriarchs of the Old Testament were put in the 
 time before Christmas, the later saints of the old dispensation in the 
 Quadragesima, and the Apostles and Founders of the church after Pen- 
 tecost, then the Martyrs, next the Confessors, and finally, the Virgins as 
 prototype of the perfected church. 
 
 2. The Worship of Mary and Anna.' — The euXoyovfieyrj iv yvvai^i who 
 herself full of the Holy Ghost had prophesied : Idov yap, dtrb rod vvv fxa- 
 KapiovcTL /j.e Tracrai at yeveai, was regarded as the highest ideal of all 
 virginity. All the reverence, which the church accorded to virginity, 
 culminated therefore in her. Even TertuUiau alongside of the Pauline 
 contrasts Adam and Christ, placed this other. Eve and Mary. The 
 lierpetua virginitas b. Marice was an uncontested article of faith from 
 the 4th century. Ambrose understood of her Ezek. xliv. 3, and affirmed 
 that she was born ntero clauso ; Gregory the Great saw an analogy 
 between this and the entering of the Eisen One through closed doors 
 (John XX. 19) ; and the second Trullan Council, in a.d. G92, confessed: 
 n\6xevTov tov Ik rrjs irapOevov Oeiov tokov elvai, Irenaaus, TertuUiau, 
 Origeu, Basil, Chrysostom, had indeed still found something in her 
 worthy of blame, but even Augustine refuses to admit that she should 
 be reckoned among sinners : Unde enim scimtts, quid ei plus (jratice col- 
 laitim fuerit ad viiicendum omni ex parte pcccatiim 1 Yet for a long time 
 this veneration of Mary made little progress. This was caused partly by 
 the absence of the glory of martyrdom, partly by its development in the 
 church being forestalled and distorted by the heathenish and godless 
 Mariolatry of the Collyridians, an Arabian female sect of the 4th century, 
 which offered to the Holy Virgin, as in heathen times to Ceres, cakes of 
 
 - Tyler, "Worship of Virgin Mary contrary to Script, and Faith of 
 Ch. of first 5 Cents." London, 1851. Clagett, "Prerogatives of Anna 
 the Mother of God." London, 1688. Also by same: "Discourse on 
 Worship of Virgin and Saints." London, 1G86.
 
 § 57. WORSHIP OF SAINTS, RELICS AND IMAGES. 363 
 
 broad (KoWvpiSa), Epipbanius, who opposed them, taught : eV Tt/xrj ^cttw 
 MapUt, 6 5e Harrip Kal Tibs Kal dyiou Uvev/jLa trpoaKweiffOio, tt]v de 'Maplai' 
 oi'Seis irpoiTKvi'elTU}. Oil the Antidicomarianites, see § C2, 2. The victory 
 of those who used the term deoroKos in the Nestorian controversy gave a 
 great impulse to Mariolatry. Even in the 5th century, the festival of 
 the Annunciation, F. aimuuclationis, incarnationis, ioprri toD evayyeXia- 
 fiou, Tou do-Tracr/jLov, was hold on the 2oth March. With this was also 
 connected in the West the festival of the Purification of Mary, F. pnrijl- 
 cationis on 2nd Feb., according to Luke ii. 22. On account of the 
 candles used in the service it was called the Candlemas of Mary, F. can- 
 delanim, liiminum, Luke ii. 32. In consequence of an earthquake and 
 pestilence in a.d. 542, Justinian founded the corresponding ioprTj Trjs 
 inrairdvTTis, F. occursus, only that here the meeting with Simeon and 
 Anna (Luke ii. 24) is put in the foreground. Both festivals, the Annun- 
 ciation and the Purification, had the same dignity as those dedicated to 
 the memory of our Lord. From the endeavour to put alongside of each 
 of the festivals of the Lord a corresponding festival of Mary, about the 
 end of the Gth century the Feast of the Ascension of Mary [Travi)yvpLs 
 KoipirjTews, F. assumjJtionis, dormltionis M.) was introduced and celebrated 
 on 15th Aug. ; and in the 7th century, the Feast of the Birth of Mary 
 (F. nativitatis M.), on Sth Sept. The former was founded on the apo- 
 cryphal legend (§ 32, 4), according to which Christ with the angels 
 brought the soul of his just departed mother, and, on the following day, 
 its glorified body, to heaven, and there united it again with the soul. — 
 The first traces of a veneration of Anna around whom, as the supposed 
 wife of Joachim and mother of the Virgin, the apocryphal gospels of the 
 childhood had already gathered a mass of romantic details, are found in 
 the 4th century in Gregory of Nyssa and Epiphanius. Justinian I. in 
 A.D. 550 built a church of St. Auna in Constantinople. In the East the 
 25th of July was celebrated as the day of her death, the 9th Sept. as the 
 day of her marriage, and the 9th Dec. as the day of her conception. In 
 the West the veneration of Anna was later of being introduced. It 
 became popular in the later Middle Ages and was made obligatory on 
 the whole catholic church by Gregory XIII. in a.d. 1584. The day fixed 
 was 26th July. Yet Leo III. in the Sth century had allowed a pictorial 
 representation of the legend of St. Joachim and St. Auna to be put in the 
 church of St. Paul in Rome. — Continuation § 104, 7, 8. 
 
 3. "Worship of Angels. — The idea of guardian angels of nations, cities, 
 individuals, was based on Deut. xxxii. 8 (in the LXX.) ; Dan. x. 13, 20, 
 21; xii. 1; Matt, xviii. 10; Acts xii. 15, even as early as the 2nd 
 century. Ambrose required the invocation of angels. But when the 
 Phrygian sect of the Augelians carried the practice the length of idola- 
 trous worship, the Council at Laodicea in the 4th century opposed it, 
 and Epiphanius placed it in his list of heresies. Supposed manifesta-
 
 364 THE GR^CO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 tions of the Archangel Michael led to the iustitution from the 5th 
 century of the feast of Michael observed on 29th Sept., as a festival of 
 the angels collectively representing the idea of the church triumphant. 
 
 4. Worship of Images (§ 38, 3). — The disinclination of the ancient 
 church to the pictorial representations of the person of Christ as such, 
 and also the un\Yillingness to allow religious pictures iu the churches, 
 based uj^on the prohibition of images in the decalogue, was not yet 
 wholly overcome in the 4th century. Eusebius of Cassarea, with refer- 
 ence to the statues of Paneas (§ 13, 2) and other images of Christ and 
 the Apostles, speaks of an idviKi] avv-qdeia. He administered a severe 
 reproof to the emperor's sister, Constantia, and referred to the prohibi- 
 tion of the decalogue, when she expressed a wish to have an image of 
 Christ. Asterius, bishop of Amasa in Pontus (f a.d. 410), earnestly 
 declaimed against the custom of people of distinction wearing clothes 
 embroidered with pictures from the gospel history, and recommends them 
 rather to have Christ in their hearts. The violent zealot, Epiphanius, 
 the most decided opponent of all religious idealism, tore the painted 
 curtain of a Palestinian village church in Anablatha with the injunction 
 to wrap therewith a beggar's corpse. But Greek love of art and the 
 religious needs of the people gained the victory over Judaic-legal rigorism 
 and abstract spiritualism. Here too the age of Cyril marks the turning 
 point. In the 5th century authentic miraculous pictures of Christ, the 
 Apostles and the God-mother (eiKdves dxeLpoirotrjTot), made their appear- 
 ance, and with them began image worship properly so called, with 
 lighting of candles, kissing, burning incense, bowing of the knee, pros- 
 trations {wpocTKvvqdL^ Tifj.')]TiKri). Soon all churches and church books, all 
 palaces and cottages, were filled with images of Christ and the saints 
 painted or drawn by the monks. Miracle after miracle was wrought 
 beside, upon or through them. In this, however, the West did not keep 
 pace with the East. Augustine complains of image worshi23 and advises 
 to seek Christ in the bible rather than in images. Gregory the Great, 
 while blaming the violence of Serenus, bishop of Massilia in breaking 
 the images, wishes that in churches images should be made to serve ad 
 instruendas solummodo mcntes nescientium. The Nestorians who were 
 strongly opposed to images, expressly declared that the hated Cyril was 
 the originator of Iconolatry. 
 
 5. Worship of Relics (§ 39, 5). — The veneration for relics (\ei\pava) pro- 
 ceeded from a pious feeling in human nature and is closely associated 
 with that higher reverence which the church paid to its martyrs. It 
 began with public assemblies at the graves of martyrs, memorial celebra- 
 tions and services in connection with the translations of their bones held 
 in the churches. Soon no church, no altar (Rev. vi. 9), could be built 
 without relics. When the small number of known martyrs proved in- 
 sufficient, single parts of their bodies were divided to different churches.
 
 § 57. WORSHIP OF SAINTS, EELICS AND IMAGES. 365 
 
 But dreams and visions showed rich stores previously uutliought of in 
 remnants of the bones of martyrs and saints. The catacombs especially 
 proved inexhaustible mines. Miracles and signs vouched for their 
 genuineness. Theodosius I. already found it necessary in a.d. 386, to 
 prohibit the trafiQc in relics. Besides bones, were included also clothes, 
 utensils, instruments of torture. They healed the sick, cast out devils, 
 raised the dead, averted plagues, and led to the discovery of offenders. 
 The healed expressed their gratitude in votive tablets and in presentations 
 of silver and golden figures of the healed parts. A scriptural founda- 
 tion was sought for this veneration of relics in 2 Kings xiii. 21 ; Ecclesi- 
 astic, xlvi. 14; Acts xix. 12. According to a legend commonly believed 
 in the 5th century, but unknown to Eusebius and the Bordeaux pilgrim 
 of A.D. 333, Helena, mother of Constantine, found in a.d. 326 the Cross 
 of Christ along with the crosses of the two thieves. The one was 
 distinguished from the others by a miracle of healing or of raising from 
 the dead. The pious lady left one half of the cross to the church of the 
 Holy Sepulchre and sent the rest with the nails to her son, who inlaid 
 the wood in his statues and some of the nails in his diadem, while of the 
 rest he made a bit for his horse. Since the publication of the Doctrina 
 Addaei, § 32, 6, it has become apparent that this Helena legend is just 
 another version of the old Edessa legend about the Byzantine saint, 
 according to which the wife of the emperor Claudius converted by Peter 
 is represented in precisely similar circumstances as having found the 
 cross. To pious and distinguished pilgrims permission was given to 
 take small splinters of the wood kept in Jerusalem, so that soon bits of 
 the cross were spread and received veneration throughout all the world. 
 According to a much later report a aravpui<n/j.os rififpa on 11th Sept. was 
 observed in the East as early as the 4th century in memory of the 
 finding of the cross. From the time of Gregory the Great a F. inven- 
 iionis S. Crucis was observed in the West on Srd May. The festival of 
 the exaltation of the cross, aravpocpaveia, F. exaltationis S. Crucis, on 
 14th Sept., was instituted by the emperor Heraclius when the Persians 
 on their being conquered in a.d. 629, were obliged to restore the cross 
 which they had taken away. 
 
 6. The Making of Pilgrimages. — The habit of making pilgrimages 
 (pilgrim = peregrinus) to sacred places also rested upon a common 
 tendency in human nature. The pilgrimage of Helena in a.d. 326 found 
 numerous imitators, and even the conquest of Palestine by the Saracens 
 in the 7th century did not quench pilgrims' ardour. Next to the sacred 
 places in Palestine, Sinai, the grave of Peter and Paul at Rome {Limina 
 Apostolorum) , the grave of Martin of Tours (§ 47, 14) and the suj^posed 
 scene in Arabia of the sufferings of Job, as a foreshadowing of Christ's, 
 were the spots most frequented by pilgrims. Gregory of Nyssa in an 
 Epistle liepl Twv dniofTMii et's 'l€poa6\viJ.a most vigorously opposed the
 
 8G6 THE GE^CO-ROMAN CHUKCH, A.D. B23-692. 
 
 immoderate love of pilgrimages, especially among monks and women. 
 In the strongest language he pointed out the danger to true religion and 
 morality ; and even Jerome so far gave way to reason as to say : Et de 
 Hiero^olymis et de Brittania aqucditer patet aula ccelestis. Chrysostom 
 and Augustine, too, opposed the over estimating of this expression of 
 pious feeling. 
 
 § 58, The Dispensation of the Sacraiments. 
 
 During this period notliing was definitely established as 
 to the idea and number of the sacraments (/xvo-rr/pta). The 
 name was applied to the doctrines of grace in so far as they 
 transcended the comprehension of the human understanding, 
 as well as to those solemn acts of worship by which grace 
 was communicated and appropriated in an incomprehensible 
 manner to believers, so that only in the 12th century (§ 104, 
 2) were the consecrations and blessings hitherto included 
 therein definitely excluded from the idea of the sacrament 
 under the name Sacramentalia. It was, however, from the 
 first clearly understood that Baptism and the Lord's Supper 
 were essentially the sacramental means of grace. Yet even 
 in the 3rd century, anointing and laying on of hands as an 
 independent sacrament of Confirmation {Confirmation XP^^F-^) 
 was separated from the idea of baj^tism, and in the West, 
 from the administration of baptism. The reappearance of 
 the idea of a sj)ecial priesthood as a divine institution (§ 34, 
 4) gave also to Ordination the importance of a sacrament 
 (§ 45, 1). Augustine whom the Pelagians accused of teach- 
 ing by his doctrine of original sin and concupiscence that 
 Grod- ordained marriage was sinful, designated Christian 
 marriage, with reference to Eph. v. 32, a sacrament (§ 61, 2) 
 in order more decidedly to have it placed under the point 
 of view of the nature sanctified by grace. Pseudo-Dionysius, 
 in the 6tli century (§ 47, 11), enumerates six sacraments: 
 Baptism, Chrism, Lord's Supper, Consecration of Priests 
 and Monks and the Anointing of the Dead (toSv KeKot/x-^yiieVwv). 
 On Extreme Unction, comp. § 61, 3.
 
 § 58. THE DISPElsSATION OP THE SACEAMENTS. 367 
 
 1. Administration of Baptism (§ 35, 4).— The postponing of baptism 
 from lukewarmness, superstition or doctrinal prejudice, was a very fre- 
 quent occurrence. The same obstacles down to the 6th century stood 
 in the way of infant baptism being regarded as necessary. Gregory of 
 Nyssa wrote ITpoj tovs /ipaSwo^ras eh to [idirTicr/j.a, and with him all the 
 church fathers earnestly opposed the error. In case of need {in perkido 
 mortis) it was allowed even by Tertullian that baptism might be dis- 
 peused by any baptized layman, but not by women. The institution of 
 godfather was universal and founded a spiritual relationship within 
 which marriage was prohibited not only between the godparents them- 
 Belves, but also between those and the baptized and their children. The 
 usual ceremonies preceding baptism were : The covering of the head by 
 the catechumens and the uncovering on the day of baptism ; the former 
 to signify the warding off every distraction and the withdrawing into 
 oneself. With exorcism was connected the ceremony of breathing upon 
 (John XX. 22), the touching of the ears with the exclamation : Ephphatha 
 (Mark vii. 34), marking the brow and breast with the sign of the cross ; 
 in Africa also the giving of salt ace. to Mark ix. 50, in Italy the handing 
 over of a gold piece as a symbol of the pound (Luke xiii. 12 f .) entrusted 
 in the grace of baptism. The conferring of a new name signified 
 entrance into a new life. At the renunciation the baptized one turned 
 him to the setting sun with the words : ' KTroTa.ijaoiJ.ai aoi 'SaTavd Kal 
 iraa-Q rg XaTpeia ffov ; to the rising sun with the words : Zvi/Tciaao/xai aoi 
 Xptare. The dipping was thrice repeated : in the Spanish church, in 
 the anti-Arian interest, only once. Sprinkling was still confined to 
 Baptisnnis Clinicorum and was first generally used in the West in infant 
 baptism in the 12th century, while the East stiU retained the custom of 
 immersion. 
 
 2. The Doctrine of the Supper (§ 36, 5). — The doctrine of the Lord's 
 Supper was never the subject of Synodal discussion, and its conception 
 on the part of the fathers was still in a high degree uncertain and 
 vacillating. All regarded the holy supper as a supremely holy, ineffable 
 mystery {cppiKTov, tremendum), and all were convinced that bread and 
 wine in a supernatural manner were brought into relation to the body 
 and blood of Christ ; but some conceived of this relation spiritualisli- 
 cally as a dynamic effect, others realistically as a substantial importation 
 to the elements, while most vacillated still between these two views. 
 Almost all regarded the miracle thus wrought as /xeTa^oX-q, Transfigu- 
 ratio, using this expression, however, also of the water of baptism and 
 the anointing oil. The spiritualistic theory prevailed among the 
 Origenists, most decidedly with Eusebius of Ctesarea, less decidedly with 
 Athanasius and Gregory Nazianzen, and again very decidedly with 
 Pseudo-Dionysius. In the West Augustine and his disciples, even in- 
 cluding Leo the Great, favour the spiritualistic view. With Augustine
 
 368 THE GEiECO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 tlie spiritualistic view was a consequence of his doctrine of predestina- 
 tion ; only to the believer, i.e. to the elect can the heavenly food bo 
 imparted. Yet he often expresses himself very strongly in a realistic 
 manner. The realistic view was divided into a dyophysitic or con- 
 substantial and a mouophysitic or transubstantial theory. A decided 
 tendency toward the idea of transubstantiation was shown by Cyril of 
 Jerusalem, Chrysostom, Hilary of Poitiers, and Ambrose. The view of 
 Gregory of Nyssa is peculiar: As by Christ during His earthly life food 
 and drink by assimilation passed into the substance of His body, so now 
 bread and wine by the almighty operation of God by means of consecra- 
 tion is changed into the glorified body of Christ and by our partaking 
 of them are assimilated to our bodies. The opposing views were more 
 sharply distinguished in consequence of the Nestorian controversy, but 
 the consistent development of dyophysitism in the eucharistic field was 
 first carried out by Theodoret and Pope Gelasius (f a.d. 496). The 
 former says : ixivti yap iirl ttjs -n-poTepas ova-las ; and the latter : Esse non 
 dcsinit substantia vel natura iMiiis et vini. . . , Hoc nobis in ipso 
 Christo Domino sentiendum (Christological), quod in ejus imagine 
 (Eucharistical), profitemur. The massive concrete popular faith had 
 long before converted the fxeralSoXri into an essential, substantial trans- 
 formation. Thence this view passed over into the liturgies. Gallican 
 and Syrian liturgies of the 5th century express themselves unhesitatingly 
 in this direction. Also the tendency to lose the creaturely in the divine 
 which still continued after the victory of Dyophysitism at Chalcedon, 
 told in favour of the development of the dogma and about the end of 
 our period the doctrine of Transubstantiation was everywhere prevalent.^ 
 — Continuation § 91, 3. 
 
 3. The Sacrifice of the Mass (§ 36, 6).— Even in the 4th century the 
 body of Christ presented by consecration in the Supper was designated 
 a sacrifice, but only in the sense of a representation of the sacrifice of 
 Christ once offered. Gradually, however, the theory prevailed of a 
 sacramental memorial celebration of the sacrifice of Christ in that of 
 an unbloody but actual repetition of the same. To this end many other 
 elements than those mentioned in § 30, 6 co-oj^erated. Such were 
 especially the rhetorical figures and descriptions of ecclesiastical orators, 
 who transferred the attributes of the one sacrifice to its repeated rei^re- 
 sentations ; the re-adoption of the idea of a priesthood (§ 34, 4) which 
 demanded a corresponding conception of sacrifice ; the pre-eminent place 
 given to the doctrine of sacraments ; the tendency to place the sacrament 
 under the point of view of a magically acting divine jjower, etc. The 
 sacrificial idea, however, obtained its completion in its application to 
 
 ^ Cosiu, " Scholastic History of Popish Transubstantiation." Lond., 
 167G.
 
 § 58. THE DISPENSATION OF THE SACRAMENTS. 360 
 
 tbo doclni>8 of Purgatory by Gregory the Great (§ Gl, 4). The ohlationcs 
 pro defunctis which had been iu nse from early times became now 
 masses for the souls of individuals ; their purpose was not the enjoy- 
 ment of the body and blood of Christ by the living and the securing 
 thereby continued communion with the departed, but only the renewing 
 and repeating of the atoning sacrifice for the salvation of the souls of 
 the dead, i.e. for the moderating and shortening of purgatorial suffer- 
 ings. The redeeming power of the sacrifice of the eucharist was then 
 in an analogous manner applied to the alleviation of earthly calamities, 
 sufferings and misfortunes, in so far as these were viewed as punish- 
 ments for sin. For such ends, then, it was enough that the sacrificing 
 priest should perform the service {Miiis(e solitaria, Private Masses). 
 The i^artaking of the membership was at last completely withdrawn 
 from the regular public services and confined to special festival seasons. 
 —Continuation § 88, 3. 
 
 4. The Administration of the Lord's Sapper. — The sharp distinction 
 between the Missa Catccliumenornm and the Missa Fiddium (§ .50, 2, ?j) 
 lost its significance after the general introduction of infant baptism, and 
 the name Missa, mass, was now restricted to the ordinance of the Lord's 
 Supper properly so called. In the Eastern and North African churches 
 the communion of children continued common ; the Western church 
 forbade it in accordance with 1 Cor. xi. 28, 29. The Communis suh %ma 
 (sc. specie), i.e. with bread only, was regarded as a Mauichrean heresy 
 (§ 29, 3). Only in North Africa was it exceptionally allowed in children's 
 communion, after a little girl from natural aversion to wine had vomited 
 it up. In the East, as early as the 4th century, one observance of the 
 Lord's Supper in the year was regarded as sufficient ; but Western 
 Councils of the 5th century insisted upon its observance every Sunday 
 and threatened with excommunication every one who did not communi- 
 cate at least on the three great festivals. The elements of the supper 
 were still brought as presents by the members of the church. The bread 
 was that in common use, therefore usually leavened. The East con- 
 tinued this practice, but the West subsequently, on symbolical grounds, 
 introduced the use of unleavened bread. The colour of the wine was 
 regarded as immaterial. Subsequently white wine was preferred as 
 being free from the red colouring matter. The mixing of the v/iue with 
 water was held to be essential, and was grounded upon John xix. 34 ; or 
 regarded as significant of the two natures in Christ. Only the Armenian 
 Monophysites used unmixed wine. The bread was broken. To the 
 sick was often brought in the East instead of the separate elements 
 bread dipped in wine. Subsequently also, first in children's communion 
 and iu the Greek church only, bread and wine together were presented 
 in a spoon. The consecrated elements were called evXoyiai, after 1 Cor. 
 X. 16. The euXoyiai left over {Trepia-aivovaai.) were after communion 
 
 B D
 
 370 THE GRJ3C0-K0MAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 divided among the clergy. At a later period only so much was con- 
 secrated as it was thought would be needed for use at one time. The 
 overplus of unconseerated oblations was blessed and distributed among 
 the non-communicants, the catechumens and penitents. The name 
 eiXcyiai was now applied to those elements that had only been blessed 
 which were also designated avridupa. The old custom of sending to 
 other churches or bishops consecrated sacramental elements as a sign 
 of ecclesiastical fellowship was forbidden by the Council at Laodicea in 
 the 4th century. — Continuation § 104, 3. 
 
 § 59. Public Worship in Word and Symbol. 
 
 Tlie text of the sermon was generally taken from tlio 
 bible portion previously read. The liturgy attained a rich 
 development, but the liturgies of the Latin and Greek 
 churches were fundamentally different from one another. 
 Scripture Psalms, Songs of Praise with Doxologies formed 
 the main components of the church service of song. Gnos- 
 tics (§ 27, 5), Arians (§ 50, 1), Apollinarians and Donatists 
 found hymns of their own composition very popular. The 
 church was obliged to outbid them in this. The Council at 
 Laodicea, however, in a.d. 360, sought to have all ijjaXfjLol 
 iSuoTiKOL banished from the church, probably in order to 
 prevent heretical poems being smuggled in. The Western 
 church did not discuss the subject ; and Chrysostom at least 
 adorned the nightly processions which the rivalry of the 
 Arians in Constantinople obliged him to make, with the 
 solemn singing of hymns. 
 
 1. The Holy Scriptures (§ 36, 7, 8).— The doubts about the genuineness 
 of particular New Testament writings which had existed in the days of 
 Eusebius, had now greatly lessened. Fourteen years after Eusebius, 
 Athanasius in his 39th Festal Letter of a.d. 367 gave a list of canonical 
 scriptures in which the Eusebian autilegomeua of the first class (§ 36, 8) 
 were without more ado enumerated among the Kavoui.ioiJ.eva. From these 
 he distinguished the Wisdom of Solomon, Ecclesiasticus, Esther, Judith, 
 and Tobit, as well as the Aidaxv Ka\ov/.i.&ij tSjv 'AiroffroXuv and the 
 Shepherd of Hormas as dvayti/ua-Kofx^pa, i.e. as books, which from their 
 excellent moral contents had been used by the fathers in teaching the
 
 § 69. PUBLIC WOESHIP IN WORD AND SYMBOL. 371 
 
 catechumens and which should be recommended as affording godly 
 reading. The Council at Laodicea gave a Canon in which we miss only 
 the Apocalypse of John, objected to probably on account of the unfavour- 
 able view of chiliasm entertained by the church at that time (§ 33, 9) ; 
 as regards the Old Testament it expressly limited the public readings in 
 churches to the 22 bks. of the Hebrew canon. The Coiiucil at Hippo, 
 in A.D. 393, gave synodic sanction for the first time in the West to that 
 Canon of the New Testament which has from that time been accepted. 
 — The question as to the value of the books added to the Old Testament 
 in the LXX. remained undecided down to the time of the Reformation. 
 The Greek church kept to the Athanasian distinction of these as ava- 
 yivwdKoixiva from the KciKoifti^o/nePoi, until the confession of Dositheus in 
 A.D. 1629 (§ 152, 3) in its anti-Calvinistic zeal maintained that even those 
 books should be acknowledged as yv-^aia ttjs ypa(prjs ixipri. In the North 
 African church TertuUiau and Cyprian had characterized them without 
 distinction as holy scripture. Augustine followed them, though not 
 altogether without hesitation : Maccab. scripturam nou habent Judsei . • . 
 sed recepta est ab ecclesia non inutiliter, si sobrie legatur vel audiatur ; 
 and the Synods at Hippo in a.d. 393 and at Carthage in a.d. 397 and 
 A.D. 419 put them without question into their list of canonical books, 
 adding this, however, that they would ask the opinion of the trans- 
 marine churches on the matter. Meanwhile too in Eomo this view 
 had prevailed and Innocent I. in a.d. 405 expressly homologated the 
 African list. Hilary of Poitiers and Rufinus on the other hand up- 
 held the view of Athanasius, and Jerome in his Prologiis galcatus after 
 enumerating the books of the Hebrew Canon went so far as to say : 
 Quidquid extra hos est, inter Apocrypha ponendum, and elsewhere calls the 
 addition to Daniel merely nccnice. In the Prcefatio in lihros Salom., he 
 expresses himself more favourably of the Wisdom of Solomon, Eccle- 
 siasticus, Judith, Tobit and Maccabees : legit quidcm ecclesia, sed inter 
 canonicas scripturas non rccipit , . . legat ad (edificationcm plchis sed non 
 ad auctoritatem dogniatum cnnfirmandam. This view prevailed throughout 
 the whole of the Middle Ages among the most prominent churches down 
 to the meeting of the Council of Trent (§ 136, 4) ; whereas the Triden- 
 tine fathers owing to the rejection of the books referred to by the Pro- 
 testants (§ 160, 8), and their actual or supposed usefulness in supporting 
 anti-Protestant dogmas, e.g. the mcritoriousness of good works, Tob. iv. 
 11, 12; intercession of saints, 2 Mace. xv. 12-14; veneration of relics, 
 Ecclus. xlvi. 14 ; xlix. 12 ; masses for souls and prayers for the dead, 
 2 Mace. xii. 43-46, felt themselves constrained to pronounce them canon- 
 ical.^ — The inconvenient Scriptio contimia in the biblical Codices led first 
 of all the Alexandrian deacon Euthalius, about a.d. 460, by stichometric 
 copies of the New Testament in which every line (<rn'xos) embraced as 
 much as with regard to the sense could be read without a pause. Ho
 
 372 THE GE/ECO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 also undertook a clivision of the Apostolic Epistles and the Acts into 
 chapters {KecpaXaia). An Alexandrian church teacher, Ammouius, even 
 earlier than this, in arranging for a harmony of the gospels had divided 
 the gospels in 1,165 chapters and added to the 355 chapters of Matthew's 
 gospel the number of the chapter of parallel passages in the otlicr gospels. 
 Eusebius of Cc-csarea completed the work by his " Evang. Canon," for he 
 represents in ten tables which chapters are found in all the four, in three, 
 in two or in one of the gospels.' — Jerome made emendations upon tbo 
 corrupt text of the Itala by order of Damasus, bishop of Eome, and then 
 made from the Hebrew a translation of the Old Testament of his own, 
 which, joined to the revised translation of the New Testament, after 
 much opposition gradually secured supremacy throughout all the West 
 under the name of the Vulgata. The Monophysite Syrians got from 
 Polycarp in a.d. 508 at the request of bishop Xeuajas or Philoxenus of 
 Mabug, a new slavishly literal translation of the New Testament. This 
 so-called Philoseuiau translation was, in a.d, G16, corrected by Thomas 
 of Charcal, provided after the manner of the Hexapla of Origen with 
 notes — the Harclensian translation — and in a.d. 617 enlarged by a trans- 
 lation of the Old Testament executed by bishop Paulus of Telia in 
 Mesopotamia according to the Hexapla text of the LXX. — Diligent 
 Scripture Keading was recommended by all the fathers, with special fer- 
 vour by Chrysostom, to the laity as well as the clergy. Yet the idea 
 gained ground that the study of Scripture was the business of monks 
 and clerics. The second Trullan Council, in a.d. 692, forbade imder 
 severe penalties that scripture should be understood and expounded 
 otherwise than had been done by the old fathers. 
 
 2. The Creeds of the Church. — I. The Niceeno-Constantinopolitan Creed. 
 — The Niccue Creed (§ 50, 1, 7) did not in the East succeed in dislodging 
 the various forms of the Baptismal formula (§ 35, 2) ; indeed, owing 
 to the statement of this third article restricting itself to a mere kuI as 
 TO Trvevfj.a dyiov it was little fitted to become a universal symbol. But 
 what the Nicccnwn in spite of its unexampled pretensions never won, 
 the so-called Nica3no-Constautinopolitanum of a.d. 451, not being 
 chargeable with the deficiency referred to, actually achieved. Tlie idea 
 prevailing until quite recently that this Symbol originated at the so- 
 called second oecumenical Council at Constantinople in a.d. 381 as an 
 enlargement of the Nicene confession, has now been shown to be quite 
 erroneous. After the Romish theologian Vincenzi laboured to prove 
 that this was a production forged by the Greeks in the interests of their 
 "heretical" doctrine of the procedure of the Holy Spirit from the 
 Father only (§ 50, 7), Harnack on the basis of the researches of 
 
 1 Eeuss, " History of the N.T. Scriptures." Edin., 1884. § 377. Keil, 
 " Introduction to the O.T." Edin., 1870. Vol. ii. pp. 201-203.
 
 § 56. PUBLIC WORSHIP IN WORD AND SYMBOL. 373 
 
 Caspar! and Hort reached the following results : The so-called Nic»no- 
 Constantiuopolitan Creed is identical with the creed recommended by 
 Epiphanius in his Anchoratus, about a.d. 373, as genuinely apostolic- 
 Nicene ; the creed of the Anchoratus is that which forms the subject of 
 Cyril's Catechetical Lectures (§ 47, 10), probably at a later date revised, 
 enriched by the introduction of the most important phrases from the 
 Nicfenum and an additional section on the Holy Spirit (comp. § 50, 5, 7), 
 and issued in his own name by Cyril while bishop of Jerusalein (a.d. 
 351-386) as a Baptismal formula for the church of .Jerusalem ; this new 
 recension of the Jerusalem Symbol was probably laid before the Council 
 at Constantinople in a.d. 381 by Cyril as a proof of his own orthodoxy 
 that had always been somewhat questionable and as such passed over 
 into the Acts which are now lost ; thus at least is it most simply ex- 
 plained how even in a.d. 451 it could be quoted in the Acts of the 
 Council of Chalcedou alongside of the Nicene as the Constantinopolitan; 
 in proportion then as the Council of Constantinople of a.d. 381 came to 
 be regarded as an oecumenical Council (§ 50, 4), this creed, erroneouslj' 
 ascribed to that Council, had accorded to it the rank of an oecumenical 
 Symbol. — II. The Apostles' Creed. — The Roman church and with it tho 
 whole West, standing upon the supposed Apostolic origin of their symbol, 
 did not suffer it to be dislodged by the Nicrenum nor to be assimilated 
 by any importations from it. Nevertheless during the period when the 
 Roman chair was dominated by the Byzantine court theology (§ 52, 3) 
 the so-called Nicceno-Constantinopolitanum succeecled in displacing the 
 old Western creed, aided by the opposition to the Ariauism that was 
 being driven forward by the Visigoths and Ostrogoths in It.ily and Spain 
 (§ 7G, 2, 7), which demanded a more decidedly anti-Arian formula. 
 After this danger had been long overcome, the desire was expressed in 
 the 9 th century for a shorter creed that might serve as a baptismal 
 formula and as the basis of catechetical teaching. They fell back, 
 however, not upon the old Roman creed, but upon a more modern 
 Gallic expansion of it, which forms what is called by us now the 
 Apostles' Creed. Owing to the reverence shown to the Roman church 
 this creed soon found its way throughout all the West, and arrogated to 
 itself here the name of an cecumenical Symbol, although it has never 
 been acknowledged by the Greek church. The legend of its apostolic 
 origin was carried out still further by the assertion that each of the 
 twelve Apostles composed one article as his contribution to the formula 
 (cruyUjSoXTj). Laurentius Valla and Erasmus were the first to dispute its 
 apostolic origin. — III. The Athanasiau Creed. — The so-called Athana- 
 sian Symbol, which from its opening words is also known as Symb. 
 " Qaicunqiie,'' sprang up in the end of the 5th century out of the 
 opposition of Western Catholicism to Gennan Ariauism, so that it is 
 doubtful whether it had its origin in Gaul, Spain or North Africa. In
 
 374 THE GE^CO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 short, sharply accentuated propositions it sets forth first of all the 
 Nicene-Constant. doctrine of the Trinity in its fuller form as developed 
 by Augustine (§ 50, 7), then in the second part the dogmatic results 
 of the Nestorian and Eutychian controversies (§ 52, 3, 4), and in the 
 severest terms makes eternal salvation dependent on the acceptance of 
 all these beliefs. The earliest certain trace of its existence is found in 
 Cffisarius of Aries (a.d. 503-543) who quotes some sentences borrowed 
 from it as of acknowledged authority. The idea that Athanasius was 
 its author arose in the 8th century and was soon accepted throughout 
 the West as an undoubted truth. It was first taken notice of by the 
 Greek church in the 11th century, and on account of the filioque (§ 67, 
 1) was pronounced heretical.' 
 
 3. Bible Reading in Church and Preaching. — The Reading of non- 
 canonical books in church, which had previously been customary (§ 36, 
 3), was now forbidden. The Lectio contiima, i.e. the reading of entire 
 biblical books was the common practice down to the 5th century. In the 
 Latin church at each service there were usually two readings, one from 
 the Gospels, the other from the Epistles or the Prophets. The Apostolic 
 Constitutions (§ 43, 4) have three, the Prophets, Epistles, and Gospels; 
 so too the Gallican and Spanish churches ; while the Syrian had four, 
 the additional one being from Acts. As the idea of the Christian Year 
 was carried out, however, the Lectio contimia gave place to the Lectio 
 propria, i.e. a selection of passages which correspond to the character 
 of the particular festival. In the West this selection was fixed by the 
 Lcctionaries among which the so-called Liber comitis, which tradition 
 assigned to Jerome, in various forms and modifications, found accept- 
 ance generally throughout the West. In the East where the Lectio 
 continua continued much more prevalent, lcctionaries came into use 
 first in the 8th century. The lesson was read by a reader from a 
 reading desk ; as a mark of distinction, however, the gospel was often 
 read by the deacon. For the same purpose, too, lights were often 
 kindled during this reading. — The Sermon was generally by the bishop, 
 who might, however, transfer the duty to a presbyter or deacon. Monks 
 
 1 Swainson, " Tlie Nicene and Apostles' Creeds." Camb. , 1875. 
 Westcott, " The Historic Faith." Lond., 1883, note iii., the Creeds. 
 Harvey, "Hist, and Theology of the three Creeds." Camb., 1854. 
 Hort, Two Dissertations: 11. "The Constantinopolitan Creed and the 
 Eastern Creeds of 4th cent." Camb., 1876. Schaff, " Creeds of Chris- 
 tendom." Edin., 1877, vol. i. Lumby, "History of the Creeds." 
 Camb., 1873. Waterland, " Crit. Hist, of Athauasian Creed." Camb., 
 1724. Heurtley, "The Athanasian Creed." Oxf., 1872. Ommaney, 
 " Ath. Creed : an Exam, of Eccent Theories respecting its Date and 
 Origin." Lond., 1875.
 
 § 59. PUBLIC WOESHIP IN WOKD AND SYMBOL. 375 
 
 were forbicUlen to preach in the church. They were not hindered from 
 doing so in the streets and markets, from roofs, pillars and trees. The 
 bishop preached from his episcopal throne, but often, in order to be 
 better heard, stood at the railing of the choir (CanccUi). Augustine 
 and Chrysostom often preached from the reading desk. In the East 
 preaching came very much to the front, lasted often for an hour, and 
 aimed at theatrical effects. Very distracting was the practice, specially 
 common in Greece of giving loud applause with waving of handkerchiefs 
 and clapping of hands {kpotos, Acclamatio). In the West the sermon 
 consisted generally of short simple addresses {Sermones). Extempore 
 discourses (o^aiXiat ffx^Siaa-Oecirac) were greatly appreciated, more so than 
 those repeated from memory ; reading was quite an exceptional occur- 
 rence. Even the emperors after Constantino's example gave sometimes 
 sermonic lectures in extra-ecclesiastical assemblies. Among the Sjiiana 
 sermons in verse and strophically arranged, with equal number ct 
 syllables in the lines but unrhymed, were very popular. 
 
 4. Hyranology.^— Ephraem the Syrian {] a.d. 378) introduced melodious 
 orthodox hymns in place of the heterodox hymns of the Syrian 
 Gnostics Bardesaues and Harmonius (§ 27, .5). On the later Syrian 
 hymn writers, see § 48, 7. The introduction of their hymns into 
 the public service caused no trouble. For the Greeks orthodox hymns 
 were composed by Gregory Nazianzen and Synesins of Ptolemais. Tho 
 want of popularity and the ban of the Laodicean Council hindered 
 their introduction into the services of the church ; but this ban wag 
 removed as early as the 5th century. Under the name of Troparies, 
 from T/367ros = art of music, shorter, and soon also longer, poems of 
 their own composition were introduced alongside of the church ser- 
 vice of Psalms (§ 71, 2). But unquestionably tho palm for church 
 hymn composition belongs to the Latin church. With Hilary of Poitiers 
 (t A.D. 3G8) begins a series of poets (Ambrose, Damasus, Augustine, Sedu- 
 lius, Eunodius, Prudentius, Fortunatus, Gregory the Great) who be- 
 queathed to their church a j)recious legacy of spiritual songs of great 
 beauty, spirituality, depth, power, grandeur and simphcity. 
 
 5. Psalmody aud Hymn Music- — From the time when clerical cantores 
 (§ 34, 3) were appointed the symphonic singing of psalms by the congre- 
 gation seems to have been on the wane. The Council of Laodicea forbade 
 it altogether, without, however, being able quite to accomplish that. 
 Antiphonal or responsive singing was much enjoyed. Hypophouic sing- 
 
 ^ Neale, " Hymns of the Eastern Church." Loud., 18G3. " Medieval 
 Hymns and Sequences." Lond., 18G3. Gieselcr, "Ecclesiastical History." 
 Vol. iii. p. 353. 
 
 - Hawkins, " History of Music." Lond., 1853
 
 376 THE GE^CO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 ing of the congregation in the responses with which the people ans\Yered 
 the clerical iutoniugs, readings and prayers, and in the beating of time 
 with which they answered the clerical singing of psalms, was long per- 
 sisted in in spite of clerical exclusiveness. The singing of prayers, read- 
 ings and consecrations was first introduced in the 6th century. At first 
 church music was simple, artless, recitative. But the rivalry of heretics 
 forced the orthodox church to pay greater attention to the requirements 
 of art. Chrysostom had to declaim against the secularisation of Church 
 music. More lasting was the opposition of the church to the introduc- 
 tion of instrumental accompaniments. Even part singing was at this 
 time excluded from the church. In the West psalmody took a high flight 
 with a true ecclesiastical character. Even in a.d. 330, bishop Sylvester 
 erected a school at Eome for training singers for the churches. Ambrose 
 of Milan was the author of a new kind of church music full of melodious 
 flow, with rhythmical accent and rich modulation, nobly popular and 
 grandly simple (Canius Amhrosianus). Augustine speaks with enthu- 
 siasm of the powerful impression made on him by this lively style of 
 singing, but expresses also the fear that the senses might be spellbound 
 by the pleasant sound of the tune, and thus the effect of the words on the 
 mind be weakened. And in fact the Ambrosian chant was in danger 
 during the Cth century through increasing secularisation of losing its 
 ecclesiastical character. Then appeared Gregory the Great as reformer 
 and founder of a new style of music {CanUis riomamis, feriims, choralis) for 
 which at the same time, in order that he might fix it in a tune book 
 {Antlphonar'nmi), he invented a special notation, the so-called Neumce, 
 either from rrveufxa as characterizing the music, or from ved/xa as charac- 
 terizing the musical notes, a wonderful mixture of points, strokes and 
 hooks. The Gregorian music is in unison, slow, measured and uni- 
 form without rhythm and beat, so that it approaches again the old reci- 
 tative mode of psalm singing, while still at the same time its elaboration 
 of the art with much richer modulation marks an imj^ortant step in 
 advance. The Ambrosian briskness, freshness and popular style were 
 indeed lost, but all the more certainly the earnestness, dignity and solem- 
 nity of Church music were preserved. But it was a very great defect 
 that the Gregorian music was assigned exclusively to well equipped choirs 
 of clerical singers, hence Cantus choralis, for the training of which 
 Gregory founded a school of music in Eome. The congregation was thus 
 deprived of that lively particii^ation in the public service which up to 
 that time it had enjoyed. 
 
 6. The Liturgy. — The numerous liturgies that had sprung up since the 
 4.th century were reared on the basis of one common type which we find 
 in the liturgy of the Apostolic Constitutions (§ 43,4). The most impor- 
 tant orthodox liturgies are : the Jerusalem liturgy which is ascribed to 
 the Apostle James, the Alexandrian which claims as its author Mark,
 
 disciple of the Apostles (§ 16, 4), the Byzantine which professes to have 
 been composed by Basil and abbreviated by Chrysostom, which ultimately 
 dislodged all others from the orthodox church of the East. Among Wes- 
 tern liturgies the following are distinguished for antiquity, reputation 
 and significance : the Galilean Masses of the 5th century, the Milan 
 liturgy, professedly by Barnabas, probably by Ambrose, and the Eoman 
 or that of St. Peter, to the successive revisions of which are attached the 
 names of the great popes Leo the Great, t a.d. 461, Gelasius I., t ^■^^ 
 496, and Gregory the Great, t a.d. 604. It gradually obtained universal 
 ascendancy in the West. Its components are : The sacramentarium, 
 prayers for the service of the Mass, the antiplwnarium, the leclionarium, 
 and the Ordo Eomamis, guide to the dispensation of the Mass. The 
 uniting of these several writings to the Missale Eomanum belongs to a 
 later period. — The Greek Liturgy in the combining of the vesper, matins 
 and principal service of worship represents a threefold religious drama 
 in which the whole course of the sacred history from the creation of the 
 world to the ascension of our Lord' is brought to view. In the lighting 
 and extinguishing of candles, in opening and closing of doors, in the 
 figured cloth covering the altar space, (§ 60, 1), in burning of incense 
 and presentations, in the successive putting on of various liturgical vest- 
 ments, in the processions and genuflections of the inferior clergy, in 
 the handling of the sacramental elements, etc., the chief points of the 
 gospel history are symbolically set forth. The word accompanying the 
 ceremonies (intonations, responses, prayers, readings, singing) has a 
 subordinate significance and forms only a running commentary on the 
 drama. — The Latin Church changed the dramatic character of the liturgy 
 into a dogmatic one. It is no longer the objective history of salvation 
 which is here represented, but the subjective appropriation of salvation. 
 The sinner in need of redemption comes to the altar of the Lord, seeks and 
 finds quickening and instruction, forgiveness and grace. The real pillar 
 of the whole service is therefore the word, and to the symbol is assigned 
 only the subordinate part of accompanying the word with a pictorial 
 representation. The components of the liturgy are partly such as in- 
 variably are repeated in every Mass, partly such as change with the 
 calendar and the requirements of particular festivals. Among the former 
 the canon of the Mass forms the real centre of the whole Mass. It em- 
 braces the eucharistic forms of consecration with the prayer offered up in 
 connection with the offering of it up. — Among the liturgical writings are 
 specially to be named the Diptychs {5ls dirTuaau, to fold twice), writing 
 tablets which were covered on the inside with wax. They were the ofii- 
 cial lists of persons of the ancient church, and were of importance for 
 the liturgy inasmuch as the names written upon them were the subject 
 of special liturgical intercession. We have to distinguish, dlnrvxa i-m- 
 aKoTTUf, in which are written the names of the foreign bishops with whom
 
 878 THE GRiECO-ROMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 church fellowship is maintained, and dlirrvxa. ^(IivT(ai> or lists of their own 
 church members as the offerers, and oiwrvxa-veKpQv.''- 
 
 7. Liturgical Vestments.— A special clerical costume which made the 
 clergy recognisable even in civil life arose from their scorning to submit 
 to the whims of fashion. The transition from this to a compulsory litur- 
 gical style of dress was probably owing to the fact that the clergy in 
 discharging their official functions wore not their every-day attire, but a 
 better suit reserved for the purpose. If in this way the idea of sacred 
 vestments was arrived at it was an easy step to associate them with the 
 official costume of the Old Testament priesthood, attributing to them, as 
 to the dress of the Jewish priests, a symbolico-mystical significance, to be 
 diversified according to their patterns as well as according to the needs 
 of the worship and their hierarchical rank. In the West the proper dress 
 for Mass was and continued the so-called Alba, among the Greeks cttoi.- 
 XapLov or (XTcxdpiov, a white linen shirt reaching down to the feet after the 
 pattern of the old Roman Tunica and corresponding to the long coat of 
 the Old Testament priest, with a girdle [Cinrjulinn). The shorter Casula 
 or Pineta, among the Greeks (peKuviov, over the Alba took the place of 
 the Tofja. It was originally without sleeves, simply a coloured garment 
 of costly material furnished with an opening for the head, but in later 
 times made more convenient by being slit half way down on both sides. 
 The Orarium, dpdpiov, afterwards called Stola, is a long wide strip of 
 costly cloth which the deacon threw over his left shoulder and on his 
 right thigh, but the priest and the bishop wore it over both shoulders 
 and at the sacrifiee of the Mass in the form of the cross over the breast. 
 Over these priestly vestments the bishop wore as representing the high 
 priest's ephod the so-called Dalmatica, among the Greeks (tukkos, a costly 
 sleeved robe ; and the archbishop also the Pallium, u,uo(p6pLov. This last 
 was originally a complete robe, but in order not to conceal the episcopal 
 and priestly ornaments it was reduced to a small white woollen cape with 
 two strips hanging down on the breast and the back. To episcopal orna- 
 ments of the Greeks besides belonged the eiriyoviTLov, a square-shaped 
 piece of cloth, hanging down from the (tokkos on the left side, ornamented 
 with a picture of Christ sewed on stiff pasteboard ; and to correspond to 
 the high priest's Urim and Thummim, the iraviyiov, a painting in enamel 
 of a saint, hung to the breast by a golden chain. Among the Latins the 
 place of the latter is taken by the golden cross for the breast oxPectorale. 
 As covering of the head the priest had the Barrctta [birretum), the bishop 
 the mitre, mitra (§ 84, 1). The ring and staff (marriage ring and shep- 
 herd's staff) were in very early times made the insignia of the episcopal 
 
 1 Hammond, " Ancient Liturgies." Oxf., 1878. NealeandLittlcdale, 
 "Translations of Primitive Liturgies." Lond., 1869. Neale, "Essays 
 on Liturgiology." Lond., 18G7.
 
 § 59. PUBLIC WOESHIP IN WORD AND SYMBOL. 379 
 
 office. The settling of the various liturgical colours for tlie successive 
 festivals of the Christian year was first made during the 12th century.^ 
 
 8. Symbolical Acts in Worship. — The fraternal kiss was a general custom 
 throughout the whole period. On entering, the church door or threshold 
 was kissed ; during the liturgical service the priest kissed the altar, the 
 reader the Gospel. Even relics and images were kissed. When one 
 confessed sin he beat upon his breast. The sign of the cross was made 
 during every ecclesiastical action and even in private life was frequently 
 used. The custom of washing the hands on entering God's house and 
 lighting candles iu it, was very ancient. No quite certain trace of 
 sprinklmg with holy water is found before the 9th century. The burning 
 of incense (tliurificarl) is first found late in the 4th century. In earlier 
 times it was supposed to draw on and feed the demons ; afterwards it was 
 regarded as the surest means of driving them away. The consecration 
 of churches and the annual commemoration thereof are referred to even 
 by Eusebius {iyKaivluiv eoprai). Even so early as the times of Ambrose 
 the possession of relics was regarded as an indispensable condition to 
 such services. 
 
 9. Processions are of early date and had their prototypes in the heathen 
 worship in the solemn marches at the high festivals of Dionysos, Athene, 
 etc., etc. First at burials and weddings, they were practised since the 4th 
 century at the reception of bishops or relics, at thanksgivings for vic- 
 tories, especially at seasons of public distress and calamity [Rocjationes, 
 SupiAkationes). Bishop Mamertus of Vienna about a.d. 450 and Gregory 
 the Great developed them into regularly recurring institutions whose 
 celebration was rendered more solemn by carrying the gospels in front, 
 costly crosses and banners, blazing torches and wax candles, relics, images 
 of Mary and the saints, by psalm and hymn singing. The prayers ar- 
 ranged for the purpose with invocation of saints, and angels and the 
 popular refrain, Ora fro nobis ! were called Litanies. 
 
 * Marriott, " Vestiarium Christianum : Origin and gradual develop- 
 ment of Dress of Holy Ministry of Church." Lond., 1838.
 
 380 THE GEiECO-ROMAN CHUECB", A.D. 323-692. 
 
 § 60, Places of Public Worship, Buildings and 
 Works of Art.i 
 
 Churcli architecture made rajDid advance as a science in 
 the times of Constantine the Great. The earliest architec- 
 tural style thus developed is found in the Chv'istian Basilicas. 
 Whether this was a purely original kind of building called 
 forth by the requirements of congregational worship, or 
 whether and how far it was based upon previously existing 
 styles, is still a subject of discussion. In later, and espe- 
 cially oriental, church buildings the flat roof of the basilica 
 was often changed into a cupola. Of the plastic arts paint- 
 ing was the next to be represented. 
 
 1. The Basilica. — The original form of the Christian basilica was that 
 of an oblong four-sided building running from west to east. It was 
 divided lengthwise by rows of pillars, into three parts or aisles, in such 
 a way as to leave the middle aisle at least double the breadth of each of 
 the other two. The middle aisle led u]) to a semicircular recess {Koyxvi 
 dif'is, Concha, Absida), curved out of tlie eastern side wall, which was sepa- 
 rated from the middle aisle proper by a railing (KLyXidis, CancelU) and a 
 curtain {KaTairiTaafxa, Velum), and, because raised a few steps, was called 
 /3)'}/.ta (from ^aivw). From the 5th century the pillars running down the 
 length of the house were not carried on to the eastern gable, and thus a 
 cross passage or transept was formed, which was raised to the level of 
 the Ecma and added to it. This transept now in connection with the 
 middle aisle and the recess imprints upon the ground plan of the church 
 the signiticant form of the cross. At the entrance at the western end 
 there was a porch which occupied the whole breadth of the house. Thus 
 then the whole fell into three divisions. The Bema was reserved for the 
 clergy. The elevated seat of the bishop {Ophvos, Cathedra) stood in the 
 middle of the round wall forming the recess, lower seats for the presby- 
 ters on both sides (avfOpovoi), the altar in the centre or in front of the 
 recess. As a place reserved for the altar and the clergy the ^rj/xa had 
 also the names Hyiov, dovrov, Uparelov, Sacrarium, Sanctuarium, the name 
 
 * Woltmann and Woermann, " History of Painting." 2 vols. Lend., 
 1886; vol. i., " Auc, Early Chr. and Mediaeval Painting," cd. by Prof. 
 Sidney Colvin. "Handbook of Painting: Italian Schools. Based on 
 Kiigler's Handbook," by Eastlake ; new ed. by Layard. 2 vols. Lond., 
 1886,
 
 § 60. CHURCH BUILDINGS AND WORKS OF ART. 381 
 
 of Choir being first given it in the Middle Ages. Under the Apse or 
 Bema there was usually a subterranean chamber, Kpuim^, Blemoria, Con- 
 fcssio, containing the bones of martyrs. The altar space in later times 
 in the Eastern churches instead of being marked off by railings or cur- 
 tains was separated by a wooden partition which because adorned with 
 sacred pictures painted often on a golden ground and inlaid with most 
 precious stones, was called the picture screen (elKovocrTacns). It had 
 usually three doors of which the middle one, the largest of the three, the 
 so-called " Eoyal " door, was reserved for the bishop and for the emperor 
 when he communicated. The Nave or main part of the building, con- 
 sisting of three, less frequently of five, aisles (vao^, vau?, Navis, so called 
 partly from its oblong form, partly and chiefly on account of the symbo- 
 lical significauce of the ship as a figure of the means of salvation, Gen. 
 vii. 23), was the place where the baptized laity met, and were arranged 
 in the different aisles according to sex, age and rank. In the Eastern 
 churches galleries (vwepCia) were often introduced along the sides for the 
 women. The Porch {wpova.os, Vestihulum) which from its great width was 
 also collei vdpdi]^ or Ferula, properly the hollow stalk of an umbelliferous 
 plant, was the i^lace occupied by the catechumens and penitents. In 
 front of it, in earlier times unroofed, afterwards covered, was the enclo- 
 sure {a'ldpLov, av\y], Atrium, Area) where a basin of water stood for washing 
 the hands. Here too the penitents during the first stage of their disci- 
 pline, as well as the enerfjumeni, had to stand. That the Atrium was 
 also called Paradisus, as Athanasius tells us, is best explained by sup- 
 posing that here for the warning of penitents there was a picture of Adam 
 and Eve being driven out of Paradise. The porch and the side aisles 
 just to the height of the pillars, were shut in with tesselated rafters and 
 covered with a one-sided slanting roof. But middle aisle and transept 
 were heightened by side walls resting on the pillars and rising high above 
 the side roofs and covered with a two-sided slanting roof. In order that 
 the pillars might be able to bear this burden, they were bound one to 
 another by an arched binding. The walls of the middle aisle and tran- 
 septs rising above the side roofs were supplied with windows, which were 
 usually wanting in the lower walls. — Utility was the main consideration 
 in the development of the plan of the basilicas, but nevertheless at the 
 same time the idea of symbolical significance was also in many ways very 
 fully carried out, such as the form of the cross in the ground plan, and 
 the threefold division into middle and side aisles. In the bow- shaped 
 binding of the pillars the idea of pressing forward (Phil. iii. 13, 14) was 
 represented, for there the eye was carried on from one pillar to the other 
 and led uninterruptedly forward to the recess at the east end, where 
 stood the altar, where the Sun of righteousness had risen (Mai. iv. 2). 
 The semicu-cle of the recess to which the eye was carried forward 
 reminded of the horizon from which the sun rose in his beauty ; and the
 
 382 THE GB^CO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 bold rising of the walls of the middle aisle, which rested ou the arched 
 pillars, pointed the eye upwards and gave the liturgical sursum corcla 
 which the bishop called out to the congregation a corresponding expres- 
 sion in architectural form. This significance was further intensified by 
 the light falling down from above into the sacred place. 
 
 2. Secular Basilicas. —All spaces adorned with pillared courts were 
 called among the aucieut Eomans basilicas. In the private houses of 
 distinguished Romans the name Basilica domestica was given to the 
 so-called Oecus, i.e. the chamber reserved for solemn occasions with the 
 peristyle in front, the inner open court surrounded by covered pillared 
 halls; while public markets and courts of justice were called Basilica 
 forenscs. The latter were oblong in shape ; at the end opposite the 
 entrance the dividing ^Yall was broken through and in the opening a 
 semicircular recess was carved out with an elevated platform, and in this 
 were the tribunal of the prretor and seats for the assessors and the Jury. 
 In the covered pillared courts along the two sides were the wares ex- 
 posed for sale and in the usually uncovered large middle space the 
 buyers and lookers-on moved about. Outside of the enclosing wall 
 before the entrance was often a pillared porch standing by itself for a 
 I'obby. — From having the same name and many correspondences in con- 
 struction the later Christian basilica was supposed to have been copied 
 from the forensic basilica. Zestermann was the first to contest this 
 theory and in this found hearty support especially on the Catholic side. 
 According to him the Christian basilica had nothing in common with 
 the forensic, but was called forth quite independently of any earlier style 
 of building by the requirements of Christian worship. Now certainly ou 
 the one side the similarity had been quite unduly over-estimated. For 
 almost everything that gave its symbolically significant character to the 
 ecclesiastical basilica, — the transept and the form of the cross brought 
 out by it, the bow-shaped binding of the pillars, the walls of the middle 
 aisle resting on the pillars rising sheer into the heights, as well as the 
 entirely new arrangement of the whole house, are the essential and in- 
 dependent product of the Christian spirit. But on the other hand, 
 differences have been greatly exaggerated and features which the ecclesi- 
 astical basilica had in common with the forensic, which were demon- 
 strably copied from the latter, have been ignored. On both sides, too, 
 the importance for our question of the basilica: domestica used for wor- 
 ship before regular churches were built, has been overlooked. Here the 
 peristyle with its pillared courts with the oecus attached supplied the 
 divisions needed for the different classes attending divine service (clergy, 
 congregation, penitents, catechumens). What was more natural than 
 that this form of building, brought indeed into more perfect accord with 
 the Christian idea and congregational requirements, should be adopted 
 in church building and with it also the name with a new application to
 
 § 60. CHUECH BUILDINGS AND WORKS OF ART, 383 
 
 Christ the heavenly King ? But one and indeed a very essential feature 
 in the later basilica style is wanting generally in the oecus of private 
 houses, viz. the Apse. One would naturally suppose that it was bor- 
 rowed from the forensic basilica in consideration of its purpose there, 
 scruples agaiust such procedure being lessoned as the heathen state 
 passed over to Christianity. Thus too it is easily explained how the 
 earliest basilicas, like that of Tyre consecrated in a.d. 313, of which 
 Eusebius' description gives us full information, have as yet no Apse. 
 
 3. The Cupola Style. — We meet with the first example of the cupola style 
 among Christian buildings in the form of Roman mausoleums in chapels 
 or churches raised over martyrs' graves. This style, however, was in many 
 ways unsuitable for regular parish churches. The necessarily limited 
 inner space embraced within the circular or polygonal walls would not 
 admit of the significant shape of the nave being preserved ; it could not 
 be proportionally partitioned among clergy, congregation, catechumens 
 and penitents. In an ideal point of view only the centre of the whole space 
 was suitable for the bema with the altar, bishop's throne, etc. In that 
 case, however, the half of the congregation present would have to stand 
 behind the officiatiug clergy and so this arrangement was not to be thought 
 of. In the later ecclesiastical buildings, therefore, of the cupola style the 
 ground plan of the basilica was adopted, with atrium and narthex at the 
 west end and bema and apse at the east end. The old basilica style, 
 though capable of so much artistic adornment, passed now indeed more 
 and more into desuetude before the overpowering impression made upon 
 one entering the building by the cupola (^oXoj, Cuppula) like a cloud of 
 heaven overspanning at a giddy height the middle space, pierced by many 
 windows and resting on four pillars bound by arches one to another. Be- 
 sides this main and complete cupola there were often a number of semi- 
 and secondary cupolas, which gave to the whole building from without 
 the appearance of a rich well ordered organism. The greatest master- 
 piece in this style, which Byzantine love of art and beauty valued far 
 more than the simple basilica, is the church of Sophia at Constantinople 
 {'Zo(pla = A6yos), at the completion of which in a.d. 587 Justinian I. cried 
 out : Isev'iKyjKd ae 'ZoKojj.wv. 
 
 4. Accessory and Special Buildings. — Alongside of the main building 
 there generally were additional buildings for special purposes (e^edpai), 
 surrounded by an enclosing wall. Among these isolated extra buildings 
 Baptistries (patrTia-Ti^pia, (puTLcrT-qpia) held the first rank. They were 
 built in rotunda form after the pattern of the Roman baths. The bap- 
 tismal basin {Ko\v/j.prj6pa, Piscina) in the middle of the inner space was 
 surrounded by a series of pillars. In front there was frequently a 
 roomy porch used for the instruction of catechumens. When infant 
 baptism became general, separate baptistries were no longer needed. 
 Their place was taken by the baptismal font in the church itself on the
 
 384 THE GRiECO-ROMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 north side of the main entrance. For the custody of church jewels, 
 ornaments, robes, books, archives, etc. in the larger churches there were 
 special buildings provided. The spirit of brotherhood, the Pliiladelpliia, 
 expressed itself in the irTojxoTpocpela, 6p<pavoTpo(p€la, y7}poKOfj.e'ia, Ppe<po- 
 Tpotpela (Foundling Hospitals), voffOKo/j-ela, ^evodoxeia. The burying 
 groiind {Koip.7}T'qpLov, Cimeterium, Dormitorhim, Area) was also usually 
 within the wall enclosing the church property. The privilege of burial 
 within the church was granted only to emperors and bishops. When 
 clocks came into vogue towers were introduced, but these were at first 
 simply attached to the churches, occasionally even standing quite apart. 
 5. Chiuxh Furniture. — The centre of the whole house of God was the 
 Altar {ayia Tpaire'ga, OvaiatTT-qpiov, Ara, Altare), since the 5th century 
 commonly of stone, often overlaid with gold and silver. The altar stood 
 out at the east end, the officiating priest behind it facing the congrega- 
 tion. The introduction of the Missce soUtaria: (§ 58, 3) made it necessary 
 in the West to have a large number of altars. In the Greek church the 
 rule was to have one altar. Moveable altars, for missionaries, crusaders, 
 etc., were necessary since the consecration of the altar had been pro- 
 nounced indispensable. The Latins used for this purpose a consecrated 
 stone plate with a cover {Palla) ; the Greeks only a consecrated altar 
 cloth (6.vTip.vri(TLov}. The altar cloth was regarded as essential, a deiiu- 
 datio alteris as impious desecration; according to hturgical rule, how- 
 ever, the altar was bared on Friday and Saturday of Passion Week. 
 From the altar cloth was distinguished the Corporalc, d\7)Tbv, for 
 covering the oblations. On the altar stood the Ciborium, a canopy sup- 
 jDorted by four feet, to which by a golden chain was attached a dove- 
 shaped vessel {TreptffTvffi.oi') with the consecrated sacramental elements 
 lor the communion of the sick. The Thurihulnm was for the burning of 
 incense, cross for marches and processions (Cruces stationales) and banners 
 (VcxiUa). In the nave were seats for the congregation; in the narthcx 
 there were none. The pulpit or reading desk (Pidpitum) at first mov- 
 able, afterwards permanently fixed to the railings in the middle of the 
 bema in the basilica was called the Ambo from duajBalvu, or Lcctorium, 
 our English Lectern. In many churches two ambos were erected, on the 
 north or left side for the gospel, and on the south or right side for the 
 epistle. In larger churches, however, the ambo was often brought for- 
 ward into the nave. Our chancel had its origin late in the Middle Ages 
 by a separate preaching Ambo being erected beside the lectern, and raised 
 aloft in order that the preacher might be better seen and heard. — The 
 introduction of church clocks {Nolcc, Campanula, because commonly 
 made of Campanian brass which was regarded as the best) is sometimes 
 ascribed to bishop Paulinus of Nola in Campania, who died in a.d. 431, 
 sometimes to Pope Sabinianus, who died in a.d. G06. In the East they 
 were first introduced in the 9th century. In early times the hours of
 
 § GD. CHURCH BUILDINGS AND WOEKS OF ART. 880 
 
 service were announced by Cursores, dva.Spofj.oL, afterwards by trumpets 
 or beating of gongs. 
 
 G. The Graphic and Plastic Arts (§ 38, 3 ; § 57, 4).— The Greek churcli 
 forbade all nudity ; only face, hands and feet could be left uncovered. 
 This narrowness was overcome in the West. Brilliancy of colour, cost- 
 liness of material and showy overloading of costume made up for artistic 
 deficiencies. The dubves axei-poirolrjToi afforded stereotyped forms for 
 the countenances of images of Christ, Mary and the Apostles. The 
 Nimhus, originally a soft mist or transparent cloud, with which pagan 
 poets and painters surrounded the persons or heads of the gods, in later 
 tunes also those of the Roman emperors, made its appearance during 
 the 5th century in Christian painting as the lialo, in the form of rays, of 
 a diadem or of a circle, first of all in figures of Christ. Images of the 
 Saviour bound to the cross were first introduced about the end of the 
 Gth century. The symbol was previously restricted to the representa- 
 tion of a lamb at the foot of the cross, a bust of Christ at the top or 
 in the middle of the cross, or the full figure of Christ holding His cross 
 before Him. Anastasius Sinaita in the 7th century, to show his op- 
 position to the monophysite doctrine that only the body had been cruci- 
 fied, painted a figure of the crucified which straightway came to be 
 regarded in the Eastern church as the pattern figure, without the crown 
 of thorns, with nimbus, the wound of the spear with blood streaming 
 forth, the cross with an inscription on both sides — JC. XC. — and a 
 sloping peg as support for the feet, and under the cross the skull of 
 Adam. The Western crucifix figures, on the other hand, though like- 
 wise governed by a special tyj^e, show greater freedom in artistic de- 
 velopment. Wall or fresco painting was most extensively carried on in 
 the Catacombs during the4th-Cth centuries. Mosaic painting, 2Iiisivum, 
 XiBocrTpana, with its imperishable beauty of colouring, was used to 
 decorate the long flat walls of the basilicas, the vaulted ceilings of the 
 cupolas and the curving sides of the apse (glass-mosaic on a gold 
 ground). Liturgical books were adorned with miniature figures. Sub- 
 limity came more and more to characterize ecclesiastical art ; it became 
 more majestic, dignified and dispassionate, but also stiffer and less 
 natural. Statues seemed to the ancient church heathenish, sensuous 
 and realistic. The Greek church at last prohibited them entirely and 
 would not suffer even a single crucifix, but only simple crosses with a 
 sloping transverse beam at the foot. The West had more liberal views, 
 yet even there Christian statues were only quite isolated phenomena. 
 There was less scruple in regard to bas-reliefs and alto-reliefs (avayXvcpai) 
 especially on sarcophagi and ecclesiastical furniture. 
 
 G C
 
 386 THE GE.^JiCO-r.OMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 §G1. Life, Discipline and Morals.^ 
 
 When wliole crowds of worldly-minded men, who only- 
 sought worldly advantages from professing Christ, were 
 drawn into the church after the State had become Christian, 
 the Christian life lost much of the earnestness, power and 
 puritj^, by wdiich it had conquered the old world of hea- 
 thenism. More and more the church became assimilated 
 and conformed to the world, church discipline grew more 
 lax, and moral decay made rapid progress. Passionate con- 
 tentions, quarrels and schisms among bishops and clergy 
 filled also public life with party strife, animosity and bit- 
 terness. The immorality of the court poisoned by its 
 example the capital and the provinces. Savagery and 
 licentiousness grew rampant amid the devastating raids of 
 the barbarians. Hypocrisy and bigotry speedily took the 
 place of piety among those who strove after something 
 higher, while the masses consoled themselves with the 
 reflection that every man could not be a monk. But in 
 spite of all Christianity still continued to act as a leaven. 
 In public and civil life, in the administration of justice and 
 the habits of the people, the Christian spirit, theoretically 
 at least, and often also practically, was still everywhere 
 present. The requirements of humanity and the rights of 
 man were recognised ; slavery was more and more re- 
 stricted; gladiatorial shows and immoral exhibitions were 
 abolished; the limits of proud exclusive nationality were 
 broken through ; polygamy was never tolerated, and the 
 sanctity of marriage was insisted upon, the female sex 
 obtained its long unacknowledged rights ; benevolent in- 
 stitutions (§ 60, 4) flourished ; and the inveterate vices of 
 ancient paganism could at least be no longer regarded as 
 the sound, legitimate and natural conditions and expressions 
 
 ' Ozanam, "Hist, of Civilization during the 5tli Ceiitury." 2 vols. 
 LgcIvj, " Uist. of European Morals." Vol. ii.
 
 § 01. LIFE, DISCIPLINE AND MORALS. oS7 
 
 of ciyil and sncial life. Even the pagan, who, adopting the 
 profession of Christianity, remained pagan at heart, was 
 obliged at least to submit himself to the forms and reqtiire- 
 ments of the chiTrch, to its discipline and morals. The 
 shady side of this period is glaring enough, but a bright side 
 and noble personages of deep piety, moral earnestness, reso- 
 lute denial of self and the world, are certainly not wanting. 
 
 1. Church Discipline. — The Penitential Discipline of the 3rcl centiuy 
 (§ 39, 2) dealt only with public offences which had become common scan- 
 dal. But even those who were burdened in conscience with heavy but 
 hidden sins and thereby felt themselves excluded from church fellowship, 
 were advised to seek deliverance from this secret excommunication by 
 public confession of sin before the church in the form of cxomologcsis and 
 to submit to whatever humiliation the church should lay upon them. In 
 presence of this hard and unreasonable demand the need must have soon 
 become apparent of a secret and private tribunal in place of this public 
 one, which when once introduced would soon drive the earlier out of the 
 field. The first step in this direction was taken in the end of the 3id and 
 beginning of the 4th century in the Eastern church by the appointment 
 of a special penitential presbytery {irpecr^. cttI tyjs fxeTavolas), who under 
 an oath of secresy heard the confession of such sinners and laid upon 
 them the proper penances. But when in a. d. 391, a female penitent, a 
 married lady of good family in Constantinople, having committed adul- 
 tery in the church with a deacon during her time of penance, confessed 
 this sin also to a priestly confessor and so brought about the excommu- 
 nication of the guilty deacon, the Patriarch Nectarius was obliged on 
 account of the popular feeling excited to again abolish the whole institu- 
 tion and to leave to the consciences of such sinners themselves the ques- 
 tion of partaliing in the sacraments. But it was evident that this could 
 not exclude pastoral advice and guidance by the clergy. In the West, 
 notwithstanding the confident assertions of Socrates, we never meet with 
 a penitential priest expressly appointed to such duties. Jerome on Matt. 
 xvi. 19 calls it pharlsaic pride in a bishop or presbyter to anogate 
 the judicial function of forgiving sins, " cum apiid Deum non sentcntia 
 sacerdotum, sed reorum vita qnaratur. Augustine distinguishes three 
 kinds of penance corresponding to the three classes in the congre- 
 gation. 1. The penance of catechumens ; all their previous sins are 
 atoned for by baptism. 2. The penance of believers whose venial sins 
 [xieccata venialia) occasioned by the universal sinfulness of human nature 
 obtain forgiveness in daily prayer. 3. The penance of those who on 
 account of serious actual breaches of the decalogue (peccata gravia s.
 
 888 THE GEiECO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 323~692. 
 
 mortalia) are punished with ecclesiastical escommimication. In estimat- 
 ing the church discipline to be exacted of this last class of offenders he 
 lays down the principle that the degree of its publicity is to be measured 
 in accordance with the degree of publicity of the offence committed, and 
 according to the magnitude of the scandal which it has occasioned. And 
 when some Italian bishops demanded " in pccnitentia, qua: ajidelibuspos- 
 tulatur " the reading before the congregation of a written confession of 
 their sin, Leo the Great forbade this extreme practicD, as unevangelical 
 as it was unreasonable, declaring that it was quite enough to confess the 
 sin first to God and then in secret confession to the priest. But when 
 Leo added the assertion : divina bonitate ordinatum esse, ut induJgentia 
 Dei nisi supplicationibus sacerdotinn neqiicat cbtincri ; et salvatorcrn 
 ipsum, qui liane prcepositis ecclesice tradidit potestatem, ut et confideniihus 
 actionem panitentice durent, et eosdem salubri satisfactione purgatos ad 
 commnnioncm sacramentorum per januam reconciliationis admitterent, 
 hide utiqiie operi incessabiliter intcrvenire, — we have here the first foun- 
 dation laid of the present Eoman Catholic doctrine of penance. But this 
 confessio sccreta is still something very different from the later so-called 
 Auricular Confession, Leo's ordinance treats only of the confession of 
 grave offences, which, if openly committed or proclaimed, would have 
 called forth punishment from the judicial tribunal ; quihus, says Leo, 
 possint leginn coyulitutione perceUi. But still more important is the dis- 
 tinction that even Leo does not confer upon the priest absolute power of 
 forgiving sin as God's vicegerent, but only allows him to officiate as '^pec- 
 cator pro delictis pcenitentium.^' Besides Leo's view of the unconditional 
 necessity of confession in order to obtain divine forgiveness of heinous 
 sins by no means gained universal acceptance in the church. The 
 opinion that it was enough to confess sins to God alone, and that confess- 
 ion to a priest, while helpful and wholesome, was not absolutely necess- 
 ary, was universally prevalent in the East, where Chrysostom especially 
 maintained it, and even in the West down to the time of Gratian, a.d. 
 1150, and Petrus Lombardus, f a.d. 1164, had numerous and imjiortant 
 representatives among the teachers of the church (§ 104, 4). An im- 
 portant step onwards on the path opened up by Leo was taken soon after 
 Lim in the West when not merely actual sins but even sinful dispositions 
 and desires, ambition, anger, pride, lust, etc., of which Job. Cassianus 
 enumerates eight as vitia principalia, as well as the sinful thoughts 
 springing from them, were included in the province of secret confession. 
 A system of confession as a regular and necessary preparation for observ- 
 ing the sacrament did not as yet exist. — The so-called Penitential books 
 from the 6th century afforded a guide to determine the penances to be 
 imposed upon the penitents in the form of fasts, prayers, almsgiving, 
 etc., according to the degree of their guilt. The first Penitential book for 
 the Greek church is ascribed to the Patriarch of Constantinople, Joh.
 
 § 61. LIFE, DISCIPLINE AND MORALS. 089 
 
 the Faster or Jejunator, f a.d. 595, and is entitletl : ^AKo\ovOla koX rd^is 
 tVt tC>v f^o/jLoXoyov/xifujv.^ — Continuation § 89, 6. 
 
 2. Christian Marriage. — The ecclesiastical consecration of the marriage 
 tie (§ 39, 1) performed after, as well as before, civil marriage by mutual 
 consent before two secular witnesses, was made more solemn by 
 being separated from the ordinary worship and celebrated at a special 
 week-day service {missa ino sponsis), and a rich ritual grew up which 
 gradually developed itself into an independent liturgy. Into this many 
 bridal customs hitherto despised as heathenish were introduced, the 
 wedding ring, veiling the bride, the crowning both betrothed parties with 
 wreaths, bridal sashes, bridal torches, bridesmaids or irapauv/jLcpoi. The 
 granting of the wedding ceremony was regarded as an honour which 
 would be refused in the case of marriages not approved by the church. 
 But neither the refusal nor the neglect of the ceremony on the part of 
 those newly married interfered with the validity of the marriage. Charle- 
 magne was the first in the West and Leo VI. (§ 70, 2) was the first in the 
 East, to make the church ceremony obligatory. Marriage between free 
 and bond, which was regarded by the state as concubinage, was regarded 
 by the church as perfectly valid. Blood relationship by consanguinity 
 and afiinity was regarded as hindrance to marriage ; artificial relationship 
 by adoption and spiritual relationship by baptismal and confirmational 
 sponsorship (§ 58, 1) were also hindrances. Marriage between brothers' 
 or sisters' children was pronounced unbecoming by Augustine. Gregory 
 the Great forbade it on physiological grounds, and permitted marriage 
 only in the third or fourth degree of relationship. With gradually in- 
 creasing strictness the prohibition was extended even to the seventh 
 degree, but finally was fixed at the fourth by Innocent III. in a.d. 1215. 
 In direct opposition to the Koman law of hereditary claims which estab- 
 lished the degree of relationship according to the number of actual de- 
 scendants, so that father and son were counted as related in the first 
 degree to one another, brothers and sisters as in the second degree, uncle 
 and niece or nephew as in the third, brothers' or sisters' children as in 
 the fourth degree, the canon law on hindrances to marriage begins this 
 reckoning after the withdrawal of the common parents, so that brother 
 and sister are related in the first degree, uncle and niece in the second, 
 etc. Several Councils of the 4th century wished to make the contract- 
 ing of a second marriage occasion of churcii discipline ; subsequently 
 this demand was abandoned. Many canonists, however, contest even 
 yet the legitimacy of a third marriage, and a fourth was almost univer- 
 sally admitted to be sinful and unallowable (§ 67, 2). The contracting 
 of mixed marriages, with heathens, Jews or heretics, demanded penance, 
 and was strictly forbidden by the second Trullan Council in a.d. 692. 
 
 ^ Smith's "Dictionary of Christian Biography," vol. iii. p. 367.
 
 390 THE GBZECO-EOMAN CHUUCH, A.D. 323-G92. 
 
 Only adultery was nsnally aiTmlttGcl as affording ground for divorce ; and 
 also for the most part, unnatural vice, murder and apostasy. The 
 Council at Mileve in Africa in a.d. -ilG for the first time forbade divorced 
 persons marrying again, even the innocent party, and Pope Innocent I. 
 t A.D. 417, made this prohibition applicable universally. — Continuation 
 § 89, 4. 
 
 3. Sickness, Death and Burial. — The anointing the sick with oil (Jlk. 
 vi. 13 ; Jas. v. 14) as means of charismatic bodily healing is met Avith 
 down to the 5th century. Innocent I. put it in a decretal of a.d. 410, 
 for the first time as a sacrament for the dispensation of spiritual blessing 
 to the sick. But many centuries passed before the anointing of the sick 
 was generally observed as the sacrament of Extreme Unction (§ 70, 2 ; 
 104, 5). On the other hand, the Areopagite (§ 47, 11) reckoned the 
 anointing of the dead a sacrament. The closing of the eyes implied 
 that death was a sleep with the hope of an awakening in the resurrection. 
 The fraternal kiss sealed the communion of Christians even beyond tlie 
 grave. The putting garlands on the corpse as expressive of victory still 
 met with opposition. Several Synods found it necessary to forbid the 
 absurdity of squeezing the consecrated elements into the lips of the dead 
 or laying them in the coffin. Passionate lamentation, rending of gar 
 ments, wearing sackcloth and ashes, hired mourners, cypress branches, 
 etc., were regarded as despairing, heathenish customs. So too festivals 
 of the dead by night were condemned, while on the contrary funeral 
 processions by day, with torches, lamps, palm and olive branches, were 
 in high repute. Julian and the Vandals prohibited them. In the 4th 
 century the celebration of the Agape and Supper at the grave was still 
 frequent. In their place afterwards we find mourning feasts, but these, 
 on account of their being abused, were disallowed by the church. 
 
 4, Purgatory and Masses for Souls. — The connection of the custom 
 already referred to by TertuUian of not only praying in family worship 
 for members of the family that had fallen asleep, but also by oblations 
 of sacramental elements on the memorial days of the dead (Ohlaiioncs 
 pro defunctis) of giving to the intercessions at the Supper in public 
 worship a special direction to them, with the doctrine of Purgatory 
 {tjnis inirrjatorius) which had developed itself in the West since the 5th 
 century, gave rise to the institution of masses for souls (§ 58, 3). The 
 idea of a place of punishment between death and the resurrection, in 
 which the venial sins (pcccata venialia) of believers must be atoned for, 
 was quite unknown to the whole ancient church down to the age of 
 Augustine and to the Greek church till even after his day (§ G7, G). 
 Mention is made indeed even by Origen of a future Trup KaOdpcnov or 
 KaOapTLKov ; but he means by it a mere spiritual burning, from which 
 even a Paul and a Peter were not exempted. In the West it was first 
 Augustine who deduced from Matt. xii. 32, that even in the hereafter
 
 § 62. HERETICAL EEFORMERS. 391 
 
 forgiveness of sins is possible, holcliug in accordance with 1 Cor. iii. 
 13-15 that it is not incredible, but yet always questionable, that many 
 believers who took over with them into the hereafter a sinful connection 
 with their earthly past life, might there be purified by an " igniii 
 jyurgatoriun " of longer or shorter duration as the continuation and 
 completion of the earthly " igiti-; tribiilationis,^^ fiery trial, from the 
 earthly dross still adhering to them, and so might be saved. With 
 greater confidence Ccesarius of Aries teaches that believers who during 
 their earthly life had neglected to atone for their minor offences by 
 almsgiving and other good works, must be purified by a lingering fire 
 in the next world, in order to win admission into eternal blessedness. 
 Finally, Gregory the Great raised this idea into an established dogma 
 of the Western church, while he, at the same time, taught that by the 
 intercession of the living for the dead, and especially by the sacrifices of 
 the mass offered for them their purgatorial pains would be moderated 
 and curtailed. He too referred to Matt. xii. and 1 Cor. iii. The refer- 
 ence to 2 Maccabees xii. 41-46 belongs to a later period. — Continuation, 
 § 100, 2, 3. 
 
 § 62. Heretical Reformers. 
 
 During tlie 4tli century a spirit of opposition to the 
 dominant ecclesiastical system was awakened, but as it 
 manifested itself in isolated forms, it had no abiding result 
 and was soon stamped out. This spirit showed itself in 
 various attempts which passed beyond what evangelical 
 principles could vindicate. It directed its attacks partly 
 against the secularization of the church, branching out 
 often into wild fanaticism and rigorism, and partly against 
 superstition and externalism. Disgusted with the in- 
 terminable theological controversies and heresy huntings 
 of that age, many came to regard the distinction between 
 orthodoxy and heresy as a matter of indifference so far as 
 religion is concerned, and to look for the core and essence 
 of Christianity not so much in doctrine as in morals. 
 
 1. Audians and Apostolics. — As fanatical opponents of the secularizing 
 of the church, besides the Montanists {§ 40, 1) and the Novatians (§ 41, 
 3) still surviving as isolated communities down to the 5th century, we 
 meet during the 4th century with the Douatists (§ 63, 1), the Audians 
 and the Apostolics. The sect of the Audians was founded about a.d. 340
 
 392 THE GR.I!:CO-EOMAN CnURCII, A.D. 323-092. 
 
 by a layman, a monk, Auclius or Udo from Mesopotamia. Having been 
 challenged for his crude anthropomorphic views, in support of which 
 he referred to Gen. i. 26 and other passages, he allowed himself to be 
 chosen and ordained bishop over his adherents. Placed thus in a 
 directly hostile relation to the Catholic church, they accused the church 
 of most arrant worldliness and degeneracy, called for a return to apostolic 
 l^overty and avoided all communion with its members. They also 
 rejected the Nicene canon on the observance of Easter and adojited the 
 quartodeciman practice (§ 56, 3). On the motion of several Catholic 
 bishops the emperor banished the founder of the sect to Scythia, where 
 he laboured earnestly for the conversion of the Goths, founded also 
 some bishoprics and monasteries with strict rules, and died in a.d. 372. 
 The persecution of the Christians under Athanaric, in a.d. 370 (§ 76, 1), 
 pressed sorely upon the Audians. Still remnants of them continued to 
 exist down to the end of the 5th century.— The so-called Apostolics of 
 Asia Minor in the 4th century went even further than the Audians. 
 Of their origin nothing certain is known. They declared that the holding 
 of jjrivate j^roj^erty and marriage are sinful, and unconditionally refused 
 readmission to all excommunicated persons. 
 
 2. Protests against Superstition and External Observances. — About the 
 end of the 4th century lively protests were made against the superstitions 
 and shallow externalism of the church. They were directed first of all 
 to the worship of Mary, especially the now wide-spread belief in her 
 pcrpclua virginitas as mother of Jesus (§ 57, 2). The first protesters 
 against this doctrine that we meet with are the so-called Antidico- 
 marianites in Arabia, whom Epiphanius sought to turn from their heresy 
 by a doctrinal epistle incorporated in his history of heresies. In the 
 West too there sprang up several opponents of this dogma of the church. 
 One of the most prominent of these was a layman Helvidius in Rome in 
 A.D. 380, a scholar of Auxentius, the Arian bishop of Milan. Then about 
 A.D. 388 the Eoman monk Jovinian opposed on substantial doctrinal 
 grounds the prevailing notions about the merit of works and external 
 observances, especially monasticism, asceticism, celibacy and fastiug. 
 And finally, Bonosus, bishop of Sardica, about a.d. 390, wrought in the 
 same direction, though at a later period he seems to have given his 
 adhesion to the Ebionite error that Jesus had been an ordinary man 
 whom God adopted as His Son on account of His merit {Fillus Dei 
 adoptiviis). At least his younger contemporary Mai'ius Mercator de- 
 scribes him as an advocate of these views alongside of Paul of Samosata 
 and Photinus. We also find many allusions during the 7th century to 
 a sect of Bonosians teaching similar doctrines in Spain and Gaul, who 
 are frequently associated with the Photinians. Even before Jovinian, 
 Aerius, a presbyter of Sebaste in Armenia, about a.d. 360, entered his 
 protest against the doctrine of the merit of external obser ances. He
 
 § 63. SCHISMS. 393 
 
 objected to prayer and oblations for the dead, would have no compulsory 
 fasting, and no distinction of rank between bishops and presbyters. 
 In this way he was brought into collision with his bishop Eustathius 
 (§ 44, 3). Persecuted on all sides, his adherents betook themselves to 
 the caves and forests. The two monks of Milan, Sarmatio and Bar- 
 batianus, about a.d. 390, were perhaps scholars of Jovinian, were at 
 least of the same mind with him. Finally, Vigilantius, presbyter at 
 Barcelona about a.d. 400, with passionate violence opposed the venera- 
 tion of relics, the invocation of saints, the prevailing love of miracles, 
 the vigil services, the celibacy of the clergy and the merit of outward 
 observances. — The counterblast of the church was hot and violent. 
 Epiphanius wrote against the Audians and Aerians ; Ambrose against 
 Bonosus and the followers of Jovinian ; Jerome with unparalleled bitter- 
 ness and passion against Helvidius, Jovinian and Vigilantius ; Augustine 
 with greater moderation discussed the views of Jovinian which ia their 
 starting point were related to his own soteriological views. ^ 
 
 3. Protests against the Over-Estimation of Doctrine. — Even in the 
 times of Athanasius a certain Khetorius made his appearance with the 
 assertion that all heretics had a right to their opinion, and Philastrius 
 speaks of a sect of Ebetorians in Egypt who, perhaps with a refei'ence 
 to Phil. i. 18, set aside altogether the idea of heresy and placed the 
 essence of orthodoxy in fidelity to convictions. The Gnosimachians were 
 related to them in the depreciation of dogma, but went beyond them by 
 wholly withdrawing themselves from the domain of dogmatics and 
 occujjying themselves exclusively with morals. They are i:)ut in the list 
 of heretics by Joh. Damascenus. This sect had sprung up during the 
 monophysite and monothelite controversies, and maintained that since 
 God requires of a Christian nothing more than a righteous life (Trpct^ets 
 KfiXas), all striving after theoretical knowledge is useless and fruitless. 
 
 § 63. Schisms. 
 
 Tlie Novatlan and tlie Alexandrian Meletlan Schisms 
 (§ 41, 3, 4) continued to rage down into our pei'iod. Then 
 in consequence of the Avian controversy there arose among 
 the orthodox three new schisms (§ 50, 8). Among them 
 was a Roman schism, followed later by several others that 
 grew out of double elections (§ 4G, 4, G, 8, 11). The most 
 threatening of all the schisms of this period was the 
 Donatist in North Africa. On the Johannite schism in 
 > Gilly, "Vigilantius and his Times." Lond., 1840.
 
 394 THE GR^CO-EOMAN CHUECHj A.D. 323-692. 
 
 Constantinople, see § 51, 3. Owing to various diversities 
 in tlie development of doctrine (§ 50, 7), constitution (§ 46), 
 worsliip (§ 5G ff.), and discipline (§ 61, 7), material was 
 accumulating for the grand explosion tliat was to burst 
 ujD the connection of East and West (§ 67). The imperial 
 union attempts during the Monophysite controversy caused 
 a thirty-five years' schism between the two halves of the 
 Christian world (§ 52, 5), and want of character in the 
 Roman bishop Vigilius split off the West for half a century 
 (§ 52, 6). The split between the East and West over the 
 union with the Monothelite party (§ 52, 8) was soon indeed 
 overcome. But soon thereafter the second Ti'ullan Council 
 at Constantinople, A.D. 692, which, as the continuation of the 
 5th and 6th oecumenical Councils {crvvoSos Trei'^e'/cTv/, Concilium 
 quinisextum), occupied itself exclusively with questions of 
 constitution, worship, and discipline, which had not there 
 been discussed, gave occasion to the later incurable and 
 disastrous schism. 
 
 1. The Donatist Scliism, A,D. 311-415. — In North Africa, -where echoes 
 of the Moutanist enthusiasm were still heard, many voluntarily and 
 needlessly gave themselves up to martyrdom during the Diocletian 
 persecution. The sensible bishop of Carthage Meusurius and his arch- 
 deacon Cajcilian opposed this fanaticism. Both had given u-p heretical 
 books instead of the sacred books demanded of them. This was sufficient 
 to make the opposite parly denounce them as traditores. Mensurius 
 died in a.d. 311, and his followers chose Cfficilian as his successor, and 
 had him hastily ordained by bishop Felix of Aptunga, being sorely 
 pressed bj' the machinations of the other party. The opposition, with a 
 bigoted rich widow Lucilla at its head, denounced Felix as a traditor, 
 and so treated his ordination as invalid. It put uj) a rival bishop in 
 the person of the reader Majorinus, wlio soon got, in a.d. 313, a more 
 powerful successor in Donatus, called by his own followers the Great. 
 The schism spread from Carthage over all North Africa. The peasants, 
 sorely oppressed by exorbitant taxes and heavy villeinage, took the side 
 of the Donatists (Pars Donati). Coustantine the Great at the very 
 first declared himself against them. When they complained of this, 
 the emperor convened for the purpose of special investigation a clerical 
 commission at Eorac in a.d. 313, under the presidency of the Eoman
 
 § 63. SCHISMS. 895 
 
 bishop MclcliiaJcs, and then a great Western Synod at Aries in a.d. o14. 
 Eoth decided against the Donatista. They appealed to the immediate 
 decision of the emperor, who also heard the two parties at Milan, but 
 decided in accordance with previous judgments in a.d. 316. Now followed 
 severe measures, taking churches from them and banishing their bishops 
 which powerfully excited and increased their fanaticism. Constantino 
 resorted therefore to milder and more tolerant procedure, but in their 
 fanatical zeal they repudiated all compromises. Under Constans the 
 matter became still more formidable. Ascetics mad with enthusiasm, 
 drawn from the very dregs of the people, who called themselves Milites 
 Clirinii, Agonistici, swarmed as beggars through the country, Circuvi- 
 ccllioncs, roused the oppressed peasants to revolt, preached freedom and 
 fraternity, forced masters to do the work of slaves, robbed, murdered, 
 and burned. Political revolution was carried on under the cover of a 
 religious movement. An imperial army put down the revolt, and an 
 attempt was made in a.d. 3i8 to pacify the needy Donatists by imperial 
 gold. But Donatus flung back the money with indignation, and the 
 rebellion was renewed. A severe sentence was now passed upon the heads 
 of the party, and all Donatist churches were closed or taken from them. 
 Julian restored the churches and recalled the exiled bishops. He 
 allowed the Donatists with impunity to take violent revenge upon the 
 Catholics. Julian's successor however again issued strict laws against 
 the sectaries, and schisms arose among themselves. Toward the end of 
 the 4th century bishop Optatus of Mileve opposed them in his treatise 
 Dc ScJiismate Donatistarum LI. VII. In a.d. 400 Augustine, bishop of 
 Hippo Eegius, began his unwearied attacks upon this sect. The mildest 
 terms were offered to induce the Donatists to return to the church. 
 Many of the more moderate took advantage of the ojiportunity ; but 
 this only made the othei's all the more bitter. They refused repeated 
 invitations to a discussion, fearing Augustine's masterly dialectic. 
 Augustine, who at first maintained that force should not be used in 
 matters of faith, was moved by the persistent stiffneckediiess and sense- 
 less fanaticism of his opponents to change his opinion, and to confess that 
 in order to restore such heretics to the church, to salvation, recourse 
 must be had to violent compulsion (coge intrare, Lk. xiv. 23). A synod 
 at Carthage in a.d. 405 called upon the Emperor Honorius to take 
 proceedings against this stiffnecked sect. He did so by imposing fines, 
 banishing their clergy, and taking their churches. Augustine renewed 
 the challenge to a public disputation. The Donatists were at last com- 
 pelled by the emperor to enter the lists. Thus came about the three 
 days' CoUatio cum Donatistis of a.d. 411 at Carthage. There appeared 
 279 Donatist and 286 Catholic bishops. Petilian and Primian were the 
 chief speakers on the side of the Donatists, Augustine and Aureliau of 
 Carthage on the other. The imperial commissioner aFsigned the victory
 
 396 THE GE^CO-EOMAN CHUECH, A.D. 323-692. . 
 
 to the Catholics. In vain the Donatists ai^pealed. In a.d. 41-1 the 
 Emperor dechxred that they had forfeited all civil rights, and in a.d. 415 
 he threatened all who attended their meetings with death. The Vandals, 
 ■who conquered Africa in a.d. 429, persecuted Catholics and Donatists 
 alike, and a common need furthered their reconciliation and secured a 
 good mutual understanding. — The Donatists started from the principle 
 that no one who is excommunicated or deserves to be excommunicated 
 is fit for the performance of any sacramental action. With the Novatians 
 they demanded the absolute jpurity of the church, but admitted that re- 
 pentance was a means for regaining church fellowship. They maintained 
 that they were the pure and the Catholics were schismatics, who had 
 nothing in common with Christ, whose administration of the sacraments 
 was therefore invalid and useless, so that they even rebaptized those 
 who had Catholic baptism. The partiality of the state for their oppo- 
 nents and confused blending of the ideas of the visible and invisible 
 church led them to adopt the view that church and state, the kingdom 
 of God and the kingdom of the world, had nothing in common with one 
 another, and that the state should not interfere in religious matters. 
 
 2. The Concilium Quiiiisextum, A.D. 692. — This Council claimed to be 
 regarded as a'cumenical and was recognised as such even by Pope 
 Sergius I. The Greeks had not yet got over their vexation at the triumph 
 which Eome had won at the last oecumenical Council (§ 52, 8). It thus 
 happened that among the multitude of harmless decrees the following six 
 were smuggled in which were in flat contradiction to the Eomau ijractice. 
 1. In enumerating the sources of the canon law alone valid almost all 
 the Latin Councils and Papal Decretals were omitted, and the whole 85 
 Canones Apostt. (§ 43, 4) included, whereas Eome had pronounced only 
 the first 50 valid. 2. The Eoman custom of enforcing celibacy on pres- 
 byters and bishops is condemned as unjustifiable and inhuman (§ 45, 2). 
 
 3. Fasting on the Saturdays of the Quadragesima is forbidden (§ 56, 4). 
 
 4. The 28th Canon of the Council of Chalcedon which makes the patri- 
 arch of Constantinople equal to the bishop of Eome is repeated and 
 anew enforced (§ 46, 1, 7). 5. The Levitical prohibition against blood 
 and things strangled is sanctioned as slill binding upon Christians, 
 although it had never been enforced by the Eoman church. 6. Images 
 of Christ in the shape of a lamb, which were very common in the West, 
 were forbidden. Tlie papal legates subscribed the decrees of the Council ; 
 but the Pope forbade their publication in all the churches of the West. 
 Compare further § 46, 11.
 
 § 64. MISSIONARY OPERATIONS IN THE EAST. 397 
 
 VI. THE CHURCH OUTSIDE OF THE ROMAN 
 EMPIRE.i 
 
 § 64. Missionary Operations in the East, 
 
 The real missionarizing churcli of tliis period was tlie 
 Western (§ 75 fF.). It was pre-eminently fitted for tliis by 
 its practical tendency and called to it by its intimate con- 
 nection with the hordes of the migrating peoples. Examples 
 of organized missionary activity in the East are rare. Yet 
 other more occasional ways were opened for the spread of 
 Christianity outside of the empire, by Christian fugitives 
 and prisoners of Avar, political embassies and trade associa- 
 tions. Anchorets, monks and stylites, too, who settled on 
 the borders of the empire or in deserts outside, by their 
 extraordinary appearance made a powei'ful impression on 
 the surrounding savage tribes. These streamed in in crowds, 
 and those strange saints preached Christ to them by word 
 and work. 
 
 1. The EtWopic-Abyssinian Churcli.- — About a.d. 316 a certain Meropius 
 of Tyre on a voyage of discovery to the countries south of Egypt was 
 murdered with Lis whole ship's company. Only his two nephews Fru- 
 mentius and Aedesius were spared. They won the favour of the Abys 
 siniau king and became the tutors of the heir apparent, Aizanas. Fru- 
 mentius was subsequently, in a.d. 438, ordained by Athanasius bishop 
 of the country. Aizanas was baptised, the church spread rapidly from 
 Abyssinia to Ethiopia and Numidia. A translation of the bible into the 
 Geez dialect, the language of the country, is attributed to Frumeutius. 
 Closely connected with the Egyptian mother church, it fell with it into 
 Monophysitism (§ 52, 7). In worship and discipline, besides much that 
 is primitive, it Las borrowed many things from Judaism, and retained 
 many of the old habits of the country, e.g. observing the Sabbath along- 
 side of the Sunday, forbidding certain meats, circumcision, covenanting. 
 Their canon comprised 81 books : besides the bibhcal, there are 16 
 patristic writings of the Pre-Chalcedonian age. 
 
 2. The Persian Church. — The church had taken root in Persia as early 
 
 ' Gieseler, " Eccl. Hist.," ii. 118. 
 
 2 Ludolphus, " History of Ethiopia." London, 1C8I.
 
 898 THE GRiECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 823-092. 
 
 as the 3rJ century. With the 4th century there came a sore time of 
 bloody persecution, which was constantly fed partly by the fanatical 
 Magiaus, partly by the almost incessant wars with the Christian Eoman 
 empire, which aroused suspicion of foreign sympathies hostile to the 
 country. The first great and extensive persecution of the Christians 
 broke out in a.d. 313 under Shapur or Sapores II. It lasted 35 years 
 and during this dreadful time 16,000 of the clergy, monks and nuns were 
 put to death, but the number of martyrs from the laity was far beyond 
 reckoning. Only shortly before his death Shapur stopped the persecu- 
 tion and proclaimed universal religious toleration. During 40 years' 
 rest the Persian church attained to new vigour ; but the fanaticism of 
 Bishop Abdas of Susa who caused a fire-temple to be torn down in a.i). 
 418, occasioned a new persecution, which reached its height in a.d. 420 
 under Bahram or Baranes V. and was carried on for 30 years with the 
 most fiendish ingenuity of cruel tortures. The generosity of a Christian 
 bishop, Acacius of Amida in Mesopotamia, who by the sale of the church 
 property redeemed a multitude of Persian prisoners of war and sent them 
 to their homes, at last moved the king to stop the persecution. The 
 Nestorians driven from the Boman empire found among the Persians 
 protection and toleration, but were the occasion under king Firuz or 
 Peroz of a new persecution of the Catholics, a.d. 465. In a.d. 498 the 
 whole Persian church declared in favour of Nestorianism (§ 52, 3), and 
 enjoyed forthwith undisturbed toleration, develojDed to an unexpected 
 extent, retained its bloom for centuries, gave itself zealously to scien- 
 tific studies in the seminaries at Nisibis, and undertook successfully 
 mission work among the Asiatic tribes. The war with the Byzantines 
 continued without interruption. Chosroes II. advanced victoriously as 
 far as Chalcedon in a.d. 616 and persecuted with renewed cruelty the 
 Catholic Christians of the conquered provinces. Finally the emperor 
 Heraclius plucked up courage. By the utter rout of a.d. 628 the power 
 of the Persians was broken (§ 57, 5), and in a.d. 651 the Khalifs over- 
 threw the dynasty of the Sassanidte. 
 
 3. The Armenian Cbiirch. — There were flourishing Christian churches 
 in Armenia so early as Tertullian's time. The Arsacian ruler Tiridates 
 III., from a.d. 280, was a violent persecutor of the Christians. During 
 his reign, however, Gregory the Illuminator, the Apostle of Armenia, 
 carried on his successful labours. He was the son of a Parthian prince, 
 who, snatched when a child of two years' old by his nurse from the 
 midst of a massacre of his whole family, received in Cappadocia a 
 Christian training. In a.d. 302 he succeeded in winning over to Christ- 
 ianity the king and the whole country. He left behind him the church 
 which he thus fouiuled in a most prosperous condition. His grandson 
 Ilusig, his great grandson Nerses I. and his son Isaac the Great held 
 possession of the patriarchal dignity and flourished even in the hard
 
 § G-1. MISSIONAEY OPERATIONS IN THE EAST. 399 
 
 times, wLen Byzantines, Arsacicles, and Sassauiclffi fought for possession 
 of the country. Mcsrop, with the help of Isaac, whose successor he 
 became in a.d. 440 (dying iu a.d. 441), gave to his church a translation 
 of the bible into their own tongue, for which he had to invent a national 
 alphabet. Under his successor, the patriarch Joseph, the famous re- 
 ligious war with the Persian Sassanidas broke out, who wished to lead 
 back the Armenians to the doctrine of Zoroaster. In the fierce battle 
 at the river Dechmud iu a.d. 451 the holy league was defeated. But 
 Armenia still maintained amid sore persecution its Christian coufcssion. 
 In A.D. G51 the overthrow of the Sassanida; brought it under the rule 
 of the Khalifs. — The Armenian church had vigorously and earnestly 
 warded off Nestoriauism, but willingly opened its arms to Monophysitism 
 introduced from Byzantine Armenia. At a synod at Fey in, in a.d. 527, 
 it condemned the Chalcedoniau dogma. — Gregory the Illuminator had 
 excited among the Armenians an exceedingly, lively interest in culture 
 and science, and when Mesrop gave them an independent system of 
 writing, the golden ago of Armenian literature dawned (the 5th century). 
 Not only were many works of classical and patristic Greek and Syrian 
 literature made the jn'operty of the Armenians through translations, but 
 numerous writers built np a literature of their own. The history of the 
 conversion of Armenia was written in the 4th century by Agathangelo.?, 
 private secretary of the king. Whether this was composed in Greek or 
 in Armenian is doubtful ; both texts are still extant, evidently much 
 interpolated with fabulous matter and also in many points conflicting 
 with one another. In the 5th century Eznik iu his " Overthrow of 
 Heretics " addressed a vigorous polemic against pagans, Persians, Mar- 
 ciouites and Manichwans. Moses of Chorcuo, also a scholar of Mesrop, 
 composed from the archives a history of Armenia, and Elisaeus described 
 the Armeno-Persian religious war, in which, as secretary of the Armenian 
 commander in chief, he had taken part. On the service done by the 
 Mechitarists to the old Armenian literature, see § 1G4, 2. * 
 
 4. The Iberians, in what is now called Georgia and Grusia, received 
 Christianity about a.d. 326 through an Armenian female slave Nunia, 
 whose prayer had healed many sick. The church then extended from 
 Iberia to the Lazians in what is now Colchias and among the neighbour- 
 ing Abasgians. In India Theophilus of Din (an island of the Arabian 
 Gulf ?) found in the middle of the 4th century several isolated Christian 
 communities. He was sent by his fellow-citizens as hostage to Constan- 
 tinople and there was educated for the Arian priesthood. He then re- 
 turned home and carried on a successful mission among the Indians. 
 
 1 Malan, " Gregory the Illuminator : his Life and Times." London, 
 1868. Article by Lipsius on Eznik in Smith's " Dictionary of Chr. 
 Bi'graphy." Vol. ii. p. 439.
 
 400 THE GR.ECO-EOMAN CHURCH, A.D. 323-692. 
 
 The relations of the Indian to the Persian church led to the former 
 becoming affected with Nestoriauism (§ 5'2, 3). Cosmas Indicopleustes 
 (§ 48, 2) found in the 6th century three Christian churches still surviv- 
 ing in India. Theophilus also wrought in Arabia. He succeeded in 
 converting the king of the Himyarite kingdom at Yemen. In the 6th 
 century, however, a Jew Dhu-Nowas obtained for himself the sovereignty 
 of Yemen and persecuted the Christians with unheard of barbarity. At 
 last Eleesban king of Abyssinia interfered ; the crowned Jew was slain, 
 and from that time Yemen had Christian kings till the Persian Chosroes 
 II. made it a Persian province in a.d. 616. Anchorets, monks and 
 stylites wrought successfully among the Arab nomadic hordes. 
 
 § 65. The Counter-Mission of the Mohammedans.^ 
 
 Abu Al' Kasem Moliammed from Mecca made his appear- 
 ance as a proplaet in A.D. Gil, and founded a mixed religion 
 of arid Monotheism and sensual Endaemonism drawn from 
 Judaism, Christianity and Arabian paganism. His work 
 first gained importance when driven from Mecca he fled to 
 Medina (Hejira, 15th July, A.D. 622). In A.D. 630 he con- 
 quered Mecca, consecrated the old Heathen Kaaba as the 
 chief temple of the new religion, Islam (hence Moslems), and 
 composed the Coran, consisting of 114 suras, which had been 
 collected by his father-in-law, Abu Bekr. At his death all 
 Arabia had accepted his faith and his rule. As he made it 
 the most sacred duty of his adherents to spread the new 
 religion by the sword and had inspired them with a wild 
 fanaticism, his successors snatched one province after another 
 from the Roman empire and the Christian church. Within 
 a few years, A.D. 633-651, they conquered all Syria, Pales- 
 tine, Egypt and Persia, then, in A.D. 707, North Africa, and, 
 in A.D. 711, Spain. Farther, however, they could not go for 
 the present. Twice they unsuccessfully besieged Constan- 
 
 * Muir, " Life of Mohammed and Hist, of Islam." 4 vols. Lond. 
 Bosworth Smith, " Mohammed and Mohammedanism." Lond., 1874. 
 Miihleisen-Arnold, "Islam, its Hist., Chr. and Eel. to Christianity. 3rd 
 ed. Lond., 1874. Deutsch, " Literary Remains : Islam." Lond., 1874. 
 Stephens, "Christianity and Islam." Lond., 1877. Mills, "Hist, of 
 Mohammedanism." Lond., 1817.
 
 § Go. THE COUNTErv-MISSION OF THE MOHAMMEDANS. 401 
 
 tiuople, A.D. GG9-G7G, and a.d. 717-718, and, in a.d. 732, 
 Charles Martel at Tours completely crushed all their hopes 
 of extending further into the West. But the whole Asiatic 
 church was already reduced by their oppressions to the most 
 miserable condition, and three pati-iarchates, those of Alex- 
 andria, Antiocli and Jerusalem, were forced to submit to 
 their caprices. Amid manifold oppressions the Christians 
 in those conquered lands were tolerated on the payment of 
 a tax, but fear and an eye to worldly advantages led whole 
 crowds of nominal Christians to profess Islam. 
 
 1. The Fuudamental Principle of Islam is au arid Mouotheisui. Abra- 
 ham, Moses and Jesus arc regarded as God-seut proijliets. The miracu- 
 lous birth of Jesus, by a vii-gin, is also accepted, and Mary is identified 
 with Miriam the sister of Moses. The ascension of Clirist is also received. 
 Mohammed, the last and highest of all the jn-ophets, of whom Moses and 
 Christ prophesied, has restored to its original purity his doctrine, which 
 had been corrupted by Jews and Christians. At the end of the days 
 Christ will come again to conquer Antichrist and give universal sove- 
 reignty to Islam. Most conspicuous among the corruptions of the doctrine 
 of Jesus is the dogma of the Trinity, which is without more ado pro- 
 nounced Tritheisra, and conceived of as including the mother of Jesus as 
 the third person. So too the incarnation of God is regarded as a falsifi- 
 cation. The doctr' ^e of divine providence is strongly emphasized, but is 
 contorted into the grossest fatalism. The Mussulman is in need of no 
 atonement. Faith in the one God and His prophet Mohammed secure for 
 him the divine favour, and his good works win for him the most abundant 
 fulness of eternal blessedness, which consists in absolutely unrestricted 
 seusual enjoyments. The constitution is theocratic ; the prophet and 
 his successors the Khalifs are God's vicegerents on earth. 'Worship is 
 restricted to prayers, fastings and washings. The Sunna or tradition of 
 oral utterances of the prophet is acknowledged as a second principal 
 source for Islam, alongside of the Goran. The opposition of the Shiites 
 to the Sunnites is rooted in the non-recognition of the first three Khalifs 
 and the prophet's utterances only witnessed to by them. Mysticism was 
 first fostered among the Ssufis. The Wechabites, who first ajopear in 
 the 12th century, are the Puritans of Islam. 
 
 •2. The Provideutial Place of Islam. — The service under Providence ren- 
 dered by Mohammedanism which first attracts attention is the doom 
 which it executed upon the debased church and state of the East. But 
 it seems also to have had a positive task which must be sought mainly 
 in its relation to heathenism. It regarded the abolition of idol.itry as its 
 
 D D
 
 402 THE GEJ2C0-E0MAN CIIUECH, A.D. 323-092. 
 
 principal task. Neither tlic prophet nor Lis successors gave any tolera- 
 tion to paganism. Islam converted a mass of savage races in Asia and 
 Africa from the most senseless and immoral idolatries to the worship of 
 the one God, and raised them to a certain stage of culture and morality 
 to which they could never have risen of themselves. But also upon yet 
 another side, though only in a passing way, it has served a providential 
 purpose, in spurring on medieval Christianity by its example of devotion 
 to scientific pursuits. Syncretic, as its religious and intellectual life 
 originally was, during its flourishing jDeriod from a.d. 750, under the 
 brilliant dynasty of the Abassidcan Khalifs at Bagdad in Asia, and from 
 A.D. 756 (comp. § 81) under the no less brilliant dynasty of the Ommaia- 
 dean Khalifs at Cordova in Spain, driven out by the Abassidre from 
 Damascus, it readily appropriated the elements of culture which the 
 classical literature of tlie ancient Greeks afforded it (§ 42, 4), and witli 
 youthful enthusiasm its scholars for centuries on this foundation kept 
 alive and advanced scientific studies — philosophy, astronomy, mathe- 
 matics, natural science, medicine, geography, history — and by their 
 appropriation of those researches the Latin Middle Ages reached to the 
 height of their scientific culture (§ 103, 1). But also the reawakening of 
 classical studies in the Byzaiitiue Middle Ages (§ G8, 1), which is of still 
 more importance for the West (§ 120, 1), is preeminently due to the 
 impetus given by the scientific enthusiasm of the Moslems of Bagdad, 
 who shamed the Greeks into the study of their own literature. With the 
 overthrow of those two dynasties, the culture period of the Moslems 
 closed suddenly and for ever, but not until it had accomplished its task 
 for the Christian world. ^ 
 
 1 Muir, " Annals of the Earlier Khallfatc."
 
 § CO. ICONOCLASM OF THE BYZANTINE CHURCH. 4:03 
 
 THIRD SECTION. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE GR^CO-BYZANTINE CHURCH 
 IN THE 8th-15th CENTURIES (a.d. 692-1453). 
 
 1. Developments of the Greek Church in Combination with 
 the Western. 
 
 § GG. ICONOCLASM OF THE ByZANTINE ChUECH 
 
 (A.D. 726-842).! 
 
 The worship of images (§ 57, 4) had reached its climax 
 in the East in the beginning of the 8th century. Even the 
 most zealous defenders of images had to admit that there 
 had been exaggerations and abuses. Some, e.g., had taken 
 images as their godfathers, scraped paint off them to mix 
 in the communion wine, laid the consecrated bread first on 
 the images so as to receive the body of the Lord from their 
 hands, etc. A powerful Byzantine ruler, who was opposed 
 to image worship from personal dislike as well as on political 
 grounds, applied the whole strength of his energetic will to 
 the uprooting of this superstition. Thus arose a struggle 
 that lasted more than a hundred j-ears between the enemies 
 of images (ctKovoKXao-rai) and the friends of images (eiKovo- 
 XaTpat), in which there stood, on the one side, the emperor 
 and the army, on the other, the monks and the people. 
 Twice it seemed as if image worship had been completely 
 and for ever stamped out ; but on both occasions a royal 
 lady secured its restoration. In practice indeed the Roman 
 church remained behind the Greek, but in theory they were 
 agreed, and in the struggle it gave the whole weight of its 
 
 1 Finlay, " Hist, of Greece from Kom. Conquest." 7 volri. Lond., 
 186-1; new ed. 1877. Vols. ii. and iii. Bower's "Lives of Popes." 
 Vols. iii. and iv. Lond., 1754. Comber, " Disc, on 2nd Council of 
 Kicrea " ; reprinted in Gibson's " Preserv. from Popery." Lond., 1848. 
 Didron, " Christian Iconography." 2 vols. Loud., 1886.
 
 40-1 THE GE.ECO-BYZANTINE CHUECH, A.D. 692-1453. 
 
 aiitliority to the friends of images. On the part taken by 
 the Frankish chnrch, see § 92, 1. 
 
 1. Leo III., the Isanrian, A.D. 717-741. — Leo, who was one of the most 
 powerful of the Byzantine emperors, after the attack of the Saracens on 
 Constantinople, in a.d. 718, had been successfully repelled, felt himself 
 obliged to take other measures against the aggressions of Islam. In the 
 worship of images abhorred by Jews and Moslems he perceived the 
 greatest obstacle to their conversion, and, being personally averse to 
 image worship, he issued an edict, in a.d. 726, which first ordered the 
 images to be placed higher in the chm'ches that it might be impossible 
 for the people to kiss them. But the peaceable overcoming of this deeiDly 
 rooted form of devotion was frustrated by the unconquerable firmness of 
 the ninety-year old patriarch Germanus in Constantinople, as well as 
 by the opposition of the people and the monks. The greatest dogmatist 
 of this age, Joh. Daniascenus, who was secured from the rage of the 
 emperor in Palestine under Saracen rule, issued three spirited tracts in 
 defence of the images. A certain Cosmas took advantage of a popular 
 rising in the Cyclades, had himself proclaimed emperor and went with a 
 fleet against Constantinople. But Leo conquered and had him executed, 
 and now in a second edict of a.d. 730 ordered all images to be removed 
 from the chmxhes. Now began a war against images by military force, 
 which went to great excess in fanatical violence. Eepeated popular 
 tumults were quelled in blood. Only in Eome and North Italy did the 
 powerful arm of the emperor make no impression. Pope Gregory II., 
 A.D. 715-731, treated him in his letters like a stupid, ill-mannered school- 
 boy. In proportion as the bitterness against the emperor increased 
 enthusiasm for the pope increased, and gave exjDression to itself in the 
 most vehement revolts against the imperial Council. A great part of the 
 exarchate (§ 46, 9) surrendered voluntarily to the Longobards and so 
 much of it in the north as remained with the emperor proved more 
 obedient to the pope than to the sovereign. Gregory III., a.d. 731-741, 
 at a Synod in Eome in a.d. 731 excommunicated all enemies of images. 
 The emperor fitted out a powerful fleet to chastise him, but a storm 
 broke it up. He now deprived the pope of all his revenues from Southern 
 Italy, severed Illyria (§ 46, 5) in a.d. 732 from the papal chair and gave 
 it to the patriarch of Constantinople, but in doing so he cut the last cord 
 that boirnd the Eoman chair to the interests of the Byzantine Court 
 (§ 82, 1). 
 
 2. Coiistantine V. A.D. 741-775. — To the sou and successor of Leo the 
 monks gave the unsavoury names of Copronymus and Caballinus in 
 token of their hatred, the latter on account of his love of horses, the 
 former because it was said that at his baptism he had defiled the water. 
 He was like his father a powerful ruler and soldier, and in the battle
 
 § GG. ICONOCLASM OF THE BYZANTINE CHURCH. 405 
 
 against images yet more reckless ami determiued. He conquered his 
 brother-in-law who had rebelled with the aid of the friends of the images, 
 and caused him to be cruelly treated and blinded. As popular tumults 
 still continued, he thought to get ecclesiastical sanction for his prin- 
 ciples from an oecumenical Council. About 350 bishops assembled in 
 Constantinople, a.d. 754. But, as the chair of Constantinople had just 
 become vacant, while Eome, which had excommunicated the enemies of 
 images, refused to answer the summons, and Alexandria, Antioch and 
 Jerusalem were under Saracen rule, there was not a single patriarch 
 present at the Synod. The Council excommunicated all who made 
 images of Christ, for it declared that the Supper was the only true image 
 of Christ, and condemned every kind of veneration of images. These 
 decrees were now relentlessly carried out with savage violence. Thou- 
 sands of mouks were scourged, imprisoned, banished, chased through 
 the circus with nuns in their arms for the sport of the people, or forced 
 into marriage, many had their eyes gouged out, or had their nose or ears 
 cut off, and the monasteries were turned into barracks or stables. Even 
 in private houses no image of a saint was any longer to be seen. From 
 Rome Stephen II. protested against the decisions of the Council, and 
 Stephen III. from a Lateran Synod of a.d. 769 thundered a fearful 
 anathema against the enemies of images. But in the Byzantine empire 
 monkery and image worship were well nigh extinguished. 
 
 3. Leo IV., Chazarus, A.D. 775-780. — The son of Constantino was of 
 the same mind with his father, but wanted his energy. His wife Irene 
 was an eager friend of the images. When the emperor discovered this, 
 he began to take active measures, but his suspiciously sudden death put 
 a stop to operations. Irene now used the freedom which the minority 
 of her son Constantino VI. afforded her for the introduction of image 
 worship! She called a new Council at Constantinople in a.d. 786, which 
 also Hadrian I. of Eome attended, while the other patriarchs, being 
 under Saracen rule, took no part in it. But the imperial guard attacked 
 the place where they were sitting, and broke up the Council. Irene now 
 arranged for the Seventh (Ecumenical Council at Nicsea, A.D. 787. The 
 eighth and last session was held in the imperial palace at Constantinople, 
 after the guards had been withdrawn from the city and disarmed. The 
 Council annulled the decisions of a.d. 754, and sanctioned image worship 
 for it allowed the bowing and prostration before the images {Tifj.7]TLKq 
 Trpoa-KvvrjcTis) as a token of the reverence which was due to the original, 
 and declared that this in no way interfered with that worship (Xarpela) 
 which was due to God alone. ^ 
 
 4. The next emperors were friendly to image worship, but the victory 
 had departed from their standards. Then the army, which had always 
 been hostile to images, proclaimed Leo V., the Armenian, A.D 813-820, 
 emperor, an avowed opponent of images. He proceeded very cautiously, 
 
 1 Mendham, "The Seventh General Council, the Second of Nicosa,' iit 
 which the wor.ship of images was estabhshed.
 
 406 THE GR^CO-BYZANTINE CHURCH, A.D. 692-1453. 
 
 but the soldiers set aside his prudence and launched out into violent 
 raids against images. At the head of the iDatrous of images was Theo- 
 dorus Studita, abbot of the monastery of Studion (§ 44, 2), a man of 
 unfeigned piety and unfaltering decision of character, tlie most acute 
 apologist of image worship, who had even in exile been eagerly pro- 
 moting the interests of his party. He died in a.d. 82C. Leo lost his 
 hfe at the hand of conspirators. His successor, Michael II., Balbus, A. P. 
 820-829, alloNved at least that images should be reverenced in private. 
 His son TlieopMlus, A.D. 829-842, on the other hand, made it the busi- 
 ness of his life to root out entirely every trace of image worship. But 
 his wife Theodora, who after his death conducted the government as 
 regent, had it formally reintroduced by a Synod at Constantinople in 
 A.D. 842. Since then all opposition to it has ceased in the Greek church, 
 and the day of the Synodal decision, I'Jth February, was appointed a 
 standing festival of orthodoxy. 
 
 § 67. Division between Greek and Roman Churches 
 AND Attempts at Union, a.d, 857-1453.1 
 
 The second Trullan Council in A.D. G92 had given the 
 fii\st occasion to the great schism which rent the Christian 
 world into two halves (§ 63, 2) ; Photins gave it a doctrinal 
 basis in A,D. 867; and Michael Cserularius in A.D. 1053 
 completed its development. The increasing need of the 
 Byzantine government drove it to make repeated attempts 
 at reconciliation, bnt these either were never concluded or 
 the union, if at all completed, proved a mere paper union. 
 The Sisyphus labour of union efforts ended only with the 
 overthrow of the Byzantine empire in A.D. 1453. The 
 three stages referred to — the early misunderstandings, the 
 avowed doctrinal divergence, and the final decisive separa- 
 tion — as well as the persistent rejection of attempts at 
 reunion, were not wholly owing to the importance of 
 ceremonial differences. After as well as before there had 
 been free church communion between them. It was not 
 
 ^ Allatius, "De eccl.occid. et orient, perpetua consensione." Colon., 
 1669. Swete, " Hist, of the Procession of the Holy Spirit." Camb., 
 1876. Ffoulkes, " Christendom's Divisions." London. Neale, " Holy 
 Eastern Church," 5 vols. London, 1S47.
 
 § 67. SCHISM BETWEEN EAST AND WEST. 407 
 
 ov/lng to tlie importauce of the almost solitaiy point of 
 doctrinal clitFevence between them, in reference to the 
 fiUoqne (§ 50, 7), where if there had been good will a 
 common understanding might easily have been won. It 
 was really the papal claims to the primacy to which tlie 
 Greeks absohitely refused to siibmit, 
 
 1. Foundation of the Schism, A.D. 867.— Daring the minority of the 
 emperor Michael III., son of Theodora (§ G6, 4), surnamed the Drankarcl, 
 his uucle BarcTas, Theodora's Lrotlier, directed tlie government. Ignatius, 
 patriarch of Constautiuoplo at that time, himself descended from the 
 imperial family, lashed severely the godless, vicious life of the court, and 
 in A.D. 857 kept back from the communion the all-powerful Bardas, 
 who lived in incestuous intercourse with his own daughter-in-law. He 
 was then deposed and banished. Photius, the most learned man of hu 
 age, previously commander of the imperial bodyguard, was raised to the 
 vacant chair, and inherited the hatred of all the friends of Ignatius. Ho 
 made proposals of agreement which were proudly and scornfully rejected. 
 He then held a Synod iu a.d. 859, which contirmed the deposition of 
 Ignatius and excommunicated him. But nothing in the world could 
 make his party abandon his claims. Now Photius wished to be able to 
 lay in the scales the Eoman bishop's approval of his questionable pro- 
 ceedings. He therefore laid an account of matters highly favourable 
 to himself before Pope Nicbolas I., and sought his brotherly love and 
 intercessions. The pope answered that he must first examine the whole 
 affair. His two legates, Ehodoald of Porto and Zacharias of Anagni, 
 were bribed and at a Council at Constantinople in a.d. 881 gave their 
 consent to the deposition of Ignatius. Nicholas, however, had other 
 reporters. He excommunicated his own legates and pronounced Ignatius 
 the lawful patriarch. Bitterness of feeling reached its height iu Con- 
 stantinople, when soon thereafter the Bulgarians broke their connection 
 with the Byzantine mother church and submitted to the pope (§ 73, 3). 
 Photius now by an Encyclica of a.d. 8G6 called the patriarchs of the 
 East to a Council at Constantinople, and charged the Eoman church 
 with the most extreme heresies ; that it enjoined fasting on Saturday 
 (§ 56, 1), allowed milk, butter and cheese to be eaten during the first week 
 of the Quadragesima (§ 56, 7), did not acknowledge married priests (§ 45, 
 2), did not prohibit the clergy from shaving the beard (§ 45, 1), pro- 
 nounced anointing by a presbyter invalid (§ 35, 4), but above all, that 
 by the addition of the fiUoque (§ 50, 7) it had falsified the creed, recog- 
 nising thus two principles and so falling back into dualism. With such 
 heresies too the pope had now infected the Bulgarians. The meeting
 
 408 THE GR.ECO-BYZANTINE CHUECH, A.D. 692-1453. 
 
 -of the Council took place in a.d. 867. Three monks, tutored by Photius, 
 represented the patriarchs under Saracen rule. Excommunication and 
 deposition were hurled against the pope, and this sentence was com- 
 municated to the Western churches. The pope was evidently alarmed. 
 He justified himself before the Frankish clergy and insisted that they 
 should answer the charges of the Greeks in a scholarly reply. This was 
 done by several, most ably by Eatramnus, monk at Corbie, But during 
 that year, a.d. 867, the emperor Michael was murdered. His murderer 
 and successor Basil the Macedonian undertook the patronage of the 
 party of Ignatius, and asked of Pope Pladrian If, a new investigation 
 and decision. A Synod at Constantinople, A.D. 869, counted by the Latins 
 the 8th oecumenical, condemned Photius and restored Ignatius. The 
 deciding about the Bulgarians, however, was not committed to the 
 Council but to the reputed representatives of the Saracen patriarchs as 
 impartial umpires. They naturally decided in favour of the Byzantine 
 patriarch. In vain the legates remonstrated. Photius in other respects 
 under misfortune displays a character worthy of our esteem. For several 
 years he languished without company, without books, under the strictest 
 monastic rules. Yet he reconciled himself to Ignatius. Basil entrusted 
 him with the education of his children, and on the death of Ignatius 
 in A.D. 878, restored him to the patriarchate. But still the ban of an 
 oecumenical Council lay upon him. Only a new oecumenical Council 
 could vindicate him. John VIII. agreed to this against the remon- 
 strances of the Bulgarians. But at the ninth Council at Constantinople, 
 A.D. 879, the eighth according to the Greeks, the papal legates were 
 completely duped. There was no mention of the Bulgarians, the Council 
 of A.D. 869 was repudiated, and every one excommunicated who dared 
 add anything to the creed. The pope afterwards indeed launched an 
 anathema against the patriarch, his Council, and his followers. The 
 succeeding emperor, Leo the Philosopher, a.d. 886-911, again deposed 
 Photius in a.d. 886, but only that he might put an imperial prince in 
 his place. Photius died in monastic exile in a.d. 891. 
 
 2. Leo VI., the Philosopher, A.D. 883-911. — This emperor was three 
 times married without having any chiklren. He married the fourth 
 only when he had assured himself that she would not be barren. The 
 patriarch Nicolaus Mysticus refused (§ CI, 2) to celebrate the marriage 
 and was deposed. A Synod at Constantinople in a.d. 906, attended by 
 the legates of Pope Sergius III., approved the marriage and the deposi- 
 tion. But on his deathbed Leo repented of his violence. His brother 
 and successor Alexander restored the patriarch Nicolas, and Pope John 
 X. attended a Synod at Constantinoj^le in a.d. 920, which condemned the 
 Council of A.D. 906, and pronounced a fourth marriage absolutely un- 
 allowable, but showed no inclination to make any concessions to the 
 pope. New negociations were begun by the emperor Basil II. In con-
 
 § 67. SCHISM BETWEEN EAST AND WEST. ^"^OJ) 
 
 sideratiou of a large sum of money the venal pope John XIX. was willing 
 to acknowledge the Bj'zantines as oecumenical patriarchs of the East, 
 and to resign all claims of the chair of Peter upon the Eastern church. 
 But the affair became known before it was concluded. The removal of 
 the new Judas was loudly demanded throughout the West, and the pope 
 was compelled to break off his negociations. 
 
 3. Completion of the Schism, A.D., 1054. — Though so many anathemas 
 had been flung at Eomc by Byzantium and at Byzantium by Eome, they 
 had hitherto been directed only against the persons and their followers, 
 not against the respective churches as such. This defect was now to 
 be supplied. The emperor Constantine Monumachus sought the papal 
 friendship which he thought necessary to the success of his warlike un- 
 dertakings. But the patriarch Michael Cffirularius frustrated his efforts. 
 In company with the Metropolitan of the Bulgarians, Leo of Achrida, he 
 addressed in a.d. 1053 an epistle to bishop John of Trani in Apulia, in 
 which he charged the Latins with the worst heresies, and adjured the 
 Western bishops to separate from them. To the heresies already enum- 
 erated by Photius, he added certain others ; the use of blood and things 
 strangled, the withdra\Yal of the Hallehijah during the fast season, and 
 above all the use of unleavened bread in the Supper (§ 58, 4), on account 
 of which he invented for the heretics the name of Azymites. This letter 
 fell into the hands of Cardinal Humbert, who translated it and laid it 
 before pope Leo IX. A violent correspondence followed. The emperor 
 offered to doTuything to restore peace. At his request the pope sent 
 three legates to Constantinople, among them the occasion of the strife, 
 Humbert (§ 101, 2), and Cardinal Frederick of Lothringen, afterwards 
 pope Stephen IX. (§ 96, 6). These fanned the flame, instead of quench- 
 ing it. Imperial pressure indeed brought the abbot of Studion, Nicetas 
 Pectoratus to burn his controversial treatise before the legates, but no 
 threat nor violence could move to submission the patriarchs, on whof.e 
 side were the people and the clergy. The legates finally laid a formal 
 decree of excommunication on the altar of the church of Sophia, which 
 Michael together with the other Eastern patriarchs solemnly returned, 
 
 I A.D. 1054. 
 
 4. Attempts at Eeuuion. — The crusades increased the breach instead of 
 healing it. Many negociations were begun but none of them came to 
 much. At a Synod at Bari in Naples, in a.d. 1098, Anselm of Canter- 
 bury (§ 101, 1), who then lived as a fugitive in Italy, proved to the Greeks 
 there present the correctness of the Latin doctrine of the Procession of 
 the Holy Spirit. In a.d. 1113, Petrus Chrysologus, Archbishop of Milan,, 
 vindicated it in a complete discourse before the emperor at Constantinople. 
 And in a.d. 1135, Anselm of Havelberg, who went to Constantinople as 
 ambassador for Lothair II., disputed with the Archbishop Nicetas of 
 Nicomedia, and afterwards at the command of the pope wrote down the
 
 410 TUB GR^CO-BYZANTINE CHURCH, A.D. 692-1453. 
 
 disputation with creditable faitlifulncs.3. TLie batred and abhorrence 
 of the Greeks reached its cHmax on the erection of the Latin empire at 
 Constantinople, a.d. 1204-1261 (comp. § 94, 4). Nevertheless Michael 
 Paloealogus, A.D. 1260-1232, who brought this dynasty to an end, strove 
 on political grounds in every way possible to overcome this ecclesiastical 
 schism. The patriarch Joseph of Constantinople and his librarian, the 
 celebrated Joannes Beccus, stubbornly withstood him. The latter indeed 
 in imprisonment became convinced that the differences were iinessen- 
 tial and that a union was possible. This change of mind secured for 
 him the patriarch's chair. Meanwhile the negotiations of the emperor 
 with the pope, Gregory X., in which he acknowledged the Roman chair 
 to be the highest court of appeal in doctrinal controversies, were brought 
 to a point in the oecumenical Council at Lyons, A.D. 1274, reckoned by 
 the Latins the foutteenth. The imperial legates here acknowledged the 
 primacy of the pope and subscribed a Roman creed, while to them was 
 granted liberty to use their creed without the addition and to practise 
 their peculiar ecclesiastical customs. Beccus vindicated this union in 
 several treatises. But a change of dynasty overthrew him in a.d. 1283. 
 Joseph was restored and the union of Lyons was broken up leaving no 
 trace behind. 
 
 5. The advance of the Turks made it absolutely necessary for the 
 East Roman emperors to secure the support of the West by reconciling 
 and uniting themselves with the papacy. But the powerful party of the 
 monks, supported by popular prejudice against the proposal, thwarted 
 the imperial wishes on all sides. The patriarchs of Alexandria, Antioch 
 and Jerusalem too were zealous opponents, not only animated by the old 
 bitterness toward their more prosperous rivals on the cliair of Peter, but 
 also influenced against the views of the emperor by the policy of their 
 Saracen rulers. The emperor Androiiicvxs III. Palceologus won to his side 
 the abbot Barlaam of Constantinople, hitherto, though born in Calabria 
 and there educated in the Roman Catholic faith, a zealous opponent of the 
 Western doctrine. Barlaam went at the head of an imperial embassy to 
 Avignon where the pope at that time, Benedict XIII., resided, a.d. 1339. 
 Negotiations, however, broke down through the obstinacy of the pope, 
 who demanded of the Greeks above all unconditional submission in 
 doctrine and constitution, and also showed not once any wish for re- 
 newing the conference. — On Barlaam, comp. § 69, 2. — The political 
 difBculties of the emperor, however, continually increased, and so 
 Joannes V. Palceologus took further steps. He himself in a.d. 13G9 in 
 Rome passed over to the Latin church, bv;t neither did he get his i^eople 
 to follow him, nor did pope Urban V. get the Western priuces to give 
 help against the Turks. 
 
 0. The union attempts of Joannes VII. Palteologns had more appearance 
 c-f success. The emperor had won over the patriarch Joseph of Con-
 
 § 67. SCHISM BETWEEN EAST AND WEST. 411 
 
 stantiuople, as well as the clever anJ liii^bly cultured arclibirihop Bes- 
 Barion of Nicasa, and went personally in company with the latter and 
 many bishops, in a.d. 1438, to the papal Council at Ferrara (§ 110, 8), 
 where the pope, Eugenius IV., fearing lest the Greeks might join the 
 reformatory Couucil at Basel, showed himself very gracious. The 
 Council, nominally on account of the outbreak of a plague at Ferrara 
 was transferred to Florence, and here the union was actually consum- 
 mated in A.D. 1439. The primacy of the pope was acknowledged, though 
 not altogether without dubiety of expression, the ritual differences as 
 well as the priestly marriages of the Greeks tolerated, the doctrinal 
 difference reduced to a misunderstanding and the orthodoxy of both 
 churches maintained. In the Latin text of the decree referred to the 
 pope was acknowledged as " Successor of Peter, the chief of the Apos- 
 tles, and the vicar of Christ," as " head of the whole Church, and father 
 and teacher of all Christians, to whom plenary power was given by our 
 Lord Jesus Christ to feed, rule, and govern the universal Church" — yet 
 with the significant addition " in such a way as it is set forth in the 
 o-cumeuical Councils and in the sacred Canons," by which certainly the 
 Greeks thought only of the Canons of Nicasa and Cbalcedou referred 
 to in § 46, 1, but the Latins mainly of the Pseudo-Decretals of § 87, 2 ; 
 and thus it happens that in most of the Greek texts the propositions 
 that define the universal primacy of the pope are either wanting, or 
 essentially modified. The first place after the pope is given to the 
 patriarch of Constantinople. In regard to the doctrine of the Pro- 
 cession of the Holy Spirit it was admitted that the Greek formula " ex 
 Patre per Filtum" was essentially the same as the Latin " c.r Patre 
 FiUoqtie," and by the definition " quod Sp. S. ex P. simul et F. ct ex 
 iitroque ceternaliter tanquavi ah una principio et unica spiratione pro- 
 cedit," the latter was saved from the charge of dualism. A new differ- 
 ence, however, came to light in reference to Purgatory (§ 61, 4). The 
 intercessions of the living and the presenting of masses for the dead 
 were allowed by the Greeks as helping to secure the forgiveness of their 
 .'.till unatoned for venial sins, but they decidedly opposed the view that 
 any of the dead could obtain this by his own temporary endurance of 
 penal sufferings, and they would not hear of a fire as a means for its 
 attainment. The Latins also taught that the unbaptized or those dying 
 in mortal sin immediately pass into eternal condemnation and the per- 
 fectly pious immediately pass into God's presence; while the Greeks 
 maintained that this happens only at the last judgment. After long dis- 
 putes, the Greeks, urged by their emperor, at last gave in on both points. 
 Without much difiiculty they accepted the seven sacraments of the 
 Westerns (§ 104, 2). Thus was the union consummated amid embracings 
 and jubilant shoutings. But in reality everything remained as of old. A 
 powerful l^arty at whose head stood archbishop Marcus Eugeuicns of
 
 412 THE GK.ECO-BYZANTINE CHURCH, A.D. 692-1453. 
 
 Ephesus, •who had been shouted down at Florence, roused the whole 
 East against the union that had been made on paper. The new patriarch 
 Metrophanes, whom they repudiated, was ridiculed as MTjTporpdvos, and 
 in A.D. 144:3 the rest of the Eastern patriarchs at a Synod at Jerusalem 
 excommunicated all who maintained the union. When moreover the 
 hoped for help from the West did not come even the union party lost 
 their interest in it. Bessarion passed over to the Roman church, 
 became cardinal and bishop of Tuscoli, and was as such on two occasions 
 very near being made pope.^ 
 
 7. The Byzantine Christian empire went meanwhile rapidly to decay. 
 On the 29th May, 1453, Constantinople was stormed by Mohammed II. 
 The last emperor, Constantine XI. , fell in a heroic struggle against tre- 
 mendous odds. Mohammed conferred upon the patriarch Gennadius 
 (§ G8, 5) the spiritual primacy and even temporal supremacy and full 
 jurisdiction over the whole orthodox inhabitants of the empire, making 
 him, however, answerable for their conduct. The other two patriarchates 
 of Jerusalem and Antioch were in religious matters co-ordinate, in i^oli- 
 tical matters subordinate, to him. For the executing of his spiritual 
 power he had around him a Synod of twelve archbishops, of whom four 
 as holders of the four divisons of the patriarchal diocese resided in Con- 
 stantinople. The Synod chose the patriarchs and the Sultan confirmed 
 the elections. — All union negociations were now at an end, for the Porte 
 could only wish for the continuance of the schism. The enormous crowds 
 of Greek refugees who sought protection in foreign lands, especially in 
 Italy, Hungary, Galicia, Poland, Lithuania, either went directly over to 
 the Roman Catholic church, or formed churches of their own under the 
 name of United Greeks, purchasing liberty to observe their old church 
 constitution and liturgy by accepting the Romish doctrine and the papal 
 lirimacy. 
 
 II. Developments in the Eastern Church without the 
 Co-operation of the Western. 
 
 § 68. Theological Science and Literatltje. 
 
 The iconoclastic struggle, A.D. 726-842, was to some extent 
 a war against art and science. At least no period in the 
 history of the Greek Middle Ages is so poor in these as this. 
 But about the middle of the 9th century Byzantine culture 
 
 ' Popoff, " Hist, of Council of Florence." Transl. from Russian by 
 Neale. London, 18G1.
 
 § G8. THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE AND LITERATUEE. -113 
 
 awoke from its deep torpor to a vigour of which no one 
 would have thought it capable. What is still more wonder- 
 ful, for six hundred years it maintained its position without 
 a break at this elevation and prosecuted literary and scien- 
 tific studies with a zeal that seemed to be quickened as its 
 political condition became more and more desperate. What 
 specially characterized the scholarly efforts of this time was 
 the revival of classical studies which from the &th. century 
 hcd been almost entirely neglected. Now all at once the 
 decaying Greeks, who were threatened with intellectual as 
 well as political bankruptcy, began to realize the rich heri- 
 tage which their pagan forefathers had bequeathed them. 
 They searched out these treasures amid the dust of libraries 
 and applied to them a diligence, an enthusiasm, a pride, 
 v\-hich fills us with astonishment. The Hellenic intellect 
 had, indeed, long lost its genial creative power. The most 
 ambitious effort of this age did not go beyond explanatory 
 reproduction and scholarship. Upon theology, however, 
 bound hard and fast in traditional pr9positions and Aristote- 
 lian formulse, the revival of classical studies had relatively 
 little influence, and where it did break the fetters it only 
 gave entrance to a deluge of heathen Hellenic views that 
 paganized Christianity. 
 
 1. The shame caused by the zeal with which the Khalifs of the Abas- 
 sidean line at the end of the 8th century applied themselves to the 
 classical Greek literature seems to have given the first impulse to the 
 Revival of Classical Studies. Behind this we must suppose there was the 
 influence of the Byzantine rulers, unless they had lost all trace of national 
 feeling. Bardas, the guardian and co-regent of Michael III. (§ 67, 1), if 
 there is nothing else in him worthy of praise, has the credit of having 
 been the first to lay anew the foundation of classical studies by establish- 
 ing schools and paying their teachers. Basil the Macedonian, although 
 himself no scholar, patronized and protected the sciences. Photius was 
 the teacher of his children, and implanted in them a love of study which 
 they transmitted to their children and children's children. Leo, the 
 Philosopher, the son, and Constantine Porphyrogenneta, the grandson, 
 of Basil were the brilliant scholars in the Macedonian dynasty. Their
 
 414 THE GR/ECO-BYZANTINE CHURCH, A.D. 692-1453. 
 
 place was taken by the liue of the Comueni from a.d. 1057, which intro- 
 duced a most brilliant period in the history of scientific studies. The 
 princesses of this house, Eudocia and Anna Comnena, won high fame as 
 gifted and learned authors. "Wliat Photius was for the ago of the Mace- 
 donians, Psellus was for the age of the Gomneni. Thessalonica vied 
 with Constantinople as a new Athens in the brilliancy of its classical 
 culture. The rudeness of the crusaders threatened during the sixty 
 years' interregnum of the Latin dynasty, to undo the work of the Gom- 
 neni. But when in a.d. 1261 the Palaiologi again obtained possession of 
 Constantino23le, learning rose once more to the front and won an ever 
 increasing significance. And when the Turks took it in a.d. 1453 crowds 
 of learned Greeks settled in Italy and spread their carefully fostered cul- 
 ture all over the West. 
 
 2 Aristotle and Plato. — The revival of classical studies secured again 
 a preference for Plato, who seemed more classical, at least more Hellenic, 
 than Aristotle. But the ecclesiastical imprimatur that had been given 
 to Aristotle, which had been formally expressed by Joh. Damascenus, 
 formed a barrier against the overflowing of Platonism into the theological 
 domain. The church's distrust of Plato, on the other hand, drove many 
 of the more enthusiastic friends of classical studies into a sort of Hellenic 
 paganism. The eagerness of the struggle reached its height in the 15th 
 century. Gemisthus Pletho moved heaven and earth to drive the hated 
 usurper Aristotle from the throne of science. He called for uncondi- 
 tional surrender to the wisdom of the divine Plato and expressed the 
 confident hope that soon the time would come when Christianity and 
 Islam would be conquered and the religion of pure humanity would have 
 universal sway. Of similar views were his numerous scholars, of whom 
 the most distinguished was Bessarion (§ 67, 6). But Aristotle also had 
 talented representatives in George of Trebizond and his scholars. Nume- 
 rous representatives of the two schools settled in Italy and there carried 
 on the conflict with increasing bitterness.— Continuation § 120, 1. 
 
 3. Scholasticism aud Mysticism {fjAOrja-is and /.aiaTaycoyia). — By the ap- 
 plication of the Aristotelian method which Joh. Philoponus (§ 47, 11) had 
 suggested, and Joh. Damascenus had carried out, the scientific treatment 
 of doctrine in the Greek church had taken a form which in many respects 
 resembles the scholasticism of the Latin Middle Ages, without being able, 
 however, to reach its wealth, power, subtlety and depth. But alongside 
 of the dialectic scholastic treatment of dogma there was found, especially 
 in the quiet life of the monasteries, diligent fostering of the mysticism 
 based upon the pseudo-Areopagite (§ 47, 11). Its chief representative 
 was Nicolas Cabasilas. This mysticism never ran counter to the worship 
 or doctrine of the church, but rather rendered to it unconditional ac- 
 knowledgment, and was specially characterized by its decided preference 
 for the symbolical, to which it is careful to attach a thoroughly sacra-
 
 § 6S. TIIEOLOGIC.Uj SCIENCE AND LITERATURE. 415 
 
 mental siguillcancc. No reason existed for any hostile encounters between 
 dialectic and mysticism. 
 
 4. The Brauclies of Theological Science. — About the beginning of oui- 
 period .Joh. Damascenns collected the results of previous Dogmatic labours 
 in the Greek church by the use of the dialectic forms of Aristotle into 
 an organic system. His Ecdosis is the first and last complete dogmatic 
 of the old Greek church. The manifold intercourse with the Latin 
 church occasioned by the union efforts was not, however, without in- 
 fluence on the Greek church. In spite of the keenest opposition on 
 debated questions, the far more thoroughly developed statement by Latin 
 scholasticism of doctrines in regard to which both were agreed communi- 
 cated itself to the Greek church, so that all unwittingly it adopted on 
 many points the same bases and tendencies of belief. Polemics were 
 constantly carried on with Ncstorians, Monophysites and Monothelites, 
 and fresh subjects of debate were found in the iconoclastic disputes, newly 
 emerging dualistic sects, the Latin schismatics and the defenders of the 
 union. By the changed circumstances of the time Apologetics again 
 came to the front as a theological necessity. The incessant advance of 
 Islam and the Jewish polemic, which was now gaining boldness from the 
 protection of the Saracens, urgently demanded the work of the Apologist, 
 but the dominant scholastic traditional theology of the Greeks in its 
 hardness and narrowness was little fitted to avert the storm of God's 
 judgment. Finally, too, the revival of classical studies and the intro- 
 duction of pagan modes of thought were followed by a renewal of anti- 
 pagan Apologetics (Nicolas of Methone). In Exegesis there was no 
 independent original work. Valuable catenas were compiled by OScumc- 
 nius, Theophylact and Euthymius Zigabenus. Chui-ch History lay 
 completely fallow. Only Nicephorus Callisti in the 14th century gave 
 any attention to it (§ 5, 1). Incomparably more important for the church 
 history of those times are the numerous Scriptores hist. Bijzantiiice. As 
 a writer of legends Simeon Metaphrastes in the 10th century (?) gained 
 a high reputation. 
 
 5. The most distinguished theologian of the 8th century was Joannes 
 Damascenns. He was long in the civil service of the Saracens, and died 
 about A.D, 760 as monk in the monastery of Sabas in Jerusalem. His 
 admirers called him Chrysorrhoas ; the opponents of image worship vdio 
 pronounced a thrice repeated anathema upon him at the Council of Con- 
 stantinople in A.D. 754, called him Mansur. His chief work, which ranks 
 in the Greek church as an epoch-making production, is the llT^yqyvwacus. 
 Its first part, Ke(pd\ai.a (piXoaocpiKo., forms the dialectic, the second part, 
 llepl a'ipi<y(o}i/ , the historical, introduction to the third or chief part : 
 E/vOocris a.KpL^i]s TTjs dpGodJ^ov Triarem, a systematic coUectiou of the doc- 
 trines of faith according to the Councils, and the teachings of the ancient 
 Fathers, especially of the three Cappadocians. His 'lepa. Trapd\\T]\a con-
 
 41G THE GRiECO-BYZANTINE CHURCH, A.D. G92-1453. 
 
 lain a collection of loci classici from patristic writings on dogmatic and 
 moral subjects arranged in alphabeticjil order. He wrote besides contro- 
 versial tracts against Christological heretics, the Paulicians, the opponents 
 of image worship, etc., and composed several hymns for church worship.' 
 — Among the numerous writings of Photius, who died in a.d. 891, un- 
 doubtedly the most important is his Bibliotheca, MvpLoj3ipXLov. It gives 
 reports about and extracts from 279 Christian and pagan works, which 
 have since in great part been lost. In addition to controversial treatises 
 against the Latins and against the Paulicians, there are still extant his 
 'A^0iX5xia, answers to more than 300 questions laid before him by 
 bishojj Amphilochius, and his Nomo-cauon (§ -iS, 3) which is still the 
 basis of Greek canon law, and was, about a.d. 1180, commented on by 
 the deacon of Constantino^jle, Theodore Balsamon in his 'E^y]yrj(xis rwv 
 epwv Kal Oeiuv Kavovcjv. — The brilliant period of the .Comnenian dynasty 
 was headed by Micliael Psellus, teacher of philosophy at Constantinople, a 
 man of wide culture and possessed of an astonishingly extensive store of 
 information which was evinced by numerous works on a variety of sub- 
 jects, so that he was designated (pCkoaocpwv viraros. He died in a.d. 1105. 
 Among his theological writings the most important is Ilfpt ivepyelas 5at- 
 /jLoviov (comp. § 71, 3). As this work is of the utmost importance for the 
 demonology of the Middle Ages, so the Atoacr/caXta TravTodaw^, a compen- 
 dium of universal science on the basis of theology, is for the encyclopiedic 
 knowledge of that period. His contemporary Theophylact, archbishop of 
 Achrida, in Bulgaria, left behind him an imj^ortant commentary in the 
 form of a catena. Euthymius Zigabenus, monk at Constantinople, in 
 the beginning of the 12th century, composed, by order of the emperor 
 Alexius Comnenus, in reply to the heretics, a Ilaj'OTrXi'a doynariKri ttjs 
 6p6o56^ov iriffTeios tjtoi. oirXoOrjKi} 5oy/j.dTwv in 24 bks., which gained for him 
 great repute in his times. It is a mere compilation, and only where he 
 combats the sects of his own age is it of any importance. His exegetical 
 compilations are of greater value. The most important personality of 
 the 12th century was Eustathius, archbishop of Thessalonica. As com- 
 mentator on Homer and Pindar he has been long highly valued by philo- 
 logists ; but from the publication of his theological Opuscula it appears 
 that he is Avorthy of higher fame as a Christian, a theologian, a church 
 leader and reformer of the debased monasticism of his ago (§ 70, 4). His 
 friend and pupil, Michael Acomiuatus of Chonas, archbishop of Athens, 
 treated with equal enthusiasm of the church and his fatherland, of Chris- 
 tian faith and Greek philosophy, of patristic and classical literature, and 
 in a beautiful panegyric raised a becoming memorial to his departed 
 teacher. His younger brother, Nicetas Acominatiis, a highly esteemed 
 statesman of Constantinople, wrote a Qeaavpbs dpdodo^ias in 27 bks., which 
 consists of a justificatory statement of the orthodox doctrine together 
 
 ^ Lupton, " St. John of Damascus." London, 1882,
 
 § 68. THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE AND LITERATURE. 417 
 
 with a refutation of heretics, rauch more incTepeudent and important than 
 the similar work of Euthymius. He died in a.d. 1206. At the same time 
 flourished the noble bishop Nicolas of Methone in Messenia, whose refuta- 
 tion of the attacks of the neo-Platonist Proclus, 'Avd-rrrv^Ls rrjs 6eo\oyLKr,s 
 (jTOLxenbaeu)^ llpoKKov is one of the most valuable productions of this period. 
 His doctrine of redemption, which has a striking resemblance to Anselm 
 of Canterbury's theory of satisfaction (§ 101, 1), is worthy of attention. 
 He also contributed several tracts to the struggle against the Latins. 
 During the times of the Palffiologi, a.d. 1250-1450, the chief subjects of 
 theological authorship were the vindication aud denunciation of the 
 union. Nicolas Cabasilas, archbishoi) of Thessalonica and successor of 
 Palamas, deserves special mention. He was like his predecessor the 
 vindicator of the Hesychasts (§ 69, 2), and was himself one of the noblest 
 mystics of any age. He died about a.d. 1354. His chief work is Hepl 
 T?is iv Xpiario ^urjs. His mysticism is distinguished by depth and spirit- 
 uality as well as by reformatory struggling against a superficial exter- 
 nalism. He also shares the partiality of Greek mjsticism for the liturgy 
 as his Expositio Ulissce shows. From his contemporary Demetrius Cydo- 
 nins we have an able treatise De Contemnenda Morte. Archbishop 
 Simeon of Thessalonica belongs to a somewhat later time, about a.d. 1400, 
 a thorough expert in classical and patristic literature and a distinguished 
 church leader. His comprehensive work, De Fide, Ritibus et Mtjsteriis 
 Ecclesiast. is an important source of information about the church affairs 
 of the Greek Middle Ages. Marcus Engenicns of Ephesus, the most 
 capable opponent of the Florentine union (§ 67, 2), besides controversial 
 tracts, wrote a treatise Ilepi daOeveia? dudpib-rrov as aphilosophico-dogmatic 
 foundation of the doctrine of eternal punishment at which the emperor 
 John YII. PaltEologus had taken offence as incompatible with divine 
 justice and human frailty. His disciple Gregorius Scholarius, known as 
 a monk by the name Gennadius, was the first patriarch of Constantinople 
 after it had been taken by the Turks. At the Council of Florence he still 
 supported the union, but was afterwards its most vigorous assailant. 
 In the controversy of the philosophers he contended against Pletho for 
 the old-established predominance of Aristotle. At the request of the 
 Sultan, Mohammed II., he laid before him a Prof essio fide i. 
 
 6. A religious romance entitled Barlaam and Josaphat whose author 
 is not named, but evidently belonged to the East, was included, even in 
 the Middle Ages, among the works of Joh. Damascenus, read by many 
 especially in the West, translated into Latin and rendered often in 
 metrical form. It describes the history of the conversion of the Indian 
 prince Josaphat by the eremite Barlaam with the object of showing the 
 power of Christianity against the allurements of sin and its superiority 
 to other religions. An uncritical age accepted the story as historical, 
 and venerated its two heroes as saints. The Eomau martyrology cele- 
 
 E E
 
 418 THE GR^CO-BYZANTINE CHUECH, A.D. G92-1453. 
 
 bratecT the 27th Nov. iu their memory. Liebrecht has discovered that the 
 romance so popular in its days was but a Christianized form of a legend- 
 ary history of the life and conversion of the founder of Buddhism, 
 ■which existed iu pre-Christian times, and has come down to us under 
 the title Lalita vistara Pnraiia, often copying its original even iu the 
 minutest details, 
 
 § 69. Doctrinal Contkoversies in the 12th-14th 
 Centuries. 
 
 With the mental activity of the Comneuian age there 
 was also reawakened a love of theological speculation and 
 discussion, and several doctrinal questions engaged consider- 
 able attention. Then there came a lull in the controversial 
 strife for two hundred years, to be roused once more by a 
 question of abstruse mysticism. 
 
 1. Dogmatic Questions. — Under the emperor Manuel Comneuus, a.d. 
 1143-1180, the question was discussed whether Christ presented His 
 sacriiice for the sins of the world only to the Father and the Holy 
 Spirit, or also at the same time to the Logos, i.e. to Himself. A Synod 
 at Constantinople in a.d. 1156 sanctioned the latter notion. — Ten years 
 later a controversy arose over the question whether the words of Christ : 
 " The Father is greater than I," refer to His divine or to His human 
 nature or to the union of the two natures. The discussion was carried 
 on by all ranks with a liveliness and passionateness which reminds one 
 of the similar controversies of the 4th century (§ 50, 2). The emperor's 
 opinion that the words applied to the God-man gained the victory at a 
 Synod at Constautiuople in a.d. IIGG. The dissentients were punished 
 with the confiscation of their goods and banishment. — Manuel excited 
 a third controversy by objecting to the anathema of " the God of 
 Mohammed " in the formula of abjuration for converts from Moham- 
 medanism. In vain did the bishops show the emperor that the God 
 of Mohammed was not the true God. The formula had to be altered. 
 
 2. The Hesychast Controversy, A.D. 1341-1351. —In the monasteries of 
 Mount Athos in Thessaly the Areopagite mysticism had its most zealous 
 promoters. Following the example given three centuries earlier by 
 Simeon, an abbot of the monastery of Mesnes in Constantinoi^le, the 
 monks by artificial means put themselves into a condition that would 
 afford them the ecstatic vision of God which the Areopagite had extolled 
 as the highest end of all mystic endeavours. Kneeling in a corner of 
 the solitary closed cell, the chin pressed firmly on the breast, the eyes 
 set fixedly on the navel, and the breath held in as long as possible, they 
 sank at first into melancholy and their eyes became dim. Continuing
 
 § 70. CONSTITUTION, WOESHIP AND LIFE. 419 
 
 longer in this position the depression of spirit which they at first 
 experienced gave way to an inexijressible rapture, and at last thej' found 
 themselves surrounded by a bright halo of light. They called them- 
 selves Resting Ones, ija-vxai^ovTe^, and maintained that the brilliancy 
 surrounding them was the uncreated divine light which shone around 
 Christ on Mount Tabor. Barlaam (§ 67, 5), just returned from his 
 unfortunate union expedition, accused the monks and their defender, 
 Gregorius Palamas, afterwards archbishop of Thessalonica, as Ditheistie 
 heretics, scornfully styling them navel-souls, 6tx<pa\6\pvxoL. But a Council 
 at Constantinople, in a.d. 1311, the members of which were unfavourable 
 to Barlaam because of his union efforts, approved the doctrine of un- 
 created divine light which as divine ivepyeia is to be distinguished from 
 the divine ovaia. Barlaam, in order to avoid condemnation, recanted, 
 but withdrew soon afterwards to Italy, where he joined the communion 
 of the Latin church in a.d. 1348, and died as a bishop in Calabria. A 
 disciple of Barlaam, Gregorius Acindynos and the historian Nicephorus 
 Gregoras continued the controversy against the Hesycbasts. Down to 
 A.D. 1351 as many as three Synods had been held, which all decidedly 
 favoured the monks. 
 
 § 70. Constitution, Worship and Life. 
 
 The Byzantine emperors liad been long accustomed to 
 carry out in a very high-handed manner their own -will 
 even in regard to the internal affairs of the church. The 
 anointing with sacred oil gave them a sacerdotal character 
 and entitled them to be styled aytos. Most of the emperors, 
 too, from Leo the Philosopher (§ G8, 1), possessed some 
 measure of theological culture. The patriarchate, however, 
 if amid so many arbitrary appointments and removals it 
 fell into the proper hands, was always a power which even 
 emperors had to respect. What protected it against all 
 encroachments of the temporal power was the influence of 
 the monks and through them of the people. In consequence 
 of the conti'oversies about images, Theodorus Studita (§ 66 , 
 4) founded a strong party which fought with all energy 
 against every interference of the State in ecclesiastical 
 matters and against the appointing of ecclesiastical officers 
 by the temporal power, but only with temporary success.
 
 420 THE GE^CO-BYZANTINE CHITECH, A.D. 692-1453. 
 
 The monks, who had been threatened by the iconoclastic 
 Isanrian with ntter extermination, at the restoration grew 
 and prospered more than ever in outward appearance, but 
 gave way more and more to spiritual corruption and ex- 
 travagance. The Eastern monks had not that genial 
 many-sided culture which was needed for the cultivation 
 of the fields and the minds of the barbarians. They were 
 deficient in those powers of tempering, renovating and 
 ennobling, whereby the monks of the West accomplished 
 such wonderful results. But, nevertheless, if in those 
 debased and degenerate days one looks for examples of 
 fidelity to convictions, firmness of character, independence 
 and moral earnestness, he will always find the noblest in the 
 monasteries. — Public worship had already in the previous 
 period attained to almost complete development, but theory 
 and practice received enrichment in various particulars. 
 
 1. The Arsenian Schism, A.D. 1262-1312.— Michael Palajologus, after 
 the death of the emperor Theodore Lascaris in a.d. 1259, assumed the 
 guardianship of his sis years' old son John, had himself crowned joint 
 ruler, and in a.d. 1261 had the eyes of the young prince put out so as 
 to make him unfit for governing. The patriarch Arsenius then excom- 
 municated him. Michael besought absolution, and in order to obtain 
 it submitted to humiliating penances ; but when the patriarch insisted 
 that he should resign the throne, the emperor deposed and exiled liim, 
 A.D. 1267. The numerous adherents of Arsenius refused to acknowledge 
 the new patriarch Joseph (§ 67, 4), seceded from the national church, 
 and when their leader died in exile in a.d. 1273, their veneration for him 
 expressed itself in burning hatred of his persecutors. When Joseph 
 died in a.d. 1283, an attempt was made to decide the controversy by a 
 direct appeal to God's judgment. Each of the two parties cast a tract 
 in defence of its position into the fire, and both were consumed. The 
 Arsenians, who had expected a miracle, felt themselves for the moment 
 defeated and expressed a readiness to be reconciled. But on the third 
 day they recalled their admissions and the schism continued, until the 
 patriarch Niphon in a.d. 1312 had the bones of Arsenius laid in the 
 church of Sophia and pronounced a forty days' suspension on all the 
 clergy who had taken part against him. 
 
 2. Public Worship. — In the Greek church preaching retained its early 
 prominence ; the homiletical productions, however, are but of small
 
 § 70. CONSTITUTION, WOEoHIP AND LIFE. 421 
 
 value. The objection to hymns other than those found in Scripture was 
 more and more overcome. As in earHer times (§ 59, -1) Troparies were 
 added to the singing of psalms, so now the New Testament hymns of 
 praise and doxologies were formed into a so-called KavJiv, i.e. a collection 
 of new odes arranged for the several festivals and saints' days. The 
 8th century was tlie Augustan age of church song. To this period 
 belonged the celebrated ajLOL fieXuSoi, Andrew of Crete, John of Damascus, 
 Cosmas of Jerusalem, and Theoi^hanes of Nicfea. The singing after 
 this as -well as before was without instrumental accompaniment and 
 also without harmonic arrangement. — There was a great diversity of 
 opinion in regard to the idea of the sacraments and their number. 
 Uamascenus speaks only of two : Baptism and the Lord's Supper. 
 Theodoras Studita, on the other hand, accepts the six enumerated by 
 the Pseudo-Areopagite (§ 58). Petrus Mogilas in his Anti-Protestant 
 Confessio orthodoxa of a.d. 1613 (§ 152, 3) is the first confidently to 
 assert that even among the Latins of the Middle Ages the Sacraments 
 had been regarded as seven in number. The Greeks differed from the 
 Latins in maintaining the necessity of immersion in baptism, in con- 
 necting the chrism with the baptism, using leavened bread in the Supper 
 and giving both elements to all communicants. From the time of Joh. 
 Damascenus the teachers of the church decidedly subscribed to the 
 doctrine of Transubstantiation ; but in regard to penance and confession 
 they stoutly maintained (§ 61, 1), that not the priest but God alone can 
 forgive sins. The Unctio inferiorum, evxeXawv, also made way in the 
 Greek church, applied in the form of the cross to forehead, breast, hands 
 and feet; yet with this difference that, expressly repudiating the desig- 
 nation "extreme" unction, it was given not only in cases of mortal 
 illness, but also in less serious ailments, and had in view bodily cure as 
 well as spiritual benefit. — The emperor Leo VI. the Philosopher made 
 the benediction of the church (§ 61, 2) obligatory for a legally valid 
 marriage. 
 
 3. Moaasticism. — The most celebrated of all the monastic associations 
 were those of Mount Athos in Thessaly, which was covered with monas- 
 teries and hermit cells, and as " the holy mount " had become already 
 a hallowed spot and the resort of pilgrims for all Greek Christendom. 
 The monastery of Studion, too {§ 4.i, 3), was held in high repute. There 
 was no want of ascetic extravagances among the monks. There were 
 numerous stylites ; many also spent their lives on high trees, SefOplrai, 
 or shut up in cages built on high platforms {Kiovlrai), or in subterranean 
 caverns, etc. Others bound themselves to perpetual silence. Many 
 again wore constantly a shirt of iron {(noripovix^voi), etc. A rare sort of 
 pious monkish practice made its appearance in the 12ih century among 
 the Ecetffi, 'iKlrai. They were monks who danced and sang hymns with 
 like-minded nuns in their monasteries after the pattern of ExoJ. xv. 20,
 
 422 THE GR^CO-BYZANTINE CHUECH, A.D. 692-1453. 
 
 21. Although they continixed orthodox iu their doctrine and were never 
 charged with any act of immorality, Nicetas Acomiuatus proceeded 
 against them as heretics. 
 
 4. Eudeavours at Reformation. — In the beginning of the 12th century 
 a pious monk at Constantinople, Constantiniis Chrysomalus, protested 
 against prevailing hypocrisy arid formalism. A decade later the monk 
 Niphon took a similar stand. Around both gathered groups of clergy 
 and laymen who, putting themselves under their pastoral direction and 
 neglecting the outward forms of the church, applied themselves to the 
 deepening of the spiritual life. Both brought down on themselves the 
 anathema of the church. The patriarch Cosmas,who was not convinced 
 that Niphon was a heretic and so received him into his house and at his 
 table, was deposed iu a.d. 1150. Eustathius, archbishop of Thessalonica 
 (§ 68, 5), carried on his reformatory efforts quite within the limits of the 
 dominant institiitions of the church, and so kept himself safe from the 
 machinations of his enemies. Eelentlessly and powerfully he struggled 
 against the corruption in the Christian life of the people, and especially 
 against the formalism and hypocrisy, the rudeness and vulgarity, the 
 si^iritual blindness and pride, and the eccentric caricatures of ascetism 
 that were exhibited by the monks, though he was himself in heart and 
 soul a monk. Two hundred years later Nicolas Cabasilas (§ 68, 5) yet 
 more distinctly maintained that a consistent life was the test and love 
 the root of all virtue. 
 
 § 71. DuALisTic Heretics. 
 
 Remnants of the Gnostic-Man iclitean heresy lingered on 
 into the 7th century in Armenia and Syria, Avhere the sur- 
 rounding Parseeism gave them a hold and support. Con- 
 stantinus of Mananalis near Samosata gathered these 
 together about the middle of the 7th century and reformed 
 them somewhat in the spirit of Marcion (§ 27, 11). The 
 Catholics, sneeringly called by them'Po/x.atot, gave the name 
 of Paulicians to them becaiise they regarded Paul alone as a 
 true apostle. Even before the rise of the Paulicians, a sect 
 existed in Armenia called Children of the Sun who had 
 mixed up the Zoroastrian worship with Christian elements. 
 They, too, during the 9th and 10th centuries, by reorgani- 
 zation reached a position of more importance, and repre- 
 sented, like the Paulicians, a reformatory opposition to the
 
 § 71. DUALISTIC HERETICS. 423 
 
 formal institutions of tlie Catholic cliurcli. A similar atti- 
 tude was assumed by the Eiichites in Thrace during the 
 11th century. Like the old Euchites (§ 44, 7), they got 
 their name from the unceasing prayers which they regarded 
 as the token of highest perfection. Their dualistic-gnostic 
 system is met with again among the Bogomili in Bulgaria. 
 These were still more decidedly hostile to the Catholic 
 church, and had adopted the anthropological views of 
 Saturninus and the Ophites as well as the trinitarian theory 
 of Sabellius (§ 27, 6, 9 ; 33, 7). All these sects were accused 
 by their Catholic opponents with entertaining antinomian 
 doctrines and practising licentious orgies and unnatural 
 abominations. 
 
 1. The Pauliciaus. — They called themselves only Xpianavoi, but were 
 in the habit of giving to their leaders and churches the names of Paul's 
 companions and mission stations. They combined duaUsm, demiurgism 
 and docetism with a mysticism that insisted upon inward piety, de- 
 manded a strict but not rigorous asceticism, forbade fasting and allowed 
 marriage. Their worship was very simple, their church constitution 
 moulded after the apostolic pattern, with the rejection of the hierarchy 
 and priesthood. They were specially averse to the accumulation of 
 ceremonies and the veneration of imnges, relics and saints in the Catholic 
 church. They also urged the diligent study of Scripture, rejecting, 
 however, the Old Testament, and the Jewish-Christian gospels and 
 epistles of the New Testament. The Catholic polemists of the 9th cen- 
 tury traced their origin and even their name (==narAoi'wdyfoi) to a Mani- 
 chffian family of the fourth century, a widow Callinice and her two sons 
 Paul and John. None of the distinctive marks of Mauichfeism, how- 
 ever, are discoverable in them, and their founding by Coustantine of 
 Mananalis is a historic fact, as also that he, in a.d. 657, assumed the 
 Pauline name of Sylvanus. The first church, which he called Macedonia, 
 was founded by him at Gibossa in Armenia. From this point he made 
 successful missionary journeys in all directions. The emperor Constan- 
 tinus Pogonnatus, a.d. 6GS-C85, began a bloody persecution of the Pauli- 
 ciaus. But the martyr enthusiasm of Sylvanus, who was stoned in a.d. 
 08.5, made such an impression upon the imperial officer Symeou, that he 
 himself joined the sect, was made their chief under the name of Titus, 
 and on the renewal of persecution in a.d. 090 joyfully died at the stake. 
 His successor Gegnesius, who took the name of Timothy, was obliged by 
 Leo the Isauriau to undergo an examination under the patriarch of
 
 42-1 THE GE^CO-BYZANTINE CHURCH, A.D. 092-1453. 
 
 Constantinople, had his orthodoxy attested, and received from the icono- 
 clast emperor a letter of protection. Soon, however, divisions spran;; 
 up within the sect itself. One of their chiefs Eaanes, on account of his 
 autiuomian practices, was nicknamed 6 pvirapos, the smutty. But, about 
 AD. 801, Sergius Tychicus, converted in earlier years by a Paulician 
 woman, who directed him to the Bible, made his appearance as a re- 
 former and second founder of the sect. He died in a.d. 835. Leo the 
 Armenian, a.d. 813-820, organized an expedition for their conversion. 
 The penitents were received back into the church, the obstinate were 
 executed. A mob of Paulicians murdered the judges, fled to the Saracen 
 regions of Armenia, and founded at Argaum, the ancient Colosse, a 
 military colony which made incessant predatory and retaliating raids 
 upon the Byzantine provinces. They were most numerous in Asia 
 Minor. The empress Theodora (§ G6, 4) carried out against them about 
 A.D. 812 a new and fearfully bloody persecution. Many thousands were 
 put to death. This too was tlie fate of an officer of high rank. His son, 
 Carbeas, also an officer, incited by an ardent desire for revenge, gathered 
 about 5,000 armed Paulicians around him in a.d. 811, fled with them to 
 Argaum, and became military chief of the sect. New crowds of Pauli- 
 cians streamed daily in, and the Khalifs assigned to them two other for- 
 tified frontier cities. With a well organized army, thirsting for revenge, 
 Carbeas wasted the Byzantine provinces far and wide, and repeatedly 
 defeated the imperial forces. Basil the Macedonian after two campaigns, 
 at last in a.d. 871, hemmed in the Paulician army in a narrow pass and 
 annihilated it. Their political power was now broken. The sect, how- 
 ever, still continued to gather members in Syria and Asia Minor. In 
 a.d. 970, the emperor John Tzimisces transported the greater part of 
 them as watchers of the frontier of Thrace, where Philippopolis became 
 their Zion. They soon had possession of all Thrace. Alexius Comnenus, 
 A.D. 1081-1118, was the first earnestly again to attempt their conversion. 
 He himself appeared at Philippopolis in a.d. 1115, disputed a whole day 
 with their leaders, promised and threatened, rewarded and punished, but 
 all his efforts were fruitless. From that time we hear nothing more of 
 them. Their remnants probably joined the Euchites and the Bogomili. 
 
 2. The Children of the Sun, or Arevendi were a sect gathered and 
 organized in the 9th century in Armenia by a Paulician Sembat in 
 the country town of Thontrace into a separate community of Thontra- 
 cians. In a.d. 1002 the metropolitan Jacob of Harkh gave a Christian 
 tinge to their doctrine, went through the country preaching reijentance 
 and the performances of ritual observances, and obtained much support 
 from clergy and laity. The Catholicus of the Armenian church caused 
 him to be branded and imprisoned. He made his escape, but was after- 
 wards slain by his ojoponcnts. 
 
 3. The Euchites, Messelians, Enthusiasts, attracted the attention of
 
 § 71. DUALISTIC HERETICS. 4 25 
 
 flie govcrnmeut in the beginning of the 11th century as a sect widely 
 spread in Thrace. In common with the earlier Euchites (§ ■14, 7) they 
 had great enthusiasm in prayer, but they were distinguished from them 
 by their dualism. Their doctrine of the two sons of God, Satanaiil and 
 Christ, shows a certain relation to the form of Persian dualism, which 
 derives the two opposing principles, Ormuzd and Ahriman, from one 
 eternal primary essence, Zeruane Acerene. The germs of this sect may 
 have come from the transplanting of Paulicians to Thrace by the emperor 
 Tzimisces. The Byzantine government sent a legate to Thrace to 
 suppress them. This may have been Michael Psellus (§ 68, 5) whose 
 AidXoyos Trepl evepydas 5aifj.jfuu is the only source of information we have 
 regarding them. 
 
 4. The Bogomili, ^edijJiXoi, taught : that Satanael, the firstborn son of 
 God, as chief and head over all angels, clothed with full glory of the 
 Godhead, sat at the right hand of the Father ; but, swelling with pride, 
 he thought to found an empire independent of his Father and seduced a 
 portion of the angels to take part with him. Driven with them out of 
 heaven, he determined after the pattern of the creation of the Father 
 (Gen. i. 1) to create a new world out of chaos (Gen. ii. 3 S.). He formed 
 the first man of earth mixed with water. When he set up the figure, 
 some of the water ran out of the great toe of the right foot and spread 
 out over the ground ; and after he had breathed his breath into it, that 
 also escaped owing to the looseness of the figure by the toe, permeated 
 the soil moistened with the water and animated it as a serpent. At 
 Satanael's earnest entreaty the heavenly Father took pity on the miser- 
 able creature, and gave it hfe by breathing into it His own breath. 
 Afterwards with the Father's help Eve, too, was created. Satanael in 
 the form of the serpent seduced, deceived and lay with Eve in order that 
 by bis seed, Cain and his twin sister Calomina, Adam's future descen- 
 dants, Abel, Setb, etc., might be oppressed and brought into bondage. 
 Jealous lest the latter should obtain that heavenly dwelling place from 
 which they had been driven, Satanael's angels seduced their daughters 
 (Gen. vi.). From this union sprang giants who rebelled against SatanaUl, 
 but were destroyed by him in the flood. Henceforth he reigned un- 
 opposed as KoaixoKpaTuip, seduced the greater part of mankind, and 
 endowed Moses with the power of working nihacles as the instrument of 
 his tyranny. Only a few men under the oppression of his law attained 
 the end of their being ; the sixteen prophets and those named in Matt. 
 i. and Luke iii. Finally, in the year 5,500 after the creation of man, 
 the supreme God moved with pity caused a second sou, the Logos, to go 
 forth from His bosom, who as chief of the good angels is called Michael, 
 and sent Him to earth for man's redemption. He entered in an ethereal 
 body through the right ear into the virgin to be born of her with the 
 semblance of an earthly body. Mary noticed nothing of all this. With-
 
 42G THE GE.ECO-BYZAKTINE CHURCH, A.D. G92-1463. 
 
 out Lnowing how or whence, she founcl the'chilcl in swadclliug clothes 
 before her in the cave. His death on the cross was naturally in appear- 
 ance only. After his resurrection he showed himself io Satanacl in his 
 true form, bound him with chains, robbed him of his divine power, and 
 compelled him to abandon his divine designation, by taking the El from 
 his name, so that he is henceforth called Satan. Then He returned to 
 the Father, took the seat that formerly was Satanael's at His right hand, 
 and sinks again into the bosom of the Father out of which He had come. 
 This, however, did not take place before a new Aeon, the Holy Spirit, 
 emanated from the Godhead, and was sent forth as continuator and 
 completer of the work of redemption. This Spirit, too, after he has 
 finished his task will sink back again into the Father's bosom. — Of the 
 Old Testament the Bogomili acknowledged only the Psalter and the 
 Prophets ; of the New Testament books they valued most the Gospel of 
 John. Veneration of relics and images, as well as the sign of the cross 
 they abhorred as demoniacal inventions. Church buildings were re- 
 garded by them as the residences of demons. Satanacl himself in 
 earlier days resided in the temple of Jerusalem, later in the church of 
 Sophia at Constantinople. Water baptism, which was introduced by 
 John the Baptist a servant of Satanacl, they rejected ; but the baptism 
 of Christ is spiritual baptism {Trapa.K\-q(n% = Consola)nentam). It was 
 imparted by laying the Gospel of John on the head of the subject of 
 baptism, with invocation of the Holy Spirit and chanting the Lord's 
 Prayer. They declared the Catholic mass to be a sacrifice presented to 
 demons ; the true eucharist consists in the spiritual nourishment by the 
 bread of life brought down in Christ from heaven, to which also the 
 fourth petition in the Lord's Prayer refers. They placed great value 
 upon prayer, especially the use of the Lord's Prayer. So too they 
 valued fasting. Their ascetism was strict and required abstinence from 
 marriage and from the eating of flesh. But prevarication and dissimu- 
 lation they regarded as permissible. — The emperor Alexius Comnenus 
 caused their chief Basil to be brought to Constantinople, under the 
 delusive pretext of wishing himself to become a proselyte of the sect, 
 got him to open all his heart, and enticed him under the semblance of a 
 purely private conference to make reckless statements, while behind the 
 curtain a judge of heresies was taking notes. This first act in the 
 drama was followed by a second. The sentence of death was passed upon 
 all adherents of Basil who could be laid hold upon. Two great funeral 
 piles were erected, one of which was furnished with the figure of the 
 cross. The emperor exhorted them, at least to die as true Christians, 
 and in token of this to choose the place of death provided with a cross. 
 Those who did so were pardoned, the rest for the most part condemned 
 to imprisonment for life. Basil himself, however, was actually burnt, 
 A.D. 1118. The sect was not by any means thus rooted out. The
 
 § I'l. NESTOEIAN AND MONOPHYSITB CHURCHES. 427 
 
 Bogomili hid themselves mostly iu monasteries, and Bulgaria long re- 
 mained the haunt of dualistic heresy, which spread thence through the 
 Latin church of the ^Yest. 
 
 § 72. The Nestorian and Monophysite Churches of 
 THE East. 
 
 The Nestorian and Monophysite churches of the East 
 owed the protection and goodwill of their Moslem riilers to 
 their hostile position in regard to the Byzantine national 
 church. Among the Persian Nestorians as well as among 
 the Syrian and Armenian Monophysites we find an earnest 
 endeavour after scholarship and great scientific activity. 
 They were the teachers of the Saracens in the classical, 
 philosophical and medical sciences, and with no little zeal 
 pursued the study of Christian theology. The Nestorians 
 also long manifested great earnestness in missions. Only 
 when the science-loving Khalifs gave place to Mongolian and 
 Turkish barbarians did those churches lose their prestige, 
 and that stagnation and torpidity passed over them in which 
 they still lie. In order to crown the Florentine union 
 attempts of a.d. 1439 (§ G7, 6), Eome solemnly proclaimed 
 in the immediately following year the complete union with 
 all the detached churches of the East. But this was a vain 
 self-delusion or a bit of jugglery. Men pretending to be 
 deputed by those churches treated about restoration to the 
 bosom of the church, which was accorded them amid great 
 opplause. 
 
 1. The Persian Nestorians, or Chaldean Christians (§ 64, 2), stood iu 
 peculiarly friendly relations to the Khalifs, who, in the Nestorian oppo- 
 sition to Theotokism, worship of saints, images and relics, and priestly 
 celibacy, saw an approach to a rational Christianity more in accordance 
 with the Moslem ideal. The Nestorian seminaries at Edessa, Nisibis, 
 Seleucia, etc., were in high repute. The rich literature issued hy them 
 is, however, mostly lost, and what of it remains is known only by 
 Assemau's quotations {BihUoth. OrientaJia). Among the later Nestorian 
 authors the best known is Ebed Jesus, Metropolitan of Nisibis, who died
 
 428 THE GE.ECO-EYZANTINE CHUECH, A.D. 692-1453. 
 
 in A.D. 1.318. His writings treat of all subjects in the domain of theology. 
 The missionary zeal of the Nestorians continued unabated down to the 
 13th century. Their chief mission fields were China and India. At the 
 beginning of the 11th century they converted the prince of the Karaites, 
 a Tartar tribe to the south of Lake Baikal, who as vassals of the great 
 Chinese empire had the name Uug-Khan. A large number of the people 
 followed their prince. The Mongol conqueror Genghis-Khan married 
 the daughter of the Karaite prince, but quarrelled with him, drove him 
 from his throne, and took his life, a.d. 1202. — With the overthrow of the 
 Khalifs by Genghis-Khan in a.d. 1219, the prosperity of the Nestorian 
 church came to an end. At first the Nestorians attempted missionary 
 operations not unsuccessfully among the Mongols. But the savage 
 Tamerlane, the Scourge of Asia, a.d. 13G9-1105, drove them into the 
 inaccessible mountains and wild ravines of the province of Kurdistan. ' 
 
 2. Among the Monophysite Churclies the most important was the 
 Armenian (§ 64, 3). It boasted, at least temporarily and partially, of 
 political independence under national rulers. The Armenian patriarch 
 from the 12th century had his residence in the monastery of Etshmiadzin 
 at the foot of Ararat. The literary activity in the translation of classical 
 and patristic writings, as well as in the production of original works, 
 reached a particularly high point in the 8th and then again in the 12th 
 century. To the earlier period belong the patriarch Johannes Ozuiensis 
 and the metropolitan Stephen of Silnik, to the later, the still more 
 famous name of the patriarch Nerses IV. Clajensis, whose epic "Jesus 
 the Son" is regarded as the crown of Armenian jioetry, and his nephew, 
 the metropolitan Nerses of Lampron. The two last named readily aided 
 the efforts for reunion with the Byzantine church, but owing to the 
 troubles of the time these came to nothing. The Western endeavours 
 after union which were actively carried on from the beginning of the 
 13th century, split upon the dislike of the Armenian church to the 
 Western ritual, and found acceptance with only a relatively small frag- 
 ment of the people. These United Armenians acknowledged the primacy 
 of the pope and the catholic system of doctrine, but retained their own 
 constitution and liturgy. — In the Jacobite-Syrian Church (§ 52, 7), too, 
 theological and classical studies were prosecuted with great vigour. The 
 most distinguished of its scholars during our period was George, bishoi^ 
 of the Arabs, who died in a.d. HO. He translated and annotated the 
 Organon of Aristotle, and wrote exegetical, dogmatic, historical and 
 chronological works, also poems on various themes, and a number of 
 epistles important for the history of culture during these times, in which 
 he answered questions put to him by his friends and admirers. The 
 
 ^ Badger, " The Nestorians and their Eituals." 2 vols. London, 
 1852.
 
 § 72. NESTORIAN Al^iJ AlONOPHYSITE CHUECHES. 429 
 
 brilliaut Gregory Abulfarajus is the last of the distinguished scholars 
 of the Jacobite- Syrian church. He was the son of a converted Jewish 
 physician, and hence he is usually called Barhebraeus. He was made 
 bishop of Guba, afterwards Maphrian of Mosul, and died in a.d. 1286. 
 His noble and truly benevolent disposition, his extraordinary learning, 
 the rich and attractive productions of his pen, and his skill as a physician 
 made him universally revered by Christians, Mohammedans and Jews. 
 Among his writings, for the most part still in manuscript, the most im- 
 portant and best known is the Chronicon Syriacum. — The Jacobite church 
 suffered most in Egypt. The perfidy of the Copts, who surrendered the 
 country to the Saracens, was terribly avenged. From a.d. 1251 the 
 Fatimide Khahfs held them down under the most severe oppression, and 
 this became yet more severe under the Mamelukes. The Copts were 
 completely driven out of the cities, and even in the villages maintained 
 only a miserable existence. Their church was now ia a condition of 
 utter stagnation. In Abyssinia (§ 61, 1) the national rulers maintained 
 their position, though pressed within narrower limits from time to time 
 by the Saracens. But here, too, church life became fossilized. At the 
 head of the church was an Abbuna consecrated by the Coptic patriarch 
 (§64,1; 165,3). 
 
 3. The Maronites (§ 52, 8) attached themselves to the Western church 
 on the appearance of the crusades in a.d. 1182, renouncing their 
 Monothelite heresy and acknowledging the primacy of the pope, but 
 retaining their own ritual. In consequence of the Florentine union 
 measures they renewed their connection in a.d. 1445, and subsequently 
 adopted also the doctrinal conclusions of the Council of Trent. Their 
 numbers at the present day amount to somewhere about 200,000. 
 
 4. The Legend of Prester John.— In a.d. 1144 Bishop Otto of Freisingen 
 obtained from the bishop of Cabala in Palestine, whom he met at Viterbo, 
 information about a powerful Christian empire in Central Asia, and 
 published it in a.d. 1145 in his widely-read Chronicle. According to 
 this story the king of that region, a Nestorian Christian, who was named 
 Prester John, had not long before driven to flight the Mohammedan 
 kings of the Persians and Modes, and thus delivered from great danger 
 the crusaders in the Holy Land. He had also wished to go to the help 
 of the church of Jerusalem, but was prevented by the Tigris which 
 overflowed its banks. Twenty years later appeared a writing attributed 
 to Prester John, first referred to by the Chronicler Alberich. It was 
 addressed to the European princes in a Latin translation which con- 
 tained the most fabulous stories, borrowed from the Alexander legends, 
 about the extent and glory of his empire and the many wonders in 
 nature, white lions, the phcenix, giants and pigmies, dog-headed and 
 horned men, fauns, satyrs, cyelops, etc., which were to be seen in his 
 country ; and notwithftandirg all these absurdities it was received as
 
 430 THE GE^CO-BYZANTINE CHUECH, A.D. 692-1453. 
 
 genuine. The pope, Alexander III., took occasion from its appearance 
 to send an answer to Prester John by his own physician Philip, of whose 
 fate nothing more is known. When in a.d. 1219 the first news reached 
 Palestine of the irrepressible advance of Mongolian hordes under Genghis 
 Khan, the crusaders felt justified in assuming that he was the successor 
 of the celebrated Prester John, and was now to accomplish what his 
 distinguished predecessor had wished to undertake. But they were soon 
 cruelly undeceived. The missionaries sent to the Mongols about the 
 middle of the 13th century (§ 93, 15), reported that the last Prester John 
 had lost his kingdom and his life in battle with Genghis Khan. Never- 
 theless the belief in the continued existence of an exceedingly glorious 
 and powerful empire ruled by a Christian priest in further India was not 
 by any means, overthrown ; but it was no longer sought in an Asiatic 
 but in an African " India," and the Portuguese actually believed that 
 at last the famed Prester John had been found in the Christian king of 
 Abyssinia, so that that country was known down to the 17th century 
 as Rer/num presh. Joannis. — The Jacobite historian Barhebrffius had 
 identified the first Presbyter-king with the prince of the Mongolian 
 Karaites converted by the Nestorians. His name Ung-Khan or Owang- 
 Khan corresijonded both to the name Joannes and to the Chaldean 
 t^3n3 = priest. This notion prevailed until recently the Orientalist 
 Oppert by careful examination and comparison of all Oriental and 
 Western reports reached the conclusion (§ 93, 16) that these legends are 
 to be referred to the kingdom established about a.d. 1125 by Kur-Khan, 
 prince of the tribe of the Caracitai in the Mandshuria of to-day. This 
 prince, who was probably himself a Nestorian Christian, favoured the 
 establishment of Christianity in his country ; but this was utterly 
 destroyed by Genghis Khan so early as a.d. 120S. The title Prester or 
 Presbyter given to the prince of this tribe is to be explained perhaps 
 by the statement of the missionary Euysbroek that almost all male 
 Nestorians in Central Asia received priestly consecration.' 
 
 § 73. The Slavonic Churches adhering to the 
 Orthodox Greek Confession. 
 
 Among the crowds of immigrants whom tlie wanderings 
 of the people had set in motion, the Grermans and the Slavs 
 are those whose future is of most historic interest. The 
 former went at once in a body over to the Roman Catholic 
 churchj and at first it appeared as if the Slavs were with 
 
 • Baring-Gould, " Curious Myths of the Middle Ages." Lond., 1881.
 
 § 73. SLAVIC ORTHODOX GREEK CHURCHES. 431 
 
 similar imanimity to attach themselves to the Byzantine 
 orthodox church. BiTt only the Slavs of the Eastern 
 countries remained tru.e to that communion, though they 
 were mostly with it brought under the yoke of the Tm-kish 
 power. So was it with the specially promising Bulgarian 
 church. All the more important was the incomparably 
 more significant gain which the Greek church made in the 
 conversion of the Russians. 
 
 1. Soon after Jnstioian's time the Slavic hordes began to overflow the 
 Greek Provinces — Macedonia, Thessaly, Hellas and Peloponnesus. The 
 old Hellenic population was mostly rooted out ; only in ^yell fortified 
 cities, especially coast towns, as well as on the islands, did the Greek 
 people and the Christian confession remain undisturbed. The empress 
 Irene made the first successful attempt to restore Slavic Greece to the 
 allegiance of the empire and the church, and Basil the Macedonian, 
 A.D. 8G7-88G, completed the work so thoroughly that at last even the old 
 pagan Mainottes (§ 42, i) in the Peloponnesus bent their necks to the 
 double yoke. Regenerated Hellenism by its higher culture and national, 
 as well as ecclesiastical, tenacity, completely absorbed by assimilation 
 the numerically larger Slavic element of the population, and Mount 
 Athos with its hermits and monasteries (§ 70, 3) became the Ziou of 
 the new church. 
 
 2. The Chazari in the Crimea asked about a.d. 850 for Christian 
 missionaries from Constantinople. The court sent them a celebrated 
 monk Constantine, surnamed the Philoso2Dher, better known under his 
 monkish mame of Cyril. Born at Thessalonica, and so probably of 
 Slavic descent, at least acquainted with the language of the Slavs, 
 he converted in a few years a great part of the people. In a.d. 1016, 
 however, the kingdom of the Chazari was destroyed by the Russians. 
 
 3. The Bulgarians in Thrace and Moesia had obtained a knowledge 
 of Christianity from Greek prisoners, but its first sowing was watered 
 with blood. A sister, however, of the Bulgarian king Bogoris had been 
 baptized when a prisoner in Constantinople. After her liberation, she 
 sought, with the help of the Byzantine monk Methodius, a brother of 
 Cyril, to win her brother to the Christian faith. A famine came to 
 their aid, and a picture painted by Methodius, representing the last 
 judgment, made a deep impression on Bogoris. In a.d. 8G1 he was 
 baptized and compelled his subjects to follow his example. But soon 
 thereafter, Methodius, along with his brother Cyril, was called to labour 
 in another field, in Moravia (§ 79, 2), and political considerations led 
 the Bulgarian prince in a.d. 8GG to join the Western church. At his
 
 432 THE GE.ECO-BYZANTIXE CHURCH, A.D. 692-1453. 
 
 request pope Nicholas I. sent bishops and clergy into Bulgaria to organize 
 the church there after the Roman model. Byzantine diplomacy, how- 
 ever, succeeded in winning back the Bulgarians, and at the oecumenical 
 Council at Constantinople in a.d. 869, their ambassadors admitted that 
 the Bulgarian church according to divine and human laws belonged to 
 the diocese of the Byzantine patriarch (§ 67, 1). Meantime the two 
 Apostles of the Slavs, Cyril and Methodius, by the invention of a Slavic 
 alphabet and a Slavic translation of the Bible, laid the foundation of a 
 Slavic ecclesiastical literature, which was specially fostered in Bulgai'ia 
 under the noble-minded prince Symeon, a.d. 888-927. Basil II., the 
 Slayer of the Bulgarians, conquered Bulgaria in a.d. 1018. It gained 
 its freedom again, together with Walachia, in a.d. 118G ; but fell a prey 
 to the Tartars in a.d. 1285, and became a Turkish province in a.d. 1391. 
 4. The Russian Church. — Photius speaks in a.d. 866 of the Conversion 
 of the Kussians as an accomplished fact. In the days of the Grand Duke 
 Igor, about a.d. 900, there was a cathedral at Kiev. Olga, Igor's widow, 
 made a journey to Constantinople and was there baptized in a.d. 955 
 under the name Helena. But her son Swatoslaw could not be persuaded 
 to follow her example. The aged princess is said according to the report 
 of German chroniclers to have at last besought the emperor Otto I. 
 to send German missionaries, and that in response Adalbert of Treves, 
 afterwards archbishop of Magdeburg, undertook a missionary tour, from 
 which, however, he returned without having achieved his purpose, after 
 his companions had been slain. Olga's grandson, Vladimir, " Equal of 
 the Apostles," was the first to put an end to paganism in the country. 
 According to a legend adorned with many romantic episodes he sent ten 
 Boyars in order to see how the different religions appeared as conducted 
 in their chief seats. They were peculiarly impressed with the beautiful 
 service in the church of Sophia. In a.d. 988, in the old Christian 
 commercial town Cherson, shortly before conquered by him, Vladimir 
 was baptized with the name Basil, and at the same time he received the 
 hand of the princess Anna. The idols were now everywhere broken up 
 and burnt ; the image of Perun was dragged through the streets tied 
 to the tail of a horse, beaten with clubs and thrown into the Dnieper. 
 The inhabitants of Kiev were soon afterwards ordered to gather at the 
 Dnieper and be baptized. Vladimir knelt in prayer on the banks and 
 thanked God on his knees, while the clergy, standing in the stream, 
 baptized the people. On the further organization of the Russian church 
 Anna exercised a powerful and salutary influence. Vladimir died in 
 A.D. 1015. His son Jaroslaw I., the Justinian of the Russians, attended 
 to the religious needs of his people by the erection of many churches, 
 monasteries and schools, improved the worship, enriched the psalmody, 
 awakened a taste for art and patronized learning. The monastei-y 
 of Petchersk at Kiev was the birthplace of Russian literature and a
 
 § 73. SLAVIC ORTHODOX GEEEK CHURCHES. 433 
 
 seminary for the training of the clergy. Here, at the end of the 11th 
 century, the monk Nestor wrote his annals in the language of the 
 country. The metropolitan of Kiev was the spiritual head of the whole 
 Russian church under the suzerainty of the patriarch of Constantinople. 
 After the great fire of a.d. 1170, which laid the glory of Kiev in ashes, the 
 residency of the Grand Duke was transferred to Vladimir, In a.d. 1299 
 the metropolitan also took up his abode there, but only for a short time; 
 for in A.D. 1328 the Grand Duke Ivan Danilowitsch settled at Moscow 
 and the metropolitan went there along with him. The patriarch of 
 Constantinople on his own authority consecrated in a.d. 13-33 a second 
 Russian metropolitan for the forsaken Kiev, to whom he assigned the 
 Southern and Western Russian provinces which since a.d. 1320 had been 
 under the rule of the pagan Lithuanians. This schism was overcome 
 in a.d. 1380 on the next occasion of a vacancy in the Moscow chair 
 by the appointment to Moscow of the Kiev metropolitan. But the 
 Lithuanian government, which had meanwhile become Catholic (§ 93, 
 15), compelled the South Russian bishops in a.d. 1414 to choose a 
 metropolitan of their own independent of Moscow, who in a.d. 1594 
 with his whole diocese at the Synod of Brest (§ 151, 3) attached himself 
 to Rome. The primate of Moscow continued under the jurisdiction of 
 Constantinople until, in a.d. 1589, the patriarch Jeremiah II. (§ 139, 2G), 
 on the occasion of his being personally present at Moscow voluntarily 
 declared the Russian church independent of him, and himself conse- 
 crated Job, the metropolitan of that time, its first patriarch.' 
 
 5. Russian Sects. — About a.d. 1150, the monk Martin, an Armenian by 
 birth, insisted upon a liturgical reform that seemed to him most necessary. 
 Among other things he declared that it was sinful to lead the subject of 
 baptism to the baptismal font from right to left or from south to north ; 
 the direction should be reversed following the course of the sun. But it 
 seemed to him most important that a reform should be made in the 
 hitherto prevalent mode of making the sign of the cross. Instead of 
 symbolizing, as up to this time had been done, the two natures in Christ 
 and the three persons in the Trinity by bending the little finger and the 
 thumb, and making the sign of the cross with other three, they made 
 this sign with the fore and middle fingers. For nearly ten years this 
 monk was allowed to disseminate his errors unchecked, till a Council 
 obliged him to retract. Two hundred years later a certain Carp Strigol- 
 nik at Novgorod in a.d. 1375 publicly accused the clergy of sinning, be- 
 cause, in accordance with an old custom, they took fees in assisting in 
 the consecration of bishops, and demanded of all orthodox Christians 
 
 1 Murawieff, " Hist, of the Church of Russia." Trans, from the Russ. 
 Lend., 1842. Romanoff, " Sketches of the Rites and Customs of the 
 Grteco-Russian Church." Lond., 18G9. 
 
 . .... i" F
 
 434 THE GE/E CO-BYZANTINE CHURCH, A.D. 692-1453. 
 
 that they should seimrate from them as unworthy of their office. But 
 he, along ■with many of his followers, was mobbed by the adherents of 
 the opposite party and drowned in the Volga. More dangerous than all 
 the earlier sectaries was the so-called Jewish sect at the end of the IStli 
 century, which sought to reduce orthodox Christianity to a rationalistic 
 cabbalistic Ebionitism. About a.d. 1470 the Jew Zachariah arrived 
 at Novgorod. He won two distinguished priests Alexis and Denis to his 
 views, that Christ was nothing more than an ordinary Jewish ]irophet, 
 that the Mosaic law is a divine institution and is of jperpetual obligation. 
 By the advice of the Jew the two priests continued to profess the greatest 
 zeal for the ceremonial laws of the Church, and by strict observance of 
 the fasts obtained a great rejoutation for piety, but secretly they wrought 
 all the more successfully for the dissemination of their sect among all 
 classes of the people. When the czar, Ivan III., in a.d. 1480, came to 
 Novgorod, they made so favourable an impression on him that he took 
 them with him to Moscow, where they reaped a rich harvest for their 
 secret doctrine. They succeeded through their influence with the czar 
 in placing at the head of the whole Eussian church a zealous proselyte 
 for their sect in the archimandrite Zosima. Meanwhile at Novgorod 
 iconoclast excesses were committed by the sectaries, which the arch- 
 bishop of that place, Gennadius, set himself to suppress by imposing 
 generally mild penalties. His successor Joseph Ssanin proceeded much 
 more energetically. He did not rest till the czar in a.d. 1504 called a 
 Church Synod at Novgorod which condemned the chiefs of the sect to be 
 burnt, and their followers to be shut up in monasteries. Even the me- 
 tropolitan Zosima as a favourer of the sect was sent to a monastery ; but 
 Alexis managed so cleverly that he retained his office and dignity to the 
 end of his life. Secret remnants of this sect, as well as of the two pre- 
 viously referred to, continued to exist for a long time, even down to the 
 17th century, when sectarianism in the Eussian Church made again a 
 new departure (§ 162, 10). 
 
 6. Romisli EiTorts at Union.— From a very early time Eome cast a covet- 
 ous glance at the young Eussian church, and she spared neither delicate 
 hints nor attempts to subdue by force by the aid of Danes, Swedes, Livo- 
 nians and at a later time, the Poles. In order to avert this danger and to 
 obtain fron> the West assistance against the oppressive yoke of the Mon- 
 gols, A.D. 1284-1480, the Grand Duke Jaroslav II. of Novgorod was not 
 averse to a union. His son Alexander succeeded him in a.d. 1247. By 
 a glorious victory over the Swedes in a.d. 1240, on the Neva, he won for 
 himself the surname Newsky, and in a.d. 1242 he defeated the Livonians 
 on the ice of Lake Peipus. Pope Innocent IV. who had already in 
 A.ji. 124G nominated Archbishop Albert Suerbecr (§ 93, 12) a legate to 
 Eussia with the power to erect bishoprics there, addressed an earnest ex- 
 hortation to the young prince in a.d. 1248 with promises of help against
 
 § 73. SLAVIC ORTHODOX GREEK CHURCHES. 435 
 
 the Mongols, urging him to go in the footsteps of his fitther and to secure 
 his own and his subjects' salvation by doing what his father had promised. 
 The Grand Duke referred to the wisest men of the land and answered 
 the Pope : From Adam to the flood, from that to the Confusion of langu- 
 ages, etc., down to Coustantine and the seventh oecumenical Council, we 
 know the true history of the Church, hut yours we do not wish to acknow- 
 ledge. Alexander Newsky died in a.d. 1263, and has been ever since 
 venerated by his country as a national hero and by his Church as a 
 national saint. The prospects of the Roman Curia were more favourable 
 during the 14th century owing to the Lithuanian and Polish supremacy 
 in South and West Russia, and by the schism of the Russian Church into 
 Kiev and Moscow primacies. In those Southern and Western provinces 
 there was originally loss disinclination to Rome than in Moscow. Still 
 even here we meet during the 15th century in the metropolitan Isidore, 
 born in Thessalonica, a prelate who made everything work toward a union 
 with Rome. When the Union Synod of a.d. 1438 was to meet at Fcrrara 
 (§ G7, G), he represented to the Grand Duke Vassili that it was his duty 
 to appear there. He gave a hesitating and unwilling consent. At tbe 
 Council Isidore along with Bessarion showed himself a zealous promoter 
 of the union. He returned in a.d. 1441 as cardinal and papal legate. 
 But when at the first public service in Moscow he read aloud the union 
 documents, the Grand Duke had him imprisoned and banished to a 
 monastery. He escaped from his prison and died iu Rome in a.d. lC-43. 
 —Continuation, § 151, 3,
 
 436 THE CHUllGH OJ? THE MIDDLE AGES. 
 
 SECOND DIVISION. 
 
 THE HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE GERMAN 
 AND ROMAN CHURCH DURING THE MIDDLE 
 AGES.i 
 
 § 74. cflaracter and divisions of this period of the 
 Development. 
 
 With the historically siguificaut appearance of the Ger- 
 manic peoples, from whose blending with the old Celtic and 
 Latin races of the conquered countries the Bomance group 
 of nationalities has its origin, there begins a new phase in 
 the historical development of the world and the church. 
 The so-called migration of the nations produced an upheaval 
 and revolution among the very foundations and springs of 
 history such as have never since been seen. For a similar 
 significance cannot be ascribed to the appearance at a some- 
 what later period of a motley crowd of Slavic tribes and a 
 detached contingent of the Turanian-Altaic race (Finns, 
 Magyars, etc.), because the stream of their development ran 
 in the same channel. Thus the appearance of the Germans 
 forms the watershed between the old world and the new. 
 This dividing boundary, however, is not a straight line ; for 
 the shoots of the old world run on for centuries alongside of 
 
 1 Tottliast, "Biblioth. Hist. Medii yEvi." Berol., 18G2, -with suppl. in 
 18C8. D'Aclaery, " Vett. Script. Spicilegium " (IG55). 3 vols., Par., 
 1783. Eccard, " Corpus Hist. Medii yEvi." 2 vols., Lps., 1723. Du 
 Chesne, " Hist, rrancorum Scrr." 5 vols., Par., 1636. Parker, "Eer. 
 Brit. Scrr. Vetust." Lugd. B., 1587. Gale, " Hist. Brit., Saxon., Anglo- 
 Ban. Scrr." 2 vols., Oxf., 1691. Wharton, " Anglia Sacra." 2 vols.. 
 Bond., 1691. Wilkins, "Cone. Brit, et Hib." 4 vols., Bond., 1737. 
 Haddan and Stubbs, " Councils and Eccles. Docomeuts " (Bievision of 
 AVilkins). Bond., 1879 ff. Maitland, "The Dark Ages : Essays on the 
 State of Eelig. and Lit. in 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th Centuries." Loud., 
 isll.
 
 § /-i. CHARACTER AND DIVISION OF THE PERIOD. 437 
 
 and among tlie young gro-svtlis of the new -svorkl. In so far 
 as those remnants of the okT have no relation to the new 
 and work out uninfluenced by their surroundings their own 
 material in their own way, the historj^ of their developments 
 has no place here ; hut even these demand consideration at 
 this point in so far as they affect the development of the new 
 world as a means of educating and moulding, ari'esting and 
 perverting. Just as the history of the church and the 
 world as a whole is distributed into ancient and modern, so 
 the special history of the Germano-Roman world can and 
 must be distributed into ancient and modern, the dividing 
 boundary of which is the Reformation of the 16th century. 
 The earlier of these two phases of history presents itself to 
 us with a Janus-head, whose two faces are directed the one 
 to the ancient, the other to the modern world. This follows 
 from the fact that the groups of peoples referred to did not 
 require any longer to pursue the weary way of their deve- 
 lopment on their own charges, but rather entered npon the 
 spiritual heritage of the defunct ancient world, and were 
 able by means thereof more quickly and surely to grow to 
 the maturity of their own proper and independent rank and 
 culture. The Roman and, for some branches of the Slavic 
 races, also the Byzantine, church was the bearer and me- 
 dium of this spiritual heritage, and as such became teacher 
 and disciplinarian of the young world. The Reformation is 
 the emancipation from the administrator of discipline, whose 
 leading strings were cast off by the youth when he reached 
 the maturity of man's estate. It is the assertion of the 
 CTCrman nation that it had reached its intellectua'l mnjorit}^ 
 
 1. Tlie Character of Medieval History. — As its name implies the medi- 
 aBval period of church history is one of transition from the old to the new. 
 The old is the now completed development of Christianity under the 
 moulding influences of the ancient Greek and Roman world ; the new is 
 the complete incorporation of the special forms of life and culture that 
 characterize the new peoples, who are placed by means of the migration
 
 438 THE CHURCH OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 
 
 of llie nations in the foregronniT of liistory. Bnt since the peculiar cul- 
 ture of these nations was first jiresent only potentially and as a capacit}% 
 and was to realize itself first through the influence of the early Christian 
 culture, between the old and the new a middle and intermediate age in- 
 tervened, the extent of which was just that influence of the old completed 
 culture upon the new developing culture. This conflict during the whole 
 course of the Middle Ages was carried on by those powerful waves of 
 action and reaction (formation, deformation, reformation), which, how- 
 ever, amid the ferment of the times displaj'ed an ever varying mixing of 
 the one with the other. The Middle Ages have brought forth the most 
 magnificent phenomena, the papacy, the monastic system, scholasticism, 
 etc., but characteristic of them all is that crude blending of the three 
 kinds of movement named above, which hindered its eiiectiveness and 
 led to its own deterioration. First in the beginning of the IGth century 
 did the reformatory endeavours become so mature and strong that it could 
 assume a purer form and carry out its efforts with success. With this 
 too we reach the end of the Middle Ages and witness the birth of the 
 modern world. 
 
 2, Periods in the Church History of the German-Romau Middle Ages. — 
 The first regular period is marked by the end of the Caroliugiau ago, 
 which may be regarded as completed by the dying out of the German 
 Carolingians in a.d. 911. The movement in all the chief dejpartments of 
 the church was hitherto regular and unbroken : before Charlemagne an 
 ascending one, during his reign reaching the summit, and after his death 
 declining. It is the universal German period of history. The funda- 
 mental idea of the Carolingian dynasty, which survived even its weakest 
 representatives, was no other than the combination of all German, Roman 
 and Slavic nationalities under the sceptre of one German empire. The 
 last German Carolingian carried this idea with him to the grave. The 
 powerful impulse present even in the 9th century toward national separa- 
 tion and the dismemberment of the Carolingian empire into independent 
 Germanic, Romanic and Slavic nations has since asserted its irresistible 
 power. But with the Carolingian empire the Carolingian epoch of civili- 
 zation also came to an end. And even the glory of the papacy, whose 
 intrigues had undermined the empire, because it had thus snapped the 
 branch on which it sat, now sank into the lowest depths of weakness and 
 corruption. When we take a general survey of the beginning of the 10th 
 century, we find on all sides, in church and state, in secular and spiritual 
 governments, in science, culture and art, the creations of Charlemagne 
 overthrown, and a seaihtm ohsciirnm introduced from which amid great 
 oppression and savagery, emerge the conditions, earnests and germs of a 
 new golden age. — A second period is marked out, in quite a difl'erent 
 fashion, by the age of Pope Boniface VIII. or the beginning of the 11th 
 century. Up to this time Germany stood distinctly in the foreground
 
 § 74. CHABACTER AND DIVISION OF THE PERIOD. 439 
 
 both of tbe history of the world aud of the church ; but the unhappy 
 conflict of Boniface with Phihp the Fair of France placed the papacy at 
 the mercy of French policy, aud so henceforth in all the movements of 
 Church history France stands in the front. The pontificate of Boniface 
 forms a turning point also for the historical development within the 
 church itself. The most vast and influential products of mediasval ec- 
 clesiasticism are the papacy, monasticism and scholasticism. The period 
 before Boniface is characterized by the growth and flourishing of these ; 
 the period after Boniface by their decay and deterioration. The reform, 
 atory current, too, which permeated the whole of the Middle Ages, has 
 in each of these two periods its own distinctive character. Before Boni- 
 face those representatives of the dominant ecclesiastical S3'stem were 
 themselves inspired by a powerful reformatory spirit working its way up 
 from the great and widespread depravation of the 10th century, accom- 
 panied, however, by a hierarchical lust of power far beyond the limits 
 justifiable on evangelical principles. The evangelical reformatory en- 
 deavours again directed against those representatives of ecclesiasticism 
 are still relatively few and isolated and find but a slight echo, while as 
 their caricature we see alongside of them heretical extravagances which 
 have scarcely ever had their like in history. Toward the end of the first 
 period, however, this relation begins to be reversed. The papacy, monas- 
 ticism and scholasticism becoming more and more deteriorated are the 
 patrons of every sort of deterioration within the church. The revolu- 
 tionary heretical movement is indeed overcome, but all the more power- 
 fully, generally aud variedly does the evangelical reformatory movement, 
 though still always burdened with much that was confused and immature, 
 assert itself independently of and over against those ecclesiastical prin- 
 cipalities, without being able, however, to exert upon them any abiding 
 influence. — Thus our phase of development is divided into three periods : 
 the period from the -ith to the 9th cent, (till a.d. Dll) ; the period from 
 the 10th to the 13th cent. (a.d. 911-1291) ; and the period of the 14th 
 and 15th cent. (a.d. 1291-1517).
 
 440 THE GEKMAN-ROMAN CHUECH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 FIRST SECTION. 
 
 HISTOEY OF THE GERMAN-ROMAN CHURCH FROM 
 THE 4th to the 9th CENTURY (DOWN TO 
 A.D. 911). 
 
 1. Founding, Spread, and Limitation of the German Church.* 
 
 § 75. Christianity and the Germans. 
 In the pre-German age Europe was for the most part in- 
 habited by Celtic races. In Britain, Spain and Gaul, how- 
 ever, these were subjugated by the Roman forces and 
 Romanized, whereas in northern, eastern and middle Europe 
 they were oppressed, exterminated or Germanized by the 
 Germans. In its victorious march through Europe, Christ- 
 ianity met with Celtic races of unmixed nationality only in 
 Ireland and Scotland, for even among the neighbouring 
 Britons the Celtic nationality was already blended with the 
 Roman. Only in a very restricted field, therefore, could the 
 church first of all develop itself according to the Celtic 
 mode of culture. But here, with a wonderful measure of 
 independence, missionary operations were so energetically 
 prosecuted that for a long time it seemed as if the greater 
 part of the opposite continent with its German population 
 was to be its prey, until at last the Romish church woixld 
 be driven out of its own home as well as out of its hopeful 
 mission fields (§ 77). — Even in pre-Christian times a second 
 and more powerful immigration from the East had begun to 
 pour over Europe. The various Germanic groups of tribes 
 now presented themselves, followed by other warlike races, 
 Huns, Slavs, Magyars, etc., alternately driving and being 
 driven. The Germans first came into contact with Christian 
 elements in the second half of the 3rd century, and towai'd 
 
 ' Bryce, " The Holy Eonian Empire." Lond., 1866. Eauke, " His- 
 tory of the Latin and Teutonic Nations." Lond., 1886.
 
 § 75. cii:visTiA>;iTY and the Germans. 441 
 
 the end of the 5tli a whole series of powerful German 
 peoples are found professing the Christian faith, and each 
 successive century far down into the Middle Ages brings 
 alwaj^s new trophies from these nations into the treasure- 
 house of the church. It would certainly be Avrong to ascribe 
 these results to a national predisposition of the German 
 churches and type of mind for Christianity. This cannot 
 be altogether denied, but it did not predispose the German 
 peoples to Christianity as it then was preached, but was 
 first developed when this by other ways and means had 
 found an entrance and only at the Reformation of the IGth 
 century did it get full expression. For that predisposition 
 was directed to the deepest and innermost sides of Christ- 
 ianity, for which the ecclesiastical institution of the times 
 in its externalism had little appreciation ; and the first task 
 of the German spirit was to secure recognition of this reform- 
 atory principle. 
 
 1. The Predisposition of the Germans for Christianity. — What we have 
 been accustomed to hear about this subject is in part greatly exaggerated, 
 in part sought for where its proper germ does not lie. The German 
 mythology may indeed conceal many deep thoughts under the garb of 
 legendary poetry which have some relation to Christian truth and afford 
 evidence of the religious needs, the speculative gifts and the characteristic 
 profundity of German thought, but this scarcely in a larger measure 
 than in the Greek myths, philosophemes and mysteries. ^ Much more 
 suggestive of a predisposition to Christianity than such bright spots in 
 the mythological system of the Germans are the special and distinguish- 
 ing characteristics of the life of the German people. The fidelity of tlie 
 vassal to his lord, transferred to Christ the heavenly king, constitutes 
 the special core of Christianity. Besides, closely connected therewith, 
 the love of battle and faithfulness in battle for and with the hereditary 
 or elected chief found a parallel in the struggles and victories of the 
 Christian life. Further, the Germans' noble love of freedom, sanctified 
 by the Gospel, afforded form and expression for the glorious freedom of 
 the children of God. And finally, the spirituality of the Germans' wor- 
 
 ' Ebrard, " Christian Apologetics." 3 vols., Edin., lSSG-1887. Vol. ii. 
 p. 407 ; " The Keligion of the Germans and that of the Slavs."
 
 442 THE GERMAN-ROMAN CHURCH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 ship, praised even by Tacitus, who says that they nee cohihere parietibiis 
 Deos, ncqiie in uUam humani oris speciem adsiniulare, ex maijniiudine 
 coelestium arbitrantur, predisposed them in favour of the worshipping of 
 God in spirit and in truth, 
 
 2. What is of most significance, however, for understanding tlie 
 ahnost unopposed Adoption of Cliristiaiiity by so many German races is 
 tlae sHght liold tliat their lieathen religion had upon them at that time. 
 It is essentially characteristic of heathenism as tlie religion of nature 
 that it can flourish only on its native soil. German paganism, however, 
 had been uprooted by its transplantation to European soil and had, 
 amid the movements of peoples during the first centuries after their 
 migration, never quite struck root in the new ground. In the later cen- 
 turies, when it had long enough time for doing so, e.g. among the 
 Frisians, Saxons, Danes, it offered an incomparably more resolute re- 
 sistance. Again, rapid conversion will be furthered or hindered according 
 as the new home is one where already from Roman times Christian in- 
 stitutions existed or even had existed, or is one where the old primitive 
 heathenism still prevailed. Only in the latter case could German 
 paganism develop its full power and strike its roots deeply and feel at 
 home upon the new soil ; whereas in the other case, the higher culture 
 and spiritual power of Christianity, even where it had been vanquished 
 by the barbarians, disturbed the even tenour and naivete of the genuinely 
 pagan course of development. The circumstance also deserves mention, 
 that the marriage of heathen princes with Christian princesses frequently 
 secured their conversion along with that of their subjects. In the nar- 
 rower circles of the home, the family, the tribe, innumerable instances 
 of the same sort of thing repeatedly occurred. There is something 
 specially Germanic, in the prominent position which German feeling 
 had assigned to the wife : Inesse quiii etlam, says Tacitus, sanctum ali- 
 quid el providum imtant ; nee ant consilia earum adspermuitur, aut 
 res2)onsa ner/litjunt.^ 
 
 3. Mode of Conversion in the Cluarch of these Times. — Apart from the too 
 frequent practice of Christian rulers to secure conversions by the sword, 
 baptism and conversion were commonly regarded as an oints operatum, 
 and whole crowds of heathens without any knowledge of saving truth, 
 with no real change of heart and mind, were received into the church by 
 baptism. No one can approve this. But it must be admitted that only 
 in this way could striking and rapid results have been reached ; that 
 indeed in the stage of childhood, in which the Germans then were, 
 it had a certain measure of justification. By the history even of its 
 attack upon German paganism an entirely different career of conflict 
 
 1 Mallet, " Northern Antiquities." London, 1848. Hallam, " Europe 
 during the Middle Ages." Guizot, "Hist, of Civiliz. in Europe,"
 
 § 76. THE VICTOEY OF CATHOLICISM OVEE AEIANISM. 443 
 
 and victory was marked out to Christianity than that through which it 
 had to pass in its conquests of Graco-Eoman paganism. In this latter 
 case it had to confront a high form of civilization which had outlived its 
 powers and had lost itself in its own perplexities, which for a thousand 
 years had proved in its civilization and history a waLdayuybs els XpLarov. 
 All this was wanting to the Germans. If the Eoman world might be 
 compared to a proselyte who in ripe, well proved and much experienced 
 maturity receives baptism, the conversion of the Germans may be com- 
 pared to the baptism of children. — Gregory the Great had at first di- 
 rected the missionaries to the Anglo-Saxons (§ 77, 4) to destroy the idol 
 temples of converted heathens. Bat further reflection convinced him 
 that it was better to transform them into Christian churches, and now 
 he laid it down as a maxim in Eoman Catholic missions that pagan 
 forms of worship) and places of worship which were capable of modifica- 
 tion to Christian uses should be carefully preserved and respected: 
 " Nam ditris mentihiis simul omnia abscindere impossihile esse duhium 
 non est, quia et is qui summum locum ascendere nititur, gradibus vel pas- 
 sibus, nan autem saltibus, elevatur." It was a fateful, two-edged word, 
 which led Catholic missions to a brilliant outward success, but has 
 saturated the Catholic worship and life with a pagan leaven, which works 
 in it powerfully down to the present day. 
 
 § 76. The Victory of Catholicism over Arianism.i 
 
 The first conversions of multitudes of tlie German races 
 occurred at tlie time when Arianism had reached its climax 
 in the Roman empire. Internal disturbances and external 
 pressure compelled a portion of the Goths in the second half 
 of the fourth century to throw themselves into the arms 
 of the East Roman empire and to purchase its protection 
 by the adoption of Arian Christianity. The missionar}^ zeal 
 of the national clergy, with bishop Ulfilas at their head, 
 though we cannot indicate particularly his methods, spread 
 Arianism in a short time over a multitude of the German 
 nationalities. Down to the end of the fifth century Arianism 
 was professed by the lai-ger portion of the German woi4d, 
 by Visigoths and Ostrogoths, by Vandals, Suevi and Bur- 
 gundians, by the Rugians and Herulians, by the Longobards, 
 
 ^ Hodgldn, "Italy and her Invaders: a,d, 376-176." 2 vols. London, 
 1880.
 
 444 THE GEEMAN-KOMAN CHUECH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 etc. And as the early friendly relations to the Roman em- 
 pire had given Arianism a foundation among those peoples, 
 so the later hostile relations to the Roman empire now 
 turned Catholic made them cling tenaciously to their Arian 
 heresy. Arianism had more and more assumed the cha- 
 racter of a national German Christianity, and it almost 
 seemed as if the whole German world, and with it the 
 universal history of the future, were its secure prey. But 
 a quick end was made of these expectations by the con- 
 version of one of its chief branches to Catholicism. The 
 Franks had fi'om the first pursued a policj' which was 
 directed rather to the strengthening of the future of its 
 brother tribes, than to the accelerating of the downfall of 
 the Roman empire. This policy led them to embrace 
 Catholicism. Trusting to the protection of the Catholic 
 Christians' God and the sj'-mpathies of the whole Catholic 
 West, the Frankish rulers took advantage of the call to 
 suppress heresy and conquer heretics' lands. To renounce 
 heresy so as to find occasion for attacking the territories 
 of heretics, was probably with them a matter of political 
 necessity. 
 
 1. The Gotlis in the Lands of the Danuhe. — From tbe middle of the 3rd 
 century Christianity Lad found an entrance among the Goths through 
 Eoman prisoners of war. At the Council of Nic£ea in a.d. 325 there was 
 present a Gothic hishop Theo]Dhilus. From a.d. 348 the scion of an 
 imprisoned Caj^padocian Christian family, Ulfilas ^ by name, wrought as 
 bishop among the Visigoths, akeady attached to the Arian confession, 
 with so much zeal and success for the spread of Christianity that the 
 hatred of the pagans was roused to such a pitch that in a.d. 355 they 
 began a bloody persecution of the Christians. With a great part of 
 the Gothic Christians Ulfilas fled over the Danube, and the emperor 
 Constantius, who honoured him as a second Moses, assigned him a 
 dwelling-place in Mount Hremus. Ulfilas continued his work for thirty- 
 three years with many tokens of blessing. In order that the Goths 
 
 1 Scott, " Ulfilas, the Apostle of the Goths." Cambr., 1885. Douse, 
 " Introduction to the Gothic of Ulfilas." London, 1886. Bosworth's 
 " Gothic and Anglo-Saxon Gospels." Oxf., 1874.
 
 § 76. THE VICTOEYOF CATHOLICISM OVER ARIANISM. 445 
 
 might have access to the origiual fount of saving knowledge, he trans- 
 hited the Holy Scriptures into their language, for which he invented a 
 written character of his own. He died in a.d. 381. A short biography 
 of the Apostle of the Goths was written by his disciple Auxeutius, bishop 
 of Dorostorus in Silistria, which gives an account at first hand of his 
 life and doctrine. But not all Gothic Christians were expatriated with 
 Ulfilas. Those who remained behind were a leaven which ever con- 
 tinued to expand and spread. So Athanaric, king of the Thervingians, 
 about A.D. 370, started a new and cruel persecution against them. Soon 
 afterwards a rebellion broke out among the pagan Thervingians. At the 
 head of the malcontents was Frithigern. He was subdued, but got aid 
 from the emperor Valeus and in gratitude for the help given adopted 
 the Arian religion of the emperor. This was the first conversion in 
 multitude among the Goths. A second followed not long after. The 
 Huns had rushed down like a whirlwind in a.d. 375 and destroyed the 
 empire of the Ostrogoths. A part of these were obliged to join the Huns ; 
 while another fled into the country of the Thervingians. These last 
 again were driven before the conquerors and crossed the Danube under 
 Frithigern and Alaviv, where in a.d. 370 Valeus gave them a settlement 
 on condition that they should profess Arian Christianity. But this 
 friendship did not last long, and Valens fell in a.d. 378 fighting against 
 them. Theodosius, the restorer of the Catholic faith in the lloman 
 empire, made peace with them. They retained, however, their Arian 
 Confession, which spread from them in a way not yet explained to the 
 Ostrogoths and other related tribes. Chrysostom started a Catholic 
 mission among them, but it was stopped at his death. 
 
 2. The Visigoths in Gaul and Spain.— The death of Theodosius in a.d. 
 395 and the partition of his empire gave the signal to the Visigoths to 
 attempt securing for themselves more room. Alaric devastated Greece, 
 broke in upon Italy in search of prey and plundered Eome in a.d. 410. 
 His successor Athaulf descended upon southern Gaul, and Wallia 
 founded there a Visigoth empire with Toulouse for its capital, which 
 under Euric, who died in a.d. 483, reached the summit of its glory. 
 Euric extended his kingdom in Gaul, and in a.d. 475, conquered the 
 most of Spain. He sought to strengthen his government by having one 
 sy.stem of law and one religion, but in his projected conversion of his 
 subjects to Ariauism, he met with unexpected opposition, which he 
 sought in vain to put down by a severe persecution of the Catholics. 
 The Roman population and the Catholic bishops longed for a Catholic 
 government and placed their hopes in the Frankish king Clovis who 
 had been converted in a.d. 496. As saviour and avenger of the Catholic 
 faith Clovis completely destroyed the Visigoth power on this side the 
 Pyrenees in a battle at Vougle near Poitiers in a.d. 507. In Spain, 
 however, the Visigoths retained their power and persisted in their efforts
 
 446 THE GERMAN-ROMAN CHURCH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 to convert all to the Arian faith. Uuder the violent Leovigikl these 
 efforts culminated in a.d. 585 in a cruel persecution. His son and suc- 
 cessor Eeccared, however, saw the vanity and danger of this policy and 
 took the opposite course. At the third Synod of Toledo in a.d. 589 he 
 adopted the Catholic faith and witli the co-operation of the able metro- 
 politan Leander of Seville secured complete ascendency for Catliolicism 
 throughout the empire. Under the later Idugs the Visigoth power sank 
 lower and lower amid the treacheries, murders and revolts of internal 
 factions, and in a.d. 711 the last king of the Visigoths, Roderick, after a 
 bloody fight at Xeres de la Frontera yielded to the Saracens who had 
 rushed down from Africa ui^on Spain. 
 
 3. The Vandals in Africa. — Early in the 5th century the Vandals, who 
 v^^ere even then Arian Cliristians, combining with the Alani and Sucvi, 
 made a descent from Pannonia upon Gaul in a.d. 40G and from thence 
 upon Spain in a.d. 409, and made dreadful havoc of these rich and fertile 
 lands. In a.d. 428 the Roman proconsul of Africa, Boniface, unjustly 
 accused of treason by the Roman government, in his straits called in the 
 aid of the Vandals. Their king Genseric went in a.d.- 429 with 50,000 
 men. Boniface, however, was meanwhile reconciled with his govern- 
 ment and did all in his power to get the barbarians to retire. But all in 
 vain. Genseric conquered Africa and founded there a powerful Vandal 
 empire. In a.d, 455 he even made an attack upon Rome, which was 
 plundered by his hordes for fourteen days. In order to prevent any 
 sympathy being shown by Africa for Rome he determined to secure 
 throughout his emi:)ire uniform profession of the Arian creed, and in 
 prosecuting this purpose during his fifty years' reign exercised continual 
 cruelties. He died in a.d. 477. But the African Catholics were faithful 
 to their creed unto death and went forth to martyrdom in a spirit worthy 
 of their ancestors of the 2nd or 3rd centuries. His son Hunnerie 
 allowed them only a short respite and began again in a.d. 483 the bloody 
 work. He died in a.d. 484. Under his successor Guutamund, who 
 died in a.d. 496, a stop was put to the iDersecution ; but Thrasamund, whc 
 died in a.d. 523, again adopted bloody measures. Hilderic, who died in 
 A.D. 530, a man of mild and generous temper, and the son of a Catholic 
 mother, openly favoured the Catholics. Gelimer, a great-grandson of 
 Genseric, put himself at the head of the Arians whom Hilderic's catholic 
 sympathies had alienated, took Hilderic prisoner and had him executed. 
 But before he could carry out the intended persecution, Justinian's 
 general Belisarius marched into Africa, annihilated the Vandal ai'my in 
 a battle near Tricameron in a.d. 533, and overthrew the Vandal empire.' 
 
 4. The Suevi were still heathens when they entered Spain with the 
 
 ' Gibbon, " Decline and Fall of Roman Empire." Chaps, xxxiii.,; 
 xxxvi., xxxvii.
 
 § 70. THE VICTOEYOF CATHOLICISM OVER APtlANISM. 447 
 
 Yanclals in a.d. 409. Here under their king Eechiar they adopted the 
 Catholic faith. But Eemismund to please the Visigoths went over to 
 Arianism in a.d. 4G5 with the whole people. Carraric, who thought he 
 owed the cure of his son to the relics of Martin of Tours, passed over 
 again to Catholicism in a.d. 550. With the co-operation of Martin, me- 
 tropoHtan of Braga, he converted his people, and a Provincial Synod at 
 Braga in a.d. 5G3 under Theodimir I. completed the work. The empire 
 of the Suevi was destroyed by Leovigild king of the Visigoths, in a.d. 
 585. 
 
 5. The Burguudians carried on by the irresistible advance of Vandals, 
 Suevi and Alani from their home on the Main and the Neckar, where they 
 had adopted the Cathohc faith, founded an independent kingdom in the 
 Jura district. Here they came into contact with the Visigoths and for the 
 most part fell away to Arianism. Of Gundiac's four sons, who divided 
 the empire among them, only Chilperic II., the father of Clotilda, re- 
 mained Catholic. By fratricide his brother Gundobald secured complete 
 sovereignty. The bishop Avitus of Vienne (§ 53, 5), however, vigorously 
 opposed Arianism, and to secure its suppression called a Council at 
 Epaon in a.d. 517, the decisions of which were recognised by Sigismund, 
 Gundobald's sou, and were made valid throughout the empire. But even 
 this did not satisfy Clotilda, the wife of the Frankish king Clovis, as an 
 atonement for her father's death. Her sons, urged by their mother to 
 prove avengers of her father's blood, made an end of the Burgundian 
 empire in a.d. 534. 
 
 6. The Kugians, in combination with the Herulians, Scyrians and 
 TurcelUngiaus, had founded an independent kingdom in the Old Pioman 
 Noricum, the Lower Austria of to-day. Arianism had been introduced 
 among them by the Goths but without the complete expulsion of pagan- 
 ism. The Romans among them attached to Catholicism were sorely 
 oppressed. But from a.d. 454, Severinus wrought among them like a 
 messenger from heaven to bless, help and comfort the heavily burdened. 
 He died in a.d. 482. Even from the barbarians he won the deepest 
 reverence, and over heathens and Ariaus he had an almost magical power. 
 He prophesied to the Scyrian Odoacer his future greatness. This prince 
 in A.D. 476 put an end to the West Eoman empire and ruled ably and 
 wisely as king of Italy for seventeen years. He put an end too to Arian 
 fanaticism in Eugiland in a.d. 487 by overthrowing the empire of the 
 Eugians. But in a.d. 489 the Ostrogoth Theodoric came down upon 
 Italy, conquered Eavenna after a three years' siege, took Odoacer prisoner 
 and in a wild drunken revel had him put to death in a.d. 493. 
 
 7. The Ostrogoths when they conquered Italy had already for a long 
 time been Arians, but were free from that fanaticism which so often 
 characterized German Arianism. Theodoric granted full liberty to 
 Catholicism, spared, protected and prized Eoman culture, in all which
 
 448 THE GERMAN-EOMAN CHURCH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 certainly his famous minister Cassioclorus (§ 47, 23) had no small share. 
 This liberal-minded tolerance was indeed made easy to the king by the 
 thirty-five years' schism of that time (§ 52, 5), which prevented any 
 suspicions of danger to the state from the combination of Roman and 
 Byzantine Catholics. And in fact, when this schism was healed in 
 A.D. 519, Theodoric began to interest himself more in Arianism and to 
 give way to such suspicions. He died in a.d. 526. The confusions that 
 followed his death were taken advantage of by the emperor Justinian for 
 the reconquest of Italy. His general Narses annihilated the last rem- 
 nants of the Ostrogoth power in A.D. 551. The Byzantine government 
 again rose upon the ruins of the Goths, and in a.d. 567 established the 
 exarchate with Ravenna as its capital. For the time being Arianism 
 was completely destroyed in Italy.^ 
 
 8. The Longobards in Italy. — In a.d. 569 the Lougobards under Alboin 
 made a descent upon Italy from the lands of the Danube, and conquered 
 what has been called Lombardy after them, with its capital Ticinum, 
 now Pavia. His successors extended their conquests farther south, till 
 at last only the farthest point of Italy, the duchies of Naples, Rome and 
 Perugia, Ravenna with its subject cities and Venice, acknowledged By- 
 zantine rule. Excited by desire of iDlunder and political jealousy, the 
 Arian Longobards warred incessantly for twenty years with Roman cul- 
 ture and Roman Catholicism. But after this first outburst of persecution 
 had been stilled, religious indolence won the upper hand and the Arian 
 clergy were not roused from their indifference to spiritual things by the 
 growing zeal for conversions which characterized the Catholic bishops. 
 Pope Gregory the Great, a.d. 590-694, devoted himself uuweariedly to 
 the task, and was powerfully supported by a Bavarian princess, the zealous 
 Catholic queen Theodeliude. The Longobards were so enamoured of 
 this fair and amiable queen that, when her first husband Anthari was 
 murdered in a.d. 590, one year after their marriage, they allowed her to 
 choose for herself one of the dukes to be her husband and their king. 
 Her choice fell on Agilulf, who indeed himself still continued an Arian, 
 but did not prevent the spread of Catholicism among his people. Their 
 daughter Gundiberge, married successively to two Longobard kings, 
 Ariowald (f a.d. 636) and Rothari (f a.d. 652) was an equally zealous 
 protectress of the Catholic church ; and with Rothari's successor Aribcrt, 
 brother's sou of Theodelinde, who died in a.d. 663, begins the series of 
 Catholic rulers of the Longobards. — Continuation, § 82, 1. 
 
 9. The Franks in Gaul. — ^Yhen the West Roman emiiire was overthrown 
 by Odoacer in a.d. 476, the Roman authority was still for a long time 
 maintained in Gaul by the proconsul Syagrius. But the Merovingian 
 
 ' Freeman, "Historical Essays." 3rd scries. Lond, : " The Goths at 
 Ravenna."
 
 § 76. THE VICTORY OF CATHOLICISM OVER AEIANISM. 449 
 
 Clovis, A.D. 481-511, put ail end to it by the battle of Soissons in a.d. 
 48G. In A.D. 493 be mamed the Burgnndiau princess Clotilda, and she, 
 a zealous Catholic, used every effort to convert her pagan husband. The 
 national pride of the Frank resisted long, but she got permission to have 
 her firstborn son baptized. The boy, however, died in his baptismal 
 robes, and Clovis regarded this as a punishment from his gods. Never- 
 theless on the birth of his second son he was unable to resist the en- 
 treaties of his beloved wife. He too sickened after his baptism ; but 
 when contrary to expectation he recovered amid the fervent prayers 
 of the mother, the heathen father confessed that prayer to the Christian's 
 God is more powerful than Woden's vengeance. He remembered this 
 when threatened in a.d. 49G at Tolbiac with loss of the battle, of his life 
 and of bis empire in the war with the Alemanni. Prayer to the national 
 gods had proved fruitless. He now turned in i^rayer to the God of the 
 Christians, promising to own allegiance to Him, if He should get the 
 victory. The fortune of battle soon turned. The army and kingdom of 
 the Alemanni were destroyed. At his baptism at Rheims on Cbristmas 
 Eve, A.D. 496, Archbishop Eemigius addressed him thus : " Bend thy 
 neck, proud Sigamber ; adore what thou hast burnt, burn what thou hast 
 adored!" The later tradition, first reported by Hincmar of Eheims in 
 the 9th century, relates that when the church officer with the anointing 
 oil could not get forward because of the crowd, in answer to Eemigius' 
 prayer a white dove brought an oil flask from heaven, out of which all 
 the kings of the Franks from that day have been anointed. The conver- 
 sion of Clovis, soon followed by that of the nobles and the people, seems 
 really to have been a matter of conviction and genuine according to the 
 measure of his knowledge of God. He made a bargain with the Christ- 
 ian's God and fulfilled the obligations under which he had placed him- 
 self. Of an inner change of heart we can indeed find no trace. There 
 was, however, no mention of that in his bargain. Just after his conver- 
 sion he commits the most atrocious acts of faithlessness, treachery and 
 secret murder. The Catholic clergy of the whole "West nevertheless 
 celebrated in him a second Constantine, called of God as avenger upon 
 heathenism and Arian heresy, and asked of him nothing more, seeing 
 in this the task which providence had assigned him. The conversion of 
 Clovis was indeed in every respect an occurrence of the greatest moment. 
 The rude Ariauism of the Germans, incapable of culture, received here 
 its deathblow. The civilization and remnants of culture of the ancient 
 world found in the Catholic church its only suitable vehicle for introduc- 
 tion into the German world ; and now the Franks were at the head of it 
 and laid the foundation of a new universal empire which would for 
 centuries form the central point of universal history. On the work of 
 Friddin and Columbanus in the laud of the Franks, see § 77, 7. 
 
 G G
 
 450 THE GERMAN-EOMAN CHURCH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 § 77. Victory of the Romish over the Old British 
 Chitrch.i 
 
 According to an ancient but more tlian doulDtful tradition 
 a British king Luciiis about tlie middle of tlie 2nd century 
 is said to have asked Christian missionaries of the Roman 
 bishop Eleutherus and by them to have been converted 
 along with his people. This, however, is certain, that at the 
 end of the 3rd century (§ 23, 6) Christianity had taken root 
 in Roman Britain, probably through intercourse with the 
 Romans. Down to the Anglo-Saxon invasion in a.d. 449, 
 the British church certainly kept up regular communication 
 with that of the continent, especially with Gaul. From that 
 time, being driven back into North and South AValcs, it was 
 completely isolated from the continental cluirch ; but all the 
 more successfully it spread itself out among its neighbours 
 in the allied tribes of Ireland and Scotland, among the for- 
 mer through Patrick, the Apostle of the Irish, among the 
 latter by Columba, the Apostle of the Scots, and followed a 
 thoroughly independent course of development. When one 
 hundred and fifty years later, in A.D. 596 the long inter- 
 rupted intercourse with Rome was again renewed by a 
 Romish mission to the Anglo-Saxons, several divergences 
 from Roman practice were discovered among the Britons 
 in respect of worship, constitution and discipline. Rome 
 insisted that these should be corrected, but the Britons 
 insisted on retaining them and repudiated the pretensions of 
 the Romish hierarchy. The keen struggle which therefore 
 
 ' Ussher, " Brit. Eccl. Auticiii." Loud., 1039. Periy, "Hist, of Euglibli 
 Clivu'cb,"i. Lond., 1882. Lanigan, "Eccl, Hist, of Ireland." 4 vols., 2ud 
 c'd. Dublin, 1829. Stokes, " Ireland and the Celtic Ch." Lond., 18S6. 
 Lingard, " Hist, and Antiqu. of Anglo-Sax. Ch." 2 vols. Lond,, 1845. 
 Maclauchlau, " Early Scottish Church." Edinb., 1865. Reeves, " The 
 Culdces of the British Islands." Dublin, 18G4, Skene, "Celtic Scotland." 
 3 vols. Edin., 187G. 2 ed., 1886. Bright, " Chapters of Early Eng. Ch. 
 Hist." Oxf., 1878. Pryce, " Ancient British Church." Loud , 1886.
 
 § 77. THE ROMISH CONQUERS THE BRITISH CHURCH. 4-51 
 
 arose, beginning amid circumstances tluit promised a bril- 
 liant success to the British church, ended with complete 
 submission to Rome. The battle-field was then transferred 
 to Germany, and there too in spite of the resolute resistance 
 of their apostles the contest concluded with the same result 
 (§ 78), The struggle was not merel}- one of highly tragic 
 interest but of incomparable importance for the history of 
 Europe. For had the result been, as for a time it seemed 
 likely that it Avould be, in favour of the old British church, 
 not only England but also all Germany would have taken 
 up a decidedly anti-papal attitude, and not only the eccle- 
 siastical but also the political history of the Middle Ages 
 woiTld have most likety been led into an altogether different 
 course. 
 
 1. The Conversion of tlie Irish. — Among the Celtic inhabitants of the 
 island of Ireland there were some individual Christians from the begin- 
 ning of the oth centurj'. The mission of a Roman deacon Palladius in 
 A.D. 431 was without result. But in the following year, a.d. 432, the true 
 apostle of the Irish, Patrick, with twenty- four companions, stept upon 
 the shore of the island. The only reliable source of information about 
 his life and work is an autobiography which he left behind him, Confes- 
 siones. According to it he was grandson of a presbyter and son of a 
 deacon residing at Banava, probably in Britain, not likely in Gaul. In 
 liis sixteenth year he was taken to Ireland by Irish pirates and sold to 
 an Irish chief whose flocks he tended for six years. After his escape by 
 flight the love of Christ which glowed within hi.s heart gave him no rest 
 and his dreams urged him to bring the glorious liberty of the children 
 of God to those who so long kept him bound under hard slavery. Fami- 
 liar with the language and the customs of the country, he gathered the 
 people by beat of drum into an open field and told them of the sufferings 
 of Christ for man's salvation. The Druids, priests of the Celts, withstood 
 him vigorously, but his attractive and awe-inspiring personality gained 
 the victory over them. Without a drop of martyr's blood Ireland was 
 converted in a few years, and was thickly strewn with churches and 
 monasteries. Patrick himself had his residence at Macha, round which 
 the town of Armagh, afterwards the ecclesiastical metroi^olis, sprang uji. 
 He died about a.d. 4G5, and left the island church in a flourishing condi- 
 tion. The numerous monasteries, in which calm piety flourished along 
 with diligent study of Scripture and from whii.-h many teachers and mis-
 
 452 THE GEEMAN-ROMAN CHURCH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 sionaries went forth, -won for the land the name of Insula Sanctorum. 
 Only after the robber raids of the Danes in the 9th century did the glory 
 of the Irish monasteries begin to fade.^ 
 
 2. The Mission to Scotland. — A Briton, Niniau, educated at Rome, 
 wrought, about a.d. 430, among the Celtic Picts and Scots in Scotland or 
 Caledonia. But those converted by him fell back into paganism after 
 his death. The true Apostle of Scotland was the Irishman Columba. 
 In A.D. 563 ho settled with twelve disciples on the small Hebridean island 
 Hy. Its common name, lona, seems to have originated by a clerical 
 error from loua, and was then regarded as the Hebrew equivalent of 
 Columba, a dove. Icolmkill means Columba's cell. Here he founded a 
 monastery and a church, and converted from this centre all Caledonia. 
 Although to the last only a presbyter and abbot of this monastery, he 
 had all the authority of an apostle over the Scottish church and its 
 bishops, a position that was maintained by successive abbots of lona. 
 He died in a.d. 597. The numerov;s monasteries founded by him vied 
 with the Irish in learning, piety and missionary zeal. The original 
 monastery of lona flourished in a superlative degree. - 
 
 3. The Peculiarities of the Celtic Church. — In the Anglo-Saxon struggle 
 the following were the main points at issue. 1. On the jjart of Rome it 
 was demanded that they should submit to the arcLicpiscopal jurisdiction 
 instituted by the pope, which the British refused as an unrighteous as- 
 sumption. 2. The British had an Easter Canon different from that of the 
 Romish church. They were indeed nothing else than Quartodecimans, 
 although they like these in ignorance referred to the Johannine tradition 
 (§ 34, 2), but celebrated their Easter always on a Sunday, the settling of 
 which they decided according to an 84 years' cycle of the moon, after 
 Rome had adopted a cycle of 19 years (§ 56, 3). 3. The Celtic clergy had 
 also a different Tonsure from the Roman To)isura Petri whicli seems to 
 have been the Greek Tonsura Pauli (§ 45, 1), although the zealous advo- 
 cate of the Roman customs, Ceolfrid, abbot of Jarrow, in a letter to 
 Naitau, king of the Picts, derives it from Simon Magus. 4. Besides this 
 there was also the question of the Marriage of Priests, which indeed the 
 popish Anglo-Saxon Archbishop Augustine declared himself at first will- 
 ing to allow to the British, which, however, was subsequently so passion- 
 
 1 Todd, "Life of St. Patrick." Dublin, 1864. Cusack, "Life of St. 
 Patrick." Lond., 1871. O'Curry, " Lects. on Anc. Irish History." 
 Dublin, 1861. Writings of St. Patrick. Transl. and ed. by Stokes and 
 Wright. Lond., 1887. 
 
 - Maclauchlan, " Early Scottish Church." Pp. 145-205. Adamnan, 
 " Life of Columba." Ed. by Dr. Reeves. Dublin, 1857. Smith, "Life 
 of Columba." Edin., 1798. Forbes, " Lives of Ninian, Columba, Kenti- 
 gern," in series of Historians of Scotland.
 
 § 77. THE ROMISH CONQUERS THE BRITISH CHURCH. 453 
 
 ately denounced by Boniface asfornicatio a.nd adulterium. 5. If, further, 
 according to Bede's statement, besides their divergent views about Easter, 
 the British et alia phirima imitati ccclesiasticce contraria faciebant, this 
 certainly cannot bo understood of doctrinal divergences, but only of 
 different forms of constitution and worship, or ecclesiastical habits and 
 customs, as might be well expected in churches that had been completely 
 separated since a.d. 449. We need only think, e.g., of the progress made 
 by the idea of the papal primacy (§ 46, 7-10), the consolidation and re- 
 construction of monasticism under Benedict (§ 85), the codification of 
 Homan canon law by Dionysius Exiguus (§ 43, 3), the modification of 
 the idea of penance since Leo the Great (§ 61, 1) and the development of 
 the doctrine of the mass down to Gregory the Great (§ 58,3; 59, 6). 
 The most considerable peculiarity of constitution in the Celtic church 
 seems to have been that above referred to in placing the abbots of the 
 principal monasteries at the head of the hierarchy. Only in one passage 
 (Bede, III. 19) is there mention of ecclesiastical doctrine : In a.d. 64'J 
 Pope John IV. addressed a conciliatory letter to the Scots in which he 
 ■warns them against the Pelagian heresy, " qaam apiul eos revivescere 
 didicerat."' — When then we turn our attention to the Celtic church 
 planted on the continent at a later period, it is specially Columbanus' 
 view of Easter that is regarded in France as heretical. Often and loud 
 as Boniface lifted up his voice against the horrible heresies of British, 
 Irish and Scotch intruders, it is found at last that these consist in the 
 same or similar divergences as those of the Anglo-Saxons. Not insisting 
 upon the law of celibacy, opposition to the Roman primacy, the Pvomish 
 tradition and the Romish canon law, especially the ever-increasing strict- 
 ness of the Roman marriage laws (§ 61, 2), more simi^le modes of 
 administering the sacraments and conducting iniblic worship, even in 
 unconsecrated places in forests and fields, ^these and such like were the 
 heresies complained of. — As concerns the pro and con. of the evangelical 
 purity of the ancient British Christianity, so highly praised by Ebrard, 
 one occupying an impartial historical standjioint is justified in expecting 
 that as all the good development so also all the bad development which 
 had taken firm root in the common thought and feeling of the church 
 down to the middle of the 5th century, would not have been uprooted 
 from the church of Patrick and Columba, so also in the 7th century it 
 would be still prevalent there. And this expectation is in general con- 
 firmed, so far as our information goes about all which was not expressly 
 imported from Rome into the British church. If we deduct the by no 
 means insignificant amount of unevangelical corruption which was first 
 introduced into the Romish church during the period between Leo the 
 Great and Gregory the Great, a.d. 4.1:0-604, partly by exaggerating and 
 adorning elements j'reviously there, partly by bringing in wholly new 
 elements of ecclesiastical credulity, superstition and mistaken faith,
 
 A54: THE GEKMAN-EOMAN CHUECH TO A.D. Oil. 
 
 there still remains for the Celtic church standiuy outside of this process 
 of deterioration a relatively purer doctrine. Yet the Christianity that 
 remains is by no means free of mixture from unevangelical elements as 
 Jonas of Bobbio himself shows in his biography of bis teacher Colum- 
 banus. But the more embittered the conflict between the British and 
 the Komish churches became oyer matters of constitution and worship, 
 the more did differences in faith and life, which had been overlooked at 
 first, assume serious proportions, and supported by a careful study of 
 Scripture, led to greater evangelical freedom and purity on the side cf 
 the British. This is thoroughly confirmed by Ebrard's numerous quota- 
 tions from the literature of that period.' 
 
 4. The Romisli Mission to the Anglo-Saxons, — To protect himself against 
 the robber raids of the Picts and Scots, the British king Vortigern sought 
 the aid of the Germans inhabiting the opposite shores. Two princes of 
 the Jates, Hengist and Horsa, driven from their home, led a horde of 
 of Angles and Saxons over to Britain in a.d. 449. New hordes kept fol- 
 lowing those that had gone before and after a himdred years the British 
 were driven back into the western parts of the island. The incomers 
 founded seven kingdoms ; at the head of all stood the prince of one of 
 the divisions who was called principal king, the Bretwalda. The Anglo- 
 Saxons were heathens and the bitter feelings that prevailed between them 
 and the ancient Britons prevented the latter from carrying on missionary 
 operations among the former. The oi^portunity which the British missed 
 was seized upon by Eome. The sight of Anglo-Saxon youths exposed 
 as slaves in the Eoman market inspired a i:iious monk, afterwards Pope 
 Gregory I., with a desire to evangelize a people of such noble bodily 
 appearance. He wished himself to take the work in hand, but was hindered 
 by the call to the chair of Peter. He now bought Anglo-Saxon youths in 
 order to train them as missionaries to their fellow-countrymen. But 
 when soon thereafter the Bretwalda Ethelbert of Kent married the 
 Frankish princess Bertha, Gregory sent the Eoman abbot Augustine to 
 England with forty monks in a.d. 596. Ethelbert gave them a residence 
 and support in his own capital Dorovernum, now Canterbury. At Pente- 
 cost the following year he received baptism and 10,000 of his subjects 
 followed his example. Augustine asked from Gregory further instructions 
 about relics, books, etc. The jjope sent him what he sought and besides 
 the pallium with archiepiscopal rights over the whole Saxon and British 
 church. Augustine now demanded of the Britons submission to his 
 archiepiscopal authority and that they should work together with him for 
 
 ' Ussher, "Discourse of the Eeligion anciently Professed by the Irish 
 and British." Lond., 1631. Maclauchlan, " Early Scottish Church." 
 Pp. 239-250. Warren, '■ Eitual and Liturgy of the Celtic Church." 
 Oxf., 1881.
 
 § 77. THE ROMISH CONQUERS THE BRITISH CHURCH. 455 
 
 the conversion of tbe Saxons. But tlie British would do nothing of the 
 sort. A personal interview with their chiefs under Augustine's oak in 
 A.D. C03 was without result. At a second conference everything was spoilt 
 by Augustine's prelatic pride in refusing to stand up cu the arrival of the 
 Britons. Inclined to compliaucc the Britons had just proposed this at 
 the suggestion of a member as a sign. Augustine died in a.d. 605. The 
 pope nominated as his successor his previous assistant Laurentius. 
 Ethelbert's heathen son and successor, Eadbald, oppressed the mission- 
 aries so much that they decided to withdraw from the field, in a.d. 616. 
 Only Laurentius delayed his retreat in order to make a final attempt at 
 the conversion of Eadbald. He was successful. Eadbald was baptized ; 
 the fugitives returned to their former posts. In the kingdom of Essex 
 Augustine had already established Christianity-, but a change of govern- 
 ment had again restored iiaganism. The gospel, however, soon after- 
 wards got entrance into Northumbria, the most powerful of the seven 
 kingdoms. King Edwin, the founder of Edinburgh, won the hand of the 
 Kentish princess Ethelberga, daughter of Bertha. ^Yith her, as spiritual 
 adviser of the young queen, went the monk Paulinus, a.d. 625. These 
 two persuaded the king and he again persuaded his nobles and the priests 
 to embrace Christianity. At ~a popular assembly Pauhnus proved the 
 truth of Christianity, and the chief priest Coi&i, setting at defiance the 
 g'ods of his fathers, flung with his own hand a spear into the nearest 
 idol temple. The people thought him mad and looked for Woden's 
 vengeance. When it came not, thej' obeyed the command of Coisi and 
 burnt down the temple, a.d. 627. Paulinus was made bishop of Ebora- 
 cuni, now York, which pope Honorius on sending a pallium raised to a 
 second metropolitanate. Edwin, however, fell in battle in a.d. 633 fight- 
 ing against Penda, the pagan king of Mercia ; Paulinus had to flee and 
 the church of Northumbria was almost entirely rooted up.' 
 
 0. Celtic Missions among the Anglo-Saxons. — The saviour of Northum- 
 bria was Oswald, a.d. 635-6 i2, the son of a former king who had been 
 driven out by Edwin. He had found refuge as a fugitive in the monas- 
 tery of Hy and was there converted to Christianity, To restore the 
 chrirch in Northumbria the monks sent him one of their number, the 
 amiable Aidan. Oswald acted as his interpreter until he acquired 
 the Saxon language. His success was unexampled. Oswald founded a 
 religious establishment for him on the island of Lindisfarne, and sup- 
 ported by new missionaries from Hy, Aidan converted the whole of the 
 northern lands to Christianity. Oswald fell in battle against Penda. 
 
 1 Soames, " The Anglo-Saxon Church." 4th ed. Lond., 1856. Stan- 
 ley, " Historical Memorials of Canterbm-y." Lond., 1855. Hook, " Lives 
 of Archbishops of Canterbury." Vol. i. Sharon Turner, " Hist, of Anglo- 
 Saxons to the Roman Conquest." 6 ed., 3 vols. Lond., 1836.
 
 456 THE GEEMAN-EOMAN CHUECH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 He was succeeded as king and also as Bretwalda by his brother Oswy. 
 Irish missionaries joined the missionary mouTss of Hy, rivalling them 
 in their exertions, and by a.d. 660 all the kingdoms of the Heptarchy 
 had been converted to Christianity, and down to this date all, with the 
 exception of Kent, which alone still adhered to the Komish church, be- 
 longed to the ancient British communion.' 
 
 G. The Celtic Element Driven out of the Anglo-Saxon Church.— Oswy 
 perceived the political danger attending the continuance of such ecclesi- 
 astical disputes. He succeeded in convincing also his neighbour kings 
 of the need of ecclesiastical uniformity. The only question was as to 
 which of the two should be recognised. The choice fell upon the 
 Eomish. Oswy himself most decidly preferred it. His wife Eanfled, 
 Edwin's daughter, was a zealous partisan of the Eomish church, and on 
 her side stood a man of extraordinary power, prudence and persistence, 
 the abbot Wilfrid, a native Northumbrian, trained in the monastery of 
 Lindisfarne. He had, however, visited Rome, and since then used all 
 his eloquence and skill in intrigue in order to lay all England at the feet 
 of the pope. The queen and the abbot wrought together upon the 
 Bretwalda, and he in his turn upon the other princes. To these per- 
 sonal influences were added others of a more general kind : the prefer- 
 ence for things foreign over those of home growth, the brilliancy and 
 preponderating weight of the Eomish church, and above all, the gulf, 
 not yet by any means bridged over, between the Saxons and the British. 
 AVhen secret negociations toward the desired end had been carried out, 
 Oswy called a general Synod at the nunnery of Streoneshalch, now 
 Whitby, Synodus Pharensis, a.d. 664. Here all the civil and ecclesias- 
 tical notabilities of the Heptarchy were assembled. The chief speaker 
 on the Eoman side was Wilfrid, on the Celtic side bishop Colman of 
 Lindisfarne. The observance of Easter was the first subject of dis- 
 cussion. Wilfrid referred to the Apostle Peter, to whom the Lord said : 
 Thou art Peter, etc. Then Oswy asked Colman whether it was true that 
 the Lord had said so to Peter. Colman could not deny it, and Oswy 
 declared that he would follow him who had the power to open for them 
 the gates of heaven. And so the question was settled. Oswy as Bret- 
 walda carried out with energy the decisions of the Council, and withhi a 
 few weeks the scissors had completed the conversion of the whole Hept- 
 archy to the Eoman tonsure and the Eoman faith.^ 
 
 * Lappeuburg, "Anglo-Saxon Kings." Lond., 1845. Bede, "Eccles. 
 History." Book IH. Maclauchlan, "Early Scottish Church." Pp. 
 217-238. 
 
 " Gildas (t A.D. 570) " De excidio Britanuire." Engl, transl. by Giles. 
 London, 1811. Bede (f a.d. 735), "Eccles. Hist, of Engl." Transl. by 
 Giles. London, 1810.
 
 § 77. THE ROMISH CONQUERS THE BRITISH CHURCH. 457 
 
 7. Spread and Overthrow of the British Church on the Continent. — The 
 first Celtic missionary who crossed tlie channel was the Irishman 
 Fridolin, about a.d. 500. With several companions he settled near 
 Poitiers in Aquitaine which was then under the Visigoths, converted the 
 Arian bishop of that jilace together with his congregation to trinitarian 
 orthodoxy, and, under the protection of Clovis, who had meanwhile, a.d. 
 507, overthrown the Visigoth power in Gaul, founded churches and 
 monasteries. Afterwards he wrought among the heathen Alemanni in 
 Switzerland (§ 78, 1). We have fuller and more reliable accounts of 
 Columba the younger, usually called Columbanus, an Irishman by birth, 
 who, in A.D. 590, with twelve zealous companions, went forth from the 
 British monastei-yof Bangor in Co. Down, Ireland, and settled among the 
 Vosges mountains. Here they founded the monastery of Luxovium, 
 now Luxeuil, as centre with many others affiliated to it. They culti- 
 vated the wilderness and wrought laboriously in restoring church dis- 
 cipline and order in a region that had been long spiritually neglected. 
 But their strict adherence to the British mode of observing Easter 
 caused offence. The severe moral discipline which they enjoined' was 
 galling to the careless Burgundian clergy, and the aged Brunehilda 
 swore to compass their death and destruction, because of the influence 
 adverse to her authority which they exercised upon her grandson, the 
 young liing Theodoric II. Thus it happened that in a.d. 610, after 
 twenty years' labours, they were driven away. They turned tlien to 
 Switzerland (§ 78, 1). But when persecuted here also, Columbanus with 
 his followers migrated to Italy, about a.d. 012, where, under Agilulf's 
 protection (§ 76, 8), he founded the celebrated monastery of Bobbio and 
 contended against Arianism, The liegula Cohunhani extant in several 
 MSS. constitutes a written guide to Christian piety and breathes a free 
 evangelical spirit, while the annexed Begula comohialls fratrum de 
 Ilibeniia, also ascribed to him, bears a rigoristic ascetic character, 
 enjoining frequent flagellations. Columbanus died in a.d. 615. The 
 monks of his order joined the Benedictines in the 9th century. On his 
 personal relation to the Eomish chair during his residence in Gaul and 
 Italy we get some information from three of his epistles still extant. In 
 the first he asks Gregory the Great for an explanation of the Gallic ob- 
 servance of Easter, and in the second he asks Boniface IV. to confirm 
 his old British mode of reckoning Easter. In both he recognises the 
 pof)e as occupier of the chair of Peter, and in the second greets him as 
 head of all the churches of Europe and describes the Roman church as 
 the chief seat of the orthodox faith. In the third, on the other hand, he 
 demands of the pope in firm terms an account of his own faith and that 
 of the Roman church. He did so in consequence of a report having 
 reached him, ]irobably through the mention by the 5th cecum. Council 
 (§ 52, C) of a schism between Rome and Northern Italy, that the Roman
 
 458 THE GERMAN-EOMAN CHURCH TO A.D. Oil. 
 
 chair had fallen iulo the heresies of Eutyches and Nestoiius. — The 
 ablest of Colnmbanus' followers was Gallus or St. Gall. He remained 
 in Switzerland and had hia faithfulness rewarded by rich success. After 
 Columbanus had been exi^elled from France traces of Celtic eccle- 
 siastical institutions may indeed for a considerable time have lingered 
 on among his Frankish scholars and friends animated by the missionary 
 zeal of their master. For from their midst as it would seem proceeded 
 most of those Frankish missionaries who carried the gospel in the 7th 
 century to the German lands (§ 78). But from the time of the over- 
 throw of the old Celtic ecclesiastical system at the Syood of Streones- 
 halch in a.d. 6fi4, whole troojis of its adherents, British, Irish, Scotch 
 and Anglo- Saxons, crossed the channel to convert Germany. With very 
 few exceptions, only the names of these men, and for the most part 
 not even these, have come down to us. But their zeal and success are 
 witnessed to by the fact that even in the beginning of the 8th cen- 
 tury throughout all the district of the Rhine, as well as Hesse, Thu- 
 ringia, Bavaria and Alemannia we find a network of flourishing churches 
 bearing the imj^ress of Celtic institutions. And the overthrow of this 
 great and promising ecclesiastical system, imrtly by peaceful, partly 
 by violent transportation into the Romish church, was the work of the 
 Anglo-Saxon "Winfrid, whom the Romanists, quite rightly from their 
 point of view, honour, under the name of Boniface, as the Apostle of 
 Germany (§78, 4-8). > 
 
 8. Overthrow of the Old British System in the Iro-Scottish Church. — 
 After the British Church had lost, in a.i>. 004, all support in the Anglo- 
 Saxon Heptarchy, it could not long maintain itself in its own original 
 Celtic home. The Scottish kings on political grounds, in order to avoid 
 giving their Saxon neighbours an opportunity of- gratifying the love of 
 conquest under the pretext of zeal for the faith, were obliged to assimi- 
 late their church organization with that of the Southerns. The learned 
 Abbot Adamnan of Hy, when, in a.d. 084, by order of his king, he visited 
 the Northumbrian court, professed to be there convinced of the correct- 
 ness of the Romish observance of Easter. But when his monks stoutly 
 resisted, he left the monastery and went on a missionary tour to Ireland 
 where he urged his views so successfully that in a.d. 701 the most of the 
 Irish adopted the Roman reckoning. Some years later, in a.d. 710, Naitau 
 II., the powerful king of the Picts, asked instructions from Abbot Ceolfrid 
 about the superiority of the Romish practice regarding Easter and the 
 tonsure, forced his whole people to adopt the Romish doctrine and 
 banished the obstinate priests. Finally, the Anglo-Saxon Egbert, edu- 
 cated in Ireland, but subsequently won over to the Romish church, in- 
 
 ' Lauigan, "Eccl. Hist, of Ireland." iii. ch. 13. Innes, "Ancient 
 Inhab. of Scotland," in the Series of Historians of Scotland.
 
 § 77. THE ROMISH CONQrEES THE BRITISH CHURCH. 459 
 
 duced by visions aud tempests to abaudou his projected ujission to the 
 heathen Frisians (§ 78, 3), and to devote himself to what was regarded as 
 the more arduous task of the conversion of the schismatical monks of Hy, 
 succeeded in a.d. 716 in so far overcoming their obstinacy that they at 
 least gave up their divergent tonsure and Easter reckoning. Thereafter 
 the Romanists were satisfied with the gradual Romanizing of the whole 
 Celtic tegious in the west and north. In worship, constitution and dis- 
 cipline all remained for a long time as it had been of old. The Roman 
 law of celibacy could not win its way. Public worship was conducted 
 and the sacraments dispensed in the language of the people and in the 
 simple forms of primitive times. Canon law was almost everywhere 
 made subordinate to the customs of the national church. Indeed, when 
 in A.D. 84.3, the kingdom of the Picts, where the papacy had made most 
 progress, went by inheritance to the Scottish king Kenneth, he restored 
 even there the old ecclesiastical institutions of their fathers. Malcolm 
 III. , who died in a.d. 1093, was the first of the Scottish kings to begin the 
 complete, thorough and lasting Romanizing of the whole couutr}-. His 
 marriage with the English princess Margaret, a zealous supporter of the 
 papacy, marks the beginning of that policy which was carried out aud 
 completed by their son David, who died in a.d. 1152. In Ireland the 
 English conquest of a.d. 1171 under Henry IH. prepared the way for the 
 complete Romanizing of the island. Still in both Scotland and Ireland 
 down to the 14th century many of the old Celtic priests survived. To 
 them was given the Celtic name Kele-de, servns or vir Dei, Latinized as 
 Colidei, and in modern form, Culdees. They were secular priests who, 
 bound by a strict rule, in companies generally of twelve with a prior 
 over them, like a Catholic canon (§ 84, 1), devoted themselves to a 
 common spiritual life and activity, maintaining an existence in many 
 places down to the end of the 8th century. The origin of the rule under 
 which they lived is still very obscure. It allowed them to marry but 
 enforced abstinence from marital intercourse during the period of their 
 service, and required of them, besides the charge of the public services, 
 special attention to the poor. In Scotland particularly their societies 
 soon became so numerous that almost the whole secular clergy went over 
 to them. By the forcible introduction of regular canons they were crushed 
 more and more down to the 11th century, or where they still existed, 
 they were deprived of the right of pastoral supervision and administra- 
 tion of the sacraments and reduced to subordinate positions, such as 
 that of choir singers. — The usual application of the name of Culdees to 
 all, even earlier 'representatives of the Celtic church, is quite unjusti- 
 fiable.i 
 
 ' Maclauchlan, " Early Scottish Church." p. 435. Reeves, " The 
 Culdees of the British Islands." Dublin, 1SC4. Robertson, " Scotland 
 under her Early Kings." Ediu., 2 vols. 18G2.
 
 4.60 THE GEEMAN-KOMA^S' CHUECH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 § 78. The Conversion and Romanizing of Germany.^ 
 
 In the Roman period tlie regions of the Rhine and the 
 Danube had become Christian countries, but the rush of the 
 migration of the peoples had partly destroj^ed the Christian 
 foundations, partly overlaid them with heathen superstitions. 
 By the end of the 6th century a great part of Germany was 
 already xinder the dominion of the Franks, and, to distin- 
 guish it from the country of the West Franks or Neustria, 
 was called Austrasia or the land of the East Franks. South- 
 western and South-eastern Germany (Alemannia, Bavaria, 
 Thuringia) was governed by native dukes iinder the often 
 disputed over-lordship of the Franks. North-western Ger- 
 many (embracing the Frisians and the Saxons) still enjoyed 
 undispiited national independence. The first serious attempt 
 to introduce or restore Christianity in Austrasia began about 
 the end of the 6th century. The missionaries who took the 
 work in hand went, partly from Neustria, partly from this 
 side of the Channel. The Irish and Scottish monasteries 
 were overflowing. Those dwelling in them had an un- 
 conquerable passion for travel and in their hearts an eager 
 longing to spread Christ's kingdom by preaching the gospel. 
 This impulse was greatly strengthened by the overthrow 
 of their national prestige (§ 77, 6). They were thus out of 
 sympathy with their native land, and were encouraged to 
 hope that they might win on the opposite continent what 
 they had lost at home. Crowds of monks from Iro-Scottish 
 monasteries crossed over into the heathen provinces of 
 Germany. But Romish Christian Anglo-Saxons, no less 
 fond of travel, impelled by the same missionary fervour and 
 no slight zeal for their own communion, followed in their 
 steps. Thus in the 8th century on German soil the struggle 
 was renewed which at home had been already fought out, 
 
 ' Merivale, " Conversion of the Northern Ncations." London, 18CG. 
 Maclcar, " Apostles of Mcdiasval Europe."
 
 § IS. CONVERSION AND 110MANIZIXG OF GEEMANY. 4G1 
 
 to end again as before in tlie defeat of the Celtic claims. In 
 almost all German countries we find traces of Irish or 
 Scottish missionaries and married priests, reproachfully 
 styled adulterers. What mainly secured for the Anglo- 
 Saxons the victory over them was the practical talent for 
 organization shovi'n by the former, and their attachment to the 
 imposing spiritual power of the papal see. To them alone 
 is Germany indebted for her incorporation into the Roman 
 ecclesiastical union ; for even the Frankish missionaries for 
 the most part had no connection with Rome. — Most rapid 
 and successful progress was made by the mission where there 
 had previously been Christian institutions, e.g. in the pro- 
 vinces of the Rhine and the Danube. The work was more 
 difficult on the east of the Scheldt in Friesland, Hesse, 
 Thuringia and Saxony, where paganism had reigned un- 
 disturbed. Mission work was at once furthered and hin- 
 dered by the selfish patronage of the Prankish rulers. 
 Paganism and national liberty, the yoke of Christ and the 
 yoke of the Franks, seemed inseparably conjoined. The one 
 stood and fell with the other. The sword of the Franks 
 was to make the way for the cross of Christ, and the result 
 of preaching was to afford an introduction to political 
 subjection. The missionaries submitted regretfully to this 
 amalgamation of religious and political interests, but it was 
 generally unavoidable. 
 
 1. Sovith-Western Germany. — Here were located the powerful race of 
 the Alemanni. Of the Christian institutions of the Roman period only 
 some shadowy remnants were now to be seen. The diet of Tolbiac in 
 A.D. -496 which gave the Franks a Christian king, first secured an en- 
 trance among the Aleniauni to Christianity. Yet progress was slow, for 
 the Franks did not resort to force. The revision of Alemaunian juris- 
 prudence, concluded by Dagobert I. about a.d. 030, assumed indeed that 
 the country was wholly Christian, but it only anticipated what the 
 country was destined to become. Fridolin (§ 77, 7), founder of the 
 monastery of Seckiugen on an island of the Rhine above Basel, is 
 called the first Apostle of the Alemanni, a.d. 510. The reports that
 
 462 THE GERMAN-ROMAN CHURCH TO A.B. 911. 
 
 have reached us of his work arc highly legendary and unreliable. After 
 Colnmbanus in a.d. GIO had been compelled along with his companions to 
 leave the Frankish territory (§ 77, 7), he chose Alemauniaa Switzerland 
 as the field of their operations. They settled first of all at Tuggeu on 
 the Zurich lake. The fiery zeal with which they destroyed heathen 
 idols, roused the wrath of the inhabitants, who maltreated them and 
 drove them away. They next wrought for three years at Bregeutz where 
 they converted many pagans. The main instrument in this work was 
 Gallus who had gained thorough mastery of the language of the people. 
 Driven from this place also, Columbanus and his followers settled in 
 Italy. Only Gallus, who was ill at the time, remained behind. He felt 
 obliged, in spite of all unfavourable circumstances, to carry on the work 
 that had been begun. In a wild forest dale by the stream Steinach, 
 where he was held firm by a thorn bush while on his knees praying, he 
 built a cell, from which arose in later times the famous abbey of St. Gall. 
 He died, after an eminently nseful and successful life in his 95th year in 
 A.D. 616, He does not seem to have been so persistent as Columbanus 
 in maintaining the peculiarities of the British church. His discijde 
 Magnoald continued his work and founded the monastery of Fiissen on 
 the Upper Lech in Swabia. At the same time there wrought at Breisgau 
 the hermit Trudpert, an Irishman, who laid the foundation of the future 
 abbey of Trudpert at the foot of the Black Forest, and was murdered in 
 A.D. 643 by a servant given up to him for forced labour. Somewhat later 
 we meet with Pirminius, a Frankish cleric, on the Lake of Constance, 
 where, under the protection of the Frankish ruler Charles Martel, he 
 founded the monastery of Reichenau in a.d. 724, A national rising of 
 the Alcmanui against the Franks drove him away after three years ; but 
 the monastery remained uninjured. He then jiroceeded down the Rhine 
 and founded several monasteries, the last at Hornbach in the diocese of 
 Metz, where he died in a.d. 753. 
 
 2. South-Eastern Germany, — After the successful labours of Severiuus 
 (§ 76, G) the history of the Danubian i^vovinces is shrouded in thick 
 darkness, A hundred years later we find there the powerful iration of 
 the Boyars, now Bavarians, with native dukes descended from Agilulf. 
 Only scanty remnants of Christianity were to be seen. In a.d, 615 the 
 Frankish abbot Eustasius of Luxeuil, the successor of Columbanus, 
 appears prosecuting the missionary labours, and struggling against the 
 so-called heresies of Bonosus and Photiuus, remnants probably of Gothic 
 Arianism. About the middle of the 7th century, at the court of the 
 Duke of Bavaria, Theodo I., at Regensburg, Emmeraii, bishop of Poitiers, 
 laboured for three years. Suddenly he left the country and made a 
 pilgrimage to Italy. Being charged with the seduction of the Princess 
 Ota, he was on his journey in a.d, 652, according to others in a.d. 715, 
 overtaken by her brother and cruelly murdered. Ota is said at the
 
 § 78. CONVERSION AND ROMANIZING OF GERMANY. 463 
 
 advice of the saint himself to have named hiiu as her seducer, in order 
 to screen the actual seducer from vengeance. The true Apostle of 
 Eavaria was bishop Rupert of Worms. lu a.d. 696 he baptized the Duke 
 Theodo II. with his household, founded many churches and monasteries, 
 and almost completed the Christianizing of the country. The centre 
 of his operations was the bishopric of Salzburg, founded by him. About 
 A.D. 716 he returned to "Worms and died there in a.d. 717. An old 
 tradition describes him as a Scot, whether in respect of his descent or 
 of his undoubtedly ecclesiastical tendencies, is uncertain. We find at 
 least no trace of his having had any connection with Rome. Soon after 
 him a Frankish itinerant bishop called Corbiniamis made his appearance 
 in Eavaria, and was the founder of the episcopal see at Freisiugen, a.d. 
 72J:. He was a man of imperious temper and unbending stubbornness, 
 who exercised discipline with reckless strictness, rooted out the remnants 
 of pagan superstition, and founded many churches and monasteries. 
 He died in a.d. 730.— That the Frankish missionaries were still more or 
 less influenced by the old Eritish traditions is shown by the fact that 
 Boniface found the Bavarian church free from Rome. Duke Theodo II. 
 soon after Rupert's departure on a pilgrimage to Rome had indeed 
 entered into relations with Gregory II., in consequence of which three 
 Roman clerics made their appearance in Eavaria. But the organization 
 of the Bavarian church committed to them by the pope could not be 
 carried out on account of political troubles. Boniface was the first who 
 succeeded in some measure in doing this. — The Apostle of the neighbour- 
 ing Thuriugians was an Irishman Kilian or Kyllena, who, toward the 
 end of the 7th century, along with twelve companions, entered the pro- 
 vince of Witi-zburg. These faithful men found the reward of their 
 labours in the crown of martyrdom. But crowds of their zealous believ- 
 ing fellow-countrymen followed them, and continued with rich success 
 the work which they had begun, until, after a hard struggle, they were 
 obliged to resign the field to Boniface, 
 
 3. Nortli-Westeru Germany. — In the Middle Rhine provinces Christian 
 eisiscopal dioceses had been maintained, but in a feeble condition and over- 
 run with crowds of heathen people. About the middle of the 6th century 
 a Frank called Goar settled as a hermit within the bounds of the diocese 
 of Treves, converted many of the surrounding heathens and put to shame 
 the envious suspicions of the clergy of Treves, his holiness being attested 
 according to later legends by many extraordinary miracles. The beau- 
 tiful town of St. Goar has grown up round the spot where he built hi.^ 
 cell and church. After him in the same region wrought a Longobard 
 Wulflaich who as a styhte (§ ii, 6), in spite of the northern climate, 
 preached down to the heathens from his pillar. But the neighbouring 
 bishops disliked his senseless asceticism and had the pillar thrown down. 
 —After the Frankish king Dagobert I. conquered the south of the
 
 464 TEE GEEMAN-EOMAN CHURCH TO A.D. Oil. 
 
 Netberlands in a.d. 630, an accomplished Franldsh priest, Amandus, 
 appeared at Eome preacbiug the gospel among the Frisians settled there. 
 The command given by him for the compulsory baptism of all the 
 pagans only intensified the hatred against him and his sacred message. 
 Insulted, maltreated and repeatedly thrown into the Scheld, he left the 
 country to missionarize among the Basques of the Pyrenees and then 
 among the Slavs of the Danube. But at a later period he returned to 
 Ghent, and gained great influence after having succeeded in converting 
 a rich Frisian called Bavo, with whose help he built two monasteries. 
 In A.D. 647 he was chosen bishop of Maestricht, but retired in a.d. 649, 
 notwithstanding the dissuasion of Pope Martin I., on account of the 
 opposition of his clergy, and then founded the monastery of EIno, after- 
 wards called St. Amand, near Tournay, where he died in a.d. 618. 
 During the same period wrought Eligius, formerly a skilful goldsmith at 
 the court of Dagobert, from a.d. 641 bishop of Noyon, where he died in 
 A.D. 658. He took numerous missionary journeys for the conversion of 
 the Frisians extending as far as the Scheld. From this side of the 
 Channel too wistful eyes had looked over to the Frisian coasts. A Briton 
 said to have been converted to Eomanism by Augustine the Apostle of 
 the Anglo-Saxons, Livinus, appeared as a missionary on the Scheld about 
 A.D. 650, but was slain by the heathens soon alter his arrival. The cele- 
 brated supporter of Eomish claims, Wilfrid (§ 77, 6), first preached the 
 gospel to the Frisians living north of the Scheld. He had been elected 
 archbishop of York, but, expelled from his bishopric (§ 88, 3), he went 
 to seek protection at Eome and was cast by a storm on the Frisian 
 shores, which was fortunate for him as hired assassins waited for him in 
 France. He spent the winter of a.d. 677-678 in Friesland, preached 
 daily, baptized Duke Aklgild and "thousands" of the people. But in 
 the following spring he took his departure. Aldgild's successor Eadbod 
 (t A.D. 719), who passed his whole life in war with Pippin of Heristal 
 (f A.D. 714) and Charles Martel, hated and persecuted Christianity as 
 the religion of the Franks, and the seed sown by Wilfrid perished. 
 Pippin's victory at Dorstadt in a.d. 689 compelled him for a time to 
 show greater toleration. Then immediately a Prankish mission was 
 started under bishop Wulfram of Sens, a pupil of the monastery of 
 Fontanelle founded by Columbanus. According to an interesting tra- 
 dition, which, however, does not stand the test of criticism, Eadbod was 
 himself just about to receive baptism, but drew back from the ba2)tismal 
 font, because he would rather go with his glorious forefathers to hell 
 than enter the Christian heaven with a crowd of miserable people. It is 
 probably only a legend designed in the interest of the doctx-ine of pre- 
 destination. — The true Apostle of the Frisians was the Anglo-Saxon 
 ■Wilibroid who, in company with twelve followers, undertook the work in 
 a.d. 6'JO. Born in Northumbria about a.d. 658, he received his first
 
 § 78. CONYEnSION AND ROMANIZING OF GERMANY. 405 
 
 traiuiug uuder Wilfrid at the monastery of Ilipon and then in an Irish 
 monastery under the direction of Egbert, whose debt to the Frisians 
 (§ 77, 8) he now undertook to pay. Pippin gave protection and aid to 
 the missionaries, and "Wilibrord travelled to Rome that he might get 
 there support for his life work. He returned armed with papal appro- 
 bation and supplied with relics. But meanwhile a party of his followers, 
 probably dissatisfied with his control, sent one of their number called Suid- 
 bert to England, where he received episcopal consecration, Wilibrord's 
 party, however, kept the upper hand. Suidbert went to the Bructeri on 
 the Upper Ems, and, when driven thence by the Saxons, to the Rhine, 
 where he built a monastery on an island of the Rhine given him by 
 Pippin, and died there in a.d. 715. — After many years' successful labour 
 Wilibrord, at Pippin's command, went a second time to Rome in a.d. 
 696, to be there consecrated a bishop. Sergius I. gave him consecration 
 under the name of Clement, distinguishing him in this way as an eminent 
 man, and Pippin gave him the castle of Utrecht as an episcopal resi- 
 dence. From this centre his missionary labours stretched out over 
 Radbod's realm and even across the Danish frontier. During a visit to 
 the island of Heligoland he ventured to baptize three men in a holy 
 well. Radbod would have the blasphemers together to sacrifice to the 
 gods ; thrice he enquired at the sacred lot, but it answered regularly in 
 favour of the missionaries. But, in eonseijuence of the complete defeat 
 which Charles Martel suffered at the hands of Radbod at Cologne, in 
 A.D. 715, the Frisian mission was stopped and only after Radbod's death 
 in A.D. 719 could Wilibrord commence operations again from the monas- 
 tery of Echternach, to which he had meanwhile withdrawn. When he 
 died at the age of eighty-one in a.d. 739, the conversion at least of South 
 Friesland was almost completed. We hear nothing of conflicts and 
 disputes with Celtic missionaries all through his fifty years of missionary 
 labour, in consequence, no doubt, of his mild and peaceful temper, which 
 led him to attend rather to the Christianizing of the heathen than to 
 the Romanizing of those who were already Christian. — In consequence 
 of jurisdictional claims of the Cologne see, the episcopate of Utrecht 
 remained vacant for a long time after Wilibrord's death. The mission 
 among the heathens was meanwhile conducted with zeal and success by 
 Gregory, a Prankish nobleman of the Merovingian family and a favourite 
 pupil of Boniface, who as abbot of the monastery of Utrecht presided 
 over its famous seminary. Willehad, the Anglo-Saxon, was held in high 
 repute by his scholars and was made bishop of Bremen by Charlemagne. 
 Tbe conversion of the northern Frisians was completed by Liudger, a 
 native Frisian, afterwards bishop of Miinster. 
 
 •4. The Missionary Work of Boniface. — The Anglo-Saxon Winfrid or 
 Boniface,' born at Kirton in Wessex about a.d. 680 had at an early age, 
 
 ' That he first received the Latin name after his consecration as 
 
 II U
 
 466 THE GERMAN-ROMAN CHURCH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 on account of his piety, ecclesiastical t<astes and practical talent, gained 
 an honourable position in the church of his native laud. But he was 
 driven by an irresistible impulse to devote himself to the heathen tribes 
 of Germany. In a.d. 710 he landed in Friesland. Although EadboJ, 
 then at war with Charles Martel, considering that he had no connection 
 with the Franks, put no hindrances in his way, he had not such success 
 as encouraged him to continue, and so before winter he returned home. 
 But his missionary ardour gave him no rest ; even his election as abbot 
 of his monastery of Nutscall was not sufficient to hold him back. And 
 Fo in the spriug of a.d. 718 he crossed the Channel a second time, but 
 went first of all to Rome, where Gregory II., a.d. 715-731, supplied him 
 with relics and papal authority for the German mission. The task to 
 which he now applied himself was directed less to the uprooting of 
 paganism than to the overthrow of that Celtic heresy which had on 
 many sides struck its roots deeply in German soil. He nest attempted 
 to gain a footing in Tlmriugia. But he could neither induce the 
 " adulterous " priests to submit to Rome, nor seduce tlieir peojile from 
 allegiance to them. News of Eadbod's death in a.d. 719 moved him to 
 make a journey into Friesland, where he aided Wilibrord for three years 
 in converting the heathens. Wilibrord wished him to remain in Fries- 
 land as his coadjutor, and to be his future successor in the bishopric 
 of Utrecht. But this reminded him of his own special task. He tore 
 himself away and returned to Upper Hesse in a.d. 722. Here he won 
 to Roman Christianity two Christian chiefs Dettic and Deorulf, erected 
 with their help the monastery of Amanaburg (Arnoueburg, not far from 
 the Ohm ov Amana), and baptized, as his biographer Willibald assures us, 
 in a short time " many thousands " of the heathens. He reported his 
 success to the pope who called him to Rome in a.d. 723, where, after 
 
 bishop in a.d. 723 is rendered more than doubtful by the fact that it is 
 found in letters of earlier date. It is probably only a Latinizing of the 
 Anglo-Saxon Winfrid or Wynfrith (from Yyn = fortune, luck, health; 
 frid or frith = peace ; therefore: peaceful, wholesome fortune) into the 
 name, widely spread in Christian antiquity, of Bonifatius (from honum- 
 fatnm, Greek : Eutj'ches, good luck). But the transposition into the 
 form Bouifacius which might seem the equivalent of the Anglo-Saxon 
 word "Benefactor " of the German people, is first met with, although 
 even then only occasionally, in the 8th century, but afterwards always 
 more and more frequently, and then is given to the i^opes and other 
 earlier bearers of the name. By the 15th century the original and 
 etymological style of WTitiug the name and that used in early documents 
 had been completely discarded and forgotten, till modern pLilology, 
 diplomatics and epigraphies have ngain clearly vindicated the earlier 
 fcrm.
 
 § 78. CONVERSION AND ROMANIZING OF GERMANY. 4G7 
 
 exacting of him a solemn vow of fealty to the papal chair, he cousc- 
 crated him Apostolic bishop or Primate of all Germany, and gave him 
 a Codex canonum and commendatory letters to Charles Martel and the 
 German clergy, as vrell as to the people and princes of Thuriugia, Hesse, 
 and even heathen Saxony. He next secm'ed at the court of Charles 
 Martel a letter of protection and introduction from that powerful prince, 
 and then again betook himself to Hesse. The cutting down of the old 
 sacred oak of Thor at Gtismar near Fritzlar in a.d. 724, against which 
 he raised the axe with his own hand amid the breathless horror of the 
 heatheu multitudes, building a Christian chapel with its timber, marked 
 the downfall of heathenism in the heart of Germany. In the following 
 year, a.d. 725, he extended his operations into Thuringia, where Celtic 
 institutions were still more widely spread than in Hesse. This extension 
 of his field of labour required a corresponding increase of his staff. He 
 applied to his English friends, of whom bishop Daniel of Winchester 
 was the most distinguished. His call was responded to year after year 
 by Anglo-Saxon priests, monks and nuns. All England was roused to 
 enthusiasm for the work of its apostle and supported him with advice 
 and practical aid, with prayers and intercessions, with gifts and presents 
 for his personal and ecclesiastical necessities. Thus there soon arose 
 two spiritual armies over against one another ; both fought with equal 
 enthusiasm for what seemed to them most high and holy. But the 
 Anglo-Saxon invader gained ground always more and more, though 
 indeed amid much want, weariness and care, and the Celtic chm'cli 
 gradually disappeared before advancing Romanism. Meanwhile Gregory 
 II. had died. His successor Gregory III., a.d. 731-741, to whom Boni- 
 face had immediately submitted a report, answered by sending him 
 the archiepiscopal pallium with a commission as papal legate in the 
 German lands to found bishoprics and consecrate bishops. His work in 
 Thuringia, after ten years' struggles and contests, was so far successful 
 that he could look around for other fields of labour. He chose now, 
 however, not heathen Saxony but the already Christianized Bavaria, 
 ■which, as still free from Rome and strongly infected with the British 
 heresy, seemed to afford a more attractive field for his missionary zeal. 
 He made a hasty tour of inspection through the country in a.d. 735-736. 
 The most important result of this journey was the accession of a fiery 
 young Bavarian named Sturm, supposed to be next in succession to 
 Odilo the heir of the throne, whom Boniface took with him to educate 
 at the seminary at Fritzlar. In the following year he undertook a 
 third journey to Rome, undoubtedly to consult with the pope about 
 the further organization of the German church and the best mode of 
 its accomplishment. He had the most flattering reception and stayed 
 almost a whole year in Rome. The pope sent him away in a.d. 738 with 
 apostolic letters to the clergy, people and nobles of Middle Germany,
 
 468 THE GERMAN-EOMAN CHUECH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 and also to some distinguished Cavariau and Alemannian bishops, 
 in which those addressed weve urged to assist his legate by their ready 
 and hearty obedience in bringing about a much-needed organization of 
 the churches in their several provinces.' 
 
 5. The Orgauization Effected by Boniface. — The attention of Boniface 
 was directed first (_f all to Bavaria, and duke Odilo reigning there since 
 A.D. 737 anticipated it by an invitation. Arriving in Bavaria he divided 
 the whole Bavarian church into four dioceses. Bivilo of Passau had 
 before this been consecrated as bishop in Eome. Erembert of Frei- 
 singen received consecration at the band of the legate. The bishops 
 of Eegeusburg and Salzburg, however, down to the close of their lives, 
 asserted themselves as opposition bishops over against those appointed 
 by Boniface. Odilo, too, withdrew from him his favour, and entrusted 
 not to him but to Pirmiuian the Alemannian Apostle, who sided with 
 the Celtic church, the organization and oversight of several newly- 
 founded Bavarian monasteries. Thus the results of the pajsal legate's 
 visit to Bavaria were of a very doubtful kind, and he had not even made 
 a beginning of Eomanizing Alemaunia. In the meantime, however, an 
 incident occurred which gave him in a short time the highest measure 
 of influence and success. Charles Martel died in a.d. 741 and his sons 
 succeeded him, Carloman in Austrasia and Pepin the Short in Neustria. 
 Charles Martel had indeed on Gregory's recommendation given Boniface 
 a letter of protection that he might carry on his work in Hesse and 
 Thuringia, but he had never gone further, so that Boniface often com- 
 plained bitterly to his English friends of the indolent, even hostile 
 attitude of the Frankish prince. But he could not wish a better co- 
 adjutor than Carloman, who was really rather more a monk than a 
 prince. And so Boniface no longer delayed the organization of the 
 Hessian and Thuringian churches, for in the course of the j'ear 741 
 he founded four bishoprics there. It was a matter of still greater 
 consequence that Carloman and then also Pepin aided him in the 
 reorganization of the Frankish national church on both sides of the 
 Vosges mountains, where partly on account of sympathy with the British 
 church system, partly on account of the wild spirit engendered by a 
 life of war and the chase, the clergy had not hitherto submitted to the 
 influence of the papal emissary. In order that the estates of the realm 
 might be advised by " the envoy of St. Peter " and the clergy of the 
 empire about what was necessary for the Austrasian church, Carloman, 
 at the close of an imperial diet, at a place unknown, called the first 
 Austrasian Synod, Concilium Oennanicum, in a.d. 742, and gave to its 
 
 ' Wright, " Biog. Britannica Literaria." Lond., 1842. Cox, "Life of 
 Boniface" Lond. ,1853. Hoj^e, " Boniface." Loudon, 1872. Maclear, 
 "Apostles of Mediasval Europe.]'
 
 § 78. CONVERSION AND ROMANIZING OF GERMANY. 469 
 
 decrees the authority of imperial laws. Boniface was recognised as 
 Archbishop and Primate of the -whole Austrasian church ; it was for- 
 bidden that the higher or lower clergy should have anything to do with 
 arms, hunting and war, that all " false and adulterous " priests should 
 be expelled; that the admission of " strange " clerics should be depen- 
 dent on examination before a Synod to be held annually ; that in all 
 monasteries the Benedictine rule (§ 85, 1) should be enforced ; and that 
 it be made the duty of counts to support the bishops in maintaining 
 church discipline and stamping out all remnants of paganism. In the 
 next year, a.d. 743, Carloman summoned the Second Austrasian Synod 
 at Liptina, now Lestines, near Cambray, which confirmed the decrees 
 of the first and enlarged their scope, especially in regard to the rooting 
 out of pagan superstition and enforcing strictly the Romish prohibition 
 of marriage between those naturally (§ Gl, 2) and spiritually (§ 58, 1) 
 related. Thus upon the whole the legal reorganization of the church of 
 Austrasia might have been regarded as complete, even though its actual 
 enforcement required yet many severe struggles. In a.d. 744 Boniface 
 laid the foundation of the famous monastery of Fulda which for many 
 centuries was a chief resort and iDrincipal school of the Benedictine 
 monks of Germany. Its first abbot was young Sturm. — After the close 
 of the Austrasian Synod Boniface began to treat with Pepin about the 
 reorganization of the church in Neustria. Pepin called a Neustrian 
 provincial Synod at Soissons in a.d. 744. Its decrees in regard to dis- 
 cipline -were in essential agreement with those of the two Austrasian 
 Synods. Besides it was resolved to erect three metropolitan sees. Two 
 of the prelates designate, however, refused to accept the pallium offered 
 by pope Zacharias, a.d. 741-752, ostensibly on the plea that the payment 
 of the fee demanded would render them gnilty of simony. Their refusal, 
 however, was perhaps mainly due to Pepin's discovery that the political 
 unity of Neustria required a Primate at Rheims rather than three 
 metropolitans (§ 83). At a national Synod, place of meeting unknown, 
 held in a.d. 745, called by the two princes acting together, at Boniface's 
 request the bishop Gewilib of Mainz, a rude warrior guilty of secret 
 murders, was deposed. It was now the wish of Boniface that he should 
 receive the vacant episcopal chair of Cologne, which was destined to be 
 raised into a metropolitan see. Yet, through the machinations of his 
 opponents, the vacancy at Cologne was otherwise filled, and Boniface 
 was at last obliged to be satisfied with the less important bishoi^ric of 
 Mainz. At a second national Council of a.d. 748 held probably at 
 Diiren he succeeded in getting a considerable number of Austrasian and 
 Neustrian bishops to subscribe a declaration of absolute submission to 
 the pope in which they fully acknowledged the papal supremacy over 
 the Frankish church. Pepin, who now, after the retirement of his 
 brother Carloman from the government in a.d. 747, in order to spend
 
 470 THE GEEMAN-BOMAN CHURCH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 the re;t of his days in the mouastery ot Moute Cassino, was sole ruler 
 of both kingdoms, obtaiued the express approval of pope Zachariarj in 
 A.D. 752 in making an end of the puppet show of a sham Merovingian 
 royalty (§ 82, 1). But it is quite a mistake to say that Boniface was 
 the intermediary in this matter between the pope and the mayor of the 
 palace. His letters rather show, from the disfavour in which he at 
 that time stood at the court of Pepin, that the negociations were carried 
 on directly with the pope without his knowledge. ^ 
 
 6. Heresies Confronted by Boniface.— Among the numerous heresies 
 with which Boniface had to deal the most important were those of the 
 Prankish Adalbert, the Scotchman Clement, and the Irishman Virgilius. 
 Adalbert wrought on the left bank of the Rhine far into the interior of 
 Neufitria ; Clement among the East Franks. lu the summer of a.d. 743 
 Carloman had at Boniface's urgent request cast both into prison, and at 
 the Neustrian Synod of Soissons in a.d. 744 Boniface secured Adalbert's 
 condemnation. Yet socn after we find both-at liberty. Boniface now 
 accused them before the pope Zacharias, and they were condemned un- 
 heard at a Lateran Council in a.d. 745. The legate's written accusation 
 charged the Prankish Adalbert with the vilest hypocrisy and blasphemy : 
 He boasted that an angel had brought him relics of extraordinary miracle- 
 working power, by which he could do anything that God could ; he placed 
 himself on an equality with the apostles ; he introduced unlearned and 
 uncanonically ordained bishops ; he forbade pilgrimages to Rome, and 
 the consecration of churches and chapels in the names of apostles and 
 martyrs, but had no objection to their consecration in his own name ; 
 he neglected divine service in consecrated places and assembled the 
 people for worship in woods and fields and wheresoever it seemed good to 
 him ; he let his own hair and nails be venerated as relics ; he absolved 
 those who came to him in confession with the words : I know all your 
 sins, for nothing is hidden from me, confession is unnecessary, go in 
 peace, your sins are forgiven you, etc. ; in this way he won great in- 
 fluence espuBcially over women and peasants, who honoured him as a 
 great apostle and miracle-worker. Three documents supported the 
 report of Boniface ; viz., a biography of Adalbert composed by one of his 
 admirers, according to which his motlier in the " ever blessed " hour of 
 his birth had in vision seen an ox go forth out her right side ; also, a 
 letter said to have fallen from heaven to Jerusalem which guaranteed 
 his divine mission ; and finally, a prayer composed by him which while 
 generally breathing a spirit of deep humility and firm faith, went on to 
 invoke a rarely-named angel. If we strike out from these charges those 
 
 ' Trench, "Lectures on Medieval Church History." Lond,, 1877. 
 Ilardwick, "History of Christian Church during Middle Ages,"
 
 § 78. CONVEESION AND ROMANIZING OP GERMANY. 471 
 
 which evitlently rest nponmisunderstandiug aud legendary or malevolent 
 exaggeration, we have before us a man \Yho in oi)position to the pre- 
 vailing worship of saints and relics maintained that the relics set up for 
 veneration were no more worthy of it than his own hair and nails would 
 be, who also disputed the advantage of pilgrimages, denied the necessity 
 of auricular confession, insisted upon the universal priesthood of be- 
 lievers in opposition to Romish hierarchical claims, and the evangelical 
 ■worship of God in spirit and in truth in opposition to the Romish 
 overestimation of consecrated places; but in doing so perhaps, more 
 certainly in mystic-theosophic enthusiasm than in conscious deceitful- 
 ness, he may have boasted of divine revelations and the possession of 
 miracle-working power. — The figure of the Scotchman Clement comes 
 out yet more distinctly in the charge formulated against him. He is 
 simply an adherent of the pure and unadulterated ecclesiastical system 
 of the old British church. He treats with contempt the Canon law, and 
 does not regard himself as bound by the decrees of Synods or the au- 
 thority of the Latin Fathers ; he claims to be a bishop and still lives in 
 " adulterous " wedlock ; he affirms that a man may marry the widow of 
 his deceased brother ; he teaches wath reference to Christ's descent into 
 hell that even those who died in heathenism may yet be redeemed, and 
 " ajlrmat multa alia JwrribiUa de prcedestinatione Dei contrarid fidei 
 eath." The pope committed to his legate the execution of the Synod's 
 condemnatory judgment. But still in a. n. 747 Boniface again complains 
 that the undiminished reputation of both heretics at all points stands in 
 his way. Soon after this, however, Carloman, after Adalbert had sub- 
 mitted in a disputation with Boniface, sent him into confinement in the 
 monastery of Fulda, from which he made his escape, and after long 
 wanderings was at last killed by the swineherds. No information has 
 reached us as to the end of Clement. — The Irishman Virgilins was from 
 A.D. 744 bishop of Salzburg, and, as before at the court of Pcpiu, so now 
 at his recommendation at the court of the Bavarian duke Odilo, he stood 
 in high favour. After a long aud determined refusal he at last agreed to 
 submit to the Romish choice of bishops. A priest of his diocese un- 
 skilled in Latin had baptized in nomine patria ct filia et sjicritus sancti, 
 Boniface pronounced such baptism invalid. Virgilius thought otherwise 
 and appealed to the pope who was obliged to admit that he was right. 
 But now Boniface complained of him as a heretic because he taught : 
 Quod alius mundus et alii homines sub terra sint, and this time the pope 
 took the side of his legate, because upon the accepted notion of the 
 orbicular form of the earth, the doctrine of antipodes (already regarded 
 by Lactantius and Augustine as of daugerous tendency) amounted to a 
 denial of the unity of the human race and the universality of redemp- 
 tion, whereas the Irishman belonging to a seafaring race probably con- 
 sidered the earth to be globular. The pope, in a.d, 748, ordered his de-
 
 472 THE GERMAN-ROMAN CHURCH TO A. P. 911. 
 
 position and removal from tlae clerical order, which Boniface, however, 
 was not ahle to accomplish.' 
 
 7. The End of Boniface. — On the one hand, distrusted, and set aside by 
 Pepin and the new pope Stephen II., a.d. 752-757, from his position as 
 legate (§ 82, 1), and also, on the other hand, feeling himself overborne 
 in his old age by the burden of his episcopal and archiepiscopal cares, 
 sorrows and conflicts, Boniface had his favourite pupil, the energetic 
 Lullus, already recognised by pope Zacharias, elected as his successor, 
 and with Pepin's consent transferred to him at once the independent 
 administration of the episcopal diocese of Mainz. He now determined 
 to devote his last as he had his first energies undividedly to his archi- 
 episcopal diocese embracing the Frisian church, which still needed firm 
 episcopal control and was now threatened with a pagan reaction. After 
 Wilibrord's death in a.d. 739, Cologne, resting its pretensions on an 
 ancient deed of gift by Dagobert, claimed jurisdiction over the Frisian 
 church. Boniface indeed at Carloman's orders had ordained a new 
 bishop to the Utrecht chair, in a.d. 741, probably the Anglo-Saxon 
 Eoban. Yet this new bishop never came into actual, at least not into 
 undisputed possession. In one of his last letters Boniface earnestly but 
 in vain implores pope Stephen II. to disallow the unjust pretensions of 
 Cologne. Charlemagne first settled the dispute by requiring Alberich, 
 Gregory's successor in the Utrecht see, to receive consecration at the 
 hands of the Cologne prelate. With a stately retinue of fifty-two fol- 
 lowers clerical or lay, and with a foreboding presentiment carrj'ing with 
 him a winding sheet, Boniface sailed down the Rhine in the spring of 
 A.D. 754. Whether he had now in view a reorganization of the exist- 
 ing Frisian church and how far he succeeded, we have no means of 
 knowiug. On the other hand his biographers in their legendary ex- 
 aggeration cannot sufficiently extol the wonderful success of his mis- 
 sionary preaching. Wherever he appeared throughout the land he 
 baptized thousands of heathens. At last he had pitched his tent in the 
 neighbourhood of what is now Dokkum, and there, on June 5th, a.d. 755, 
 a number of neophytes received confirmation. But a wild troop) of 
 heathen apostates rushed down on them before the break of day. The 
 guard desired to offer armed resistance, but Boniface refused to shed 
 blood, and, according to the report of an old woman, received his death- 
 blow holding the gospel over his head. His companions were also cut 
 down around him. Utrecht, Mainz and Fulda quarrelled over his bones. 
 Signs and wonders at last decided in favour of Fulda, which he had 
 himself fixed upon as their resting place. — By order of Lullus, a priest of 
 
 1 Mosheim, " Eccl. Hist." Ed. by Reid. London, 1880. p. 285. 
 Cent, viii., pt. ii., ch. 5. Wright, " Biographia Brit. Literaria." 
 London, 1842.
 
 § 78. coNVEnsioN and Romanizing of gekmany. 473 
 
 Mainz called Wilibald wrote his life about a.d. 760. Another life by an 
 anonymous author in Utrecht appeared about a.d. 790 ; and yet another 
 by the Eegensburg monk Othlo about a.d. 1060. His literary remains 
 consist of Epistles, Sermons, and Penitentials of doubtful authenticity. 
 
 8. An Estimate of Boniface. — In opposition to the current Roman 
 Catholic apotheosis of Boniface which assigns to him as the true Apostle 
 of the Germans the highest place of honour in the firmament of German 
 saints and cannot find the least shadow or defect in all his life, strug- 
 gles and doings, ultra-protestant estimates have run to the very contrary 
 extreme. Ebrard has carried this to the utmost length. He refuses to 
 credit him with zeal, any hearty regard, any real capacity for proper 
 mission work among the heathens. Alongside of Wilibrord he was only 
 a despicable Romish spy ; in Hesse and Thuringia only the brutal de- 
 stroyer of the Culdee church that flourished there, and in the Frankish 
 empire only the inconscionable agent of Rome who allied himself to the 
 Rome-favouring dynasty of Pepin in order to secure the overthrow of 
 the Culdee-favouring Merovingians, purchasing thus Frankish aid in 
 subjecting the German and Frankish churches to the hierarchical t} ranny 
 of Rome. He can find in him no trace of intellectual or siDiritual great- 
 ness. On the contrary fanaticism, hatred and a persecuting spirit, 
 intrigue and dishonesty, servility, dissimulation, hypocrisy, lying and 
 double dealing are there in abundance. His world-wide fame is ac- 
 counted for by this, that he is the accursed founder of all mischief which 
 has arisen upon Germany from its connection with the papal chair. — It 
 is true that Boniface stopped the course of the national and independent 
 development of the German church that had begun and put it on the 
 track of Roman Catholic development and mal-development. But even 
 had Boniface never crossed the Channel this fate coulJ scarcely have 
 been averted. It is further true that Boniface was far more eager in 
 uprooting heretical " Celtism " and bringing Frankish and Bavarian 
 Christians under the Romish yoke than in converting heathen Saxons 
 to Christianity. But he was thus eager because that seemed to him in 
 the first instance more necessary and important than aiming at new 
 conversions. It is a crying injustice to deny that he showed any zeal, 
 any energy, or that he had any success in the conversion of the heathen 
 in Friesland, Hesse and Thuringia. All his thoughts, labours and en- 
 deavours are dominated by a steadfast conviction that the pope is the 
 head and representative of the church in which alone salvation can be 
 found. But yet with him the church laws which emanate from the Holy 
 Spirit stand superior to the pope. Hence the right of final decision on 
 all ecclesiastical questions belongs indeed to the pope, but only secundum 
 caiiones. The expression ascribed to Boniface in Gratiau's Decretal : 
 Papa a nemine judicetur nisi devius a fide is never met with in any of his 
 extant writings, but it thoroughly well characterizes his position. Thus
 
 474 THE GEEMAN-EOMAN CHUECH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 alongside of the most abject submission to the chair of Peter, we see 
 how firmly he speaks to pope Zacharias in connection with the Neustrian 
 pallium affair about the Simoniacal greed of the officials, and on another 
 occasion declares his profound indignation at the immoral, superstitions 
 and blasphemous proceedings, fit to be compared to the old pagan 
 Saturnalia, which went on in Eome openly before the eyes of the pope 
 unchecked and unpunished. He also showed brave resistance when 
 papal dispensations infringed his ordinances founded upon the canon 
 law, and protested vigorously, when Stephen H., in a.d. 754, disregarding 
 the archiepiscopal authority gave episcopal consecration to Chrodegang of 
 Metz. But Boniface never mixed himself up with the political intrigues 
 of the popes, nor did he ever intermeddle in the political manoeuvres 
 between Pepin and the Merovingians, between the Frankish empire and 
 its German vassals. An inventive genius, great and profound thoughts, 
 a liberal and comprehensive view of matters, we certainly often miss in 
 him. All his thoughts, feelings and desires were bound within the 
 narrow limits of Eomisli ecclesiasticism. His piety was deep, earnest 
 and sincere, but is quite of the legalistic and hard external kind that 
 characterizes Eoman Catholicism. With the most painful conscientious- 
 ness he holds by Eonie's ecclesiastical institutions ; any resistance to 
 these is abhorrent to him and he persecutes heresies as cursed and soul- 
 destroying. He clearly understands the absurdity of prohibiting mar- 
 riage between those who are related only in baptism and at confirmation. 
 For he sees that on this princijile all marriages between Christian jieople 
 as recipients of baptism must be forbidden since by baptism they have 
 all become sons and daughters of Christ and His church, and so are 
 spiritually brothers and sisters. But then he willingly sacrifices his 
 understanding, and continues to denounce all marriages between those 
 spiritually related as fearful sin and horrible incest. Very characteristic 
 too are many of his questions to the popes as to what should be held on 
 this point and that, mostly about very trivial and indifferent matters of 
 common life. Thus he lets himself be informed that raw bacon should 
 only be eaten smoked, but that the eating of the flesh of horses, hares, 
 beavers, jackdaws, ravens and storks is absolutely forbiden, " immundiim 
 enim est et e.vccrahile." * 
 
 9. The Conversion of the Saxons. — The first missionary attempts among 
 the Saxons, who had forced their way from the north-west of German^' 
 down to the neighbourhood of the Ehine, were made by two Anglo-Saxon 
 monks, who were both called Ewald, the black or the white Ewald. A 
 Saxon peasant received them hospitably, but so soon as he discovered 
 their object, fell upon them with his household servants and slew them, 
 
 ' Milman, " Hist, of Latin Christianity," Vol. ii. Trench's "Lec- 
 tures on Mediieval Church History."
 
 § 78. CONVERSION AND ROMANIZING OF GERMANY. 475 
 
 A.D. 691. Boniface had many pious wishes about his heathen kinsfolk 
 but did nothing for their conversion. The most that he did was to found 
 the monastery of Fulda on the Saxon frontier as the rallying point for a 
 future clerical raid upon Saxon paganism. For thirty years, however, 
 this remained but a pious wish, till at last the sword of the most power- 
 ful of the Fraukish kings took up the mission. The subjugation of the 
 powerful as well as hostile Saxon people was with Charlemagne a poli- 
 tical necessity. But lasting subjugation was impossible without con- 
 version and conversion was impossible without subjugation ; for the 
 Saxons hated the religion of the Franks no less heartily than they did 
 the Franks themselves. Alcuin with true magnanimity exerted all his 
 influence with his royal friend against any use of force in conversion, but 
 political necessity overcame the counsel of the much trusted friend. 
 The Saxon war lasted for thirty-three years, a.d. 772-80i, In the very 
 first campaign the strongest Saxon fortress Eresburg was stormed and 
 their most revered idol, the Erminsul, was destroyed. Frankish priests 
 followed the Frankish arms and Christianized immediately the con- 
 quered districts. But as soon as Charlemagne's army was engaged 
 elsewhere, the Saxons proceeded to destroy again all Christian founda- 
 tions. In the imperial diet at Paderborn in a.d. 777 they were obliged 
 to swear that life and property would be forfeited by a new apostasy. 
 But the most powerful of the Saxon princes, Wittekind, who had not ap- 
 peared at the diet, organized a new revolt. The Frankish army sustained 
 a fearful defeat at Mount Sunthal, all Christian priests were murdered, 
 all churches were destroyed. Charlemagne took a dreadful revenge. At 
 Verden he beheaded in one day 4,500 Saxons. After a new rebellion, a 
 second diet at Paderborn in a.d. 785 prescribed for them horribly bloody 
 laws. The least resistance against the precepts of the church was 
 punished with death. Wittekind and Albion, the two most famous 
 Saxon chiefs, acknowledged the vanity of further resistance. They were 
 baptized in a.d, 785 and continued thenceforward faithful to the king 
 and the church. But the rebellions of the rest of the Saxons were still 
 continued. In a.d. BOi Charlemagne drove 10,000 Saxon families from 
 their homes on the Elbe, and gave the country to the Obohites that were 
 subject to him. Now for the first time was a lasting peace secured. 
 Charlemagne had founded eight bishoprics in Saxony, and under these 
 bishops' care throughout this blood-deluged country, no longer disturbed, 
 a Christianity was developed as truly hearty and fresh as in any other 
 part of Germany. One witness to this among others is afforded by the 
 popular epic the Heliaud (§ 89, 3).^ 
 
 1 " William of Malmesbury's Chronicle of Kings of England," Bk. I,, 
 ch, 4,
 
 476 the german-eoman church to a.d. 911. 
 
 § 79, The Slavs in German Countries.^ 
 
 The siTclden rush of the wild liordes of the Huns in the 
 5th century drove the Slavs to the south of the Danube 
 and to the west of the Vistula. Again in the 6th century 
 Slavic tribes forced their way westward under pressure 
 from the Mongolian Avars who took possession of Dacia, 
 Pannonia and Dalmatia, For the conversion of the Slavs 
 in north-eastern Germany nothing was done ; but much 
 was attempted on behalf of the conversion of the southern 
 Slavs and the Avars, who were specially under the care of 
 the see of Salzburg. 
 
 1. The Carantanians and Avars. — The Carantanian prince Boruth, in 
 what is now called Carinthia, in a.d. 748 asked the help of the Bavarian 
 duke Thassilo II. against the oppression of the Avars. His nephew 
 Chatimar, who had received a Christian training in Bavaria, when in 
 A.D. 753 he succeeded to the throne, introduced Christianity into his 
 country. After the overthrow of Thassilo in a.d. 788, Carinthia came 
 under Prankish rule, and Charlemagne extended his conquests over the 
 Avars and Moravians. Bishop Arno of Salzburg, to whom metropolitan 
 rights had been accorded, conducted a regular mission by Charlemagne's 
 orders for the conversion of these peo]3les. In a.d. 790, Tudun, the prince 
 of the Avars, with a great baud of his followers, received baptism, and 
 vowed in a.d. 797 to turn the whole nation of the Avars to Christianity, 
 and asked for Christian teachers. In the 9th century, however, the 
 name of the Avars passed away from history. 
 
 2. The Moravian Church.— In a.d. 855 Rastislaw, Grand Duke of 
 Moravia, fieed his country from the Prankish yoke and deprived the 
 German bishops of all their influence. He asked Slavic missionaries 
 from the Byzantine emperor. The brothers Cyril and Methodius (§ 73, 
 2, 3) who had already approved themselves as apostles of the Slavs, 
 answered the call in a.d. 863. They introduced a liturgy and public 
 worshiiD in the language of the Slavs, and by preaching in the Slavic 
 tongue they won their way to the hearts of the heathen people. But in 
 spite of this encouraging success they found themselves, amid the 
 political convulsions of the age, in a difficult position. Only by attach- 
 ment to the pope could they reasonably expect to hold their ground. 
 They accepted therefore an invitation of Nicholas I. in a.d. 8G7, but on 
 
 ' Freeman, " Historical Essays." 2nd series : " The Southern Slavs."
 
 § 80. THE SCANDINAVIAN NATIONS. 477 
 
 their arrival in Kome tliey found that Hadrian II. had succeeded to the 
 papal chair. Cyril remained in Kome and soon died, a.d. 869. Metho- 
 dius swore fealty to the pope and was sent away as archbisliop of Moravia. 
 But now all the more were the German bishops hostile to him. They 
 suspected his fidelity to the pope, charged him with heresy and inveighed 
 against the Slavic liturgy which he had introduced. John VIII., ren- 
 dered suspicious of him by these means, called upon him in strong terms 
 in A.D. 879 to make answer for himself at Rome. Methodius obeyed 
 and succeeded in completely vindicating himself. The pope confirmed 
 him in his archiepiscopal rank and expressly permitted him to use the 
 Slavic liturgy, enjoining, however, that by way of distinction the gospel 
 should first be read in Latin and then rendered in a Slavic translation. 
 The intrigues of the German clergy, however, continued and embittered 
 the last days of the good and brave apostle of the Slavs. He died in 
 A.D. 885. A general persecution now broke out against the Slavic priestii 
 and the metropolitan chair of Moravia remained vacant for fourteen 
 years. John IX. restored it in a.d. 899. But in a.d. 908 the Moravian 
 kingdom was overthrown. The Bohemians and Magyars shared the 
 spoil between them. 
 
 3. The Beginnings of Christianity in Bohemia.— On New Year's day of 
 A D. 8-15 fourteen Bohemiaia lords appeared at Eegensburg at the court 
 of Louis of Germauy aud asked for baptism along with their followers. 
 Of the motives and of the consequences of this stejD we know nothing. 
 When Eastislaw raised the Moravian empire to such a height of glory 
 the Bohemians connected themselves closely with Moravia. Kastislaw's 
 successor Swatopluc married a daughter of the Bohemian prince Borsivoi 
 in A.D. 871. After that Methodius extended his missionary laboiu's into 
 Bohemia. Borsivoi himself aud his wife, Ludmilla, were baptized by 
 Methodius in a.d. 871. The sons of Borsivoi, also, Spitihnew, who died 
 in A.D. 912 and Wratislaw, who died in a.d. 926, with the active sui^port 
 of their mother furthered the interests of the church in Bohemia. 
 
 § 80. The Scandinavian Nations.^ 
 
 The mission to the Frisians and Saxons called the atten- 
 tion of missionaries to the neighbouring Jutes and Danes. 
 Wilibrord (§ 78, 3) in a.d. GOG carried the gospel across the 
 Eider, and Charlemagne felt it necessary in order to main- 
 tain his authority over the Frisians and Saxons to extend 
 
 ' Adam of Bremen, " Gesta Hammaburgensia," a.d. 788-1072. Pon- 
 toppidan, "Annales Eccles. DanicEe," Copenhag., 1741. Merivale, 
 " Conversion of the Northern Nations." London, 18G5.
 
 478 THE GEKMAN-EOMAN CHURCH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 liis conquest and that of the church over the peninsula of 
 Jutland to the sea coast. He coi^ld not, however, accom- 
 plish his design. Better prospects opened tip before Louis 
 the Pious. Threatened with expulsion through disjiutes 
 about the succession, Harald the king of the Jutes sought 
 the protection of the Franks. Consequently Ebo, arch- 
 bishop of Rheinis, crossed the Eider in a.d. 823 at the head 
 of an imperial embassy and clothed with full authority from 
 pope Paschalis I. He baptized also a number of Danes, 
 and when, after a year's absence, he returned home, he 
 took with him several young Jutes to educate as teachers 
 for their countrymen. But Harald was again hard pressed 
 and concluded to break entirely with the national paganism. 
 In A.D. 826 he took ship, with wife and child, accompanied 
 by a stately retinue, and at Mainz, where Louis then held 
 his court, received baptism with great pomp and ceremony. 
 Soon after his return a young monk followed him from the 
 monastery of Corbel on the Weser. Aiisgar, the apostle 
 of the north, had committed to him by Louis the hard and 
 dangerous task of winning the Scandinavian nations for the 
 church. Ansgar devoted his whole life to the accomplish- 
 ment of this task, and in an incomparable manner fulfilled it, 
 so far as indomitable perseverance, devotion and self-denial 
 amid endless difficulties and perverse opposition could do it. 
 
 1. Ansgar or Anschar, the sou of a Frankish uoLIeman, born a.d. 801, 
 was educated in the monastery of Old Corbie in Picardy, and on the 
 founding of New Corbie in a.d. 822 was made Superior of it. Even in 
 very early youth he had dreams and visions which led him to look for- 
 ward to the mission field and the crown of martyrdom. Accompanied 
 by his noble-minded brother monk Autbert, who would not let his be- 
 loved friend go alone, Ansgar started in a.d. 826 on his first missionary 
 journey. Harald had established his authority in the maritime provinces 
 of Jutland, but he ventured not to push on into the interior. In this way 
 the missionary efforts of the two friends were restricted. On the frontier 
 of Schleswig, however, they founded a school, bought and educated 
 Danish slave youths, redeemed Christian prisoners of war and preached 
 throut^hout the country. Eut in the year followiiig Harald was driven
 
 § 80. THE SCANDINAVIAN NATIONS. 479 
 
 out and fled to the province of Riistringeu on the Wescr, •which Louis 
 assigned to him for life. Also the two missionaries were obliged to follow 
 him. Autbert died in the monastery of Corbie in a.d. 829, having retired 
 again to it when seized with illness. Soon afterwards the emperor ob- 
 tained information through ambassadors sent by the Swedish king Bjorn, 
 that there were many isolated Christians in their land, some of them 
 merchants, others prisoners of war, who had a great desire to be visited 
 by Christian priests. Ausgar, with several companions, undertook this 
 mission in a.d. 830, On the way they were plundered by Norse pirates. 
 His companions spoke of returning home, but Ansgar would not be dis- 
 couraged. King Bjorn received them in a very kindly manner. A little 
 group of Christian prisoners gathered round them and heartily joined in 
 worship. A school was erected, boys were bought and adults preached 
 to. Several Swedes sought baptism, among them the governor of Birka, 
 Herigar, who built at his own cost the first Christian church. After 
 eighteen months Ansgar returned to the Frankish court in order to 
 secure a solid basis for his mission. Louis thus perceived an opportu- 
 nity of founding a bishopric for the Scandinavian Norsemen at Hamburg 
 on the borders of Denmark. He appointed Ansgar bishop in a.d. 834, 
 and assigned to him and the mission the revenues of the rich abbey of 
 Turholt in Flanders. Ausgar obtained in Rome from Gregory IV. the 
 support of a bull which recognised him as exclusively vicar apostolic over 
 all the Norse. Then he built a cathedral at Hamburg, besides a monas- 
 tery, bought again Danish boys to educate for the priesthood and sent 
 new labourers among the Swedes, at whose head was the Frankish monk 
 Gauzbert. But soon misfortunes from all sides showered down upon the 
 poor bishop. His patron Louis died in a.d. 840, Harald apostatized 
 from the faith, the Swedish missionaries were driven out by the pagans, 
 the Norse rushed down on Hamburg and utterly destroyed city, church, 
 monastery, and library. Moreover Charles the Bald took possession of 
 the abbey of Turholt which according to the Treaty of Verdun in a.d. 
 843 had fallen to Flanders, in order to bestow it upon a favourite. Aus- 
 gar was now a homeless beggar. His clergy, when he had no longer 
 support for them, left him. His mission school was broken up. His 
 neighbour, bishop Leuterich of Bremen, with whom he sought shelter, 
 inspired by despicable Jealousy, turned him from his door. At last he 
 got shelter from a nobleman's widow who provided for him at her own 
 expense a lodging at Ramslo, a country house near Hamburg. In a d. 
 846 Leuterich died. Louis of Germany now gave to the homeless 
 Apostle of the North a fixed Jiabitatiou by appointing Ausgar to the 
 vacant bishopric. The bishops of Cologne and Verden had divided be- 
 tween them the shattered fragments of the Hamburg bishopric. But at 
 last pope Nicholas I. in a.d. 864 put an en'd to their selfish pretensions 
 by uniting the two dioceses of Hamburg and Bremen into one, and con-
 
 480 THE GERMAN-KOMAN CHURCH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 fening upon it meticpolitan rights for the North. But meanwhile 
 Ansgar notwithstanding all the neediness in which he himself lived had 
 been working away uninterruptedly on behalf the Scandinavian mission. 
 In Deuraark the king was Eric whose court Ansgar repeatedly visited as 
 ambassador of the German king. By Eric's favour he had been enabled 
 to found a church in Schleswig and to organize a mission stretching over 
 the whole country. Eric did not venture himself to pass over to Christ- 
 ianity, and when jjagan fanaticism broke out in open rebellion in a.d. 
 854, he fell in a battle against his nephew who headed the revolt. A 
 boy, Eric II., perhaps grandson of the fallen Eric, mounted the throne. 
 But the chief Jovi reigned in his name, a bitter foe of the Christians, 
 who drove away all Christian priests and threatened every Christian in 
 the laud with death. Yet in a.d. 855 Eric II. emancipated himself from 
 the regency of Jovi and granted toleration to the Christians. The work 
 of conversion was now again carried on with new zeal and success. — All 
 attempts, by means of new missionaries, to gather again the fragments 
 of the mission in Sweden, broken up by Gauzbert's expulsion, had hither- 
 to proved vain. At last Ansgar himself started on his journey thither- 
 ward about A.D. 850. By rich presents and a sjilendid entertainment he 
 won king Olaf 's favour. A popular assembly determined to abide by the 
 decision of the sacred lot and this decided in favour of the adoption of 
 Christianity. From that time the Swedish mission was carried on with- 
 out check or hindrance under the direction of Erimbert, whom Ansgar 
 left there. Ansgar died in a.d. 865. The most dearly cherished hope of 
 his life, that he should be honoured with the crown of martyrdom, was 
 not realized ; but a life so full of toil, privation and trouble, sacrifice, 
 patience and self-denial, was surely nobler than a martyr's crown.' 
 
 2. Ansgar's Successor in the see of Hamburg-Bremen was Rimbert, his 
 favourite scholar, his companion in almost all his journeys, who wrote 
 an account of his master's life and pronounced him a saint. He laboured 
 according to his ability to follow in the steps of his teacher, especially in 
 his care for the Scandinavian mission. But he was greatly hindered by 
 the wild doings of the Danish and Norse pirates. This trouble reached 
 its height after Rimbert's death, and went so far that the archbishop of 
 Cologne on the pretext that the Hamburg see had been extinguished was 
 able to renew his claims upon Bremen. — Continuation, § 93. 
 
 § 81. Christianity and Islam." 
 
 Trom A.D. 6G5 the Byzantine rule in North Africa (§ 7G, 
 
 3) wa.s for a time narrowed and at last ntterly overthrown 
 
 1 Geijer, "History of the Swedes." Transl. by Turner. Lond., 1817. 
 - Muir, "Annals of Early Khalifate." Ockley, " Hist, of Saracens 
 and their Conquests in Syria, Persia and Egypt."
 
 § 81. CHRISTIAXITY AND ISLAM. 481 
 
 by the Saracens from Egypt, with whom were joined the 
 Berbers or Moors who had been converted to Islam. In 
 A.D. 711, called in by a rebel, they also overthrew the Visi- 
 goth power in Spain (§ 76, 2). In less than five years the 
 Avhole peninsula, as far as the mountain boundaries of the 
 north, was in the hands of* the Moors. Then they cast a 
 covetous glance upon the fertile plains beyond the Pyrenees, 
 but Charles Martel drove them back with fearful loss in the 
 bloody battle of Poitiers in a.d. 732. The Franks were in 
 this the saviours of Europe and of Christianity. In a.d. 
 750 the Ommaiadean dynasty at Damascus, whose lordship 
 embraced also the Moors, were displaced by the Abbassidean, 
 but a scion of the displaced family, Abderrhaman I., ap- 
 peared in Spain and founded there an independent khalifate 
 at Cordova in A.D. 7.5G, which soon rose to an unexampled 
 splendour. Also in Sicily the Moslem power obtained an 
 entrance and endeavoui'ed from that centre to maintain 
 itself by constant raids upon the courts of Italy and Pro- 
 vence. The expulsion of the Moors from Spain and Sicily 
 was fii'st completely accomplished during the next period 
 (§ 95). 
 
 1. Islam in Spain. — The Spauisli Chiistians under the Ommaiade rule 
 were called Mozarabiaus, Arabi Mustaraba, i.e. Arabianized Arabs as 
 distinguished from Arabs projier or Arabi Araba. They were in many 
 places under less severe restrictions than the Oriental Christians under 
 Saracen rule. Many Christian youths from the best families attended 
 the flourishing Moorish schools, entered enthusiastically upon the study 
 of the Arabic language and literature, pressed eagerly on to the service 
 of the Court and Government, etc. But in opposition to such abandon- 
 ment of the Christian and national conscience there was developed the 
 contrary extreme of extravagant rigorism in obtrusive confessional courage 
 and uncalled-for denunciation of the prophet. Cliristian fanaticism 
 awakened Moslem fanaticism, which vented itself in a bloody persecution 
 of the Christians in a.d. 850-859. The first martyr was a monk Perfec- 
 tus. When asked his opinion about Mohammed he Lad pronounced 
 him a false prophet, and was executed. The khahf of that period, 
 Abderrhaman II., was no fanatic. He wished to stop the extravagant zeal 
 
 I I
 
 482 THE GEBMAN-EOMAN CHUECH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 of the Christians at its source, aud made the metropolitau Eecafrid of 
 Seville issue an ecclesiastical prohibition of all blasphemy of the prophet. 
 But this enactment only increased the fanaticism of the rigorists, at 
 whose head stood the presbyter, subsequently archbishop, Eulogius of 
 Cordova and his friend Paulus Alvarus (§ 90, 6). Eulogius himself, who 
 kept hidden from her parents a converted Moorish maiden, and was on 
 this account beheaded along with her in a.d. 859, was the last victim of 
 the persecution. — The rule of the Arabs in Spain, however, was threatened 
 from two sides. When Eoderick's government (§ 76, 2) had fallen before 
 the arms of the Saracens in a.d. 711, Pelayo, a relation of his, with a 
 small band of heroic followers, maintained Christian national indepen- 
 dence in the inaccessible mountains of Asturia, and his son-in-law 
 Alphonso the Catholic in the Cantabrian mountains on the Bay of 
 Biscay. Alphonso subsequently united both parties, conquered Galicia 
 and the Castilian mountain land, erecting on all sides the standard of 
 the cross. His successors in innumerable battles against the infidels 
 enlarged their territory till it reached the Douro. Of these Alphonso II., 
 the Chaste, who died in a.d. 850, specially distinguished himself by his 
 heroic courage and his patronage of learning. Oviedo was his capital. 
 On the east too the Christian rule now again made advance. — Charle- 
 magne in A.D. 778 conquered the country down to the Ebro. But a 
 rebehiou of the Saxons prevented him advancing further, and the free- 
 booting Basques of the Pyrenees cut down his noblest heroes. Two 
 subsequent campaigns in a.d. 800, 801, reduced all the country as far as 
 the Ebro, henceforth called the Spanish March, under the power of the 
 Franks.^ 
 
 2. Islam in Sicily. — A Byzantine military officer fled from punishment 
 to Africa in a.d. 827 aud returned with 10,000 Saracen troops which ter- 
 ribly devastated Sicily. Further migrations followed and in a few years 
 all Sicily was under the rule of the Arabs, who made yearly devastating 
 raids from thence upon the Italian coasts, venturing even to the very 
 gates of Eome. In a.d. 880 they settled on the banks of the Garigliano, 
 and put all central Italy under tribute, until at last in a.d. 91G the efforts 
 of pope John X. were successful in driving them out. Spanish-Moorish 
 pirates landed in a.d. 889 on the coasts of Provence, besieged the fortress 
 of Fraxinetum, and plundered from this centre for a hundred years the 
 Alpine districts and northern Italy. Their robber career in south Italy 
 was most serious of all. It lasted for three centuries and was first brought 
 to an end by the Norman invasion. — Continuation, § 95, 1. 
 
 I Conde, " History of .Dominion of Arabs in Spain." 3 vols. Free- 
 man, " Hist, and Conquests of the Saracens." 2nd cd. Loud., 1876. 
 Abd-ol-Hakem, "History of the Conquest of Spain." Tr. from Arabic 
 bv Jones. Gott., 1SJ8.
 
 § 82. THE PAPACY AND THE CAROLINGIANS. 483 
 
 II. THE HIEBARCHY, THE CLERGY AND THE 
 MONKS. 
 
 § 82. The Papacy and the Carolingians. 
 
 The Christianizing of the German world was in great part 
 accomplished without tlie help of Rome. Hence the Ger- 
 man churches, even those that were Catholic, troubled them- 
 selves little at first about the papal chair. The Visigoth 
 church in Spain was most completely estranged from it. 
 The Saracen invasion of A.D. 711 cut off all possibility of 
 intercourse with Rome. Even the free Christian states in 
 Spain down to the 11th centnr}^ had no connection with 
 Rome. The Erankish clmrches, too, in Ganl as well as in 
 Austrasia, throve and ran wild in their independence during 
 the Merovingian age. On the other hand, the relation of 
 the English Church to Rome was and continued to be very 
 intimate. Numerous pilgrimages of Anglo-Saxons of higher 
 and lower ranks were nndertaken to the grave of the chief 
 of the Apostles, and increased the dependence of the nation 
 on the chair of St. Peter. Eor the support of these pilgrims 
 and as a training school for English clergy, the Scliola Scixo- 
 ni'Xi was founded in the 8th century, and for its maintenance 
 and that of the holy places in the city, on Peter's day the 29th 
 Jnne was collected the so-called Peter's pence, a penny for 
 every house. Out of this sprang a standing impost on all 
 the English people for the papal chair, which in the 1.3th 
 century became a money tax upon the kings of England 
 which Henry ^^II. was the first to repudiate in A.D. 1532. 
 The credit belongs to the Anglo-Saxons and especial!}^ to 
 Boniface of not only delivering the rich sheaves of their 
 missionary harvest into the granaries of Rome, but also of 
 organizing the previously existing churches of the Frank- 
 ish territories after the Romish method and rendering them 
 obedient to the Roman see. Since then there has been such
 
 484 THE GEEMAN-EOMAN CIIUECH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 a regular intercourse between tlie pope and the Carolingian 
 rulers that it absorbed almost completely the whole diplo- 
 matic activity of the Romish curia. 
 
 1. The Period of the Founding of the States of the Church.— From be- 
 quests aud i^reseuts of ancient times the Eoman chair succeeded to an 
 immense landed proi^erty, Patrimonium S. Petri, which afforded it tlie 
 means of greatly assuaging the distress of the inhabitants of Italy during 
 the disturbances of the migrations of the peoples. There was natu- 
 rally then no word of the exercise of sovereign rights. From the time of 
 the restoration of the Byzantine exarchate in a.d. 507 (§ 76, 7) the poli- 
 tical importance of the pope grew immensely ; its continued existence 
 was often dependent on the good will of the pope for whom generally 
 indeed the idea of becoming the court patriarch of a Longobard-Eomau 
 emperor was not an enticing one. But the pope could not prevent the 
 Longobard power (§ 76, 8) from gaining ground in the north as well as 
 in the south of the peninsula. An important increase of influence, power 
 and prestige was brought to the papal chair under Gregory II., a.d. 
 715-7431, through the rebellions in northern and central Italy occasioned 
 by the Byzantine iconoclastic disputes. Eome was in this way raised to 
 a kind of political suzerainty not only over the Eoman duchy but also 
 over the rest of the exarchate in the north — Eaveuna and the neighbour- 
 ing cities together with Venice (§ 66, 1). Gregory III., a.d. 731-741, hard 
 pressed by Luiti^rand the Longobard, thrice (a.d. 739, 740) applied for 
 help to the Frank Charles Martel, who, closely bound in friendship with 
 Luitprand, his ally against the Saracens, sent some clerics to Italy to 
 secure a peaceful arrangement. Gregory's successor Zacharias, a.d. 
 741-752, sanctioned by his apostolic judgment the setting aside of the 
 Merovingian sham king Childeric III., whereupon Pepin the Short, in 
 A.D. 752, assumed the royal title with the royal power which he had long 
 possessed. The next elected pope called Stephen died before consecra- 
 tion, consequently his successor of the same name is usually designated 
 Stephen II., a.d. 752-757. The Longobard Aistulf had in a.d. 751 con- 
 quered Eavenna and the cities connected with it. Pope Stephen II. 
 sought help anew of the Frankish king and supported his petition by 
 forwarding an autogi-aph letter of the Apostle Peter, in which he exhorted 
 the king of the Franks as his adopted son under peril of all the pains 
 of hell to save Eome and the Eoman church. He himself at Pepin's 
 invitation went to France. At Ponthion, where, in a.d. 754, the king 
 greeted him, Pepin promised the pope to restore to Eome her former 
 possessions and to give protection against further inroads of the Longo- 
 bards ; while the pope imparted to the king and his two sons Charles and 
 Carloman the kingly anointing in the church of St. Dionysius or Denis 
 in Paris. At Quiersy then Pepin took counsel with his sons and the
 
 § 82. THE PAPACY AND THE CAROLINGIANS. 485 
 
 nobles of Lis kingtloin about tho fulfilling of liis promise, bound the 
 Longobard king by oath in the year following after a successful campaign 
 to surrender the cities, properties and privileges claimed by the pope, 
 and assigned these in a.d. 755 as a present to St. Peter as their possessor 
 from that time forth. But scarcely had he retired with his army when 
 Aistulf not only refused all and any surrender, but broke in anew upon 
 Roman territory, robbing and laying waste on every side. By a second 
 campaign, however, in a.d. 75G, Pepin compelled him actually to deliver 
 over the required cities in the provinces of Eome and Eavenna the key 
 of which he deposited with a deed of gift, no longer extant, on the grave 
 of St. Peter ; while the pope, transferring to Pepin the honorary title of 
 Exarch of Eavenna, decorated him with the insignia of a Eoman patri- 
 cian. When the Byzantine envoys claimed Eavenna as their own pro- 
 perty, Pepin answered that the Franks had not shed their blood for the 
 Greeks but for St. Peter. — Aistulf 's death followed soon after this and 
 amid the struggles for the succession to the throne one of the candidates, 
 duke Desiderius of Tuscany, sought the powerful support of the pope 
 and promised him in return the surrender of those cities of the eastern 
 province of Eavenna which still remained in the hands of the Longo- 
 bards. The pope obtained Pepin's consent to this transaction, and Desi- 
 derius was made king. But neither Stephen nor his successor Paul I., 
 A.D. 757-767, could get him completely to fulfil his promise, and new 
 encroachments of the Longobards as well as new claims of the pope in- 
 tensified the bad feeling between them, which the conciliation of Pepin, 
 who died in a.d. 768 had not by any means overcome.^ 
 
 2. After the death of Paul I. the nobles forced one of their own order 
 ujDon the Eomans as i^ope under the name of Constantino II. Another 
 party with Longobard help appointed a presbyter, Philip. The former 
 maintained his ground for thirteen mouths, but was then overthrown 
 by a clerical party and, with his eyes put out, was cast into the street. 
 They now united in the choice of Stephen III., a.d. 768-772.— Desiderius 
 wished greatly to form a marriage connection with the Prankish court, 
 and found a zealous friend in Bertrada, the widow of Pepin. When 
 Stephen heard of it his wrath was unbounded, and he gave unbridled 
 expression to it in a letter which he sent to her sons Charlemagne and 
 Carloman. Eeferring to the fact that the devil had already in Paradise 
 by the persuasion of a woman overthrown the first man and with him 
 the whole race, he characterized this plan as i^opria diahoUca immissio, 
 declared that any idea of a connection by marriage of the illustrious 
 reigning family of the Franks with the fccteiitissiina Loiigobardorum gens, 
 from which all vile infections proceed, was nothing short of madness. 
 
 1 Kingsley, "Eoman and Teuton:" Lectures in Univ. of Cambr. 
 The Popes and the Lombards."
 
 486 THE GERMAN-EOMAN CHURCH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 etc. Not peace and friendsliip, but ouly war aud enmity with thl-i 
 robber of the patrimony of Peter would be becoming in the pious kings 
 of the Franks. He laid down this his exhortation at the grave of Peter 
 and performed over it a Mass. Whoever sets himself to act contrary to 
 it, on him will fall the anathema and with the devil aud all godless men 
 he shall burn in everlasting flames ; but whosoever is obedient to it, 
 shall be partaker of eternal salvation aud glory. Nevertheless Charles 
 married Desiderata the dai:ghter of Desiderius, and Gisela, Charles' 
 sister, married the son of Desiderius. But before a year had passed, 
 in A.D. 771, he wearied of the Lougobard wife and sent her home. Soon 
 after this Carloman died. Charles seized upon the inheritance of his 
 youthful nephews, who together with their mother found shelter with 
 Desiderius. When Hadrian I., a.d. 772-795, refused to give the royal 
 anointing to Carloman's sous, Desiderius took from him a great part of 
 the States of the Church and threatened Rome. But Charles hastened 
 at the i^ope's call to give him help, conquered Pavia, shut up king 
 Desiderius in the monastery of Corbei, and joined Lombardy to the 
 Frankish empire. Further information as to what passed between him 
 and Hadrian at Rome in a.d. 77-1 is only to be got from the Vita 
 Hadriani (§ 90, 6) written daring the reign of Louis of France. It 
 relates as follows : At the grave of Peter the pope earnestly exhorted 
 him to fulfil at last completely the promise which his father Pepin I. 
 with his own consent and that of the Frankish nobles gave to pope 
 Stephen H. at Quiersy in a.d. 754. Charles after reading over the 
 document referred to agreed to everything promised therein, aud pro- 
 duced a new deed of gift after the style {ad instar) of the old, undertaking 
 to transfer to the Roman church a territorial possession which, together 
 with the assumed Promissio of Pepin described with geographical pre- 
 cision, embraced almost all Italy, excepting Lombardy but including 
 Corsica, Venice and Istria. It is now quite inconceivable that Charles, 
 let alone Pepin, should have given the pope such an immense territory 
 which Pepin for a simple footing iu a.d. 754, and Charles for at least 
 three-fourths of it, must have first themselves conquered. Moreover this 
 account of the matter is directly contradicted by the statement of all 
 the witnesses of Pepin's own times. On the part of the Franks the 
 continuator of the Chronicler Fredugar, on the part of the Romans the 
 biographer of Stephen II. in the Lihcr pontifical is and that pope himself 
 in his letters to Pepin, all speak of the negociations between the king 
 and the pope as having reference simply to Rome and Ravenna. And 
 since all attempts to reconcile these contradictions by exegetical devices 
 have failed, we can ouly regard this as a fiction designed to palm off upon 
 Louis of France Rome's own ambitious territorial scheme. All that 
 Charlemagne did was to confirm and renew his father's gifts, as Hadrian 
 himself distinctly states : AnipUtts (-further, i.e. for time to come) con-
 
 § 82. THE PAPACY AND THE CAROLINGIANS. 487 
 
 Jinnavit. — Moreover Pepin, and still more Charlemagne, would hardly 
 have granted to the holy father by his gift absolute sovereignty over the 
 States of the Church thus founded. By conferring the patriciate upon 
 the two Franlcish princes, the pope, indeed, himself acknowledged that 
 the suzerainty now belonged to them which formerly the Byzantine 
 emperor had exercised by his viceroy, the exarch of Eavenna. A more 
 exact definition of these rights, however, may have been first given 
 when Cliarles was crowned emperor, his imperial authority undoubtedlj' 
 extending over the Papal States. The pope as a temporal prince was 
 his vassal and must himself, like all citizens of Piome, take the oath 
 of allegiance to the emperor. .Judicial authority and the appointment 
 of government officials belonged to him ; but they were supervised and 
 controlled by the Prankish ambassadors, Jlissi dominici, who heard 
 appeals and complaints of all kinds and were authorized to give a 
 final judgment. 
 
 3. Charlemagne and Leo III. — Hadrian I. was succeeded by Leo III., 
 A.D. 795-816. During a solemn procession in A.n. 799 he was murderously 
 attacked by the nephews of his predecessor and severely beaten. Some 
 of the bystanders declared that they had seen the bandits tear out his 
 tongue and eyes. The legend vouched for by the pope himself was added 
 that Peter by a miracle restored him both the next night. Leo mean- 
 while escaped from his tormentors and fled to Charlemagne. His 
 opponents accused him before the king of perjury and adultery, and the 
 hearing of witnesses seems to have confirmed the serious charges, for 
 Alcuin hastened to burn the report which was given in to him on the 
 subject. But the pope was honourablj' discharged and assumed again 
 the chair of Peter under the protection of a Prankish guard. Next 
 year Charles crossed the Alps with his army for a campaign against 
 Benevento. He convened a Synod at Rome ; but the bishops maintained 
 that the pope, the head of all, can be judged of none ; yet the pope with 
 twelve sponsors swore an oath of purgation and prayed for his accusers. 
 At the Christmas festival Charles went to the church of St. Peter. At 
 the close of Mass the pope amid the applause of the people placed a 
 beautiful golden crown upon his head (a.d. 800). The world is asked to 
 believe that he did it by the immediate impulse of a divine inspiration ; 
 but it was the result of the negociations of years and the fulfilment of a 
 promise by which the pope had purchased the king's protection against 
 his enemies. With the idea of the imperial power Charlemagne con- 
 nected the idea of a theocratic Christian universal monarchy in the 
 sense of Daniel's prophecy. The Greeks had proved themselves un- 
 worthy of this position and so God had transferred it to the king of the 
 Franks, As emperor, Charles stands at the head of all Christendom, 
 and has only God and His law over him. He is the most obedient son, 
 the most devoted servant of the church, so far as it is the vehicle anc]
 
 488 THE GERMAN-EOMAN CHURCH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 dispenser of salvation ; but he is its supreme lord and ruler so far as 
 it needs to adopt earthly forms and an earthly government. Church 
 and state are two separate domains, which, however, on all sides limit 
 and condition one another. Their uniting head they have in the person 
 of the emperor. Hence on every hand Charles' legislation enters the 
 domain of the church, in respect of her constitution, worship and 
 doctrine. On these matters he consults the bishops and synods, but he 
 confirms, enlarges and modifies their decisions according to his own 
 way of thinkiug, because for this he is personally answerable to God. 
 In the pope he honours the successor of Peter and the spiritual head of 
 the church ; but, because the emperor stands over church and state, 
 he is also ruler of the pope. The pope who gave him imperial consecra- 
 tion did it not by any power of his own immanent in the papacy, but 
 by special divine impulse and authority. Hence the crowning of the 
 emperor is only to be once received at the pope's hand. This rank is 
 henceforth hereditary in the house of Charles, and only the emperor 
 can beget and nominate the new emperor. The unity of the empire is 
 to be maintained under all circumstances, and hence, contrary to the 
 Frankish custom of dividing the inheritance, younger sons are to receive 
 only the subordinate rank of ruling princes. ^ 
 
 4. Louis the Pious and the Popes of his Time.— Charlemagne's weaker 
 son Louis the Pious, a.d. 814-840, was not in a position to carry out the 
 work his father had begun. But pious as Louis was, he was yet as little 
 inclined as his immediate successor to give wp the imperial suzerainty 
 over the city and chair of St. Peter. The popes were most expressly 
 required before receiving papal consecration to obtain imperial confirma- 
 tion of their election. Leo's successor Stephen IV., a.d. 816-817, seems 
 indeed to have evaded it, yet still he let the Romans take the oath of 
 fealty to the emperor, and unasked submitted to make a journey over 
 the Alps in order to get over the anomaly of an emperor without the 
 consecration of Peter's hand. An agreement come to on that occasion, 
 A.D. 816, between emperor and pope has not been ijreserved. A few 
 days after his return the pope died. The newly-elected Paschalis I., 
 A.D. 817-824, also indeed mounted the papal chair without imperial 
 confirmation, but apologized by an embassy on the ground that he had 
 been unwillingly obliged to act so, and praying for a continuation of the 
 agreement made with his predecessor, to which the emperor consented. 
 Indeed, according to a diploma of a.d. 817, extant only in a transcript, 
 bearing the name of Louis, the king was to bestow upon the papal chair, 
 besides what Pepin and Charlemagne had given, Corsica, Sardinia and 
 Sicily, and many estates in Calabria and Naples. Thera was also an under- 
 
 ' Crakenthorp, " The Defence of Coustantine, with a Treatise on the 
 Pope's Temporal Monarchy." Lond., 1621.
 
 § S'2. THE PAPACY AND THE CAEOLINGIANS. 489 
 
 takiug that ouly after liaviug been consecrated should any newly-elected 
 pope interchange friendly greetings with the emperor. All copies of 
 this document can be traced back to a collection of imperial grants to 
 the Romish church of the 11th century. At its basis there lay probably 
 a genuine document, but it has been variously altered in the interests 
 of the high church party. — Some years later, after he had decoyed 
 to France and blinded his illegitimate nephew Bernard, who had as 
 reigning prince in Italy rebelled against the law of succession passed 
 in A.D. 817, Louis sent his son ?"j0thair into Italy to quiet the tumults 
 there, and the pope availed himself of this opportunity to crown the 
 prince alreac^y crowned by his father as co-emperor. But scarcely had 
 Lothair got over the Alps again when two of the most distinguished and 
 zealous of the Prankish partisans were in a.d. 823 blinded and beheaded 
 in the papal palace. Before the imperial commission the pope took an 
 oath of purgation, to which 34 bishops and 5 presbyters joined with 
 him in swearing, but bluntly refused to deliver up the perpetrator of 
 the deed. As the pope died soon afterwards, Lothair was sent a second 
 time to Rome, in order to enforce once and for all iipon his successor 
 Eugenius II., a.d. 821-827, the observance of imperial rights. The 
 result of their conference was the so-called Constitutio Romana, by which 
 the election of the pope (§ 46, 11) was taken from the common people 
 and given to the clergy and nobles, but the consecration was made 
 dependent on the emperor's confirmation and an oath of homage from 
 the newly-elected pope (a.d. 824). Nevertheless his successor Valentine 
 v.'as elected and consecrated without any reference to the constitution. 
 He died, however, after six mouths, and now the Frankish party came 
 forward so energetically that the new pope Gregory IV., a.d. 827-844, 
 was obliged to submit in all particulars to the requirements of the law. 
 But soon after political troubles arose in the Frankish kingdom which 
 could not fail to contribute to the endeavours of the papacy after emanci- 
 pation. From his weak preference for his younger son, Charles the Bald, 
 born of a second marriage, Louis was led in a d. 829 to set aside the law 
 of succession he himself had issued in a.d. 817. The sons thus disin- 
 herited rebelled with the assistance of the most distinguished Frankish 
 prelates, at whose head was Wala, abbot of Old Corbie, cousin of Charle- 
 magne, and the bishops Agobard of Lyons, Ebo of Rheims, etc., ns 
 assertors of the unity of the empire. Also pope Gregory IV., whose 
 predecessors had sanctioned the law of succession now set aside, was 
 won over and was taken across the Alps by Lothair to strengthen his 
 cause by the weight of his apostolic authority. The pope threatened with 
 the ban those bishops who remained true to the old emperor and had 
 obeyed hi'j summons to attend the diet. But they answered the pope 
 that he had no authority in the empire of the Franks, and that if he did 
 not quietly take himself over the Alps again they would excommunicate
 
 490 THE GERMAN-ROMAN CHURCH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 him. He was iucliued to yield, but Wala"s counsel restrained liim. He 
 answered the bishops earnestly and moderatelj-, and, as a last attempt at 
 conciliation, went himself personally to the camp of the emperor, but 
 was unable to effect anything. But next morning Louis had no army ; 
 during the night most of his soldiers had passed over to the camp of his 
 enemy. The emperor now had to surrender himself prisoner to his sou 
 Lothair, then at a diet at Compiegne in a.d. 833, to do humble penance 
 in church and to resign the government. His penitent son, Louis the 
 German, however, set him free in a.d. 834. A severe judgment was now 
 passed upon the confederate prelates at the Diedeuhosen in a.d. 835. 
 But the brothers continiied constantly at war with one another, and 
 Louis the Pious did not live to see the end of it. 
 
 5. The Sons of Louis the Pious and the Popes of their Days.— The Treaty 
 of Verdun, a.d. 843, put an end to the bitter war between the sous of 
 Louis the Pious, and made of the western empire three independent 
 groups of states under Lothair, Louis the German and Charles the Bald. 
 Lothair L, who got the title of Emperor with Italy and a strip of land 
 between Neustria and Austrasia, died in a.d. 855. Of his sons, Louis II. 
 inherited Italy with title of Emperor, Lothair II. the province called after 
 him Lotharingia, Lotharii regnum, and Charles Burgundy and Provence. 
 Lothair and Charles died in a.d. 869 soon after one another without 
 heirs, and before the emperor Louis II. could lay his hands upon their 
 territories they were seized by the uncle. By the treaty of Mersen, a.d. 
 870, Charles took the Romanic, and Louis the German took the German 
 portions. Thus was completed the partition of the Carolingian empire 
 into three parts distinguished as homogeneous groups of states by 
 language and nationality : Germany, France and Italy. — Gregory lY. 
 had survived the overthrow of the universal monarchy of Charlemagne. 
 His successor, Sergius II., a.d. 814-847, did not observe the obligations 
 devolving on him by the Constitutio Eomana. But Lothair I. was not 
 iuclined to let pass this slight to his imperial authority. His son Louis 
 was sent into Italy with a powerful army, and obliged the pope and the 
 Romans to take the oaths of fealty to his father with the promise not 
 again to consecrate a pope before they had the emperor's consent. But 
 the next pope Leo IV., a.d. 847-855, was also consecrated without it, but 
 excused himself from the circumstances of the age, the pressure of the 
 Saracens, while making humble professions of most dutiful obedience. 
 His successor Benedict III., a.d. 855-858, did not regard the imperial 
 consent as necessary, and the anti-pope set up by the French party could 
 not maintain his position. 
 
 C. The Legend of the Female Pope Joanna. — Between Leo IV. and 
 Benedict III. is inserted an old legend of the pontificate of a woman, 
 the so-called female pope Joanna : A maiden from Mainz went in man's 
 clothes with her lover to Athens, obtained there great learning, then ap-
 
 § 82. THE PAPACY AND THE CAROLINGIANS. 491 
 
 peaied at Home as Joannes Anglicus, was elected pope, but having become 
 pregnant by one of her chamberlains, was seized with labour pains in 
 the midst of a solemn procession and died soon after, having been pope 
 under the name of John VIII. for two years, five months and four days. 
 This story was widely credited from the 13th to the 17th century, but its 
 want of historical foundation is proved by the following facts : — 1. The 
 immediate succession of Benedict III. to Leo. IV. has contemporary tes- 
 timony from the Annales Bertiniani of a.d. 855, also from a letter of 
 Hincmar to Nicholas I., Benedict's successor, as well as the inscription 
 "Benedict" and " Lothair," on a Roman denarius of the same 3'ear. 
 2. Neither Photius nor Michael Carularius, who certainly would not 
 have failed to make a handle of such a papal scandal (§ G7), know anything 
 of the matter. 3. The first certain trace of the existence of such a 
 legend is found about a.d. 1230 in Stephen of Bourbon, yet there indeed 
 the words are added: Vt dicititr in chronicis; but he makes the female 
 pope mount St. Peter's chair only about a.d. 1100, knows neither her 
 name nor her native country, and describes the catastrophe of her over- 
 throw differently from the legend current in later times. 4. On the other 
 hand, the existence of her biography in the Liber pontificalis between 
 that of Leo IV. and that of Benedict III., was regarded down to the 17th 
 century as the oldest and indeed almost contemporary witness to the 
 historicity of the female pope. It is wanting, however, in the oldest and 
 best MSS. and must therefore be considered a later interpolation. This 
 also applies to the reference made thereto by Marianus Sectus [d. a.d. 
 1086), Sigbert of Semblours (d. a.d. 1113), Otto of Friesingen [d. a.d. 
 11.58), and Godfrey of Viterbo (about a.d. 1190). Even in the oldest MSS. 
 of the Chronicle of the Pionian penitentiary Martinus Polonus {d. a.d, 
 1278) we read nothing of the female po^oe ; yet the story must soon have 
 been inserted there, for Tolomeo of Lucca about a.d. 1312 affirms in his 
 Church History, that all writers whom he had read, with the single ex- 
 ception of Martin, made Benedict III. follow immediately after Leo IV. 
 Perhaps Martin himself in a second enlarged edition of his chronicle had 
 inserted a biography of the female pope, which he might do with the 
 less hesitation if it was true that the pope of his own time John XX., 
 A.D. 1276-1277, thought it wrong not to count the female pope and so 
 styled himself John XXI. From that time all chroniclers of the Middle 
 Ages without the slightest expression of doubt repeated the legend in 
 essentially the same way as Martin's chronicle and the Liber pontificalis 
 report it. The Reformed theologian, David Blondel, in a.d. 1649, per- 
 formed a service to the Catholic church by his elaborate critical treat- 
 ment of the legend which destroyed all belief in its historicity. After 
 this, however, it was again vindicated by Spanheim {0pp. ii, 577) and 
 Kist ; and even Hase regards it as still conceivable that the church which 
 has affirmed the existence of things that never were, may have denied
 
 492 THE GEKMxlN-KOMAN CHURCH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 the existence of things tliat were, if the knowledge of it might prove 
 hazardous to the interests of the papacy. — The origin and gradual de- 
 velopment of the legend, about the middle of the 12th century and cer- 
 tainly in Piome, may be most simply explained with Dolliuger from a 
 combination of the following data. 1. From the time of Paschalis II. 
 in A.D. 1099 it was customary for the new pope in the solemn Lateran 
 procession when having his entrance on office attested to sit upon two 
 old chairs standing in the Lateran with pierced seats, which probably 
 came from au old Eoman bath. But the popular wit of the Romans 
 suggested another reason for the pierced seats. The chairs were thus 
 pierced in order that before the consecration a deacon might satisfy 
 himself of the manhood of the new pope ; for, it would be added by and 
 by, a woman in disguise was once made pope, etc. 2. In a street of 
 Rome was found a statue in white robes with a child and an enig- 
 matical inscription, the letter P six times repeated which some read : 
 Farce pater patrum papissce prodere partum, others: Papa pater patrum 
 p>epcrit papissa papelhnn ; so that this statue was supposed to represent 
 the female pope with her child. 3. Further the papal processions 
 between the Lateran and the Vatican at a point where the direct way 
 was too narrow were wont to diverge into another wider street ; this was 
 done, it was now said, because at this place the catastrophe referred to 
 had befallen the female pope. 4. That the name Joannes was given to 
 the female pope is easily explained from the frequency of this name 
 among the popes. In a.d. 1024 it had been already held by nineteen. 
 And that she who had brought such a disgrace upon the papacy should 
 have been described as a native of the German city of Mainz, is ex- 
 plained from national antipathy entertained by the Italians for every- 
 thing German. Finally, the most difficult part of the problem, why this 
 episode should have been inserted just between Leo IV. and Benedict 
 III., may perhaps find satisfactory solution in the supposition that the 
 legend may have been first introduced as an appendix to a codex of the 
 Liher ponjicalis which closed with the biography of Leo IV. ^ 
 
 7. Nicholas I. and Hadrian II.^The successor of Benedict III., 
 Nicholas I., a.d. 858-867, was chosen with the personal concurrence of 
 the emperor Louis II. then in Rome. This pope was undoubtedly the 
 greatest of all the popes between Gregory I. and Gregory VII. He was 
 a man of inflexible determination, clear insight and subtle intellect, who, 
 favoured by the political movement of the age, supported by public 
 opinion which regarded him as a second Elijah, and finally backed up in 
 his endeavours after papal supremacy by the Isidoriau collection of 
 
 * Platina, "Lives of Popes:" under John VII. Bower, "Lives of 
 Popes." Vol. iv. Blondel, "Joanna Papissa." Amst., 1657. Hase, 
 " Church History." New York, 1855. P. 18G.
 
 § 82. THE PAPACY AND THE CAPOLINGIANS. 493 
 
 decretals just now brought forward (§ 87, 2), could give prestige and 
 glory to the struggle for law, truth and discipline. Among the many 
 battles of his life none brought him more credit and renown than that 
 with Lothair II. of Lothringia. That he might marry his mistress 
 Waldrade, Lothair accused his wife Thielberga of committing incest 
 before her marriage with her brother, abbot Hucbert, and of having ob- 
 tained abortion to conceal her wickedness. Before a civil tribunal she 
 was in a.d. 8.58 acquitted by submitting to a divine ordeal, the boiling 
 caldron ordeal which a servant undertook for her. But Lothair treated her 
 so badly that at last, in order simply to be rid of her tormentors, she con- 
 fessed herself guilty of the crime charged against her before a Synod at 
 Aachen in a.d. 8.59 attended by the two Lothriugian metropolitans Giin- 
 ther of Cologne and Thietgaut of Treves, and expressed the wish that 
 she should atone for her sins in a cloister. But soon she regretted this 
 step and fled to Charles the Bald in Neustria. A second Synod at 
 Aachen in a.d. 8G0 now declared the marriage with Thielberga null, and 
 Lothair formally married Waldrade. Meanwhile the Neustria metro- 
 politan Hincniar of PJieiras had published an opinion in respect of civil 
 and ecclesiastical law {De divortio Lotharii) wholly favourable to the 
 ill-used queen, and she herself had referred the matter to the pope. 
 Nisholas sent two Italian bishops, one of whom was Pihodoald of Porto 
 (§ G7, 1), to Lothringia to investigate the affair. These took bribes and 
 decided at the Synod of Metz in a.d. 863 in favour of the king. But 
 Nicholas annulled the decisions of the Council, excommunicated his 
 legates and deposed the two Lothringian metropolitans who had vainly 
 trusted to the omnipotence of Lothringian gold in Rome. Thirsting 
 for revenge they incited the emperor Louis II., Lothair's brother, against 
 the pope. He besieged Eome, but came to an understanding with the 
 pope through his wife's mediation. Lothair, detested by his subjects, 
 threatened with war by his uncles Louis of Germany and Charles the 
 Bald as champions of the childless Thielberga, repented and besought 
 the pope for grace and protection from the ambitious designs of his 
 uncles. Nicholas now sent a legate, Arsenius, across the Alps, who 
 acting as plenipotentiary in all three kingdoms, obliged Lothair to take 
 back Thielberga and put away "Waldrade. But she flung herself upon 
 him and in her arms Lothair soon forgot the promise to which he had 
 sworn. At the same time he reconciled himself to his uncles whose zeal 
 had Eomewhat cooled in presence of the lordly conduct of the papal 
 legate. Thielberga now herself sought divorce from the pope. But 
 Nicholas continued firmly to insist upon his demands. His successor 
 Hadrian II., a.d. 8G7-872, an old man of seventy-five years, could only 
 gradually emancipate himself from the imperial party which had elected 
 hiiu and taken him under its protection. He received back again the 
 two excommunicated metropolitans, without, however, restoring them
 
 494 THE GEEMAN-EOMAN CHUECH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 to their ofiices, released Waldrade from church discipline, aud always 
 put off granting Tliielberga's reiterated request for divorce. Lothair 
 now went himself to Eome, took a solemn oath that he had no carnal 
 intercourse with Waldrade since the restoration of his wife, aud received 
 the sacrament from the pope's hand. Full of hope that he would get 
 success in his object he started for home, but died at Piacenza of a 
 violent fever in a.d. 869. When dead the uncles pounced upon the 
 kingdom. Hadrian used all his influence in favour of the emperor, the 
 legitimate heir, and threatened his opponents ^yith excommunication. 
 But Hincniar of Rheims composed a state paper by order of his king, in 
 which he told the pope that the opinion of France was that he should 
 not interfere with things about which he knew nothing. The pope was 
 obliged to let this insult pass unrevenged. In a dispute of his own 
 Hincmar succeeded in giving the pope a second rebuff (§ 83, 2). * 
 
 8. Jolin VIII. aud Lis Successors.— His successor John VIII., a.d. 
 872-882, was more successful than Hadrian in bringing the Carolingian 
 king to kneel at his footstool. In the art of intrigue and in the perfidy, 
 hypocrisy and unconscionableuess required therefor, he was, however, 
 greatly superior. He succeeded almost completely in freeing the papal 
 chair from the imperial authority. But he did so only to make it a 
 playball of the wildest party interests around his own hearth. To his 
 account mainly must be laid the unfathomable degradation and debase- 
 ment of the papacy during the 10th century. When the emperor Louis 
 II. died in a.d. 875, Louis the German, as elder and full brother of his 
 father, ought to have been his heir. But the pope wished to show the 
 world that the papal favour could make a gift of the imperial crown to 
 whomsoever it chose. Accepting his invitation, Charles the Bald appeared 
 in Eome and was crowned by the pope on Christmas Day, a.d. 875. But he 
 had to pay dearly for the papal favour, by formally renouncing all claims to 
 the rights of superior over the States of the Church, allow for the future 
 absolute freedom in the election of popes, and accept a papal represen- 
 tative and clerical primate for all France and Germany. But not alto- 
 gether satisfied with this, the pope made the new emperor submit him- 
 self to a formal act of election by the Lombards of Pavia, and in order 
 to secure the approval of his own nobles to his proceedings he even 
 agreed to give them the right of election. The Neustrian clergy, how- 
 ever, with Hincmar at their head, ofl'ered a vigorous resistance and at the 
 first Synod at Pontion in a.d. 87(3 there were violent altercations. The 
 shameful compromise satisfied neither pope nor emperor. In Eome a 
 wild party faction gained ground against the pope, and the Saracens 
 
 * Cunningham, "Discussions on Church Principles." Ediu., 1863. 
 Pp. 101-163; "Temporal Supremacy of the Pope aud Galilean Liberties." 
 Barrow, "Pope's Supremacy." London, 1683.
 
 § 82. THE PAPACY AND THE CAEOLIXGIANS. 495 
 
 piebsed furtlier and further into Italy. From the emperor, who knew 
 not how to keep back the advances of the Normans in his own country, 
 uo help could be expected. Yet he made hasty preparations, purchased 
 a dishonourable peace from the Normans, and crossed the Alps. But 
 new troubles at home imperiously called him back, and at the foot of 
 Mount Cenis in a.d. 877, he died in a miserable hut of poison adminis- 
 tered by his physician, a Jew. The pope got into yet greater straits and 
 made his position worse by further intrigues. Also his negotiations with 
 Byzantium in a.d. 879 involved him in yet more serious troubles (§ 67, 1). 
 He died in a.d. 882, apparently by the hand of an assassin. A year 
 before his death Charles the Fat, the youngest son of Louis the German, 
 had been crowned emperor, and he, the least capable of all the Carolin- 
 gian line, by the choice of the Neustriau nobles, united once more all 
 the Frankish empire under his weak sceptre. Marinus, the successor of 
 John VIII. , died after a single year's pontificate. So was it, too, with 
 Hadrian III. And now the Eomans, without paying any heed to the 
 impotent wrath of the emperor, elected and consecrated Stephen V., 
 A.D. 885-891, as their pope. In a.d. 857 the German nobles at last put 
 an end to the despicable rule of the fat Charles by passing an act of 
 formal deposition. They chose in Lis place Arnulf of Carinthia, a 
 natural son of Cliarles' brother Carloman. Pope Formosus, a.d. 891-S3G, 
 called him to his assistance in a.d. 894, and crowned him emperor. But 
 he could not hold his ground in Italy and the opposition emperor Lam- 
 bert, a Longobard, had possession of the field. Formosus died soon 
 after Arnulfs withdrawal. Boniface VI., who died after fifteen days, 
 was succeeded by Stephen VI. in a.d. 896. This man, infected by Italian 
 fanaticism, had the body of Formosus, who had favoured the Germans, 
 lifted from the grave, shamefully abused and then thrown into the Tiber. 
 The three following jiopes reigned only a few weeks or months, and were 
 either murdered or driven away. John IX., a.d. 898-900, in order to 
 pacify the German party, honoured again the memory of Formosus. — 
 Arnulfs tenure of the empire, however, had only been a short vain 
 dream ; but in Germany during a trying period he wielded the sceiitre 
 with power and diguitA'. When he died in a.d. 899, the German nobles 
 elected his seven-year-old son, Louis the Child. He died in a.d. 911, 
 and with him the dynasty of the Carolingians in Germany became ex- 
 tinct. In France this line continued to exist in pitiable impotence 
 down to the death of Louis V. in a.d. 987. — Continuation, § 96. 
 
 9. The Papacy and the Nationalities.' — From the time of Charlemagne 
 the policy of the French kings was to establish bishoprics ou the fron- 
 tiers of their territories for Christianizing the neighbouring heathen 
 
 1 Hatch, " Growth of Church Institutions," ch.viii. National Churches. 
 Pp. 1.39-154.
 
 49G THE GERMAN-EOMAN CHURCH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 countries, and thereby securing their conquest, or, if this had been 
 already won, confirming it. The first part of this purpose the popes 
 could only approve and further, but just as decidedly they opposed the 
 second. There must be a reference to the chair of Peter, that the pope 
 may maintain and preserve as head of the universal church the rights 
 of nationalities. Each country -won to Christianity should be received 
 into the organism of the church with its national position unimpaired, 
 and so under the spiritual fatherhood of the pope there would be estab- 
 lished a Christian family of states, of which each member occupies a 
 position of perfect equality with the others. In this way the interests 
 of humanity, and at the same time, the selfish interests of papal policy, 
 were secured. This policy was therefore directed to the emancipating 
 as soon as possible the newly founded national churches from the 
 supremacy of the German clergy and giving them an independent 
 national church organization under bishops and archbishops of their 
 
 § 83. The Hank of Metropolitan.^ 
 
 The position of metropolitan was not regarded with equal 
 favour in the German church and in the German state. 
 Amid the variety of races the metropolitans represented the 
 unity of the national church, as the pope did that of the 
 universal church, while at the same time as an estate of 
 the empire they exercised great influence on civil admin- 
 istration and foreign policy. The reigning princes recog- 
 nised in the unity of the ecclesiastical administration of the 
 country a support and security for the political unit}^ and 
 therefore opposed the partition of the national church into 
 several metropolitanates, or, where the larger extension 
 of the empire required several archbishoprics, wished rather 
 to give the ablest of these the rank and authority of a 
 primate. The popes on the other hand endeavoured to 
 give each of the larger countries at least two or three 
 
 ' Hefele, "History of Councils," iii. 69, 131, 149. Field, "Of the 
 Church." Reprint by Eccl. Hist. Society. 5 vols. London, 1847. 
 Vol. iii. pp. 7, 245 ff. Hatch, "Growth of Church Institutions," ch. vii. 
 The Metropolitan. Pp. 128-13.5.
 
 § 83. THE HANK OP METEOPOLITAN. 497 
 
 metropolitans, and to prevent as far as possible the appoint- 
 ment of a national church, primate ; for in the unity of the 
 national church they perceived the danger of such a prelate 
 sooner or later giving way to the desire to emancipate 
 himself from E-ome and secure for himself the position of 
 an independent patriarch. 
 
 1. The Position of Meti'opolitans in General. — As representing the unity 
 of the national churches the interests of the metropolitans were bound 
 up with those of the ruling princes. They were the most vigorous sup- 
 porters of their policy, and generally got in return the prince's hearty 
 support. This coalition of the metropolitans and the civil power, how- 
 ever, threatened the subordinate clergy with abject servitude, and drove 
 them to champion the interests of the pope. Through pressure of cir- 
 cumstances, a widespread conspiracy of bishops and abbots was formed 
 during the last years of Louis the Pious to emancipate the clergy and 
 especially the episcopate from the dominion of the state and the metro- 
 politaus and to place them immediately under the papal jurisdiction. 
 Tliey founded upon the Isidorian decretals as showing their rights in 
 the earliest times (§ 87, 2). Their endeavour met indeed powerful oppo- 
 sition, but the statements of the Pseudo-Isidore had now obtained the 
 validity of canon law. 
 
 2. Hincmar of Eheims. — Among the French prelates after the restora- 
 tion of the order of metropolitans by Boniface the first place was held 
 by the occupant of the see of Eheims. It reached the summit of its 
 glory under Hincmar of Rheims, a.d. 845-882, the ablest of all the 
 ecclesiastical leaders of France. His life consists of an uninterrupted 
 series of battles of the most varied liind. The first fight in which he 
 engaged was the predestination controversy of Gottschalk (§ 91, 5). But 
 his strength did not lie in dogmatics but in church government. And 
 here, every inch a metropolitan, he has fought the most glorious battles 
 of his life and affirmed, against the assumptions of popes and emanci- 
 pation efforts of bishops, the autonomy of reigning princes, the freedom 
 and independence of national churches, and the jurisdiction of metro- 
 politans. Of this sort was his contest with bishop Eothad of Soissons. 
 Hincmar had deposed him in a.d. 861 for insubordination, Eothad 
 appealed to i^ope Nicholas I. on the ground of the Sardican Canon (§ 46, 
 y), which, however, had never been accepted in the Frankish Empire. 
 He had at the same time referred the pope to the Isidorian decretals. 
 Thus supported, Nicholas after a hard struggle had Eothad reinstated in 
 A.D. 865, The insolent defiance of his own nephew, Hincmar, bishop of 
 Laon, led the archbishop into another obstinate fight. Here too the 
 Isidorian decretals played a prominent part. Hadrian II. in a.d. 869 took 
 
 K K
 
 498 THE GERMAN-ROMAN CHURCH TO A.D. 911, 
 
 the side of the uephew, but the metropolitan gained the victory, and the 
 nephew, wiio defied the king as well as the metropolitan and moreover 
 had entered into treasonable communication with the German court, 
 ended his course by being deprived of his eyes by tbe king. Down to 
 A.D. 875 Hincmar was inflexibly true to the king as a pillar of his policy 
 and his throne. But when Charles the Bald in that year paid down as 
 purchase price for the imperial throne, not only the autonomy of the 
 empire but also the freedom of the French cliurch and the rights of the 
 metropolitans, he was obliged now to turn his weapons against him. 
 Hincmar died in a.d. 882 in flight before the Normans. With him the 
 glory of the French archbishopric sank into its grave. The pseudo- 
 Isidoriau party had triumphed, the bishops were emancipated from the 
 government of the princes of their country, but instead of this were 
 often surrendered to the rude caprice of secular nobles. 
 
 3. Metropolitans in other Lands. — The English princes in the interests 
 of the political unity of the Heptarchy for a long time withstood the 
 endeavours of the popes to place a rival alongside of the archbishop of 
 Canterbury. The action and reaction of these opposing interests were 
 particularly strong in the time of Wilfrid (§ 78, 3), whom the Roman 
 party had appointed archbishop of York. Wilfrid was driven away and 
 died in a.d. 709 after an eventful life, without succeeding in taking 
 possession of the i^laee to which he had been appointed. At last, how- 
 ever, the pope reached his end. In a.d. 735 a Northumbrian prince 
 obtained a pallium, and after that the see of York got an undisputed 
 place alongside that of Canterbury. — In Northern Italy there were metro- 
 politan sees at Ravenna, Milan and Aquileia which still made their old 
 claims to self-government (§ 40, 1). Sergius, the prelate of Ravenna, 
 about A.D. 760, thought it would be well out of the ruins of the exarchate 
 to found an ecclesiastical state after the model of that of Rome. There 
 was often opposition there to the Roman supremacy. On this account 
 the violent archbishop John of Ravenna, M'ho was also a defrauder of the 
 church, suffered the most complete humiliation from Nicholas I. in a.d. 
 861, in spite of the emperor's protection. The force of public opinion 
 compelled the emperor to abandon his protege when excommunicated 
 by the pope. But during the pontificate of John YIIL, Airsbert, prelate 
 of Milan (died a.d. 882), who kept true to the German party, could defy 
 papal anathema and deposition. His successor, however, again acknow- 
 ledged the papal supremacy. — In Germany, since the time of Charlemagne, 
 new metropolitan sees had been created at Salzburg, Cologne, Treves 
 and Hamburg-Bremen. Mainz, however, still claimed the primacy and 
 represented the unity of the German church. The Isidorian forgery 
 availed not here as in the land of its birth to stop the contention of the 
 archbishop. The German metropolitanate to the advantage of the 
 empire maintained its rights untouched for centuries. Among the pri-
 
 § 83. THE BANK OF METEOPOLITAN. 499 
 
 mates of Mainz the most important by far was Hatto I., a.d. 891-913. 
 Even under Arnidf (died a.d. 899), whose most trusted adviser he was, 
 he exercised a wide as well as wholesome influence on the administration 
 of the empire. It was still greater irnder Louis the Child (died a.d. 911) 
 whom he raised to the throne and for whom he acted as regent. Conrad 
 I. (§ 96, 1) also owed to him his election as king of the Germans. In 
 the internal affairs of the German church, he directed and adjusted, 
 organized and ruled in this time of general upheaval with wonderful 
 insight, wisdom and energy, most conspicuously, and that too against 
 papal assumptions, at the great national synod of Tribur in a.d. 895. 
 The primate regarded it as a political axiom, that, in order to conserve 
 and advance the unity of the empire, the particularism of the several 
 races and the struggles of their chiefs and princes for independence 
 should be crushed. Owing to the consistency and energy with which 
 he carried out his idea, he did indeed make many enemies. The stories 
 of insidious perfidy and bloody violence which have attached themselves 
 to his memory are to all appearance due to their calumnious hatred. 
 His sudden death probably gave rise to the legend that the devil fetched 
 him away and cast him into the mouth of Etna. To him, and not to 
 the much less important Hatto II., who died in a.d. 970, is the other 
 equally baseless legend of the Miiusethurm near Bingen to be referred. — 
 Continuation, § 97, 2. 
 
 § 84. The Clergy in General.i 
 
 Tlie bishops subject to tlae archbishop were called 
 diocesan bishops, or, as voting members of the Provincial 
 Synod, suffragan bishops. Tlie canonical election of bishops 
 by the people and clergy was completely done away witli 
 in the German national church. Kings without opposition 
 filled vacant bishoprics according to their own choice. 
 Louis the Pious at the Synod of Aachen, in a.d. 817, re- 
 stored canonical election by people and clergy, subject to 
 the emperor's confirmation, but his successors paid no 
 attention to the law. Deposition was usually carried out 
 by the Provincial and National Synods. The investiture 
 of bishops with pastoral staff and marriage ring by the 
 
 1 Lea, ,, Studies in Church History." Philad., 1869. Lecky, "His- 
 tory of European Morals," 3rd ed. 2 vols. London, 1877.
 
 500 THE GEEMAN-EOMAN CHUECH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 reigning prince is occasionally met with even in the Mero- 
 vingian age and became general after the development of 
 the benefice system in the 9th century. Out of the institvi- 
 tion of bishops without dioceses, Episcopi regionarii, origin- 
 ally intended for missionary service, arose in all probability 
 the institution of Chorepiscopi which flourished especially in 
 France during the 8th and 9th centuries. With the old 
 Chorepiscopi (§ 34, 2 ; § 45) they have nothing in common 
 beyond the name. They were subordinate assistants of 
 the diocesan bishops, whose convenience, unspirituality and 
 often absence on state affairs demanded such substitutes. 
 But by their arbitrary conduct and refractoriness they 
 often gave great trouble to those bishops who had any care 
 for their flock. A Synod at Paris, therefore, in A.D, 849, 
 withdrew all authority from them. From that time they 
 gradually sank out of view. The inferior clergy, taken 
 generally from the serfs, stood mostly in slavish depend- 
 ence on the bishop and often had not the barest necessaries 
 of culture. Their appointment lay with the bishop, yet the 
 founder of a church and his successors frequently retained 
 the right of patronage in choosing their own ofiiciating 
 clergymen.! Especially in the later Merovingian and 
 earlier Carolingian periods, the Frankish clergy, superior 
 and inferior, had become terribly corrupt. Boniface was 
 the first to reintroduce some sort of discipline (§ 78, 5) 
 and Charlemagne's powerful government contributed in 
 an extraordinary measure to the ennobling of the clergy. 
 Yet the corruption was too general and too great to be 
 altogether eradicated. Louis the Pious, therefore, in A.D. 
 BIG, extended to the whole kingdom a reformation which 
 Chrodegang of Metz had introduced fifty years previously 
 among his own clei"gy, by which means discipline and order 
 were again improved for some decades. But in the 
 
 ' Hatch, " Growth of Church Institutions." London, 1887, p. 'i3.
 
 § 84. THE CLEEGY IN GENEEAL. 501 
 
 troublous times of the last Caroling ians everything went 
 again into confusion and decay. Exemption from civil 
 jurisdiction was accorded the clergy dui'ing this period only 
 to this extent, that the secular courts could not proceed 
 against a clergyman without the advice of the bishop, and 
 the bishop himself was subject only to the jurisdiction of 
 the king and the Provincial Synod. 
 
 1. The Superior Clei-gy. — In the German states from the earliest times 
 the superior clergy constituted a spiritual aristocracy which by means of 
 their higher culture -won a more influential position in civil hfe than the 
 secular nobles. In all important affairs of state the bishops were the 
 advisers of the king ; they were almost exclusively employed on em- 
 bassies ; on all commissions there were clerical members and always one 
 half of the Missi dominici were clerics. This nearness to the person of the 
 king and their importance in civil life made them rank as one of the estates 
 of the realm. The Frankish idea of immunity, in consequence of which 
 by royal gift along with the rights of territorial lords there were handed 
 over to the new proprietors also the princely right of levying taxes and 
 administering justice, brought to them secular as well as spiritual juris- 
 diction over a great part of the land. As the court of the Frankish 
 king was moved from place to place, he required a special court, chapel, 
 with a numerous court-clergy, at the head of which was an Arch-chap- 
 lain, usually the most distinguished prelate in the land. The names 
 Capella and Capellani were originally applied only to court chapels and 
 court chaplains, and were derived from the fact that in the chapel was 
 kept the Cappa or coat of Martin of Tours as a precious relic and the 
 national palladium of France. The court clergy formed the nursery for 
 future bishops of the realm. In addition to the ring and staff as epi- 
 scopal insignia we find in the Carolingian age the bishop's cap, con- 
 sisting of two long sheets of tin or pasteboard running up to a peak, 
 covered with silk of the same colour as the dress used in celebrating 
 mass, generally richly ornamented with gold and precious stones, called 
 by the old pagan name Infula or Mitra.^ 
 
 2. The Inferior Clergy. — The enormous expansion of episcopal dioceses 
 rendered a new arrangement of the inferior clergy indispensable. The 
 extension churches in towns and the country churches which previously 
 had been served by the clergy of the cathedral church, obtained a regular 
 clergy of their own. As these churches were always dedicated to a saint 
 they were called Tittili, and the clergy appointed to officiate in them, 
 
 ' Marriott, " Vcstiarium Christianum." P. 187 ff. London, 18G8,
 
 502 THE CtEeman-roman church to a.d. 911. 
 
 Intituhtti, Iiicardinati, Cardinales. Thus oiiginated the idea of Faro- 
 chia, wapoida, and of Parochus or parish priest, i who, because the cura 
 animanim was committed to him was also called Curate, as in the French 
 cure. Over about ten parishes was placed an Archiprcsbyter riiralis who 
 was called Dccamts, Dean. As the right of administering baptism be- 
 longed originally to him exclusively, his church was called Ecdesia hap- 
 tisimalis ; his diocese, Chrislianitas or Plcbs ; he himself also, Plebaniis. 
 A further arrangement was first introduced in the 8th century by Heddo 
 of Strasburg, who gave to each of the deans in his diocese seven arch- 
 deacons, ^j/Yc/Josi^;, provosts. Besides the parish churches there were 
 many chapels or oratories where divine service was conducted only at 
 certain times by the neighbouring parish clergy or chaplains appointed 
 for that purpose. To this class also belong the domestic chapels in 
 episcopal residences or on the estates of noblemen which were served by 
 special domestic or castle chaplains. The latter indeed had in addi- 
 tion the duty of feeding the dogs, waiting at table and taking charge of 
 the lady's pony. Notwithstanding repeated reinforcement of the old 
 law : Ne quis vage ordinetur, there was still a great number of so-called 
 Clericis vagis, mostly vagabonds and idlers, who, ordained by unprin- 
 cipled bishops for a reward, roamed over the country like clerical 
 pedlars. 
 
 3. Compulsory Celibacy was stoutly resisted by the German clergy. 
 The inferior clergy were mostly married. At ordination they were ordered 
 indeed to separate from their wives and to abstain from marital inter- 
 course, but the promise was rarely fulfilled. Among the unmarried 
 clergy, fornication, adultery and unnatural lust were prevalent. A bishop, 
 Ulrich of Augsburg, addressed to Nicholas I. a philippic against the law 
 of celibacy with fearless exposures of its evil consequences. The moral 
 couditiou of the clergy was generally speaking shockingly low. Legacy 
 hunting, forging of documents, simony and chaffering for benefices were 
 carried on in a shameless way. The lordly habits of the bishops con- 
 sisted in hunting, going about with dogs and falcons, and in wild 
 drunken revels. In the 7th century it was the peculiar pleasure of the 
 Prankish bishops in wild scenes of blood that induced them to take part 
 in the wars, and led to their being afterwards obliged to fit out contin- 
 gents for the field at the cost of their ecclesiastical revenues. Pepin, 
 Charlemagne and Louis the Pious passed stringent laws against these 
 warlike habits of churchmen ; but the later Carolinglaus not only 
 tolerated but actually encouraged them. 
 
 4. Canonical Life. — Augustine's institution of a monasterii Clericorum 
 (§45, 1) was often imitated in later times. But bishop Chrodegang of 
 
 1 Hatch, "Growth of Church Listitutions." Ch. v. The Parish. Pp. 
 89-i)7.
 
 § 84. THE CLERGY IN GENERAL. 503 
 
 Metz, who died in a.d. 766, gave it for the first time, about a.d. 760, a 
 fixed and permanent form. His rule or Canon is closely connected with 
 the monastic rule of yt. Benedict (§ 85), with the omission of the vow of 
 poverty. He built a commodious residence Domus, monasterium (comp. 
 Germ, words Dom and Miinster), in which all the clergy of his cathedral 
 church were obliged to live; pray, work, eat and sleep under the constant 
 and strict supervision of the bishop or his archdeacon. This was the 
 Vita canonica. After morning devotions all the members of the estab- 
 lishment gathered together in the hall where the bishop or provost read 
 to them a chapter from the Bible, most frequently from Leviticus, from 
 the rule or from the fathers, and added thereto the necessary explan- 
 ations and exhortations. The hall was therefore called the Chapter 
 House ; then the name Chapter ' was given to the whole body gathered 
 together there. The Colleges- were a subsequent development of the 
 chapter in non-episcopal city churches, with a provost or deacon at 
 then- head. Louis the Pious allowed Chrodegang's rule to be revived 
 and generalized by the deacon Amalarius of Metz, and at the National 
 Assembly at Aachen in a.d. 817 enforced it for the whole kingdom. 
 It is known as Begula Aquisgranensis, But soon after the Canons en- 
 deavoured to emancipate themselves more and more from the burden- 
 some yoke of episcopal control. Gunther of Cologne (§ 82, 7) who, 
 though deposed by the pope, retained his official position, was obliged 
 to purchase the support of his chapter by a bargain in accordance with 
 which a great part of the ecclesiastical revenues of the chapter were 
 placed at their own full disposal as Prebends or Benefices. And what 
 this one chapter gained for itself was afterwards contended for by 
 others.^ — Continuation, § 97, 3. 
 
 § 85. MOXASTICISM.* 
 
 While from the 5th century one rush of migrating 
 peoples was rapidly followed by another, the monkish 
 orders fell into decay, barbarism and cori'uptiou. They 
 
 1 Hatch, " Growth of Church Institutions." Ch. ix. The Canonical 
 Rule. Pp. 157-172. Ch. x. The Cathedral Chapter. Pp. 175-190. 
 
 - Hatch, " Growth of Ch. Instit." Ch. xi. The Chapter of the 
 Diocese. Pp. 193-208. Stubb's " Constit. Hist, of England." Vol. iii. 
 
 3 Walcott, " Cathedralia." Ibid., " Sacred Archteology." Hatch, 
 "Growth of Church Institutions." Ch. iii. Fixed Tenure of Parish 
 Priest. Ch. iv. The Benefice. 
 
 •* Lecky, "Hist, of Euroix Morals." ii., 183-218. Montalembert, 
 " Monks of West from Benedict to Bernard." 7 vols. Edin., 1861 ff.
 
 504 THE GERMAN-ROMAN CHURCH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 would scarcely have survived tliis period of commotion, at 
 least would not have proved the great blessing that they 
 have been to the German west, had not the spirit of ancient 
 Rome with its practical turn, its appreciation of law and 
 order and its organizing talent, given them at the right 
 time, what they hitherto wanted, a rule answering to the 
 requirements and circumstances of the age, and by means 
 of it firm footing, unity, order and legal form. This task 
 was accomplished by Benedict of Nursia {d. a.d. 543), the 
 patriarch of Western Monasticism. The rule, which he pre- 
 scribed in A.D. 529 to the monks of the monastery of Monte 
 Cassino in Campania founded by him, was not unduly 
 ascetic, combined strict discipline with a certain degree of 
 mildness and indulgence, estimated the needs of human 
 nature as well as the circumstaiices of the times, and was, 
 in short, adaptable and practical. From the rule of Cassio- 
 dorus (§ 47, 23) Benedict's disciples borrowed that zeal for 
 scholarly studies about which their master had given no 
 directions, and Gregory the Great inspired the order with 
 enthusiasm for missionary labours. Thus the Benedictine 
 order obtained its full consecration to its calling of world- 
 wide significance. Soon spreading over all the West, being 
 introduced into France by Maurus in a.d. 543, it nobly 
 fulfilled its vocation by cultivating the soil and the mind, 
 by clearing the forests, bringing in waste lands, zealously 
 preaching the gospel, rooting out superstition and paganism, 
 educating the young, fostering and restoring literature, 
 science and art. The barbarous age, however, w^hich saw 
 the overthrow of the Merovingians and the rise of the 
 Carolingians, exerted a deteriorating influence also on the 
 Benedictines. But Charlemagne restored strict discipline, 
 and assigned to the monasteries the task of erecting schools 
 and prosecuting scholarly studies. By authority of Louis 
 the Pious and by order of the National Assembly at Aachen
 
 § 85. MONASTICISM. 505 
 
 in A.D. 817, Benedict of Aniane vmdertook a reformation and 
 re-organization of all the monkish systems throughont the 
 empire. At the head of a commission appointed for that 
 purpose he visited all the Frankish monasteries, and com- 
 pelled them to organize themselves after his improved 
 Benedictine Rule. 
 
 1. The one source of iuformation regarding the life of Benedict of 
 Nursia is the miracle-laden record of the miracle-loving jDope Gregory 
 the Great in the second book of his Dialogues. Benedict's Rule com- 
 prises 73 chapters. The first principle of the monastic life is obedience 
 to the Abbot, as representative of Christ. The choice of abbot lies with 
 the brothers. Of serving brothers the rule knows nothing. The chief 
 occupation is agriculture. Idleness is strictly forbidden. Charge of the 
 kitchen and reading at table are duties joerformed by all the monks 
 in turn week about. Divine service begins at 3 a.m. and is rendered 
 regularly through all the seven hours (§56,2). Two meals a day are 
 partaken of and each monk has daily half a bottle of wine. Flesh 
 meat is given only to the sick and weak. At table and after the Com- 
 pletorium or last hour of prayer, no word was allowed to be spoken. All 
 the brothers slept in a common dormitory, each in a separate bed, but 
 completely dressed and girded, so as to be ready at call for matins. The 
 discipline was strict and reasonable ; first private, then public rebuke, 
 then penal fasting, corporal punishment, and finally excommunication. 
 Hospitality and attention to the poor were enjoined on all monasteries. 
 Reception was preceded by a year's novitiate. The vow included 
 Stahilitas loci, Conversio morum (poverty and chastity) and Obedientia. 
 The Oblati were a special kind of novices, i.e. children who in their 
 early youth were placed in the monastery by their parents. They were 
 educated in the monastic schools and were not allowed to go back to the 
 world. 
 
 2. Benedict of Aniane (a.d. 821) was originally called Witiza and was 
 the son of a Visigoth count. He had served as a soldier under Charle- 
 magne. In attempting to save his brother he was himself almost drowned. 
 His ambition was now directed to an ascetic life, in which his personal 
 performances were most remarkable. On the river Anianus in Languedoc 
 he founded in a.d. 779 the monastery of Aniane. He was the indispens- 
 able and all-powerful counsellor of Louis the Pious. In order to have 
 him always near him, Louis founded for him the monastery of Inda or 
 the Cornelius-Miiuster near Aachen. In the interests of his cloister 
 reform he published in a.d. 817 a Codex rcgulorum in which he collected 
 all the monastic rules previously known.
 
 506 THE GEEMAN-EOMAN CHUECH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 3. The rule of the elder Beueclict made no reference to Nunneries ; but 
 his sister Scholastica is regarded as the founder of the order of female 
 Benedictines. Another form of female asceticism was developed after 
 the model of the canonical life of the secular clergy in the institution of 
 canouesses. The rule, which Louis the Pious at Aachen in a.d. 816 
 allowed them to draw up for themselves, is distinctly milder than that of 
 the nuns. The ladies' orders gradually became places of resort for the 
 unmarried daughters of the nobles. The canonical age for taking the 
 nun's vows was twenty -five. The novitiate lasted three years. Besides 
 thepro^jrmjpro/t'ssio the paterna dcvotio was also regarded as binding. 
 In regard to dress the adoption of the veil was the main thing ; but in 
 addition they wore the wreath as a symbol of virginity and the ring as 
 token of spiritual marriage. At this time the cutting of the hair was 
 only a punishment for unchaste nuns. The honourable position of the 
 wife among the Germans secured special respect for the abbess, and 
 obtained for the most famous nunneries exemption, civil prerogatives and 
 proprietary, even princely rights. The frequent appearance of Double- 
 Cloisters where monks and nuns, naturally in separate dwellings, under a 
 common rule either of an abbess as often in England, or of an abbot, 
 was also peculiarly German. 
 
 4. The Greater Monasteries, formed as they were of a vast number of 
 separate buildings for agriculture, cattle rearing, handicraft and arts of 
 all kinds, for elementary teaching, for higher education, for hospitable 
 entertainment, caring for the sick, etc., came by and by to attain the 
 proportions of little towns. Frequently they were the centre around 
 which cities were raised. The monastery of Vivarium in Calabria, Cas- 
 siodorus' foundation, inspired Western monasticism with an enthusiasm 
 for scholarly studies. The regulations of Monte Cassino were extended 
 to all monasteries of the West. Columbanus' monastery of Bobbio rooted 
 out paganism and Arianism in northern Italy. The monasteries of lona 
 in Scotland and Bangor in Ireland gained high repute in the struggle of 
 the Celtic church against the Roman. The English monastery of Wear- 
 mouth was a famous school of science. In France St. Denys near Paris 
 and Old Corbel in Picafdy gained a high reputation. In South Germany 
 St. Gall, Reichenau, Lorsch and Hirschau, in Central Germany Fulda, 
 Hersfeld and Fritzlar, and in North Germany New Corbel, a branch from 
 Old Corbel, were main centres of Christian culture. 
 
 5. In its new Western foz'm also monasticism was still without the 
 clerical character. But there was an ever-increasing tendency to draw 
 the monastic and the clerical institutions more and more closely together. 
 By means of celibacy and the introduction of the canonical life (§ 84, 4) 
 the clergy came to have the monkish character, and on the other hand, 
 most of the monks, in the first instance for monastic and mission ser- 
 vices, took clerical orders. By and by monks sought appointments as
 
 § 86. THE PROPEETY OF THE CHURCH. 507 
 
 curates (§ 84, 2), and thus rivalries arose between tliem and the clergy. 
 The monasteries '(vere wholly under the jurisdiction of the bishops in 
 whose diocese Ihey lay. The exemptions of this period were limited to 
 security for the free election of the abbot, independent administration of 
 property and gratuitous performance of consecrations by the bishop. In 
 the Frankish emjiire, however, abbots were ordinarily appointed to 
 vacancies by the court, and rich abbeys were also often bestowed upon 
 distinguished noblemen in commendam, i.e., for temporary administra- 
 tion with the enjoyment of their revenues, or even to court and military 
 officers as a reward for special services. Such lay abbots or ahbacomitcs 
 often stayed in the monasteries for months with their families, their 
 huntsmen and their soldiers, and made them the scene of their drinking 
 bouts, their field sports and their military exercises. The kings re- 
 tained the richest abbacies to themselves or gave them to their sons and 
 daughters, wives and concubines. 
 
 6. The Stylites (§ 44, 6) on account of the climate, could gain uo foot- 
 ing, though attempts were indeed made, e.g. by Wulflaich (§ 78, 3). In 
 place of them we find male and female recluses, Reclusi (Inchisi) and 
 lieclusce, who shut themselves up in cells which they never quitted. 
 Hermits of the Woods, unfettered by any rules, found great favour among 
 the Germans. Their national melancholic temperament inclining them 
 to solitude, their strong love of nature, their passionate delight in roam- 
 ing unchecked through woods and mountains, contributed to make such 
 a mode of life attractive. It was during the Gth century that this craze 
 for hermit life reached its height in Germany, and its main seat was in 
 Auvergne with its wild mountains, glens and gorges. But as the cell of 
 the saint was often in later times developed into a monastery on account 
 of the crowds of disciples that gathered round, the hermit life gradually 
 passed over into a regulated coenobite life. In Switzerland Meinard, sou 
 of a count of ZoUern, was a hermit of this sort. In a.d. 861 he had 
 been murdered by two robbers, and this was afterwards discovered, the 
 legend says, by means of two ravens feeding upon the body of the mur- 
 dered man. His cell in later times grevr into the beautiful Benedictine 
 abbey of Maria-Einsiedeln with its miracle-working image of the mother 
 of God, which at this day is visited by more than a hundred thousand 
 pilgrims yearly. 
 
 § 8G. The Property of Churches and Monasteries. 
 
 The inalienableness of church property being regarded as 
 the first principle of its administration, it grew by enormong 
 strides from year to year through donations and legacies, 
 At the end of the 7th century there was in Gaul fully a
 
 508 THE GERMAN-EOMAN CHURCH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 third of the whole territory in the possession of the churches 
 and monasteries, while the national exchequer was quite 
 exhausted. In this emergency Charles Martel founded the 
 benefice system, for which he also converted into money the 
 abundant possessions of the church. His sons, however, 
 Carloman and Pepin the Short, in consideration of the re- 
 organization of the Prankish church effected by Boniface 
 (§ 78, 5), sought to avert the impoverishment of many 
 churches and cloisters by a partial restitution so far as the 
 neediness of the times would allow. Charlemagne and Louis 
 the Pious did still more in this direction, so that partly 
 by these means, partly by the continued donations of rich 
 people, church property soon acquired its earlier propor- 
 tions. Thus, e.gf., the monastery of Luxeuil had in the 9th 
 century an estate with 15,000 farm-houses upon it. — The 
 administration of the property of churches and monasteries 
 lay in the hands of the bishops and abbots. For defending 
 and maintaining secular and legal rights there were eccle- 
 siastical and monastic advocates, Advocati ecdesice. This 
 institution, however, often degenerated into an agency for 
 oppressing the peasants and plundering the property of 
 their clients ; for many advocates assumed arbitrary powers 
 and dealt with the property of the church and its proceeds 
 ust as they chose. 
 
 1. The Revenues of Churches and Monasteries.— The main sources of 
 their growing wealth were donations and legacies. Princes often made 
 bequests of enormous magnitude and rich people in private life vied with 
 them. Occasions were never wanting; restoration from sickness, escape 
 from danger, the birth of a child, etc., regularly won for the church 
 whose patron saint had been helpful, some valuable i^reseut. The clergy 
 also used all means in their jDOwer to encourage this jDrevailiug readiness 
 to bestow presents ; and to this must in great measure be traced the be- 
 ginnings of the forging of deeds. A peculiar form for bequeathing a gift 
 was that of the Precaria, according to which the giver retained to him- 
 self for his lifetime the use of the goods which he gifted. Church pro- 
 perty was further greatly increased by the personal possessions of the
 
 § 86. THE PEOPERTY OF THE CHURCH. 509 
 
 clergy and the monks, which at the death of the former and at the con- 
 vcrsio of the latter usually became part of the revenue of the church or 
 cloister to which their owners belonged. Besides the proceeds of its own 
 estates the church drew the tithes of all property and incomes of parish- 
 ioners, the claim being enforced as a jus divinum by a reference to the 
 Mosaic legislation and made a law of the empire by the injunction of 
 Charlemagne. On the other hand the clergy were forbidden to exact 
 payment for discharge of official duties, so called stole-dues, because 
 they were performed by the priest dressed in the stola. The cathedral 
 church was entitled to an annual tax, Honor cathedra, levied upon all 
 the churches of the diocese. The inferior clergy, on the other hand, 
 often arrogated to themselves the right in accordance with a bad custom 
 of grasping by violent plunder the possessions of their deceased bishop, 
 Spolium.^ 
 
 2. The Benefice System. — In consequence of the vast gifts of the Mero- 
 vingians to the churches and their ministrants, when Charles Martel 
 assumed the government, the sources of crown revenue that hitherto 
 seemed inexhaustible were almost completely dried up, while this prince, 
 in order to deliver the country from the Saracens and in order to main- 
 tain his rule over against the innumerable petty tyrants who threatened 
 to dismember the empire, required a yet fuller treasury than any of his 
 predecessors. Out of these circumstances grew the Benefice System. The 
 soldiers who had served the nation and princes had been as before re- 
 warded by grants of lands. These, however, were no longer given as 
 hereditary possessions but only for the lifetime of the receiver [Bcnefi- 
 ciinn), and for this he was under obligation to supjily a proportionate con- 
 tingent for military service. When the crown lands had been well nigh 
 exhausted, Charles Martel did not hesitate to lay claim to the church 
 property. His son Carloman at the first Austrasian national Synod in 
 A.D. 742 (§ 78, 5) promised to restore the church property that had thus 
 been alienated, but had soon to confess his inability to perform his pro- 
 mise. At the second Austrasian Synod at Lestines in a.d. 743 he there- 
 fore limited the immediate restitution to the most pressing cases of 
 notoriously poor and needy churches and monasteries. He was driven 
 to this by the absolutely needful claims of the civil and military depart- 
 ments. But the claim of the church to get back the property was 
 secured by the beneficiary giving a Precarial letter and by the payment 
 of an annual tax of a solidus for every farm house on the estate. The 
 king also promised the full restoration on the death of the beneficiary, 
 with express retention, however, of the right, if the needs of the times 
 required it, to lease out again the vacant precarice. Even Pepin at the 
 
 1 Hatch, "Growth of Church Institutions." Ch.vi. Tithes and their 
 Distribution. Pp. 101-117.
 
 510 THE GEEMAN-EOMAN CHUBCH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 Neustriau national Syuod at Soissons in a.d. 74-1 granted similar conces- 
 sions, but yet in the execution of them did not go so far as his brother. 
 In A.D. 751 he caused a descriptio et cUvisio, i.e. an inventory of church pro- 
 perty with an exact fixing of the limits of its various titles to be made.' — 
 The annual tax referred to was transformed by Charlemagne into a second 
 tithe, the so-called Nonce. But even after the partial restitution effected 
 by the descendants of Pepin there still remained upon the restored pro- 
 perty the beneficial burdens that had been laid upon it, especially the 
 obligation to supply and equip a certain number of soldiers, and this was 
 thence transferred to the whole property of the church. — The benefice 
 system, originating in the pressure of circumstances, continued to spread 
 more and more, and formed the foundation of the entire social and civil 
 organization of the Middle Ages.^ 
 
 § 87. Ecclesiastical Legislation. 
 
 The construction of ecclesiastical legislation for tlie Ger- 
 naau empire was at first wholly the work of the Synods. 
 The popes exerted scarcely any influence upon it, but all 
 the more powerfully was felt the influence of the kings. 
 They summoned the Synods, laid down to them the subjects 
 to be discussed, and confirmed according to their own judg- 
 ment their decisions. From the time that the Frankish 
 bishopi'ics were filled by native Franks the independent life 
 of the Synods was quenched, and ecclesiastical affairs were 
 arranged at the national assemblies in which the bishops 
 also took part as territoi-ial nobles. The great national 
 Synods, too, at which Boniface's reorganization of the church 
 in accordance with Roman ecclesiastical law as carried 
 (§ 78, 5) were Concilia mixta of this kind ; and even under 
 Charlemagne and Louis of France these were still prevalent. 
 Charles, however, made their proceedings more orderly by 
 grouping the nobles into three ranks as bishops, abbots and 
 counts. Under the Pepin dynasty alongside of the synodal 
 
 1 Eoth, however, regards this divisio as putting a complete stop to the 
 secularization of church property. 
 
 2 Hatch, "Growth of Ch. Institutions." Ch. iv. The Benefice. 
 Pp. 61-77. Art. "Benefice," in Smith's "Diet, of Chr. Antiquities."
 
 § 87. ECCLESIASTICAL LEGISLATION. 511 
 
 v,'e Lave the roj'al decrees, arranged in separate chaptei^s, 
 and lience the ordinances are called Capitnlaria. Purely 
 ecclesiastical Synods in later times again gained a footing 
 and were particularly numerous in the times of Hincmar. 
 
 1. Older Collections of Ecclesiastical Law. — Gregory II. furnished Boni- 
 face mth a Codex canonum, undoubtedly the Diomjsiaca (§ 43, 3), and 
 Hadrian II. presented Charlemagne with one which was solemnly received 
 at the National Synod of Aachen in a.d. 802. There was in Spain a 
 new collection which was erroneously attributed to bishop Isidore of 
 Seville, who to distinguish him from the Frankish Pseudo-Isidore is 
 designated the genuine Isidore, or more correctly as Ilispana. This 
 collection in form attaches itself to Dionysiaca. In the 9th century 
 it was introduced among the Franks, and here gave contents and name 
 to the Pseudo-Isidorian collection. In close connection with this mas- 
 terpiece of forgery stands the collection of laws by Benedictus Levita 
 of Mainz, which was indeed called a collection of capitularies, but 
 was gathered mainly from documents of ecclesiastical legislation, 
 genuine and spurious. A collection of true and genuine capitularies 
 was made in "a.d. 827 by Ansegis, Abbot of Fontenelles. Benedict's 
 collection was included in it as 5th, 6th, and 7th books. Besides these 
 large collections many bishops prepared epitomized collections for the 
 use of their own dioceses, of which several are extant under the name 
 of Capitula Episcoporum. Decidedly in the interest of the Pseudo-Isidore 
 are the Capitula Angilrarnni, composed and svibscribed by bishop Angil- 
 ramnus of Metz {d. a.d. 791). The dates and contents of the three first- 
 named collections were determined in the interest of the Pseudo-Isidorian, 
 and are still a matter of controversy. Benedict, according to his own 
 credible statement, undertook his work at the command of the archbishop 
 Otgar, of Mainz, for the archives of Mainz, but completed and published 
 it probably in France only after Otgar's death, which occurred in a.d. 
 847. But while in earlier times it was generally believed that Benedict 
 had used the Pseudo-Isidore, Hinschius has become convinced that the 
 author of the capitula is identical with the Pseudo-Isidore, and from 
 Benedict's capitularies has unravelled first the composition of the capi- 
 tula and then that of the decretals.' 
 
 2. The Collection of Decretals of the Pseudo-Isidore. — In the fiftieth year 
 of the 9th century there appeared in France under the name of Isidorus 
 Mercator a collection of canons and decretals, which indeed completely 
 
 1 Ayliffe, " Parergon Juris Canonici." Lond., 1726. Guizot, "Hist, 
 of Civilization." Trausl. by Hazlitt. Lond., 1846. Walcott, " Sacred 
 Archaeology."
 
 512 THE GEEMAN-EOMAN CHUECH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 embraced the older so-called Isidoriana, but was enlarged by the addition 
 of a multitude of forged decretals. The surname Mercator, otherwise 
 Peccator, is probably derived from the well known Marius Mercator 
 (§ 47, 20), who had also occupied himself with the translation of eccles- 
 iastical documents, which the Pseudo-Isidore used for his work. It be- 
 gins with the fifty Canones Apostt., then follow fifty-nine forged decretals 
 which are assigned to the thirty oldest popes from Clement lo Melchiades 
 {d. A.D. 314). The second part embraces, besides the original document 
 of the Donation of Constantine, genuine synodal decrees falsified ap- 
 parently only in one passage. The third part, again, contains decretals 
 of Sylvester, the successor of Melchiades, down to Gregory II. (d. a.d. 
 731), of which thirty-five are not genuine. The non-genuine decretals 
 are for the most part not altogether forgeries, but are rather based upon 
 the literature of theology and canon law then existing, amplified or 
 altered, and wrought up to serve the purposes of the compiler. The 
 system of the Pseudo-Isidore is characterized by the following peculiar- 
 ities : Over the Imperium is raised the Sacerdotiuvi, ordained of Christ 
 to be governor and judge of the world. The unity and head of the 
 Sacerdotiuvi is represented by the pope. Bishops are related to the 
 pope as the other apostles were to Peter. The metropolitan is only 
 ■primus inter pares. Between the pope and the bishops as an intermediate 
 rank we have the primates or patriarchs. This rank, however, belongs 
 only to such metropolitan sees as either were ordained to it by the 
 apostles and their successors, or to such sees in more recently converted 
 lands as were elevated to this position in consequence of the multitude 
 of bishops belonging to them. Provincial Synods should be held only 
 with the consent of the pope, their decrees become valid only after re- 
 ceiving his confirmation, and all causce majores, especially all com- 
 plaints against bishops, belong solely to his own judicature. Priests 
 are the Familiares Dei, the Spirititales ; the laity, on the other hand, are 
 the Carnales. No clergyman, least of all a bishop, may be taken before 
 a secular tribunal. A layman may not appear as an accuser against 
 a clergyman, and the Synods are enjoined to render charges against a 
 bishop as difficult as possible. An expelled bishop, before the charges 
 against him can be examined, must have been fully restored (Exceptio 
 Spolii). If the accused regards his judges as inimici or suspectl, he may 
 appeal to be examined before the pope. For the establishing of a charge 
 at least seventy-two witnesses are necessary, etc. 
 
 3. The forgery originated in France, where it had been in existence 
 for some years before it was known in Eome, as appears from the process 
 against Eothad of Soissous (§ 83, 2). Kothad first brought it to Eome 
 in A.D. 864. Blondel and Kunst regard Benedict Levita as its author. 
 He first gave currency to the forgery in his Collection of Capitularies, 
 and so arouses the suspicion that he is hijQself the forger. Philipps
 
 § 87. ECCLESIASTICAL LEGISLATION. 613 
 
 fatlicrs it upon Eotbad of Soissons ; Wassersclilcben ascribes it to arch- 
 bisbop Otgar of Mainz, who, as a prominent bead of tbe clerical conspiracy 
 against Louis tbe Pious (§ 82, 4), would have reason to defend bimself 
 against tbe judgment wbicb would befall conspirators. But tbis doom 
 did not in any Tery special manner tbreaten Otgar. On Louis' restora- 
 tion be was not sentenced or deposed by any synod, but was without 
 more ado received into favour by tbe emperor. The Pseudo-Isidore's 
 hostile attitude toward tbe cborepiscopi (§ 84), while gaining no footing 
 in Germany, certainly prevailed in France ; and France, not Germany, 
 was tbe place where this collection first appeared between a.d. 853 and 8G4. 
 Since now, moreover, tbe prominence given by tbe Pseudo-Isidore to 
 tbe rank of primate may be regarded as equally favourable to the see of 
 Ebeims as to that of Mainz, WeizsJicker and v. Noordeu have sought 
 the original home of tbe forgery in tbe diocese of Ebeims, and point to 
 Ebo, archbishop of Ebeims, Hincmar's predecessor, as the forger. And 
 Ebo certainly stood in the front rank of tbe revolt referred to. Before 
 him Louis had specially to humble himself. He was therefore taken 
 prisoner immediately upon the emperor's restoration, and deprived of 
 his office at tbe Synod of Didenhofen in a.d. 835 (§ 82, 4). The em- 
 peror Lothair, indeed, restored him in a.d. 840, but his position was 
 still very insecure, as he had before a year passed to save bimself by 
 flight on the approach of Charles tbe Bald, and never again saw 
 Ebeims, which till Hincmar's elevation remained in the hands of cbor- 
 episcopi. The composition of the collection, according to v. Noorden, 
 belongs to the period immediately preceding and lasting through his 
 restitution. Finally Hinscbius regards Ebeims as undoubtedly tbe 
 scene of the composition of these forgeries, but he cannot ascribe them 
 to Ebo because, according to his demonstration, Benedict's Pseudo- 
 Isidore used as his authority only a collection completed after a.d. 847, 
 and by that time Ebo could not have the shadow of a hope of restora- 
 tion. But be also advances other weighty considerations. Ebo him- 
 self had never attempted to make good the claims which the Pseudo- 
 Isidorian decretals would have afforded him. If his own affairs bad 
 first led him to think of forging decretals be must have foreseen that 
 the extensive studies necessary for such a work would have demanded 
 many years of laborious effort, and would be concluded much too late to 
 serve his purpose. It would, therefore, seem to him safer to confine 
 himself to what his immediately present circumstances urgently re- 
 quired ; whereas the actual Pseudo-Isidore, on the contrary, puts in the 
 mouths of the early popes, with no little zeal and emphasis, a vast array 
 of other exhortations and decrees that seemed to him useful amid tbe 
 troubles of that age for the well being of the church and its ministers. 
 Thus the whole work assumes more of the character of a pia f raits of a 
 Bomcwhat high church cleric of that time than of a forgery devised in 
 
 L L
 
 514 THE GEEMAN-BOMAN CHUECH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 the selfish interests of an individual. This much, however, must be 
 admitted, that the directions quoted about judicial procedure against 
 accused bishops exactly fit the case of Ebo. As the first attempt to 
 use the non-genuine decretals only found in Pseudo-Isidore was made at 
 the Synod of Soissons in a.d. 853, by those clerics who had been or- 
 damed by Ebo after his deposition but rejected by Hincmar, the final 
 redaction and publication must fall between a.d. 8-i7 and 853. Langen 
 fixes the date at a.d. 850, and refers its authorship to Servatus Lupus 
 (§ 290, 5). Nobody then doubted their genuineness. Even Hincmar 
 seems for a long time to have had no doubts. But he decidedly repudiated 
 their legal authority in the Prankish church, and energetically opposed 
 them when they were sought to be enforced against the independence 
 of the church. Thus he could always refer to them where their con- 
 tentions agreed with his own, or, as in the case against his nephew, 
 where they supported his rights as primate, in order to defeat his 
 opponents with their own weapons. Subsequently however, in a.d. 872, 
 in a letter written in the name of his king to pope Hadrian, he charac- 
 terized them in contrast with the genuine and valid decretals as secus a 
 quoqiiam compilata sive conficta. The Magdeburg Centuriators were the 
 first conclusively to prove them spurious. The Jesuit Turrianus, how- 
 ever, entered the lists once more on their behalf. But the reformed 
 theologian, David Blondel, castigated so sharply and thoroughly this 
 theological unprincipledness, that even in the Eoman Catholic church 
 their non-genuineness has been now since admitted. ^ 
 
 4. Among the many spurious documents which the Pseudo-Isidore 
 included in his collection of ecclesiastical laws, we find an Edictura 
 Constantini Imperatoris. In the first part of it, the so-called Confessio, 
 Constantine makes a confession of his faith, and relates in detail in 
 what a wonderful way he was converted to Christianity by pope Sylvester, 
 and cured of leprosy (§ 42, 1). Then in the second part, the so-called 
 Donatio, he confers upon the chair of Peter, with recognition of its 
 absolute primacy over all patriarchates of the empire, imperial power, 
 rank, honour, and insignia, as all privileges and claims of imperial 
 senators upon its clergy. In order that the possessor of this gift may 
 be able to all time to maintain the dignity of his position, he gives him 
 the Lateran palace, transfers to him independent dominion over 
 " Eomanam urhem et omncs Italia; seii (in Frankish Latin of the 8th and 
 9th centuries this means " as well as ") occidentalimn regionum provin- 
 cias, loca et civitates " (therefore not merely Italy but the whole West 
 Eoman empire) ; he removes his own imperial residence to Byzantium, 
 " qiioniam uhi 2}7-incipates Sacerdotum et Christ, religionis Caput ah Im- 
 peratore cxlesti constitutum est, justiim nan est, ut illic Imperator terre- 
 
 * Blondel, " Pseudo-Isid. et Turrianus vapulantes." Genev., 1628.
 
 § 87. ECCLESIASTICAL LEGISLATION. 515 
 
 rum habeat potestatem." lu a letter of Hadrian I. to Charlemagne iu 
 A.D. 788, in wliicli he salutes the emperor as a second Constantiue who 
 is called upon by God not only to restore to the apostolic chair the 
 " potestas in his Ilcsperia partibus,'" which had been already assigned it 
 by the first Constantine, but also all later legacies and donations "of 
 various patricians and other God-fearing men," which the godless race 
 of the Longobards in course of time tore from it, we have the first hint 
 at the idea of a Donatio Constantini. The same pope, too, according to 
 the Vita Hadriani in the Eomish Pontifical, on the occasion of Charles' 
 visit to Eome in a.d. 774 is said to have reclaimed from him an enor- 
 mous grant of land (§ 82, 2). It seemed therefore an extremely prob- 
 able sui^position that assigned Rome as the place where this document 
 originated, and the period of the overthrow of the Longobard empire, 
 whether actually accomplished or on the eve of taking place, as the 
 date of its fabrication (§ 82, 1, 2). Against this view, almost universally 
 prevalent, quite recently Grauert has advanced a vast array of powerful 
 arguments, e.g., the limitation of the Donatio of Constantine to Italy 
 which is here suggested contradicts its own express statement. The 
 words of the letter of Hadrian referred to speak not of a dominion over 
 Italy, and which they could have read, " w has H. partes," but of a 
 dominion in Italy which was founded upon Constantine' s munificence 
 and enlarged by many subsequent presents. They do not, therefore, refer 
 like the words of the Donatio to sovereign territorial authority, but to 
 the exceedingly wide-spread and rich property included in the Patrimo- 
 JiJMni Pefr t {§ 46, 10). The " potestas," said to have been assigned by 
 Constantine to the Eoman see, does not exceed the authority which even 
 according to the Vita Sylvestri of the Pontifical had been given by Con- 
 stantine to that pope. — Thus the donation document is met with first 
 in the Pseudo-Isidore. It was often afterwards referred to by the Frankish 
 government. By Piome, on the other hand, although even Nicholas I. 
 was made acquainted with the Pseudo-Isidoriau decretals by Piothad, and 
 referred to them in a.d. 885, they are never used, either against the 
 Franks or against the Byzantines until, in a.d. 10.53, we meet an allusion 
 to them in a letter from Leo IX. to the patriarch Michael Cferularius 
 (§ 07, 3). Grauert accounts for this by saying that there were two recen- 
 sions of Pseudo-Isidore, a shorter, which had only the first part of the 
 document, the eo-called Confessio ; and a longer, which had also the 
 Donatio, and that Eothad took probably only the shorter one to Eome. 
 From these and other data adduced by Grauert it seems more than 
 probable that the foundry in which the document was forged was not in 
 Eome, but rather in France among the high church party there, from which 
 also the full-fledged forgery proceeded. It would also seem that a double 
 purpose was served by its composition. On the one hand, over against 
 the Greeks it represented the chair of Peter as raised above all the
 
 516 THE GEEMAN-EOMAN CHUECH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 patriarchates of the empire, and the Western empire as a thoroughly 
 legitimate one transferred by Constantine the Great to the pope, and 
 then by him to the kings of the Franks. And, on the other hand, it 
 also made it clear to the Frankish princes that all temporal power in the 
 West essentially, and from of old, belonged to the pope, and is bestowed 
 upon them by means of their coronation by the pope's hands. — That 
 from the time when they met with the document unto the 11th century 
 the Byzantines did not contest its genuineness, need not surprise us 
 when we consider the uncritical character of the age. They would also 
 be the less disposed to do so as they could only thereby hope to win 
 that perfect equality in spiritual authority as well as in secular rank 
 with the Roman bishop which the fourth oecumenical council had 
 assigned to their patriarchal see. But while the Byzantines may be 
 regarded as inconsiderately incorporating this donation of Constantine 
 into their historical and legal books, blotting out indeed the passages 
 which seemed to them to favour the pretensions of the pope to universal 
 sovereignty, it is a more difficult task to secure for it acceptance among 
 Western diplomatists. Even in a.d. 999 a state paper of Otto III. 
 describes it as a pure fiction. High church tendencies, however, raised 
 their standard also in the West during the 11th century (§ 96, 4, 5). 
 Indeed, even in a.d. 1152, an Arnoldist (§ 108, 7), named Wetzel, wrote 
 to the Emperor Frederick I. : " Their lies and heretical fables are now 
 so completely exploded that even day-labourers and cow-men could 
 prove to scholars their emptiness, and the pope with his cardinals ven- 
 tures not for shame to show himself in the city of Eome." The victory, 
 however, of the papacy over the Hohenstaufen gained currency for it 
 again, and it was the treatise of Laurentius Yalla, " De falso credita et 
 emcntita Constantini donationc declamatio," which Ulrich von Hutten 
 issued in multitude from the press, gave it the death blow (§ 120, 1). 
 When, thereafter, even Baronius admitted the spuriousness of the docu- 
 ment, though assigning its fabrication to the Greeks, who wished by 
 it to prove that the Eoman primacy was not of Christ but from Con- 
 stantine, it found no longer a vindicator even in the Eoman Catholic 
 church. 
 
 ni. THE CHURCH AND THE PEOPLE. 
 
 § 88. Public Worship and Art. 
 
 The German Arians tindoubteclly used the language of 
 Uie people in their services. The adoption of Catholicism, 
 however, led to the introdnction of the Latin tongue. The 
 last trace of acqitaintance with Ulfilas' translation of the
 
 § 88. PUBLIC WORSHIP AND ART. 517 
 
 Bible is found iu the 9tli century. The nations converted 
 directly to Catholicism had from the first the Latin language 
 in public worship. Only the Slavs still retained the use of 
 their mother tongue (§ 79, 2). The Roman liturgy, as well 
 as the Roman language, was adopted in all churches with 
 the exception of those of Milan and Spain. After Pepin had 
 entered into closer relations with the popes, he endeavoured, 
 in A.D. 754, at their desire, to bring about a uniformity 
 between the Frankish ritual and the Roman pattern ; and 
 Charlemagne, whom Hadrian I. presented with a Roman 
 Sacramentarium, carried it out with relentless energy. The 
 slightness of the liturgical contributions of the Grermans is 
 to be accounted for partly by the fact that the Roman 
 liturgy was already presented to them in a richly developed 
 and essentially complete form, but also partly by the ex- 
 clusion of the national languages and the refusal to give 
 the people a share in the litu.rgical services. Under the 
 constraint of a foreign tongue the Germans could not put 
 the impress of their national character on a department in 
 which language plays so important a part. 
 
 1. Liturgy and Preaching. — Alongside of the Roman or Gregorian 
 Liturgy many otliers also were in use. The people and clergy of Milan 
 so determinedly adhered to their old Ambrosiau liturgy, that even 
 Charlemagne could not dislodge it, and down to the present day Milan 
 has preserved this treasure. No less energetically did the Spaniards 
 hold by their national liturgy, the so-called Mozarabic (§ 81, 1). It has 
 a strong resemblance to the oriental liturgies, but was further elaborated 
 by bishops Leander and Isidore of Seville (§ 80, 2), and was recognised 
 by the National Synod of Toledo in a.d. G33 as valid for the whole of 
 Spain. The Gallicau liturgies too of the Carolingian times betrayed a 
 certain dependence upon the oriental rituals. PreacMug, in the services 
 of the Western churches was always subordinate to the liturgy, and the 
 relapse into savagery occasioned by the migrations of the peoples drove 
 it almost completely out of the field. The missionary fervour in the 
 Western church during the 7th century was the first thing to re-awaken 
 a sense of its importance. But then very few priests could compose a 
 sormou. Charlemagne, therefore, about a.d. 780, had a Latin IlomI-
 
 518 THE GEEMAN-EOMAN CHUECH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 liarium compiled by Paulus Diaconus (§ 90, 3) from the fathers for 
 all the Sundays and Festivals of the year, as a model for their own 
 composition, or, where that was too much to be expected, for reading 
 in the original or in a translation. During the whole Middle Ages and 
 beyond the Eeformation it continued to be one of the most read and 
 most diligently used books in the Eomau Catholic church. Missionaries 
 naturally preached themselves or through interpreters in the language 
 of the people ; even in constituted churches preaching was generally 
 conducted in the speech of the country. Charlemagne and the Synoda 
 of his time insisted at least upon German or Eomanic preaching. 
 
 2. Chiurcli Music (§ 59, 4, 5). — After Gregory's ordinance church music 
 continued to be restricted to the clergy. Charlemagne indeed insisted, 
 but unsuccessfully, that all the people should take part in singing the 
 Gloria and the Sanctus. In the 7th-9th cent, a number of Latin hymn- 
 writers flourished, of whom the most distinguished were Bede, Paul 
 Waruefrid, Theodulf of Orleans, Alcuin, Rabauus Maurus, and Walafrid 
 Strabo. The beautiful Pentecost hymn Veni creator Spiritits is ascribed 
 to Charlemagne. The old classical form and colouring were more and 
 more lost, but all the more the essentially Christian and Germanic 
 character of simplicity and spirituality became prominent. Toward the 
 end of our period the composition of Latin hymns obtained a new and 
 fruitful impetus from the adoption of the so-called Seqaences or Proses 
 in the Mass. Under the long series of notes, hitherto without words 
 attached, which were appended to the Alleluia to express inarticulate 
 jubilation, hence called juhilationes, were now placed appropriate 
 rhythmical words in Latin prose, which, however, soon assumed the 
 form of metre, rhyme and strophes. The first famous writer of Sequences 
 was the monk Notker Balbulus of St. Gall, who died in a.d. 912. 
 Connected in form with the Latin Sequences were the more recently 
 introduced Old Prankish Lais (Celtic = verse, song) and the Old German 
 Leiche ( = melody, song), to simple airs that had been used for popular 
 songs. The only one which the church allowed to the people, and that 
 only in services outside of the church, in processions, rogations and 
 pilgrimages, in going to the church, at translations of relics, funerals, 
 consecrations of churches, popular religious festivals, etc., was the 
 singing or rather reciting of the Kyrie eleison from the great Litany. 
 The fondness of the Germans for singing and composing hymns led, 
 in the second half of the 9th century, to the attaching to these words 
 short rhyming sacred verses in their mother tongue, and this in such a 
 manner that the Kyrie eleison always formed the refrain of a strophe, so 
 that they were called Leisons. This was the beginning of German church 
 music. Of the Leisons only one hymn to St. Peter in the Old High- 
 German dialect has come down to our day. — The Gregorian Music, Cantus 
 firmus or choralis, won a most complete victory over the Ambrosian
 
 § 88. PUBLIC WOESHIP AND ART. 619 
 
 (§ 59, 6). In A.D. 15i Pepin at the request of Stephen II. ordered that 
 in France only the Eoman singing should be allowed, and Charlemagne 
 secured for it complete and exclusive ascendency in all the West by 
 violently extirpating the already very degenerate Ambrosian music, by 
 establishing the celebrated singing schools of Metz, Soissons, Orleans, 
 Paris, Lyons, etc., at the head of which he placed teachers brought from 
 Rome, and by introducing instruction in singing in all the higher and 
 lower schools. The first Organ came to France in a.d. 757 as a present 
 to Pepin the Short from the Greek emperor Constantinus Copronymus ; 
 the second to Aachen with an embassy from the emperor Michael I. 
 in Charlemagne's time. From that time they became more common. 
 They were still as instruments very imperfect. They had only from 
 9 to 12 notes, and the keys were so stiff that they had to be beaten down 
 with the fist.i— Continuation, § 104, 10, 11. 
 
 3. Tlie Sacrifice of the Mass. — As the idea of sacrifice gained place 
 there sprang up in addition to the masses for the souls of the departed 
 (§ 58, 3) private masses for various other purposes, for the success of 
 some undertaking, for the recovery of a sick person, for good weather and 
 a good harvest, etc. To some extent the multiplication of masses was 
 limited by the ordinance that celebration should be made at the same 
 altar and by the same priest only once in the day. From the wish to 
 secure that as many masses as possible should be said for their souls 
 after death, churches and monasteries were formed into fraternities with 
 a stipulated obligation to celebrate a certain number of masses for each 
 deceased member of the fraternity in all the churches and monasteries 
 belonging thereto. Fraternities of this kind, into which as a special 
 favour princes and nobles were received, were called Coufederacies for the 
 Dead. 
 
 4. The Worship of Saints (§ 57). — This practice found a very ready 
 response from the Germans. It afforded some compensation for the 
 abandoned worship of their ancestors. But over all other saints towered 
 the mother of God, the meek and gentle queen of heaven. In her the 
 old German reverence for woman found its ideal and full satisfaction. 
 In respect of Image Worship (§ 57, 4) the Germans lagged behind, partly 
 from the scarcity of images, partly from national aversion to them. 
 The Frankish church of the CaroHngian age protested formally against 
 them (§ 92, 1). But all the greater was the zeal shown in the Worship 
 of Relics (§ 57, 5) in which the worshipper had the saint concretely 
 and bodily. The relics of the West were innumerable. Rome was an 
 inexhaustible storehouse ; and from the successive missionaries, from 
 the deserts and solitudes, from the monasteries and bishops' seats, 
 
 ' Hopkins, " The Organ, its hist, and construct." Lend., 1855.
 
 620 THE GERMAN-ROMAN CHURCH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 there went forth crowds of uew saiuts whose bones were venerated with 
 enthusiasm. The gaining of a new relic for a church or monastery was 
 regarded as a piece of good fortune for the whole land, and amid thousands 
 assembled from far and near the translation was carried out, accom- 
 panied with liberal gifts of money. The Prankish monastery of Centula 
 could show in the 9th century an immensely long list of the relics which 
 it possessed, from the grave of the Innocents, the milk of the Holy 
 Virgin, the beard of Peter, his cloak, the Oratoriiun of Paul, and even 
 from the wood of the three tabernacles that Peter wished to build on 
 Tabor. The custom of making Pilgrimages (§ 57, 6) also found great 
 favour among the travel-loving Germans, especially among the Anglo- 
 Saxons. The places most frequented by pilgrims were the tomb of the 
 chief Apostles at Rome, then the tomb of Martin of Tours, and, toward 
 the end of our period, that of St. James of Compostella, Jacobus Apostolus 
 the elder, the supposed founder of the Spanish church, whose bones 
 were discovered there by Alfonso the Chaste. The immoralities conse- 
 quent upon pilgrimages, about which even the ancient church complained, 
 were also only too apparent in this later age. On account of them 
 Eoniface urges that his countrywomen should be forbidden to go on 
 pilgrimages, since this only served to supply the cities of Gaul and Italy 
 with prostitutes. The idea of Guardian Angels (§ 57, 3) was eagerly 
 adopted by the Germans. They were specially drawn to the warlike 
 Ai'chaugel Michael, the conqueror of the great dragon (Dan. xii. 1 ; Judo 
 9; Rev. xii. 7 ff.).— Continuation, § 104, 8. 
 
 5. Times and Places for Public Worship. — The beginning of the church 
 year was changed from Easter to Christmas. All Saints' Day (§ 57, 1), 
 originally a Roman local festival, was made a universal ordinance by 
 Gregory IV. who, in a.d. 835, fixed its date at 1st Nov. The abundance 
 of relics and the multitude of masses that were said made it necessary 
 to increase the number cf altars in the churches beyond what Charle- 
 magne had enjoined. Afterwards they were usually limited to three. 
 The high altar stood out by itself in the middle of the choir recess. 
 The side altars leant on pillars or on the chief altar. A relic shrine 
 generally from the 8th century formed the back of the altar. No trace 
 of a chancel is found, not even of a confessional chair. In churches 
 which had the right of baptizing (§ 84, 2) there were as a rule separate 
 baptistries. In place of these, after the right of baptizing was conferred 
 on all churches, the baptismal font was introduced, either on the left 
 side of the main entrance or at the point where the transepts crossed 
 the nave. This change required the substitution of sprinkling for 
 immersion. Clocks and towers became always more common. The 
 latter, at first separate from the buildings, were from Charlemagne's 
 time attached to the church edifice. The baptism of bells, their conse- 
 cration with water, oil and chrism, with the bestowing on them of some
 
 § 89. NATIONAL CUSTOMS AND CHURCH DISCIPLINE. 621 
 
 saint's name, was forbidden by Charlemagne, but it was nevertheless 
 continued, and is common to this day in the Roman Catholic church. 
 
 6. Most attention was paid to ecclesiastical architecture and painting, 
 south of the Alps during the Ostro-gothic period, north of the Alps 
 during the Caroliugian period. The Anglo-Saxons, however, in their 
 island home also developed a taste for art. During the 9th century it 
 received special attention in the German monasteries of St. Gall and 
 Fulda. The monk Tutilo of St. Gall, d. a.d. 912, was pre-eminently 
 distinguished both as a master in architecture, painting and sculpture, 
 and in poetry and scholarship. The old Roman basilica style still 
 maintained the front rank in church building. Yet at Ravenna, the 
 Byzantium of Italy, during the Gothic domination there were several 
 beautiful churches in the Byzantine cupola style. Einliard received 
 from Charlemagne the rank of a court architect. Of all the churches 
 built in Charlemagne's time the most important was the cathedral of 
 Aachen. It was built in the cupola style after the pattern of the 
 cathedral church of Ravenna. Intended as a royal chapel, it was con- 
 nected by a pillared passage with the palace. It was therefore also of 
 only moderate dimensions. Its being appropriated as the coronation 
 church led subsequently to its enlargement by the addition to it in a.d. 
 1355 of a large choir in the Gothic style. The church afforded abundant 
 scope for the use of the art of the statuary. Costly shrines for relics 
 were required, crucifixes, lamps, ciboria, incense vessels, etc., on which 
 might be lavished all the refinements of artistic skill. The church 
 books had artistically carved covers. Church doors, episcopal thrones, 
 reading desks, baptismal fonts, afforded room for practice in relievo 
 work. Among the various kinds of pictorial representations miniature 
 painting was most diligently practised upon copies of the church books. 
 — Continuation, § lOi, 12, 14. 
 
 § 89. National Customs, Social Life and Church 
 Discipline. 
 
 The remains of Cliristian popular poetry of tliis period 
 afford a convincing proof of tlie powerful and profound 
 manner in which the truths of Christianity (§ 75, 1) had 
 been grasped by the Grerman races. The great mass of the 
 people indeed had adopted the new faith in a purely his- 
 torical fashion. Only gradually did it make its way into 
 the inner spiritual life, and meanwhile out of the not fully 
 conquered paganism there grew up a rich crop of super-
 
 522 THE GEEMAN-EOMAN CHUECH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 stitions in connection with the Christian life. It must be 
 confessed that the state of morality among the Germans 
 had fallen very low as compared with that which prevailed 
 before Germany's conversion to Christianity. A sadder 
 contrast is scarcely conceivable than that presented by a 
 comparison of the description in Tacitns of the old German 
 customs and discipline and the account of Gregory of Tours 
 of colossal criminality and brutish sensuality in the Mero- 
 vingian Age. But never more than here does the fallacy : 
 Post hoc- ergo propter hoc, require to be guarded against. The 
 moral deterioration of the German peoples was carried out 
 independently of their contemporaneous, merely external, 
 Christianization. The cause of it lies only in the over- 
 turning of the foundations of Gei'man life by the migration 
 of the peoples. Severed from their original home, the most 
 powerful guardian of ancestral customs, and set down as 
 conquerors in the midst of rich countries with morally base 
 surroundings, which had a poisonous effect upon them, with 
 that eageniess and tenacity which characterize children of 
 nature, they seized upon the seductive treasures and enjoy- 
 ments, and their unfettered passion broke through all re- 
 straints of discipline and morality. The clearest proof of 
 this view lies in the fact that the moral decay appeared in 
 so remarkable a degree only among such peoples as settled 
 in the corrupt Roman world and became amalgamated with 
 it, most conspicuously among the Pranks in Gaul and the 
 Longobards in Italy, whereas among the Anglo-Saxons and 
 the inhabitants of Germany the moral development was 
 more normal. 
 
 1. Superstition. — A powerful impulse was given to superstition on the 
 one hand by the church, according to the educational method recom- 
 mended by Gregory the Great (§ 75, 3), refusing recklessly to root out 
 every element of paganism and rather endeavouring to give Christian 
 applications to heathen institutions and views and to fill pagan forms 
 with Christian contents, and on the other hand, by the representatives of
 
 § 89. NATIONAL CUSTOMS AND CHUECH DISCIPLINE. 523 
 
 the church not regarding belief in the existence of heathen deities as a 
 delusion but counting the gods and goddesses as demons. The poijular 
 belief therefore saw in them a set of dethroned deities who in certain 
 realms of nature maintain their ancient sway, whom therefore they dare 
 not venture altogether to disoblige. The fanciful poetic view of nature 
 prevailing among the Germans contributed also to this result, with its 
 love of the mysterious and supernatural, its fondness for subtle enquiries 
 and intellectual investigations. Thus, in the worship of the saints as well 
 as in the church's belief in angels and devils, new rich worlds opened 
 themselves up before the Christianized Germans, which the popular 
 belief soon improved upon. The pious man is exposed on all sides to 
 the vexations of demons, but he is also on all sides surrounded by the 
 protecting care of saints and angels. The popular belief made a great 
 deal of the devil, but the relation of men to the prince of darkness and 
 his attendant spirits seemed much too earnest and real to be as yet the 
 subject of the humour which characterized the devil legends of the later 
 Middle Ages, in which the cheated, " stupid " devil is represented as at 
 last possessed only of impotent rage and sneaking oE in disgrace. 
 
 2. Popular Education. — The idea of a general system of education for 
 the people was already present to the mind of Charlemagne. Yet as we 
 may suppose only beginnings were made toward its realization. Bishop 
 Theodulf of Orleans was specially active in founding schools for the 
 people in all the villages and country towns of his diocese. The reli- 
 gious instruction of the youth was restricted as a rule to the teaching of 
 the Lord's Prayer and the Apostles' Creed. Whatever grown up man 
 or woman did not know these two was at Charles' command to be sub- 
 jected to flogging and fasting and to be made to learn them besides. As 
 evidence of the extent of a religious consciousness among the people 
 may be adduced the German forms of adjuration, belief, confession and 
 prayer, of the 8th and 9th centuries which are still preserved. Further 
 means of advancing the religious education of the people were afforded 
 by the attempts to make the biblical and patristic books accessible to the 
 people by translations in their own language. Among the Germans the 
 monastery of St. Gall was famous for its zeal in originating a national 
 literature. Among the Anglo-Saxons this eSort was made and carried 
 out by Alfred the Great, who died in a.d. 901 (§ 90, 10). 
 
 3. Christian Popular Poetry. — It makes its first appearance at the end 
 of the 7th century and continued far down into the 9th century. It 
 flourished chiefly in England and Germany. Under the name of the 
 Northumbrian Csedmon, who died in a.d. GSO, there has been preserved 
 a whole series of biblical poems of no small poetic merit, which range 
 over the whole of the Old and New Testament history. The most im- 
 portant Anglo-Saxon poet after him was his countryman Cynewulf living 
 about a century later. His poems are less homely and simple, but mora
 
 624 THE GEEMAN-EOMAN CHUECH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 elaborate than those of Casdmon, and as full of poetic enthusiasm as 
 these. He too paints for us in his " Christ" the picture of the Ee- 
 deemer as that of a manly victorious prince among his true " champions 
 and earls " with such clear-cut features that " whoever once beholds 
 them will never again forget them." His poetically wrought up legends 
 bear more of the Eomish stamp with traces of saint worship and the 
 doctrine of merit. ^ Still higher than these two Anglo-Saxon productions 
 stands the German-Saxon epic the Heliand, of the time of Louis of 
 France, a song of the Messiah worthy of its august subject, truly national, 
 perfect in form, simple, lively and majestic in style, transposing into 
 German blood and life a genuine deep Christianity. In poetic value 
 scarcely less significant is the " Krist " of Otfried, a monk of Weissen- 
 berg about a.d. 860. Near to his heart as well as to that of the Anglo- 
 Saxon singers lay the thought : thaz icir Kriste sungun in unsere Zungun. 
 It is, however, no longer popular but artistic jpoetry, in which the old 
 German letter rhyme or alliteration gives place to the softer and more 
 delicate final rhyme. To this class belongs also the so-called Wesso- 
 brunner Prayer, of which the first poetical half is probably a fragment of 
 a larger hymn of the creation, and a poem in High German on the end 
 of the world and the last judgment, known by the name of Muspilli, 
 extant only as a fragment which is, however, almost tmsurpassable in 
 dignity and grandeur of description. 
 
 4. Social Condition. — From the point of view of German law the con- 
 tract of betrothal had the validity of marriage and the subsequent nup- 
 tial ceremony or surrender of the bride to the bridegroom in a iDublic 
 legal manner by her father or legal guardian was held to be only the 
 carrying out of that contract. The bridal ceremony with the ecclesias- 
 tical benediction of the marriage bond already legally tied, was frequently 
 celebrated only on the day following the marriage, therefore after its 
 consummation. The Capitulary of Charlemagne of a.d. 802 came to the 
 support of the claims of the church (§ Gl, 2), ordaining that without 
 previous careful enquiry as to the relationship of the parties by tho 
 priest, and the elders of the people, and also without the priestly bene- 
 diction, no marriage could be concluded. The Pseudo-Isidoriau decre- 
 tals ascribed this demand to the popes of the 4th and 5th centuries. 
 But the right to perform marriages was not thereby committed to the 
 church ; it was only that the religious consecration of the civil ordinance 
 of marriage was now made obligatory. It seemed best of all when sooner 
 
 * Guest, " History of English Ehythms." Vol. ii. London, 1838. 
 Wright, " Biogr. Brit. Lit. Anglo-Saxon Period." Loudon, 1842. 
 Thorpe, " Cffidmon's Paraphrase in Anglo-Saxon with Engl. Transl." 
 London, 1832. Conybeare, " lUustr. of Anglo-Saxon Poetry." London, 
 1827.
 
 § 89. NATIONAL CUSTOMS AND CHUECII DISCIPLINE. 525 
 
 or later the sj^ouses voluntarily renounced marital intercourse ; but this 
 was strictly forbidden during Lent (§ 5G, 4, 5), on all festivals and on the 
 station days of the week (Wednesday, Friday, Saturday and Sunday). 
 Second marriages were branded with the reproach of incontinence and 
 called forth a lengthened penance. There was on the other hand as yet 
 no prohibition of divorce, and the marrying again of those separated was 
 only unconditionally forbidden in particular cases. The church was not 
 willing to tolerate mixed marriages with heathens, Jews and Ariaus. 
 The Germans found it most difficult to reconcile themselves to the strict 
 reqvrirements of the church In regard to the prohibited degrees of relation- 
 ship. National customs had regarded many such marriages, especially 
 with a brother's widow, as even a pious duty.^ — Continuation, § 101, 6. — 
 Slavery or Serfdom was an institution so closely connected among the 
 Germans with their notions of property that the church could not think 
 of its entire abolition ; indeed the church itself, with its large landed 
 possessions, owned quite a multitude of slaves. Yet it earnestly main- 
 tained the religious and moral equality of master's and servants, assigned 
 to the manumission of slaves one of the first places among good works, 
 and was always ready to give protection to bondmen against cruel mas- 
 ters.- — The church with special energy entered upon the task of Caring 
 for the Poor ; even proud and heartless bishops could not overlook it. 
 Every well appointed church had several buildings in which the poor, 
 the sick, widows and orphans were maintained at the church's cost.^ 
 
 0. Practice of Pubic Law. — The custom of Blood Revenge was also 
 a thoroughly German institution. It had, however, been fairly re- 
 stricted by the custom of Composition or the payment of satisfaction in 
 the form of a pecuniary fine. The church from its dislike of capital 
 punishment decidedly favoured this system. As a means of securing 
 judicial evidence oaths and ordeals were administered. Only the free- 
 man, who was quite capable of acting in accordance with his own judg- 
 ment, was allowed to take an Oath ; the husband took the oath for his 
 
 1 Evans, " Treatise on Chr. Doct. of Marriage." New York, 1870. 
 Hammond, "On Divoixes," in his Works. Vol. i. London, 1674. 
 Cosin, " Argument on the Dissolution of Marriage." Works, vol. iv. 
 Oxf., 1854. Tertullian, Treatise in " Lib. of Path." Oxf., 1854, with 
 two Essays by Pusey, " On Second Marriages of the Clergy," and " On 
 Early Views as to Marriage after Divorce." 
 
 - Babiugton, " Influence of Chr. in promoting the Abolition of Slavery 
 in Europe." London, 1864. Edwards, "Inquiry into the State of 
 Slavery in the Early and Middle Ages of the Christian Era." Edin., 
 1836. 
 
 3 Smith's " Diet, of Chr. Antiq." Vol. i. pp. 785-792. Arts. : "Hos- 
 pitality, Hospitals, Hospitium."
 
 526 THE GEPvMAN-EOMAN CHURCn TO A.D. 911. 
 
 ■wife, the father for the children, the master for tho slave. Eelatives, 
 friends and equals in rank swore along with him as sharers of his oath, 
 Conjuratores. Although they repeated with him the oath formula, the 
 meaning of their action simply was that they were fully satisfied as to 
 the honour and truthfulness of him who took the oath. Where the oath 
 of purgation was not allowed, conjuratores were not forthcoming and the 
 other means of proof awanting, the Ordeal {Ordale from Or<Zo? = judg- 
 ment) was introduced. Under this may bo included : 1. The Duel, 
 derived from the old popular belief : Deum adesse hellantitiis. Only a 
 freeman was allowed to enter the lists. Old men, women, children and 
 priests were allowed to put in their place another of the same rank by 
 birth. 2. Various fire tests ; holding the bare hand a length of time in 
 the fire ; in a simple shirt walking over burning logs of wood ; carrying 
 glowing iron in the bare hand for nine paces ; walking barefoot over 
 nine or twelve glowing ploughshares. 3. Two water tests : the accused 
 was obliged to pick up with his naked hand a ring or stone out of a 
 kettle filled with boiling water, or with a cord round his naked body he 
 was cast into deep water, his sinking was the proof of his innocence. 4. 
 The cross test : he whose arms first sank with weariness from the cruci- 
 form position, was regarded as defeated. 5. The Eucharist test, applied 
 especially to priests : it was expected that tho criminal should soon die 
 under the stroke of God's wrath. As a substitute for this among the 
 laity we find the test of the consecrated morsel, Judicium off<e which the 
 accused was required to swallow during mass. 6. The bier test, Judi- 
 cium feretri : if when the accused touched the wound of the mi;rdered 
 man blood flowed from the wound or forth from the mouth, it was re- 
 garded as proof of his guilt. The church with its belief in miracles 
 occupied the same ground as that on which the ordeal practice was 
 rooted. It could therefore only combat the heathen concei^tion of the 
 ordeal and not the thing itself. But the church took charge of the whole 
 procedure, and certainly did much to reduce the danger to a minimum. 
 It was Agobard of Lyons, who died in a.d. 810, who first contended 
 against the superstition as worthy of reprobation. Subsequently the 
 Eoman chair, first by Nicholas I., forbade ordeals of all kinds.— Among 
 the various kinds of privileges involving the inviolability of person and 
 goods, profession and business, the privileges of the church were re- 
 garded as next highest to those of the king. Any injury done to eccle- 
 siastical persons or properties and any crime committed in a sacred place, 
 required a threefold greater composition than ceteris iMrihus would have 
 otherwise been required. The bishop ranked with the duke, the priest 
 with the count. 
 
 6. Church Discipline and Penitential Exercises (§ 61, 1).— The German 
 State allowed the church a share in the administration of punishments, 
 and regarded an evildoer's atonement as complete only when he had
 
 § 89. NATIONAL CUSTOMS AND CHURCH DISCIPLINE. 527 
 
 submitted to the ecclesiastical as well as the secular judgment. Oat of 
 this grew the institution of Episcopal Synodal Judicatures, Sijnodus, under 
 Charlemagne. Once a year the bishop accompanied by a royal Missus 
 was to traYel over the whole diocese, and, of every parish priest assisted 
 by assessors sworn for the purpose, should inquire minutely into the 
 moral and ecclesiastical condition of each of the congregations under 
 him and punish the sins and shortcomings discovered. Directions for 
 the conducting of Synodal judicatures were written by Eegino of Priim 
 and Hiucmar of Ehcims (§ 90, 5). The state also gave authority to 
 Ecclesiastical Excommunicatiou by putting its civil forces at the disposal 
 of the church. Pepin ordained that no excommunicated person should 
 enter a church, no Christian should eat or drink with him, none should 
 even greet him. Directions for the practice of Penitential Discipline are 
 given in the various Penitentials or Confessional-books, which, after the 
 pattern of forensic productions, settle the amount of penal exactions for 
 all conceivable sins in proportion to their enormity. The Penitential 
 erroneously ascribed to Theodore archbishop of Canterbury (g 90, 8) is 
 the model upon which most of these are constructed. The Confessional- 
 books that go under the names of the Venerable Bede and Egbert of 
 York obtained particularly high favour. All these books, even in their 
 earliest form extremely perverse and in their later much altered forms 
 full of contradictions, errors and arbitrary positions, reduced the whole 
 penitential practice to the utmost depths of externahzation and corru]:- 
 tion. How confused and warped the church idea of penitence had 
 become is seen by the rendering of the vs or dpanitentia by penance, i.e. 
 satisfaction, atonement. In the Penitentials pmiitere is quite iden- 
 tical -with, jejiinare. The idea of pcenitentia having been once associated 
 with external performances, there could be no objection to substitute the 
 customary penitential act of fasting (§ 56, 7) for other spiritual exer- 
 cises, or by adoption of the German legal practice of receiving com- 
 position to accept a money tax for ecclesiastical or benevolent purposes. 
 In this way the first traces made their appearance of the Indulgences of 
 the later Roman Catholic church. It therefore followed from this, that, 
 as satisfaction could be rendered for all sins by corresponding acts of 
 penance, so these works might also be performed vicariously by others. 
 Thus in the Penitentials there grew up a system of Penitential Eedemp- 
 tions which formed the most despicable mockery of all earnest penitence. 
 For example, a direction is given as to how a rich man may be absolved 
 from a penance of seven years in three days, without inconveniencing 
 himself, if he produces the number of men needed to fast for him. Such 
 deep corruption of the penitential discipline, however, aroused, in the 8th 
 and 9th centuries, a powerful reaction against the Confessional-books 
 and their corrupt principles. It was first brought forward at the English 
 Synod at Clovesho in a.d. 747 ; in its footsteps followed the French
 
 528 THE GEKMAN-EOMAN CHUBCH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 Synods of Chalons in a.d. 813, of Paris a.d. 829, of Mainz, a.d. 847. The 
 Council of Paris ordered that all Confessional-books should be seized and 
 burnt. They nevertheless still continued to be used.— There did not 
 as yet exist any universal and unconditional compulsion to make con- 
 fession. The custom, however, of a yearly confession in the Easter 
 forty days' season was even during the 9th century so prevalent, that 
 the omission of it was followed by a severe censure by the synodal court. 
 The formula} of absolution were only deprecative, not judicative.^ 
 
 IV. THEOLOGY AND ITS BATTLES. 
 
 § 90. Scholarship and Theological Science.^ 
 
 With the exception of Ulfilas' famous efforts, the Ariau 
 period of German church history is quite barren in scientific 
 performances. Yet those few who preserved and fostered 
 the scientific gains of earlier times were honoured and 
 made use of by the noble-minded Ostrogoth king Theodoric, 
 and under him Boethius and Cassiodorus (§ 47, 23) performed 
 the praiseworthy task of saving the remnants of classical 
 and patristic learning. For Spain the same office was per- 
 formed by Isidore of Seville, who died in a.d. 636, whose 
 text-books continued for centuries, even on this side the 
 Pyrenees, to supply the groundwork of scholarly studies. 
 The numerous Scottish and Irish monasteries maintained 
 their reputation down to the 9th century for eminent piety 
 and distinguished scholarship. Among the Anglo-Saxons 
 the learned Greek monk Theodore of Tarsus, who died in 
 A.D. 690, and his companion Hadrian, enkindled an enthu- 
 siasm for classical studies, and the venerable Bede, who 
 died in a.d. 735, though he never quitted his monastery, 
 became the most famous teacher in all the West, The 
 Danish pirates did indeed crush almost to extinction the 
 
 1 Hadden and Stubbs, " Councils and Eccl. Documents." Vol. iii. 
 Oxf., 1871. 
 
 - Barington, "Lit. Hist, of the Middle Ages." Lond,, 1846. Hallam, 
 "Europe in Middle Ages." 2 vols. Loud., 1818. Trench, "Lect. on 
 Med. Ch. Hist." Lond., 1877.
 
 § 90. SCHOLAESniP AND THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE. 529 
 
 seeds of Anglo-Saxon culture, but Alfred the Great sowed 
 them anew, though this revival was only for a little while. 
 In Graul Grrcgory of Tours, who died in a.d. 595, was the last 
 representative of Roman ecclesiastical learning. After him 
 we enter upon a chaos without form and void, from which 
 the creative spii'it of Charlemagne first called a new day 
 which spread over the whole West its enlightening beams. 
 This light, however, was put out even Ly the time of the 
 great emperor's grandson, and then we suddenly pass into 
 the night of the Sccctdum Ohscurum (§ 100). 
 
 1. Rulers of the Carolingian Line. — Charlemagne, A.D. 768-814, may bo 
 regarded as beginuing his scientific undertakings on his first entrance 
 into Italy in a.d. 774. On this occasion he camo to know the scholars 
 Peter of Pisa, Paul Warnefrid, Paulinus of Aquileia, and Theodulf of 
 Orleans, and brought them to his palace. From a.d. 782, however, the 
 particularly brilliant star of his court was the Anglo-Saxon scholar Alcuin, 
 ■whom Charles had met in Italy in the previous year. Scientific studies 
 were now carried on in an exceedingly vigorous manner in the palace. 
 The royal family, the whole court and its surroundings engaged upon 
 them, but of them all Charles himself was the most dihgent and success- 
 ful of Alcuin's students. In the royal school, Scholapalatiiia, which was 
 ambulatory like the royal residence itself, the sons and daughters of the 
 king with the children of the most distinguished families of the land 
 received a high-class education. The teaching staff was constantly re- 
 cruited from England, Ireland and Italy. After such preparations 
 Charles issued in a.d. 787 a circular to all the bishops and abbots of his 
 kingdom which enjoined under threat of his severe royal displeasure that 
 schools should be erected in all monasteries and cathedral churches. 
 Meanwhile his endeavours were most successful, but were rather one- 
 sided in the preference given to classical and patristic literature, without 
 a proper national foundation. Charles's great and generous nature in- 
 deed had a warm interest in national culture, but those around him, 
 with the single exception of Paul Warnefrid, had in consequence of their 
 Latin monkish training lost all taste for German thought, language and 
 nationality, and fearing lest such studies might endanger Christianity 
 and cause a relapse into paganism, they did not help but rather hindered 
 the king's effort to promote a national literature. — Louis the Pious, a.d. 
 814.-840, had his weak government disturbed by the strifes of parties and 
 of the citizens. This period, therefore, was not specially favourable 
 the development of scientific studies, but the seed sown by his father still 
 bore noble fruit. His son Lothair issued an ordinance which gave a new 
 
 M M
 
 530 THE GEllMAN-ROMAN CHUKCH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 organization to the educational system of Italy, incleed created it anew. 
 But Italy restless and full of factious was the land where least of all such 
 iustitutions could be successfully conducted. A new golden age, how- 
 ever, dawned for France under Charles the Bald, a.d. 840-877. His court 
 resembled that of his great grandfather in having gathered to it the elite 
 of scholars from all the West. The royal school gained new renown 
 under the direction of Joannes Scotus Erigena. The cathedral and 
 monastic schools of France vied with the most famous institutions of 
 Germany (St. Gall, Fulda, Eeichenau, etc.), and over the French epi- 
 scopal sees men presided who had the most distinguished reputation for 
 scholarship. But after Charles's death the bloom of the Carolingian 
 period passed away with almost inconceivable rapidity amid the com- 
 motions of the time into thick darkness, chaos and barbarism. 
 
 2. The most distinguished Theologians of the Pre-Carolingian Age. — (1) 
 In Merovingian France flourished Gregory of Tom-s, sprung of a good 
 Eoman family. "When in a.d. 573, in order to get cured of an illness, he 
 made a pilgrimage to the tomb of St. Martin (§ 47, 14), he had the 
 bishopric of Tours conferred upon him, where he continued till his death, 
 in A.D. 595. His Historia Ecclcsiastica Francorum in ten Bks. affords us 
 the only exact and trustworthy information we possess of the Merovin- 
 gian age. The LI. VII. Miraciilorum are a collection of several hagio- 
 graphic writings, four of them recounting some of the innumerable 
 miracles of St. Martin. — (2) Scientific studies were prosecuted more 
 vigorously on the other side of the Pyrenees than on this. In the empire 
 of the Suevi (§ 76, 4) archbishop Martin of Braccara, now Braga, distin- 
 guished himself in the work of Catholicising the Ariau population. He 
 was previously abbot of the monastery of Dumio, and died about a.d. 
 580. He was a voluminous writer on church law and also in the depart- 
 ments- of moral and ascetical theology. His writings in the latter sec- 
 tion have so much in common with those of Seneca that they were at 
 one time ascribed to the Eoman moralist. The treatise De Correclione 
 litisticonim is very important for the history of the morals, legal institu- 
 tions and culture of that period. — The great star of the Spanish Visi- 
 gothic kingdom was Isidorns Hispalensis, who died in a.d. G36. He was 
 descended from a distinguished Gothic family, and, as successor of his 
 brother Leander, rose to the archbishopric of Seville (Hispalis). His 
 writings are diligent compilations, which have preserved to us many 
 fragments and items of information otherwise unknown. Incomparably 
 greater, however, was the service they rendered in conveying classical and 
 patristic learning to the German world of that age. His most compre- 
 hensive work consists of xx. Bks. Origiiium s. Etymologiarum, an ency- 
 clopedic exhibition of the whole field of knowledge of the day. He also 
 wrote a Chronicon reaching do\\m to a.d. 627, and Hist, de regihus Goto- 
 rum, a shorter Hist. Vandalonnn et Suevorum, and a continuation of
 
 § 90. SCnOLAESHIP AND IRBOLOaiCAL SCIENCE. 531 
 
 Jerome's Caialogus de viris illustr. Of more importance than his 
 numerous compilations of mystico-allegorical expositions of Scripture 
 are the iii. Bks. Sententiarum, a well- arranged system of doctrine and 
 morals from patristic passages, especially from Augustine and Gregory 
 the Great, and the Lb. II. de ecclest. officiis. The two last-named works 
 were highly prized as text-books throughout the Middle Ages. The two 
 books Contra Judaos belong to the department of apologetics. He also 
 composed a monastic rule (comp. further § 87, 1 and 88, 1). — Isidore's 
 elder brother leander of Seville, who died in a.d. 590, had a good reputa- 
 tion as a church leader (§ 76, 2 ; 88, 1), and had no insignificant rank as 
 a theological writer. The same may be said of the two bishops of 
 Toledo, Ildefonsus, who died in a.d. 669, and Julianns, who died in a.d. 
 690. — (3) England's greatest and most famous teacher was the Anglo- 
 Saxon, the Venerable Bade. Trained in the monastery of Wearmouth, 
 he subsequently took up his residence in the monastery of Jarrow, where 
 he died in a.d. 735. He was a proficient in all the sciences of his time 
 and withal a model of humility, piety and amiability. While his nume- 
 rous pupils reached the highest places in the service of the church, their 
 famous teacher continued in quiet retirement as a simple monk. He 
 himself wished nothing else. Even on his deathbed he continued un- 
 weariedly to teach and write. Immediately before his death he dictated 
 the last chapter of an Anglo-Saxon translation of the Gospel of John. 
 By far his most important work for us is the Hist, ecdest. gentis An- 
 glorum in 5 Bks. rcachiug down to a.d. 731 (Engl. Transl. by Giles, Lond., 
 1810 ; and by Gidley, Loud., 1871). Connected with this are his bio- 
 graphies of several saints of his native land, also a history of the monas- 
 tery of Wearmouth, and a Chronicon de sex cetatihus viundi reaching 
 down to a.d. 729. His commentaries ranging over almost all the books 
 of the Old and New Testament give evidence of a wonderful knowledge of 
 the fathers. His numerous sermons are mostly exegetical and practical, 
 rarely doctrinal. He was distinguished too as a poet in Latin as well as 
 in his mother tongue. 
 
 3. The most distinguished Theologians of the Age of Charlemagne. — (1) 
 The brightest star in the theological firmament of this period was the 
 Anglo-Saxon Alcuin (Albinus) with the Horatian surname of Flaccus, 
 which he got for his poetical productions. He was educated in the 
 famous school of York under Egbert and Elbert. When the latter was 
 made archbishop in a.d. 766, Alcuin undertook the presidency of the 
 schools. While on a visit to Rome in a.d. 781 he met Charlemagne who 
 took him to his court, where he became the emperor's teacher, friend and 
 most trusted counsellor. Down to his death in a.d. 801 he was the king's 
 right hand in all religious ecclesiastical and educational matters. In order 
 to allay a feeling of home-sickness, he undertook a journey in a.d. 789 to 
 his native country as ambassador of Charlemagne, returned in a.d. 793,
 
 532 THE GERMAN-noMAH CHURCH TO A.t). 911, 
 
 aucl did not again quit France, In a.d. 796 Charles gave him the abbacy 
 of Tours. He soon raised its monastic school to the highest rank as a 
 seminai'y of learning. His exegetical works are mere compilations. The 
 LI. II. de fide s. et Individuce Trinitatis may be regarded as his dog- 
 matic masterpiece ; a compendium of dogmatics based upon Augustine's 
 writings. The Quastiones dc Trin. treat of the same matter in the cate- 
 chetical form of question and answer. He contributed to the doctrinal 
 controversies of his time the LibeUtis dc processione Spiritus S. (§ 91, 2) 
 and by several learned controversial tracts against the leaders of the 
 Adoptionists (§ 91, 1). It is doubtful whether at all, and if so to what 
 extent, he had to do with the composition of the Lihri CaroUni (§ 94, 1) 
 which apper.ved during his stay in England. His numerous epistles, 
 about 300 in number, are very important for the history of his times. 
 In his Latin poems he sometimes very happily imitates his classical 
 models.' — (2) Paulus Diaconus or Paul (the son of) Warnefrid, of an 
 honourable Longobard family, was next to Alcuin the most distinguished 
 scholar of his age. Probably sorrow at the overthrow of his people 
 (§ 82, 2) drove him into the monastery of Monte Cassiuo ; but Charle- 
 magne took him to his court in a.d. 782, where he was an object of 
 admiration as a Homer among the Grecians, a Virgil, Horace, Tibullus, 
 among the Latinists, and a Philo (!) among the Hebraists. Love of his 
 native land, however, led him back to his monastery in a.d. 786, where 
 he died at a very advanced age in a.d. 795, What was specially praise- 
 worthy in this learned and amiable man, all the more that few then took 
 interest in those matters, was love and enthusiasm for the language, the 
 national legends and heroic tales, the old laws and customs of his fellow- 
 countrymen. His most important work is the Ilhtoria s. de Gestis 
 Langohardorum in 6 bks., reaching down to a.d. 774. The earlier Hist. 
 Romana, composed at the wish of a daughter of king Desiderius, is, so 
 far as its earlier periods are concerned, compiled from the classical histo- 
 rians, but for the later periods down to the overthrow of the Gothic rule 
 is more independent. At the Prankish court he composed the Hist. Epis- 
 coporum Mcttensmm. He v/as also distinguished as a poet. On his 
 Homiliarius comp. § 88,1.2 — ^3^ Theodulf, bishop of Orleans, distinguished 
 as a Christian poet and learned theologian, and especially as a promoter 
 of popular education, stood in high repute with Charlemagne, but under 
 Louis the Pious, being suspected of treasonable correspondence with 
 Bernard of Italy, was deposed and banished in a.d. 818, Subsequently, 
 however, he was pardoned and recalled, but died in a.d. 821 before he 
 reached his diocese. His book De Spiritu S. was a contribution to the 
 controversy about the procession of the Holy Spirit (§ 91, 2). At Charle- 
 
 » Lorentz, " Life of Alcuin." Transl. by Slee. Lond., 1837. 
 * Kingsley, " Roman and Teuton : Paulus Diaconus."
 
 § 90. SCHOLARSHIP AND THEOLOGIC^UL SCIENCE. 533 
 
 magne's request he described and explained the baptismal ceremony in 
 the book De ordine baptismi. His numerous poems have been published 
 in 6 bks. — (4) Paulinus, patriarch of Aquileia, who died in a.d. 804, and 
 bishop Leidrad of Lyons, who died in a.d. 813, took part in Alcuin's con- 
 troversy against the Adoptionists by the publication of able treatises. — 
 (5) Of the works of Hatto, abbot of Reicheuau, subsequently bishop of 
 Basel, who died in a.d. 83G, we still have the so-called Cajntulare Ilattonis, 
 with prefatory directions for the official guidance of the Basel clergy, and 
 the Visio Wettinl, describing the vision of a monk of Keicheuau called 
 Wettin, who in a.d. 824 three days before his death was conducted by an 
 angel through hell, purgatory and paradise. Hatto wrote it in prose and 
 Walafrid Strabo rendered it into verse. It made a great impression on 
 his contemporaries and was probably not without influence upon Dante's 
 Divina Comedia. 
 
 4. The most distinguished Theologians of the Age of Louis the Pious. — 
 
 (1) Agobard of Lyons, a Spaniard by birth, died as archbishop of Lyons in 
 A.D. 840. As the resolute defender of the integrity of the empire and the 
 head of the national church party among the Frankish clergy, he was 
 drawn into a conspiracy against Louis the Pious in a.d. 833 (§ 82, 4), 
 which led to his deposition and banishment in a.d. 835. After two 
 years, however, he was pardoned. He was a man of remarkable culture 
 and extraordinary force of character, and withal a vigorous opponent of 
 all ecclesiastical and extra-ecclesiastical superstition. On his writings 
 referring to these matters see § 92, 2. In the book Adv. dogma Fdicis 
 he contended against Adoptionism (§ 91, 1). In connection with his 
 battle against the insolence and pride of the numerous and wealthy Jews 
 in his diocese he wrote and dedicated to the emperor the accusatory tract 
 De insoleiitia Judaorum, followed by several similar addresses to the most 
 influential councillors of the crown. Another series of writings from his 
 pen was devoted to the vindication of the attitude which he had assumed 
 in the struggle between Louis the Pious and his sons. Several treatises 
 on the position and task, the rights and duties of the ministerial office 
 show a reformatory tendency. He engaged in a passionate controversy 
 with Amalarius of Metz about the necessity of a liturgical reform. 
 Against Fredigis of Tours, Alcuin's successor, he maintained the view 
 regarding the prophets and apostles that the Holy Spirit non solum sen- 
 sum i)vccdicationis et modos vel argumenta dictionum inspiraverit, sed 
 ctiam ipsa corporalia verba extrimecus in ora illorum ipse formaverit. — 
 
 (2) Claudius, bishop of Turin, who died in a.d. 839, was also a Spaniard 
 by birth and a scholar of Felix of Urgel (§ 91, 1), without, however, 
 imbibing his heretical views. He was throughout his whole career a 
 zealous and determined reformer. His reformatory notions were set 
 forth first of all in his exegetical works that covered almost the v/hole 
 range of Scripture. Of these only the commentary on Galatians is now
 
 534 THE GEEMAN-EOMAN CHUECH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 extant. He also vindicated his position against tlie attacks of his old 
 friend the abbot Theodemir in his Apologeticus (§ 92, 2). — (3) Jonas of 
 Orleans, the successor of Theodulf, was one of the most distinguished 
 prelates of his age, who wrought earnestly and successfully for the restor- 
 ing of discipline and order in his diocese. In the struggle between Louis 
 the Pious and his sons he resolutely took the side of the old king. He 
 died in a.d. 844. His three books, De institutione laicali constitute a 
 handbook of morals for married persons, which also, because it deals 
 with the sins and vices that were then rampant, is of value as a picture 
 of the moral condition of his age. The book De institutione regia, 
 addressed to Louis' son Pepin, may be regarded as an appendix to the 
 former treatise. In opposition to the iconoclastic opinions of Claudius 
 (§ 92, 2) he wrote LI. III. De cultu imaginuvi. — (4) The principal work 
 of the priest Amalarius of Metz is his De ecclesiasticis officiis in 4 bks,, a 
 detailed description of all the ceremonies of public worship and the 
 ecclesiastical furniture and vestments, with many arbitrary mystico- 
 allegorical explanations, which called forth a crushing rejoinder from 
 Agobard. On his revision of the rule of Chrodegaug, see § 84, 4. — (5) 
 From the pen of the German monk Christian Druthmar of Old Corbel we 
 have a commentary on Matthew, which is remarkable for the doctrine 
 of the Lord's Supper which it sets forth (§ 91, 3), as well as for the 
 hermeneutical principle there laid down, that first and foremost the 
 exegete must secure a thorough understanding of the historical literal 
 sense, before he may think of developing the spiritual sense, which must 
 have the former as its basis. — (6) Eabauus Magnentius Maurus, the most 
 distinguished scholar of his age, was descended from an old Roman 
 family but one that had long been Germanized at Mainz. His earliest 
 education was received at the monastery of Fulda. He then became a 
 pupil of Alcuin at Tours. In a.d. 803 he became himseU a teacher at 
 Tours, and in a.d. 822 was made abbot of Fulda. After the death of 
 Louis the Pious he took the side of Lothair against Louis the German, 
 and was consequently obliged to resign his position as abbot and to quit 
 Fulda in a.d. 842. Subsequently, however, he obtained Louis' favour, 
 and upon Otgar's death in a.d. 847 (§ 87, 3) was appointed his successor 
 in the archieijiscopal see of Mainz. He died in a.d. 856. The monastic 
 school at Fulda was raised by him to the highest eminence. His com- 
 mentaries extending over almost all the Old and New Testaments are 
 mainly occupied with the development of the so-called spiritual sense, 
 manifest wonderful familiarity with the writings of the Latin fathers 
 from Ambrose to Bede, and were held in the highest esteem throughout 
 the Middle Ages. The same may be said of his numerous homilies. 
 The cncyclopaxlic work De universo in 22 bks., is a continuation of Isi- 
 dore's Origines. His book De institutione clericorum in 3 bks affords a 
 summary of all that was then to bo learnt by the clergy for the practical
 
 § 90. SCHOLARSHIP AND THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE. 535 
 
 work of the ministry. The Tractatus de diversis qiKestionihus ex V. et 
 N. T. contra Judceos is an apologetic treatise. He wrote against Gott- 
 schalk's cToctrine of predestination in a letter to bishop Noting of Verona 
 (§ 91, 5), and another to the abbot Eigil of Pritm against Eadbert's doc- 
 trine of the Lord's Supper (§ 91, 3). Of his many other works we may 
 mention a Martyroloijiam based upon ancient authorities. — (7) Walafrid 
 Strabo received his early training in the monastery of Eeichenau. He 
 studied subsequently under Eabanus at Fulda, in which institution he 
 became a teacher. About a.d. S42 he was made abbot of Eeichenau ; 
 the seminary here he raised to high repute, although he died in his early 
 prime in a.d. 849. Among his evangelical writings his so-called Glosses 
 onlinaricc, i.e. short exislanatious of the Latin text of the Bible, mostly 
 culled from the commentaries of Eabanus, were extremely popular, and 
 continued in use throughout the Middle Ages as an exegetical handbook. 
 In the liturgical department we have his treatise De exordiis et incre- 
 mentis reriun ecclesiasticarum, in which he expresses himself on the 
 image controversy in the spirit of the old Frankish church (§ 92, 1). 
 AValafrid was also famous as a writer of sacred and secular poems. 
 
 5. The Most Distinguished Theologians of the Age of Charles the Bald. — 
 (1) The powerful metropolitan Hincmar of Rheims, who died in a.d. 882 
 (§ 82, 7 ; 83, 2), was not indeed strong in dogmatics, but iu his writings 
 just as well as in his life and struggle he was heart and soul a church 
 leader and statesman. His most important work from a theological 
 point of view is the Capitula Synodica ad prcshyteros parochia sms on 
 various points of worship and discipline, a notable witness to the zeal 
 and care which this man, so much taken up with affairs of state and 
 ecclesiastical controversies, showed in the discharge of his ministerial 
 duties. Of his writings iu connection with the Gottschalk controversy 
 (§ 91, 5, 6) only the prolix work De prcdest. Dei et libera arhitrio vindi- 
 cating the decrees of Quier.sy of a.d. 853 are now extant. — (2) Paschasius 
 Eadbertus, who died about a.d. 865, was monk, and, from a.d. 841-85], 
 also abbot of the monastery of Corbel in Picardy. But among the 
 monks of that place there was a cotery which occasioned the most 
 profound grief to the pious-minded abbot ; especially the learned monk 
 Eatramniis under the protection of court favour took delight in contest- 
 ing the somewhat ultra-pietistic views of his abbot. Probably it was 
 this that led Eadbertus to resign his office in a.d. 851. Besides the 
 two treatises controverted by Eatramnus he composed biblical commen- 
 taries, which are more independent and contain more of his own than 
 was common at that time. He also wrote 3 bks. on faith, love and 
 hope ; besides several Hagiographies. — (3) Ratramnus, the antagonist of 
 the former, takes a very prominent place among the clear and subtle 
 thinkers of that age. Besides his controversial treatises against Ead- 
 bertus (§ 91, 3, 4) and against Hincmar (§ 91, 5, G), he took part in the
 
 586 THE GERMAN-ROMAN CHURCH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 burning controversy between the Greeks and Latins (§ 67, 1) and wrote, 
 Contra Gracormn o2)2)osita Eomanam eccl. infamanthnn. — (4) Florus Magis- 
 ter was a cleric of the diocese of Lyons distinguished no less for great 
 learning than for poetic gifts. His principal work De actione Missarum, 
 s. expositio in Canonem Missce is, notwithstanding its title, not so much 
 a liturgical treatise as a controversial tract against Radbertus' doctrine 
 of the Eucharist (§ 91, 3). In the liturgical controversy between Ago- 
 bard and Anialarius, he took the side of Agobard and argued against 
 Amalarius in several epistles. In the predestinarian controversy he 
 published the work Contra J. Scoti Erigena erroneas definitiones (§ 91, 5). 
 He also composed a Martyrologhun. — (5) Haymo, bishop of Halberstadt, 
 who died in a.d. 853, won great reputation not only by his compiled 
 cxegetieal works and his Homiliarium for the festival part of the year, 
 but also as author of a Church History, which, however, is nothing more 
 than a working up of extracts from Eufinus. — (G) Servatus Lupus, scholar 
 of Rabanus, was from a.d. 842 abbot of Ferrlk-es. His 130 epistles are 
 important for the history of his time, as he was in constant correspond- 
 ence with the most famous men of his day. On the side of Gottschalk 
 in the predestinarian controversy he wrote his treatise De iribus quccs- 
 t'lonihus. — (7) Eemigius of Auxerre, who died about a.d. 908, was teacher 
 of the monastic school at Rheims, and subsequently at Paris. Besides 
 numerous commentaries on the books of the Old and New Testaments 
 in the usual compilatory and allegorical style, he has left in his Expositio 
 Missce a mj'stico-allegorical explanation of the ceremonies of the mass. — 
 (8) Regius of Priiin, abbot of the monastery there, subsequently resigned 
 his rank and retired into the monastery of Treves. He died in a.d. 915. 
 His Chronicon reaching down to a.d. 906 is of great value for his. own 
 times. His 2 bks. De cantis synodalihus ct disciplinis ecdesiasticis are 
 a directory for the visitation of churches to be carried out by means of 
 synodical judicatures, 
 
 6. — (9) Anastasius Bibliothecarius was abbot of a Roman monastery and 
 librarian under popes Nicholas I., Hadrian II. and John VIII., and 
 visited the Byzantine court in a.d. 869 as member of an embassy of 
 Emperor Louis II., and was also present at the 8th oecumenical Council 
 at Constantinople (§ 67, 1). He translated the acts of this synod into 
 Latin, wrote the lives of several saints, and composed a Hist, ccclest. s. 
 Chronograpliia tripartita drawn from three Byzantine historical works 
 of that period. To the Liber Pontificalis s. de vitio Itoman. pontijicum, 
 reaching down to the death of Stephen V. in a.d. 891, which has been 
 ascribed to him, he can only have contributed the Vita of pope Nicholas 
 I., and perhaps also the Vitce of his four immediate predecessors. It is 
 a history of the popes gathered together from various sources that had 
 their origin at different times, the earliest of which goes back to a.d.
 
 § 90. SCHOLARSHIP AND THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE. 537 
 
 354. The oldest extant recension of it reaches down to Pope Conon 
 in A.D. 087, and forms an important link in the chain of Eomish 
 fabrications and interpolations, by means of which the numerous fabri- 
 cated acts of Eomish martyrs, as well as already existing fables referring 
 to particular popes and emperors (comp. e.g. § 42, 1), gained credence, 
 more recently introduced liturgical practices had assigned to them a 
 more remote antiquity, and the popes were represented as legislators 
 for the whole church. The complete biographies often written by 
 contemporaries preserved in this collection are of great historical value. 
 • — (10) Eulogius of Cordova was chosen archbishop in a.d. 858, but was 
 not received by the Moorish government, and suffered martyrdom in 
 A.D. 859 (§ 81, 1). The most important of his writings is the historical 
 Memoriale Sanctorum s, LI. III. de Martyrib. Conlubens. The Apologeticus 
 Sanctorum is a continuation of the former with violent invectives against 
 Islam and its false prophet. Paulus Alvarus of Cordova, from his youth 
 closely associated with Eulogius, wrote his life and vindicated in a 
 Judiculus luminosus the tendency to court martyrdom then frequently 
 shown by Christians but often objected to. 
 
 7. — (11) Joannes Scotus Erigeua, the miracle as well as the enigma of 
 his age, by birth probably an Irishman, who flashed out as a brilliant 
 meteor in the court of Charles the Bald and passed away from view, 
 without its being known whence he came or whither he went, was the 
 greatest scholar, the most profound, subtle and liberal thinker of his 
 times, with a speculative power the like of which was not seen for 
 centuries before and after. He died after a.d. 877. His extant works 
 embrace fragments of his commentary on the Areopagite (§ 47, 11), and 
 a Latin faithful, literal and therefore hard to understand translation 
 of the Ai-eoi^agite's writings, also a translation of a work of Maximus 
 Confessor on difficult passages from the writings of Gregory Nazianzen 
 {Loca ajnhigua), his controversial treatise De i^radeitinatione (§ 91, 5), 
 a homily on the prologue of John's gospel, a fragment of a speculative- 
 mystical treatise De egressu et rcgressu anima; ad Dcum, and the Ojms 
 ixilmarc of the author, by far the most comprehensive of his writings, 
 the 5 bks. De divisione naturce. Based upon the gnosis of the school 
 of Origen, but resting mainly on the theosophical mysticism of the 
 Areopagite and the dialectic of Maximus Confessor, he produced in this 
 treatise a system of speculative theology of magnificent dimensions 
 which, in spite of every effort to hold by the doctrinal position of the 
 church, is but one piece of heterodoxy from beginning to end. He starts 
 from the principle that true theology and true philosojjhy are only 
 formally different, but essentially identical. The Fides have to express 
 the truth as Theologia affirmativa (/cara^ari/c??) in the biblically revealed 
 and ecclesiastically communicated shell, accommodating itself to the
 
 533 THE GERMAN-EOiMAN CHURCH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 finite uuderstauding by figurative and metaphorical expressions. Bat 
 the task of the Ratio is to strip off this shell {Theolofjia ncgaiiva, 
 aTTocpaTCKr'i), and by means of speculation raise the faith to knowledge. 
 The title of this book is to be explained from its fundamental thought 
 that nature, i.e. the sum of all being and non-being, by -which he under- 
 stands everything the existence of which is yet unknown, or merely 
 potential, or necessarily belonging to things past, comprises four forms 
 of existence: — Natura creatrix non creata, i.e. God as the potential sum 
 Qf all being, Natura creatrix creata, i.e. the eternal thoughts of God 
 regarding the world as the eternal primal types of all creation, Natura 
 creata non creans, i.e. the world in time as the visible product and 
 sensible realization of the eternal invisible world of ideas, and Natura 
 nee creata nee creans, i.e. God as the final end of all created being, to 
 whom all creation when all contradictions have been overcome returns 
 in the dTroKardaTaaLs tQp TrdvTwv. The Aristotelian threefold division 
 into the unmoved and moving, the moved and moving, and the moved 
 and not moving, seems to have afforded him the starting-point for his 
 fourfold division ; while the divergent conception of them, their enlarge- 
 ment and development may be traced to Platonic and Neo-Platonic 
 influences. — That such a system must essentially tend to pantheism 
 soon became evident, but on the other hand Erigena's own Christian 
 consciousness strongly reacted against the pantheistic current of his 
 thought, and he was anxiously concerned to preserve the fundamental 
 truths of Christian Theism. By the fundamental fourfold division of 
 his system he could not give to the doctrine of the Trinity a necessary 
 and controlling but only an accidental and occasional position. Only 
 the presence of this doctrine in Scripture and tradition obliged him to 
 maintain it. He speaks indeed of three persons in God, but he uses 
 the expression only in an improper sense, and has no intention of 
 explaining Father, Son and Spirit as mere names of divine relations 
 {Itahitudincs, relationes) : Pater vult, Filius faeit, Spir. S. perficit. In 
 the Son as the creative Word of God are all original causes of things, 
 undistinguished, unordered ; by the Spirit are they differentiated into 
 the various phenomena and effects in the kingdom of nature as well as 
 of grace. On his doctrine of evil, comp. § Ul, 5. As Origen has in 
 himself the germs of all ortliodoxy and heterodoxy of the ancient church 
 undeveloped and uncontrasted, so also in Erigena are there the germs 
 of the contradictions of later scholasticism and mysticism. Had ho 
 lived three centuries later he would probably have set the whole learned 
 world astir, but now he passed unhonoured, misunderstood, scarcely 
 regarded worth dealing with for heresy (§ 91, 5), and apparently leaving 
 little trace behind him. His great work De divisione natura was first 
 condemned by a provincial Council at Sens, and this judgment was 
 confirmed by Ilonorius HI, in a.d. 1225. The book was characterized
 
 § 90. SCHOLARSHIP AND THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE. 539 
 
 as Scatens vermihus licereticce pravitatis ; orders were given that it 
 should be sought out everywhere and burnt.* 
 
 8. Tlie Monastic and Cathedral Scliools had as their main task the 
 training of capable servants for the church. The handbooks mainly in 
 use were those of Cassiodorus, Isidore, Bede, Alcuin and Eabanus. 
 Great diligence was shown, especially iu the monasteries, in foundiug 
 libraries and multiplying books by means of good copies. Alcuin made 
 a threefold division of all sciences ; ethics, physics and theology. Ethics 
 corresponded to what was afterwards called the Trivium (Grammar, 
 Rhetoric and Dialectic) ; Physics to the Quadrivium (Arithmetic, Geometry, 
 Music and Astronomy). These two together comprehended the whole 
 range of the seven free arts, i.e. worthy of the study of a free man, 
 liberal studies. Latin was the language of intercourse and instruction. 
 Greek, which was spread by Theodore of Tarsus, a Greek monk, who, 
 after being long a teacher in Rome, was iu a.d. 6G9 made archbishop of 
 Canterbury, and by his pupils was also taught in the more important 
 schools. Acquaintance with Hebrew was much more rare, and was often 
 obtained by means of intercourse with learned Jews. Boethius was the 
 vehicle of instruction in philosophy. In the 9th century the works 
 ascribed to Dionysius the Areox^agite (§ 47, 11) were sent to France as a 
 present from the Byzantine emperor Michael to Louis of France. He 
 was identified with the founder of the church of Paris of the same 
 name, and patriotic feeling gave an immense impulse to the study of his 
 writings. The abbot Hildmin of St. Denys, and subsequently Joannes 
 Erigena, translated them into Latin. Encyclopjedic works, giving com- 
 pendiums of the whole range of the sciences then known, were, in'oduced 
 by Isidore and Rabanus.- — Continuation, § 99, 3. 
 
 9. Varioas Branches of Theological Science. — The labours of the German 
 church in the department of scientific theology was directed to the 
 church's immediate needs, and hence the character of its theology was 
 biblical and practical, and the reputation of the fathers so extravagantly 
 high, that wherever it was possible, teachiug, preaching, proving and 
 refuting were all carried on in their very words. Charlemagne's power- 
 ful efforts in the direction of reform gave even in the department of 
 theology abundant occasion and encouragement to scholars round about 
 him to a more independent procedure, and the theological controversies 
 of the 9th century afforded sufficient scope to independent thinking. — 
 (1) Exegesis on the basis of the Vulgate was most diligently prosecuted. 
 Charlemagne set Alcuin to produce a critical revision of its very corrupt 
 
 1 Hampden, "The Scholastic Philosophy in its rel. to Chr. Theology." 
 Oxf., 1833. Ueberweg, " Hist, of Philosophy." Vol. i. pp. 858-365. 
 
 - Mullinger, " Schools of Charles the Great and Restoration of Educa- 
 tion in the 9th cent." Cambr., 1877.
 
 640 THE GERMAN-EOMAN CHURCH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 text. Agobard combated the mechanical theory of iuspiration by the 
 assertion that the holy prophets were something better than Balaam's ass. 
 Only one out of the very numerous exegetes, Christian Druthmar, recog- 
 nised it as a first principle, most essential and necessary, if not the only 
 task of the exegete, to bring out the grammatical and historical sense of 
 the words of Scripture. The literal sense was and continued to be re- 
 garded as the scullion of interpretation, while it was thought that the 
 most precious treasures of Divine wisdom were to be found in the alle- 
 gorical sense, i.e. with application to the mysteries of the faith, the 
 tropological or moral, and the anagogical, which aimed at the elevation 
 of the mind. — (2) In Systematic Theology Apologetics was most feebly 
 represented. The humble form of the paganism to be controverted did 
 not require elaborate defences of the Christian faith, but the advance 
 of Mohammedanism and the great number of Jews established in France, 
 especially under Louis of France, by means of their wealth and bribes, 
 developed an incredible arrogance. While Jewish and pagan slave:. 
 were not allowed to have baptism, Christian slaves on the other hand 
 were compelled to observe the Sabbath, to work on Sunday, to eat flesh 
 on fast days ; they openly blasphemed Christ, insulted the church and 
 sold Christian slaves to the Saracens. Agobard fought against them 
 energetically by word, Scripture and action, but the needy court pro- 
 tected them. Isidore and Rabanus in their apologetical writings proved 
 the nullity of the Jewish beliefs. From the time of Charlemagne theo- 
 logians were much more eagerly engaged in polemics (§ 91, 92). Isidore 
 in his LI. III. Senteiitianim collected from patristic passages a system 
 of doctrine and morals, which continued a favourite text-book for cen- 
 turies. Alcuin's LI. III. Be fide Trhiitatis form a compendium of dog- 
 matics. The introduction of the Pseudo-Areopagita into the West pro- 
 pared the way for speculative mysticism, which had its first represen- 
 tative in Joanne's Scotus Erigeua. — (3) In Practical Theology homiletical 
 literature was but poorly represented. Besides the Homiliarius of Paul 
 Warnefrid (§ 88, 1), we meet with Bede, Walafrid, Rabanus and Haymo 
 as airthors of sermons. On the other hand great and constant interest 
 was shown in developing a theory of worship, in describing it and giving 
 a mystical explanation of it. Isidore with De officiis ecclcsiasticis was 
 the first in this department. Charlemagne set to all his theologians the 
 task of explaining the baptismal ceremony. In the time of Louis the 
 Pious, Agobard appears as a reformer of the liturgy, in connection with 
 which he passionately contended against Amalarius, against whom also 
 Floras Magister entered the lists. Important works in this department 
 were also written by Rabanus, Walafrid and Remigius. On works treat- 
 ing of church law and church discipline, see § 87 and § 89, 5. — (4) 
 Finally, as to the department of Historical Theology all knowledge of 
 earlier church history was derived from Eufinus and Cassiodorus. Even
 
 § 90. SCHOLARSHIP AND THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE. 541 
 
 Haymo's Chureli History is made up simply of extracts from Eufiuus. 
 All the greater diligence was shown throughout the Middle Ages in 
 chronicling the ecclesiastical and political events of the immediate 
 present and also keeping the past in memory. This endeavour shows 
 itself in a threefold direction, (a) The writing of National Chronicles. 
 The Visigoths had their Isidore, the Ostrogoths their Cassiodorus,' the 
 Longobards their- Paul Warnefrid, the Franks theu' Gregory of Tours, 
 the Britons their Gildas ^ and Nennius,^ the Anglo-Saxons their Bede. — 
 {!/) Then we have the clumsy compilations of Annals and Chronicles 
 which most monasteries produced, and which were continued from year 
 to year. — (c) And further. Biographies, both of distinguished statesmen 
 and distinguished churchmen. The Vita; Sanctorum are innumerable, 
 mostly quite uncritical, composed purely for the glorification of some 
 local saint. To this category belong the numerous Martijrologies, ar- 
 ranged in the order of the Calendar. Among the most famous were 
 those prepared by Bede, Ado of Vienne, Usuardus, Eabanus, Notker 
 Balbulus, Wandelbert, etc. In the department of historical biography 
 proper may be included the portion of the Liher pontificalis belonging to 
 this period, the Hist. Mettensixim Episcoporum of Paul Warnefrid, and 
 Isidore's continuation of Jerome's Catalogue, which was further con- 
 tinued by Ildefonsus of Toledo. 
 
 10. Anglo-Saxon Culture under Alfred the Great, A.D. 871-901.— Alfred 
 the Great, the greatest and noblest of all the kings that England has 
 ever had, was the grandson of Egbert who had united in a.d. 827 the 
 seven Anglo-Saxon kingdoms. When five years old he received papal 
 anointing at Eome and two years later in company with his pious father 
 he travelled thence, made a considerable stay at the brilliant court of 
 Charlemagne where he received the impress of its superior culture, and 
 began his reign in a.d. 871 in his 22nd year when the kingdom was 
 sorely oppressed by Danish invasions. He applied all the energy of his 
 mind to the difficult problems of government, to the emancipation and 
 civilization of his country and people by driving out the Danish robbers, 
 and then improving the internal condition of the land by attention to 
 agriculture, industry and trade, by a wise organization, legislation and 
 administration, by the founding of churches, monasteries and schools, 
 and by furthering every scientific endeavour from a thoroughly national 
 
 ^ Cassiodorus' work in 12 bks., De rehus gestes Gotorum, has indeed 
 been lost, but about a.d. 550 Jornandes, who also used other documents, 
 embodied this work in his De Getarum orig. et rch. gestis. 
 
 ' Gildas wrote about a.d. 560 his : Liber querulus de excidio Britannia 
 (Eng. trausl. in " Six Old English Chronicles." London, Bohn). 
 
 2 Nenaius wrote about a.d. 850 his ; Eulogium Britannia s. Hist. 
 Britonum (Engl, transl. in " Sis Old Engl. Chron.").
 
 542 THE GERMAN-EOMAN CHUECH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 point of view. When already thirty-six years of age he learnt the Latin 
 language and used this acquirement for the enriching of Anglo-Saxon 
 literature by translations from his own hand, with many important 
 additions of his own, of Boethius' Consolatio philosopluce, the Universal 
 History of Orosius, Bede's History of the Church of England and the 
 Regula pastoralis of Gregory the Great. He also began a translation of 
 the Psalms. He stimulated his learned friends to a like activity, among 
 whom bishop Asser of Sherborne in his Vita AlfrecU (Engl, transl. in 
 " Six Old English Chronicles ") has reared a worthy memorial of his 
 master.* — Continuation, § 100, 1. 
 
 § 91. Doctrinal Controversies. 
 
 The first important heresy that grew up independently 
 on German soil was Adoptionism. This heresy took its 
 rise at that point in the development of Chris tology that 
 was reached by the 6th oecumenical Council of Constan- 
 tinople in A.D. 680 (§ 52, 8), for it recognises the double 
 nature and the double will while denying the double son- 
 ship. Erankish orthodoxy, however, saw in it not a further 
 development of doctrine, but a relapse into Nestorianism, 
 and so condemned the new doctrine. During the same 
 period the dogma of the procession of the Holy Spirit was 
 the subject of lively controversy, and the Frankish church 
 came forward as defender of Western orthodoxy against the 
 Greeks. In the Eucharistic controversy the most eminent 
 Frankish theologians opposed the Transubstantiation doc- 
 trine of Balbutus. A further controversy as to the con- 
 ception of the Blessed Virgin was closely connected with 
 the one just referred to. Neither of them was made the 
 subject of any synodal decision. On the other hand very 
 definite synodal decisions were passed in reference to the 
 
 * Collected Ed. of Alfred's works, by Bosworth, 2 vols. Lond., 1858. 
 Fox, "Whole Wks. of Alfred the Great, with Essays on Hist., Arts and 
 Manners of 9th cent." 3 vols. Oxf., 1852. Spclman, " Life of Alfred 
 the Great." Oxf., 1709. Pauli, "Life of Alfred the Gt." transl. with 
 Alfred's Orosius. Lond., 1853. Hughes, " Alfred the Great." Giles, 
 " Life and Times of King Alfred the Great." Loud., 18i8.
 
 § 91. DOCTKINAL CONTEOVEKSIES. 543 
 
 predestination controversy, without, however, bringing that 
 controversy by any means to a conclusion. Of subordinate 
 importance was the dispute over the expression Trina 
 Deltas. 
 
 1. The Adoptionist Controversy, A.D, 782-799. — Of all Christian dogmas 
 none were so offensive to the Moslems as that of the Trinity which to 
 their barren monotheism necessarily appeared as Tritheism, and none 
 were the subject cf so much scorn as the idea that God should have a 
 son. It need not, therefore, surprise us to find that Spanish theologians 
 endeavom'ed to put this doctrine in a form as little offensive as possible 
 to the Moslems. One Migetius went so far as to adopt a very crude form 
 of Sabellianism, for he, undoubtedly approaching the Mohammedan 
 view of the in-ophetic order, represented the Trinitarian development of 
 the one Divine Being as a threefold historical manipulation of God : in 
 David the person of the Father is revealed, in Christ as sou of David 
 that of the Son, and finally, in the Apostle Paul that of the Holy Spirit. 
 At a Spanish synod of a.d. 782 he was successfully opposed by the 
 archbishop Elipandus of Toledo, who took the opportunity of attempting 
 a further development of the Christological dogma. This also was more 
 fully elaborated by Felix of Urgel in the Spanish Mark. Both taught : 
 That Christ is properly Son of God only according to His divine nature 
 {Filius Dei Natiird) ; according to His human nature He is properly, like 
 all of us, a servant of God, and only by the decision of the Divine will is 
 He adopted as the Son of God {Filius Dei Adoptivus), just as all of us 
 may by Him and after His example be raised from the condition of ser- 
 vant into the family of God. According to His Divine nature therefore 
 He is the Only Begotten, accordiug to His human nature the First Be- 
 gotten Son of God. The adoption of the human nature into Divine 
 Sonship began with its conception by the Holy Ghost, but was more 
 definitely determined in His baptism, and perfected in His resurrection. 
 The first scene of the controversy called forth by this doctrine was 
 enacted on Spanish soil. Two representatives of the Asturian clergy, 
 the presbyter Beatus of Libana and bishop Etherius of Osma, contended 
 by word and writing against the heresy of Elipandus (a.d. 785). This 
 was done perhaps with the view of emancipating the Asturian church 
 from the see of Toledo then under Saracen domination. The Asturians 
 applied to Hadrian I., who in an epistle to the bishops of Spain 
 in A.D. 78G condemned Adoptionism as a heresy. The controversy 
 entered upon a second stage through the interference of Charlemagne. 
 The absence of Adoptionism in Frankish Spain afforded him an excuse 
 for interfering, and he readily seized upon this, because it gave him an 
 opportunity of posing as the defender of orthodoxy in the West, i.e. as
 
 544 THE GEEMAN-EOMAN CHUECH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 Emperor in esse. Before a Synod at Eegensburg in a.d. 792, Felix was 
 compelled to renounce this heresy, and was sent to Eome to pope Hadrian 
 I. There he had to make a second recantation, but escaped from prison 
 and fled to Saracenic territory. In the meantime Alcuin had returned 
 from his travels in England, and immediately engaged in controversy 
 by addressing an affectionate exhortation to Felix. The Spaniards gave 
 a very firm reply and Charlemagne then convened the famous ecumen- 
 ical German Synod of Frankfort in a d. 794. After further investigation 
 Adoptionism was again condemned, and the judgment of the synod, in 
 order that it might have an oecumenical character, was sent to Spain 
 accompanied by four complete reports as representing the various 
 national churches and authorities. But on the Spaniards this made 
 little impression. Just as little effect had a learned controversial tract 
 of Alcuin's, to which Felix made a smart rejoinder. Meanwhile Charle- 
 magne sent a clerical commission under Leidrad of Lyons and Benedict 
 of Auiane (§ 85, 2) into the Spanish Mark, in order to root out the weeds 
 of heresy that were growing there. Felix declared himself ready for 
 further enquiry. At the national Synod of Aachen in a.d. 792 he dis- 
 puted for six days with Alcuin, and declared himself at last thoroughly 
 convinced. Alcuin and Paulinus of Aquileia published new controver- 
 sial tracts, and Leidrad went a second time into the Spanish Mark where 
 he succeeded in rooting out the heresy. But all the more determined 
 were the bishops of Saracenic Spain in maintaining their doctrine, and 
 Elipandus answered a conciliatory letter of Alcuin in a passionate 
 and angry tone. Felix remained until the end of his life in a.d. 818 
 under the guardianship of the bishop of Lyons. Leidrad's successor, 
 Agobard, found among his papers i:ndoubted evidence that to the end he 
 was at heart an Adoptionist, and from this took occasion to publish 
 another controversial tract. This was the very last of these productions. 
 But in Spain Adoptionism seems to have maintained its hold down to 
 the second half of the 9 th century. At last about that time Paulus 
 Alvarus of Cordova (§ 90, G) contended with a certain Joannes Spalensis 
 on account of his Adoptionist views. In the 12th century the contro- 
 versy again broke out on German soil (§ 102, 6).' 
 
 2. Controversy about the Procession of the Holy Spirit. — At a Synod at 
 Gentiliscum in a.d. 767, hold for the purpose of meeting a Byzantine 
 embassy about the iconoclast controversy, the addition to the creed of the 
 Filioque was spoken about (§ 67, 1). The result of the discussion is un- 
 known. In Charlemagne's time Alcuin and Theodulf defended the Latin 
 doctrine in special treatises, and at a Synod at Friaul in a.d. 791 Paul- 
 inus of Aquileia justified its adoption into the creed and the Carolingian 
 
 1 Eobertson, " Hist, of Chr. Church." Vol. ii. London, 1856. Pp. 
 154 ff. Dorner, " Hist. Development of Person of Chr." Div. II. Vol. i.
 
 § 91. DOCTRINAL CONTROVERSIES. 5-i5 
 
 books (§ 92, 1). The discussion was renewed when the Latin monks of 
 Mount Olivet, blamed by the Greeks because of the addition, appealed 
 to the usage of the Prankish church. Pope Leo III. communicated in 
 regard to this with Charlemagne, and a Council at Aaclien in a.d. 809 
 defended the addition. But the pope, althoiigh not contesting the cor- 
 rectness of the doctrine, disallowed the change in the creed, and had two 
 silver tablets erected in St. Peter's in Rome with the creed wanting the 
 addition. This was evidently a damper upon the ecclesiastico-political 
 movements of the emperor. 
 
 3. The Eucliaristic Controversy, A.D. 844. — Tacillations about the doc- 
 trine of the Supper (§ 58, 2) lasted down to the 9th century. Paschasius 
 RadbertUs, monk at Corbie, undertook in a.d. 831, in his treatise Be 
 Sanguine et corpore Domini, theologically to justify, and on all sides to 
 develop the doctrine of the Supper, which had long ago struck its roots 
 in the practice of the church and the faith of the people. The air of 
 genuine piety which meets us in this work impresses us favourably, and 
 it cannot be denied that he had a profound perception of fulness, power, 
 and depth of the Sacrament. It was, therefore, quite in accordance 
 with popular belief. He could, also, refer to facts from the Vilce 
 Sanctorum, where the inner Veritas had come to outer manifestation. 
 He thinks that the fact that this did not always happen is to be accounted 
 for partly by this, that the Supper in its very nature is a Blijsterium for 
 faith and not a Rliracithim for unbelief, partly by the divine condescend- 
 ence which takes into account the natural horror at flesh and blood, and 
 would take away from the heathen all occasion for blasphemy. At this 
 time, A.D. 831, the Scriptures were not appealed to. Meantime Radber- 
 tus was made abbot of Corbie, and in this important position he revised 
 his work, and presented it to Charles the Bald in a.d. 844. The kiug 
 called upon the learned monk, Ratramuus of Corbie, to express his opinion 
 on the subject, and he was only too ready to do an injury to his abbot. 
 Without naming him, he contested his doctrine in his treatise, De corp. 
 et sang. Domini ad Carolum Calvum, with bitter criticism, and subtly 
 developed his own view, according to which the body and blood of Christ 
 are enjoyed only spiritualitcr et secundum potentiam. Rabanus Maurus, 
 Scotus Erigeua, and Florus of Lyons also opposed the magical trans- 
 formation doctrine of Radbertus in favour of a merely spiritual enjoy- 
 ment. Hincmar and Haymo, on the other hand, took the side of Rad- 
 bertus, while Walafrid Strabo, and the able, energetic Christian Druth- 
 mar, found in the idea of impauation and consubstantiation a more fit- 
 ting expression for the solemn mystery. But Radbertus had spoken the 
 word which gave clear utterance to the ecclesiastical feeling of the age ; 
 the protest of so many great authorities might delay, but could not 
 destroy its effects. Continuation, § 101, 2. 
 
 4. Controversy about the Conception of the Virgin. — This notion of the 
 
 N N
 
 546 THE GERMAN-ROMAN CHURCH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 magical operation of the Divine prevailed with Eadbertus when soon 
 afterwards he undertook in his own way, and also in accordance with 
 Ps. xxii. 10 and Jer. xxxi. 22, in the tract, De partu virginali, to es- 
 tablish the opinion already expressed by Ambrose and Jerome (§ 57, 2), 
 that Mary brought forth utero clauso, and without pain. Eatramuus 
 also has left a treatise on this theme : De eo quod Christus ex Virfjine 
 natus est. He maintains equally with Eadbertus that during conception 
 as well as in bearing, the Virgin did not lose her virginity. But while 
 Eadbertus contended against those who taught less than this, i.e., that 
 though Mary conceived as a virgin, she bore after the manner of all 
 women, Eatramnus directed his attack against those who affirmed more 
 than that, i.e., that Christ at His birth did not leave His mother's womb 
 in the usual, natural manner, by His mother bearing Him. Further, 
 while the former was angry at the profaning of the mystery of the birth 
 of Christ, by ranking it under the laws of nature, the latter emphasized 
 the fact that in no case should it be regarded as in itself ignominious to 
 be placed under the laws of nature. Finally, while Eadbertus uncon- 
 ditionally repudiated the position, Vulvam aperuit, Eatramnus felt com- 
 pelled by Luke ii. 23 to admit it in a certain sense. C. v. " Utique 
 vulvam aperuit, non et clausam corrumperet, sedct per earn succ nativitatis 
 ostium aperiret, sicut et in Ezech. xliv. 3 porta et claiisa describitur et 
 tamen narratur Domino aperta ; non quod liminis sui fores dimoverit ad 
 ejus egressum, se.d quod sic clausa patuerit dominanti,^' and c. viii. 
 *^ Exivit clauso sepulcliro (?) et ingressus foribus obseratis {Jo. xx. 9) 
 ut et clausam relinqueret et pier earn transiret . . . nee 
 haureundo patefecit." The polemic, therefore, was most probably occa- 
 sioned not by anything in the writings, but rather in their oral utter- 
 ances. Neither understood the other's view, and the one drew conse- 
 quences from the other's statements that were not warrantable. But when 
 Eatramnus pretends to be debating, not with his abbot but with an un- 
 named German opponent, this can only be regarded as a literary artifice. 
 5. The Predestinarian Controversy A.D. 847-868. — The earlier predes- 
 tinarian controversy (§ 53, 5), was, so far from being brought to a con- 
 clusion, that all the gradations of doctrinal views, from that of Semi- 
 Pelagiauism to a doctrine of predestination to condemnation that went 
 far beyond Augustine, could find representatives among the teachers of 
 the church. In the 9th century the controversy broke out in a passionate 
 form. Gottschalk, the son of Berno, a Saxon count, had been placed 
 by his parents when a child in the monastery of Fulda. A Synod at 
 Mainz in a.d. 829 allowed him to go forth, but the abbot of Fulda at that 
 time, Eabanus Maurus, got Louis the Pioi:s to annul this dispensation. 
 Transferred to the monastery of Orbais, in the diocese of Soissons, Gott- 
 schalk sought comfort in the study of the writings of Augustine, and was 
 an enthusiastic defender of the doctrine of absolute predestination. In
 
 § 91. DOCTRINAL CONTEOVERSIES. 547 
 
 one poiut he even went beyond Augustine himself, for he taught a two- 
 fold predestination [Gemina pradestinatio), a predestination to salvation 
 and a predestination to condemnation, while Augustine had spoken of 
 the latter mostly as a giving over to deserved condemnation. He took 
 advantage of two journeys into Italy in a.d. 810 and a.d. 817 for spreading 
 his doctrine. Impelled with a vehement desire to make converts, he 
 made an attempt upon bishop Noting of Verona. Through him Eaba- 
 nus, from a.d. 847 archbishop of Mainz, obtained information thereof, 
 and issued to Noting, as well as to Count Eberhard of Friaul, with 
 whom Gottschalk was living, threatening letters which distorted Gott- 
 schalk's doctrine in many particulars, and drew from it unfair conse- 
 quences, making the Prcedcstinatio ad damnationem a Prcedestinatio ad 
 peccatum. Eabanus's own doctrine distinguished prescience and predes- 
 tination, and placed the condemnation of the wicked under the former 
 point of view. At the same time, in a.d. 848, he convened a Synod at 
 Mainz, before which Gottschalk stated his doctrine without reserve, in 
 the joyous conviction that it was in accordance with the doctrine of the 
 church. But the Council excommunicated him, and assigned him for 
 punishment to his metropolitan Hincmar of Eheims. Hincmar had him 
 anew condemned at the Synod of Quiersy in a.d. 849, then, because he 
 steadily refused to recant, had him savagely scourged and consigned to 
 imprisonment for life in the monastery of Hautvilliers. Gottschalk 
 offered to prove the justice of his cause by submitting to an ordeal ; but 
 Hincmar, though in other instances a defender of the ordeal, denounced 
 this as the proposal of a second Simon Magus. The inhuman treatment 
 of the poor monk, and the rejection of the doctrine of Augustine by two 
 church leaders, occasioned a mighty commotion in the Frankish church, 
 which was mainly directed against Hincmar. At first, bishop Prudentius 
 of Troyes took the condemned monk's part. Then Charles the Bald 
 asked the oi)inions of Eatramnus of Corbie and the abbot Servatus Lupus 
 of Ferrieres. Both of these took the side of Gottschalk. -Hincmar's 
 position threatened to. become very serious. He looked out for support- 
 ers, and succeeded in finding champions in the deacon Floras of Lyons, 
 the priest Amalarius of Metz, and the learned Joannes Scotus Erigena. 
 But the latter's advocacy was almost more dangerous to the metropolitan 
 than the charges of his accusers. For the speculative Irishman founded 
 his objections to the doctrine of predestination on the position, unheard 
 of before in the West, that evil is only a fj-rj 6v, and condemnation there- 
 fore not a positive punishment of God, but consisting only in the con- 
 sciousness of a defect. Hincmar's position was now worse than ever, 
 for his opponents made him responsible for the heresies of Scotus. And 
 not only an old objector, Prudentius of Troyes in his De incedcst. c. Joh. 
 Scotu, but even archbishop Wessilo of Sens and the deacon Florus of 
 Lyons, who had hitherto supported him, now put on their armour against
 
 548 THE GEEMAN-KOMAN CHURCH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 him. But Charles the Bald took the part of the sorely-beset metropolitan, 
 and summoned the national Synod of Quiersy of a.d, 853, where hi four 
 articles [Capitula Carlsiaca), a modified Augastiuianism, rejecting the 
 geinina pmdestinatio, was set forth as the orthodox faith. The Neustrian 
 objectors were now compelled to keep silence, hut archbishop Eemigius 
 of Lyons set a Lothringiau national Synod of Valence of a.d. 855 over 
 against the Neustrian Synod. This Synod expressly condemned the de- 
 cisions of the Synod of Quiersy, together with the Scottish mixture (pul- 
 tus Scotorum), and laid down six conflicting articles as the standard of 
 orthodoxy. Finally the rulers of the West Franks combined their forces 
 and called an Imperial Synod at Savonnieres, a suburb of Toul, in 
 A.D. 859. But harmony was not yet secured, and they were likely to part 
 with bitter feelings, when Eemigius made the proposal to reserve de- 
 cision for a subsequent assembly to be convened in a less agitated time, 
 and meanwhile to maintain the peace. This was agreed upon, and so 
 the controversy put out of view, for the proposed assembly was never 
 brought about. Gottschalk, left in the lurch by his former friends, now 
 turned for help to the powerful jiope Nicholas I. The pope ordered 
 Hincmar to answer before the papal plenipotentiaries for his proceedings 
 against the monk at the Synod of Metz in a.d. 863 {§ 82, 7). Hincmar 
 preferred not to comjily to this demand, and to his delight the pope 
 himself annulled the decisions of the Synod because his legates had been 
 bribed. Moreover the metropolitan succeeded by intercession and well- 
 planned letters in winning over the pope. Thus then Gottschalk was 
 cheated out of his last hope. For twenty years he languished in prison, 
 but with his latest breath he rejected every proposal of recantation. He 
 died in a.d. 868, and by Hincmar's orders was buried in iinconsecrated 
 earth. 
 
 G. The Trinitarian Controversy, A.D. 857. — From his prison Gottschalk 
 had accused his metropolitan of a second heresy. Hincmar had re- 
 moved from a church hymn, Te trina Deltas unaqiie poscimits, the ex- 
 pression, trina Deltas, as favouring Arianism, and substituted the words, 
 sancta Deltas. His opponents therefore charged him with Sabellianism, 
 and Eatramnus made this accusation in a controversial tract no longer 
 extant. Eatramnus, on the other hand, to whom Hincmar applied, sup- 
 ported the change, but would not commit himself to a written approval 
 of it, whereupon Hincmar himself undertook a defence of the expression 
 substituted in his treatise, De una et non trlni Deltate.^ 
 
 § 92. Endeavours after -Reformation. 
 
 The independence wliich Cliarlemagne gave to the Ger- 
 man church first awakened in it the consciousness of its 
 1 Ussher, " Gotteschalci et controv. ab eo motse hist." Dubl., 1631.
 
 § 92. ENDEAVOURS AFTER REFORMATION. 549 
 
 vocation as a reformer. This consciousness was maintained 
 throughout the Middle Ages, though hampered indeed by 
 mnch narrowness, one-sidedness, and error. Charlemagne 
 himself stood first in the series of reformers with his ener- 
 getic protest against image worship. Louis the Pious too 
 persevered in this same direction, and encouraged Agobard 
 of Lyons and Claudius of Turin when they contested similar 
 forms of ecclesiastical superstition. 
 
 1. The Carolingiau Opposition to Image "Worship, A.D. 790-825. — On the 
 occasiou of an embassy of the emperor Coustantinus Copronymus (§ G6, 
 2) Pepin the Short convened a Synod at Gentiliacum in a.d. 767 (§ 91, 2) 
 where the question of image worship was dealt with. We have no fur- 
 ther information, as the acts of this Synod have been lost. Then in a.d. 
 790 Hadrian I. sent to Charlemagne the acts of the 7th occasional Synod 
 of Nicffia (§ 66, 3). Charles, as emperor-elect, regarded himself as griev- 
 ously wronged by the assumption of the Greeks, who, without consulting 
 the German court, sought to enact laws that were wholly antagonistic to 
 the Fraukish practice. He published under his own name a state paper 
 in 4 bks., the so-called Libri CaroUni, in which the Byzantine proceed- 
 ings were censured in strong terms, the synodal acts refuted one by one, 
 every form of image worship denounced as idolatry, while at the same 
 time the position of the iconoclasts was repudiated and, with reference to 
 Gregory the Great (§ 57, 4), the usefulness of images in fiuickeniug devo- 
 tion, instructing the people and providing suitable decoration for sacred 
 places was admitted. Veneration of saints, relics, and the cross is, on 
 the other hand, permitted. Charlemagne sent this writing to the pope, 
 who in the most courteous language wrote a refutation, which, however, 
 made no impression upon Charlemagne. On the contrary he now has- 
 tened preparations for calling a great oecumenical Synod of all German 
 churches that would outdo the Synod of the Byzantine court. Alcuin 
 utilized his visit to England for securing a representation at this Synod 
 of the Anglo-Saxon church. The Synod met at Frankfort in a.d. 794 
 and confirmed the positions of the Caroline books. The pope found it 
 prudent to yield to the times and the people. Under Louis the Pious 
 the matter was brought forward anew on the occasion of an embassy 
 from the iconoclast emperor Michael Balbus. A national Synod at Paris 
 in A.D. 825 condemned image worship sharply, in opposition to Hadrian I., 
 and affirmed the positions of the Caroline books. Pope Eugenius II. 
 kept silent on this subject. In the Frankish empire down to the 10th 
 century no recognition was given to the 2nd Nicene Council, and official 
 opposition was continued against image worship.
 
 650 THE GERMAN- ROMAN CHURCH TO A.D. 911. 
 
 2. Soon after the Parisian council of a.d. 825, Agoliard of Lyons made 
 Lis ajipearance with a powerful polemic : Contra superstitioncm eonim, 
 qui 2)icturis et imaginihus sanctorum adorationis obsequiem defcrenduni 
 putant. He goes much further than the Caroline books, for not only 
 does he regard it as advisable, on account of the inevitable misuse on the 
 part of the people, to banish images euth-ely, but with image worship he 
 also rejects all adoration of saints, relics, and angels. Man should put 
 his trust in the omnipotent God alone, and worship and reverence only 
 the one Mediator, Christ. He comes forward also as a reformer of the 
 liturgy. He finds fault with all sensuous additions to Divine service, 
 would banish from it all non-Biblical hymns, urges to earnest study of 
 Scripture, contends against the folly of the ordoal {De Divinis Sententiis), 
 the popular superstitions about witchcraft and weather omens (Contra 
 insulsam vulgi opinionem de grandine et tonitruis), and the idea that by 
 presents to churches a stop can be put to epidemics and pestilences. 
 Also on inspiration he entertained very liberal opinions (§ 90, 9). No 
 one thought on account of these views to charge him with heresy. 
 Claudius of Tiu'in went still further than Agobard. By the help of Au- 
 gustine he was able to grasp more profoiindly than any of his contem- 
 poraries the essential core of saving truth, that man without any merit 
 of works is justified and saved by the grace of God in Christ alone. 
 Louis the Pious appointed him to the bishopric of Turin with the express 
 injunction that he should contend against image worship in his Italian 
 diocese. He found there image worship along with an extravagant devo- 
 tion to reUcs, crosses and pilgrimages carried on to such a degree that 
 he felt himself constrained reluctantly because of the condition of affairs 
 to cast images and crosses out of the churches altogether. The popular 
 excitement over this proceeding rose to the utmost pitch, and his life was 
 saved and his office retained only through dread of the Frankish arms. 
 When poiDC Paschalis intimated to him his displeasure, he said the pope 
 is only to be honoured as apostolic, when he does the works of an 
 apostle, otherwise Matt, xxiii. 2-4 applies to him. Against the views of 
 his early scholar and friend the abbot Theodemir, regarding monastic 
 psalmody, he vindicated himself in a.d. 825 in his controversial tract 
 Apologetlcus, which is now known only from the replies of his oj^ponents. 
 A Scotchman, Dungal, teacher at Pavia, entered the lists against him 
 and accused him before the emperor, who, however, contented himself 
 with calling upon bishop Jonas of Orleans to refute the apologetical trea- 
 tise. This refutation appeared only after the death of Claudius. It 
 assumed the position of the Frankish church on the question of imnge 
 worship, as also Dungal had done. 
 
 Cntler & Tanner, The Sehvood Printing Works, FjumCfimd London. 
 
 8 4 2§ ^^^
 
 ^be Jforcujn Biblical Xibrac^- 
 
 Crown 8vo, price 7s. Qd. each vol. 
 
 . BIBLICAL COMMENTARY ON THE 
 PSALMS. 
 
 By FRANZ DELITZSCH, D.D. 
 
 Translated by tbe Rev. David Eatox, jM.A. 
 
 From the Latest Edition specially Revised by tbe Author. 
 
 Complete in Three Volumes. 
 
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